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1905 6 


aonfcem: FETTER LANE, E.G. 

lasgofo: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. 

ILeipjtg: F. A. BROCKHAUS. 

&m Sorfe: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. 

Bombap. anD Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. 

[All Rights reserved.] 

















W. P. KER 



at the University Press 





ARMSTRONG, E., Dante in Relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his 

Age 173, 302 

BALDENSPERGER, F., Thomas Moore et A. de Vigny .... 290 

BANG, W., 'Memorandums of the Immortal Ben' . . . . Ill 

BRADLEY, A. C., Notes on Passages in Shelley 25 

BRADLEY, H., Some Textual Puzzles in Greene's Works . . . 208 

CHAYTOR, H. J., Giraut de Bornelh : ' Los Apleitz ' . . . . 222 

CROSLAND, J., A German Version of the Thief- Legend ... 55 

DEROCQUIGNY, J., Lexicographical Notes . . . . . . 188 

DOWDEN, E., A Pamphlet by Bishop Berkeley (Hitherto Undescribed) 286 

GREG, W. W., The Authorship of the Songs in Lyly's Plays . . 43 

HATFIELD, J. T., Newly Discovered Political Poems by Wilhelm Miiller 212 

JACKSON,' W. W., On the Interpretation of 'Pareglio' in Dante . 116 

KASTNER, L. E., Some Old French Poems of the Antichrist, I. . 269 

M C KERROW, R. B., Notes on the 'Devil's Charter' by B. Barnes . 126 

MOORMAN, F. W., The Pre-Shakespearean Ghost .... 85 

MOORMAN, F. W., Shakespeare's Ghosts . . . . . . 192 

RENNERT, H. A., Notes on Some Comedias of Lope de Vega . . 96 
ROBERTSON, J. G., The Knowledge of Shakespeare on the Continent 

at the Beginning of the Eighteenth Century . . . . 312 

SKEAT, W. W., Provencal Words in English 283 

SMITH, G. C. MOORE, Notes on the 'Devil's Charter' by B. Barnes. 124 

SMITH, G. C. MOORE, Shakespeariana 53 

SMITH, G. GREGORY, Some Notes on the Comparative Study of Litera- 
ture 1 

SWAEN, A. E. H., Notes on the 'Devil's Charter' by B. Barnes . 1.22 

THOMAS, P. G., Notes on the Language of 'Beowulf . . . 202 * 
TOYNBEE, PAGET, English Translations of Dante in the Eighteenth 

Century _* 

YOUNG, A. B., Shelley and M. G. Lewis 322 1 


GREG, W. W., Jonson's ' Staple of News ' * . 327 

LITTLEDALE, H., 'A Headless Bear' 232 

LITTLEDALE, H., 'Deep Pathaires' . . . . . . . 233 

LOGEMANN, H., 'To set spell on end' . . . . . 325 

. ONIONS, C. TALBUT, 'Merry Greek' . . . . . . 231 

SCHAAFFS, G., Gotisch 'Bijandzu> J>an' . . . . . . 328 

SIMPSON, P., Deep Pathaires' ... . .... . . 326 

SMITH, G. C. MOORE, Seneca, Jonson, Daniel and Wordsworth. . 232 

- SWAEN, A. E. H., Fielding and Goldsmith in Leyden . . . 327 

vi Contents 


Barnes, B., The Devil's Charter, ed. by R. B. M c Kerrow (W. W. Greg) 139 

Berger, K., Schiller, i. Band (J. G. Robertson) 151 

Blake, W., The Lyric Poems of, ed. by J. Sampson (G. Gregory Smith) . 343 

Blake, W., The Poetical Works of, ed. by J. Sampson (G. Gregory Smith) 343 

Bradley, A. C., Shakespearean Tragedy (C. H. Herford) ... 128 

Breymann, H., Calderon-Studien, i. Teil (J. Fitzmaurice- Kelly) . 64 

Brooke, S. A., On Ten Plays of Shakespeare (G. C. Moore Smith) . 334 

Bruckner, A., Geschichte der russischen Literatur (W. R. Morfill) . 259 

Calvert, A. F., The Life of Cervantes (H. Oelsner) .... 352 

^/^ bapelli, L. M., Tavole riassuntive della Divina Commedia (L. Ragg) 258 
Chapman, G., Bussy D'Ambois and the Revenge of Bussy D'Ambois 

(W. W. Greg) 141 

^x-Chiappelli, A., Della Trilogia di Dante (L. Ragg) .... 256 

Cowley, A., The Poems of, ed. by A. R. Waller (G. C. Macaulay) . 145 

Crescini, V., Manualetto provenzale (G. A. Parry) . . . . 160 

Dante Alighieri, Tutte le Opere di, rivedute da E. Moore (L. Ragg) 73 
Dante Alighieri, La Divina Commedia, per cura di R. Fornaciari 

(L. Ragg) 257 

Dante's Divina Commedia, transl. by H. F. Tozer (L. Ragg) . . 158 

Dante Alighieri, The Purgatorio of, transl. by C. G. Wright (L. Ragg) 160 

Dekker, Th., Old Fortunatus, ed. by 0. Smeaton (W. W. Greg) . 138 

Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, i. und iv. Band (R. Priebsch) . 66 

Emerson, O. F., A Middle English Reader (H. Littledale) ... 133 

Fitzmaurice-Kelly, J., Cervantes in England (H. Oelsner) . . . 258 

Flamini, F., Avviamento allo studio della Divina Commedia (L. Ragg) . 258 
Franz, W., Orthographic, Lautgebung und Wortbildung in den Werken 

Shakespeares (A. Mawer) 342 

Gospels of St John, St Matthew and St Mark in West-Saxon, ed. 

by J. W. Bright (R. W. Chambers) 252 ,. 

Grandgent, C. H., Phonology and Morphology of Old Proven9al 

(H. J. Chaytor) 353 

Greene, R., The Plays and Poems of, ed. by J. C. Collins (W. W. Greg) 238 

- Hare, Ch., Dante the W'ayfarer (L. Ragg) 255 

Heller, O., Studies in Modern German Literature (R. M. Meyer) . 348 

Hume, M., Spanish Influence on English Literature (H. Oelsner) . 351 
Jespersen, 0., Growth and Structure of the English Language 

(A. Mawer) 234 

Johannson, A., Phonetics of the New High German Language (R. A. 

Williams) 345 

Jonson, Ben, Bartholomew Fair, ed. by C. S. Alden (W. W. Greg) . 142 
Jonson, Ben, Eastward Hoe and the Alchemist, ed. by F. E. Schelling 

(W. W. Greg) 141 

Jonson, Ben, Poetaster, ed. by H. S. Mallory (W. W. Greg) . . 142 

Jonson, Ben, The Staple of News, ed. by De Winter (W. W. Greg) . 143 

Jonson, Ben, Underwoods (P. Simpson) 251 

Keats, J., The Poems of, ed. by E. de Selincourt (A. R. Waller) . 148 
Koeppel, E., Shakespeares Wirkung auf zeitgenossische Dramatiker 

(W. W. Greg) 140 

Massinger, Ph., A New Way to Pay Old Debts, ed. by G. Stronach 

(W. W. Greg) 138 

Melchior, F., Heines Verhaltnis zu Lord Byron (J. Lees) . . . 153 

Miiller, F. Max, The German Classics (J. G. Robertson) ... 349 

Contents vii 


"~~Noyes, E., The Casentino and its Story (L. Ragg) . . . . 351 

Ochseribein, W., Die Aufnahme Lord Byrons in Deutschland (J. Lees) 153 

Paris, G., Histoire poetique de Charlemagne (R. Weeks) . . . 353 

Pedantius, ed. by G. C. Moore Smith (F. S. Boas) .... 235 

Peele, G., The Arraignment of Paris, ed. by 0. Smeaton (W. W. Greg) 138 

Perrett, W., The Story of King Lear (F. W. Moorman) ... 72 

Prior, M., The Writings of, ed. by A. R. Waller (G. Gregory Smith) 343 

Return from Parnassus, The, ed. by 0. Smeaton (W. W. Greg) . 138 

Robertson, J. M., Did Shakespeare write Titus Andronicus ? (W. W. Greg) 337 

Scartazzini, G. A., Dantologia (3a edizione) (L. Ragg) . . . 257 
Scherer, W., A History of German Literature, transl. by F. C. Conybeare 

(J. G. Robertson) 349 

Schiller, F. von, Samtliche Werke. Sakular-Ausgabe (J. G. Robertson) 150 

Schlegel, A. W. und F., Athenaeum, hrsg. von F. Baader (R. M. Meyer) 154 
Sheldon, E. S. and A. C. White, Concordanza delle opere italiane in 

prosa e del Canzoniere di Dante (P. Toynbee) .... 155 

Squyr of Lowe Degre, The, ed. by W. E. Mead (F. Sidgwick) . . 72 

Tarozzi, G., Teologia Dantesca (L. Ragg) . . . . . . 257 

Thomas, A., Nouveaux Essais de philologie fran9aise (L. M. Brandin) 253, 356 
Thompson, E. N. S., The Controversy between the Puritans and the 

Stage (W. W. Greg) 144 

Webster, J., The White Devil and the Duchess of Malfy, ed. by 

M. W. Sampson (W. W. Greg) 141 

Williams, W. H., Specimens of Elizabethan Drama (W. W. Greg) 137, 356 

Wilson, A., The Swisser, publie par A. Feuillerat (W. W. Greg) . 140 

Wilson, J. D., John Lyly (A. Feuillerat) 330 

Woodbridge, E., Studies in Jonson's Comedy (W. W. Greg) . . 142 

Worke for Cutlers, ed. by A. F. Sieveking (W. W. Greg) . . . 138 


Bausteine 78 

Betz, L. P., La litte'rature compared 77 

Bibliotheca romanica, 1 10 164 

Cambridge English Literature 261 

Chabaneau, Festschrift for Professor 261 

D'Ovidio, F., II Purgatorio e il suo preludio 355 

Gaehde, Chr., David Garrick als Shakespeare-Darsteller ... 76 

Goethe's Faust, transl. by A. Swan wick, ed. by K. Breul . . . 163 

Ker, W. P., Essays in Medieval Literature 161 

Koch, M., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur 355 

Le Breton, A., Balzac, 1'homme et 1'oeuvre 76 

Literarischer Verein in Wien 164 

Moliere Collection in Harvard College, Catalogue of the . . . 355 

Oswald, E., The Legend of Fair Helen * . 354 

Pepys, S., The Diary of, ed. by G. Gregory Smith . . . . 162 

Socie'te' des Textes fran9ais modernes 78 

--^-Spingarn, J. E., La Critica letteraria nel Rinascimento ... 75 

Wolter, E., Lietuviska Chrestomatija II 163 

Wordsworth, W., Literary Criticism, ed. by N. C. Smith ... 162 

Wordsworth, W., Poems and Extracts chosen by . . . . 162 

NEW PUBLICATIONS . . . - 79, 165, 262, 357 



THE late M. Gaston Paris, in an address to the literary section of 
the Congres d'Histoire comparee, in July 1900, laid it down that there 
are two branches in the comparative study of literature, 'two kinds 
which have different aims, methods, and results.' He distinguished 
the first as the comparison of subjects and forms in the literatures 
of different peoples, the seeking out of points of contact between these 
different orders of work, and the discovery beneath individual and 
national characteristics of certain common and international elements. 
The second he defined as a science associated with folklore, mytho- 
graphy, comparative mythology, which lies outside literature proper, 
and is interested in the problem of the parallelism of material in different 
nations, as we find it, for example, in the great corpus of the Fabliaux. 
Its function is not primarily to attempt to solve the difficult question 
whether such repetition is but the varied expression of the identite 
fonciere of the human spirit or is to be traced by different channels 
to a single source, but to devote itself to the observation of these 
parallelisms, wherever they appear, and to note carefully their modi- 
fications. In this way, he added, the second branch links itself to the 
aesthetic comparison of literatures. 

This scheme appears to be let it be said with all respect in- 
adequate. It deals with what may be called the ' historical ' aspect of 
the subject ; and, though it is more philosophical than M. Brunetiere's, 
it entirely neglects the critical matters with which the comparative 
method must concern itself, if it is to reach to its higher purpose. 

On what we may call, from want of a better name, the Historical ' 
side of the subject we are asked to deal with (1) the antiquarian and 
genealogical facts of authorship, (2) the common elements in national 
literatures, and (3) the folklore bases. In the first of these are grouped 
the valuable studies on the influence of individual authors and books on 
other authors and books, or even upon nations : the specific effects of 

M. L. R. 1 

2 Some Notes on the Comparative Study of Literature 

such a work as the Roman de la Rose upon mediaeval literature, or of 
Richardson on later French literature, or of Richter on Carlyle 
problems of varying extent and difficulty, but all essentially 'biblio- 
graphical.' They presuppose actual contact one is the result of 
another, or is conditioned by it : and therefore the examination of their 
relationship is of the nature of genealogy. To this category belong the 
excellent monographs of M. Texte and, despite his claim to generalities, 
M. Brunetiere. The second section deals with the parallelisms in 
European literatures which are of wider expression and cannot be 
explained by borrowed passages, the Stationers' Register, or the 
Biographical Dictionaries, and which, it should be added, may or may 
not be due to contact between all or any of them. In this class we find, 
say, the fifteenth century identities in the Drama, or in its poetic neiges 
d'antan ; or the phases of Marinism, Gongorism, Euphuism, in so far as 
they are unexplained by such direct influences as that of Guevara upon 
his literary cousins in England. The third section has small claim to 
recognition, for folklore, as M. Paris admits, is not a matter of literature 
in any but the loosest acceptation of that word, even if to say so be not 
a contradiction in terms. Yet folklore is always being dragged in, 
especially in the controversies which are waged round the prehistoric 
1 crowder.' 

M. Paris's two branches are completely represented in these three 
sections, and in the second and third rather than the first. His allo- 
cution to the Congress had an air of novelty. He referred directly to 
M. Brunetiere's inaugural address, and, while admitting that it was 
excellent so far as it went, demanded an extension of its survey. A 
moment's reflection will show that M. Paris was justified in thinking 
that he had strayed from the beaten track. For ' Comparative Literature/ 
as the accepted estimate goes, is almost exclusively concerned with 
antiquarian and genealogical matters. M. Brunetiere in all his work, 
from the Evolution des Genres to occasional articles in the Revue des 
Deux Mondes, and most emphatically in his inaugural address to the 
Paris Congress, has shown that he has a fine enthusiasm for this 
particular branch of a great subject. It would be folly to decry its 
importance, or even to suggest that it should be pursued less assiduously 
by him and by others who have worked to such good purpose. It must 
always claim the largest share of the energy of ' comparative ' students : 
it will certainly be always necessary as a preliminary stage in the 
development of literary history and criticism. But the fault of its 
professors has been, as M. Paris seems to hint, to make it exclusive. 


There is no doubt that this concentration of interest in antiquarian 
research is responsible for the most serious objections which have been 
and still are urged against the ultimate value of the comparative method 
in literary study. In the first place, it is certainly true that some 
critics have gone to their task as a bookseller goes to his Brunet or 
Lowndes. or as a searcher of title-deeds to the public registers. Too 
often it would appear that, in the tracing of the influence of a book, 
literary genius goes for nothing, and writers are no better than mediaeval 
copyists. We have beautiful tables of descent, as rigid, but not so 
convincing, as the spider-webs of a ' foreword ' on Chaucer MSS. ; 
cause and effect resting upon a risky date or some unsworn memoir; 
not a suspicion that the direct influence of one book upon another 
has been generally of the slightest. Hence the ordinary man of 
literary taste suspects the comparative expert. Secondly, a literary 
family- tree, even if correct, allows small scope for enthusiasm, for 
individual appreciation, or for critical audacity. The historian thinks 
of his author as an academic naturalist does of his orders and types. 
He has no pets ; above all, if he would be something of a critic, he is no* 
sportsman. He is looked upon as the irreconcilable enemy of the 
impressionist, who hates the law of primogeniture. Thirdly, the com- 
parative specialist delights overmuch in the lower levels of literature : 
he will linger, for example, in the 'dull' fifteenth century or in the 
'bankrupt' eighteenth, so that, free from the dazzle of genius, he 
may the better expound and ' prove ' the tradition of form and motif. 
It would be easy to meet these objections. They are stated merely 
to show that, however exaggerated they may be, they have a certain 
measure of excuse as an ' impressionist ' estimate of the narrow purpose 
of the exponents of the comparative method. There is not a little 
logic on the side of the objectors, for it may be asked how can a 
method which is exclusively concerned in observing and classifying 
those things which are known to be related to each other obtain any 
' critical ' results beyond what the mere statistician has the right to 
expect ? Hence it is that those who have a sincere delight in literature 
for its own sake, or those critics who have a mission to the wayward 
taste of the reading mob, look upon ' Comparative Literature ' in all its- 
parts as the province of the antiquary or of the dilettante w*ho affects 
foreign tongues. 

The situation however is entirely altered when we recognise, as we 
now must, that these studies in the evolution of certain book-habits are 
only a small part of the function of ' Comparative Literature.' If instead 


4 Some Notes on the Comparative Study of Literature 

of the connexion between individual books or phases we substitute the 
connexion and development of critical ideas, we have at once greater 
possibilities for the comparative student. If we call this second branch 
and here again we are in distress for want of a better name the 
' critical/ we mean thereby that it is concerned with fundamental 
doctrines of criticism, just as the so-called 'historical' group is con- 
cerned with the main facts in the ' social ' history of individual works. 
It deals with the intricate problems in the history of the dogmas of 
criticism, it examines the phases of interaction and parallelism, and as 
a consequence, as logical as apparent, supplies some practical guidance 
in the interpretation of modern work and in the everyday exercise of 
literary taste. 

It is indeed strange that criticism, as a technical and academic 
matter per se, should be so persistently excluded from the comparative 
laboratory. There is evidence now, that the younger schools of critics 
are being attracted, but they are as yet few when taken with the 
bulk of avowed 'comparative' students. Even in a professional congress 
such as that at Paris how many of the members of the literary section 
were interested in things of deeper import than the influence of Italy 
on Du Bellay, or of Zaire upon Italy ? There are many who would 
give the last word on Neo-classicism or on the Querelle with admirable 
parochial enthusiasm : so many who forget that criticism is based upon 
comparison 1 , and that a general deduction or an 'I like this ' is 
valuable or not only according to the utterer's claim to be heard, 
that is, to his breadth of view. There is no incurable antipathy 
between the impressionist and the comparative critic, for personal 
liking, though never itself criticism, may be the most pleasing and 
convincing of things when it comes from experience. 

We may take for granted that this extension of the comparative 
method is of first importance in the interpretation of critical doctrine. 
It is more to the purpose to offer some general considerations which 
arise out of this, and to show how the method may help us to a better 
understanding of the function of literary criticism. 

In the first place, the comparative method emphasises the positive 

1 It is perhaps worth noting that academic criticism was, in its earlier stages, strictly 
comparative. The evidence of Greece and Eome is clear on this point; and sixteenth 
century Italy, the birthplace of the new criticism, worked by this method and passed on 
.the lesson to the rest of Europe. Example and Comparison were of course essential to 
Classicism, with its doctrine of the Model, the Ancients, &c., but there the main purpose 
was the collection of material and precedents for the establishment of a literary Canon. 
'The application of the Method to individual experience and effort has been left to the 


side of criticism the unity of literature rather than the differences, or, 
let us say, the unity in the differences. It searches for what is common 
(not necessarily by contact or infusion), and would help us to reach the 
fundamental ideas in the history of motif and form. In the case of the 
latter its thesis is not so much to expose the varieties of the formal 
presentation of any given ' topic ' as to show how these express an under- 
lying common and, it may be, permanent principle. And if we look at 
the matter from a slightly different point of view, may we not say that 
it helps the critic to find, and through him the reader to enjoy, what 
Aristotle taught us to understand by the Universal in literary art ? For 
what is the common and continuous element which it seeks out in 
literature but that quality of the Universal which, as distinct from 
Idiosyncrasy, is the inspiration and end of Art ? Nay more, it looks for 
what of this may be found in decadent ages and forgotten places, where 
neither the impressionist nor the critic with a reputation deigns to 
tarry. It is perhaps unnecessary to commend the paradox of the 
superior usefulness of the dull times in literary history : it may here 
suffice to say that that method which aids criticism to discover the 
elemental and positive facts at all stages of artistic effort, and especially 
in epochs of lesser popular account, is an instrument of obvious efficiency 
in reading the story of literary taste. 

In the second place, the method is an antidote to that mere 
Darwinism which rises so easily, and delusively, from an antiquarian 
interest in letters, or from an exaggerated delight in scientific classi- 
fication. It is not concerned with the statement of so-called literary 
' laws ' : indeed it tends to disprove the analogies which an unreason- 
ably ' scientific ' age borrows so readily from the Weather Bureau or the 
physical laboratory. We are helped to understand, for example, not 
that romanticism follows classicism like the rotation of crops, or that 
the one is a superior artistic condition to the other, or that they are 
mutually exclusive, but rather that they have so much in common, and 
always co-exist in the highest art. Or again, not that there is any 
interconnexion between the various forms of the early drama of the 
fifteenth century (an assumption less true than false), but that the 
likeness is the expression of a literary and histrionic necessity. Or 
again, not that the identity of and difference between the eighteenth 
century in England and the seventeenth in France are to be explained 
as we have been taught by the critical genealogists, but rather by the 
postulate that direct borrowing did not take place except in an acci- 
dental and subsidiary way. In other words while, on the one hand, the 

6 Some Notes on the Comparative Study of Literature 

narrow view of the comparative method takes cognisance of a subject 
because there is a certain amount of evidence of reciprocity, on the 
other hand, the truer approach to this particular problem will be 
with the conviction that a greater or less reciprocity is not the major 
premiss, and may be quite immaterial. It is of course necessary, as a 
preliminary clearing of the ground, to estimate the extent of direct 
interaction : but this is neither the whole duty nor even the chief duty 
of the ' comparative ' student. We may go further and risk the pro- 
position that the more interaction there is, the less opportunity have we 
of reaching the fundamental principles, not merely because the give- 
and-take distracts us more and more towards the trimmings and 
externals, as the history of 'Comparative Literature' too well shows, but 
because the material of observation is correspondingly reduced. 

Again, this method supplies the only philosophical explanation of 
the critical bases of the history of literature, and of the working 
formulae which guide the historian in his synthesis. We refer to such 
problems as are suggested by the phenomenon of 'curtailment' in 
literary form, shown, for example, in the fifteenth century, in the 
breaking up of the great romances of the Middle Ages into ballad 
-episodes and tales of incident, in the bursting of the dramatic cycles, 
in the change of fashion from the long-drawn craftsmanship of Lefranc 
or Lydgate to the shorter style of Villon, or Santillana, or Dunbar: 
or, to take another illustration, by the idea of ' historical perspective ' 
in criticism, which occasionally amused the sixteenth century, interested 
the seventeenth, and became a convention of the later eighteenth. 
These and a dozen other searching questions suggested in general terms 
by Aristotle, Longinus, or Dante, and in more particular form in the 
critical wisdom of Dryden or Johnson, are the proper concern of 
' Comparative Literature ' in its widest acceptation. Till these things 
are well considered, if not satisfactorily solved, the literary historian 
will remain an empiric, concluding bravely by the ' cobweb-law ' of 
chronology 1 . 

Lastly, the method emphasises the literary qualities of a work. 
It has been justly charged against the narrower criticism that it is 
apt to forget the ' literature ' of a book in the interest in its genesis 
and history. This is still more true of our work-a-day judgments 
and of the exercise of popular taste generally, where in nine cases 
out of ten we admire the non-literary elements which masquerade 
in the name of art. We need not search long, even among the more 

1 Dryden, Dedication of the Mneis. 


reputable ' appreciations ' of modern literature, to find how much the 
prejudices of history, society, religion, or race have defined the pleasure 
of a work, and make it a ' masterpiece.' Even when the critic has 
with all honesty divorced himself from personal liking and disliking, 
when he says, ' I hate A, but A's book is clever and useful, and I shall 
say so,' it is not seldom because his victim has quietly made his peace 
with him by a common interest in something altogether outside the 
categories of letters. The prejudice is so protean, so subtle shall we 
say so incurable ? that any method which can alleviate it is of immense 
value. Literature is perhaps in this respect in worse plight than 
pictorial art. There are fewer picture-gazers in our exhibitions who 
delight in canvasses because they are portraits of their heroes or of the 
village pump of their boyhood, than there are readers who take kindly 
to certain novels because they are Scots, or Canadians, or Oxford 
Rationalists. And this will always be so, till criticism comes with a 
wider experience, and gives to these well-meaning people a truer touch- 
stone of literary pleasure. 

Perhaps, too, this experience may make it yet clearer that it is but 
academic quackery to enlarge upon the absolute progression of literary 
ideas and craftsmanship. The notion comes naturally to the complacent 
egoism of an age which is giddy with the triumphs of science and 
industrial energy. But analogy is not proof, and Art is not a measure- 
able thing like the Standard of Comfort or the speed of locomotives. 
A more effective comparison of ages, as well as of peoples and groups 
and individuals, would have a wholesome influence on the condescension 
of modern criticism. When a writer brings forward his working formula 
that an author must be judged by his age and circumstance, the excuse 
for the past is in reality an unconscious compliment to the present. Caesar 
praised the Gauls, but added that he conquered them. In the realm 
of Ideas and Art Caesar's confidence is unavailing. The new cannot 
subjugate the old. What is a ' classic ' but that which has never been 
surpassed ? 

It is tempting, but the occasion will not allow, to enlarge on the 
bearing of this academic discussion on the more practical side of literary 
criticism. If we entered on this theme we should begin by disclaiming 
all intention to reform the conditions of everyday reviewing, which 
though probably not quite so bad as they might be, cannot be expected 
ever to be better. But even in these popular places the reflex influence, 
if not the direct training, of the ' comparative ' student might help to 
lessen embarrassment in the presence of the new, the strange, the 

8 Some Notes on the Comparative Study of Literature 

unique in literature. And, above all, it might demonstrate that the 
expert, as we know him, is not seldom the least competent to meddle 
with pure literature or literary taste that the most absolute pundit 
may be but .,a- village politician in the imperial matters of criticism. 
We may not forget that Aristotle, who is still our true specialist in 
everything, was a specialist in nothing. 



NOT from the days of Chaucer to the reign of George I. could 
English literature boast of a translation, properly so called, of any 
portion of the Divina Commedia. Mere incidental versions of a few 
lines here and there may be found, it is true, in several of the numerous 
translations of Italian Tvorks which were issued from the press in 
England during the sixteenth century 1 ; while, in the next century, 
Milton, in his treatise Of Reformation touching Church Discipline, tried 
his hand at a rendering of a single terzina from the Inferno. But not 
till 1719, when the 'great Cham of literature' was ten years old, and 
the author of the Elegy was already out of leading-strings, did the first 
translation from Dante, produced avowedly as a translation, make its 
appearance in the English world of letters. In that year was published 
' at the Black Swan in Pater-noster-row ' a volume entitled ' Two Dis- 
courses. I. An Essay on the whole Art of Criticism as it relates to 
Painting. II. An Argument in behalf of the Science of a Connoisseur. 
Both by Mr Richardson.' The author of this work was Jonathan 
Richardson, the elder, portrait-painter and poetaster, who, if Horace 
Walpole (one of his sitters 2 ) is to be believed, ' after his retirement from 
business, amused himself with writing a short poem, and drawing his 
own or his son's portrait, every day 3 / 

In the second of the two Discourses, of which the full title, as set 
out on a separate title-page, is ' A Discourse on the Dignity, Certainty, 
Pleasure and Advantage of the Science of a Connoisseur,' Richardson 
introduces a reference to the story of Count Ugolino. Of this story, as 
being ' very Curious and very little Known,' he gives a summary from 
the Florentine History of Giovanni Villani. He then continues : 

1 See English Translations from Dante (Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries), by Paget 
Toynbee, in Journal of Comparative Literature, i, pp. 345 365. 

2 .Richardson's portrait of Horace Walpole (now in the possession of Earl Waldegrave) 
is reproduced in Vol. n of Mrs Paget Toynbee's edition of the Letters of Horace Walpole. 

3 Anecdotes of Painting (ed. 1888), Vol. 11, p. 277. 

10 English Translations of Dante 

'The Poet carries the Story farther than the Historian could, by 
relating what pass'd in the Prison. This is Dante, who was a young 
man when this happened, and was Ruin'd by the Commotions of these 
times. He was a Florentine, which City, after having been long divided 
by the Guelf, and Ghibelline Faction, at last became entirely Guelf: 
But this party then split into two others under the Names of the 
Bianchi, and the Neri, the Latter of which prevailing, Plunder'd, and 
Banish'd Dante', not because he was of the Contrary Party, but for 
being Neuter, and a Friend to his Countrey. 

When Virtue fails, and Party-heats endure 
The Post of Honour is the Least Secure. 

This great Man (in the 33d Canto of the 1st part of his Comedia) in 
his Passage thro' Hell, introduces Count Ugolino knawing the Head 
of his Treacherous and Cruel Enemy the Archbishop, and telling his 
own sad Story. At the appearance of Dante 

La bocca solleud dal fiero pasto 
Quel peccator, etc.' 

Richardson then gives a translation of the passage (seventy-seven 
lines in the original) in blank verse, which, if not very poetical, is at 
any rate fairly faithful for an age in which Drydeii's Virgil and Pope's 
Homer were the standards of translation. The following is a specimen 
Ugolino speaks : 

The hour was come when Food should have been brought, 

Instead of that, God ! I heard the noise 

Of creaking Locks, and Bolts, with doubled force 

Securing our Destruction. I beheld 

The Faces of my Sons with troubled Eyes ; 

I Look'd on them, but utter'd not a. Word : 

Nor could I weep ; They wept, Anselmo said 

(My little dear Anselmo} What's the matter 

Father, why look you so? I wept not yet, 

Nor spake a Word that Day, nor following Night. 

But when the Light of the succeeding Morn 
Faintly appear'd, and I beheld my Own 
In the four Faces of my Wretched Sons 
I in my clenched Fists fasten'd my Teeth : 
They judging 'twas for Hunger, rose at once, 
You Sir have giv'n us Being, you have cloath'd 
Us with this miserable Flesh, 'tis yours, 
Sustain your Self with it, the Grief to Us 
Is less to Dye, than thus to see your Woes. 
Thus spake my Boyes : I like a Statue then 
Was Silent, Still, and not to add to Theirs 
Doubled the weight of my Own Miseries. 

The next specimen is by a literary hack, one Pierre Desmaizeaux, 
the son of a French Protestant minister, 'one of those French re- 
fugees,' says Isaac D'Israeli of him, ' whom political madness or despair 


of intolerance had driven to our own shores. The proscription of Louis 
XIV., which supplied us with our skilful workers in silk, also produced 
a race of the unemployed, who proved not to be as exquisite in the 
handicraft of bookmaking 1 .' Desmaizeaux, whom Warburton describes 2 
as a 'verbose, tasteless Frenchman,' was a protege of Halifax and of 
Addison, and through the interest of the latter obtained a pension, 
'like his talents, very moderate/ on the Irish establishment. He 
afterwards enjoyed the double distinction of having one of his books 
burned in Dublin by the common hangman, and of being elected 
a Fellow of the Royal Society. He became a translator of Dante by 
the merest accident. In 1735 he published an English edition of 
Bayle's Dictionary, in which he undertook to furnish translations of all 
< the quotations from Eminent Writers in various Languages.' In his 
article on Dante Bayle quotes about a dozen passages from the Divina 
Commedia, and these Desmaizeaux has rendered into rhymed couplets, 
in what he no doubt intended to be the style of Pope hardly an 
appropriate vehicle for Dante. Here is his rendering of twelve lines 
(91 102) from the twenty-third canto of the Purgatorio : 

The widow'd Charmer, who my Bed did Share 
Merits by Virtue Heaven's peculiar Care ; 
Who chastly lives amidst a wanton Eace, 
Lewder than those Sardinia's Coasts embrace. 
What shall I say? Hope rises in my Breast, 
And to my Sight the future stands confess'd. 
I see reforni'd the Ladies of the Town, 
And Pulpits preach each wanton Fashion down. 

Of a very different character was the author who next entered the 
field. This was the poet Gray, the third on the roll of English poets 3 , 
to whom Dante was an object of 'lungo studio e grande amore,' and 
who undoubtedly was more intimately acquainted with the works of 
the great Florentine than any other Englishman of the eighteenth 
century. Gray, like Richardson, selected for translation the Ugolino 
episode from the thirty-third canto of the Inferno. His version, which 
remained in manuscript for more than a hundred years after his death, 
was, like his translation from Tasso, composed probably as an exercise 
at the time when, as he writes to his friend. Richard West (in March, 
1737), he was ' learning Italian like any dragon.' Mr Gosse. who first 
printed the piece 4 , thinks it ' extremely fine/ and assigns io to Gray's 
best period. More sober critics rate it less highly 5 . As the work of 

1 Curiosities of Literature (ed. 1866), Vol. HI, p. 14. 
J In a letter to Dr Birch. 

3 His predecessors having been Chaucer and Milton. 

4 Works of Thomas Gray (ed. 1884), Vol. i, pp. 157160. 

5 See Gray and Dante, by the President of Magdalen College, Oxford (Mr T. H. Warren), 
in the Monthly Review, June, 1901. 

12 English Translations of Dante 

a poet and a scholar of Gray's reputation it must be confessed that the 
performance is decidedly disappointing. That Gray himself had no 
great opinion of the piece may be gathered from the fact that he did 
not consider it worthy of publication. The following may be compared 
with Richardson's rendering of the same passage given above : 

Now the Hour 

Of timely Food approach'd ; when at the Gate 
Below I heard the dreadful Clash of Bars, 
And fast'ning Bolts : then on my Children's Eyes 
Speechless my Sight I fix'd, nor wept, for all 
Within was Stone : they wept, unhappy Boys ! 
They wept, and first my little dear Anselmo 
Cried, Father, why, why do you gaze so sternly ? 
What would you have? yet wept I not, or answer'd 
All that whole Day, or the succeeding Night 
Till a new Sun arose with weakly Gleam, 
And wan, such as mought Entrance find within 
That House of Woe. But oh ! when I beheld 
My Sons, and in four Faces saw my own 
Despair reflected, either Hand I gnaw'd 
For Anguish, which they construed Hunger ; straight 
Ariseing all they cried, far less shall be 
Our Suffering, Sir, if you resume your Gift ; 
These miserable Limbs with Flesh you cloath'd ; 
Take back, what once was yours. I swallow'd down 
My struggling Sorrow, not to heighten theirs. 

An interesting experiment in Dante translation was published 
anonymously in 1746, in Robert Dodsley's Museum: Or, The Literary 
and Historical Register, in the shape of ' The Three First Stanzas of 
the 24fth Canto of Dante's Inferna [sic] made into a Song. In imitation 
of the Earl of Surry's Stile ' : 

When in the opening of the youthful Year, 

Sol in Aquarius bathes his glistering Ray ; 
In early Morn the Fields all white appear, 

With hoary Frost is cover'd every Spray : 
And every Herb and every Grass is shent, 
All in the Chill Imprisonment ypent. 


The mean-clad Swain, forth issuing from his Cot, 

Looks sadly all around the whitening Waste ; 
And grieves that his poor Sheep, by Heaven forgot, 

Can find no Food, no tender Green to taste : 
He beats his Breast as one distract, or mad ; 
And home returns, with pensive Look and sad. 

There silent grieves. Then once again looks out, 

And sees the Groves and Meads quite alter'd are. 
The Sun has cast his melting Rays about, 

And every Green appears more fresh and fair. 
Then Hope returns, and Joy unknits his Brows, 
And forth he leads his Flock the tender Grass to brouze. 



Thus when my Fair One views me with Disdain, 

My Heart is sunk within me, sad and dead ; 
My Spirits yield, and all my Soul's in Pain ; 

I sit and sigh, and hang my drooping Head : 
But if she smile, my Sadness melts away, 
Each gloomy Thought clears up, and I'm all blithe and gay. 

Whatever may be thought of his choice of a metre, it must be 
admitted that the unknown author of these graceful stanzas has very 
successfully caught the spirit of the original ; while his translation, all 
things considered, is remarkably close the substitution of his ' Fair 
One' for Dante's Virgil is pardonable under the circumstances. The 
success of this experiment might fairly, we think, be used as a fresh 
argument in favour of the adoption of some form of stanza for the 
translation of the Divina Commedia into English 1 . Terza rima appears 
to be out of the question as an English metre, at any rate for the 
purposes of translation. No English writer, save one or two of our 
earlier poets, not even Shelley, nor Byron has shown himself to be 
really at home in the handling of this metre 2 . Consequently, if the 
rhyme of the original is to be represented at all, as it assuredly should 
be, some such expedient as the above would seem to be the best way 
out of the difficulty. 

The Rev. Joseph Warton, then recently appointed second master of 
Winchester College, who next tried his hand at Dante, solved the 
problem in his own way, by taking refuge in prose. In that ' very 
pleasing book,' as Dr Johnson styled it 3 , the Essay on the Genius and 
Writings of Pope, the first volume of which was published in 1756, 
Warton instances the story of Ugolino, as told by Dante, in support of 
his contention that ' events that have actually happened, are, after all, 
the properest subjects for poetry.' For the benefit of those of his 
readers who should not be acquainted with Italian, he supplies a version 
of the story in his own words. 'I cannot recollect,' he says, 'any 
passage, in any writer whatever, so truly pathetic ' ; and, to make sure 
that none of the pathos shall be missed, he adds : ' It was thought not 
unproper to distinguish the more moving passages by Italics.' He then 
proceeds : 

' Ugolino is giving the description of his being imprisoned with his 

1 That Dante may be successfully rendered in this way is proved by the admirable 
version of the Purgatorio in Marvellian stanzas published, a few years back by Charles 
Lancelot Shadwell : The Purgatory of Dante Alighieri. An Experiment in Literal Verse 
Translation, 1892-1899. 

2 Some may be inclined to make an exception in favour of the late Canon Dixon's 
Memo, which is, perhaps, the most successful attempt of the kind. 

3 See Boswell's Life of Johnson (Globe ed. 1899, p. 153). 

14 English Translations of Dante 

children by the Archbishop Ruggieri. " The hour approached when we 
expected to have something brought us to eat. But, instead of seeing 
any food appear, / heard the doors of that horrible dungeon more closely 
barred. I beheld my little children in silence, and could not weep. 
My heart was petrified ! The little wretches wept ; and my dear 
Anselm said, Father, you look on us ! what ails you ? I could neither 
weep nor answer, and continued swallowed up in silent agony all that 
day, and the following night, even till the dawn of day. As soon as 
a glimmering ray darted through the doleful prison, that I could view 
again those four faces, in which my own image was impressed, I gnawed 
both my hands with grief and rage. My children believing I did this 
through eagerness to eat, raising themselves suddenly up, said to me, 
My father ! our torments would be less, if you would allay the rage of 
your hunger upon us. I restrained myself, that I might not encrease 

their misery " ' 

It is a relief to turn from this truly pedestrian performance to 
another anonymous specimen, which appeared in the British Magazine, 
or Monthly Repository for Gentlemen and Ladies, for the year 1760. 
The author is supposed to have been William Huggins, the translator 
of Ariosto, son of a notorious Warden of the Fleet Prison. A dispute 
between Huggins and Thomas Warton, Professor of Poetry at Oxford, 
concerning Ariosto, gave occasion to one of Dr Johnson's caustic 
remarks. 'Huggins,' relates Bos well 1 , 'attempting to answer with 
violence Mr Warton's account of Ariosto, said, " I will militate no longer 
against his nescience" Huggins was master of the subject, but wanted 
expression. Mr Warton's knowledge of it was then imperfect, but his 
manner lively and elegant. Johnson said, "It appears to me, that 
Huggins has ball without powder, and Warton powder without ball." ' 
The passage translated by Huggins is Dante's paraphrase of the Lord's 
Prayer, at the beginning of the eleventh canto of the Purgatorio. 
Huggins, who evidently piqued himself on the faithfulness of his version, 
succeeded in rendering the original line for line a rare achievement 
in an eighteenth century translator. 

Dante, II Purgatorio 

Canto 11 

Sicut meus mos, 

As literally as possible. 

Our Father blest, who art in Heav'n above, 
Not circumscrib'd ; but thro 3 consummate love, 

1 Life of Johnson (Globe ed. 1899, pp. 5289). 


Which to those primal essences you bear, 
Thy name be hallowed; thy power rare, 
By ev'ry creature : as it is but meet, 
All thanks be render'd to thy effluence sweet : 
Advance to us the peace of thy wish'd reign, 
As, of ourselves, to that we can't attain, 
If it comes not, with all our skill humane. 

As, in the heav'ns, thy angels of their will 
Make sacrifice, and sing Hosanna still, 
So, may on earth, mankind thy law fulfil. 

Our daily manna give to us this day, 
Without it, thro' this wild and thorny way, 
Who strives to travel, will more backward stray. 

And, like as we those wrongs, which we receive, 
In others pardon, so thy pardon give 
Benignant : nor survey our merit small, 
And feeble virtue, so propense to fall, 
Suffer not our old enemy to tempt ; 
But from his punctures keep us still exempt. 


William Huggins has been somewhat unkindly treated by the fates 
in the matter of Dante. At his death he left in manuscript a complete 
translation of the Divina Commedia (of which the above is supposed to 
be a specimen), with directions that it should be published. A clause 
in his will 1 runs as follows: 'I give to my Worthy Friend the 
Revd. Mr Thomas Monkhouse, Fellow of Queen's College, Oxon., the 
Sum of Fifty pounds on condition, and with full persuasion that he will, 
to the best of his abilities, superintend an edition of the Dante, and 
Annotations, with all matters thereto belonging, lately translated and 
compiled by me, in manner and form as he shall judge best, the expenses 
of the Printing and publication, and all charges relative thereto to be 
paid by my Executors.' He also had his portrait painted and engraved 
by Hogarth 2 (whose friend and patron he was), with the names of 
Dante and Ariosto in the background, to serve as a frontispiece to his 
Dante. Hogarth's portrait of Huggins is still in the possession of his 
family ; but his wishes with respect to his Dante seem to have been 
wholly disregarded by his executors (who were his sons-in-law, and 
inherited his estates) at any rate the translation was never published, 
and Huggins has thus been deprived of the credit of having been the 
first to make a complete English translation of the Divina Conifnedia, 
a distinction which is commonly claimed on behalf of the Rev. Henry 
Boyd, whose version was not published till more than forty years after 
Huggins' death. 

1 Kindly supplied by one of his descendants. 

2 According to William Stewart Rose (Introduction to Orlando Furioso) Huggins is the 
erson who figures in Hogarth's picture as the Enraged Musician. 

16 English Translations of Dante 

We now return once more to the Ugolino episode, of which yet 
another version appeared in 1773. This was by Frederick Howard, 
fifth Earl of Carlisle, ci-devant gamester and boon companion of Charles 
James Fox best known to fame, perhaps, as the kinsman and guardian 
of Lord Byron, who dedicated to him the second edition of his Hours 
of Idleness, and afterwards savagely lampooned him in English Bards 
and Scotch Reviewers: 

No muse will cheer, with renovating smile, 

The paralytic puling of Carlisle. 

The puny schoolboy and his early lay 

Men pardon, if his follies pass away ; 

But who forgives the senior's ceaseless verse, 

Whose hairs grow hoary as his rhymes grow worse? 

Lord Carlisle, the productions of whose muse, whatever Byron may 
have chosen to think of them he owned later 1 that he had done his 
kinsman ' some wrong ' earned the praise of two such differently 
constituted critics as Dr Johnson 2 and Horace Walpole, printed his 
translation privately in the first instance in 1772. Walpole, writing to 
William Mason from Strawberry Hill on May 25 of that year, says : 

' Lord Carlisle has written and printed some copies of an Ode on 
Gray's death. There is a real spirit of poetry in it, but no invention ; 
for it is only a description of Gray's descriptions. There are also two 
epitaphs on Lady Carlisle's Dog, not bad, and a translation from Dante 
of the story of Count Ugolino, which I like the least of the four pieces.' 

This volume, which is a slim quarto of seventeen pages, was not 
published till the next year, when the Ugolino was also separately 
printed in the Gentleman s Magazine. The following is a specimen of 
the translation, which is in rhymed couplets, and anything but literal : 

Through the small opening of the prison's height 

One moon had almost spent its waining light. 

It was when Sleep had charm'd my cares to rest, 

And wearied Grief lay dozing in my breast : 

Futurity's dark veil was drawn aside, 

I in my dream the troubled prospect eyed. 

On those high hills it seem'd, (those hills which hide 

Pisa from Lucca,) that, by Sismond's side, 

Guland and Landfranc, with discordant cry, 

House from its den a wolf and young, who fly 

Before their famish'd dogs ; I saw the sire 

And little trembling young ones faint and tire, 

Saw them become the eager blood-hounds' prey, 

Who soon with savage rage their haunches flay. 

I first awoke, and view'd my slumbering boys, 

Poor hapless product of my nuptial joys. 

Scar'd with their dreams, toss o'er their stony bed, 

And starting scream with frightful noise for bread. 

1 In the third canto of Childe Harold. 

2 See Boswell's Life of Johnson (Globe ed. 1899, pp. 570, 61920). 


A second prose version of this now hackneyed episode was 
published in 1781, in the third volume of Thomas Warton's History 
of English Poetry. It was evidently based upon that of his brother, 
Joseph Warton, already quoted, and is, if possible, even more banal. 
The introductory paragraph contains one gem which is worth repro- 
ducing: 'The poet wandering through the depths of hell, sees 
two of the Damned gnawing the sculls of each other, which was 
their daily food ! ' Thomas Warton also attempted a version of the 
inscription over the gate of Hell, in the third canto of the Inferno, 
in which, owing to a mistranslation, he has perpetrated a 'bull' of 
the first order: 

' By me is the way to the woeful city. By me is the way to the 
eternal pains. By me is the way to the damned race. My mighty 
maker was divine Justice and Power, the Supreme Wisdom, and the 
First Love. Before me nothing was created. If not eternal, I shall 
eternally remain (!). Put away all hope, ye that enter 1 .' 

The next specimen has a special interest of its own, as being the 
first attempt in English to translate Dante in the metre of the original 2 . 
The author of this experiment was William Hayley, of whom Southey 
said that ' everything about that man is good except his poetry.' His 
translation, which consists of the first three cantos of the Inferno, was 
published in 1782, among the notes to the third Epistle of his Essay 
on Epic Poetry. In his introductory remarks Hayley says : 

' We have several versions of the celebrated story of Ugolino ; but 
I believe no entire canto of Dante has hitherto appeared in our 
language . . . The Author flatters himself that the ensuing portion of 
a celebrated poem may afford some pleasure from its novelty, as he has 
endeavoured to give the English reader an idea of Dante's peculiar 
manner, by adopting his triple rhyme ; and he does not recollect that 
this mode of versification has ever appeared before in our language : it 
has obliged him, of course, to make the number of translated lines 
correspond exactly with those of the original.' 

In claiming to have been the first to adopt the ' triple rhyme ' in 
English poetry Hayley shows himself ignorant of the fact that Chaucer, 
Wyatt, Surrey, and Milton all wrote English poems in term rima 
though not all in imitation of Dante 3 . 

1 Ed. 1824, Vol. iv, p. 63. 

2 With the exception of the first three lines of the Inferno translated by Sir John 
Harington in the Allegorie of the Fourth Booke of his Orlando Furioso. 

3 Wyatt and Surrey borrowed the metre from Alamanni rather than from Dante. 

M. L. R. 2 

18 English Translations of Dante 

We give Hayley's rendering of part of the third canto : 

And lo ! towards us, with a shrivell'd skin, 

A hoary boatman steers his crazy bark, 

Exclaiming, ' Woe to all ye sons of sin ! 
Hope not for heaven, nor light's celestial spark ! 

I come to waft you to a different lot ; 

To Torture's realm, with endless horror dark : 
And thou, who living view'st this sacred spot, 

Haste to depart from these, for these are dead ! y 

But when he saw that I departed not, 
In wrath he cry'd, 'Thro' other passes led, 

Not here, shalt thou attempt the farther shore ; 

But in a bark to bear thy firmer tread.' 
Charon, said my Guide, thy strife give o'er ; 

For thus 'tis will'd in that superior scene 

Where will is power. Seek thou to know no more ! 
* * * * 

Charon, with eyes of fire and words of gall, 

Collects his crew, and high his oar he wields, 

To strike the tardy wretch who slights his call. 
As leaves in autumn thro' the woody fields 

Fly in succession, when each trembling tree 

Its ling'ring honors to the whirlwind yields ; 
So this bad race, condemn'd by Heaven's decree, 

Successive hasten from that river's side : 

As birds, which at a call to bondage flee, 
So are they wafted o'er the gloomy tide ; 

And ere from thence their journey is begun, 

A second crew awaits their hoary guide. 

In the same year (1782) as Hay ley published this experiment, 
which is by no means without merit, there appeared in the second 
volume of Dr Charles Burney's History of Music a rendering of about 
thirty lines of the second canto of the Purgatorio. It is introduced 
a propos of a mention of the musician Casella, ' whom Dante feigns to 
have met in Purgatory.' ' There is something/ says Dr Burney, ' in the 
description of this imaginary rencontre so simple and affectionate, that 
I cannot help wishing to convey an idea of it to the English reader : 

On me when first these spirits fix their eyes 
They all regard me with a wild surprise, 
Almost forgetting that their sins require 
The purging remedy of penal fire : 
When one of these advanc'd with eager pace, 
And open arms, as me he would embrace ; 
At sight of which I felt myself impell'd 
To imitate each gesture I beheld. 
But vain, alas ! was every effort made. 
My disappointed arms embrace a shade : 
Thrice did vacuity my grasp elude, 
Yet still the friendly phantom I pursued. 
My wild astonishment with smiling grace 
The spectre saw, and chid my fruitless chace 


The voice and form, now known, my fear suspend, 

stay, cried I, one moment with thy friend ! 
No suit of thine is vain, the vision said, 

1 lov'd thee living, and I love thee dead. 

But whence this haste 1 Not long allowed to stay, 
Back to the world thy Dante takes his way. 
Yet let this fleeting hour one boon obtain 
If no new laws thy tuneful pow'rs restrain, 
Some song predominant o'er grief and woe 
As once thou sung'st above, now sing below ; 
So shall my soul releas'd from dire dismay 
O'ercome the horrors of this dreadful way. 
Casella kindly deign'd his voice to raise, 
And sung how Love the human bosom sways, 
In strains so exquisitely sweet and clear, 
The sound still vibrates on my ravish'd ear ; 
The shadowy troops, extatic, listening round, 
Forgot the past and future in the sound.' 

This was not Dr Burney's first attempt at translating Dante. It is 
recorded by Madame d'Arblay, in her Memoirs of Dr Burney 1 , that 
after the death of his first wife in 1761, her father, to distract his grief, 
made a prose translation of the Inferno. This translation, which has 
never been printed, was still in existence in 1832, when Madame 
d'Arblay, then in her 80th year, published the Memoirs. 

' During the period of this irreparable earthly blast/ she writes, in 
the 'broken Johnsonese/ as Macaulay describes it, into which she 
degenerated towards the close of her life, ' Mr Burney had recourse to the 
works of Dante, which, ere long, beguiled from him some attention . . . 
A sedulous, yet energetic, though prose translation of the Inferno, 
remains amongst his posthumous relics, to demonstrate the sincere 
struggles with which, even amidst this overwhelming calamity, he 
strove to combat that most dangerously consuming of all canker-worms 
upon life and virtue, utter inertness/ 

The year 1782 is remarkable in the annals of English Dante 
literature, as having seen the publication, not only of Hayley's experi- 
ment in terza rima, and of Dr Burney's version of the ; Casella episode, 
but also of the first complete English translation of the Inferno. This 
translation, which was dedicated to Sir Edward Walpole, elder brother 
of Horace Walpole, was issued anonymously, but the author is known 
to have been Charles Rogers, Principal Officer of the Customs, a Fellow 
of the Royal Society, and an art collector and virtuoso of considerable 
repute. Rogers' version, which is in blank verse, is a very poor 
performance. It is claimed on his behalf that 'he chiefly attended 
to giving the sense of his author with fidelity ; the character of a Poet 

1 Vol. i, pp. 150 ff. 


20 English Translations of Dante 

not seeming to have been the object of his ambition 1 .' But his 
translation, while entirely devoid of any spark of poetry, has not even 
the merit of being faithful, as the subjoined specimen, from the fifth 
canto of the Inferno (11. 88 108), will show. Francesca speaks : 

mortal Man replete with Grace divine, 
Who in this azure region visit us 

That have denied with our blood the world, 
If by the universal King we were 
Befriended, we would to him for you pray : 
Since you commis'rate our unhappy lot, 
We're ready to reply to what you ask ; 
Now that the wind is still to favour us. 
The Land where I was born is on the shore 
Plac'd, where the Po and all his rivulets 
Kun with their tributes smoothly to the sea. 
Love, which possesses soon a courteous breast, 
Seiz'd on my handsome Paramour, whose loss 

1 yet lament, reflecting on the act : 
Love, which will always be by love repaid, 
Caus'd me to that great pleasure in him take, 
Which still possesses me, as you perceive. 
Love brought us both to the like fatal end : 
But Caina him expects who did this deed. 

In 1785, three years after the appearance of Rogers' volume, there 
was published in Dublin a second translation of the Inferno. The 
author was an Irish clergyman, the Rev. Henry Boyd, who seventeen 
years later published in London a translation of the whole of the 
Commedia the first complete English version to see the light. Boyd's 
work, which is written in six-line stanzas, is not so much a translation 
as a paraphrase, in which it is often difficult to recognize Dante at all. 
His method, however, seems on the whole to have been acceptable to 
the critics, one of whom 8 speaks approvingly of his way of ' dilating the 
scanty expressions of his author into perspicuous and flowing diction ' ; 
while another 3 remarks that ' the dulness of Dante is often enlivened by 
Mr Boyd with profuse ornaments of his own, by which he is rather 
elevated than degraded.' The following is Boyd's rendering of the 
famous passage in the twenty-sixth canto of the Inferno, in which 
Ulysses relates the manner of his death : 

Ye wand'ring Shades ! Laertes' son behold, 
Who left the lov'd Circcean bow'rs of old, 

Ere good ^Eneas bless'd Caieta's shore ! 
Yet, after all my toils, nor aged sire, 
Nor son, nor spouse, could check the wild desire 

Again to tempt the sea, with vent'rous oar. 

1 See Nichols' Literary Anecdotes, m, pp. 256 7. 

2 In the Monthly Review, March, 1805. 

3 In the Critical Review^ March, 1803. 


In search of fame I measur'd various climes, 
Still vers'd in deeper frauds and nameless crimes. 

With slender band, and solitary sail, 
I circled round the Celtiberian strand : 
I saw the Sardian cliffs, Morocco's land, 

And pass'd Alcides 1 straits with steady gale. 
The broad Atlantic first my keel impress'd, 
I saw the sinking barriers of the west, 

And boldly thus address'd my hardy crew : 
'While yet your blood is warm, my gallant train, 
Explore with me the perils of the main, 

And find new worlds unknown to mortal view. 
Recall your glorious toils, your lofty birth, 
Nor like the grov'ling herds, ally'd to earth, 

To 1 base despondence quit your lofty claim.' 
They heard, and thro' th' unconquerable band 
My potent words the living ardor fann'd, 

And instant breath'd around the fervent flame. 
With measur'd stroke the whit'ning surge they sweep, 
'Till ev'ry well-known star beneath the deep 

Declin'd his radiant head ; and o'er the sky 
A beamy squadron rose, of name unknown, 
Antarctic glories deck'd the burning zone 

Of night, and southern fires salute the eye. 
Now five successive moons with borrow'd light 
Had silver'd o'er the sober face of night, 

Since first the western surge receiv'd our prow : 
At length a distant isle was seen to rise, 
Obscure at first, and mingling with the skies, 

'Till nearer seen, its shores began to grow. 
A mountain rose sublime above the coast, 
Immeasurably tall, in vapours lost ; 

Where hurricanes for ever howl around. 
Curs'd be the day I saw the dismal shore ! 
Accurst the rending sail and faithless oar ! 

And curs'd myself that pass'd the fatal bound ! 
Trembling I saw the Heav'n commission'd blast 
The canvas tear, and bend the groaning mast ; 

In vain we toil'd the ruin to prevent : 
Thrice round and round the found'ring vessel rides, 
The op'ning plank receiv'd the rushing tides, 

And me and mine to quick perdition sent ! 

The last, and, in some respects, perhaps, the most characteristic 
English translation from Dante in the eighteenth century consisted of 
a rendering in blank verse of the story of Paolo and Francesca, from 
the fifth canto of the Inferno, which was accompanied by yet another 
version (the sixth, as a separate piece) of the Ugolino episode. The 
author was the eccentric virtuoso, Henry Constantine Jennings, better 
known as 'Dog Jennings,' from a famous antique marble dog, which 
he discovered and bought in Rome for a trifle, and afterwards sold at 
Christie's for a "thousand guineas 2 . These translations, which appear 

1 Printed 'No.' 

2 This dog, of which Jennings remarked, ' a fine dog it was, and a lucky dog was I to 
purchase it,' was the subject of an entertaining conversation (recorded by Boswell under 
April 3, 1778) between Johnson and Burke (Globe ed. 1899, p. 443). 

22 English Translations of Dante 

to have been made in 1794, were printed in 1798 in a volume entitled 
Summary and Free Reflections, in which the Great Outline only, and 
Principal Features, of several Interesting Subjects, are impartially 
traced, and candidly examined. In his introduction Jennings says :- 

'Dante's Poem of Inferno, Purgatorio, and Paradiso, is, certainly 
Poetry: and though written at so early and uncultivated a Period as 
that of the thirteenth Century, is equal to any Thing that could 
reasonably be expected from so grating a Subject, even at the best 
Times of modern Literature. It is, however, upon the whole, a painful 
Undertaking to read it regularly through : for, independent of the 
manifold Repetition, and uninteresting and extravagant Variation of 
the same nauseous Descriptions ; the principal Object of its Merit, at 
the Time it was written, consisted in the Satire, aimed against the 
surviving Reputation of such of his Enemies as were departed during 
the busiest Period of the Author's Life, which, considering too the 
gothic Language it is written in, has by a Lapse of Five Hundred Years, 
almost precluded any just Claim to its present Power of amusing, if its 
Reader be not a meer Antiquarian. 

'I except, however, the following Canto, and the consummately 
pathetic Narrative of Hugolino, with, perhaps, Half a Dozen more short 
Passages ; and it is for the above Reasons, that this Canto only, and 
the Hugolino, are attempted. 

' The first is comprised in a consistent ensemble, and besides the little 
Novel of Francesca (the most elegant in the whole Piece), it conveys 
a sufficient Idea of Dante's Management throughout the Poem. The 
Hugolino is unique in its kind 1 ...' 

Of the translation itself, and of the curious notes by which it is 
accompanied, the following may serve as samples: 

' The Fifth Canto of Dante's Inferno. 

In which Virgil is supposed to accompany him, as Mystagogue, down 
the different Cloisters allotted to the respective Delinquencys of the 

From Hell's first dreary Mansion, to the next 

We now descended : less, but fuller far 

Of pungent Woes : for, at its Entrance sat, 

Ruthlessly grinning a contemptuous Smile, 

Inexorable Minos 2 , dooming right : 

For such th' imposing Terror of his Brow, 

1 Dated ' Sept. 13, 1794.' 

2 I have purposely omitted the quaint Idea of his manifesting the Degree of Depth 
that the Delinquents were respectively condemned to, by the Number of Turns, with 
which he, at every Sentence passed upon them, entwined his own Body with his tail ; 
being rather shocked to think that so elegant a Poet should have so wantonly given him 
One, and of such enormous Length as to go so many Times round him.' 


That, self-convicted the Delinquents yield, 
Confess their Errors, and obey their Doom. 

At sight of us, Minos, his awfull Task 
Suspending, thus alarm'd mi' affrighted Sense. 

Advent'rous Stranger, wide tho' th' Entrance be, 
Yet, thy Return consider well, and well 
Thy Guide examine : to whom Virgil, thus, 
Retorts th' insulting Caution : Churlish Judge, 
Thy Aid we ask not, for, the mighty Power 
Who our exploring March deigns to direct, 
Not thee alone, but, Fate itself controles : 
Onward we pass in thy Despite ' 

When Jennings comes to the episode of Francesca da Rimini he 
thus renders her account of how she and Paolo were tempted and fell : 

One fatal Day, Amusement all our Aim, 
Alone, and unsuspecting, the sweet Tale 
Of love enthralled, Launcelot was our Theme : 
Oft' by his Sufferings, were our Tears enforc't, 
Our Countenance impassion'd, and inflam'd, 
Yet, one sole Period, truely was the Cause 
Of our Defeat : the Smile, the heav'nly Smile ! 
Of the long lov'd Genevra, when we read ; 
Kiss't by her glorious Lover : he, from whom 
Not Death itself cou'd part me, tremblingly 
My trembling Lips impress't, with a like Kiss. 
Pander ! the Book, Pander its Writer was : 
That Day we read no more. 

The translator's note on this passage is as follows : 

' This melancholy Event seems to be recorded by Dante, with the 
sole View of illustrating by actual, and then recent Example, the 
dangerous Practice of young People's reading Romances together in 
private ; and still more so, where there already exists an Inclination 
between the Parties, as in the present Instance.' 

Jennings then proceeds : 

c The Reader is now to suppose, that he has laboured through, nearly, 
thirty-two Cantos of the Inferno... and, that he is now arrived near the 
End of the last Canto but two, that of the frozen Region, where he will 
be highly gratified for his Trouble, by the transcendently fine and 
pathetic Narration of Hugolino's earthly Sufferings and condign 
Vengeance on Ruggiero, Arch- Bishop of Pisa, who had so wantonly 
been his living Tormentor. I say transcendently fine, for such, it 
truely is in the Original. 

The Narrative of Count Hugolino. 

Taken from the end of Dante's 32d Canto of Inferno, and the greater 
Part of the 33d Canto, and here united so as to form one consistent 

24 English Translations of Dante 

Two in a Pit of Ice, we, now, behold, 
(lra,|>)>lc<l so rlosn, that, to tin; undw Head, 
OIK; scc.iu'd a ('ov'rini;, lut, on inwir^r Vi<-.vv, 
Greedy Devourer prov'd, of th' others Flesh. 

0, thou Brute, 

I cried, who thus, thy still unsated Wrath 
Beastily shew'st, explain, if Words can do't, 
What Provocation adequate to this 
Was giv'n ; for cou'd I think such Vengeance just, 
On my return to Earth, thy Injuries, 
To all, I'd manifest. His gorey Mouth, 
From the raw Neck, he rais'd, and with the Hair 
O'th mangl'd Head, wiping it, thus replied.... 

F th } dismal Dungeon, which from my hard Doom, 
Henceforth the Tow T of Famine shall be nam'd, 
Through a small Cleft, the morning Light appear'd, 
When, from a Dream 1 , that my impending Woes, 
Protentously, unveil'd, sudden i 'woke, 
The Hour of hungry Expectation now, 
Approaching ; my dear Boys, with me entrapt, 
Their scanty Meal solicit, and announce, 
Of sharpest Anguish, the first boding Pang, 
By their own Dreams suggested ; Bread, they cry, 
But, in its Place, alas ! horrible Sound, 
The grating Locks I hear, barring Access, 
To th' outer, gloomy Entrance of the Tow'r. 

Too plainly, in my alter'd Countenance, 
My Body fix't and motionless, appear 
The Agony of sufFring Indignation, 
With desperate Resignation mix't : they weep, 
Poor Innocents ! my Senses, petrified, 
Knew no Belief, but in Despair....' 

With 'Dog Jennings' and the close of the eighteenth century 
Dante translation in England reached perhaps its lowest ebb. Before 
the new century was six years old the appearance of the first instalment 
of Gary's classic version 2 revolutionized the method of English translators, 
and discredited once and for all the tradition of loose paraphrase which 
is the chief characteristic of most of the translations represented in the 
preceding pages. The eighteenth-century dilettante patronized and 
apologized for Dante as an outlandish writer who was tolerable only 
in his better moments. Gary recognized in Dante a great poet and 
a great classic, and by his treatment of him as such won for Dante, as 
well as lor himself, a permanent place in English literature. 


1 'Besides uniting the End of one Canto with the beginning of another, so aa to make 
one little Ensemble, I have taken the Liberty to omit the Dream alluded to, and of Course, 
the Persons mentioned in it : aa the first did but anticipate the Catastrophe, and the last, 
as meer Assistants, are now totally uninteresting.' 

2 Cary had translated two passages from the Pun/atorio (in, 79 85; v, 37 9; in 
prose) in a letter to Miss Seward from Oxford in 1792. From a passage in his diary it 
appears that his verse translation was begun in 17'.)7. 


THE lines of verse discussed in these Notes are quoted from the text 
of Mr Hutchinson's edition (The Complete Poetical Works of Shelley, 
Oxford, 1904), and the poems are taken in the order of that edition. 
A few of the Notes offer interpretations of passages which have been 
found difficult. The majority deal with textual questions; and as to 
these I need hardly say that, in offering a conjecture, I do not necessarily 
imply that, if I were an editor, I should admit it into the text. Some 
Notes are added on places in the Prose Works. 

(1) The Daemon of the World, Part i, 78 ff. The Daemon addresses 
the sleeping lanthe : 

Maiden, the world's supremest spirit 

Beneath the shadow of her wings 
Folds all thy memory doth inherit 
From ruin of divinest things, 

Feelings that lure thee to betray, 
And light of thoughts that pass away. 

For thou hast earned a mighty boon, 

The truths which wisest poets see 
Dimly, thy mind may make its own, 
Rewarding its own majesty, 

Entranced in some diviner mood 
Of self-oblivious solitude. 

It is possible to give a sense to 'rewarding its own majesty,' but I 
suspect that Shelley wrote ' regarding.' The maiden's mind or ' majestic 
spirit' (line 98) contains the truths which wisest poets see but dimly, 
and has only to look into itself to find them. Compare Queen Mab, 
vii. 49 59. The ' supremest spirit ' of the first stanza is, I think, the 
spirit of lanthe herself. * 

(2) Revolt of Islam, Dedication, vii : 

Thou Friend, whose presence on my wintry heart 
Fell, like bright Spring upon some herbless plain ; 
How beautiful and calm and free thou wert 
In thy young wisdom, when the mortal chain 
Of Custom thou didst burst and rend in twain, 

26 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

And walked as free as light the clouds among, 
Which many an envious slave then breathed in vain 
From his dim dungeon, and my spirit sprung 
To meet thee from the woes which had begirt it long ! 

Forman was certainly right, I think, in defending this (the original) 
punctuation against Rossetti, and in referring 'which' (last line but 
two) to ' clouds/ and ' his ' (next line) to ' slave.' But ' clouds ' does not 
merely mean 'dense atmosphere,' which would not explain 'in vain.' 
The ' clouds ' are clouds of detraction, as in Milton's sonnet to Cromwell. 
The slaves of Custom abuse Mary for her breach of convention, though 
they secretly envy her courage. 

(3) Revolt of Islam, I. xlix, 1 : 


It was a Temple, such as mortal hand 
Has never built, nor ecstasy, nor dream 
Eeared in the cities of enchanted land : 
'Twas likest Heaven, ere yet day's purple stream 
Ebbs o'er the western forest, while the gleam 
Of the unrisen moon among the clouds 
Is gathering when with many a golden beam 
The thronging constellations rush in crowds, 
Paving with fire the sky and the marmoreal floods. 


Like what may be conceived of this vast dome, 
When from the depths which thought can seldom pierce 
Genius beholds it rise, his native home, 
Girt by the deserts of the Universe ; 
Yet, nor in painting's light, or mightier verse, 
Or sculpture's marble language, can invest 
That shape to mortal sense such glooms immerse 
That incommunicable sight, and rest 
Upon the labouring brain and overburthened breast. 

The semicolon at 'Universe' was originally a full-stop, but it has MS. 
authority, being found in the Bodleian MS. collated by Locock. To 
Rossetti belongs the credit of first changing the impossible full-stop (a 
fact which should have appeared in the Oxford edition, for Woodberry's 
substitution of a semicolon for Rossetti's comma does not affect the 
sense). But Rossetti made another change, by printing a colon for the 
full-stop at the end of stanza xlix ; and though this change is not con- 
firmed by the MS. it is required by the sense. Forman indeed tries to 
construe the first lines of 1. independently of xlix: 'The proposition 
seems, " The native home of Genius, girt by the desarts of the Universe, 
is like what may be conceived," &c.' But this is surely impossible 
The passage is confusedly written, but the meaning is clear. Shelley in 
xlix says the Temple of the Spirit was 'likest Heaven,' etc. Continuing 


the sentence in the next stanza, he says the Temple, or ' vast dome/ was 
like the conception of it formed by a man of genius, who sees this con- 
ception rise from the depths of his spirit, though he cannot embody 
what he sees in language or colour or marble. 

(4) Revolt of Islam, vi. vii, viii : 


For now the despot's bloodhounds with their prey 

Unarmed and unaware, were gorging deep 

Their gluttony of death ; the loose array 

Of horsemen o'er the wide fields murdering sweep, 

And with loud laughter for their tyrant reap 

A harvest sown with other hopes, the while, 

Far overhead, ships from Propontis keep 

A killing rain of fire : when the waves smile 

As sudden earthquakes light many a volcano-isle, 


Thus sudden, unexpected feast was spread 
For the carrion-fowls of Heaven. I saw the sight 
I moved I lived as o'er the heaps of dead, 
Whose stony eyes glared in the morning light 
I trod ; 

Stanza vii. ended with a full-stop until Forman substituted a comma, 
construing the opening of the next stanza as the second half of a simile. 
Hutchinson adopts this punctuation, and adds : ' The passage is 
obscure : perhaps Shelley wrote " lift many a volcano-isle." The plain 
becomes studded in an instant with piles of corpses, even as the smiling 
surface of the sea will sometimes become studded in an instant with many 
islands uplifted by a sudden shock of earthquake.' I cannot believe in 
this very ingenious conjecture ; and, although the repetition of ' sudden' 
makes Forman's punctuation seem very plausible at first, I incline to 
think that the original punctuation is right, and that a new sentence 
is begun in stanza viii. The image of the lighted volcanoes is certainly 
most naturally taken to refer to the ' rain of fire,' the ' fearful glow of 
bombs ' which ' flares overhead ' (stanza iv), each discharge being com- 
pared with a volcanic eruption suddenly caused by earthquake. Compare 
the phraseology italicised in the following stanza from Marianne's Dream 

Sudden, from out that city sprung ^ 

A light that made the earth grow red ; 

Two flames that each with quivering tongue 
Licked its high domes, and overhead 

Among those mighty towers and fanes 

Dropped fire, as a volcano rains 

Its sulphurous ruin on the plains. 

28 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

The position of the words ' when the waves smile ' is, on any view, very 
awkward; and their meaning (unless we adopt Hutchinson's sugges- 
tion) is far from clear. Perhaps Shelley had in mind a contrast of 
natural and portentous colour, like that in stanza iv : 

For to the North I saw the town on fire, 
And its red light made morning pallid now, 
Which burst over wide Asia. 

Or did he imagine the ships in the bright Propontis each like a volcano- 
isle in eruption ? 

(5) Revolt of Islam, x. xii : 

Peace in the silent streets ! save when the cries 
Of victims to their fiery judgment led, 
Made pale their voiceless lips who seemed to dread 
Even in their dearest kindred, lest some tongue 
Be faithless to the fear yet unbetrayed ; 

This ill-written passage has perplexed the commentators, and I do not 
think either Rossetti or Forman has explained it rightly. ' The fear ' is 
practically equivalent to ' the fearful.' The cries of the victims made 
pale the lips of their kindred standing by, who seemed to dread lest one 
or other of the victims should break faith by informing against them, 
them who, though full of apprehensions, were as yet safe. 

(6) Revolt of Islam, x. xlvii : 

And, on that night, one without doubt or dread 

Came to the fire, and said, ' Stop, I am he ! 

Kill me !' They burned them both with hellish mockery. 

The interpretations of these lines given by Rossetti and Forman seem 
quite impossible. The meaning has been pointed out to me by my 
brother, F. H. Bradley. The orthodox are burning the infidels. One 
infidel, A, is just going to be burned. Another infidel, B, comes up and 
says, ' Stop ; that is not A ; / am A.' The orthodox burn both A and B, 
and think it an excellent joke. 

(7) Prince Athanase, Part i. Footnote at conclusion : 

' The Author was pursuing a fuller development of the ideal character 
of Athanase, when it struck him that in an attempt at extreme refine- 
ment and analysis, his conceptions might be betrayed into the assuming 
a morbid character. The reader will judge whether he is a loser or 
gainer by the difference.' 

The received text seems to be ' this difference,' not ' the.' But 
' difference ' should surely be ' diffidence.' Rossetti made this correction 


in his second edition (1878), iii. 241, but he printed Shelley's Note in 
so odd a place that his correction may well have escaped notice. 

(8) Prince Athanase, 255260 : 

How many a spirit then puts on the pinions 
Of fancy, and outstrips the lagging blast, 
And his own steps and over wide dominions 

Sweeps in his dream-drawn chariot, far and fast, 
More fleet than storms the wide world shrinks below, 
When winter and despondency are past. 

The awkwardness of the parenthesis 'the wide world shrinks below' 
is avoided in the corrected version deciphered with 'little doubt' by 


Exulting, while the wide world shrinks below, 

(9) Rosalind and Helen, 536546 : 

With woe, which never sleeps or slept, 

I wander now. 'Tis a vain thought 

But on yon alp, whose snowy head 

'Mid the azure air is islanded, 

(We see it o'er the flood of cloud, 

Which sunrise from its eastern caves 

Drives, wrinkling into golden waves, 

Hung with its precipices proud, 

From that gray stone where first we met) 

There now who knows the dead feel nought? 

Should be my grave ; 

Surely line 545 should run ' There now who knows/ etc. The * now' 
recalls 'now' in 537, and is contrasted with ' then ' in 559. 

(10) Rosalind and Helen, 612 : 

When Liberty's dear paean fell 
'Mid murderous howls. 

Possibly ' clear paean/ c clear ' being a very favourite word with Shelley, 
and very easily misread ' dear.' 

(11) Prometheus Unbound, n. ii, 38 : 

Like many a lake-surrounded flute. 

This is the reading of Mrs Shelley's editions and of the Bodleian MS. 
The editio princeps (1820) has 'lake-surrounding/ and this might be 
supported by reference to Queen Mob, VI. 5 10. Shelley himself may 
have written it and then changed it to ' lake-surrounded.' 

(12) Prometheus Unbound, IV. 165, 168 : 

And a heaven where yet heaven could never be. (165) 
With the powers of a world of perfect light. (168) 

30 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

It is necessary to the sense to substitute (with Woodberry) semicolons 
for the full-stops at the ends of these lines. 

(13) Peter Bell the Third, vi. xiii : 

The Devil then sent to Leipsic fair 
For Bern's translation of Kant's book ; 

' Professor Bern's Latin translation ' of Kant is mentioned in Peacock's 
Melincourt, chap. xxxi. Melincourt was published in 1818; and this 
chapter, which contains the skit on Coleridge (Moley Mystic), seems to 
have been of use to Shelley here. In it he might have found the joke 
about ' a pure anticipated cognition ' (note to vi. xvi). His ' Fire, 
which ex luce praebens fumum ' (xvii) may be due to Peacock's descrip- 
tion of the fire and smoke in Mr Mystic's room. Peacock might even 
be the 'friend' of xv: 

A friend, too, spoke in their dispraise, 
He never read them. 

(14) Peter Bell the Third, VI. xxix : 

'And I and you, 

My dearest Soul, will then make merry, 
As the Prince Regent did with Sherry, 
'Ay and at last desert me too'. 

The stanza that follows makes it almost certain, I think, that 
Hutchinson is right in conjecturally printing the last of these lines as 
the Soul's answer to Peter. But he has unconsciously reproduced a 
suggestion to the same effect by Rossetti, who however did not venture 
to alter the text. 

(15) The Witch of Atlas, Dedication, i: 

How, my dear Mary, are you critic-bitten 
(For vipers kill, though dead) by some review, 

Is 'dead' a misprint or miswriting for 'deaf ? Cf. Adonais, xxxvi (of 
the Quarterly reviewer), 

What deaf and viperous murderer could crown 
Life's early cup with such a draught of woe? 

It is true that there is no antithesis in ' kill, though deaf/ but if there 
is any point in ' kill, though dead ' I have missed it. 

(16) Epipsychidion, 557 : 

Where secure sleep may kill thine innocent lights ; 

It is hard to believe that Shelley meant to write ' kill/ though I can 
suggest no other word. 


(17) Fragments connected with Epipsychidion, 51 ff. : 

Why, if you were a lady, it were fair 

The world should know but, as I am afraid, 

The Quarterly would bait you if betrayed ; 

And if, as it will be sport to see them stumble 

Over all sorts of scandals, hear them mumble 55 

Their litany of curses some guess right, 

And others swear you're a Hermaphrodite ; 

Like that sweet marble monster of both sexes, 

Which looks so sweet and gentle that it vexes 

The very soul that the soul is gone 60 

Which lifted from her limbs the veil of stone. 

Probably the editor does best to print this without any alteration ; but 
I feel little doubt that, to give Shelley's meaning, we ought to delete 
both the comma after ' afraid ' (52) and the ' if in 54, and to regard the 
whole, from ' but ' (52) to the end of 61, as the protasis of an unfinished 
sentence, the sense of which would be: 'But, since I am afraid..., and 
since it will be sport to... hear them mumble their curses, to hear some 
guess right and others swear you're..., therefore I shall reveal nothing 
about you.' Rossetti proposed to omit 'if in 54. 

(18) The same, 154 ff. : 

What is that joy which serene infancy 
Perceives not, as the hours content them by, 
Each in a chain of blossoms, yet enjoys 
The shapes of this new world, in giant toys 
Wrought by the busy 

I cannot believe that ' content them by ' means ' pass pleasantly by.' 
' Them ' is probably a miswriting for ' trip ' or ' troop ' or ' throng ' or 
some such word. Perhaps ' in giant toys' should be ' as giant toys.' 

(19) Triumph of Life, 99 : 

All the four faces of that Charioteer 
Had their eyes banded. 

The Charioteer is taken, I believe, by most readers to be Time, but it 
seems more likely from a passage in Hellas that he is Destiny. See 
Hellas, 711 : 

The world's eyeless charioteer, 
Destiny, is hurrying by ! 

(20). Triumph of Life, 128: , 

All but the sacred few who could not tame 
Their spirits to the conquerors 

If ' conquerors ' is right, it will mean men who have dominated others, as 
in 264. But there is nothing in the context to point to this. The 

32 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

context shows that the ' sacred few ' are those who, like Jesus and 
Socrates, never yielded to the power of Life. Life, just before (112), has 
been compared with a ' conqueror ' in a Roman Triumph ; and so again 
we have, at 239 : 

For in the battle Life and they did wage, 
She remained conqueror ; 

and, at 304 : 

Whither the conqueror hurries me. 

It seems almost certain, therefore, that in the present passage ' con- 
querors' is a mere slip for ' conqueror,' or (less probably) for 'conqueror's' 
(' spirit ' being understood). 

(21) Triumph of Life, 188 ff. : 

' If thou canst, forbear 

To join the dance, which I had well forborne !' 
Said the grim Feature (of my thought aware). 

'I will unfold that which to this deep scorn 
Led me and my companions, and relate 
The progress of the pageant since the morn ; 

' If thirst of knowledge shall not then abate, 
Follow it thou even to the night, but I 
Am weary.' 

The third line ran, in the editions of 1824 and 1839, according to 
Hutchinson : 

Said the grim Feature of my thought : 'Aware 

(in the edition of 1839 the line ends with a comma : I have not seen 
that of 1824). Rossetti (1870) printed, 

Said the grim Feature (of my thought aware). 

And he says the emendation was Browning's. Had Browning then 
communicated it to Mrs Shelley? For in the edition of 1847 I find 

Said the grim Feature, (of my thought aware) ; 

It is a pity, in any case, that Rossetti did not print this semi-colon, or, 
better still, the comma of 1839 ; for surely the sentence is continuous 
down to ' morn,' and we ought therefore, further, to delete the comma 
after ' canst ' and the mark after ' forborne,' and read : 

'If thou canst forbear 

To join the dance, which I had well forborne,' 
Said the grim Feature, of my thought aware, 
'I will... 

(22) Triumph of Life, 265 : 

Fame singled out for her thunder-bearing minion ; 


Forman's proposal to omit ' out ' is surely right. The misprint is due 
to ' outlived ' in the next line. Shelley, I may add, does not elsewhere 
use ' out ' with ' single.' 

(23) Triumph of Life, 270 ff. : 

'he compelled 
The Proteus shape of Nature, as it slept 

To wake, and lead him to the caves that held 

The treasure of the secrets of its reign. 

See the great bards of elder time, who quelled 

The passions which they sung, as by their strain 
May well be known : their living melody 
Tempers its own contagion to the vein 

Of those who are infected with it I 
Have suffered what I wrote, or viler pain ! 
And so my words have seeds of misery 

Even as the deeds of others, not as theirs.' 
And then he pointed to a company, 

'Midst whom I quickly recognized the heirs 
Of Caesar's crime... 

Mrs Shelley, failing, I suppose, to observe or decipher the words 

Even as the deeds of others, not as theirs.' 
And then 

printed after ' misery ' some lines of asterisks, and then the following : 

[There is a chasm here in the MS. which it is impossible to fill up. It appears 
from the context, that other shapes pass, and that Kousseau still stood 
beside the dreamer, as] 

he pointed to a company, 

Garnett restored the missing words from the Boscombe MS., and 
Forman rightly questioned the ' chasm,' mainly on the ground that 
' company ' rhymes with ' melody,' ' I,' and ' misery.' This is not only 
so, but ' theirs ' gives the required third rhyme to ' heirs ' and ' snares ' 
(285). We may assume, therefore, that there is no chasm. But then 
there is redundancy : for ' melody,' ' I,' ' misery,' ' company ' give four 
rhymes ; and so do ' reign,' ' strain,' ' vein,' ' pain.' It seems likely, 
then, that, after writing ' I have suffered what I wrote, or viler pain/ 
Shelley meant to strike out the words between ' known ' and ' I,' and to 
fill up the gap in such a way that ' I ' would be the last word of the 
line beginning ' May well be known.' This would have put the metre 

(24) Triumph of Life, 334 : 9 

Like this harsh world in which I wake to weep, 

Surely 'woke.' Cf. for the error 296, where Mrs Shelley printed 
' comest ' for ' earnest.' 

M. L. K. 3 

34 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

(25) Stanzas April, 1814, ' Away ! the moor is dark ' : 

Duty and dereliction guide thee back to solitude. 

Shelley seems to have had a liking, in his youth, for the word ' dere- 
liction,' which he uses to mean 'the state of being abandoned.' 
Examples will be found in St Irvyne, ch. i, par. 4 s.f., and ch. ix, which 
opens thus : ' Ah ! poor, unsuspecting innocence ! and is that fair flower 
about to perish in the blasts of dereliction and unkindness ? ' See also 
his letter to his father, Dowden's Life, i, 207. 

(26) To . ' Yet look on me ' : 

Mrs Shelley printed these twelve lines in her Note to the Poems of 
1817, adding that they were early, though she could not give their 
date. She called them ' this fragment of a song,' and printed them as 
three quatrains. Rossetti regarded them, and printed them, as an 
unfinished sonnet, and his view seems to have been adopted by Dowden 
(Life, i, 422) and Hutchinson. But it may be observed that the first 
nine lines would form a Spenserian stanza with the Alexandrine 
reduced, and that the rhyme system then starts afresh, as though 
a new stanza were beginning. The fragment is evidently a first draft, 
and it seems likely that a monosyllabic verb has dropped out between 
1 thou ' and ' alone/ and that ' lov'st ' has consequently been expanded 
into ' lovest.' 

(27) The Sunset, 21 : 

'Is it not strange, Isabel,' said the youth, 
'I never saw the sun? We will walk here 
Tomorrow ; thou shalt look on it with me.' 

The youth's statement that he never saw the sun always appeared 
to me extraordinary, and I had wondered if Shelley meant to write 
' sunrise.' Forman not only conjectured that he did, but proposed 

to read, 

I never saw the sunrise ? We will wake here 

This conjecture, says Woodberry, ' substitutes melodrama for natural 
feeling and expression ' ; but he gives no interpretation of the ' natural 
expression.' The conjecture is tempting, but on the whole I should 
reject it, mainly because of the rhythm. ' Walk/ too, is natural, for they 
were walking as they watched the colours of the sunset (9). But what 
then can the statement ' I never saw the sun ' mean ? It appears from 
the preceding lines that the sun had already set when they were 
watching the sky ; and it has been suggested to me that ' I never saw 
the sun ' means simply ' I did not see the sun/ ' never ' being used as 


when we say, e.g., ' I never noticed that A had left the room ' instead of 
'I did not notice...' 

The words 'broad and burning' in line 17 form one of many 
instances in these early poems of reminiscences of Coleridge (see 
Ancient Mariner, 180). 

(28) Mont Blanc, 47 : 

till the breast 
From which they fled recalls them, thou art there ! 

The line ending ' there ' is the only one in the section that has no 
rhyme; and the last three words read strangely. If right, they must 
surely form a clause co-ordinate with the preceding clause, and should 
have a dash before them to make this clear. 

(29) Fragment : To a Friend released from Prison : ' For me > 
my friend.' 

(30) Fragment : ' A Gentle Story of two Lovers Young! 

These two stanzas, printed respectively among the Poems of 1817 and 
1819, are in the same very unusual metre. Are they not connected ? 
If the first is addressed to Leigh Hunt, is it possible that the second 
refers to his Story of Rimini (1816) ? I quote the second : 

A gentle story of two lovers young, 

Who met in innocence and died in sorrow, 
And of one selfish heart, whose rancour clung 
Like curses on them ; are ye slow to borrow 
The lore of truth from such a tale ? 
Or in this world's deserted vale, 
Do ye not see a star of gladness 
Pierce the shadows of its sadness, 
When ye are cold, that love is a light sent 
From Heaven, which none shall quench, to sheen the innocent? 

I do not find the dash after ' sadness ' in the editions of Mrs Shelley* 
Forman, or Dowden, and do not know if it is a conjecture. But in 
any case what does the next line mean ? Rossetti prints a note of 
interrogation after ' cold,' so as to connect the clause with the immedi- 
ately preceding words ; but this conjecture still leaves the rest of the 
sentence without a construction, and, however prosaic the suggestion 
may sound at first, I feel little doubt that what Shelley wrote was ' told/ 
not ' cold.' 

(31) Lines written among the Euganean Hills : the conclusion :. 

We may live so happy there, 

That the Spirits of the Air, 

Envying us, may even entice 

To our healing Paradise 

The polluting multitude ; 

But their rage would be subdued 


36 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

By that clime divine and calm, 

And the winds whose wings rain balm 

On the uplifted soul, and leaves 

Under which the bright sea heaves ; 

While each breathless interval 

In their whisperings musical 

The inspired soul supplies 

With its own deep melodies, 

And the love which heals all strife 

Circling, like the breath of life, 

All things in that sweet abode 

With its own mild brotherhood : 

They, not it, would change ; and soon 

Every sprite beneath the moon 

Would repent its envy vain, 

And the earth grow young again. 

What is the construction of 'And the love... brotherhood' ? With the 
punctuation printed above, 'And' must connect 'the love' with the 
' melodies ' of the preceding line ; and the meaning will be that the 
inspired soul supplies each interval in the whisperings of the leaves with 
its own deep melodies and with the love which heals all strife by 
circling, etc. Then ' They, not it, would change ' is an independent new 
sentence. I find it difficult to believe that this is what Shelley 
intended. I suggest that his meaning would be conveyed, if a semi- 
colon were printed after ' melodies/ and if the next lines were punc- 
tuated thus : 

And, the love which heals all strife 

Circling, like the breath of life, 

All things in that sweet abode 

With its own mild brotherhood, 

They, not it, would change ; 

i.e. 'and, since [or while] the love which heals all strife encircles all 
things in that sweet abode, what would be changed would be the multi- 
tude, not the abode.' This is a somewhat awkward construction (and I 
should imagine that, when Shelley began the line 'And the love,' he 
meant 'love' to be the subject of a verb like 'would change them'); 
but it is more probable, I think, that he admitted this awkwardness 
than that he broke the flow of his peroration by abruptly beginning a 
new sentence four lines from the end of the poem. 

It should be remembered that, in Forman's opinion, the proofs of 
this poem were probably corrected by Peacock, who, Forman also thinks, 
changed Shelley's punctuation, substituting other stops for the dashes 
of the MS. 

(32) The Woodman and the Nightingale, line 6 : 

And as a vale is watered by a flood, 
Or as the moonlight fills the open sky 


Struggling with darkness as a tuberose 
Peoples some Indian dell with scents, etc. 

The simile beginning ' as a tuberose ' is the third of three ; and the 
second of them begins ' or.' ' Tuberose,' further, seems to be a disyllable 
in the only other passage where Shelley uses it, Sensitive Plant, 37 : 

And the jessamine faint, and the sweet tuberose. 

It seems therefore probable that here he wrote, or meant to write, ' or 
as a tuberose.' 

(33) Fragment : ' My head is wild with weeping.' 

I walk into the air (but no relief 

To seek, or haply, if I sought, to find; 
It came unsought) ; 

I suspect the semi-colon after ' find ' should be struck out. 

(34) Fragment : ' When a lover clasps his fairest.' 

These two stanzas are in the metre of Misery, and might be a rejected 
part of it. 

(35) A Vision of the Sea, 121 : 

And that breach in the tempest is widening away. 
Perhaps Shelley wrote ' alway ' (a form of which he was rather fond). 

(36) Ode to Liberty, stanza i, line 5 : 

My soul spurned the chains of its dismay, 
And in the rapid plumes of song 
Clothed itself, sublime and strong, 
(As a young eagle soars the morning clouds among,) 
Hovering in verse o'er its accustomed prey ; 

The punctuation seems to be conjectural. That of the editio princeps 
(1820) has a semi-colon at ' strong ' and no marks of parenthesis round 
the next line ; and this is also the punctuation of Mrs Shelley's editions. 
Hutchinson's text connects the line ' Hovering/ etc. with ' My soul.' 
The received punctuation would rather connect it with ' young eagle.' 
If the latter is right, 'in verse' cannot be right; and I strongly suspect 
that Rossetti's conjecture ' inverse ' (which the Oxford text does not 
record) is the true reading. Shelley used this word in the Letter to 
Maria Gisborne, 261 (a poem written a few months after the Ode to 

Or whether clouds sail o'er the inverse deep. 

'The inverse deep' means, I suppose, the deep which looks down on 
the earth. In the present passage ' inverse ' would have the same 

38 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

meaning. The expression may be thought odd or prosaic, but it is, at 
least, as good as the alternative, which makes the line a periphrasis 
for 'beginning to write poetry on its usual subjects.' On the other 
hand I suppose, from Woodberry's text, that ' in verse ' has the authority 
of the Harvard MS. 

(37) Ode to Liberty, stanza xvii : 

The obscurity of this stanza is due to the fact that, while the word ' if ' 
is used in different senses, it is naturally taken by the reader to have 
the same sense throughout. In lines 4 and 13 it has its usual meaning, 
but in lines 6 and 9 'What if means 'What though.' Thus the 
general sense of the last ten lines is : What is the use of the conquests 
of Science and Art if the results of these conquests are misapplied ? 

(38) Ode to Naples, 100 : 

That wealth, surviving fate, 
Be thine. All hail ! 

What does 'surviving fate' mean? Can the true reading be 'That 
wealth-surviving fate be thine ! ' ? 

(39) Fragment : ' I dreamed that Milton's spirit ' : 

I dreamed that Milton's spirit rose, and took 

From life's green tree his Uranian lute ; 
And from his touch sweet thunder flowed, and shook 
All human things built in contempt of man. 

Surely the second line should end ' his lute Uranian.' 

(40) Love, Hope, Desire, and Fear : 

This, as I have shown, is not an original poem, but a very free trans- 
lation of Brunetto Latini's Tesoretto, lines 81 154. See the Athenaeum 
for April 15, 1899. 

(41) Ginevra, 103 : 

And left her at her own request to keep 
An hour of quiet and rest. 

Surely 'quiet rest.' Cf. Hellas, 26, 

So thou might'st win one hour of quiet sleep. 

(42) The Boat on the Serchio, 30 : 

All rose to do the task He set to each, 

Who shaped us to His ends and not our own. 

This is, I think, the most decidedly ' theistic ' passage in Shelley (I do 
not know, by the way, where the capital in ' His ' comes from). I never 


read it without surprise. It has a curious resemblance to the passage 
at the opening of the Triumph of Life, where all things are said to 

Rise as the Sun their father rose, to bear 
Their portion of the toil, which he of old 
Took as his own, and then imposed on them. 

(43) The Boat on the Serchio, 4851 : 

These lines, beginning ' If morning dreams,' and ending ' time of day/ 
are evidently one alternative version; and 61 65, 'Of us... knows 
where,' are another. One or the other, therefore, should be printed only 
in a footnote. 

(44) Fragment : ' And that I walk ' : 

And that I walk thus proudly crowned withal 
Is that 'tis my distinction. 

Surely Shelley meant to write ' 'Tis that is,' or ' In that is.' 

(45) Fragment : The False Laurel : ' What art thou.' 

This is in terza rima. Can it be connected with the Triumph of 
Life ? Unless I mistake, the inverted commas which mark it as a 
dialogue are due to Rossetti's conjecture. But the Oxford edition has 
no note. 

(46) The Magnetic Lady to her Patient, 43 : 

And as I must on earth abide 
Awhile, yet tempt me not to break 
My chain. 

Should not the second line run ' Awhile yet, tempt me not to break ' ? 

(47) To Jane, the Recollection, in : 

We paused amid the pines that stood 

The giants of the waste, 
Tortured by storms to shapes as rude 

As serpents interlaced, 
And soothed by every azure breath, 

That under Heaven is blown, 
To harmonies and hues beneath, 

As tender as its own ; 
Now all the tree-tops lay asleep, 

Like green waves on the sea, 
As still as in the silent deep 

The ocean woods may be. 

I cannot help suspecting that the comma in line 4, and tile semi-colon 
in line 8, should change places ; i.e. that the participle ' soothed ' in line 5 
refers to ' tree-tops' in line 9, not to ' pines' in line 1. The last eight 
lines, it should be remembered, were not part of the poem as first 

40 Notes on Passages in Shelley 


(I refer to the pages of Mrs Shelley's edition of the Essays, Letters, 
etc., 2 vols. 1852, and to those of Forman's edition of the Prose Works.) 

(48) Defence of Poetry, Essays, i. 11; Forman, iii. 106: 'An 
observation of the regular mode of the recurrence of harmony in the 
language of poetical minds, together with its relation to music, produced 
metre, or a certain system of traditional forms of harmony and language.' 
The last three words should surely be ' harmony in language/ 

(49) Defence of Poetry, Essays, i. 21 ; Forman, iii. 116 : ' The 
drama, so long as it continues to express poetry, is as a prismatic and 
many-sided mirror, which collects the brightest rays of human nature 
and divides and reproduces them from the simplicity of these elementary 
forms.' Shelley perhaps meant ' divides them and reproduces from 

(50) The next sentence but one should read : ' Tragedy becomes a 
cold imitation of the form of the great masterpieces of antiquity, divested 
of all harmonious accompaniment of the kindred arts (and often the very 
form misunderstood); or a weak attempt to teach certain doctrines,' etc. 
'Are infected,' at the end of the sentence, is of course a mistake for 
'is infected.' 

(51) Defence of Poetry, Essays, i. 22; Forman, iii. 117: 'At 
such periods the calculating principle pervades all the forms of dramatic 
exhibition, and poetry ceases to be expressed upon them.' Read ' im- 
pressed ' for ' expressed,' which occurs five lines above. 

(52) On the Punishment of Death, Essays, i. 175 ; Forman, ii. 
248 : ' there is a certain analogy, not wholly absurd, between the 
consequences resulting to an individual during life from the virtuous or 
vicious, prudent or imprudent, conduct of his external actions, to those 
consequences which are conjectured,' etc. ' To those consequences ' is 
obviously miswritten for ' and those consequences.' 

(53) On Life, Essays, i. 183 ; Forman, ii. 259 : ' The shocking 
absurdities of the popular philosophy of mind and matter, its fatal 
consequences in morals, and their violent dogmatism concerning the 
source of all things, had early conducted me to materialism.' ' Their ' 
is a miswriting for 'its.' 


(54) On a Future State, Essays, i. 192; Forman, ii. 277: 'It is 
probable that what we call thought is not an actual being, but no more 
than the relation between certain parts of that infinitely varied mass, of 
which the rest of the universe is composed, and which ceases to exist so 
soon as those parts change their position with regard to each other.' 
The ' which ' before ' ceases to exist ' refers to ' relation/ not to ' mass.' 
What Shelley meant was ' and that it.' 

(55) Ib., six sentences further on : ' Yet the difference between 
light and earth is scarcely greater than that which exists between life, 
or thought, and fire.' Shelley meant ' less great,' not ' greater.' 

(56) Ib., Essays, i. 193 ; Forman, ii. 278 : ' For when we use the 
words principle, power, cause, &c., we mean to express no real being, 
but only to class under those terms a certain series of co-existing 
phenomena ; but let it be supposed that this principle is a certain 
substance,' etc. A quite new sentence should begin with the words 
' but let.' What precedes is parenthetical. 

(57) Speculations on Metaphysics, Essays, i. 196 ; Forrnan, ii. 284 : 
' It has commonly been supposed that those distinct thoughts which 
affect a number of persons, at regular intervals, during the passage of a 
multitude of other thoughts, which are called real or external objects, 
are totally different in kind from those which affect only a few persons, 
and which recur at irregular intervals, and are usually more obscure and 
indistinct, such as hallucinations^ dreams, and the ideas of madness.' 
The clause which runs ' which are called real or external objects ' should 
read ' and which,' etc. The ' which,' that is to say, refers not to 
' thoughts ' immediately preceding it, but to ' those distinct thoughts ' 
two lines above. Shelley's point is that the thoughts which are called 
external objects, and the thoughts which are called hallucinations, 
dreams, etc., differ not in kind but only in force. 

(58) Ib., Essays, i. 199; Forman, ii. 286: ''For if the inequalities, 
produced by what has been termed the operations of the external 
universe were levelled by the perception of our being, uniting, and 
filling up their interstices, motion and mensuration, and time, and space ; 
the elements of the human mind being thus abstracted, ^nsation and 
imagination cease.' This punctuation, which places ' motion,' ' mensur- 
ation,' ' time,' and ' space ' in apposition with ' interstices,' turns the 
sentence into nonsense. The words ' the elements of the human mind ' 
are in apposition with 'motion and mensuration and time and space/ 

42 Notes on Passages in Shelley 

as the drift of the argument shows. Shelley's meaning may be expressed 
thus: If the inequalities produced by the so-called operations of the 
external universe were levelled through the interstices being filled up 
by the perception of our existence, sensation and imagination would 
cease ; for motion, mensuration, space and time would have disappeared, 
and these are the elements of the human mind. The semi-colon after 
* space ' should be a comma, and another comma should be inserted after 
' mind ' ; or else ' the elements of the human mind ' should be enclosed 
in marks of parenthesis. 

(59) /&., Essays, i. 200 ; Forman, ii. 288 : ' It is said,' etc. Forman 
rightly observes that this paragraph does not seem to have any necessary 
connection with the others. If it is not a mere detached remark, it may 
well be connected with the sentence just dealt with in (58). 

(60) /&., Essays, i. 202 ; Forman, ii. 293 : ' This is merely an affair 
of words, and as the dispute deserves, to say, that when speaking of the 
objects of thought, we indeed only describe one of the forms of thought 
or that, speaking of thought, we only apprehend one of the operations 
of the universal system of beings.' There is evidently something wrong 
here, but the meaning is plain enough, and I see no reason to doubt, 
with Forman, the correctness of ' beings.' But there is miswriting or 
corruption in ' and as the dispute deserves,' and it is probably impossible 
to conjecture what Shelley wrote or meant to write. The sense might 
have been ' and the only answer the dispute deserves is to say ' ; or, 
more probably, ' and all the purpose the dispute serves is to show.' 

Mrs Shelley used extravagant language about her husband's philo- 
sophical powers, but it is evident that she did not understand these 

I cannot end without congratulating Mr Hutchinson on the excel- 
lence of his edition. In these Notes I have naturally been led to 
comment on places where slight changes in it may be desirable ; but no 
student can help admiring the thoroughness and judgment displayed 
throughout it. When we are able to compare with it the promised 
edition by Mr Locock we may hope to reach the completion of the 
process which since 1862, the date of Garnett's Relics of Shelley, has so 
greatly enlarged and purified the text of the Poetical Works. 



' AND seeing you have used me so friendly, as to make me acquainted 
with your passions, I will shortly make you pryvie to mine, which I 
woulde be loth the printer shoulde see, for that my fancies being never 
so crooked he would put them in streight lines, unfit for my humor, 
necessarie for his art, who setteth downe, blinde, in as many letters as 
seeing.' These words, from an epistle to Thomas Watson, constitute 
the whole of the external evidence to which an editor can point of 
Lyly having ever written verse of a lyrical nature. It is neither a very 
clear nor a very full confession. Probably many lovers of literature who 
are in the habit of regarding Lyly as one of the choicest of the 
Elizabethan songsters, will be surprised to learn that nothing is heard 
of the authorship of the poems on which his reputation in this line is 
based, till he had been reposing for over a quarter of a century in the 
vaults of St Bartholomew the Less. This is remarkable ; still more so 
is the fact that no critic has ever fairly faced the question of authenticity, 
or endeavoured to collect and appraise the available evidence. Although 
not hopeful of arriving at any definite conclusion in the matter, I have 
thought that some more or less detailed discussion might not be amiss, 
if only with a view to clearing the ground for further investigation. 

The first problem is to define the area of inquiry. Besides the 
eight plays of undoubted authorship, there have been ascribed to Lyly 
a comedy entitled The Maid's Metamorphosis, several ' Entertainments,' 
and a considerable mass of anonymous verse from various printed and 
manuscript collections. These latter need not detain us. Of the 
seventy-three poems ascribed to Lyly by Mr Bond in his recent edition, 
several have since been shown to be unquestionably the \*brk of other 
writers. This fact proves that the internal evidence upon which the 
ascriptions were made was of an inadequate character. So also with 
the ' Entertainments.' The attempt to connect Lyly with the Office of 
the Revels having failed, there is no external evidence to associate him 

44 The Authorship of the Songs in Lyly's Plays 

with these semi-dramatic performances. While, moreover, the bulk of 
the lyric verse they contain might have been written by anybody, the 
only piece of conspicuous merit is not only assigned to Nicholas Breton 
on excellent printed and manuscript authority, but is as like that poet's 
work as it is unlike any of the songs found in Lyly's plays. 

The authorship of the Maid's Metamorphosis is a more complicated 
question, and must be considered in some detail. Printed in 1600, it 
was first ascribed to Lyly in Edward Archer's catalogue in 1656. This 
attribution was endorsed in 1661 by Francis Kirkman, and in 1687 by 
William Winstanley in his Lives of the English Poets. The latter, 
however, appears to have confused the play with Loves Metamorphosis, 
which he omits. Winstanley was followed by Langbaine and by all 
subsequent bibliographers down to Halliwell in 1860. Mr Bond supposes 
Collier to have been the first to hint a doubt, and quotes the words 
'attributed doubtfully to Lyly' from his History of Dramatic Poetry 
(iii. p. 12); but the 'doubtfully' is an insertion which first appeared in 
the edition of 1879. Consequently Fairholt, who excluded the piece 
from his edition of the plays in 1858, must be regarded as the first to 
question the tradition. Since he wrote, it has been generally recognised 
that Lyly's claim, at any rate to the sole authorship of the piece, is 
unfounded. Mr Gosse suggested Day as the author, a view perhaps 
rather hastily endorsed by Mr Bullen, and later by Mr. Bond, who, 
however, is inclined to see Lyly's hand in the prose scenes II. ii. and 
ill. ii., as also in the duet in IV. ii. and the final song in v. ii. Mr Fleay, 
on the other hand, is confident in assigning the bulk of the play, which 
is in verse, to Daniel, and n. ii. and in. ii. to Lyly. He makes no 
mention of the songs. 

With the ascription to Day we need not here concern ourselves. 
I do not, for my own part, find much resemblance with Day's undoubted 
work, and Mr Fleay has raised historical objections of some weight. 
The other theories involve a dual authorship. This I see no sufficient 
reason to allow. Mr Fleay writes that the prose scenes ' are clearly 
insertions by a second hand,' but this method of splitting up plays is 
one of which he is perhaps over-fond, and not unfrequently raises 
greater difficulties than it solves. In the present case it is true that 
the serious and comic parts are written in two very distinct styles, but 
the author, whoever he may have been, was obviously a beginner in 
the art and relied largely on imitation. Since, as Collier long ago 
observed, he imitated Spenser in many of the verse passages of the 
play, why should he not have imitated Lyly in the prose scenes ? There 

W. W. GREG 45 

are also certain considerations that directly point to a unity of author- 
ship. Thus in n. i. verse and prose are intimately associated ; yet the 
latter closely resembles in style that of the comic scenes. Moreover, 
the page Joculo, speaking in prose, adopts the rather unusual device 
of addressing the audience directly, which device is also resorted to 
by Eurymine in a verse speech in ill. i. To Daniel's authorship of 
the verse part there are objections which appear to me insuperable. 
Mr Fleay writes: 'Daniel had, at the death of Spenser, 1599, become 
Court poet, and the style of most of the play is just that of his earlier 
dramatic work. The fondness for rhyme, the introduction of Juno, Iris, 
and Somnus in ii. 1 (some of the very words are repeated in his Vision 
of the Twelve Goddesses, 1604), the fall of the metre, and the pastoral 
plot all point to Daniel as the main author.' Now, the alleged parallels 
between the Maid's Metamorphosis and Daniel's Vision, appear, like 
others that could be cited, to exist chiefly in Mr Fleay 's imagination, 
for Mr Bond declares that he has looked for them in vain, and so have I. 
The only resemblance lies in the last words of Somnus in either case ; 
in the masque : ' He to sleepe againe ' ; in the play : ' And I to sleepe, as 
fast as I can hie.' It may be sufficient to remark that Ovid, in the 
passage that both poets were imitating, had written : ' rursus molli 
languore solutus deposuitque caput stratoque recondidit alto ' (Met. xi. 
648). The nature of the plot I regard as one of the strongest arguments 
against Daniel's authorship. It would, indeed, require very cogent 
proof to convince me that the poet who a few years later was to be the 
chief exponent of the orthodox Italian tradition in pastoral, was in 1600 
engaged in the composition of this, the earliest and perhaps the most 
notable play of the mixed pastoral-courtly-mythological type. The 
verse, lastly, is in a totally different manner. Daniel's is polished and 
even, rarely either soaring or contemptible, but with a tendency to 
pretty flabbiness ; the rimes are usually alternate. That of the Maid's 
Metamorphosis is experimental, imitative, amateurish, often careless 
and rugged, then again at times pointed and nervous, throughout 
extraordinarily unequal ; the rimes are usually in couplets. Daniel 
never sank to the fatuity of some passages that might be quoted from 
the play, nor did he ever succeed in beating out such haunting music 
as that of the lines describing Atalanta, when 

with her traine of nymphs attending on 
She came to hunt the Bore of Calydon. (i. i. 328.) 

There is more to be said in favour of Lyly's authorship of the prose 
scenes and of the songs, for the former at any rate, if not by him, were 

46 The Authorship of the Songs in Lyly's Plays 

at least composed under his immediate influence. I am, nevertheless, 
inclined to question the ascription. The waggish pages of Lyly early 
passed into tradition, especially pastoral tradition, and though the 
likeness to the original is certainly closer in the present play than 
elsewhere, it can hardly be argued that the scenes in question would 
have been beyond the powers of a clever imitator. Moreover, though 
Lyly is by no means invariably decorous in his jests, he never quite 
condescended to the level of childish obscenity touched in certain 
passages of the Maid's Metamorphosis. Symonds, again, declared that 
' the lyrics are not in his manner,' and though the doubt as to whether 
those commonly ascribed to him are really the work of one man suggests 
caution, I think that in the more distinguished examples at least a 
different hand may be traced. Thus the songs in Lyly's plays contain 
nothing in the style of the following intricate jingles from Eurymine's 
prayer in i. i. : 

Ye sacred Fyres, and powers above, 
Forge of desires, working love, 
Cast downe your eye, cast downe your eye 
Upon a Mayde in miserie. 

Nor do we find anything at all comparable to the striking crescendo of 
antiphonal effect in the duet between the shepherd and the woodman 
in IV. ii. : 

Oemulo. As little Lambes lift up their snowie sides, 

When mounting Larke salutes the gray-eyed morne 

Silvio. As from the Oaken leaves the honie glides, 

Where Nightingales record upon the thorne 

Gem. So rise my thoughts 

Sil. So all my sences cheere 

Gem. When she surveyes my flocks 

Sil. And she my Deare. 

Gem. Eurymine ! 

Sil. Eurymine ! 

Gem. Come foorth ! 

Sil. Come foorth ! 

Gem. Come foorth and cheere these plaines ! 

Both. Eurymine, come foorth and cheere these plaines 

Sil. The Wood-mans Love 

Gem. And Lady of the Swaynes ! 

In considering Lyly's claim to be regarded as a lyrist, we may then, 
I think, confine our attention to the songs contained in the eight plays 
of undoubted authorship. According to Mr Bond, these plays originally 
contained thirty-two songs. With two exceptions, however, these are 
all omitted in the original quartos. The exceptions occur in the 
Woman in the Moon. They appear to have been retained by an over- 
sight, being printed as part of the dialogue, from which Mr Bond takes. 

W. W. GREG 47 

to himself some credit for disentangling them. Dainty enough in their 
way, they are yet such as any literary hack of the time might have 
written. The play also contained other songs which have disappeared, 
as have those that once adorned Loves Metamorphosis ; these two pieces 
being only preserved in the original quartos. The attribution of the 
remaining songs entirely lacks contemporary authority. Moreover, when 
they appear, they do so in a manner well calculated to arouse suspicion. 
It was as late as 1632, namely, that Edward Blount issued his 
Six Court Comedies, containing all Lyly's previously published plays, 
with the exception of the two mentioned above. In this collection 
the remaining twenty-one extant songs first appeared. Had Blount 
printed the plays from an independent .manuscript source, there would 
have been no external reason to question the authenticity of any new 
matter they might happen to contain. But this was not the case. 
As Mr Bond has shown, the Six Court Comedies were printed from 
the quartos, and in cases where a choice was possible from the latest 
and most corrupt. The songs must, therefore, have been obtained 
independently, and the question arises, whence. Had Blount procured 
the actual score as originally distributed to the actors, he would surely 
have blazoned the fact in his prefatory epistle, or even upon the title- 
page of the work. Had the pieces reprinted still held the stage we 
might have supposed that he had obtained from the playhouse the 
songs then in use; but nothing is more certain than that not one of 
Lyly's plays had been acted for a quarter of a century or more. On 
the other hand the verses first printed in his volume were no fortuitous 
collection of contemporary lyrics. Several at least were written for the 
positions they now occupy. Can he have commissioned some poet of 
the time to supply the deficiencies either by judicious adaptation, or by 
original composition ? There is one sentence in his epistle ' To the 
Reader ' which may conceivably bear upon the point. ' These Papers 
of his,' writes Blount, ' lay like dead Lawrels in a Churchyard ; But 
I have gathered the scattered branches up, and by a Charme (gotten 
from Apollo) made them greene againe, and set them up as Epitaphes 
to his Memory.' The ' Charme gotten from Apollo ' must surely, even 
in publisher's hyperbole, mean something beyond the mere fact of 
reprinting. He may conceivably have been referring to the acceptance 
of the dedication by Lord Lumley, or he may have had in mind the 
supplying of defects in the earlier editions; it would indeed be an 
over-modest way of referring to the recovery of some of his author's, 
choicest work. Let us examine the songs more closely. 

48 The Authorship of the Songs in Lylys Plays 

The twenty-one lyrics in question were all printed for the first time 
in Blount's collection. In two cases, however, a song re-appeared in 
another work which, though printed at a later date, had been written 
earlier. They are the first and third songs in Campaspe. Of these 
' for a Bowie of fatt Canary, Rich Palermo, sparkling Sherry,' occurs 
with slight variations in Middleton's play, A Mad World, my Masters. 
This was first printed in 1608, but the song is not found until the 
second edition in 1640. Middleton's version differs from Blount's in 
reading ' Aristippus ' for ' Palermo ' in 1. 2, and ' come down ' for ' leape 
down' in 1. 16. I take Blount's to be the original. Of course, the 
insertion of the verses in Middleton's play in 1640, after they had 
appeared in the collection of 1632, is not of much consequence. It 
should, however, be remarked that they are not merely inserted to fill 
a gap in the text, but deliberately added at the end with the heading : 
' The Catch for the Fifth Act, sung by Sir Bounteous Progresse to his 
Guests.' I have no doubt that, whatever may have been the origin of 
the song, it formed part of the play as acted at Salisbury Court. 
Mr Bullen thinks that ' perhaps neither Middleton nor Lyly wrote it.' 
Possibly; but I would suggest a comparison with another song in 
Middleton's Spanish Gipsy, a play first printed in 1653 though acted 
thirty years before. The song, ' Trip it, gipsies, trip it fine/ occurs in 
in. i., and will be found, I think, to possess several points of similarity 
with that printed by Blount, especially in the use of ' girls ' for the more 
usual ' wenches,' and in the allusions to various different wines. At 
least, I would ask any reader whether, after comparing the two, he 
thinks it likely that one should belong to about 1580 and the other to 
about 1620. I should remark that the earliest literary reference to 
Canary wine is thirteen years later than the first edition of Campaspe, 
which appeared in 1584. It was, indeed, known earlier than this, for 
we find in Holinshed's Description of England (bk. n. ch. 6) mention 
not ' of small wines onlie, as Claret, White, Red, French, &c : which 
amount to about fiftie six sorts, according to the number of regions 
from whence they come : but also of the thirtie kinds of Italian, 
Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, &c : whereof Vervage, Gate pument, Raspis, 
Muscadell, Romnie, Bastard Tire, Oseie, Caprike, Clareie & Malmeseie 
are not least of all accompted of, bicause of their strength and valure ' 
(Chronicles, 1587, i. p. 167 ; the passage is not found in the earlier 
edition). It does not, however, follow that the 'Canarian' wine was 
known as ' Canary,' or that it was a popular favourite, as it must have 
been when the song was written; but rather the reverse. The first 

W. W. GREG 51 

much later. In the Midas song also occurs the expression ' checkered- 
apron men,' which the editor is only able to explain by a reference in 
1688. It should further be remarked that Blount's collection contains 
one other addition to the original text of the plays. This is the dumb 
show in Endimion n. iii. It is simply the representation of the dream 
subsequently related by Endimion in v. i. Lyly does not use this 
device elsewhere. Mr Bond writes : ' It is unused by Marlowe, Lodge, 
and Nash. It marks, in fact, an earlier date than that at which these 
dramatists wrote.' In this he is in error. It was by no means 
infrequent in the seventeenth century down to the time of Webster, 
and there is, therefore, nothing improbable in a reviser having inserted 
it. It is true that none of the above considerations can be held to be 
of much weight individually, but coming on the top of the evidence to 
be derived from the first two songs we considered, they are to my mind 
at least significant. 

When once the question of the authenticity of the songs has been 
fairly raised, it must be apparent upon what slight grounds Lyly's 
reputation as a lyrist really rests. It is remarkable that not a single 
allusion exists to him as a songster, though he is frequently mentioned 
as a prose writer. It is also significant that in the two parts of his 
lengthy novel the only verses introduced are a copy of Latin elegiacs, 
and there is nothing either in his prose or verse to suggest that he was 
gifted with any lyrical aptitude. In no instance does a song from his 
plays occur in any of the early collections whether in print or manuscript. 
When the majority of the songs do appear they come before us in an 
indeed questionable shape. We find ourselves forced to choose between 
two theories. On the one hand we may suppose with Mr Bond that by 
some fortunate accident Blount was able to procure the original score 
of the songs which Lyly had givert to his boys when the plays were 
first performed, or at least a copy from that original. Such unhoped- 
for chances do occur in the history of letters ; but the theory involves 
us in the many serious difficulties I have indicated above. On the 
other hand we may suppose that Blount, in order to freshen up the 
'dead Lawrels' of the old wit, commissioned some contemporary poet 
to supply a score or so of songs for various places indicated in the text. 
There are certainly objections of an a priori nature to thi^ theory, but 
it seems to me to involve the fewer difficulties of the two. It also 
suggests an explanation of the very varying quality and style of the 
lyrics, since there would no longer be any reason to suppose that they 
were the work of one man, but might have been collected from a great 


52 The Authorship of the Songs in Lyly's Plays 

variety of sources. The fact of the songs being omitted from the early 
editions need not surprise us. The old quartos omit songs as often as 
not. The consistency of the omission, however, is a little unusual. 
Mr Bond thinks that the importance of the musical rights may have 
been the cause. It might be suggested, on the other hand, that the 
omission was due to the fact of their being in themselves of negligible 
literary worth, in many cases very likely not even original, and in none 
of a nature to lend lustre to the elaborate artistry of the prose. This 
theory certainly receives colour from the two songs which have been, as 
it were accidentally, preserved. 

Can we form any idea as to who the collector, adapter, and author 
of this miscellaneous score of lyrics can have been ? Blount is hardly 
likely to have done the work himself. The name of Thomas Dekker 
has been prominent in the above discussion ; that of Thomas Middleton 
has also appeared. It should be borne in mind that the two colla- 
borated. Mr Fleay, noting that the song in the Suns Darling is also 
found in Blount's collection, remarks : ' This would lead one to suppose 
that the other songs in that edition which do not appear in the earlier 
editions are also by Dekker. I for one believe them to be so.' The 
conclusion may be hasty, but not more hasty than that of critics who 
have accepted them as the undoubted work of Lyly. Dekker was hard 
put to it for a living in his later years, and glad of anything that his 
pen could earn. In 1631, according to Mr Fleay, he had sunk so far 
as to publish old plays only partially his. Was it at this time that he 
undertook Blount's commission ? If so one can only hope that he 
received the remuneration of his labours in time to relieve the necessity 
of his last days. His death occurred the year of the publication of 
the Six Court Comedies. 

W. W. GREG. 


(1) Tempest, iii, 2, 63 : 

Stephano. That's most certain. 

The context seems to me to favour the transferring of these words 
to the invisible Ariel. 

(2) Tempest, iv, 1, 179: 

calf-like they my lowing foilow'd, through 
Tooth'd briars, sharp furzes, pricking goss and thorns 
Which entered their frail shins : at last I left them 
I' the filthy-mantled pool beyond your cell, 
There dancing up to the chins, that the foul lake 
O'erstunk their feet. 

Ariel's performance was perhaps suggested by Marlowe's Faustus, 
iv, 2: 

Go, Belimoth, and take this caitiff hence, 
And hurl him in some lake of mud and dirt : 
Take thou this other, drag him through the woods 
Amongst the pricking thorns and sharpest briars. 

(3) // Henry IV, iii, 2, 339 : 

a' came ever in the rearward (F x rereward) of the fashion. , 
The phrase recurs in Ben Jonson's Cynthia's Eevels (in which other 
Shakespearian echoes have been noted, especially a passage in ii, 3, 
echoing Julius Caesar, v, 5, 73 75, and one in v, 6, echoing Midsummer 
Night's Dream, v, 1, 82, 83), iv, 1 : 

a countrey ladie, that comes ever i' the rereward, or traine of a 

(4) Richard III, v, 3 : 

When Shakespeare made the ghosts on the eve of Bosworth reiterate 
their 'Despair and die' to the sleeping king, had he in mind the last 
words of Mephistophelis' to Faustus (Faustus, v, 11)? t 

Ah Faustus, now thou hast no hope of heaven, 
Therefore despair ; think only upon hell ; 
For that must be thy mansion there to dwell.... 
What, weep'st thou ! 'tis too late, despair ! Farewell ! 
Fools that will laugh on earth must weep in hell. 

5 4 Shakespeariana 

(5) Coriolanus, iii, 2, 39: 

Volumnia. You are too absolute ; 

Though therein you can never be too noble, 
But when extremities speak. I have heard you say 
Honour and policy, like unsever'd friends 
I' the war do grow together. 

This is how it stands in the First Folio. Surely the sense is much 
improved by a slight change : 

You are too absolute, 

Though therein you can never be too noble : 
But, when extremities speak, (I have heard you say), 
Honour and policy, like unsever'd friends etc. 

(6) Romeo and Juliet, iv, 3, 57 : 

Juliet. stay, Tybalt, stay : 

Romeo, I come ! this do I drink to thee ! 

This the text of the First Quarto has been adopted by most 
editors from Pope onwards. These last words of Juliet, before drinking 
the potion, were perhaps suggested by the last line of Marlowe's Dido : 
Now, sweet larbas stay ! I come to thee (kills herself}. 

(7) Macbeth, iv, 6, 5: 

The editors of The Spanish Tragedy point out various phrases in 
that play which were afterwards borrowed by Shakespeare. One, 
however, they appear to have overlooked. In the above passage of 
Macbeth Lennox is talking ironically of the mysterious death of 
Banquo : 

And the right-valiant Banquo walk'd too late : 
Whom, you may say, if't please you, Fleance kill'd, 
For Fleance fled : men must not walk too late. 

How much additional point is given to these lines when we note 
that they were spoken to an audience familiar with the following lines 
of The Spanish Tragedy \ Act iii, sc. 3, line 38 (' Temple Dramatists ') : 

"&rd Watchman. Sirrah, confess and therein play the priest, 
Why hast thou thus unkindly kill'd the rnan ? 

Pedringano. Why ! because he walk'd abroad so late. 

3rd Watchman. Come, sir, you had been better kept your bed, 
Than have committed this misdeed so late. 



AMONGST the many medieval legends of the Virgin Mary which 
have been preserved to us, that of the thief who was saved from the 
gallows by the intervention of the Virgin seems to have been par- 
ticularly popular, for there is hardly a collection which does not contain 
it in some form 1 . The Thief-story existed, however, in its main outlines 
before the cult of the Virgin became so wide-spread as to cause many of 
the miraculous occurrences, formerly attributed to the intervention of 
saints or to other causes, to be placed without discrimination to the 
credit of Our Lady. In the life of St Bernard, for example, we read 
that that saint, happening to meet a thief who was about to be crucified 
for his sins, saved him from the physical punishment of the cross in 
order that he might take up the true cross of religion 2 . There is a 
more interesting story contained in the Vitas patrum, which tells of a 
robber-chief named Cyriacus, surnamed ' the wolf/ whose life was pre- 
served for ten years as a reward for having saved the lives of some little 
children ; there is no mention of the Virgin, or even of a saint, but the 
children appear to him frequently in his dreams, saying : ' Noli timere, 
nos pro te satisfacimus 3 .' In the collections of Latin legends, however, 
the story has already assumed a more definite form, and has developed 
into a legend of a very common type. A thief, generally called Eppo 
or Ebbo, is sustained for three days on the gallows by the Virgin, who 
places her hands beneath his feet, as a reward for his having venerated 
her ' ex corde ' during his lifetime. The attempt to cut the thief's 
throat is also frustrated by the Virgin who wards off the sword with 
her hand. The thief is released in recognition of the miracle and im- 

1 Some idea may be formed of its popularity by reference to Mussaflft's Classification 
of the Mary-Legends in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, vols. 113, 115, 119. Cp. also Ward's 
Catalogue of Bomances, ii, p. 586 f. 

2 Vita prima : Liber vii, Cap. xv : De latrone a cruci supplicio per S. B. liberate, sed 
cruci religioso deinceps addicto. 

3 Migne, Vitas patrum, vok 74, p. 202. Cap. clvi : Vita latronis nuncupati Cyriaci. 


56 A German Version of the Thief -legend 

mediately enters a monastery 1 . But there is another thief-story, which, 
although resting on the same foundations, has developed in a different 
manner. In this the thief is one of three brother-knights who have 
taken to robbery. They are all three captured and condemned to the 
gallows. Two of them are hanged, but the third desires confession, and, 
in spite of all the efforts made to kill him, he is miraculously kept alive 
until he has received absolution, whereupon, as the story proceeds to 
relate, ' statim mortuus est'V 

From the contamination of these two legends resulted the simple 
story of the robber-knight, who, as a reward for his unfailing veneration 
of the Virgin during his lifetime, is preserved from death until an 
opportunity has been granted him of confessing and receiving absolution. 
There can be no doubt that this version of the legend existed in Latin 
MSS. of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, as the story is pre- 
served in this form in at least four different languages, French, Spanish, 
Dutch and German. In Old French it is found in all three forms. As 
related by Gautier de Coinci 3 , the legend follows closely the Latin 
stories of Eppo the thief; in a MS. of the fifteenth century, described 
by Tobler (Trois freres gentilz homes estoient, etc.) 4 , we find the story of 
the three brother-knights, one of whom is saved in order that he may 
confess, while an unpublished Anglo-norman poem contained in MS. 
Royal XX B, xiv (fol. 169) of the British Museum, gives the third version 
of the thief-story, which has been described as a contamination of the 
other two. Here we have a knight who is forced to take to robbery 
because he has squandered all his possessions. Thanks to the ' angeline 
salutation,' which he has never omitted to perform, he is kept alive by 
the Virgin with a spear through his heart until he has confessed his 
sins and received absolution from a priest, whereupon he immediately 
falls down dead: 'Kant tut out dit ius mort chai.' Amongst the Spanish 
legends we find the ordinary Eppo-story (although the name is not 
mentioned), in which the thief was taken down from the gallows, ' e alii 
fina sos dies a servey e pleer de nostre senyor Deus e de la Verge 
gloriosa mare sua ' the only variation from the Latin source being that 
there is no attempt here to cut the thief's throat. In the same collec- 

1 This Latin story has been published by Wright for the Percy Society, No. 109, 1842 ; 
also by Pfeiffer, Marienlegenden, p. 269. 

2 Lecoy de la Marche, Anecdotes historiques, legendes et apologues d'Etienne de Bourbon, 
p. 103, No. 109 b. 

3 Edition by Pocquet. Livre ii : Du larron qui se commandoit a nostre dame. 

4 A. Tobler, Eine handschriftliche Sammlung altfranzosischer Legenden (Jahrbuch fur 
roman. und engl. Litteratur, Bd. 7, 8). 


tion 1 is to be found the legend of the 'cavalier robador' who is said to 
have been condemned by the 'Emperador Frederich.' After having 
hung for three days on the gallows, he is found still living by another 
knight, whom he informs that he cannot die without confession, because 
he had never allowed a day to pass without repeating ' tres Pater noster 
e tres Ave marias a honor de la Trinitat, e V paternoster a honor de les 
V plaques de Jesucrist, e un paternoster a honor del angel a qui jo son 
comonat, e altre paternoster a honor del sant cors de Deu.' He begs 
his friend to send for a priest to whom he may confess, ' e tentost li 
feeran venir un clergue e confessas, e apres ab gran devocio combrequa ; 
e apres decontinent rete la anima a Jesucrist.' We find these same two 
legends in the medieval Dutch collections : the Eppo-story (again with- 
out the name), which concludes with the following words: 'Doe dat 
voor den rechter quam, doe dede he den dief of doen vonder galghen 
ende die dief ghing altehants in een cloester ende diende gode ende syn 
lieve troesterinne Maria die maghet ende moeter godes al syn leven 
lane 2 ' : and the other version, in which the severest ill-treatment is 
ineffective in putting an end to the thief's life until he has been 
granted an opportunity of confession: 'man sleepten hem, men hinc 
hem, men sloech hem mit scarpen swaerden, men mochte hem in 
gheenre wys doden.' As soon as he has received absolution, ' doe starf 
hi te hants endi hi voer te hemelryc 3 .' 

In German literature the legend appears in similar forms. The 
Eppo-version, published by Pfeiffer 4 , follows the Latin originals, except 
that, as in both Spanish and Dutch, the name and the episode of the 
sword are omitted. Another version, of which the text is here published 
for the first time, is contained in MS. All. 150 of the Bibliotheque 
nationale. As in the Anglo-norman and Spanish stories, the robber- 
knight is forced to take to robbing his friends and neighbours 'umb 
lybes nar.' Here, too, he is seen on the gallows and questioned by a 
passing friend, who fetches a priest at his earnest request, and no sooner 
has he confessed than he falls down dead, nothing remaining of him but 
a little heap of ashes on the ground 5 . The author of the German poem 
mentions as his source, the Vitas patrum; and it is possible that he had 

1 Recull de eximplis e miracles, gestes e faules, etc., ii, No. ccccv (p. 34); No. dcii 
(p. 213). 

2 C. G. N. de Vooys, Middelnederlandse Marialegenden (Maatschappij der neder- 
landschen Letterkunde, i, xxx). 

8 C. G. N. de Vooys, Middelnederlandse Ugenden en exempeln, p. 106 f. 

4 Marienlegenden, No. 6, p. 47. 

5 As evidence of the favour which this legend enjoyed in Germany, Professor 
E. Priebsch tells me that an early thirteenth century fragment of a layman's breviary, 

58 A German Version of the Thief -leg end 

the story of Cyriacus in ,1ns mind, but it is more probable that, as was 
so often the case at that time, he wished to give a worthy source for his 
own poem and pretended that he had found the subject in the Vitas 
patrum, which was a never failing source of ' exempla ' for the preachers 
and didactic writers of the Middle Ages. 

Ms. All. 150 of the Bibliotheque nationale is protected by old 
wooden covers and contains two MSS. written respectively in 1418 and 
1419 1 . The first of these consists of the translation by Otto von 
Diemeringen of Mandeville's Travels in the Orient; the second con- 
tains, besides the present poem, (1) an extract from the chronicle of 
Twinger of Konigshofen (fol. 202 r -245 r ); (2) a didactic poem called Des 
meister Albertus lehre (fol. 263-268, continued, fol. 345-356); (3) a 
poem on the fifteen signs before judgment, and the judgment itself 
(fol. 281-292 r ); a poem entitled Von Jesus dem artzt. The writer of 
the second MS. calls himself at the end (fol. 356) 'Corin ein gut geselle,' 
and, according to another entry (fol. 344 r ), the MS. was written at 
Spires in 1419. 

The following rhymes are of importance in determining the home of 
the author: ryden : vermyden (55); lyn < ligen : heuffelyn (115) (cp. 
Zeitschr. f. deut. Altertum, xliv, p. 401 ; Rieger, Das Leben der heiligen 
Elisabeth, p. 30) ; gesat < gesaget : pfat (57) (cp. Heinzel, Gesch. der 
niederfrdnk. Gesch dftsspr ache, Typus vii ; Weinhold, Mhd. Grammatik, 
33) ; instead of verzeit : meit (73-74), we must therefore read either 
verzat : mat, or as in 15-16, verzaget : maget; lychamen : amen (111) 
(cp. Maria Himmelfahrt, 1. 1843, in the Zeitschr. f. deut. Altertum, v) 
points to lychamen (cp. Zeitschr. f. deut. Alt., xlv, p. 96). but that the 
short form was used as well is proved by the rhyme lychamen : namen 
(101). schultrholt (99) (cp. Weinhold, 74); konigln : sin (49, 107) 
(cp. Zeitschr. f. deut. Alt., xlv, p. 78) ; the infinitives with apocope of 
-n, gezyde : byde (27); wyse : paradyse (105), where the full forms are 
only due to the copyist. These rhymes speak for Middle Germany. The 
poet's home cannot have been far from that of the scribe, namely in 
Rhenish Franconia; that he, however, did not belong to the 'rein- 
reimenden ' Franconian poets is shown by the rhymes a : a in masculine 

formerly in the possession of the well-known Pastor Oberlin, now MS. Lat. 9377 of the 
Bibliotheque nationale, contains well-executed coloured pen-drawings to several Mary- 
legends (Theophilus, the drowning woman, etc.). One of these represents the Virgin 
sustaining the right arm of a hanging knight, and on the margin a contemporary hand 
has written 'Hie ledigot unser frowe einen erhangenen.' 

1 A detailed description of the MS. containing the poem has been sent by Professor 
Priebsch to the Archiv der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 


endings: gesat:pfat (5*7), man:getan (59); he also does not shrink from 
o : o, as got : not (65). noch : zoch (71), and e : e, in verzeret : leret (9). 

With regard to the metre, the rule of four lifts and masculine 
rhymes, three lifts and feminine rhymes (in the proportion of twelve of 
the former to five of the latter) is observed, the only exception being 
lines 17, 18, which have four lifts notwithstanding the feminine rhyme. 
As no conclusion can be drawn from the rhymes, with regard to apocope 
and syncope, it is necessary to allow for dips of two syllables in lines 1, 
17, 26, 30, 36, 42, 48, 50, 55, 88, 121. ' Auftakt ' of two syllables occurs 
in lines 16, 34, 35, 36, 38, 44, 55, 60, 94, 95, 131 ; 'beschwerte Hebung' 
in lines 6, 9, 11, 12, 13, 25, 29, 70, 75, 84, 86, 92, 93, 97, 104, 112, 117, 
124, 125; but in nine of these cases the 'beschwerte Betonung' falls on 
words (erbere, nachgat, sprechwort, unwert, bosheit, hellisch, bichtere, 
licham, dynstman) where the omission of the dip was allowed, even after 
syllable-counting had superseded the method of accentuation in the 
rhyme-pairs (cp. Janicke, Beitrdge zur Kritik und Erkldrung des Seifried 
Helbling, in Zeitschr. f. deut. Altertum, xvi, p. 402 ; and Kraus, Zur 
Kritik des Meier Helmbrecht, in the same journal, xlvii, p. 305). In three 
of the remaining cases (25, 70, 125), the dip is wanting immediately 
after the second lift, and thus a kind of caesura is formed. It is possible 
that lines 92, 93 are heavily accentuated by the author intentionally 
with a view to producing a certain rhetorical effect suitable to the 
announcement of the priest. In line 3 ' vitas patrum ' must be read with 
'versetzter Betonung'; 'Maria' in lines 31 and 74 must be scanned 
Maria, in 107 and 124, Marja. 

As the poem is so short and it is not possible to differentiate be- 
tween the dialectic peculiarities of author and copyist, the orthography 
of the MS. has been retained. Additions, however, which are obviously 
due to the copyist, are enclosed in round brackets, emendations of my 
own in square brackets. I am also responsible for the punctuation. 


Du solt eren die syben gezyt ! [fol. 322 b] 

In eyme buche geschriben lyt 
Daz ist vitas patrum genant, _ 

Daz vil luten ist bekant 
5 Daz zu eyme male were 
Ein rytter erbere. 

1 solt] MS. sol. 5 Daz] MS. man saget daz. 

60 A German Version of the Thief-legend 

Da er daz sin hatte verdan, 

Da mtiste ez an ein rauben gan. 

Daz sprechwort uns leret : 
10 Wer daz sin verzeret 

Daz er numme enhat, 

Ander (hide) gut er nachgat*, 

Den sinen ist er unwert ! 

Er ist ein dorfe der] des gert. 
15 Der ritter, als ich ban gesaget, 

Hatte sich verdobet und verjaget. 

Er gedachte : ' du must dich fristen 

Diner nachgebtire kisten: 

Sie sint so vol von gude/ 
20 In dem bosen mude, 

So stal er alles daz er fant. [323 a] 

Da(r) begunde er altzti hand 

Morden und[e] rauben, 

Doch hatte er cristen glauben. 
25 War er quam in daz lant, 

Daz yme die glocken daten bekant 

Die rechten syben gezyde(n), 

Nit langer wolt er byde(n), 

Wie so er were in bosheit, 
30 Ein paternoster waz yme bereit 

Und ein avemaria: 

Die zwene formet er yesa 

Zu alien syben sttinden 

Gotdes heiligen f'unff wtinden, 
35 Daz er numer miiste ersterben, 

Er ensolte da myde herwerben 

Den lycham und daz [frone] brot 

Daz die sele spyset vor den dot. 

Vorbas endet er numer gilt, 
40 Aber quam in sinen mtit, 

Er muste stein umb lybes nar. 

Dez die lute wurden gewar. 

* After line 12 in the MS. follow two lines which are an evident interpolation : 
So er dan nume enhat So enhulfiet dan nit alle verdat. 22 Da begunde etc.} 
MS. Dar altzu hant Begunde er morden und rauben. 32 zwene] MS. zwey, 

42 die lute wurden] MS. wurden die lute. 


Sie begiinden in fangen 

Und an einen galgen hangen. [323 b] 

45 Der rytter vor dem galgen sprach : 

' Och, daz ez ye geschach, 

Daz klagen ich got durch sinen dot. 

Gedenke min armen mannes not 

Maria, here konigin. 
.50 Min(e) sele dir miisse befolhen sin.' 

Daz ding nit langer wart gespart, 

Der rytter schiere erhanget wart. 

Alda so hing er lange stunt. 

Do wart eyme andren ritter ktind, 
55 Daz er nit enmochte vermyden, 

Er enmiiste ryden 

Vor dem galgen bin ein pfat. 

Syme gesellen hatte er gesat, 

Wie des lybes ein fromer man 
60 Von dem leben also were getan, 

Und daz ez schade were: 

Er were ein ryttere. 

So sie also myteinander ryden, 

Gros ruff en wart da nit vermyden: 
65 ' Komet her, durch den richen got 

Zii myner bitterlichen not/ 

Die zwen[e] da gewanten, [324 a] 

Zii dem galgen sie ranten, 

(Sie sprachen :) ' Bist du gehure das tu kunt ? ' 
70 Da sprach der dyep da zu stlint: 

' Ich bin gehuer und leben noch, 

Syt daz man mich an den galgen zoch. 

Min lip were zii hant verzeit, 

Dan Maria die reine meit, 
75 Die treyt und[e] hebet mich, 

Daz sagen ich uch sicherlich, 

Alles durch ein clein(es) gebet 

Daz ich degelichen det 

Zu alien syben stiinden. 
80 Daz han ich nil befunden; 

48 min] MS. mich. 49 here] MS. herre. 50 dir miisse] MS. miisse dir. 
.57 ein] MS. einen. 

62 A German Version of the Thief -legend 

Daz sie mich trostet und ir kint. 

Ich waz gar an wytzen blint. 

Der helffe zwyfelt ich an ir. 

Durch got nu g[e]leubet mir 
85 Und lesset mir myn(e) swere, 

Bit eyme bichtere.' 

Die zwene schiere quamen, 

Da sie einen pryster vernamen, 

Dem daten sie daz wunder kuntd. [324 b] 

90 Der pryster zu der selben stiintd 

Detd einen aplas luden, 

Und ktinte den luden 

Allen besiinder 

Daz bezeichenliche wunder. 
95 Gotdes lycham sie namen 

Und zu dem galgen quamen. 

Der dyeb [der] wart her abe getan, 

Off synen knychen bleib er stan, 

Dem pryster bichte er sine schlilt. 
100 Der pryster sprach: 'got ist uch holt.' 

Der dyeb sprach : ' herre in gotdes namen 

Gebent mir gotdes lychamen, 

Daz ich damyde sy bewart 

Vor der hellischen vart, 
105 Daz er mich musse wyse(n) 

Zu dem vronen paradyse(n). 

Dez hilff mir Maria konigin, 

Und wollest min geleyde sin. 

Vor der leyde[n] fynde scharn 
110 Wollest du mich, maget, be warn.' 

Die lude sprachen (alle) amen. 

Den fronen lychamen 

In sine sele er enphing. 

Zii hant also daz verging, 
115 Da sach man an der stelle lyn 

Ein cleines esschen heuffelyn. 

Des tyebes lip waz verwesen, 

Er enhorte nit me lesen. 

104 vor der] MS. vo die. 115 stelle] MS. staid. 116 esschen] MS. schesen. 
118 lesen] MS. gerne lesen. 


Und sagen ich uch bestinder 
120 Daz also gros[e] wunder, 

Wie Maria die here konigin 

Kan der sunder troster sin. 

Wer zwyfelt nu daran, 

Sit Maria yren dynstman 
125 Also wol hatte getrost 

Daz er off der hellen rost, 

Oder ye queme (dan) in daz fegefuer 

Yon der reinen mageb duer. 

Nu merckent alle gottes kind 
130 Wie mylt(e) got und sin(e) mutter sind. 

Daz der dyep sie eret syben stiintd 

Tegeliches, des wart yme ktintd, 

Ane alle myssewende, 

Die hymelsche treyde an ende, 
135 Ane leit und ane not. 

Dez hylff uns (auch) Crist durch dinen dot. 


132 des] MS. daz. 


C alder on- Studien. Von H. BKEYMANN. I Teil : Die Calderon- 
Literatur. Eine bibliographisch-kritische Ubersicht. Miinchen 
und Berlin : R. Oldenbourg, 1905. 8vo. xii + 314 pp. 

If the continuation of this monograph fulfils the promise of the 
First Part Dr Breymann will have done for students of Calderdn what 
Professor Rennert has done for students of CalderoVs great predecessor 
and master. A table of manuscripts of dramatic pieces, poems and 
prose -writings is followed by an elaborate list of printed editions, of 
recasts, of imitations and renderings in fifteen languages, and to this 
is added a singularly useful series of references to the many special 
treatises and still more numerous articles in which the genius of 
Calder(5n is examined. The bibliography of Calder6n cannot compare 
with the bibliography of Lope de Vega in extent ; but it abounds with 
difficulties, and only an expert can form an idea of the amount of labour 
needed to solve the problems which present themselves at every step. 
Dr Breymann's book embodies the results of twenty years' work, and 
a comparison with Barrera's Catdlogo bibliogrdfico y biogrdfico del 
teatro antiguo espanol suffices to show how many deficiencies have been 
made good. Thus on p. 54 Barrera mentions that two plays by 
Calder<5n are contained in Parte veinte y ocho de comedias de varios 
autores (Huesca, 1634); to the plays given by Barrera (Un castigo en 
tres venganzas and La devotion de la cruz) should be added Amor, 
honor y poder which, under the title of La Industria contra el poder, is 
wrongly ascribed by the publisher to Lope de Vega. The necessary 
correction is made by Dr Breymann on p. 55. Again, Barrera states 
(p. 50) that the Primera Parte and the Segunda Parte of Calderdn's 
theatre were issued by his brother Jose" Calder<5n in 1640 and 1641 
respectively. The existence in the British Museum Library of a copy 
of the Segunda Parte dated 1637 proves that Barrera was mistaken, 
and the real facts are fully set out by Dr Breymann in an excellent 
note (pp. 39-40). Once more Barrera points out (p. 54) that La Hija 
del aire is included in Parte cuarenta y dos de diferentes autores, but he 
leaves it to Dr Breymann to observe (p. 57) that the piece is here 
ascribed to Enriquez G6mez. And there are dozens of similar correc- 
tions and addenda, each of which represents long and careful research. 

Reviews 65 

No one can fail to be struck with the author's sound method and 
learning, but no bibliography can be perfect, and no apology is needed 
for making a few of the suggestions which Dr Breymann invites. 
Valuable as his book is, its usefulness would be increased by the 
addition of an alphabetical table of Calderdn's plays modelled upon the 
list appended to Professor Rennert's Life of Lope de Vega (pp. 490-538). 
On p. 41 the Quarto, Parte of Calder6n's theatre is assigned con- 
jecturally to 1672 on the strength of the fact that the ' Privilegio ' 
was granted on March 18 of that year: it is beyond doubt that 
the volume was published in 1672 by Jose Fernandez de Buendia. 
No answer is given to Barrera's query (p. 54) as to which part of 
La Hija del aire appears in Parte cuarenta y dos de diferentes autores : 
it is the second part. The existence of a Septima Parte of Calder<5n's 
theatre, dated 1682, is perhaps doubtful (p. 43). It would be worth 
noting (p. 58) that the official ' Aprobacion ' to the Primera Parte de 
comedias escogidas, containing five of CalderoVs plays, is signed by 
Calderon himself. With regard to the Parte Sexta de varias comedias 
(p. 59) it is scarcely enough to say : " Die Jahreszahl (1649) ist offenbar 
falsch." It is to all appearance merely a collection of sueltas of the 
plays contained in the Parte sexta (Zaragoza, 1649) : the circumstance 
that the pagination is not continuous points to that conclusion. Los 
Empenos de seift horas, the source of Tuke's Adventures of five hours, is 
assuredly not by Calder6n, and may possibly be by Coello ; but Coello's 
authorship should not be assumed as a matter of course (p. 112). 
When and by whom was this ascription first advanced, and what 
are the arguments in its favour ? The identification of Erauso y 
Zabaleta with Ignacio de Loyola Oranguren is plausible enough to 
deserve mention on p. 230. Dr Breymann states (p. 112) that he 
has been unable to find a copy of FitzGerald's translation of El Mdgico 
prodigioso : FitzGerald's rendering of La Vida es sueno has likewise 
escaped him. So, too, he has overlooked Fanny Holcroft's prose 
versions of Mejor estd que estaba and Peor estd que estaba published 
in Thomas Holcroft's Theatrical Recorder : on the other hand, one 
would hardly gather from him (p. 113) that Lord Bristol's versions 
of these two plays had disappeared. I may refer Dr Breymann to. 
p. 340 of my Litterature espagnole for three plays of Calderdn's utilised 
by Mr Bridges in The Humours of the Court, The Christian Captives > 
and Achilles in Scyros, and for a play by Heiberg which should be 
included among the Danish adaptations on p. 78. These omissions are 
easily remedied : they do not detract from the merit of Dr Breymann's 
book. It will be invaluable to every serious student of Spanish litera- 


M. L. R. 

66 Reviews 

Friedrich von Schwaben. Aus der Stuttgarter Handschrifb heraus- 
gegeben von M. H. JELLINEK (Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 
herausgegeben von der konigl. preussischen Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften, Bd. I), Berlin : Weidmann, 1904. xxii. + 127 pp. 

Kleinere mittelhochdeutsche Erzdhlungen, Fabeln und Lehrgedichte. 
I. Die Melker Handschrift. Herausgegeben von A. LEITZMANN 
(Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, Bd. IV), Berlin: Weidmann, 
1904. xiv. + 55pp. 

Die vorliegenden zwei Bande bieten in sorgfaltigem Druck und 
guter Ausstattung die ersten Friichte jenes von der deutschen Kom- 
mission der preussischen Akademie ins Leben gerufenen, grossartigen 
Unternehmens, dessen endgiiltiges Ziel heisst : eine Geschichte der 
neuhochdeutschen Sprache und der grosse thesaurus linguae 
Germanicae. Als unerlassliche Vorbedingungen bezeichnet die 
Akademie eine umfassende Handschriftenkunde des deutschen Mit- 
telalters und eine moglichst rasche Publikation bisher ungedruckter 
prosaischer und poetischer Litteraturwerke des 13. bis 16. Jahrhunderts. 
Wahrend es naturgemass noch eine Reihe von Jahren dauern wird, ehe 
die Iriventarisierung der handschriftlichen Schatze, geschweige denn 
die Sichtung und methodische Ausschrotung der an der Centrale 
zusammenstromenden Beschreibungen zu Ende gefiihrt sein wird, kann 
jede einzelne Textpublikation als ein in sich abgeschlossenes Ganze 
sofort dem Kreise der Fachgenossen vorgelegt werden. Litterar- 
historiker wie Sprachforscher werden der Akademie hieftir frohen 
Dank wissen. 

Uber den Friedrich von Schwaben, mit dem Jellinek die Reihe 
dieser Texte eroffnet, besitzen wir zwar seit 1895 eine Arbeit 1 , die 
sich mit der Uberlieferung und Verfasserschaft des Gedichtes 
beschaffcigt, aber noch fehlte der von Voss dort versprochene Text, 
und somit fur die meisten Forscher die Moglichkeit, sich ein selb- 
standiges Urteil liber dieses Erzeugnis der Epigonenlitteratur zu 
bilden. Diese Liicke in unserem Wissen fullt nun Jellinek aus, soweit 
dies durch den sorgfaltigen Abdruck einer Handschrift moglich ist 
denn kritische Ausgaben liegen nicht im Plane der Akademie. 
Diese Beschrankung auf einen einzigen Zeugen, welche auf den ersten 
Blick die Arbeit des Herausgebers zu vereinfachen scheint, birgt bei 
naherem Zusehen mancherlei und keineswegs unerhebliche Schwierig- 
keiten, soil anders der abgedruckte Text fur wissenschaftliche Zwecke 
erspriesslich sein. Der Herausgeber muss sich notgedrungen in alle 
wichtigen, das Denkmal und seine Uberlieferung betreffenden Fragen 
einen gesunden Einblick verschafft haben, bei dem Leser aber das 
Oefiihl hervorrufen, er sei Herr des Stoffes, wisse mehr dariiber, als ihm 
hier zu sagen oder auch nur anzudeuten moglich ist. Diesen Eindruck 

1 L. Voss, Uberlieferung und Verfasserschaft des mhd. JRitterromans Friedrich von 
Schwaben. Minister, 1895. 

Reviews 67 

gewahrt m.E. Jellineks Arbeit ; er scheint mir mit Gltick die Methode 
bezeichnet zu haben, der andere Mitarbeiter an dieser Sammlung in 
ahnlich liegenden Fallen zu folgen haben mochten. 

Mit guten Griinden hat Jellinek zunachst aus dem vorhandenen 
handschriftlichen Material die Stuttgarter Hs. (S) ausgewahlt. Nur 
liber den, Seite xx, ausgesprochenen allgemeinen Gesichtspunkt liesse 
sich rechten, ob bei umfangreicheren Texten Hss., welche bios von 
einem Schreiber hergestellt sind, den Vorzug verdienten. Jellinek 
gibt ferner (S. xviii) eine gedrangte Ubersicht liber das Handschrift- 
enverhaltnis im Anschluss an Voss, dessen Schema er auf Grund 
eigener Beschaftigung mit dem Gedicht in alien Hauptsachen 
iibernimmt, wahrend er ihn in Einzelheiten berichtigt, resp. seine 
Beobachtungen weiter ausbaut und stlitzt (S. xix, Anm. 2 und S. xx). 
Dieser Abschnitt setzt uns bequem in den Stand, bei der Lektiire des 
Abdrucks die Stellung von S im Schema und den kritischen Wert der 
anderen Zeugen entnommenen Lesarten uns stets zu vergegenwartigen. 
Unter den .letzteren nur eine Auswahl entspricht dem Programm der 
Akademie gewahrt er den von der Hs. I a (Wiener Codex) gebotenen 
Varianten mit Recht grosseren Spielraum (vgl. besonders zu V. 
2062-98, 4808-33), well die hier liberlieferte Fassung dem Originale 
am nachsten kommt. Da er daneben auch angibt, welche Verse I a 
fehlen und welche es allein bringt, so ist damit der kritischen Beschaft- 
igung mit dem Text eine gute Handhabe geboten und das um so 
mehr, als auch Varianten der ubrigen Hss., von D und W abgesehen, 
herangezogen sind, hauptsachlich um ' die Verbesserung eines Fehlers 
in S an die Hand zu geben oder zu zeigen, dass eine Korruptel in 
S wahrscheinlich schon der Vorlage angehort.' In diesem letzteren 
Falle hat Jellinek stets von einer Emendation des Fehlers in S 
abgesehen (vgl. z.B. zu V. 758, 937, 1587, 1592, 4987, etc.), gleicher- 
weise dort, wo der Schreiber von S sich etwas gedacht haben kann 
(vgl. z.B. zu V. 671, oder besonders den ganzen Vers 2789). Vielleicht 
ist er hier in seiner konservierenden Tendenz gelegentlich zu weit 
gegangen. So mochte ich meinen, dass getrost V. 383 : ' hastu/ V. 
1680 : ' uch,' V. 6056 : ' din mund,' nach Ausweis der beigegebenen 
Lesarten in den Text hatte gesetzt werden dlirfen. Anderseits scheinen 
mir die V. 6343-46 richtig liberliefert, nur ist ' uff das hopt ' (6345) 
mit 'zu der selben stett' (6344) zu verbinden und nach 6343 ein Komma 
zu setzen. ' Er nahm die Wurzel, die ihm Pragnet gegeben hatte, 
ganz an dieselbe Stelle auf sein Haupt, wo er sie hingelegt hatte, als...' 

Fur den Ausfall zweier Wigalois Verse zwischen 5804 und 5805 
dlirfte wol eher ein Schreiber auf einer frlihen Stufe der Uberlieferung 
verantwortlich zu machen sein, als der Verfasser, dem sein Gedachtnis 
einen Streich gespielt hatte. Wie ungescheut librigens die Verfasser 
des Friedrich aus der alteren Dichtung entlehnten, das zu liberblicken 
gestattet erst der Abdruck Jellineks, nachdem bereits Voss einiges 
Material zusammengestellt hatte. Sein Hauptaugenmerk richtet 
Jellinek dabei auf die grossen dekadenweisen Entlehnungen (S. xxi), 
selten handelt es sich ihm um den Nachweis des Originals zu klirzeren 


68 Reviews 

Stellen. Hier bleibt natiirlich noch manches zu tun tibrig. So 
schopfen die Lehren des sterbenden Yaters (V. 33-52) zum Teil und 
dann meist wortlich aus dem deutschen Cato, wie ihn die Hss. Add. 
16581 und Add. 10010 des British Museum enthalten : 

Hab lieb vor alien dingeii gott 

Das 1st mein ler vnd mein gebott 

Du solt dieh erbarmen 

An dem gericht fiber die armen.... 

Sprich recht vrtail 

Dein Zung sey dir nit fail 

Stand vnrechtz niematz bey 

Wie lieb dir auch der freund sey 

Vor got wirt er verschmacht 

Wer vnrecht zu Recbt macht. (3538, 4146.) 

So sind die V. 985-86 wortlich dem Busant, 359-360 entnommen ; und 
in den Reimen der V. 71-74 klingt deutlich der Partenopier V. 431-34 
wieder, der ja inhaltlich, wie bekannt, fiir diesen ganzen Abschnitt die 
Vorlage bildet. 

Jener eingehenden Beobachtung der Arbeitsweise der Yerfasser 
gegentiber fallt es auf, dass Jellinek mit keinem Wort in seiner 
Einleitung zur Verfasserfrage selbst Stellung nimmt und sich auch da 
mit Voss kurz auseinandersetzt, der diese Frage, wie mir scheint, mit 
wenig Gltick angeschnitten hat. Es kann m.E. kaum ein hoherer 
Kreis gewesen sein, fur dessen Unterhaltung dieses Sammelsurium aus 
alteren Litteraturwerken bestimmt war, und auch das will mir nicht in 
den Sinn, in dem ursprtinglichen Dichter einen hoheren Hofbeamten, 
des herzoglichen Geschlechtes von Teck, in dem Interpolator einen 
Geistlichen zu erblicken. Gewiss hat sich Jellinek auch in dieser 
Hinsicht sein Urteil gebildet ; warurn halt er es uns vor ? 

Starkes Gewicht fallt der Absicht dieser Sammlung entsprechend 
auf jene Partien der Einleitung, die sich mit der Beschreibung der 
ausgewahlten Hs. und mit der Darstellung der Abweichungen des 
Abdruckes vom Lautbild derselben beschaftigen (S. xi-xviii). Hier 
hat Jellinek es verstanden, vor dem Leser ein lebendiges Bild der Hs., 
als deren ersten Besitzer er den mit Barbara von Flersheim vermahlten 
Philipp von Dalburg (f!492) nachweist, erstehen zu lassen, indem er in 
knapper, doch iiberall klarer Form die Zusamraensetzung des Codex, 
sein Ausseres, seine Entstehung und Ausschmiickung behandelt. Ein 
paar Worte mehr hatten da den Verweis auf Wiists Beschreibung 
(S. xiii), die er ja doch im Voraufgehenden z.T. berichtigt, z.T. weiter- 
fiihrt, unnotig gemacht. Zur Bestimmung des Verhaltnisses der ersten 
Lagen (S. xiii, Anm. 2) hatte vielleicht die Beobachtung der Wasser- 
zeichenfolge verhelfen konnen. Aus der folgenden Darstellung der 
Abweichungen vom Lautbild der Hs. sei nur des interessanten und 
gewiss seltenen (ich habe mehrere schwabische Hss. daraufhin 
vergeblich durchgesehen) Schreiberprinzips gedacht, das Jellinek gut 
herausgefuhlt und nicht minder in konsequenter Durchfiihrung fur 
die leichtere Lesbarkeit des Abdruckes benutzt hat, namlich der 
angestrebten Scheidung (vgl. Faksimile, Z. 2 von unteri 'schawent') 

Reviews 69 

zwischen der Bezeichmmg des Umlauts und der schwabischen 

Ein Namen- und Wortverzeichnis, das neben seltenen oder nicht 
belegten Ausdriicken auch solche beriicksichtigt, deren urspriingliche 
Bedeutung sich bereits geandert hat, sowie eine Seite der Hs. in 
Faksimile beschliessen den Band. Bei dem empfindlichen Mangel 
photographischer Nachbildungen deutscher Hss. aus dem Zeitraum, 
den diese Texte urnspannen sollen, wird der Wunsch gerechtfertigt 
erscheinen, die Verlagsbuchhandlung mochte, sobald eine geniigende 
Zahl von Publikationen vorhanden ist, eine Separatausgabe der 
dazugehorigen Faksimiles veranstalten. 

Kiirzer darf ich mich bei der Besprechung der Leitzmannschen 
Publikation halten. Der Beisatz 1 1. Die Melker Handschrift ' deutet 
jedesfalls dahin, dass der Abdruck anderer Sammlungen dieses wich- 
tigen, an individueller Auffassung so reichen Zweiges der mittelalter- 
lichen Kleinlitteratur geplant ist. Die Melker Hs., nach Jensens 
Urteil die beste und reinste Sammlung Strickerscher Gedichte, enthalt 
nur die eine Seite derselben, namlioh Gedichte moralischen Inhalts 
das bispel, nur ihre beiden letzten Stiicke, ein deutscher Cato und ein 
Mariengruss, treten aus diesem Rahmen. Aus dieser schon ofters 
benutzten und beschriebenen Hs. teilt Leitzmann unter Herbeiziehung 
von Lesarten der Heidelberger Hs. 341 achtundzwanzig noch unge- 
druckte Stiicke mit, wahrend er von acht anderen, die bereits aus 
anderen Codices veroffentlicht vorliegen, die Abweichungen des Melker 
Textes in der Einleitung verzeichnet. Auf eine Zusammenstellung der 
Quellen fur die einzelnen Stiicke verzichtet er mit Recht, da ja erst 
aus der Inventarisierung der deutschen Hss. eine vollstandige Ubersicht 
zu erwarten steht. Dagegen ware eine wenn auch noch so knappe 
Orientierung iiber den Stand der Verfasserfrage am Platze gewesen. 
In der Beschreibung der Hs. kommt Leitzmann nicht sonderlich iiber 
seine Vorganger hinaus. Die Darstellung des Linienschemas ist nach 
dem beigegebenen Faksimile zu urteilen, nicht erschopfend, und auch 
die Bemerkung (S. vi) iiber der Mitte jeder Seite stehe bis S. 159 die 
No. des Gedichtes mit roter Farbe, wird dadurch nicht bestatigt, denn 
XV (III) steht hier am ausseren Rande. In dem Wortverzeichnis war 
das erst erschlossene ' sint Meeresflut ? ' kaum aufzunehmen ; man wird 
mit dem handschrifblichen ' sinne ' (vgl. das entsprechende ' der vertte,' 
V. 80) auszukommen haben. 


The Story of King Lear from Geoffrey of Monmouth to Shakespeare. 
BY WILFRID PERRETT. (Palaestra, Vol. xxxv.) Berlin: Mayer 
und Miiller, 1904. 8vo. x + 308 pp. 

The historical investigation of the stories which medieval chroniclers 
and Elizabethan poets and playwrights have handled and bequeathed 
to those who have come after them, until at last the plastic material 
has taken its final and imperishable shape in the dramas of Shakespeare, 

70 Reviews 

is a form of study which has been pursued with conspicuous success 
under the guidance of Professor Brandl at Berlin. Prof. Churchill's 
Richard III. up to Shakespeare, and Dr Kroger's Die Sage von Macbeth 
bis zu Shakespeare, have now been followed by Dr Perrett's study of 
King Lear, a piece of research which maintains throughout the high 
standard of excellence reached by Dr Perrett's predecessors. It is, 
indeed, only just to say that The Story of King Lear is one of the most 
valuable studies of Shakespearean sources which have as yet been 
produced, and that its value is the greater because of its freedom from 
the pedantry which the study of sources often engenders. No sub- 
sequent editor of King Lear can afford to ignore either the conclusions 
which Dr Perrett has arrived at, or the textual criticism which he 
furnishes in elucidating some of the obscurer passages of the play. 

The work falls naturally into two parts : the King Lear story before 
Shakespeare, and Shakespeare's use of, and divergence from, earlier 
versions of it. The starting-point of the story is, of course, Geoffrey of 
Monmouth, but Dr Perrett endeavours to go behind Geoffrey and to 
show that the story of Lear and his daughters, with the love-test as 
pivot, rests upon a widely disseminated ' Marchen ' of popular folklore 
of which the outline is as follows: 'A king asks his three daughters 
how much they love him. The first two give pleasing answers, the 
third displeases him by saying she loves him like salt. She is driven 
forth, but obtains aid, a disguise and menial employment. A prince 
falls in love with her and marries her. The father learns the value of 
salt by having saltless food set before him. and is reconciled.' This 
'loving like salt' story, Perrett argues, is by Geoffrey gathered round 
the person of Lear, ' a shadowy figure of Celtic mythology.' But while 
the folktale ends happily, Geoffrey adds a tragic sequel, and narrates 
the story of Cordelia's subsequent misfortunes and her death by suicide. 
Such, we are told, is the genesis of the story, and it is an unconscious 
tribute to the plausibility of Perrett's contention for a folklore origin 
that many critics of Shakespeare's play have found fault with its plot, 
and above all, with its opening scene, on the score that it savours rather 
of a fairy-tale than of historic probability. 

Perrett next proceeds to deal with the many versions of the story 
which lie between Geoffrey and Shakespeare, and of which he has, with 
painstaking industry, collected over fifty. A 'pedigree of the story' 
which is prefixed to the book, clearly shows the relation which all 
these bear to their prototype, Geoffrey of Monmouth, and to each other. 
Most of the versions are naturally treated in a summary manner, but a 
fuller analysis is meted out to Layamon, upon whose treatment of the 
Lear story Perrett rightly bestows high praise, to Higgins's rendering 
in the Mirror for Magistrates and to the old play. Perrett wisely 
abstains from attributing the last-mentioned either to Kyd or Lodge, 
and contents himself with making a careful study of its chief sources, 
Warner's Albion, The Mirror for Magistrates, and the Faerie Queene. 
The first part of the work concludes with a careful examination of the 
Ballad of King Lear, of which a reprint is given. Perrett is in agree- 

Reviews 1 1 

ment with most critics that the ballad is post-Shakespearean, and, with 
a refinement of criticism that the subject scarcely warrants, endeavours 
to prove that the ballad-maker had seen the play but not read it, and 
that he had recourse to Holinshed for certain details of the story. 

It is no easy task to follow Perrett in his examination of Shake- 
speare's King Lear, and we could wish that in his endeavour to show 
Shakespeare's dependence upon his sources he had followed a clearer 
and more orderly method. But if the task is difficult, it is one which 
brings with it its reward. Perrett devotes considerable space to the 
interpretation of the first scene of the play, and, thanks to a masterly 
exposition of it in the light of the sources, has done more than any one 
to clear up the difficulties which this scene presents. Put very baldly, 
his conclusions as to the meaning of the scene are as follows. The 
whole of the trial scene is a trick contrived by Lear after he has made 
up his mind as to the division of the kingdom, in order to afford 
Cordelia an opportunity of showing herself more worthy than her sisters 
of that more opulent third which Lear has determined to bestow upon 
her. It will be seen that Perrett is here, up to a certain point, following 
the lead of Coleridge; but in his contention that the coronet which 
Lear gives to Albany and Cornwall (i. i. 140) was not his own crown, 
but a coronet intended for Cordelia, he is breaking entirely new ground. 
The bestowal of the coronet upon Cordelia is the ' darker purpose ' of 
I. i. 34, which has proved a stumbling-block for so many editors of the 
play, and its actual bestowal upon Albany and Cornwall is meant to 
symbolise Cordelia's complete disinheritance. 

In his examination of the play in the light of Shakespeare's sources, 
Perrett brings a good deal of valuable material to light. He is of the 
opinion that Shakespeare had access to no less than six earlier versions 
of the King Lear story, quite apart, of course, from the Gloucester plot, 
with which he is not concerned. He differs from most critics in 
considering Shakespeare's debt to Holinshed very small, agrees with 
Anders and others as to the borrowings from the Faery Queene, and 
devotes a very careful study to the relations of King Lear to the old 
play. He allows that ' wherever the old play offered a hint for effective 
action, Shakespeare did not disdain to accept it,' and that the character 
of Kent is based on Perillus. But Perrett's chief interest in his study 
of the sources of King Lear is to prove that Shakespeare had gone 
direct to the fountain-head of the story and had not only read, but had 
made considerable use of, Geoffrey of Monmouth. The old play, with 
its bourgeois king and its happy ending, could not, he contends, have 
suggested Shakespeare's tragic setting or have furnished any idea of a 
monarch so majestic as his Lear. Nor could such earlier renderings of 
the story as that of the Faerie Queene, Holinshed, or thft Mirror for 
Magistrates, have contributed anything of value. Guided then by the 
marginal reference to ' Gal. Mon.' in Holinshed's version, he went to 
Geoffrey of Monmouth, and found there not only the tragic sequel to 
the story, but also a Lear who was ' every inch a king.' To many the 
transformation of the bourgeois Lear of the old play into the heroic 

72 Reviews 

figure of Shakespeare's tragedy will seem but one of many instances of 
that alchemy by the possession of which Shakespeare is Shakespeare ; 
the difference between his Lear and the Leir of the old play is not 
greater than that between his Henry V. and the Henry V. of the 
Famous Victories, or that between his Macbeth and Holinshed's. 

But while Perrett's main thesis fails to carry with it full conviction, 
he brings forward collateral evidence which points very directly to the 
fact that Shakespeare, for all his ' small Latin/ was well acquainted with 
Geoffrey's story. Put briefly, this evidence is as follows : (1) Shakespeare 
agrees with Geoffrey in making the Duke of Albany the husband of 
Goneril, and Cornwall the husband of Regan ; (2) the distribution of 
two-thirds of Lear's kingdom between Goneril and Regan is found in 
Geoffrey and - in only one other version of the story the French 
Perceforest of 1528 which could have been accessible to Shakespeare; 
(3) the pretexts mentioned by Shakespeare's Goneril and Regan for 
reducing Lear's train are found only in Geoffrey; (4) the Gentleman, 
who in the First Folio is the confidant of Lear and Cordelia (iv. iv. and 
IV. vii.), and who in the First Quarto is replaced by the Doctor, 
corresponds so closely to Geoffrey's ' nuncius ' that it is only by help of 
the original story that we can understand his share in the action ; (5) the 
difference between the two dukes of Albany and Cornwall is the direct 
outcome of the parts they play in Geoffrey. It would be easy to belittle 
the value of any one of these points of correspondence, if taken sepa- 
rately, but it must be confessed that their cumulative effect is very 

It is scarcely necessary to bear further witness to the painstaking 
research and judicious temper which Dr Perrett displays throughout 
his work. He shows at times the impatience of the specialist for those 
who, working on a larger field, have fallen into errors from which he 
has escaped, but in clearing away numerous pitfalls he has earned the 
gratitude of every right-minded Shakespearean scholar. 


The Squyr of Lowe Degre. A Middle English Metrical Romance. 
Edited by W. E. MEAD (The Albion Series of Anglo-Saxon and 
Middle English Poetry: J. W. BRIGHT and G. L. KITTREDGE, 
General Editors). Boston: Ginn and Co., 1904. 8vo. Ixxxv 
+ 111 pp. 

We offer a hearty welcome to this volume the first, as far as we 
know of the ' Albion Series,' which, if the present high standard be 
maintained, will bid fair to rival the ' Athenaeum Series ' issued by the 
same publishers. It is pleasant to regard the projection of these series 
as an indication that, in America, Messrs Ginn and Co. can venture to 
put forth publicly the same kind of scholarly editions which, in England, 
require the support of such admirable but collaborative bodies as the 
Early English Text Society. And the. names of Professors Bright and 

Reviews 73 

Kittredge, as general editors of the series, guarantee careful and trust- 
worthy work. 

Side by side with similar workmanlike editions, we should like to 
see the text pure and simple of these Romances printed cheaply in an 
easily intelligible form for the general reader. So far from nullifying 
the circulation of the more learned edition, such reprints would whet 
the appetite of the reader to proceed to a closer study of the original 
poem. For, if we disagree with Professor Mead in any point, it is with 
his somewhat derogatory dismissal of the Squyr of Lowe Degre as of 
small literary value. Naturally one does not turn to the old Romances 
for 'high seriousness'; but they are life, sometimes crude, sometimes 
surprisingly modern, always naively true and real. 

The Squyr of Lowe Degre is preserved in two forms : the first 
consists of two fragments attributed to Wynkyn de Worde (Britwell 
Library), comprising only 180 lines; the second is a single copy, in the 
British Museum, of an edition by William Copland. There is also, it is 
true, a short version in the Percy Folio; but this is a hundred years 
later than Copland's. The first of these we have been unable to collate ; 
but a comparison of the Copland text with Professor Mead's gives us 
every reason to estimate the accuracy of his work very highly. We 
note a slight carelessness in unrecorded variations between capital and 
lower-case letters ; ' v ' for ' u ' throughout ; and a very few minor errors. 
In line 78, a close inspection suggests that the second ' 1 ' of ' gentell '- 
very much blurred as Professor Mead remarks is not a letter at all, 
but a ' space-up.' In the colophon, the last letter of ' degr[e] ' is broken 
right out. 

These, however, are details, and do not in the least detract from the 
merits of the careful work lavished on the edition. The Notes and the 
Introduction err, if at all, in the direction of redundance of illustration, 
but are amazingly full of information. We wish some one would 
identify, once for all, the trees and birds that occur in the Romances, 
especially the bird that is spelled ' wode-wale ' or ' wit-wall ' or anything 
between the two. Percy, Phillips, Ritson, Hazlitt, Murray, Child, Hales 
and Furnivall have between them collected information to indicate that 
the bird is (i) a woodpecker, (ii) a 'kind of thrush,' (iii) a woodlark, 
(iv) a redbreast, (v) a golden ouzle (?), (vi) a greenfinch, (vii) a nuthatch. 


Tutte le Opere di Dante Alighieri. Nuovamente rivedute nel testo dal 
Dr E. MOORE, con indice dei nomi propri e delle cose notabile 
compilato dal Dr PAGET TOYNBEE. Terza edizione piu estesamente 
riveduta. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1904. 8vo. ftii + 490 pp. 

The second edition of the Oxford Dante, which appeared 1897, was 
comparatively unimportant, being marked by no new features, and 
differing from the first merely in the correction of certain misprints and 
errors of punctuation. Of the third edition the same cannot be said. 


74 Reviews 

The diligent labours of Dr Moore and Dr Toynbee with the help, for the 
Quaestio, of Dr Shadwell, have brought the text and the index in almost 
every respect abreast of modern research. There are perhaps only two 
points in which a fourth edition may be expected to shew material 
improvement, and both are connected with the Canzoniere. The reviewer 
in the Bulletino of the Italian Dante Society points out, and no doubt 
with reason, that this section of the Oxford book, even with the addition 
of the Forese-Dante Tenzone, remains incomplete 'rimangon fuori 
tante altre rime di sicura appartenenza al poeta, sparsamente edite ' 
(Bull. xii. 48). The second point is the text itself; we are still waiting 
for a critical edition from Italy. 

The addition to the Canzoniere of the three pairs of sonnets which 
form the so-called Tenzone between Dante and Forese Donati has been 
very cleverly managed, so that the paging remains the same as that of 
the two earlier editions. The Tenzone (if we except certain small but 
not unimportant additions in Dr Toynbee's index) is the only really 
new element in the book ; but it represents the very least part of the 
labour that has been expended upon this edition. For the text of the 
De Vulgari Eloquentia Dr Moore (or rather Dr Toynbee) has now availed 
himself of the results of Prof. Rajna's labours, published already a year 
before the second edition of the Oxford Dante was issued. Rajna's text 
has, however, been modified here and there in favour of the best MS. 
authority; and the Oxford editor has not adopted Rajna's archaic ortho- 

The text of the Convivio, though less radically reformed, has been 
considerably ameliorated by the indefatigable editor, who has consulted 
all known MSS. of any value on points where the received text seemed 
most dubious or corrupt. Dr Moore has thus accomplished for the 
Convivio what he did ten years earlier for the Divina Corn-media. The 
Eclogae have had the benefit of the critical editions of Wicksteed and 
Gardner in England and Albini in Italy. Finally, the text of the 
Quaestio has been revised throughout by Dr Shadwell, the vindicator of 
the authenticity of that treatise. The index also has been revised and 
improved by its original compiler, Dr Toynbee, who besides his special 
work upon the Eloquentia, has collaborated with Dr Moore in the 
revision of the entire work. It is noticeable that here in the index, as 
in the case of the Canzoniere, additions have been made without 
disturbing the original paging. Thus, under Muse on p. 469 an addi- 
tional reference to Ed. ii. 65 6 has been inserted; and lower down 
the double reference to ' Muso Phrygius ' and ' Musato, Albertino ' : and 
again on p. 475 there are additional references under Polenta to * Guido 
Novello ' and ' Guido Vecchio ' : but in spite of such additions the total 
number of pages remains the same. The case here is obviously on a 
different footing from that of the text itself, where for purposes of 
reference uniformity between the successive editions is desirable, espe- 
cially when the text has become a standard one abroad as well as in 
England. And we are inclined to think that the index-matter would 
be more convenient for use if it were more generously spaced and spread 

Reviews 75 

over a larger number of pages. Some of the minor alterations in the 
index are referable to alterations in the text : thus ' Rex Navarrae ' is 
now read in the Eloquentia in place of ' Navarriae ' : and the result is, 
naturally, not merely the omission of a single letter in the index, but 
the transposition of two items. In small things, as in great, no labour 
has been spared. The learned scholars, with Dr Moore at their head, 
who have accomplished this revision are to be congratulated on their 
success, and still more is the generation of English Dantists to be 
congratulated who will enter into their labours. The ' Oxford Dante ' 
provides at once an inspiring monument of learning and critical acumen, 
and a sound basis for future work. 



La Critica Letteraria nel Rinascimento. Da J. E. SPINGAKN. Traduzione 
italiana del Dr ANTONIO Fusco, con correzioni e aggiunte dell' 
autore e prefazione di B. CROCE. Bari : Laterza, 1905. 8vo. 
xii-+ 358 pp. 

We congratulate Mr Spingarn on the appearance of this Italian 
edition of his History of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance (New 
York, 1899) from the pen of Dr Antonio Fusco. The author has availed 
himself of the opportunity to make some valuable additions, notably 
in the references to the works on criticism which have appeared 
since the publication of the English text, and in the extensive biblio- 
graphy at the end. The most important alteration in the text is the 
expansion of the last paragraph (p. 310) into a ' Conclusion ' of eighteen 
pages, based on the author's article on the Origins of Modern Criticism, 
which appeared in Modern Philology (Chicago), in April, 1904. It is 
clear that Mr Spingarn's study of the subject is deepening, with great 
profit to his readers and credit to himself; and we may expect, from 
certain hints in his new * Avvertenza/ some further additions when his 
American and English public call for a reprint. 

Signer Croce has written a Preface which would have been more 
acceptable had it been less polemical and personal. It is little more 
than a counter reply to Mr Saintsbury's retort in the third volume of 
his History of Criticism (pp. 141 145) on the philosopher's part in 
critical discussion. There is perhaps some Humanistic appropriateness 
in this give and take by two eminent critics, who are after all not in 
such serious opposition as would appear ; but the more personal elements 
in the querelle might have been reserved for the Reviews* What was 
wanted from Signer Croce's most competent pen was not a fighting 
tract supporting Mr Spingarn's attacks on the History of Criticism, but 
an introduction to the Italian reader, pointing out the excellence of this 
pioneer attempt to interpret and place the half-forgotten theories of the 
Italian critics of the sixteenth century. 

76 Reviews 

David Garrick als Sliakespeare-Darsteller und seine Bedeutung fur die 
heutige Schauspielkunst (Schriften der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesell- 
schaft, n). Von CHRISTIAN GAEHDE. Berlin: Reimer, 1904. 
8vo. xii + 198 pp. 

This painstaking piece of work the result of a prize competition 
instituted by the German Shakespeare Society fills a gap in our 
literature on Garrick. It is valuable, however, rather as a collection of 
materials and data than as a contribution to criticism. As a rule, 
Dr Gaehde is content to take his materials as he finds them; he does 
not allow sufficiently for the haphazard and unreliable character of 
English writings on theatrical affairs, and has transferred to his pages 
opinions expressed about Garrick, either in the actor's own day or at 
subsequent periods, as if these views had all equal weight as scientific 
evidence. The facts of Garrick's life are presented lucidly and accurately 
to a public assumed to be wholly ignorant of them, but we are doubtful 
if the author has considered it necessary to penetrate very far on his 
own account into English Garrick literature. He has, at least, little 
or nothing to say that is new. The second, and what might have been 
the most valuable part of the essay, that on Garrick's importance for 
modern histrionic art, is, notwithstanding the assurance of the title- 
page, touched upon almost as perfunctorily as by our own English 
biographers of Garrick ; there is hardly even a word on an aspect of 
the subject which might have been expected to interest a German 
investigator, the actor's very considerable influence on the development 
of the German theatre from Lessing and Ekhof to Schroder and Iffland. 
In spite of these defects, however, Dr Gaehde's book is a valuable 
Vorarbeit which students of the English theatre in the eighteenth 
century cannot afford to ignore. 

Balzac, I'homme et Vceuvre. Par ANDRE LE BRETON. Paris : A. Colin, 
1905. 8vo. 294 pp. 

Among the multitude of books which have appeared in recent years 
on Balzac, the present volume takes a high place. Professor Le Breton's 
previous studies in the history of the French novel have given him 
a stronger right than most balzaciens to speak with authority on what 
might be called the genetic and comparative aspects of Balzac's work. 
The peculiar strength of this volume seems to us to lie in Chapters n. 
and ill., which treat respectively ' Les origines du roman balzacien ' and 
' Genese et plan de la Comedie humaine! We have here, in fact, one of 
the few attempts which have yet been made to trace in a methodical 
and scholarly way the origins of a distinct type of nineteenth century 
fiction. And, in doing so, Professor Le Breton is able to throw fresh 
light on the whole literary movement of the period, and on its relations 
to other manifestations of romanticism in Europe. He begins by singling 
out and weighing the forces which moulded Balzac's youth. We are 
glad to see that he dismisses (p. 90) M. Louis Maigron's attempt (Le 

Reviews 77 

Roman historique a I'epoque romantique) to find in Scott the chief 
inspirer of Balzac's fiction, and he discriminates with fine judgment 
between what in the Comedie humaine is of romantic origin and what is 
modern and realistic. Balzac's immediate predecessors are, he shows, 
to be sought amongst the minor scribblers of the First Empire, men 
like Pigault-Lebrun and Pixerecourt, who to the present generation of 
Frenchmen are hardly known by name. Yet, humble as this origin is, 
these ephemeral writers form the link which connects Balzac with the 
masters of the roman bourgeois of the eighteenth century. Professor 
Le Breton might perhaps have laid even more emphasis on the direct 
descent of the Comedie humaine from the many-volumed chronicles of 
Retif de la Bretonne. 

The later, purely critical chapters of the book, dealing with several 
of Balzac's typical romances, are written no less attractively than the 
first part, but the author's personal predilections for what he considers 
the healthier outlook of Corneille and Hugo, lead him to give a some- 
what distorted view of Balzac's significance for the naturalistic move- 
ment. The chapter on the novelist's influence in which the name of 
Zola is not even mentioned is a meagre and disappointing close to an 
admirable book. 

La Litterature comparee. Essai bibliographique. Par Louis P. BETZ. 
Introduction par JOSEPH TEXTE. Deuxieme edition augmentee, 
publiee avec un index methodique, par FERNAND BALDENSPERGER. 
Strassbourg: Triibner, 1904. 8vo. xxviii 4- 410 pp. 

This volume comes as a reminder of the ravages death has already 
made in the little band of pioneers of Comparative Literature ; the 
introduction to it was the last thing Texte wrote, and Betz himself died 
before he could see the second edition through the press. Both were 
men who could ill be spared. Texte's acute and incisive judgment was 
peculiarly adapted to deal with comparative problems; indeed, his 
criticism suffered almost from an excess of comparative zeal. Betz, 
on the other hand, was an indefatigable worker, and one of those vigorous 
champions that a new movement needs ; he lacked, perhaps, the touch 
of imaginative genius observable in the French critics who have yielded 
to the fascinations of the comparative method, and he had taken up the 
academic career too late to be effectively grounded in the Akribie of 
the German school. His own work came to grief to some extent on 
a feature which has filled many of us with an instinctive distrust of 
la litterature comparee, the temptation to dissipate interests and energies 
over too wide a field. Betz's courses as Professor of Comparative 
Literature at Zurich were astounding in the extent of literary know- 
ledge they encompassed. At the same time, it was just this faculty 
of being able to make himself at home in such widely separated fields 
that made Betz so well suited to plan and carry out a bibliographical 
work like the present. 

It is obvious, however, that a book of this kind must go on improving 

78 Reviews 

from one edition to another; and the advance of this edition over its 
predecessor is seen in the fact that whereas the latter had only 123 pages, 
the second edition extends to 410 pages of double columns. The work 
is divided into a series of chapters, each of which gathers together all 
the books and articles dealing with the relations of two or more litera- 
tures ' La France et 1'Allemagne,' ' La France et TAngleterre,' &c. 
arid this method of classification is very serviceable in practice. On the 
whole, excellent judgment has been shown in the selection of the 
materials. There is, here and there, room for weeding out; for the 
compiler has occasionally been misled by titles to assume that a certain 
essay or book is comparative, when, as a matter of fact, there is no 
justification for its inclusion in his list. On the other hand, the vista of 
possible additions and extensions which a survey of the entire field 
opens up, is endless. If, for instance, every judgment which a critic 
passes on a literature not his own falls within the scope of ' comparative 
literature,' the entire body of writing on classical antiquity since the 
Renaissance should have a place here. Again, a plea might reasonably 
be made for the inclusion of translations, while a chapter such as that 
on Thistoire dans la litterature' which Betz has tentatively inserted 
at the end, suggests still more possibilities of regarding literature 
comparatively. Clearly, the crying need of ' Comparative Literature ' is 

An 'index methodique' takes the place of the index of authors in the 
first edition; but it would have enhanced the practical value of the 
handbook had the original index been retained in addition to the new 
one. A work of this kind cannot be too well supplied with indices. 

A ' Societe des Textes francais modernes ' has been formed under the 
presidency of M. Gustave Lanson, with a view to publishing more or less 
inaccessible texts at a moderate price. Amongst the works promised 
are editions of Heroet (by F. Gohin), Ronsard (by P. Laumonier), 
Joachim Du Bellay (by H. Chamard), Agrippa d'Aubigne (by A. Gamier); 
also of D'Urfe's L'Astree and Ch. Sorel's Polyandre (both by E. Roy), 
while M. Lanson himself promises Voltaire's Lettres anglaises. The 
Secretary of the Society is Professor Huguet of the University of Caen, 
and the annual subscription 10 francs. 

Under the title Bausteine, a new German organ for the study of 
modern English philology and etymology has just been founded. The 
editors are Professor Leon Kellner of Czernowitz and Dr Gustav Kriiger 
of Berlin. Six numbers are to appear in the year, the annual subscrip- 
tion being 18 marks; it is published by the firm of Langenscheidt 
in Berlin. The contents of the first number, which was issued in July, 
give promise of useful activity in a field which in recent years has been 
assiduously cultivated in Germany. 



BIESE, A., The Development of the Feeling for Nature in the Middle Ages and 
Modern Times. Translated from the German. London, Routledge. 6s. 

GEIGER, E., Beitrage zu einer Aesthetik der Lyrik. Halle, Niemeyer. 3 M. 

HERTZ, WILHELM, Gesammelte Abhandlungen. Herausg. von F. von der 
Ley en. Stuttgart, Cotta. 10 M. 

NOVATI, F., Attraverso il medio evo. Studl e ricerche. Bari, Laterza. 4 1. 

Otia Merseiana : the Publication of the Faculty of Arts of the University of 
Liverpool. Vol. iv. (Contents : A. C. Bradley, Phonetic Infection in 
Shakespeare. Ch. Bonnier, Du Contact en Litterature. 0. Elton, Literary 
Fame, a Renaissance Study. R. H. Case, The Autobiography of Sir 
Symonds d'Ewes. M. Dickin, Contemporary Criticism of Lamb's Dramatic 
Specimens. J. Sephton, Notes on the South Lancashire Place-Names 
in Domesday Book. H. C. Wyld, West Germanic a in Old English. 
I. F. Williams, Significance of the Symbol e in the Kentish Glosses. 
P. G. Thomas and H. C. Wyld, A Glossary of the Mercian Hymns. 
T. 0. Hirst, Some Features of Interest in the Phonology of the Modern 
Dialect of Kendal.) London, Williams and Norgate. 10s. Qd. net. 

SPINGARN, J. E., La Critica Letteraria nel Rinascimento. Traduzione italiana 
del Dr. A. Fusco. Bari, Laterza. 41. 



EBELING, G., Probleme der romanischen Syntax. I. Teil. Halle, Niemeyer. 

4M. 40. 
Festschrift Adolf Tobler zum 70. Geburtstage dargebracht von der Berliner 

Gesellschaft fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen. Brunswick, Wester- 

mann. 8 M. 
Romanische Forschungen. Organ fur romanische Sprachen und Mittellatein. 

Herausgegeben von K. Vollmoller. Bd. xix, Heft 2. Erlangen, Junge. 10 M. 

Medieval Latin. 

ANZ, HEINRICH, Die lateinischen Magierspiele. Untersuchungen und Texte zur 

Vorgeschichte des deutschen Weihnachtsspiels. Leipzig, Hinrichs. 5M. 40. 
MEYER, WILHELM, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rhythmik. 

2 Bde. Berlin, Weidmann. 16 M. 
SCHMID, K. F., John Barclays Argenis (Litterarhistorische Forschungen, xxxi). 

Berlin, E. Felber. 4 M. 
WERNER, J., Beitrage zur Kunde der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters. 

Aus Handschriften gesarnmelt. 2. Auflage. Aarau, Sauerlander. 5 fr. 

80 New Publications 


BEATTY, H. M., Dante and Virgil. London, Blackie. 2s. 60?. 

BELARDINELLI, G., La questione della lingua. Un capitolo di storia della 

letteratura italiana. I. Da Dante a Girolamo Muzio. Rome, V. Amadori. 

31. 50. 
BERTANI, C., II maggior poeta sardo Carlo Buragna e il Petrarchismo del 

seicento. Milan. 4 1. 

BERTONI, G., II dialetto di Modena. Turin, Loescher. 41. 
BORGESE, G. A., Storia della critica romantica in Italia. Naples, * La Critica '. 

6 1. 50. 

CHIARINI, G. Vita di Giacomo Leopardi. Florence. 4 1. 
DANTE, Concordanza delle Opere italiane in prosa e del Canzoniere. Edited by 

E. S. Sheldon and A. C. White. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 36s. net. 

DONADONI, E., Discorsi letterati (Alfieri, Petrarcha, Le tre donne della Corn- 
media). Palermo. 2 1. 

EVERETT, W., The Italian Poets since Dante. London, Duckworth. 5s. net. 
GUBERNATIS, A. DE, Francesco Petrarca : corso di lezioni. Milan, Libr. edit. 

nazionale. 5 1. 
LEOPARDI, G., I canti, commentati da G. Piergili ; aggiunta la Guerra dei topi 

e delle rane, con i Paralipomeni. Turin. 2 1. 20. 
MURARI, R., Dante e Boezio : contribute allo studio delle fonti dantesche. 

Bologna. 5 1. 
PETRARCA, F., II Canzoniere riprodotto letteralmente dal Cod. Vat. lat. 3195 

a cura di E. Modigliani. Rome, Loescher. 151. 
Rimatori lucchesi del sec. xni. Testo critico a cura di A. Parducci. Bergamo. 


SCROCCA, A., Studl sul Monti e sul Manzoni. Naples. 21. 50. 
SOLERTI, A., Musica, ballo e drammatica alia corte medicea dal 1600 al 1637. 

Florence, Bemporad. 61. 50. 
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Commedia. Milan, Vallardi. 2 1. 50. 

BREYMANN, H., Calderon-Studien. I. Die Calderon-Literatur. Munich, 

Oldenbourg. 10 M. 
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Tomo i. Madrid, Rates. 10 pes. 
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FITZMAURICE-KELLY, J., La litterature espagnole. Traduction fran9aise. Paris, 

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THE classical origin of the Elizabethan dramatic ghost has long 
since been established, but the stages through which it passed in its 
journey from Greek tragedy to Shakespeare, together with its adventures 
on the road, furnish a story which has not yet been fully told 1 , and 
which is not without interest. 

The starting-point of the dramatic ghost is to be found in the 
tragedies of Aeschylus, who introduces the] ghost of Darius into the 
Persae and that of Clytemnestra into the Eumenides. These two 
ghosts have little in common : the former is called from the grave by 
mystic incantations, enters freely into conversation with living persons, 
predicts disasters for the Persian arms, and before descending into the 
tomb, inculcates the familiar Aeschylean lesson of avoiding presumption. 
The ghost of Clytemnestra, on the other hand, is the first of a long line 
of revenge-ghosts. She comes back to earth of her own free will, does 
not appear to mortal men, but, addressing herself to the sleeping Furies, 
spirits of kindred origin with herself 2 , arouses them to fresh activities. 
When the Furies awake she vanishes. There is no ghost in the extant 
plays of Sophocles, and only one in those of Euripides. But Euripides' 
one ghost that of the murdered Polydorus in the Hecuba is of the 
first importance in the subsequent history of the dramatic ghost, and 
serves, indeed, as prototype to most of the ghosts of Latin, Italian, 
Spanish, French, and English tragedy down to the time of Shakespeare. 
Euripides departs from the Aeschylean practice of introducing a ghost 
into the dram, during the course of its evolution; the ghost of Poly- 
dorus is a prologue-ghost, and its function is to acquaint the audience 


1 Since this paper was written, the following work has appeared : H. Ankenbrand,. 
Die, Flgur des Geistes im Drama der englischen Renaissance (Miinchener Beitrage zur 
romanischen und englischen Philologie, xxxv. Heft), Leipzig, 1905. 

2 See Jane Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, Cambridge, 1903, 
p. 215. 

M. L. R. 6 

86 The Pre- Shakespearean Ghost 

with the chain of events which lead up to the point at which the 
tragedy begins, and also to indicate in some measure the direction in 
which the tragedy shall move. 

Nothing presents greater difficulty to a playwright than the ex- 
position of a drama by means of its first scene. To place the audience 
in full possession of the situation of affairs, to foreshadow the course of 
the action, and at the same time to reveal the character of the persons 
by means of dramatic dialogue, is a task which makes no small demand 
upon a playwright's art. The Euripidean prologue-ghost, therefore, 
which removes so much of this initial toil, may be regarded as a most 
ingenious labour-saving machine. At the same time, by virtue of its 
supernaturalism, it produces in the spectators a tension of nerve which 
makes the sympathetic following of the play more easy. 

Whatever be the merits of the Euripidean ghost, its success proved 
lasting. When Seneca, in the first century of the Christian era, gave 
new life to the themes of Attic tragedy and imparted to them that 
rancid flavour of melodrama which clings to the Senecan tragedy in all 
its later developments, he adopted, together with much other stage- 
machinery, the Euripidean prologue-ghost. To be more exact, he com- 
bined the function of the Euripidean prologue-ghost with the revenge- 
motive of the Aeschylean ghost. The ghost of Tantalus in Seneca's 
Thyestes and the ghost of Thyestes in his Agamemnon are the issue of 
the Euripidean Polydorus and the Aeschylean Clytemnestra. Their 
sphere of action is the prologue, their speeches put the reader in full 
possession of the tragic clues, and the burden of their discourse is 
vengeance. The presence of the Fury Megaera in the company of 
Tantalus in the Thyestes is yet another reminiscence of the Eumenides, 
though with the situation exactly reversed. There it was the ghost 
which aroused the Furies, here it is the Fury which hales the ghost 
from Tartarus and incites him to take vengeance on those who have 
wronged him. 

Thyestes and Tantalus are the only ghosts that actually appear in 
Seneca's dramas, but references to ghost-lore and the spirit-world of 
Greek mythology are frequently met with in his plays, and serve to 
indicate the hold which the dramatic ghost had obtained upon the 
Roman mind. In the pseudo-Senecan play, Octavia, the ghost of 
Agrippina is introduced and delivers a lengthy monologue before the 
third act begins. 

In these ghost scenes of Senecan tragedy there is the same delight 
taken in stories of gross and monstrous crime which we meet with in 


the Elizabethan revenge-tragedies. Seneca, through the instrumentality 
of his ghosts, drags before our view the offal of those old-world hero- 
legends which the Greek tragedians had touched with the lightest hand. 
He delights too in making his ghosts describe the, pains and tortures of 
Tartarus. The references to Erebus and Acheron, to Sisyphus's stone 
and Ixion's wheel, which fall so pat from the lips of Elizabethan ghosts, 
are all ultimately derived from Seneca. Moreover, the rant and bombast, 
the truculent speech and wild hyperbole of early Elizabethan tragedy are 
direct heirlooms of the Senecan play. 

Some twelve hundred years elapsed before the ghost once more 
quitted the dwelling of Hades and dark Persephone to take its place as 
prologue-speaker in the drama. A revival of the Senecan tragedy had 
begun in Italy as early as the end of the thirteenth century, when 
Albertino Mussato the Paduan (born 1261) wrote his two Latin tragedies, 
Eccerinus and Achilleis. Both of these plays are furnished with a 
Chorus and a Nuntius, and closely resemble the Senecan tragedy in 
style ; the ghost, however, is wanting. About a century later appeared 
the Progne of Gregorio Corrario, written, like the tragedies of Mussato, 
in Latin verse. The plot of this play is drawn from Ovid's Metamor- 
phoses, but the construction is Senecan to a fault 1 . The play is furnished 
with a prologue, and the speaker of this is the ghost of Diomedes, who 
has been sent to earth from the realms of Pluto in order to visit the 
house of Tereus and foretell the horrors which shall fall upon it : 

Lucos et amues desero inferni Jovis, 
Ad astra mittor supera convex! poll... 

In true Senecan fashion he speaks of the 'dira Furiarum agmina/ of 
the tortures of Sisyphus, Ixion, and Tantalus, and then, when his 
message has been delivered, declares that a Fury is summoning him 
back to the infernal pools. Throughout the monologue this Diomedes 
ghost makes it very apparent that he has sat at the feet of Seneca's 

New conquests were achieved by the Senecan ghost in the Italian 
tragedies of the sixteenth century. Trissino's Sophonisba (circ. 1514), 
which is usually regarded as the first tragedy in Italian, contains no 
ghost, but in the Orbecche of Geraldi Cinthio (1504-1573) there is first 
of all an Induction in which the Goddess Nemesis and^the Infernal 
Furies appear, and then a prologue-speech by the ghost of the dead 
Selina. There is again a ghost-prologue to the Canace of Speroni 

1 See Chassang, Des Essais dramatiques imites de Vantiquite au xiv e et xv e siecle, 
Paris, 1852. 


88 The Pre- Shakespearean Ghost 

(1500-1588), while in the Tullia of Martelli (1499-1527), which is 
almost as old as Trissino's Sophonisba, a bold advance is made. The 
ghost here is that of Servius Tullius, the sixth king of Rome. This is no 
prologue-ghost for the very good reason that Tullius is a living character 
throughout the greater part of the play. After his death, which takes 
place on the stage, he appears as a ghost to his queen in order to 
unravel the knot of intrigue and take of her a loving farewell. 

The French tragedians of the sixteenth century, who drew their 
inspiration in part from Seneca, and in part from Seneca's Italian 
imitators, soon came to recognise the dramatic value of the ghost. 
Prefixed to the Cleopdtre (1552) of ^tienne Jodelle is a lengthy pro- 
logue delivered by the ghost of Mark Antony, and conceived in the 
orthodox Senecan manner. Antony is not a revenge-ghost, but, adopting 
throughout an elegiac tone, he bewails the misfortunes of the past, and 
foretells new disasters. Robert Gamier (1545-1601), who through his 
connection with Kyd brings us a step nearer to our own Elizabethan 
drama, is again a true Senecan. The close connection of the ghost 
with the Furies, which was already established in the Eumenides of 
Aeschylus, and further emphasized by Seneca's Thyestes, is maintained 
by Gamier in his Porcie (1568). The prologue to this play is delivered 
by the Fury Megere, whose purpose, as a true revenge-spirit, is to 
'eslancer le discord,' and to predict the disasters which follow in the 
play itself. 

In the prologue to Garnier's Hippolyte, instead of the Fury 
Megaera, there appears the ghost of Aegeus, the father of Theseus. 
He is no revenge-ghost, but, like Megaera, he dilates on the thick 
horrors of the underworld, its sulphur-reeking air, its flying phantoms 
and fearful beasts, and then proceeds to foretell the woes which an 
inexorable Fate shall bring upon the house of Theseus. 

In France, as in Italy, a desire to enlarge the sphere of action 
prescribed for the ghost by Euripides and Seneca made itself felt. In 
Saul le Furieux (1572) of Jean de la Taille, who followed the example 
of George Buchanan in pressing scriptural narrative into the service of 
the neo-classical tragedy, there is no prologue-ghost; but in the thi^ 
act the dramatist brings together Saul and the Witch of Endor tne 
Phitonisse negromancienne '). The witch, by means of magic incanta st f 
summons from the grave the ghost of Samuel, who proceeds to cal ve tne 
curses upon the witch, and then, addressing Saul, foretells his inr 
ruin. In all this Jean de la Taille keeps closely to Bible stc- J delight 
the witch's incantations to Leviathan, Belial, and other fal 1 dt Wlt " m 


Hebrew lore, we may trace the influence of the earliest Greek tragedy, 
and see on the part of de la Taille a desire to get behind Seneca and 
Euripides, and to reproduce the impressive ghost-scene of Aeschylus's 

Translations of all of Seneca's plays were published in England 
before 1570, though the collective edition, the so-called Seneca, His 
Tenne Tragedies, edited by Thomas Newton, did not appear until 1581. 
The appeal which the Senecan ghost immediately made to the English 
reader is curiously attested by Jasper Hey wood's addition to his trans- 
lation of the Troas (1559) of a long prologue-speech, prefixed to the 
second act, and delivered by the ghost of Achilles. The burden of 
the monologue is revenge, and the Senecan accent is unmistakable 
throughout : 

From burning lakes the furies wrath I threate, 
And fire that nought but streames of bloud may slake, 
The rage of winde and seas their shippes shall beate, 
And Ditis deepe on you shall vengeance take ; 
The sprites crie out, the earth and seas do quake, 
The poole of Styx, ungratefull Greekes it seath 
With slaughtred bloud revenge Achilles death. 

The soyle doth shake to beare my heavy foote, 
And fearth agayne the sceptors of my hand, 
The pooles with stroake of thunderclap ring out, 
The doubtful starres amid their course do stand, 
And fearfull Phoebus hides his biasing brande ; 
The trembling lakes agaynst their course do flite, 
For dread and terrour of Achilles spright. 

Thus early, under the guidance of Seneca, did an English ghost learn 
the art of tearing a passion to tatters. 

When Seneca's plays were first read and translated by Englishmen, 
the Morality play, though its popularity was doubtless waning, was still 
in vogue. Accordingly we find that, although the Senecan revenge- 
tragedy soon won its way, the fondness for moral abstractions as dramatis 
personae made the entrance of so concrete a figure as the historic ghost 
somewhat difficult. Among the earliest of these revenge-tragedies is 
Pickering's Horestes 1 , which was acted at Court in the year 1568, and in 
w^ich the inspirer of vengeance is not a ghost but Revenge herself, 
ffhos a PP ears i* 1 company with other abstractions, such as Nature, Fame, 
of all se ^* -Another revenge-tragedy, acted at Court in the same year, is 
Furies 71 ^ f ^alerne in Love" 2 , of which the better known* Tancred and 
Selina ^ a * s a ^ ater adaptation. Here the spirits of vengeance are 

! o Brandl, Quellen des weltlichen Dramas in England vor Shakespeare, Strassburg 

Paris, a 

90 The Pre-Shakespearean Ghost 

Cupid, who speaks the prologue, and the Fury Megaera, who in a long 
monologue prefixed to Act iv., and closely modelled on the speeches of 
the Megaera in Seneca's Thyestes, declares that she has been sent to 
earth by Pluto to wreak vengeance on Tancred and Gismund 1 . 

There is no ghost either in Ferrex and Porrex, or in the other 
tragedies and tragi-comedies which soon followed in its wake. But 
between 1580 and 1590 the Senecan ghost took a definite place among 
the dramatis personae of English tragedies of revenge. The uncertainty 
as to the dates at which these early tragedies were first acted makes it 
difficult to record its first appearance. The Misfortunes of Arthur, with 
its ghost of Gorlpis, was certainly acted at Court in 1587, but it is 
possible that both Kyd's Spanish Tragedy and the anonymous Locrine 
both of them provided with ghosts are of earlier date. Professor 
Schick regards 1587 as the latest year in which The Spanish Tragedy 
could have been written ; Fleay says of Locrine that it was ' evidently 
presented at Court, most probably on February 13, 1586,' and Professor 
Churchill thinks that it was probably earlier than 1587. 

The Misfortunes of Arthur, the work of Thomas Hughes and other 
law-students of Gray's Inn, is Celtic in its theme, but Senecan in its 
construction and style. There is accordingly the frankest acceptance 
on the part of the ghost of Gorlois, who speaks the prologue, of all the 
classical colour and imagery of a Senecan ghost-speech. This murdered 
British duke rants of ' Pluto's pits,' the ' channels black of Limbo lake,' 
and the ' deep infernal flood of Stygian pool,' as though he had been a 
Tantalus or a Thyestes. Nowhere is any attempt made to utilise the 
native, mediaeval-Christian, ghost-lore which is to be met with in the 
mediaeval ballads and in the verse-romance, The Aunturs of Arthur 
at the Tarne- Wathelan. Gorlois, too, is a typical Senecan revenge-ghost. 
While serving as prologue-speaker, he vows vengeance on the seed of 
that Uther Pendragon who has despoiled him ' of wife, of land and life,' 
and the threats of vengeance which he formulates acquire exactly 
that truculence of manner which Seneca, and his French and Italian 
imitators, demanded of a revenge-ghost. In one respect Hughes takes 
a step in advance of Seneca. Gorlois appears not only in the first scene 
of the play, but also in the last. When the work of vengeance is fully 
accomplished, he reappears on the stage, and declares that his fury is 

1 Ghosts abound in the Latin University plays performed in the Elizabethan age at 
Oxford and Cambridge. I omit all reference to these plays, firstly because most of them 
are later than The Misfortunes of Arthur, The Spanish Tragedy, and Locrine, and secondly 
because their direct bearing upon the vernacular drama is very problematic. For a full 
account of these plays, see Churchill and Keller, Die lateinischen Universitdtsdramen, 
(Shakespeare- Jahrbuch, xxxiv.). 


now assuaged; he promises that Britain shall henceforth 'bathe in 
endless weal/ panegyrises Elizabeth, and then returns to Tartarus. 

The advance in the use of Senecan ghost-machinery which we have 
just noticed in The Misfortunes of Arthur is still more pronounced 
in Kyd's Spanish Tragedy. The presence of Revenge amongst the 
dramatis personae looks at first like a return to the Morality, but this 
figure, like the kindred spirit of Megaera in Seneca's Thyestes, adds 
considerably to the dramatic effectiveness of the ghost-scenes. Here, 
too, the ghost of Andrea and his attendant, Revenge, are not pent up 
within the prologue and epilogue of the play ; they remain as spectators 
of the action throughout its whole progress, and make their comments 
upon the events of each act. The role of the Senecan ghost on English 
soil is thus steadily enlarging: at first only a prologue-speaker, then 
summoned to deliver the epilogue as well, it now unites with both 
these offices that of fihe classical Chorus : 

Here sit we down to see the mystery, 
And serve for Chorus in this tragedy. 

Kyd, like those who went before him, makes no attempt to substitute 
for the exotic ghost-lore of classic mythology the beliefs regarding the 
ghost-world which were current in England in his own day. On the 
contrary, he exceeds Seneca himself in his reproduction of the ghost-lore 
of primitive Greece. Not only does the ghost of Andrea refer to ' fell 
Avernus' ugly waves,' to ' churlish Charon ' and ' Ixion's endless wheel,' 
but, in imitation of the sixth book of the Aeneid, he also introduces the 
Greek tradition as to rites of burial. Charon, we are told, refuses to 
bear Andrea across the stream of Acheron until his j3on__ Horatio has 
duly performed the funeral obsequies. Moreover, with his Vergil open 
before him, Kyd brings his Andrea into the presence of Minos, Aeacus, 
and Rhadamanthus, who pass sentence upon him and despatch him to 
the court of Pluto and Proserpine and to the ' fair Elysian green.' Kyd 
has from his own day until now been a by-word for bombastic speech and 
truculent action. But, as already pointed out, these are the essential 
qualities of the Senecan melodrama throughout the whole period of its 
popularity. Kyd's delight in riotous rhetoric, or in scenes of bloodshed 
and violence, is not greater than that manifested in Ferrex and Porrex 
or The Misfortunes of Arthur. The truth is that Kyd^ while refusing 
to sacrifice any of the gory detail of the Senecan revenge-tragedy, yet 
endeavoured to infuse into all this an element of poetry which up to 
now had been wanting. The dead Andrea is consumed with just such 
a^Berserker rage as the Senecans demanded from their vengeful ghosts 

92 The Pre- Shakespearean Ghost 

but there is a grandeur and resonance in the description which he gives 
of his encounter with his infernal judges which is altogether new to a 

The loss of Kyd's Hamlet makes it impossible to determine whether 
in that play Kyd made yet a further advance in the use of ghost- 
machinery and introduced his ghost as an actual participator in the 
action of the play, or whether he still retained him as Chorus to the 
tragedy. Lodge's scornful account of the ghost ' which cried so miserably 
at the theator, like an oyster-wife, Hamlet, revenge,' scarcely settles the 
matter, and the authorship of the English original of Der Bestrafte 
Brudermord is still a moot point. The advance was at any rate made 
by the author of Locrine. Fleay ascribed this play to Peele, and 
Dr Ward confesses that ' in manner Locrine resembles Peele rather than 
any other dramatist with whom I am acquainted.' If so, it must have 
been a very early work of Peele's, for internal evidence seems to show 
that it was written before the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, in 
1587. The prologue to this British tragedy of vengeance is spoken 
by the Fury Ate (cf. the prologue-speech by Ate prefixed to Peele's 
Arraignment of Paris), who enters amid thunder and lightning, ' with 
a burning torch in one hand, and a flaming swoord in the other.' Her 
speech is in every way inferior to that of Kyd's Andrea, and keeps 
slavishly to the Senecan model. No ghost accompanies her, but when 
the play has run half its course there appears upon the stage the ghost 
of Albanact, the brother of Locrine, whom Humber has slain in battle. 
(See Geoffrey of Monmouth, Lib. n. cap. i.) The ghost appears to his 
slayer, Humber, and the following conversation takes place between 
them : 

Humber. But why comes Albanacts bloodie ghoast 

To bring a corsive to our miseries ? 

1st not enough to suffer shamefull flight, 

But we must be tormented now with ghoasts, 

With apparitions fearfull to behold. 
Ghoast. Revenge, revenge for blood. 
Humber. So nought will satisfie your wandring ghoast 

But dire revenge, nothing but Humbers fall, 

Because he conquered you in Albany. 

Now by my soule Humber would be condemn'd 

To Tantals hunger or Ixions wheele, 

Or to the vultur of Prometheus, 

Rather than that this murther were undone. 

When as I die ile dragge thy cursed ghoast 

Through all the rivers of foule Erebus, 

Through burning sulphur of the Limbo-lake, 

To allaie the burning furie of that heate 

That rageth in mine everlasting soule. 
Ghoast. Vindicta, vindicta. [Exeunt. 


The sound and fury of this passage suggest hollowness within, and 
the crudeness of it all strikes us the more after the dignity of Kyd's 
Andrea. But the important thing is that the ghost is no longer a 
spectator ab extra, but a sharer in the action of the play. The ghost of 
Albanact, emboldened by his successful first appearance, returns to the 
stage in Act IV. Sc. iii. Here Strumbo is in the act of handing food to 
Humber, but the dauntless ghost strikes Strumbo on the hand, drives 
him and Humber from the stage, and then addresses the audience. 
After Humber's suicide he once more appears, gloats, like a typical 
revenge-ghost, over the accomplished vengeance, and announces his 
intention of returning to the infernal regions. The classical colouring 
is maintained to the very end : 

Backe will I post to hell mouth Taenarus, 
And pass Cocitus, to the Elysian fields, 
And tell my father Brutus of the newes. 

A yet further use is found in this play for ghost-machinery. In 
Act v. Sc. v. there appears the ghost of Corineus, who, like Albanact, is 
a revenge-ghost, and who, in a long soliloquy, predicts and gloats over 
the fall of his enemy, Locrine. He takes no part in the action, but 
declares his intention of remaining on earth until he has fed his soul 
on Locrine's overthrow. 

The privilege which the author of Locrine had extended to the 
ghost in giving him the right of entry into the play itself, instead of 
keeping him standing on the threshold, was readily maintained by 
succeeding dramatists, so that throughout the last decade of the century 
no figure was more familiar to the Elizabethan playgoer than that of 
the revenge-ghost whining forth his ' Vindicta ' cries from underneath a 
white sheet. The true Senecans did what they could to curb the ghost's 
license of action, and to confine him to the prologue, but the ground- 
lings, who loved nothing better than for 

each particular hair to stand an end, 
Like quills upon the fretful porpentine 

would abide by no such restrictions. Thus the second act of Peele's 
Battle of Alcazar opens with a high-pitched prologi^e-speech by the 
Presenter, in which he tells of bloodshed, warfare, and vengeance. As 
he is speaking, three ghosts appear upon the stage, u^ter the word 
'Vindicta' and retire. In Greene's Alphonsus, King of Arragon 
Medea the sorceress, by means of incantations, raises from the lower 
world the ghost of Calchas, who, according to the stage- direction, rises 
' in a white surplice and a Cardinal's mitre.' After making a speech, he 

94 The Pre- Shakespearean Ghost 

is despatched by Medea to enquire of the Destinies what fortune shall 
attend on Amurack in his wars (cf. Saul le Furieux). In this play the 
ghost is extending his empire by securing a place in comedy, and the 
same is true of the ghost of Jack in Peele's Old Wives' Tale, of that of 
Will Summer, the famous comedian, who plays a very amusing part in 
Nash's Will Summer s Last Will and Testament, and that of Malbecco 
who finds a place in the anonymous Grim, the Collier of Groydon. 

Moreover, where the ghost does not actually appear upon the stage, 
we are often reminded of his vogue as a revenge-spirit by frequent 
allusions met with in the dramas of the period. Thus in The Looking- 
Glassfor London and England of Greene and Lodge the Priest of the 
Sun says, 

The ghosts of dead men howling walk about, 
Crying vae, vae, woe to this city, woe ! 

while in Greene's James IV of Scotland the Scottish king exclaims, 

Methinks I hear my Dorothea's ghost 
Howling revenge for my accursed hate; 
The ghost of those my subjects that are slain 
Pursue me, crying out, 'Woe, woe, to lust!' 

But the limits of the ghost's empire are not reached, nor the dark 
abysms of melodrama fully sounded, until we reach the second part of 
Marston's Antonio and Mellida (1601). Here horror runs riot, and 
ghostly visitations cloy by their frequency even the strongest palate. 
The ghost of the murdered Andrugio appears on the stage, thirsting for 
vengeance, at every step in the action, while such is the vogue of the 
ghostly catch-word ' Vindicta,' that it takes to itself bodily form and 
becomes a personification: 

The fist of strenuous vengeance is clutcht, 
And sterne Vindicta towreth up aloft.... 

Act v. sc. i. 

That the riotous excesses in which the ghosts of the revenge- 
tragedians indulged should have run their course unchecked by the 
ridicule of the satirist was, of course, impossible even in an age so 
indulgent as the Elizabethan. The hue and cry seems to have begun 
about 1599, when an anonymous play, A Warning for Fair Women, 
was acted; in the Induction to this play are found the following 
lines : 

Then, too, a filthy whining ghost, 

Lapt in some foul sheet or a leather pilch, 

Comes screaming like a pig half sticked, 

And cries, ' Vindicta ! Revenge, Revenge ' ! 

"With that a little rosin flasheth forth, 

Like smoke out of a tobacco pipe or a boy's squib. 


The passage is interesting as throwing light upon the stage-manager's 
devices for creating an atmosphere for his phantoms, but A Warning 
for Fair Women was too lame a play to produce by its incidental 
ridicule of ghost scenes much influence upon the popular taste. What 
is more important is to determine the attitude adopted towards this 
ghost-machinery by those dramatists who were looked up to as leaders. 
Marlowe, except in the necromantic scenes in which Faust and Mephis- 
topheles raise from the dead the silent wraiths of Helen, Alexander and 
his paramour, made no use in his plays of ghostly visitations. Revenge 
appealed to him as a tragic motive, as it appealed to so many of his 
contemporaries, but to the blandishments of the ghost, even when, as in 
his Dido, he stood on classic soil, he turned a deaf ear. Ben Jonson 
had recourse to a dignified prologue -ghost the ghost of Sylla to set 
his tragedy of Catiline in motion, but towards the revenge-ghost who 
comes from Tartarus to hurl forth his ' Vindicta ' cries he shows only 
ridicule. (See The Poetaster, in. i.) 

That the revenge-ghost was not snuffed out by Jonson's ridicule, but 
lived on and found a place in such plays as Chapman's Revenge oj Bussy 
d'Ambois, The Atheist's Tragedy of Cyril Tourneur, and even in so late 
a work as Lady Alimony (after 1633), was largely due to the influence 
of Shakespeare, who neither ignored it with Marlowe, nor ridiculed it 
with Jonson ; but, stripping it of its rant and fustian, invested it with a 
new dignity and endowed it with a new purpose. 



THE following notes are written with the view to amending and 
amplifying the bibliographical portion of my Life of Lope de Vega 
(Glasgow and Philadelphia, 1904). 


On page 494 of the above work is the following statement : 'Amistad 
(La) y Obligation: xxn. Zaragoza, 1630; Suelta (J. K. C[horley] and 
Gayangos) ; MS. copy Cat. Bibl. Nacional, No. 140. Duran and 
Mesonero Romanos assert that this is (with some slight variations) the 
same play as Montal van's Lucha de Amor y Amistad, but Chorley notes 
that Montalvan's is an obra divina. I have the latter work, and find 
that the first line agrees with the MS. though the closing line does not. 
The characters are the same.' There is a slight error here. The first 
two lines of the play ascribed to Montalvan are : 

Don Martin. No se como sin morir. 
Lope, te puedo escuchar. 

Lucha de Amor y Amistad is identical with La Amistad y Obligation, 
except that the first twenty-nine lines of the latter play are omitted 
in the former, together with the character of Belardo, and the few 
lines assigned to that character. When I wrote the above in my Life 
of Lope de Vega I had never seen the very rare Parte xxu., published 
at Zaragoza in 1630, by Pedro Verges, ' a costa de lusepe Ginobart, 
Mercader de Libros,' which has since come into my possession, and I 
am thus able to confirm the assertion of Duran and Gayangos. The 
comedia is undoubtedly Lope's, and is wrongly ascribed to Montalvan. 
Towards the close of Act in. the following passage occurs : 

Seuero. Soy Musico, soy Poeta. 

Lope. Soys Vulgar o Culterano? 
Seuero. Culto soy. 
Lope. Quedaos en casa 

y escriuireys mis secretos. 
Seuero. Tus secretos, porque causa? 
Lope. Porque nadie los entienda. 


Chorley is mistaken in calling the play ascribed to Montalvan an 
' obra divina.' Concerning the other plays in this Parte XXIL, the first 
one : Nunca mucho costo poco, ascribed to Lope (and undoubtedly his), 
is entirely different from Alarcon's Los Pechos privilegiados, which 
latter, according to Hartzenbusch, also exists as a ' suelta ' with the title 
Nunca mucho costo poco, and appears under this title in Alarcon's 
Comedias Escogidas, Vol. n. Madrid, 1829. 

Di Mentira, sacards Verdad is by Matias de los Reyes. The con- 
cluding lines are : 

Aqueste es el fin que di6 
a su fabula Batillo^ 
j que os pida, me pidi<5 
perdon de su humilde estilo 
y asi os lo suplico yo. 

Batillo is a shepherd, one of the subordinate characters in the play, 
and is very probably the nom de guerre of Reyes, just as Lope used the 
name Belardo 1 . 

Of the remaining plays in Parte xxii., La Verdad sospechosa is by 
Alarcon ; Quien bien ama tarde olvida is a poor play and unworthy of 
Lope, to whom it is ascribed. 


Prof. Restori has printed a comedia bearing this title, and ascribed 
to Lope de Vega, from a MS. copy in the Bibliotheca Palatina, at Parma 
(Degli 'Autos' di Lope de Vega Carpio, Parma, 1898, pp. 1742). To 
me the authorship of this play seems doubtful, despite the fact that the 
MS. belonged to Francisco de Roxas, who made some corrections in it, 
and the further fact that the last two sheets are in the handwriting of 
Martinez de Mora. It is perhaps true, as Prof. Restori says, that Lope 
has written worse plays, but any third-rate ingenio could have written 
El Negro del mejor Amo, and I should be unwilling, except on better 
evidence, to make Lope responsible for it. Mira de Mescua's comedia 
of the same title, which I have, is wholly different. ' Rosambuco, 
Turco/ is the principal character in the latter play, while in Lope's 
Antidbo it is the ' Principe negro.' In the 1618 edition of Lope's 
Peregrino en su P atria there is a list of additional plays by Lope 2 
(repeating twelve from the first list of 1604); among tliese is one 

1 Batilo is also one of the characters in the Comedia Del que Diran of Matias de los 
Reyes. See also Barrera, Catdlogo, pp. 326, 327. 

2 Query : who is the author of this list in the edition of 1618 ? Certainly Lope de Vega 
had no part in drawing it up. 

98 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

entitled El santo Negro, which is perhaps the play published in 1612 
(or 1611 ?) in the so-called Tercera Parte of Lope, under the title : 
Vida y Muerte del santo Negro llamado san Benito de Palermo, and 
republished by Menendez y Pelayo in Vol. IV. of the Academy's edition 
of Lope. Mescua's play is upon the same subject. 


It is well known that the published collection of Lope de Vega's 
Comedias consists of twenty-five Partes, which were issued between 
1604 and 1647. It is equally well known that Partes in. and v. do not 
belong to this collection at all, but to the series of Diferentes Autores. 
In the ' tassa ' to Parte ill. the volume is distinctly described as : ' un 
libro de doze comedias, compuestas por diferentes Autores ' (ed. of 1613, 
Madrid, En casa de Miguel Serrano de Vargas) ; while the title-page of 
Parte v. is : Flor de comedias de Espana de diferentes autores. 

Now, in addition to this collection of twenty-five ' Partes,' there are 
three volumes which are supposed to have existed, numbered Partes 
xxvi., xxvii. and XXVIIL, of the comedias of Lope de Vega, and which 
are called Partes extravagantes, i.e. irregular or odd Parts, and some- 
times called ' las de afuera/ i.e. not published in Madrid. 

The supposed contents of these Parts are given in Barrera, Catdlogo, 
pp. 682 683, from whom I have taken them in the bibliography of my 
Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 400 401. The titles of these parts, as given 
by Barrera, are as follows : 

Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio...(y otros Autores). Parte veynte 
y seis. Zaragoza, 1645 1 . 

Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio...(y otros Autores). Parte veynte 
y siete. Barcelona, 1633. 

Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio...(y otros Autores). Parte veynte 
y ocho. Zaragoza, 1639. 

1 Here Barrera adds a note, in which he says that, as the date 1645 indicates, this 
must be either a re-impression of the volume or of the title-page, and that the volume 
must have been printed for the first time in 1632 or 1633, as is proved by a passage in 
Lope's El Desprecio agradecido, printed in 1637, in the Vega del Parnaso : 

Ines. Pues un libro, y esta vela 

Os sera de gran prouecho. 
Don Bernardo. Quien es ? 
Ines. Parte ventiseis 

De Lope. 
Don Bernardo. Libros supuestos, 

Que con su nombre se imprimen. 

(Ed. of 1637, fol. 153.) 


It will be observed that the titles are alike, except as regards dates : 
no details are given. There is a good reason for this, as we shall see. 

These three volumes, Partes XXVL, xxvii. and xxvm., are known as 
the 'Partes extravag antes of Lope, though Parte xxix. (En Huesca, por 
Pedro Bluson, 1634), of which there is a copy in the Biblioteca Nacional 
at Madrid, has an equal right to be so entitled. So far as I have been 
able to learn, nobody who has written about these Partes extravagantes, 
or who has quoted them, has ever seen them, except Fajardo. Nobody 
else even pretends that he has seen any of them. 

In any discussion of these extravagantes it seems to me that the 
testimony of Barrera may fairly be disregarded, for, as it will be shown, 
he has simply copied Fajardo. 'All that we can do therefore,' as 
Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly says (in a letter to the writer), 'is to form an 
estimate of Fajardo's credibility, and base tentative conclusions thereon. 
Speaking generally Fajardo is accurate ; apart from occasional slips, he 
survives the trial of being tested at various points.' Now, in addition 
to the statements of Fajardo, the only other evidence we have of the 
existence of these extravagantes (except the passage from Lope's 
comedia, given above) is to be found in three made-up volumes (tomos 
colecticios), formerly in the Osuna Library, numbered respectively 131, 
132 and 133, and described by Schack, Nachtrdge, pp. 4142. Their 
contents are to be found in my Life of Lope de Vega, pp. 437 438, 
together with the statement of John Rutter Chorley, that the references 
to the Partes extravagantes are introduced by Barrera on the sole 
authority of Fajardo's Index, and that Barrera omits to give the reader 
the very necessary information that, so far as can be ascertained at 
present, these volumes [the extravagantes'] do not exist, save in the 
fragments in the Osuna Library above mentioned. 

Now let us take the case of Parte XXVI. Zaragoza, 1645, noted by 
Barrera on p. 682. The contents of this volume are simply copied from 
Fajardo ; a thing which nobody would guess, but it is so. Among the 
plays included in this volume, Fajardo gives El Nacimiento de Alba 
and El Prodigio de Etiopia. They exist respectively in vols. 131 and 
132 of the Osuna Library (a fact which Barrera mentions in a note), 
but in the list of contents of these three volumes, as we have it, both 
these plays are marked as ' sueltas ' (whether without pagination, or 
paged separately, is not indicated). Unfortunately we are ^iow unable 
to verify such accounts as we have of these three Osuna volumes, as 
they are not available at the Biblioteca Nacional. I happen to know, 
however, that there is now in the Gayangos collection in the Biblioteca 

100 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

Nacional a copy of Amar como se ha de A mar, for example, which is 
given in Vol. 131 as a ' suelta,' but which is paged 214 233. Chorley 
had a copy of this play so paged, as had likewise Salva (Catdlogo, I., 
p. 548), showing that, in all probability, the details of the Osuna 
volumes are not entirely accurate. Of El Prodigio de Etiopia, the 
only ' suelta ' also from the Gayangos collection is unpaged. But 
even if El Nacimiento de Alba and El Prodigio de Etiopia were 
paged as ' sueltas ' (though it would weaken the case), still it would not 
be positive evidence that they may not have been contained in Parte 
xxvi. extravagante, inasmuch as Parte xxix. (Huesca, 1634) is made up 
almost entirely of plays separately paged, as are likewise all the copies 
of Lope's Parte VI. that I have seen. Hence we may, perhaps, fairly 
infer the existence of an otherwise unknown volume, containing these 
two plays, and we may assume that this volume was the Parte xxvi. 
extravagante, mentioned by Fajardo as containing the said two plays. 
So far this corroborates Fajardo's statement. But it must be observed 
that the corroboration is only partial ; it is limited to the two plays 
above named. Fajardo may be right as regards the remaining ten 
plays. The presumption is even in his favour. Nevertheless it is 
nothing more than a presumption. We know nothing that would 
justify us in speaking decisively on this point. 

Again, take the case of Parte xxvu., Barcelona, 1633, noted by 
Barrera on p. 682, col. 2. The contents of this volume are also simply 
copied by Barrera from Fajardo, and again Barrera says not a word as 
to the origin of his information. He merely mentions that one of the 
plays in this Parte XXVIL, Lanza por Lanza, is in Vol. 133 of the Osuna 
Library, and he goes on to say that this Vol. 133 is in the main made 
up of fragments of this very rare Parte xxvu. extravagante. Observe 
that Barrera says this Vol. xxvu. is very rare, but he carefully avoids 
saying that he has seen it, and skilfully conveys a wrong impression. 
Yet the case for xxvu. extravagante is very strong. The Osuna volume 
No. 133 contains seven plays, with, apparently, a continuous pagination, 
from fol. 1 to fol. 146, and six of these plays are said by Fajardo to be 
in xxvu. extravagante. Now we have some knowledge of this pagina- 
tion elsewhere, and it partly confirms the contents of the volume, 
though not in the order in which Barrera has given the plays. Salva 
(Catdlogo, Vol. i., p. 548) tells us that he possessed some fragments of 
an unknown volume, and combining his data (he gives the pagination of 
his fragments) with what we have in Osuna 133, we get the following^ 
for the contents of Vol. xxvu. extravagante : 

H. A. RENNERT 101 

Lanza por Lanza, la de Luis de Almanza, fols. 21 38. 
El Sastre de Campillo 3962. 

Alia dards, Rayo 6380. 

La Selva confusa 81100. 

Julian Romero 101122. 

Los Vargas de Castilla 123 146. 

We have, therefore, very strong indications of the existence of a volume 
which has left no other trace behind. This is a decided corroboration 
of Fajardo. It will be seen (Life of Lope de Vega, p. 438) that 
Chorley's and Salva's fragments point to the conclusion that Julian 
Romero ought to be included in xxvu. extravagante ; its omission 
warns us to check Fajardo's statements as we should those of any other 
bibliographer 1 . ' 

Concerning Parte xxvm. extravagante there is no confirmation of 
its contents (so far as I know), as given by Barrera, who takes them 
from Fajardo. The latter, for example, gives El Labrador venturoso as 
in xxvm. extravagante. Chorley conjectures, and I incline to agree 
with him, that Fajardo perhaps meant to write xxvm. Diferentes, 
which does contain El Labrador venturoso. This may be a slip of the 
pen, for volumes bearing the same number, but belonging to different 
series and issued at divers times and places, do occasionally include 
the same plays 2 . But Barrera is certainly in difficulties in regard to 
this xxvm. extravagante, which he says contains El Palacio confuso, 
ascribed to Lope. Fajardo simply notes: 'En Parte xxvm. de Mescua.' 
He may have meant Escogidas xxvm., and true, there it is, but 
ascribed to Mescua. Barrera simply substitutes Lope for Mescua, con- 
fusing the matter with Vol. xxvm. Diferentes of Huesca, where the 
play is ascribed to Lope 3 . 

1 Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly reminds me, however, that Fajardo mentions Julian Romero 
as being ' en su Parte 17 de Zaragoza,' and suggests that this may be merely a slip of the 
copyist's for ' Parte 27.' 

2 Since the above passage was written, Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly has pointed out to me 
that, with the exception of El trato muda costumbres (which occurs in Vol. xxx. Diferentes 
of Huesca, 1636, under the title of El Marido hace mujer), all the plays mentioned by 
Fajardo as being in Parte xxvm. extravagante are given in xxvm. Diferentes of 
Huesca, 1634. 

3 See the note in my Life of Lope de Vega, p. 524. All the information in this article 
concerning Fajardo's Index (which I have never seen) has been kindly furnished by my 
friend, Mr Fitzrnaurice-Kelly. It is a great satisfaction, moreover, to know that his. 
opinion of the extravagantes is in substantial agreement with mine. 

I may add here that in the list of contents of Part xxix. (En Huesca, por Pedro Bluson r 
1634) given by Barrera, p. 683, he has entirely omitted the second play, Donde no estd su 
Dueno, estd su Duelo, ascribed to Lope. From the contents of this volume, which I sub- 
join, it will be seen that it is a made-up volume. 

Doze Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio, Parte veynte y nueue. En Huesca, por Pedro 
Bluson, Ano de 1634. 

La Paloma de Toledo : Lope, Eepresentola Avendano, fols. 121140. 

Donde no estd su Dueno, estd su Duelo : Lope, Eepresentola Prado, fols. 58 81. 

Querer mas y sufrir menos : Lope, fols. 1 20 v. 

Los Mdrtires de Madrid : Lope, fols. 1 20 v. [La prospera 

M. L. R. 7 

102 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

In the matter of these Paries extravag antes, therefore, the testimony 
of Barrera need not be considered at all. He had never seen the 
extravag antes (nor does he, in fact, say that he has seen them, though 
he permits us to infer as much); he has simply copied Fajardo's Index. 
Chorley possessed a MS. copy of this Index, and was, moreover, scrupu- 
lously careful in his statements ; on the whole he was a much better 
guide. Fajardo, as we have stated above, was the only man who ever 
saw these extravag antes. As Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly has said, in a letter 
to me : ' Apart from the Osuna volumes, the solitary witness [concerning 
these Partes extravag antes'] is Fajardo.' 

To sum up. (1) I believe there was a Parte xxvi. extravagante : 
(a) on the strength of Fajardo's assertion, and (6) because of the cor- 
roborative evidence in the Osuna Vols. 131 and 132, and (c) because 
Lope de Vega in his El Desprecio agradecido distinctly says that there 
was such a Parte xxvi. (2) I believe, too, most strongly, that there was 
a Parte xxvu. extravagante : (a) on the assertion of Fajardo, which is 
confirmed by (6) the plays in the Osuna Vol. 133, by the fragments 
possessed by Salva, and by (c) Chorley's fragment of Los Vargas de 
Castillo,, corresponding to pp. 127 146 of this Osuna Vol. 133. (3) The 
existence of a Parte xxvui. extravagante, as Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly 
writes to me, ' depends entirely on the amount of confidence to be placed 
in Fajardo.' He is not infallible, but his credibility is not seriously 
shaken. He says there is (or was, rather) a Parte xxvui. extravagante. 
He makes mistakes, perhaps, in this case (see concerning El Labrador 
venturoso, p. 101, and especially for the remaining plays, note 2 on 
p. 101); he apparently makes a mistake also in the case of xxvu. 
extravagante, which should include Julian Romero. I find less corro- 
borative evidence as to what Fajardo says about xxvui. extravagante, 
and so its case is very much weaker than that of the two preceding 
volumes, yet I am inclined to believe such a volume existed, though 
this belief is wholly based on my faith in Fajardo's assertion. 

Unfortunately, as I have said, we must for the present be content 
with the description which we now possess of the Osuna volumes 131, 

La prospera Fortuna de don Bernardo de Cabrera, Lope, fols. 122 v. 

La aduersa Fortuna de don Bernardo de Cabrera: Lope, Bepresentola Morales, 
fols. 1 22 v. 

Las Mocedades de Bernardo del Carpio : Lope, Bepresentola Boque de Figueroa, 
fols. 1 20 v. 

Pusoseme el Sol, saliome la Luna : Lope de Vega crossed out and Claramonte written 
above,' fols. 1 22. 

El Cerco de Peiion de Velez: Luis Velez de Guevara, fols. 1 20 v. 

El Cautivo venturoso : Francisco de Barrientos, fols. 1 16 v. 

Un Gusto trae mil Disgustos : Juan Perez de Montalban, fols. 1 20 v. 

El Hombre de mayor Fama : Doctor Mira de Mescua, fols. 1 17 v. 



132 and 133, for, as already stated, these volumes are not, so far 
as I can gather, available at the Biblioteca Nacional. 

Of some plays contained in the Osuna volumes, duplicates exist in 
the Biblioteca Nacional, mostly from the Gayangos collection. I subjoin 
the opening and closing lines : 


(Suelta ; Biblioteca de Filosofia y Letras de la Universidad Central.) 
Comedia Famosa de Lope de Vega Carpio. Represent61a Suarez. 

Hablan en ella las personas siguientes : 
Don Pedro de Cardona. Turin. 

Don Juan, su hermano. Rugero. 

Clarinda, Princesa. Lucindo. 

Ricarda, y Julia, labradora. El Conde Roberto, padre de Ricarda. 

Acto Primero. 
Salen Don Pedro y Don Juan. 

D. Juan. Fuese el Rey ? 

D. Pedro. Ya se partio 

para castigar el Rey 

de Napoles, al Virrey, 

que con Sicilia se algd. 

Pero dizen que salid 

para estoruarle el castigo 

su reuelado enemigo, 

con otra famosa armada. 
D. Juan. Serd, dessa infame espada 

el mar sepulchre y castigo. 
D. Pedro. Yo con quedar me e quedado 

corrido, aunque no le niego 

a mi amor, por ser tan ciego, 

el contento que me & dado; 

que a su consejo de Estado 

el Rey me manda acudir, 

todo es seruir, si es seruir 

al dueiio de mis enojos, 

sin veros, hermosos ojos, 

es impossible viuir. 

[fol. 233 v.] Clarinda. 

D. Pedro. 

D. Juan. 

Razon y amor me aconsejan, 
desde oy, don Pedro y Ricarda 
Reyes de Napoles sean, 
que yo y don Juan lo seremos 
de Cicilia. 

Quien pudiera, 
sino tu ingenio y valor, 
dar tan diuina sentencia ? 
Senora, con que palabras 
quieres que yo te agradezca 
tanta merced y fauor? 


104 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

Clarinda. Con que solamente aprendas 
a amar como se ha de amar, 
que es la mayor excelencia. 

Turin. Pues no dan nada a Turin? 

Clarinda. Eres Turin el que suenas? 

Turin. Yo voy. 

D. Pedro. Pues dile al Senado 

que aqui acaba la Comedia. 


(Suelta, paged 235 254 v. Biblioteca de Filosofia y Letras &c.) 

Comedia famosa de Lope de Vega Carpio. 

Hablan en ella las personas siguientes: 

El Conde de Miranda. 

Nardo Antonio. 


Ricardo, su padre. 

Gerardo. . 


Leonelo \ 


_, . } soldados. 


Timbrio j 

Otro soldado. 


Un Capitan espanol. 





Montilla, vandolero. 

Tres vandoleros. 

Julia, criada. 

Pedro Talla. 

Pascual 1 .,, 

,, , . > villanos. 

Martin ) 



Rufino, mercader. 


Liseno, pastor. 

Acto Primero. 
Suena musica, y salen Batistela, Leonelo y Roselo, soldados. 

Roselo. Brauo recibimiento. Leonelo. Generoso. 

Batistela. De Napoles su esfuer9o acreditado, 
que al Conde de Miranda, valeroso, 
muestra en festines general aplauso: 
puede llamarse el Keyno venturoso 
con tal Virrey, que a fuer de buen soldado 
oy k honrado con premios la milicia, 
mezclando la piedad con tal justicia. 

Leonelo. A aquesta sala viene. Batistela. Aqui veremos 
mas espacio el valor de su presencia, 
a quien tan grande amor los mas deuemos, 
claros indicios de su real clemencia. 

[fol. 254 v.] Leonarda quiero que tenga 
fin religioso, ayudando 
para su dote mi hazienda, 
la Concepcion Espafiola 
serd su carcel perpetua. 

H. A. RENNERT 105 

Nardo. Dexame besar tus pies; 

solo un Espanol pudiera 

hazerme favor tan grande : 

ya Leonarda viua quedas, 

dame tus bra9os y al cielo 

a Nardo Antonio encomienda. 
Leonarda. No puedo sufrir el llanto ; 

morir contigo quisiera. 
Nardo. Lleuadlos, que me enternecen, 

rrque dichoso fin tenga 
vida de Nardo Antonio, 
que oy agradaros dessea. 


(In Doze Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio. Parte veynte y nueue. 

En Huesca, 1634.) 
Comedia famosa de Lope de Vega Carpio. 

Hablan en ella las personas siguientes : 
Don Diego de Castro. Jacinta. 

Don Juan de Ribera. Lope, criado. 

Dona Leonor. Don Luys, padre de Dona Ana. 

Dona Ana, su prima. Cesar. 

Jornada Primera. 

Salen Don Diego y Don Juan. 

D. Diego. Hable, don Juan, el azero, 

supuesto que vos callays, 

que de esse silencio infiero 

que a pelear me sacays, 

y satisfazeros quiero. 

Ya no estamos en lugar, 

don Juan, de gastar razones, 

y assi podreys escusar 

el pedir satisfacciones, 

quando no las pienso dar. 

He conocido el intento. 
Don Juan. Si, don Diego a esso venis, 

pero dezir lo que siento 

quiero, si cortes me ois. 
jDon Diego. Ya os escucho. Don Juan. Estad atento. 

Ya sabeys que en cierta calle, 

no es menester que os la nonbre, 

que yo se que la podreys 

conocer por mis informes. 

Y es bien passarla en silencio, 

por los troncos que nos oyen, 

que escuchan mudos a vezes ^ 

lo que publican a vozes. 

Sirvo a una dama, don Diego, 

claro esta que quien esconde 

aun el nombre de la calle, 

el suyo es bien que perdone. 

106 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

[fol. 20 v.] Salen Jacinta y Lope. 

Lope. Vive Dios, que quando vi 

el alboroto y estmendo, 

y las vozes, quise dar 

con las puertas en el suelo, 

que entendi que te rnataran; 

en efeto no estas muerto? 
Don Diego. No, Lope, sino casado. 
Lope. Pues haz quenta que es lo mesmo, 

y serd quenta muy cierta : 

bueno es dexarme al sereno, 

y entrarse a casar. D. Diego. Que quieres 1 ? 
Lope. Venturoso yo que llego 

tarde al casar. Dona Leonor. No tan tarde 

que Jacinta. Lope. En fin no puedo 

escaparme. D. Diego. No es possible. 
Lope. No, pues paciencia, y apelo 

para el capuz. Jacinta. Malos aiios. 
Don Luys. Venid, porque concertemos 

estas bodas. D. Diego. Esto ha sido 

querer mas, y sufrir menos. 

Las faltas dissimulad 

deste amante atrevimiento, 

de aquel que desea serviros, 

que esto le basta por premio. 


(Also in Doze Comedias de Lope de Vega Carpio. Parte veynte y 
nueue. En Huesca, por Pedro Bluson, afio de 1634. This comedia is 
not mentioned in the list of plays in this volume given by Schack 
and Barrera.) 

Comedia famosa de Lope de Vega Carpio. Representdla Prado. 
Hablan en ella las personas siguientes : 

El Conde. Sabina. El Duque de Terranova. 

Don Diego. Leonor. D. Juan de Ucunca, veedor. 

Un Paje. Tres Capitanes. El Duque de Parma. 

Vanquete, gracioso. Don Pedro. Un Maestro de Campo. 

Aurelia. Zamudio. Un criado. 

Dona Juana. Villalta. Criados. 

Acto Primero. 
Salen el Conde, y Don Diego. 

Conde. Estremadamente os veo, 

con vuestra suerte dichosa, 

contento. D. Diego. Tengo una esposa 

a medida del desseo: 

la dicha que yo he tenido 

in se escriue ni se sabe. 



Conde. Plegue a Dios que no se acabe, 
que ha poco que soys marido. 

D. Diego. No puede ser, si segura 

tengo la dicha, y el sesso, 
porque tengo a un mismo peso 
la discrecion y hermosura, 
y hermosura y discrecion 
la vez que vienen a ser 
iguales en la muger, 
en el hombre eternas son. 
Tanto al gusto vive asida, 
que pienso al consideralla, 
que ay en mi para adoralla 
en el alma poca vida. 

Conde. El mayor bien viene a ser 
de la tierra auer llegado, 
a estar siempre enamorado, 
un hombre de su muger. 

[fol. 81.] 





D. Diego. 

Quando no porque la devo 

yo la vida y tu lo mandas, 

lo hiziera, por verme aora 

el cuchillo a la garganta: 

tu esposo soy. Dona Juana. Yo soy tuya. 

Quien vio cosas tan estranas? 

Senor, perdoname a mi. 

Si conmigo no se casa, 

no lo hagas. 

Esso dudas? 
he aqui mi mano. 

Esso basta. 

Aora dame los bragos. 
Toma los bra9os, y el alma, 
y acabe aqui la Comedia, 
pues estos exemplos bastan 
para que sirva mi esposa, 
para que assista en mi casa, 
porque me diga siempre mi rezelo 
donde no estd su dueno, estd su duelo. 


There are two comedias entitled La Nina de Plata, both ascribed 
to Lope de Vega. The first has the sub-title El cortes Galan, and is 
published in Parte IX. of Lope's Comedias, Barcelona, 1618, fol. 103. 
The other play, with the title La Nina de Plata y Burla vengada, 
exists in MS. in the British Museum (MSS. Eg. 547). Concerning it 
Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly informed me (see Life of Lope de Vega, p. 210 n.) 
that this MS. is dated Montilla, January 29, 1613; also that it is not 
in Lope's handwriting, that it is not signed by him, Aat it differs 
altogether from Lope's printed comedia 1 , that it is (so far as he is 

1 It may be convenient to state that Ismenio, Don Diego, Fabio, Don Pedro, Lechuga, 
Dona Blanca and Xarife are among the numerous characters of La Nina de Plata in 
MSS. Eg. 547. 

108 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

aware) unpublished, and that it bears no resemblance to Lope's 
style. The comedia as printed in Lope's Parte ix. is edited by 
Menendez y Pelayo and appears in Volume IX. of the Academy's 
edition. This volume is reviewed in the Zeitschrift fur romanische 
Philologie, Vol. 28 (1904), by Prof. Restori, and this, like all other 
reviews of the Academy's edition of Lope, written by that scholar, is 
of prime importance, both as regards precise knowledge of Lope's 
theatre and the new critical matter adduced. Menendez y Pelayo cites 
a 'suelta' of La Nina de Plata of 1781 ; Restori compares a 'suelta' 
printed in 1739, with the play as published by Menendez y Pelayo, and 
shows the many and very important variations from the original Parte IX. 
This is another example, if any were needed, of the importance of the 
' sueltas ' for the constitution of a text, although these ' sueltas,' as is 
well known, were generally forced into the regulation number of sheets 
and often mutilated in most barbarous fashion. I may add that I 
possess the 'suelta' of this play dated 1781, 'en Valencia, en la Im- 
prenta de Joseph y Thomas Orga,' which seems, barring a few changes, 
to be identical with that of 1739. The later edition supplies the 
missing verses in the copy of 1739 (e.g. on p. 114 of Restori's review): 

Maestre (not Arias, as in 1739 text) : Es hija 

de un Ventiquatro. 
Arias. En el pueblo 

tiene estimation. Rey. Maestre, etc. 

On p. 121 of the Zeitschrift, Don Juan's speech reads : 

Calla, necio, que no estoy 
para gracias: ay Leonido ! 

In the same review, Restori refers to a copy of a very rare and 
ancient edition of La Estrella de Sevilla, which seems to have been 
torn from a volume, as it is paged 99 120. This volume is not wholly 
unknown, as was supposed, but is mentioned by Salva (Catdlogo, i. 
p. 548), who possessed a copy of the same fragment, as well as a copy 
of La Paloma de Toledo, paged 121 140, showing that these two 
comedias were consecutive in the same volume, no other trace of which 
seems to exist. 


The autograph of this comedia, signed by Lope at Madrid, October 
23, 1625, is now in the Lenox Library, New York. Mr Lenox 
bought it from Mr Obadiah Rich, then U.S. Consul at Valencia, and 
Mr Rich purchased it from D. Fernando de la Serna. In the Lenox 
Library is also a transcript made by Henri Ternaux-Compans in 1833, 

H. A. RENNERT 109 

from Duran's copy. The latter is now in the Biblioteca Nacional, at 
Madrid. The play has been reprinted in the Academy's edition of 
Lope de Vega, Vol. xin. 

The Rich collection of Spanish MSS. is now in the Lenox Library, 
and among them a number formerly owned by Ternaux-Compans. 

The cast of El Brasil Restituido, which I copied from the autograph, 
is interesting, and is as follows : 

Personas del P Acto. 

Dona Guiomar M a de Vitoria. 

Don Diego Cintor. 

Bernardo Bernardino. 

Laurenio Antonio. 

Leonardo Bobadilla. 

El Coronel de Olanda Arias, con barba Fran9esa. 

Alberto, sti hijo El Spir Santo del Auto. 

El Gobernador El Autor. 

Machado ..Pedro. 

El Brasil Maria de Cordoba. 

Personas del 2 Acto. 

La Religion Catolica Dorotea. 

El Brasil La Autora. 

Don Manuel de Meneses musico. 

Don Fadrique de Toledo Arias. 

Leonardo Bobadilla. 

El Coronel electa Bernardino. 

Don Enrique de Alagon Cintor. 

Don Diego de Espinosa Antonio. 

Don Pedro de Santisteban Fr co de rro. 

Dona Guiomar M a de Vit a . 

D. Juan de Orellada Mar ana. 

La heregia M a de Vitoria. 

Un soldado El nino. 

The 'autor' or manager of this company in 1625 was, in all 

probability, Andres de la Vega, one of the best known theatrical 
managers of the. first half of the xvnth century. His wife (in this 
cast 'la Autora') Maria de Cordoba (called Amarilis or La Gran 

110 Notes on some Comedias of Lope de Vega 

Sultana, was one of the most famous actresses of her time. In the 
previous year the company of Andres de la Vega represented one of the 
( autos ' at the Corpus Christi festival in Seville, and also took part in 
the festival given by the Duke of Medina Sidonia to Philip IV. in that 
year. Both Andres de la Vega and Maria de Cordoba were still acting 
in 1643. The latter was the daughter of Antonio Martinez and Isabel 
de Cordoba, both of Madrid (Nuevos Datos, p. 223). Gabriel Cintor was 
a celebrated ' galan,' who must have been at the height of his fame in 
1625. He was in the company of Bobadilla in 1638, receiving 20 reals 
per day for acting and 10 reals for maintenance besides 50 ducats for the 
Corpus Christi festival then a large sum. In the following year he 
was one of the principal actors in the company of Juan Rodriguez 
de Antriago (Perez Pastor, Nuevos Datos, p. 312). In 1640 he had a 
company of his own. He is said to have died poor in the General 
Hospital at Madrid. Luis Bernardo de Bobadilla, like most actors of 
note, afterwards became an autor (theatrical manager), and had his own 
company in 1637 and 1638. His wife was Maria de Victoria, also a 
celebrated actress. In 1624 and 1639 Bobadilla and Maria de Victoria 
were members of the company of Antonio de Prado (Nuevos Datos, 
pp. 206, 325). Damian Arias de Penafiel, the first actor of his day, 
was in the company of Juan de Morales Medrano in the previous year 
(1624). He had a company of his own in 1639, and we find him 
again in the company of Vallejo in 1643, in which year he is said to 
have died at Arcos. 

' Dorotea ' is a very rare name amongst the actresses of the xvnth 
century : I find only Dorotea de Sierra, wife of Juan Mazana, ' musico/ 
in the long list of Perez Pastor (Nuevos Datos, pp. 247 and 328329). 
She seems to have been an actress of considerable reputation in 1636. 
She died before May 30, 1642. Her husband may be the actor here 
taking the part of Don Manuel de Meneses. 

Bernardino is probably Bernardino Alvarez, who was in Balbin's 
company in 1613, and in Prado's company in 1624. Antonio is perhaps 
Juan Antonio, in Prado's company in 1639 (Sanchez- Arjona, Anales 
del Teatro en Sevilla, p. 325). 

Fr co de rro = probably Francisco de Robles, an actor at least as early 
as 1609 ; he was in the company of Pedro de Valdez in 1623, and in 
that of Juan de Morales Medrano in 1624. 



Die im folgenden vertiffentlichten 'Memorandums' 1 befmden sich 
auf der freien Rtickseite des letzten Blattes eines seit Kurzem in 
meinen Besitz libergegangenen Exemplars der Quarto 1674 von Jonson's 
Catiline*. Leider hat, wie man aus dem beigegebenen Faksimile 
ersehn wird, ein von Gott verlassener Binder u. a. am oberen Rande 
mindestens eine Zeile weggeschnitten, was um so mehr zu bedauern 
ist, als dieselbe Auskunft tiber die Herkunft dieser wertvollen ' Memo- 
randums ' enthalten haben wird. 

Ich gebe nun zunachst den Text in Umschrift und fiige vor ] die mir 
wahrscheinlichen Erganzungen des linken Randes bei. 

Me]m. I laid the plot of iny Volpone, & wrote most of it, after a present 

[of 10 dozen of 
] sack, from my very good L d T r ; that Play I am positive will last 

[to Posterity, & 
(3) ]d when I & envy are friends, with applause. 

Me]m. The first Speech in my Cataline, spoken by Scylla's Ghost, was writ 

[after I parted from 
my ] Boys at the Devil- Tavern ; I had drunk well that night, & had brave 

[notions. There is one 
(6) scen]e in that Play which I think is flat; I resolve to mix no more water 

[with my wine. 
M]em. Upon the 20th of May, the King, Heaven reward him sent me 

[100 1. I went often to the 
Devi]l about that time, & wrote my Alchymist bef [ore] I had spent 50 1. 

[of it. 
(9) M]em. At Christmas my L d B took me with him into the Country ; 

[there was great plenty of ex- 

cellenjt claret-wine. A new character offered its[elf] to me there, upon which 

[I wrote my Silent Woman. 
My L d ] smild & made me a noble present upon reading the first act to him, 

[ordering at the same time a 

1 Den Eintrag, der im Faksimile in der linken unteren Ecke steht, hab^ich unberiick- 
sichtigt gelassen, da er nicht gleichzeitig gemacht zu sein scheint und uns iiberdies nichts 
Neues bietet. Der ' Translator of Boileau's Lutrin ' war N. Bowe, 1708. Ich bin iibrigens 
nicht einmal ganz sicher, dass beide Eintrage von derselben Hand stammen. 

2 Der Text dieser Quarto ist im Wesentlichen der uns bekannte. Zugefiigt ist: 
' A Prologue To Catiline, To be merrily spoke by Mrs Nell [Gwynne], in an Amazonian 
habit ' sowie ' The Epilogue By the same.' 


Memorandums of the Immortal Ben 

SJ^OM-Wv ^; 

&&l!?i:&i *i 

***?!-_* 4- V <Q > >^H ^* *NL A *.w"-jLT *5 

Kv51- " ? i-l^ -J- J 
fc t=*j6 i^S.1 a >-? ^ 3 ? 

5 )1^ 'R^l S'^ ; -*j- St 7 ^ i' 

^/4 SL^UN ^i? ! t s *+& Q<1 v ^ * 

>* -^ldiM%^^Hl%^ 

W. BANG 113 

(12) [good quantity of the wine to be sent to 
| London with me when I went, & it lasted 
[me till my work was finished. 

(15) Mem. The Tale of a Tub, the Devil is an 

Asse, & some other of low Comedy, were written 
by poor Ben Johnson. I remember, that I did 

(18) -j not succeed in any one composition in a 

whole winter ; it was that winter honest Ralf 
the Drewer died, & when I & my Boys drank 
bad wine at the Devil. 

Memorandums of the Immortal BEN. 

Da diese Eintrage nichts enthalten, was mit den wenigen uns 
bekannten Tatsachen aus Ben Jonsons Leben (ca. 1604 ca. 1611) nicht 
in Einklang stiinde, so wird an ihrer Echtheit nicht zu zweifeln sein. 
Weil nun ferner in Z. 7 ganz genau das Datum, an welchem der Konig 
Ben 100 sandte, als der 20. Mai bezeichnet wird, so scheinen diese 
Eintrage jedenfalls auf eigenhandigen Notizen Jonsons zu beruhen. 
Man konnte allenfalls noch annehmen, dass sie auf sofort beim Erzahlen 
niedergeschriebene Aufzeichnungen eines Verehrers des Dichters zu- 
riickgehen (vergl. 'I remember' in Z. 17), doch hatte dieser Verehrer 
keinerlei Grund gehabt, die beiden Namen L d T r in Z. 2 und L d B 
in Z. 9, die ihm bei dieser Annahme vorgesprochen worden waren, 
nicht voll auszuschreiben. 

Auf Grund des beigegebenen Faksimiles wird es vielleicht moglich 
sein, den Namen des wackeren Mannes ausfindig zu machen, dem wir 
die Erhaltung der Notizen in meiner Quarto 1674 verdanken; seine 
Schrift scheint auf den Ausgang des 17. oder Anfang des 18. Jahrhun- 
derts hinzudeuten. 

Die vollstandige Ausbeutung und Verwertung dieser Eintrage ist 
mir hier leider versagt, da mir die notigen Hilfsmittel fehlen. Ich 
hoffe, dass ein Englischer Kollege bald nachholt was ich versaumen 

Im Einzelnen kann ich bemerken : Z. 1 2 : lies : dozen (bottles) of 
fine (?) Z. 2 : L d T r ist wol Lord Treasurer zu lesen. Es wurde sich 
um Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset und Baron Buckhurst (D.N.B.), 
handeln, der dieses hohe Amt bis zu seinem Tode (19. April 1608) 
bekleidete. Z. 7 : 20. May i.e. 1610. Dieses Datum wurde die Theorie 
Fleay's im Grossen und Ganzen bestatigen. Z. 8 : Zur Ehre Ben's 
wollen wir annehmen, dass er auch ' books or bread ' ( Underwoods, xcv) 
kauffce ! Z. 9 : Es kame darauf an, unter der nicht gerade grossen 
Anzahl von Edelleuten, die der Abktirzung L d B entsprechen konnen, 
denjenigen ausfindig zu machen, der nach alter, guter, aber im Ver- 
schwiDden begriffener Sitte Weihnachten 1609 auf seinem Landsitz 

114 Memorandums of the Immortal Ben 

zubrachte und dann unter dessen Bekannten den 'new character' zu 
ermitteln. Es wird sich um Sir John Daw und eher noch um Sir 
Amorous La-Foole handeln, den L d B nach der Lekttire von Act I 
leicht erkannt haben muss. Z. 15 17 : Die Worte ' The Tale. . .Johnson ' 
sind vom Schreiber als eine Art Illustration zu Ben's Eintrag vor- 
gesetzt worden ; wir wtirden etwa gesagt haben : ' Ben wird an Tale of 
a Tub und Devil is an Ass gedacht haben.' Die ' Illustration ' ist fur 
uns von keinem Belang. Da aber die Lage der Devil Tavern bekannt 
ist und ' honest Ralf ' im Devil selbst gestorben sein kann, so wurde es 
sich der Miihe verlohnen, die betr. Kirchenbticher nach Ralf s Todestag 
zu durchsuchen, um auf diese Weise den Winter zu fixieren, in dem 
poor Ben schlechten Wein zu trinken bekam und in Folge dessen 
Nichts vor sich brachte. 

Mr Percy Simpson, dem ich als iiberzeugtem 'Jonsonian' einen 
Abzug des Faksimiles zusandte, hatte die Gtite, mir die folgenden wert- 
vollen Anmerkungen zu senden : 

I. See David Hughson [a pseudonym of Edward Pugh], London ; 
being an accurate history and description of the British Metropolis 
and its Neighbourhood to thirty miles extent, From an actual Peram- 
bulation, 6 vols. 18051809. 

In Vol. IV, p. 40 (publ. 1807) Hughson quotes in reference to the 
Devil Tavern and Ben's connexion with it ' some of this comic writer's 
memoranda' from 'an antient manuscript preserved at Dulwich 
college ' 1 : 

' Mem. I laid the plot of my Volpone, and wrote most of it after a present of 
ten dozen of Palm Sack, from my very good lord T ; that play, I am positive, will 
last to posterity, and be acted when 1 and Envy be friends, with applause? 

' Mem. The first speech in my Catiline, spoken by Scyllds ghost, was writ after 
I parted with my friends at the Devil Tavern ; I had drank well that night, and had 
brave notions. There is one scene in that play which I think is flat. / resolve to 
drink no more water with my wine. 

1 Mem. Upon the 20th of May, the king, (Heaven reward him) sent me a hundred 
pounds. At that time I went oftentimes to the Devil ; and before I had spent forty of 
it, wrote my ALCHYMIST. 

' Mem. My lord B took me with him into the country ; there was great plenty 
of excellent Canary. A new character offered itself to me here ; upon which I wrote 
my SILENT WOMAN ; my lord was highly delighted ; and upon my reading the first 
act to him, made me a noble present ; ordering, at the same time, a good (portion) 
of the wine to be sent with me to London. 

* It lasted me until my work was finished. 

1 Da dieses ' antient manuscript' weder von Collier in seinen Memoirs of Edw. Alleyn 
(Sh. Soc. 1841), noch von Warner in seinem Catalogue of the Manuscr. and Mem. of 
Alleyn' s Coll. of God's Gift at Dulwich erwahnt wird, so ist es bis auf Weiteres wahr- 
scheinlich, dass es wie so manches andere friiher im Besitz von Dul. Coll. befindliche 
Stuck verloren gegangen ist. 

W. BANG 115 

4 Mem. The DIVILL is AN ASSE, the TALE OF A TUB, and some other comedies 
which did not succeed, by me in the winter honest Ralph died ; when I and my boys 
drank bad wine at the Devil' 

II. ' Honest Ralph ' has a charming commemoration elsewhere. 
Aubrey in his biographical notes and jottings (Aubrey MS. 8. 55 of the 
Bodleian) has the following: 

'A Grace of Ben: John/on, extempore, before King James. 
Our King and Queen the Lord-God blefse, 
The Paltzgrave, and the Lady Befse, 
And God blefse every living thing, 
That lives, and breath's, and loves the King. 
God blefse the Councell of Estate, 
And Buckingham the fortunate. 
God blefse them all, and keepe them fafe : 
And God blefse me, and God blefse Raph. 

' The K. was mighty enquisitive to know who this Raph was : Ben told 
him twas the Drawer at the Swanne taverne by Charing-crosse who 
drew him good Canarie. for this drollery his Matie gave him an 
hundred poundes.' 

George Powell the actor confirms this story in ' The Epistle Dedi- 
catory to the Patentees, and Sharers of their Majesties Theatre ' prefixed 
to The Treacherous Brothers, 1690, sig. A 2 verso : ' The time has been 
when as old Ben ended his Grace with God blefs me, and God blefs 
Ralph, viz. the honefb Drawer that drew him good Sack. So fome 
Modern Authors with the fame Equity, might full as Pathetically have 
furnifh'd out one Article of their Prayers, (not forgetting the prefent 
Props of the Stage) with God blefs Mohun, and God blefs Hart, the 
good Actors that got 'em their good third Days, and confequently more 
fubftantial Patrons then the greateft gay Names, in the Frontifpiece of 
the proudeft Dedication.' 

Da der Pfalzgraf (Friedrich V. ; kam zum ersten Male nach England 
im Okt. 1612), Lady Besse (Prinzessin Elizabeth ; heiratete den Pfalz- 
grafen 14. Febr 1613), und Buckingham (Geo. Villiers, first Duke of B.) 
in diesem Gedicht zusammen genannt werden nach D.N.B. wurde 
Buckingham erst im Jahre 1614 bei Hofe vorgestellt so ist es 
unmoglich, die in 1. 7 genannten 100 mit den von Aubrey erwahnten 
zu identifizieren. Desto besser fur poor Ben. 



Perch' io la veggio nel verace speglio 
Che fa di se pareglio all' altre cose, 
E nulla face lui di s& pareglio. 

Paradiso xxvi. 106108. 

CONSIDERABLE difference of opinion has prevailed as to the exact 
meaning and construction of the words in this passage. The general 
sense of the passage is clear. Dante desires to put certain questions to 
the soul of the first man. Adam says that the poet need not inform 
him of his wish. The spirit of Adam has already seen it depicted in 
the mirror which reflects all things, namely God. Yet although God is 
the mirror of all things, it is He who makes them like Himself, not 
they who fashion Him in their own image. Lines 107, 108 appear to be 
characteristically intended to guard against any derogatory notion of 
the divine nature which might be conveyed by the use of the word 
speglio. God has made all things in His own likeness: He is not 
moulded in their likeness by receiving impressions from them. 

Two of the earliest and best commentaries, both of the fourteenth 
century, which adopt different readings of line 107, explain the meaning 
of the passage in similar terms. Benvenuto da Imola, who reads che fa 
di se pareglie V altre cose, writes ' Quia Deus omnia comprehendit et 
continet in se, et non e converse; unde dicit e nulla (scilicet res) face 
lui pareglio di se, id est et nil comprehendit et continet eum, quia nulla 
res est in quo appareat totus Deus tanquam in speculo, sed bene omnia 
apparent in speculo Dei ' ; and the Ottimo Commento, reading pareglio 
all' altre cose, adds '...Dio il quale fa di se a I' altre cose pareglio, cioe che 
tutto comprende, e nulla puote lui comprendere. La pupilla si fa 
pareglio della cosa veduta in quanto quella specie visiva, che entro vi 
si multiplica, e colorata e figurata al modo d' essa cosa veduta ; cosi in 
Dio si vede tutto, e per6 in quanto il si vede, ello si pareglia a quella 
cosa che in lui si vede, e pero dice fa di se pareglio a I' altre cose, e nulla 

W. W. JACKSON 117 

face lui di se pareglio! But although the general sense of the passage 
is clear, doubt arises as to the exact meaning of pareglio, or pareglie 
(according to the reading adopted). It has been taken as equivalent to, 
or derived from, parecchio, ' like ' ; it has also been taken as a meta- 
phorical term = Gk Trapfpuo?, a ' mock sun ' (i.e. a figure of the sun on 
the edge of a solar halo), and hence generally ' copy,' ' likeness.' A large 
number, if not the majority, of modern commentators adopt the latter 
explanation. The present essay is intended to review the evidence, 
and to show that there is little or no justification for this interpretation. 

First, as to the identification of pareglio with parecchio whether 
used here as an adjective or as a substantive. 

Nannucci ( Voci e locuzioni Italiane deriv. dallo, lingua Prov. p. 52) 
points out that pareglio if used as an adjective, equivalent to Fr. pareil, 
would be quite regular in formation. The Proven9al parelh would 
become either parecchio or pareglio ; as velh = vecchio or veglio ; espelh 
= specchio or speglio ; aurelh = orecchia or oreglia. Nannucci cites 
three examples of pareglio (adj.) in the sense of parecchio from early 
sonnet writers. If pareglio is here used as a substantive derived from 
the same root, he shows that it may be compared with pariglia = a pair 
(of numbers on dice), and with the Prov. parelh = a couple, so that 
Dante would not have introduced any startling novelty by using 
pareglio in the sense of copy, likeness. The rarer form speglio would 
naturally have suggested the rarer form pareglio. 

Secondly, as to the identification of pareglio with parelion. There 
can be no doubt that Dante would have been familiar with the word 
parelion, the Latinized form of the Gk TraprfKios or 7raprj\iov. It 
occurs in Seneca, Q. N. I. c. 11, a book with which Dante may have been 
acquainted. (See Dr Moore, Studies in Dante, First Series, p. 289.) It 
also occurs several times in the Latin Translations of the De Meteoris of 
Aristotle, a work with which Dante was familiar whether in the Nuova 
or in the Vecchia Traslazione (see Conv. II. c. 15) 1 . But the word is 
there used only in its literal, astronomical sense. Of a metaphorical 
sense of parelion, Ducange gives two interesting examples from early 
medieval sources, one from the Vita Sancti Wunebaldi (' Sacer ille atque 
perfectus Barilion ') and another from the Itinerarium Sancti Willibaldi 
(' Ille beatus Parilion Willibaldus '), two documents which are believed 
to have been composed by the same hand in the eighth Jentury. In 

1 Two translations styled nova and antiqua are included in the large edition of the 
works of Aquinas in 12 vols. fol. printed at Paris in 1645 and subsequent years. Dante's 
Nuova Traslazione appears to correspond with the Antiqua Translatio of that edition (see 
Dr Moore, Studies i. p. 318). 

M. L. R. 8 

'pareglie 1' 
Che fa di s& -J pareglio all' } altre cose. 

118 On the Interpretation of ' Pareglio ' in Dante 

both passages the word refers to the image of Christ, the Sun of 
Righteousness, reflected in the character of His followers. There is no 
proof that the word was current, even in this sense, in the age of Dante, 
still less that it had been adopted generally in the sense of ' image ' or 
' reflection.' Parelion does not appear to occur in the original writings 
of Albertus Magnus or Aquinas. If Dante had been turning an astro- 
nomical term to a metaphorical use unknown to his contemporaries, it 
seems reasonable to suppose that he would have made this procedure 
more intelligible to his readers. Would not Dante, with his fondness 
for astronomical similes, have seized the opportunity for introducing a 
simile here which would have made his meaning clear ? 

Something must be said as to the exegesis of the passage, which 
will vary with the reading adopted. Line 107 is found in the MSS. in 
three different forms : 

{pareglie 1' ~| 
pareglio all 3 > 
pareglio 1' ) 

The first two readings have the great preponderance of support. 
Scartazzini gives a resume of the authority for each, which appears to 
be almost equal. If pareglie =parecchie, the first reading bears an 
obvious sense ' which ' (viz. speglio = Dio) ' makes all other things like 
itself/ The other two variants are most easily accounted for on the 
supposition that this (which is supported by the authority both of 
Benvenuto da Imola, and of several of the best commentators prior 
to the end of the sixteenth century) was the original reading. This 
reading requires di se to be taken with pareglie, a construction which is 
strongly supported by line 108, ' E nulla face lui di se pareglio.' Di se 
is here most naturally construed with pareglio. Lui would be, as most 
frequently, an emphatic objective case. But the preposition di is very 
often constructed with fare, (See among many other instances Purg. 
xix. 42, Par. vi. 132, xxi. 17.) A scribe who so construed the words 
here would naturally introduce a, the more usual preposition, after 
pareglie, which would then necessarily be changed to the singular, and 
taken as a substantive. Another scribe who understood the construction 
of di se, would then omit the preposition after pareglio, still leaving the 
word as a substantive. Many of the modern commentators who take 
pareglio = par elion, and refer it to the image of things reflected on God, 
fail to observe that this rendering greatly increases the embarrassment 
which Dante is here removing, viz. the apparent subordination of the 
Deity to nature when He is compared with a mirror. Fraticelli in- 
geniously avoids this by constructing fa with all' altre cose, and di se 

W. W. JACKSON 119 

with pareglio, ( God makes an image of Himself upon other things, but 
other things do not make their image upon Him.' There are objections 
to this rendering both on grounds of construction and of sense. As to 
the latter, Dante, as we shall see below, does not mean to deny the 
reflection of things in God which this translation would do. The com- 
parison of the divine mind to a mirror was familiar to students of 
Aquinas. Dante means to deny (as will shortly be seen) that created 
things have any power of producing a likeness between themselves and 
God. This requires us to take pareglio in the more general sense of 
parecchio. He holds that God makes things like Himself, and that this 
is the reason why they can be seen mirrored in Him as their cause. 
Although the first of the readings discussed above conveys the required 
sense most easily, it is equally given by the second reading, if (with 
Nannucci) we refer pareglio in its use as a substantive to parecchio. 
Witte, who is preeminent among modern Dante scholars, while reading 
pareglio all' altre cose, decisively rejects the identification with parelion, 

Der alle Dinge inacht nach seinem Bilde 
Indess kein Ding zu seinem Bild Ihn macht. 

Besides critical and exegetical reasons there are two arguments 
against the identification of pareglio with parelion, which have not 
hitherto received sufficient attention, but appear to me conclusive 
against the usual interpretation. There is not a trace of this interpre- 
tation in any of the earlier commentators down to the edition of the 
Commedia published by the Accademia della Crusca in 1595. In the 
marginal note appended to the word pareglio in that edition (quoted 
by Scartazzini in loc.) it is for the first time identified with parelion. 
This gloss is afterwards cited in the Dictionary of the Academy. Buti 
(t 1406) is quoted by the Academicians, and also by Lubin and other 
modern commentators, in support of this theory. But if any one will refer 
to Buti (in the edition of his commentary printed at Pisa, 1862) he will 
see that his authority is on the other side. It is true that the use of 
pareglio as a substantive gave some trouble to those early commentators 
who bestow special attention on the word. The commentary of Buti, 
who reads pareglio, gives support to the relationship of the word with 
parecchio. At the same time he writes ' E nulla face luf, cioe Iddio, 
parellio, cioe recettacolo, di se! Similarly if we refer to the marginal 
comment on the ancient MS. of Monte Cassino which reads pareglio 
(printed at Monte Cassino in 1865 and quoted by Scartazzini) he will 
find that this annotator first traces pareglio to parecchio (pareglio id 

120 On the Interpretation of 'Pareglio' in Dante 

est parificationem omnibus rebus virtu alit er '), and then adds 'Vel 
loquitur de illo rete dicto par eglio quod tenditur in montibus ad capi- 
endum aves.' It is reasonable to suppose that the word, if used in this 
latter sense, may still be derived from the shape of the net and = parelh 
' a pair of nets.' In any case the old commentators, who would have 
known the word parelion, if it had been current in a metaphorical sense 
in the age of Dante, or would have preserved some tradition of the 
coinage of the term, if Dante had invented it, are all either silent about 
the word, or favourable to the other interpretation of par eglio =parecchio. 

The time at which par eglio is for the first time identified with 
parelion, is exactly the epoch at which such an hypothesis was likely 
to be floated. It was the age of euphuism, and of poetical conceits. 
The Italian ' Academies/ of which some two or three hundred are said 
to have sprung into existence between the end of the sixteenth and the 
middle of the eighteenth century, were the centres in which this literary 
fashion was fostered and encouraged. Any interpretation which was far- 
fetched and fanciful was for that reason acceptable. The fact that this 
interpretation of pareglio did not appear before the publication of the 
Cruscan edition of the Commedia, is a strong argument against it. 

Another and even stronger argument seems hitherto to have been 
left out of sight. Dante is here no doubt, as elsewhere, reproducing the 
teaching of Aquinas. If the teaching and language of Aquinas be con- 
sidered, little doubt will be left as to the interpretation of pareglio. In 
the whole of the first part of the Summa he is constantly referring to 
the likeness between God and His creatures, i.e. the world of phenomena. 
' Similitudo ' and ' similis ' are terms perpetually recurring, and would 
most naturally suggest themselves to Dante in recalling the teaching of 
Aquinas. When a resemblance exists between two objects, that re- 
semblance is often predicated in the same language of each in turn: 
Man is like God, God is like man. So it might be said not only that 
God is the mirror of things, but that created beings are the mirror of God. 
This language was sanctioned by Aquinas in explaining 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 
Summa I.Q. Ivi. 3: 'Secundum quod Deus videtur in speculo creaturarum,' 
and in the same Qucestio explaining Rom. i. 20: 'Unde et dicimur Deum 
videre in speculo.' But Dante desired here to present the other aspect 
of the truth. The blessedness of Adam, as of the other spirits in heaven, 
consisted in the vision of God, who is the mirror of all things. So Aq. 
Summa /. Q. xii. 8 (2) : Prseterea quicumque videt speculum, videt ea 
quse in speculo resplendent. Sed omnia quaecumque fiunt vel fieri pos- 
sunt in Deo resplendent, velut in quodam speculo.' There is the same 

W. W. JACKSON 121 

interchange in the application of the terms ' similis ' and ' similitudo ' to 
God, and to man. God is said to know all things, even individual objects 
and occurrences, because in a sense He is like them. Aq. Summa I. Q. 
Ivii. 2 : ' Deus per essentiam suam per quam omnia causat est similitudo 
omnium, et per earn omnia cognoscit, non solum quantum ad naturam 
universalem, sed etiam secundum earum singularitatem.' Here and 
elsewhere Aquinas explains this likeness as due to the causative power 
of God. Summa I. Q. xiv. 11:' Cum enim sciat alia a se per essentiam 
suam, in quantum est similitudo rerum velut principium activum earum.' 
But in the conception of likeness, as in the simile of the mirror, there is 
another point of view. The creature is like God, because of its depend- 
ence on Him as its cause. In this respect the likeness is found only in 
the creature. Aq. Summa I. Q. iv. 3 : ' Licet aliquo modo concedatur 
quod creatura sit similis Deo, nullo tamen modo concedendum est quod 
Deus sit similis creaturse; quia, ut dicit Dionysius, in his qua3 unius 
ordinis sunt, recipitur mutna similitudo ; non autem in causa et causato. 
Dicimus enim quod imago est similis homini, sed non e converso. Et 
similiter dici potest quod aliquo modo creatura sit similis Deo, non tamen 
quod Deus sit similis creaturse.' Dante is here insisting on that half of 
the truth set forth by Aquinas in the Summa I. Q. xii. 8, and Q. iv. 3. 
It is at least probable that this latter passage was present to his mind 
when he wrote these lines of the Paradiso. They are almost an exact 
translation of it. In any case no word would have expressed his meaning 
and that of Aquinas so well as pareglio used as equivalent to parecchio. 
The argument in favour of this interpretation is cumulative, and 
appears to me convincing. If the reading pareglie V altre cose be 
accepted, no other interpretation would be possible ; but even with one 
of the other readings it is far more probable that Dante would have 
given a slight extension to the meaning of a substantive pareglio 
derived from the adjective = ' like,' than that he would have employed 
an astronomical term in a new sense unknown to his contemporaries, 
and that no memory or tradition of this usage of the word should have 
survived. The exact coincidence between Dante and Aquinas, sup- 
posing that pareglio = parecchio, is perhaps the strongest argument 
of all. 




293: Mallice performe thy worst least comming late, 

I with anticipation crosse that fate. Read it, toot man. 

I believe ' toot ' stands for ' tot,' i.e. 'to it/ and not 'tut/ as explained in 
the note. Cp. Hamlet, v, 1, 56 ; Taming of the Shrew, i, 2, 195 ; Othello, 
iii, 1, 17. [Prof. Moore Smith also suggests this interpretation. Ed.] 

1316: Vnder the King of Romaines I was cut, 

lust from this shoulder to the very pappe : 
And yet by fortunes of the warre am heere, 
I thanke God, and my Surgion, all fix, trillill. 

' Fix/ I believe to be of Dutch origin. It should be borne in mind that 
the speaker is Frescobaldi, a mercenary who has fought in many wars. 
In the Elizabethan drama Dutch words are very common, especially in 
the mouths of soldiers who might be expected to have picked them 
up in the Low Countries. I may mention the following examples : 
'skellum' (Dekker, The Shoemakers Holiday, iii, 1); 'tannikin' (ib.); 
'skink' (Jonson, Bartholomew Fair, ii, 1); 'upsee Dutch' (Jonson, The 
Alchemist, iv, 4) ; ' mannikin ' (Jonson, Epicoene, i, 1) ; ' frolick ' (Jonson, 
Every Man out of his Humour, ii, 1); ' liefhebber/ 'linstock/ 'lighter' 
(cp. N.E.D. i.v.). In several plays whole sentences are Dutch (e.g. The 
Shoemakers Holiday), which shows the constant and close intercourse 
there was at that time between the two countries. The Dutch adjective 
' fiksch/ adverb ' fiks ' (old spelling, ' fix '), is used in various senses : 
' good/ ' thorough/ ' lusty/ ' healthy ' (with the corresponding adverbs) ; 
' ik ben niet erg fiksch ' is common in colloquial Dutch for ' I don't feel 
very well.' This meaning exactly suits the context both here and in 
line 2679, where the word occurs again. For examples of ' fix ' in Dutch 

1 The DeviVs Charter by Barnabe Barnes, edited from the Quarto of 1607 by 
B. B. McKerrow (Materialien zur Kunde des alteren englischen Dramas, herausgegeben 
von W. Bang, Vol. vi), Louvain, 1904. 

A. E. H. SWAEN 123 

writers at the beginning of the seventeenth century, see Starter's Friesche 
Lusthof, edited by Van Vloten, pp. 86, 412 (' elck heeffc syn tuyghje ficx,' 
'ick hou al myn tuyghje reyn ; fix en vaerdigh'). Cp. German 'fix,' 
meaning ' ready,' ' quick,' ' active,' ' prompt,' ' smart.' 

' Trillill ' (1. 1319) I suppose to be from the refrain of an old drinking- 
song or love-song. Cp. 

Hogyn cam to bowers dore, 
Hogyn cam to bowers dore, 
He tryld vpon ye pyn for love, 
ll o bel 

hum, ha, trill go bell! 

e tryld vpon ye pyn for ove| 

hum, ha, trill go bell. (Anglia, xxvi, 273.) 

Cp. also ' tyrly tirlow ' (ib. 237); ' troul loly loly ' (Beaumont and Fletcher, 
The Knight of the Burning Pestle, iv, 5; Walton, The Compleat Angler, v). 

1348 : Frescobaldi...For I may parcase catch him in a gilder my selfe before 
you are aware ; and moylie mufle vp his maistership, with the garotta, or 
stiletto, etc. 

In ' moylie ' I recognise another Dutch word. The meaning is evidently 
'neatly/ 'nicely,' in a sarcastic sense, which the Dutch 'mooi' or 'mooit- 
jes ' (' fine,' ' nice,' ' pretty ') often has. 

1385 : Besides I was the first that from the Swisse quarter, in the raigne of king 
Ferdinand brought vp in his army the fashions of bowsing and towsing OreeJce 
and Spanish wines by the flagon. 

I agree with the editor that 'bowsing and towsing' means little else 
than what is expressed by the first ' word, viz. ' drinking,' ' boozing.' 
' Bowse ' is the Dutch ' buizen ' (see N.E.D. i.v. ' bouse '). Very probably 
the second word is the Dutch ' tuischen,' ' to gamble,' ' cheat at games.' 
The words must often have been used together and may have been 
taken for synonyms. Cp. Engl. 'kith and kin' (N.E.D. i.v. 'kith,' 5). 

1569 : And if I lye, call me thy Wimble-cock. 

Some light may be thrown upon this word by the entries ' wimble,' 
'wimple,' 'windle' in the Dialect Dictionary. To 'wimble' means to 
enter in a sinuous manner, to turn round and round. The adjective 
' wimble ' means quick, lively, nimble; loose, easily moved. The Diction- 
ary quotes ' He was so wimble and so wight ' from Spenser's Shepherd's 
Calendar, March, 91. To ' wimple ' means to squirm, wriggle, writhe ; 
to tell an indirect and intricate story, especially with intent to deceive. 
An obsolete sense of the substantive ' wimple ' is an intricate turn, a 
wile, a. piece of craft. To ' windle ' is used in the sense of to whirl 
round in the air ; of snow, to drift. ' Wimble-cock ' might very well 
mean ' an unreliable fellow,' ' a story-teller,' considering that sinuous or 
tortuous movement appears to be the fundamental meaning of all the 

124 Notes on The Devil's Charter 

words quoted. ' Wimble- cock' may be due to analogy with 'weather- 
cock' (with which indeed in its original use it was probably synonymous). 

1589 : I see thou kennist the secrets of all sorts, 

Of sharpe siringues and salacious sports : 
Venerall Buboes, Tubers VJcerous, 
And lannes De fisticanckers venemous. 

For 'siringues' I would refer to 'glister pipe' in line 1339. 'Fisti- 
canckers ' I hold to be a playful formation after the type of ' fisticuffs/ 
from ' fist,' a foul smell, stink, and ' cancker/ cancer, chancre, a venereal 
disease. The whole is made into a fanciful proper name by prefixing 
' lannes (i.e. Johannes) de.' 

A. E. H. SWAEN. 


381 : In Tuskany within the Riuer Narre. 

The river Nera was anciently called Nar. 

443 : Tis well sayd Caesar, yet attend a little, 

And binde them like rich bracelets on thine armes 
Or as a precious iewell at thine eare. 

This may have been suggested by Lent, vi, 8 ; xi, 18. 

446 : Suppose two factious Princes both thy friends 

Ambitious both, and both competitors, 
Aduance in hostile armes against each other 
loyne with the strongest to confound the weake 
But let your wars foundation touch his Crowne, 
Your neerest Charity concernes your selfe ; 
Els let him perish ; yet seeme charitable. 

I agree with the editor in thinking that ' let ' (line 450) cannot mean 
' prevent/ but I take ' his Crowne ' to refer to the weaker of the two 
Princes. I interpret: 'But when the war is so successful that the 
crown of the man you oppose is in danger, then you must consider what 
is to your own interest. Apart from that, you may let him perish.' 
' Your war's foundation ' is I suppose, ' the war you have set on foot.' 
Another possible interpretation is to take ' his crown ' as ' its crown/ i.e. 
1 when your war, thus started, has reached its crowning success.' How- 
ever that does not seem to agree with ' Els let him perish.' 
1227 : It is so violent it will not last. 

A reference to the proverb, ' Violentum non est diuturnum ' (Walter, 
Gnomologia). Cp. Shakespeare, Lucrece, 894 : ' Thy violent vanities 
can never last.' 

1494 : Admit he force me with his ambroccado 

Here I deceiue then, with this passado 
And come vppon him in the speeding place. 


Would it suit with the case to read: 'Here I deceive him then with 
this passado ' ? 

1526 : Frescobaldi. Braue man whose spirit is appro ued well,... 
In portall, porches, vnder batterd walles, 
Which day ; by night keepes watch-full centinell. 

If no authority can be found for the phrase ' day by night ' I suppose it 
to be a mistake for ' day by day ' or ' night by night.' Or should we 
read ' ay (aye) by night ' ? 

1956 : A bastard of our house, degenerate, 

In whom no sparke or spiracle of honor, 
Appear'd to raise the race of Borgia. 

I think ' spiracle ' means ' breath/ 

2054 : Sweet mouth the Ruby port to Paradice 

Of my worlds pleasure from whence issue forth, 
Many false brags, bold sallies, sweet supplies. 

The words ' port/ ' brags/ ' sallies/ suggest that ' supplies ' is used in a 
military sense, ' assistance or reinforcements to friends/ Cp. King John, 
v, 5, 12 ; 2 Henry IV, i, 3, 12. 

2970 : I feele Vesenus raging in my guttes. 

The word is, I think, ' Vesevus/ an established form for Vesuvius. 

3138 : And therefore man was called Microcosmus, 

The little world, and second tipe of God, 
Conteyning those high faculties and functions, 
And elements which are within the world. 
Man then that doth participate with all, 
Through operation, conuersation, and simbolisation, 
With matter in the subiect properly, 
With th' elements' in body quadrifarie, 
With growing plants in vertue vegitatiue 
In sence with beasts ; with heauens by th ; influence 
Of the superiour spirits into th' inferiour 
In wisedome and capacitie with Angels, 
With Eloym in that great continent, 
Is without doubt preserued by that God, 
Finding all things conteined in himselfe. 

I think this passage expresses fairly well the doctrine of man as the 
microcosm, or epitome of the Universe. Man, who in his works, life and 
significance (?) participates in all things, i.e. as compounded of clay, 
with brute matter, as having a body in which earth, air, fire and water 
exist, with these elements; as possessing the vegetative soul with 
plants, as possessing the animal or sense-soul with animals, by having a 
higher soul which influences the lower faculties, with the heavens ; by 

126 Notes on The Devil's Charter 

the range of his intellect, with angels ; by thus embracing all powers 
and faculties, with God himself. Man so constituted, is preserved by 
God, and so has all things. Cp. H. C. Agrippa, Of Occult Philosophy, 
iii, 36, 459 : ' Man symbolizeth with the plants in a vegetative virtue, 
with animals in a sensitive faculty.' Donne, Letter to the Countess of 
Salisbury, line 52 : ' We first have souls of growth and sense, and those 
When our last soul, our soul immortal, came, Were swallowed into it 
and have no name.' Milton, Par. Lost, v, 482; ix, 112: ' Gradual life Of 
growth, sense, reason, all summed up in Man.' On the influence of the 
stars on their inferiors, cp. Sylvester-Du Bartas, 1st Week, 4th Day: 
' He that doth affirm the Stars To have no force on these inferiors,' and 
Tataret or Tartaret, Comm. in Arist. de Celo et mundo, 64 d : c Celum 
agit in hec inferiora triplici instrumento.' 

3316 : Heroicke and beneuolent spectators, 

Your gratious eares, and curious obseruations, 
luditious censures, and siveete clemencie, 
Haue thus addrest our Tragick Theater, 
T } exchange contentment, for benignitie. 

The sense seems to require that ' addrest ' should have the meaning of 
' incited ' or ' disposed in a certain direction.' The kind attitude of the 
audience has incited the tragedians to make a return for the kindness 


[The Editor has kindly given me an opportunity of seeing in proof 
the interesting and valuable notes here printed and of adding such 
comment as seems desirable. I may therefore briefly say that I quite 
agree with the explanation of ' toot ' as ' to it ' in 1. 294, an interpretation 
of the word which had not occurred to me. In 1. 1349 the connection 
of ' moylie ' with the Dutch ' mooi ' had been suggested by Professor 
Bang, who, however, afterwards withdrew his note in view of the use of 
the word by King James in the Essay es of a Prentise. In 11. 3138 3152 
Professor Moore Smith is undoubtedly right as to the general meaning 
of the passage. My note, which is badly expressed, was not intended to 
imply that the whole speech was meaningless, but that, so lar as I could 
understand, Barnes was using the terms employed in a somewhat loose 
and vague manner. It may be noted that in Sir T. Elyot's Oouernour 
(ed. Croft, ii, 371) there is a passage not unlike this: 'the soule is of 
thre partes : the one, wherin is the powar or efficacie of growinge, which 
is also in herbes and trees as well as in man, and that parte is called 

K. B. M C KERROW 127 

vegetatife. An other parte, wherin man doth participate with all other 
thynges lyuynge, whiche is called sensitife...The thirde parte of the 
soule is named the parte intellectuall or of understandynge, whiche is of 
all the other mooste noble, as whereby man is mooste lyke unto god.' 
Allusions to the doctrine are, however, far from uncommon. 

I subjoin a few additional notes : 

Page x. An earlier English version of the Alexander legend is to 
be found in The Bee hiue of the Romishe Churche... Translated out of 
Dutch into Englishe by George Gilpin the Elder, 1579, fol. 307 308. 
The duration of the contract was for '1108' (qy. read ' 11 & 8" ?). 
The devil explains later that ' eleuen & eight did signifie eleuen yeares 
and eight dayes, and not nineteene yeares.' 

1497 'Mount Dragon ' is also mentioned in Dekker's Lanthorne and 
Candle-light ( Works, ed. Grosart, iii, 240). 

1535 C oilman-hedge : 'the Hedge (Rogues Hall)/ mentioned by 
S. Rowlands in Doctor Merrie-man, 1609, sig. A 2 V , is probably the same 
place. It is also mentioned in Cocke Lorelles Bote ; see Steevens' note 
on ' galled goose of Winchester ' in Tr. and Ores, v, x (xi), 55. 

1575 Possibly ' Mega Court ' may be the person alluded to by Nashe 
in Strange Newes, sig. B 4 V , ' In their absence, this be deliuered to Megge 
Curtis in Shorditch, to stop mustard pots with.' 

1592 lannes De fisticanckers : Professor Bang points out a similar 
name in J. Taylor's Armado, or Nauye, of 103. Ships, 1627, sig. B 1. 
'The Lord-Ship... was vnder the Commaunde of the Noble Don Diego 
de fisty Cankoe-muskcod, who was Admirall or high Adellantado of the 
whole fleete.' In the Workes of 1630 the name appears as ' Don Diego 
de fifly Cankceniuscod! There seems here to be an allusion to the Don 
Diego whose unsavoury exploit in St Paul's is frequently mentioned. 
(Of. Hey wood, Fair Maid of the West, iv, iv.) 

3074-5 The lines are to be found in E. Tabourot's Bigarrures du 
Seigneur Des Accordz, 1583, fol. 100, where they are attributed to the 
devil when carrying saint ' Antible ' to Rome on his shoulders. 



Shakespearean Tragedy. Lectures on Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, 
Macbeth. By A. C. BRADLEY. Second Edition. London : Mac- 
millan and Co., 1905. 8vo. xii + 498 pp. 

To say that the ideal interpreter of Shakspere must have something, 
and a good deal, of the ' myriad-mind ' himself, may be a truism. Yet 
anyone who has read at all widely in the speculative Shakspere-criticism 
of the past must have felt how much of its insufficiency (where it was 
insufficient) arose from the speculators having been, in the less fortunate 
sense of the term, too single-minded. It is not merely that one brain 
can now hardly master the enormous literature of the subject ; for some 
of the most illuminating work has been done by men who, like Ten 
Brink, simply declined to sift these accumulations. The problem lies in 
the enormous yet elusive complexity of the fundamental material the 
Shaksperean fact itself, the literary datum from which our apprehen- 
sion of the mind of Shakspere must in the last resort be won. A 
measure of this complexity is furnished by the appearance, after 150 
years of keen discussion, of a volume, like the present, containing, 
among a vast variety of other things, not a few fresh versions merely of 
what happens in the four greatest and most famous of his plays. As to 
the mysterious background of personality, out of which these wonderful 
happenings proceed, we are still further from agreement. The interpre- 
tation of Shakspere has been proverbially a touchstone for men and 
methods. The giants of criticism have exposed their limitations there 
as clearly as their strength ; in spite of the immense services of Goethe, 
Lessing, Coleridge, it is precisely in some of their dicta upon Shakspere 
that we most easily recognise, and have most need to apply, their 
personal equations. Shakspere is full of pitfalls alike for the poet who 
uses nothing but his imaginative intuition, for the ' realist ' who uses 
nothing but his practical sagacity, and for the philosophic interpreter 
who uses only his synthetic and constructive intellect. What makes the 
problem so fascinating and so difficult is that each of these methods is 
up to a certain point so legitimate and so successful. But they have to 
be coordinated, and there it is that we want the ' myriad-mind.' Those 
who have most capably explored the heights and depths of Shakspere's 
imaginative world have rarely been qualified to do justice to the 

Reviews 129 

elements of speculation, of ideas, and beliefs, with which it is every- 
where beset; while the philosophic interpreter has been too apt to 
isolate these elements from their imaginative context and weave them 
together into suspiciously symmetrical and coherent 'moral systems.' 
And the cautious and critical scrutiny of evidence has not on the whole 
been characteristic of these daring explorers and constructors in either 

To say that Prof. Bradley's criticism seems to combine in a rare 
degree all these three types of faculty and of method may sound like 
journalistic hyperbole, but is merely an attempt to define and explain 
the impression which it will we think produce upon any open mind at 
all inured to the Shaksperean controversies of the past. And the 
combination has proved singularly fruitful. In several quite distinct 
domains he has either clarified old discussions or made traditional 
dogmas insecure, or at least, driven home ideas, not in themselves 
unfamiliar, with fresh cogency and insight. Roughly, these domains 
correspond to the three divisions of the book. The opening lectures, 
though dealing with conceptions which date from the very beginnings 
of dramatic criticism, expound ' the substance of Shaksperean tragedy ' 
and the outlines of Shaksperean art, in a very suggestive as well as 
luminous way. Then, in the six following lectures, the dramatic theorist 
puts his abstract erudition by, lays his mind to Shakspere's, and compels 
us to re-think with him these four universally familiar yet inexhaustible 
creations. Finally, in an appendix of some thirty Notes, he investigates 
a number of special points mainly in the outward economy of the four 
plays time-reckoning, stage-arrangements, textual curtailments, in- 
terpolations, reminiscences, tests of style and metre. We shall offer 
some comments under each of these three heads. 

1. Professor Bradley approaches Shaksperean tragedy with a bent 
rather philosophical than historical. He occasionally makes effective 
use of contemporary plays, as in illustrating the partial invisibility of 
the Ghost in Hamlet from Heywood's Ghost of Agamemnon. But his 
criticism has its roots rather in Aristotle than in the Elizabethans; it 
represents, we should say, the Poetics corrected with extreme nicety for 
the latitude of Shakspere, rather than results independently built up 
from a close study of the growth of Elizabethan art. Thus his use of 
' accident ' in tragedy appears as an ' additional factor ' to the ' charac- 
teristic actions ' which form the substance of the tragic plots : a more 
evolutionary handling would rather have presented it as a transformed 
survival from a cruder technique. Tragedy as a dramatic genre, again, 
is perhaps credited with a securer and better defined position than it 
had yet won in Shakspere's early days. Certainly, some of the points 
in which Richard III and Richard II differ from Macbeth or Hamlet 
are due not so much to the immaturity of Shakspere's tra^c ideal, or of 
his tragic power, as to the traditional technique, from which till 
Henry V he never emerged, of the native English ' History.' The 
classically minded Meres, who heard honey-tongued Ovid in the mel- 
lifluous Shakspere, might recognise only ' tragedies ' and ' comedies > 

130 Reviews 

among his excellent performances; but he himself is more likely to have 
agreed in the matter with his fellow-actors Heming and Condell whose 
threefold disposition of the Folio is well known. That the distinction is 
by no means irrelevant to the discussion of Shaksperean tragedy may 
be seen from a footnote (p. 22) where Prof. Bradley reluctantly ' con- 
fesses' that Richard II is 'perhaps an exception' to the normal 
'greatness' of Shakspere's tragic heroes. But Shakspere was still 
working under the ' old law ' of the ' History/ which permitted him to 
make a king, whom tradition presented as a weakling, pathetic and 
exquisite, to give him a presence like a ' sweet rose,' and a speech like 
filigree-work in ivory; but not to put an Antony or a Coriolanus in 
his place. 

Deeper matters are dealt with towards the close of this first lecture, 
where Prof. Bradley seeks to define the character of ' the ultimate power 
in Shakspere's tragic world.' It is an old problem, and one which no 
one who has felt the mind of Shakspere can easily put by. Yet it owes 
much of its apparent urgency to the example of the Greek dramatists, 
with their profound consciousness of unseen mysterious divine control, 
a consciousness which but fitfully crossed the secular mind of the normal 
Elizabethan playwright, as he toiled for the lean favours of his earthly 
providence, Philip Henslowe or another. Even here we are not convinced 
that Prof. Bradley is not seeking definite solutions for problems which 
admit of none. But his analysis is conducted with a union of imagina- 
tive reach and cautious scrutiny that at least cuts the ground from some 
old dogmatisms. Most current accounts of Shakspere's tragic world are 
governed by one of two ideas : a ' moral order ' or a blind, indifferent, 
or malignant fate. ' These accounts isolate and exaggerate single 
aspects, either the aspect of action or that of suffering ; either the close 
and unbroken connexion of character, will, deed, and catastrophe, which, 
taken alone, shows the individual simply as sinning against, or failing 
to conform to, the moral order and drawing his just doom on his own 
head ; or else that pressure of outward forces, that sway of accident, 
and those blind and agonised struggles, which, taken alone, show him as 
the mere victim of some power which cares neither for his sins nor for 
his pain. Such views contradict one another, and no third view can 
unite them ; but the several aspects from whose isolation and exaggera- 
tion they spring are both present in the fact, and a view which would 
be true to the fact and to the whole of our imaginative experience must 
in some way combine these aspects.' 

This is perhaps only to say that Shaksperean ' fact ' is not less 
equivocal in its metaphysical suggestions than the facts of life, whose 
image it shows ; its different aspects begetting, in more summary minds, 
one or other of the same dogmatic alternatives, and, in more subtle or 
comprehensive ones, the same demand for a tertium quid. What gives 
Prof. Bradley 's discussion its chief value and interest is his peculiarly 
vital grasp of the contradiction latent in all properly tragic emotion, 
where the sense that suffering and death are both real and greatly 
matter, and the sense that they are somehow transcended and sub- 

Reviews 131 

limated, are equally involved. The notion that the horrible waste of 
goodness involved in the death of Cordelia or of Desdemona, nay of 
Othello, or of Hamlet, has in any strict sense compensation, is as fatal to 
tragedy, if it be made distinct and explicit, as the notion that these deaths 
were, in any sense at all, deserved. Yet we view this ruin with a sense 
of exaltation which entirely masters the non-tragic ' repulsion ' caused, 
as Aristotle said, by the sufferings of innocence, and is quite inadequately 
described even by the tragic ' purification ' itself. No one has analysed 
this exaltation more keenly than Professor Bradley, or distinguished 
more subtly its varying sources and complexions, in the several tragedies. 
It is just when he is pursuing these fluctuations and disparities that 
he seems to come so near to Shakspere. Nowhere nearer, perhaps, in 
substance, though expressed in phrases of another school, than in his 
fine comment upon the climax of Othello, when, as the Moor speaks 
those last words, a ' triumphant scorn for the fetters of the flesh and 
the littleness of the lives that must survive him sweeps our grief away, 
and... the most painful of all tragedies leaves us for the moment free 
from pain, and exulting in the power of " love and man's unconquerable 
mind." ' 

2. It is only possible to touch upon a few points in the detailed 
examination of the four tragedies, which occupies the bulk of the book. 
Original suggestions are, as has been said, not wanting ; but on the 
whole, as was to be expected, Mr Bradley's fresh interpretations of 
character and plot serve chiefly to throw the weight of a highly trained 
and perfectly independent judgment in the scale of views already at 
least in outline entertained. Yet the class of views which he thus 
enforces are not exactly, as a rule, the landldufige, current doctrine; 
they are apt to make uncomfortable demands upon the plain reader's 
imagination, and they do not always conform to his moral sense. 
Prof. Bradley is one of those who escape the illusions of the lower ethics 
because they are so completely penetrated and possessed by the higher. 
Critics preoccupied with the study of Shakspere's art are apt to 
estimate his characters only in terms of their rank as artistic creations. 
Prof. Bradley's criticism in reality owes much of its technical mastery to 
his quick human sympathy with them. He treats them as men and 
women, with as lively a feeling for personal values as for plot-functions ; 
and their place in his ' valued file ' is determined by a large and singu- 
larly imaginative apprehension, rather Greek than Hebraic, of good. The 
colossal power of Richard for instance, lifts him in the scale, though it 
facilitated his crimes. For good, in this comprehensive sense, Prof. 
Bradley's instinct is infallible, and the characters which possess it, under 
whatever form, be it the good of Desdemona's fateful innocence, or of 
lago's sinister ' stagecraft,' or of Hamlet's frustrated ' infirmity,' call out 
all the strength and delicacy of his critical perception. Ih this very 
case of Hamlet's character, with its numerous coigns of apparent vantage 
both for sentimental worship and for cynical defamation, the critic does 
justice to his ' noble mind ' as well as to his ' godlike reason ' without 
ignoring one harsh or repellent trait. His view most nearly resembles 

132 Reviews 

that of Kuno Fischer, and, as that thinker is nowhere mentioned, may 
be concluded to have the independent support of two of the most 
penetrating of recent Shakspereans. The chief error in the Hamlet- 
criticism of the nineteenth century has been, as Fischer says ; to start 
from the person of the hero and thence to interpret the course of action. 
Prof. Bradley has, like Fischer, taken the opposite course, finding the 
root of Hamlet's ' failure ' not in any fundamental disability of his, 
whether the flowerlike ' frailty ' of Goethe, the ' pessimism ' of Paulsen, 
the ' over-reflectiveness ' of Coleridge, or the sheer ' laziness ' of Loening, 
but in the paralysing prostration of spirit wrought by his mother's fall. 
The key to the ' contradictions ' which have made some critics declare 
Hamlet an irrational equation (Schlegel), or a deliberate mystification, 
or an artistic abortion (Rumelin), is surely to be found in the recogni- 
tion that his history is as complex as his nature, and that moods and 
impulses natural to three sharply-sundered phases of his life contend 
and fluctuate and interchange in the mind of the Hamlet we see. 
Perhaps the most valuable single point in Prof. Bradley's discussion is 
the criticism, or limitation, of the 'over-reflectiveness' theory, which, 
ever since Coleridge borrowed (or stole) it from Schlegel, has on the 
whole coloured the English popular notion of Hamlet more definitely 
than any other. It is suggestively hinted that Hamlet, the irresolute 
genius, is a reflection of Coleridge, as Hamlet the beautiful but nerveless 
victim of a task too hard, reflects Werther 1 . 

We may touch more briefly upon a case in which Prof. Bradley's 
habitual keenness of eye for the complexities of Shaksperean character 
appears to us for once at fault. His account of the ' Witches ' in 
Macbeth is full of acute points, but he surely reduces them to too simple 
terms. That they neither impose upon Macbeth a destiny which he 
cannot evade, nor on the other hand merely symbolise his inward 
temptation, is assuredly true. They are neither ' goddesses ' nor ' fates/ 
But does it fit all the facts to regard them as Witches pure and simple, 
' old women, poor and ragged, skinny and hideous, &c./ however 
'rehandled' and 'heightened'? Shakspere read in Holinshed, as 
Mr Bradley allows, that the 'women' who met Macbeth 'were according 
to the common opinion, eyther the weird sisters, that is (as ye would say) 
y e Goddesses of destinee, or else some Nimphes or Feiries! But he ' did 
not use this idea. He used nothing but the phrase "weird sisters." ' The 
phrase he uses is 'the weird sisters'; and one is forced to ask, why, with 
Holinshed's explanation before him, did he use it if the idea was so com- 
pletely irrelevant to his purpose ? Why did he make them, not a mere 
detachment of three out of the great army of Witches, as the first stage 

1 One regrets to find that a view hardly less one-sided than this, and of the same type, 
can still be put forward by the occupant of an English University Chair. Prof. Churton 
Collins, in the Fortnightly Review for November, 19U5, assimilates Hamlet to the Werthers 
of our own time, repudiating only the one touch in Goethe's description which has 
essential truth, the hochst moralisches Wesen. Goethe subsequently, as is well known, in 
the Eckermann days, made light of his Hamlet criticism. ' Ich habe in meinem Wilhelm 
Meister an [Shakespere] herumgetupft ; allein das will nicht viel heissen,' Gesprache, i, 

Reviews 133 

direction might suggest, but a mysterious trio ' posters of the sea and 
land/ unlike all the inhabitants of the earth, having 'more in them 
than mortal knowledge,' and in some quite peculiar way representing 
' fate ' and dispensing ' metaphysical aid ' if he puts that ' common 
opinion ' so completely by ? Shakspere was more likely, one surmises, 
to find room for that 'common opinion' in the composite harmony of his 
imaginative creation, just as he found room for several strands of fairy 
lore of the most varied provenance, classic, mediaeval, Germanic, in the 
radiant and seamless woof of his Faery world. 

3. Space fails for more than the briefest notice of the discussions in 
the appendices, of text and style, the calculation of dramatic time, and 
other matters frequently disdained by 'higher critics' of Shakspere. No 
one who has expounded the harmonies of Shakspere so impressively, has 
shown so keen an eye for his accidents ; for the element of chance in his 
plots, the element of fluctuating mood, of irrational expression, in his 
style. Mere mechanical reminiscence has certainly coloured Shakspere's 
writing an idea capable of still wider application than Mr Bradley has 
yet given it. Thus he points out a number of echoes of Othello in Lear; 
of Lear in Timon. He discusses the very difficult time-reckoning in 
Othello and in Hamlet ; the latter involving several points not hitherto, 
to our knowledge, observed. The book is singularly free from inac- 
curacies, and some oversights that appeared in the first edition have now 
been removed. One apparent survivor may be found in the statement 
that Shakspere's boys, with two exceptions William in the Merry 
Wives, and the page before whom Falstaff walked * like a sow that hath 
overwhelmed all her litter but one ' all occur in ' tragic or semi-tragic 
dramas.' For what of the ' brisk j uvenal ' Moth ? We trust that 
Mr Bradley will regard the omission as a debt which he has to pay ; and 
that Moth, with William and the page, and the whole vast Comic 
company whom they and their likes attend or embarrass, will later on 
receive the meed of a second volume of interpretative comment as 
penetrating and as luminous as this. 


A Middle English Reader. Edited by OLIVER FARRAR EMERSON. 
New York: The Macmillan Company, 1905. 8vo. cxix + 475 pp. 

Professor Oliver Emerson's book on The English Language is so well 
known that his latest contribution to our knowledge of Middle English 
will be welcomed by many students in this country. A Middle English 
Header will usefully supplement the valuable Specimens of the late 
Dr Morris and Professor Skeat, but those standard works-will not be 
rendered obsolete by this new American Reader. 

The Introduction, dealing with the dialects of Middle English, 
follows the fashion of modern philology in taking care of the sounds 
and letting the sense take care of itself. In other words, Mr Emerson 
traces the evolution of the phonology with great elaborateness, but 

M. L. R. 9 

134 Reviews 

pays much less attention to the historical development of the meanings 
and uses of words. He devotes more than 50 pages to phonology, and 
40 to Inflexions. He ignores Syntax altogether in the Grammatical 
Introduction, but has some scattered remarks upon it in the notes. The 
extracts chosen in some cases coincide with those in ' Morris and Skeat,' 
but the editor has evidently exercised independent judgment in making 
typical selections. 

In one respect his example might be followed in a new edition of 
the Clarendon Press volumes : he keeps each dialect to itself. Thus we 
have first 125 pages of writings exclusively in the Midland dialect, the 
form from which our modern English is mainly descended. Next come 
50 pages of examples of the Northern dialect ; then nearly 50 pages of 
specimens of the Southern dialect, including Kentish ; and finally about 
25 pages of the dialect of London: in all, 246 pages of miscellaneous 
Middle English texts. Sixty-four pages of notes follow, and then a very 
full Glossary (of 160 pages or so) gives the student much to be thankful 
for. The text is accurately printed (by Mr Horace Hart, Oxford), and 
the question only remains : is there anything to grumble at ? 

Well, there is the price for one thing. Both the Clarendon Press 
Specimens and this new Reader cost more than many students in 
University Colleges and the Higher Classes of Schools should have to 
pay for their text-book of selections from the early literature of England. 
There is a wide opening for the enterprising publisher who will put 
a good volume of Middle English Selections on the market at about 
3s. 6d. With short Introductions, a summary of dialectic characteristics, 
and a complete Glossary, such a book for Class use would be sure of a 
warm welcome from many teachers and students of English. This 
then is one fault not Mr Emerson's, of course. Another is that the 
Glossary, good though it is, is not good enough. The meanings given 
are too general, and sometimes too diverse, for the student's guidance. 
The cross-references need to be considerably increased. There are some 
positive blunders to be corrected. Still, the editorial work is on the 
whole well done, and, to show that these adverse comments- are not 
made without fair testing, the following marginalia on the Glossary are 
appended for the use of students who may attempt to work through 
the present edition of the book. 

P. 321 : cesfende Mr Emerson prints as one word ; Madden (whose 
text Mr Emerson follows) prints ende as a separate word. Which is 
correct ? P. 326 : arrysers,' 234, 12, in the sense of ' rebels ' apparently, 
is not in the Glossary. P. 328 : awelden in the passage quoted cannot 
mean 'restrain'; it may mean 'constrain/ or 'control.' Under bald 
should be given a reference to 129, 27 (where it is misprinted ba by 
the dropping of two letters). P. 330: bedene, 116, 5, should be given 
as a cross-reference to bidene. P. 333 : query, does not by^eode (see 
under bigon) mean ' persuaded,' in 222, 12 ? The senses given in the 
Glossary are inapplicable. P. 338 : borh in the passage referred to, 
195, 31, seems to mean 'payment' rather than 'security'; it is a sort 
of brutal jest, ' give her money down.' On this page a cross-reference 

Reviews 135 

of borr^hen, 10, 19, to bergen is lacking; and under bowen should be 
'see bu^en also,' for it is questionable if buhen, 193, 26, given under 
bu^en, should not be under bmuen, as it means ' be obedient to.' On 
this page (340) query ' broach ' as the special meaning of brouch, and 
query O. E. bryche under bryche. P. 349 : under dai a reference to 
euch deis dei, 192, 15, should be given, and the form deis should be 
explained ; does it mean ' day's day,' or ' dais day,' or is the student to 
conjecture that it may be 'dies dei'? What the laborious under- 
graduate might make of it we cannot say. On p. 350 the same 
undergraduate would find it helpful to have deh given (197, 1) with a 
reference to dugen. dedbote is less ' atonement ' (in the ecclesiastical 
sense) than ' restitution.' d$f, see duven, should be entered. P. 355 : 
dude, 207, 31, in a somewhat difficult phrase ('ne dude horn not,' which 
Morris and Skeat explain 'did them nought, no harm'), is not noted. 
And query is not eche, which Mr Emerson gives only as an adjective, 
used substantively in 191, 22 : ' into )?e eche of heovene ' ? P. 359 : the 
forms ei^e, eie, need cross-reference; and on p. 361 the verb-form feld, 
68, 19, might have a reference to f olden. On this page the word f$le, 
'true, dear, good,' 183, 28, is intelligible, but Layamon wrote, or at 
least Madden printed, sele (long s), which means much the same thing 
but is a totally different word. P. 367 : there is something wrong with 
forwer]>en, at least the text has forrwerrpen at 9, 23. In connection 
with the pronoun he on p. 376 we should like to know from Mr Emerson 
what he makes of the form \eo on 191, 25, 26 ; 192, 5 and 196, 5 ? It 
seems to mean 'they,' but the Glossary records no such form as a 
pronoun, though under S0 we get \~eo, 201, 3, as the adverb. P. 379: 
lieryng means ' hearing,' 102, 10, but seems to mean ' praise ' in 102, 20. 
These passages are not noted in the Glossary. P. 393 : under lit, ' little,' 
the Sth. lut, ' few,' 198, 30, is not given. P. 402 : the word murre, 231, 
25, is not in the Glossary. P. 404 : a neouste, 185, 9, is explained to 
mean 'next'; but the sense seems rather to be 'quickly,' as though 
some confusion existed with a form derived from on ofost. P. 407 : the 
Glossary has okrye, but the text okyre. A cross-reference, ' Qni, see ani' 
might be given. P. 414 : qualle', the Glossary explains ' 0. F. quaille : 
quail, 151, 27.' This is ' very like a whale ' ! The text says : 

pe >ride dai, mersuine and qualle, 
And o>er gr|te fises alle, etc. 

P. 416 : under reden is reade (e Sth.), 193, 13, where the text has toreade, 
which is not given in the Glossary. P. 420 : the use of sake, at 230, 8, 
apparently in the sense of ' strife ' (or of ' guilt ' ?) is not given. P. 440: 
query, does tok, 211, 7, mean 'rebuked' ? The Glossary gives neither a 
reference nor an explanation. P. 442 : treowe, 226, 10', does not appear 
here. P. 444 : under ]>e^re, ' their,' among the variant f<frms should 
be given apparently the form }>ar, 156, 24, meaning 'of those'? On 
p. 447 Mr Emerson goes one better even than the 'deep-sea quail': 
he explains ]>ruh, 197, 1, as a Southern form of }>urh, 'through,' 'on 
account of.' The passage is: 'ant don hire bodi J?erin in stanene 


136 Reviews 

)?ruh hehliche/ ' and put her body therein in a stone coffin honourably ' ! 
\rruh, ' a coffin/ is not a very rare word. P. 449 : unffie as an adjective 
is glossed, but the Kentish example is possibly adverbial, 215, 1, and 
at 225, 27 there can be no doubt of the adverb. The word unprenable 
occurs once, and the student is given three meanings : ' impregnable/ 
' improper/ ' wrong/ Are these synonyms ? P. 452 : vis is explained 
' face/ but in 121,- 14 seems to mean ' view/ P. 454 : under which 
word will the student find the unglossed form war, 160, 20, and 
what does it mean? Does wery mean 'curse' in 161, 9? These are 
questions that industrious youth will ask in vain of this Glossary. 
P. 455 : query, what does wenan mean in 189, 6, ' swa deS ielc witer 
mon )?a neode cumeS wenan' ('on whom need cometh') ? P. 460: the 
Glossary does not really help one to understand the expression wyte 
grocching in 233, 26. Is it ' know to have a grudge/ or ' cherish a grudge 
against ' ? P. 462 : wgt should have a cross-reference to witen, and me 
WQt ('one knows'), 210, 19, should be glossed. P. 464: wurftes, 195, 7, 
means ' deserts/ not ' dignities/ as the Glossary would imply. P. 465 : 
under gelden, ' recompense/ 'yield/ is glossed yealde}>, 219, 1, which seems 
rather to mean ' grows old ' (elderi). If so, this is a very serious mistake 
of the Glossographer. %oten under %eten is wrongly parsed pp. It is pt. 
pi. The general sense 'give' only translates even, though in 195, 3, 
' ne jeve ich for inc nowSer/ it plainly means ' care/ as often. P. 466 : 
query yealden, as above noted. 

This list is very incomplete, but if it leads to the improvement of a 
useful book it will serve the turn. 


Specimens of the Elizabethan Drama from Lyly to Shirley (1580-1642). 
With Introduction and Notes by W. H. WILLIAMS. Oxford: 
Clarendon Press, 1905. viii + 576 pp. 

Worke for Cutlers Or A Merry Dialogue betweene Sword, Rapier and 
Dagger. Edited by A. F. SIEVEKING. London: C. J. Clay, 1904. 

A New Way to Pay Old Debts. By PH. MASSINGER. Edited by G. 
STKONACH. (Temple Dramatists.) London : Dent, 1904. xii + 
128 pp. 

Old Fortunatus. By TH. DEKKER. Edited by 0. SMEATON. (Same 
Series.) 1904. xvi + 142 pp. 

The Arraignment of Paris. By GEORGE PEELE. Edited by O. SMEATON. 
(Same Series.) 1905. xvi + 83 pp. 

The Return from Parnassus. Edited by 0. SMEATON. (Same Series.) 
1905. xxxii + 136 pp. 

The Devil's Charter. By BARNABE BARNES. Edited by R. B. McKEBROw. 

Reviews 137 

(Mater ialien zur Kunde des dlteren Englischen Dramas, vi.) Lou- 
vain : Uystpruyst, 1904. xxiii + 144 pp. 

Studien uber Shakespeare's Wirkung auf zeitgenossische Dramatiker. 
Von E. KOEPPEL. (Same Series, ix.) 1905. xi + 103 pp. 

The Swisser. Par ARTHUR WILSON. Publie d'apres un manuscrit inedit, 
par A. FEUILLERAT. Paris: Fischbacher, 1904. cxxii + 112 pp. 

The White Devil and The Duchess of Malfy. By JOHN WEBSTER. 
Edited by M. W. SAMPSON. (Belles-Lettres Series, Section in.) 
Boston : Heath, 1904. xliv + 422 pp. 

Eastward Hoe and The Alchemist. By BEN JONSON. Edited by 
F. E. SCHELLING. (Same Series.) 1904. xxxii + 408 pp. 

Bussy DAmbois and The Revenge of Bussy D'Ambois. By GEORGE 
CHAPMAN. Edited by F. S. BOAS. (Same Series.) 1905. 
xlvi + 332 pp. 

Studies in Jonsoris Comedy. By ELIZABETH WOODBRIDGE. (Yale 
Studies in English, v.) Boston : Lamson and Wolffe, 1898. 
103 pp. 

Bartholomew Fair. By BEN JONSON. Edited by C. S. ALDEN. (Same 
Series, xxv.) New York : Holt, 1904. xxxiii + 236 pp. 

Poetaster. By BEN JONSON. Edited by H. S. MALLORY. (Same 
Series, xxvii.) 1905. ciii + 280pp. 

The Staple of News. By BEN JONSON. Edited by DE WINTER. (Same 
Series, xxvm.) 1905. lix + 273 pp. 

The Controversy between the Puritans and the Stage. By E. N. S. 
THOMPSON. (Same Series, xx.) 1903. 275 pp. 

Mr A. W. Pollard's admirable selection of English Miracle Plays, 
Moralities, and Interludes first appeared in 1890, and a fourth and 
revised edition was published in 1904. We believe that the original 
intention was to illustrate the whole of the Elizabethan drama in a 
similar manner, but the difficulty of dealing with the later develop- 
ments by means of selections proved so great that the plan was for 
the time allowed to drop. The volume of Specimens recently compiled 
by Professor Williams at once challenges, and suffers from, a comparison 
with its predecessor. None of the persons responsible for its publication 
appear to have realised the nature and the magnitude of the difficulties 
in the way, and we must confess to not understanding what demand it 
is expected to meet. From Mr Pollard's volume the student can obtain 
a very fair knowledge of the nature and history of the religious and 
didactic drama of England. No such knowledge of the later drama can 
be gained from the isolated scenes printed in the present work. A 
familiarity with the styles of certain writers may be gained and a few 
biographical facts may be learnt, but the student is likely to remain 
wholly ignorant not only of Elizabethan dramatic art and its historical 
development but even of what an Elizabethan play, as a play, is like. 

138 Revieivs 

There is, moreover, a serious gap between Mr Pollard's work, which 
ends with John Heywood and Bale, and Professor Williams' which 
begins with Lyly. Though ill planned, however, the work has been 
executed with care and judgment. In all ninety-three specimens are 
given, illustrating twenty-four playwrights. Extracts contained in the 
original ' Lamb's Specimens ' are avoided, though several appear which 
are to be found in Professor Gollancz' edition. Texts have been taken 
from the Clarendon Press editions in the cases of Kyd and Lyly, other- 
wise from the originals; but they appear to have been modernised 
throughout. The arrangement is in some cases open to criticism. 
Selimus and George-a-Green both appear under Greene, though the 
editor admits that in neither case is there much ground for the attri- 
bution. Some of the opinions advanced are likely to cause surprise. 
Thus Professor Williams thinks Chapman's diction ' lucid,' and holds that 
much of that author's alleged obscurity ' is due to the fact that he has 
never been properly edited.' There is undoubtedly some truth in the 
remark, but we fancy that Mr Boas, the only scholar who has ever 
attempted the task, will bear us out when we suggest that no amount 
of editing can ever render lucid the tortuous inconsequence of Chap- 
man's mental processes. 

We are indebted to Mr Sieveking for an edition of the Cambridge 
show entitled Work for Cutlers, originally printed in 1615. The amiable 
modesty with which he puts forward his 'daring opinion' that the 
author of this trifle was Thomas Heywood must needs disarm serious 
criticism; but, while admiring the ingenuity of the argument, we cannot 
pretend to be convinced of the justice of the attribution. The Master 
of Peterhouse contributes a politely sceptical ' note ' by way of introduc- 
tion. We have, by the way, been unable to discover on what principle 
the ' Glossarial Epilogue ' is arranged. The entries are not alphabetical, 
nor do they follow the order of the text. 

The ' Temple Dramatists ' series has in the past contained good 
work, and been connected with the names of reputable scholars. This 
is the only consideration which induces us to notice the following 
volumes, in which the editorial work bears every mark of carelessness 
and ignorance. A few instances from each play must suffice to bear out 
this general censure. Thus Mr Stronach, in his introduction to the 
New Way* to Pay Old Debts, informs us that the Virgin Martyr was 
Massinger's ' first unaided effort,' though it is well known to have been 
a joint composition with Dekker, and bore, when published in 1622, the 
names of both authors upon the title-page. Again in enumerating the 
chief plays of his author, he mentions both the Fair Penitent and the 
Fatal Dowry, though the former is nothing but a rifacimento of the 
latter made by Rowe in 1703. The Globe is said to have been ' the 
scene of all Shakespeare's successes ' in spite of the fact that it was not 
built till 1598. On the same level of scholarship are the plays edited by 
Mr Smeaton. In the introduction to Old Fortunatns a Dekker-Marlowe 
collaboration in 1588 is treated as an established fact. As evidence of 
the popularity of the play are cited editions of 1603, 1622 and 1625 

Revieivs 139 

these were of course editions of the chapbook. In the notes we read that 
Lyly wrote a pamphlet called Crack me this Nut and that ' There was a 
scarce black-letter pamphlet called An Almond for a Parrot published 
early in Elizabeth's reign.' One would hardly gather that both belong 
to the famous Martin Mar-prelate controversy. This was in 1589-90, 
which is anything but early in Elizabeth's reign, and Lyly's authorship 
of either is improbable. The text is a mere reprint of the ' Mermaid ' 
edition, and an obvious misprint is retained in the fifth line, though it 
is quoted correctly in the notes. The introduction to the Arraignment 
of Paris supplies us with the astonishing statement that ' To Peele 
belongs the honour of first employing blank verse,' although Surrey's 
Fourth Aeneid appeared c. 1548, Gorboduc in 1565, and the Arraign- 
ment not till 1584. Jack Straw is classed among Peele's works, though 
the ascription is mere conjecture ; the same applies to the Wisdom of 
Dr Dodypoll. The edition of Peele's works published in 1828 is 
ascribed to one Robert Dyce; that by Bullen in 1888, though the 
standard one, is silently ignored. The edition of the Return from 
Parnassus is planned on a more ambitious scale and offers a correspond- 
ingly larger crop of absurdities. The text is supposed to be modernised, 
but obsolete spellings occur on almost every page, and no consistent 
attempt has been made to correct the errors of the quarto from the read- 
ings of the MS. The quotations in the notes are constantly at variance 
with the text, and the references constantly wrong. For instance : ' n. 
ii. 66. Mossy barbarians = some critics suggest, " most like barbarians." ' 
This is not very lucid ; the reference, moreover, should be n. i. 66, and 
' Most like barbarians ' is the reading of the text. In illustration of the 
word stales a passage is quoted from the Tempest. The words in the two 
cases are quite distinct and the meaning suggested applies to neither. 
The noun in the Tempest means a decoy ; the verb, as applied to a horse 
in the Pilgrimage, means something else. Lastly an editor who calls 
Jonson's father a bricklayer and Gabriel Harvey a ' Marprelate Pam- 
phleteer,' and who thinks that to ' un truss' means to ' gird up your loins,' 
must have a quite notable ignorance of Elizabethan biography, literature 
and language. We have far from exhausted the curiosities which these 
volumes present, but have probably said enough to justify our opinion 
of the editors' qualifications. 

Mr McKerrow deserves the thanks of students for his careful work 
upon Barnes' strange and hitherto inaccessible play, The Devil's Charter. 
He also has a claim on our gratitude on two other scores beyond the 
immediate subject in hand. He has, namely, supplied for the first time 
a minute and scholarly exposition of a complicated bibliographical 
problem. This is the deter rninabion of readings according to correction 
by formes. The theory, which is of great importance in textual criticism, 
is one of which few editors appear ever to have heard. Aat different 
copies of the same edition of an Elizabethan work often vary in their 
readings, is now indeed more or less of a commonplace, but most editors 
are content to speak of one copy as belonging to an earlier or later 
state than another. This has often been shown to be illegitimate, and 

140 Reviews 

some have maintained that the unit of comparison is not the copy but 
the sheet ; while others have gone further and realised that the ultimate 
unit is the forme. Mr McKerrow has applied this theory to a play, no 
two of the four extant copies of which agree throughout. The other 
point of wider interest in his work is the identification of Barnes' 
demonological sources, which will, no doubt, be found to have been 
utilised by other writers too. The play is a difficult one, the text being 
very corrupt, and in spite of the labour bestowed on the notes several 
points remain obscure. It should be said that the alleged marriage of 
Lucrezia Borgia with Don Gasparo rests on no historical evidence. 

Professor Koeppel's volume of Studien appears to consist of gleanings 
from a scholar's notebook. He takes a number of Elizabethan dramatists 
and points out in each passages, situations, and motives, which, he con- 
ceives, are in some measure parallel to others in Shakespeare. It is an 
amusing game when it is played, as Professor Koeppel plays it, with 
learning and judgment, and we gather from his preface that he does 
not take himself or his results too seriously. If we are bound to confess 
that we are not always impressed with the appositeness of the supposed 
parallels, we should hasten to add that the volume contains many fruits 
of wide and curious reading beyond the strict limits suggested by the 
title. The authors do not appear to have been chosen according to any 
particular plan, and, since we miss so notorious a ' Shakespearian ' and 
unblushing a plagiary as Webster, we conclude that others have been 
reserved for discussion upon some future occasion. 

Arthur Wilson's play, The Swisser, the autograph MS. of which was 
recently acquired by the British Museum, has not had long to wait 
before finding a competent editor. M. Feuillerat has discharged his 
task with the loving care of the true scholar. To his reprint of the MS. 
he has prefixed an elaborate study of Wilson's life and work, the former 
portion of which, consisting as it does largely of the author's miscellane- 
ous autobiographical gossip, gains not a little from being written in the 
classical language of the memoires. We are genuinely grateful for the 
entertainment offered, and have only one criticism to make. We remain 
unconvinced of any such topical intention in Wilson's play as his editor 
would see, and we fancy that the same excess of ingenuity may be 
found in a tendency to discover psychological significance in biographical 
trivialities. The fault belongs to the method, which is distinctively 
French, and readers will discount it according to their individual tastes. 
There are one or two slight errors, such as 1613 in place of 1612 as the 
date of Prince Henry's death. The editor has followed the MS. reason- 
ably closely, though he has not attained that absolute fidelity which he 
perhaps hoped for. We have not, however, noticed any errors of con- 
sequence : the impossible ' Parcoe ' for the correct ' Parcae ' of the MS. is 
the most serious. The extraordinary spelling ' tougne,' which occurs 
five times, is Wilson's vagary. The question of capitalisation is often 
difficult in the case of a MS. but the editor's practice shows rather 
unnecessary licence on the point. Although Wilson's language is not 
difficult, the notes might with advantage have been somewhat fuller. 

Reviews 141 

In spite of the labours of Dyce few Elizabethans stand more in need 
of editorial attention than Webster. It is all the more a matter for 
-congratulation that his two great tragedies should have fallen to the 
care of so able and devoted a scholar as Professor Sampson. For the 
first time we have a really critical text and something like adequate 
commentary. It is to these sections of the work, however, that we must 
look for the editor's success. The introduction, though it presents in 
admirable form what there is to say on the subject of Webster's life and 
work, adds little to our previous knowledge. Webster the man remains 
as indistinct a shadow as ever, and the riddles of his sources remain 
unsolved. In the case of the White Devil, while the historical facts are 
common knowledge, Webster's immediate authority is undiscovered. In 
that of the Duchess, while the literary ancestry can be clearly traced 
back as far as Bandello, the events he recorded have left no trace in 
history. It is, however, possible to supply the name of the lady who is 
made to play the part of heroine. She was Giovanna, daughter of 
Arrigo, a bastard of the house of Aragon, and wife of Alfonso Piccolo- 
mini, whom his uncle, Pius II, created Duke of Amalfi. We have 
sometimes thought that the story may have originated in a confusion, 
and that though Bandello's Malfi is undoubtedly Amalfi, the basis of 
the legend should perhaps be sought in the annals of the small princi- 
pality of Melfi. The astonishing statement that Webster ' draws his 
traitors and liars and adulterers unscathingly ' is presumably due to a 

Professor Schelling, though he has had less opportunity for originality, 
has also produced a useful volume. The choice of a play of composite 
.authorship is to be explained by the fact that Jonson will figure again 
in subsequent volumes of the series. Eastward Hoe has, of course, been 
accessible in the editions of Marston by Halliwell (1856, old spelling) 
and Bullen (1887, modernised) but there remained plenty of scope for 
editorial work. Of the Alchemist numerous editions are available. In 
the case of this play the editor remarks that ' Jonson's punctuation, as 
well as his spelling and marking of intended elision, has been pre- 
served.' We notice, however, that the use of capitals and italics and the 
distinction between u and v have been, as elsewhere, at least partially, 

Professor Boas had a task and an opportunity even greater than the 
editor of Webster and he has not failed in them. No serious attempt 
has ever before been made towards editing any plays of Chapman. A 
careful collation of previous editions and a sparing use of conjectural 
arrangement with regard to directions and readings, has now done a 
good deal towards reducing the two plays selected to intelligible order, 
while the labour ungrudgingly bestowed upon the notes does yet more 
to illuminate the strange vagaries of Chapman's mind. Tlfe editor has 
also rendered valuable service in the matter of sources, alike in tracing 
the Revenge, as also the Byron plays, to Grimestone's General Inventory 
of the History of France, and in registering minor debts to Epictetus 
and Seneca. 

142 Reviews 

The preoccupation of the students of Yale University with the 
comedies of Ben Jonson began as long ago as 1898, with Dr Elizabeth 
Woodward's Studies. In these the author endeavoured, from a minute 
examination of four or five of the chief comedies, to reconstruct the 
main features of Jonson's art. Such an attempt offers an interesting 
field to the critical student and the method is legitimate enough. The 
nature of Jonson's writing makes it possible, moreover, to a degree to 
which it would not be possible in the case of most of his contemporaries ; 
while his own direct judgments on matters of literary criticism supply 
valuable hints for our guidance. The present essay starts with certain 
general considerations and then proceeds to detailed analysis, thus 
rather supplying the basis for future study than actually accomplishing 
the work of construction. 

The earliest of the Jonson texts to appear was Dr C. M. Hathaway 's 
elaborate edition of the Alchemist which we noticed in the Modern 
Language Quarterly in April 1904. The next was Dr C. S. Alden's 
Bartholomeiu Fair. The text of this is a careful reprint of the not very 
accurate folio of ' 1631 ' and the notes supply a fairly adequate elucida- 
tion there is no limit to what might be written on the subject though 
some are calculated rather for American than for British consumption. 
As in the earlier volume, however, the bibliographical matter cannot be 
altogether commended. The folio is said, on the authority of Fleay, 
to have been printed by John Benson, though he did not begin work 
till 1635 and was moreover a bookseller and not a printer. The 'I. B.' 
of the title-page was John Beale, as is proved by the device, not a wolfs 
head erased, as the editor says, but a griffin's, together with the arms of 
Beale and the Stationers' company. The statement that the play 'was 
performed at court before King James, November 1, 1614, the day 
following its first production at the Hope ' is presumably given on the 
same authority, but despite its obvious importance for the literary history 
of the piece, the evidence for the assertion is not quoted. The intro- 
duction as a whole is slight, and the remarks on Jonson's realism appear 
to us devoid of critical interest. 

Dr Mallory's edition of Poetaster is in all ways a more considerable 
piece of work. The bibliographical section is elaborate and on the 
whole satisfactory, though the fact that the editor has thought it neces- 
sary to take repeated notice of the omission of the letters J, U, W, from 
the signatures suggests a certain unfamiliarity with his subject. In 
his treatment of the stage quarrel he has been mainly guided by the 
work of Penniman and Small, the latter of whom he holds in high 
esteem. His discussion of the proposed identification of characters is 
full and scholarly, and he writes upon a subject, which has called forth 
almost as much nonsense as the Sonnets of Shakespeare, with admirable 
judgment and good sense. With his main conclusions we are in entire 
agreement. These are that in Jonson's plays the only identifications to 
be made are Horace with Jonson himself, Hedon-Crispinus with Marston, 
and Anaides-Demetrius with Dekker. In the text we have noticed a 
good many small variations from the copy before us, but most if not all 

Reviews 143 

of these, we have no doubt, are due to variations between the originals, 
the existence of which is duly recorded. Altogether it is a very useful 
edition of this preposterous play. 

The chief interest of Dr De Winter's edition of the Staple of Neivs lies 
in his proposed ascription of the London Prodigal in whole or in part to 
Jonson. He proves clearly that the Staple is little more than a patch- 
work from a variety of writings, some classical, but mostly recognised as 
Jonson's own, with the exception of the London Prodigal. The likeness 
in this case is shown not merely to lie in the general situation, but to 
be carried out in a number of details of greater or less importance. The 
improbability of Jonson, of all people, pilfering from his contemporaries 
is very great, and the a priori argument in favour of his authorship of 
the earlier play correspondingly strong. The theory will therefore de- 
mand the serious attention of future Jonson critics, but in "the absence 
of a fuller and more detailed investigation we hesitate to endorse unre- 
servedly the editor's conclusions. The bibliographical section is again 
unsatisfactory. The Staple can never have been intended for issue as 
a separate pamphlet ; the volume containing it is simply a folio 
measurement has nothing to do with the question and, moreover, it 
does possess a general title-page, though this is often wanting. The 
editor has made the same blunders as Dr Alden with respect to the 
' wolf's head ' and the identity of ' I. B.' Some of the company dates 
are wrong; Lord Strange became Earl of Derby in 1593 not 1594. 

Ben Jonson has not, however, absorbed the whole energy' of the 
Elizabethan scholars of Yale. Dr Thompson's monograph on the 
Controversy between the Puritans and the Stage is a serious piece of 
work, which the ample discussion of original authorities will render of 
real value to students. We would instance more particularly the 
chapter on legislation, which, though short, offers a clear and able 
summary of very confused and unsatisfactory materials. As a whole, 
however, the work is not a critical history, but an elaborate special 
pleading on a given brief and de parti pris. In spite of a mild dis- 
claimer in the preface, the writer's bias appears over and over again in 
the naive inconsequence of his arguments, and is, indeed, so obvious 
that it can do little harm. There are also a few rather careless errors, 
such as the confusion of Gyles Allen, ground-landlord of the Theatre, 
with Edward Alleyn, owner of the Fortune and founder of Dulwich 
College, and the ascription of A Whip for an Ape to the ' theatrical 
manager ' (John ?) Laneham. Readers may also wonder who the Francis 
Petrarch may have been, who mentioned the Curtain and the Theatre. 
More serious is a frequent want of judgment in handling historical 
evidence. It is not easy to illustrate this within reasonable limits, but 
one or two cases, out of many, may be pointed out. Take for instance 
the passage where the author is urging Northbrooke's inlf mate know- 
ledge of dramatic conditions. After quoting some remarks concerning 
'juglers, scoffers, jeasters and players,' he adds: 'Such passages are 
sufficient to convince the reader that Northbrooke knew whereof he 
spoke.' Yet on his own showing the writer was but repeating from his 

144 Reviews 

predecessors the commonplaces of puritan invective. So again what 
Dr Thompson calls a ' characterization of the old intrigue comedy ' is 
far stronger evidence of Northbrooke's familiarity with the classics of 
anti-stage polemics from Tertullian onwards, than with the actual plays 
of the time. Another instance occurs in his attempt to demonstrate 
the growth of puritan feeling in London, and to discount the repute in 
which men like Alleyn and Henslowe were held. The latter was elected 
vestryman in 1607. ' Perhaps,' says our author, ' this was due somewhat 
to signs of improvement among the actors ' and quotes in support re- 
marks made by Stowe in 1583. This is fantastic. The sentiment which 
made the parishioners of St Saviour's esteem Henslowe was the same as 
that which made the inhabitants of Finsbury welcome the erection of 
the Fortune when they found that the players were prepared to con- 
tribute handsomely to the maintenance of their poor. Rather than 
multiply instances of this sort we will add a few words upon the general 
merits of the controversy. Dr Thompson's main contention, if we 
understand him rightly, is that the puritan attack was not only justified 
by outrageous abuses, but was, further more, motived by considerations 
which we should to-day hold valid. Now the reformers saw one aspect 
of the question very clearly and their zeal did not tend to nice discrimi- 
nation. If we accept their account we shall have to conclude with Dr 
Thompson that people frequented the playhouses for no other reason 
than ' to applaud with delight the representation of vice,' and also that 
the audience consisted exclusively of the debauched gallant, the dissi- 
pated apprentice, the cutpurse and the strumpet. The answer is 
obvious. Had the conditions been as here represented, the stage could 
never have produced a body of literature such as the Elizabethan 
drama, which is at once an immense artistic achievement and as a 
whole morally sound. Nor is the basis of the attack beyond criticism. 
Dr Thompson wrote truer than he knew when he described the academic 
dispute as essentially ' the same old Puritan question.' The Oxford 
controversy was concerned with the application of a verse in Deutero- 
nomy and a Roman praetor's decree, and that similar considerations 
played no unimportant part in the puritan attitude is evident from the 
care with which Jonson consulted Selden as to the relevancy of the 
texts cited. The puritan apologist may urge that even if the attack 
was exaggerated and unfair the reformers had the interests of morality 
genuinely at heart. It is a sufficient answer, that grossly libellous as 
was the stage satire, there were among the defenders of the theatre 
men who were honestly fighting the battle of art. This, of course, was 
unintelligible to the reformers, and our present author's whole mental 
attitude is too much like that of the old Puritans to enable him to 
grasp the real meaning of the struggle. He is, for instance, constantly 
dwelling upon the ' liberal ' spirit of the critics of the stage. He quotes 
Stubbes' opinion that playing ' may be used, in tyme and place conveni- 
ent, as conducible to example of life and reformation of maners,' and 
commends Milton's view that by a due exercise of authority the stage 
could be rendered, for recreation and instruction, a supplement to the 

Reviews 145 

pulpit. There is nothing liberal in all this. The reformers offered to 
tolerate the existence of the stage on condition that it was content to 
serve a purpose not its own. It rightly refused life upon such terms. 

W. W. GREG. 

The Poems of Abraham Cowley. Edited by A. R. WALLER (Cambridge 
English Classics). Cambridge University Press, 1905. 8vo. 
viii + 467 pp. 

The Cambridge University Press is doing a great service to readers 
of English literature in the publication of this series. We have here in 
convenient and inexpensive volumes, on good paper and in excellent 
print, the works of classical English writers faithfully reproduced in the 
form of their original publication, with no alteration of spelling or 
punctuation, save in the case of evident misprints, and with every 
detail of typography arrangement of title-pages, use of capitals and of 
italics carefully preserved. This is the form in which poets should be 
read, by those at least to whom the original editions themselves are 
inaccessible. The present volume is one of the most acceptable of 
the series. Cowley's poems have not hitherto been available in any 
modern edition except that of Grosart, which can hardly be procured, 
and in any case is very expensive ; and no reader is likely to complain 
that they are wanting in interest. Moreover Cowley is eminently one 
whom Cambridge should delight to honour, a genuine student, a true 
poet, and a faithful lover of his College and of his University, his ' dear 
Cambridge.' The authors represented in this series of English Classics 
are not all Cambridge men, but Ascham, Crashaw and Cowley are 
among those who have already appeared, and Fletcher and Prior among 
those that are to come. Milton is perhaps forestalled, for Canon 
Beeching's edition, published by the Oxford Press, is very much upon 
the same lines as these. 

The present volume of Cowley contains all the English poems 
published in the folio of 1668, except those pieces which are connected 
with the prose writings ; and it is intended to publish in a companion 
volume the remainder of the contents in prose and verse of the folio of 
1668, together with those of Cowley's juvenile writings which were not 
republished by himself in his collected works, and his English plays. 
In justice to the author it must be remembered that he protests 
strongly in his Preface against the republication of the rejected juvenile 
poems, 'which though they were then looked upon as commendable 
extravagances in a Boy (men setting a value upon any %ind of fruit 
before the usual season of it), yet I would be loth to be bound now 
to read them all over my self, and therefore should do ill to expect that 
patience from others ' ; and he laments the common fortune of almost 
all poets, whose works, commonly printed after their deaths, are stuffed 

146 Reviews 

out with worthless additions, ' whether this proceed from the indiscretion 
of their Friends, who think a vast heap of Stones or Rubbish a better 
Monument than a little Tomb of Marble, or by the unworthy avarice of 
some Stationers, who are content to diminish the value of the Author, 
so may they encrease the price of the Book.' 

If we have any fault to find with the arrangement of this edition, it 
is that it was not found possible to include in the same volume with 
these poems the Discourse concerning the Government of Oliver Cromwell 
and the Several Discourses by way of Essays in Verse and Prose, which 
form the remainder of the 1668 folio, and in that case the juvenile 
poems and the plays might perhaps have been left to take care of 

We must not be ungrateful, however. The volume before us is a 
most charming one, and it may be hoped that it will do something to 
vindicate the fame of one who has been somewhat unfairly treated by 
critics. Johnson's Life of Cowley is a brilliant piece of criticism, and 
can hardly be accused of unfairness. He has collected a most amusing 
list of examples to illustrate the vices of a particular school of poetry. 
These examples are chiefly taken from Cowley ; but they are accom- 
panied by abundant acknowledgment of his excellencies as a poet, and 
the Life concludes with this appreciation : ' It may be affirmed without 
any encomiastic enthusiasm... that he was the first who imparted to 
English numbers the enthusiasm of the greater ode and the gaiety of 
the less ; that he was equally qualified for sprightly sallies and for lofty 
flights ; that he was among those who freed translation from servility, 
and instead of following his author at a distance, walked by his side ; 
and that if he left versification yet improvable, he left likewise from 
time to time such specimens of excellence as enabled succeeding poets 
to improve it.' This is much, especially from Johnson : but succeeding 
writers have usually drawn from the stock of quotations accumulated by 
Johnson without reproducing his qualifications or his favourable appreci- 
ation, and have also failed to notice that the examples are nearly all 
drawn from one section of Cowley 's work, The Mistress, with regard 
to which he himself lets us know that it is not to be regarded as 
expressing much genuine feeling. His love-poems are, he says, to be 
regarded as a kind of formality, like that of the pilgrimage to Mecca to 
which some Mahometans are bound by their order; and we have 
independent testimony that he was not much given to love-affairs, in 
spite of his humorous Chronicle. Naturally then it is in this depart- 
ment of his work that he is most apt to indulge in frigid conceits and 
fantastic comparisons, that 'concordia discors' which Addison calls 
' mixed wit,' and it is here that he is most markedly under the influence 
of Donne. Indeed many of the poems in The Mistress might well have 
been written by Donne himself, The given Heart for example : 

I wonder what those Lovers mean, who say, 

They have given their Hearts away. 

Some good kind Lover tell me how ; 
For mine is but a Torment to me now: 

Reviews 147 

(the poem from which Johnson takes his quotation to show that a 
lover's heart is a hand grenado), and that entitled The Soul, beginning 
1 Some dull Philosopher, when he hears me say.' 

Justice has hardly been done in modern times to Cowley's Pindaric 
Odes. The actual reproductions of Pindar are not called by the author 
translations ; he makes it not so much his aim ' to let the Reader know 
precisely what he spoke, as what was his way and manner of speaking,' 
and though Cowley has no doubt sometimes introduced ornaments such 
as Pindar could not have used, yet at times he has been happy in his 
additions, as at the beginning of the sixth stanza of the Nemean ode, 

How early has young Chromius begun 
The Race of Virtue, and how swiftly run, 

And born the noble Prize away, 
"Whilst other youths yet at the Barriere stay! 

It is true that by getting rid of the obscurity of connexion he has to 
some extent altered Pindar's * way and manner of speaking,' but after 
all, the lucidity of Cowley's Pindarics is a fault that may well be 
pardoned. It is manifestly unfair to blame him for not reproducing the 
strophe and antistrophe, when Milton is not blamed for deliberately 
rejecting that form in the choruses of Samson Agonistes, as 'not 
essential to the Poem and therefore not material.' 

Finally, it may boldly be said that the Davideis has been absurdly 
underrated. It is an unfinished work and therefore cannot be judged 
as a whole, and the merit of what we have is very unequal ; but many 
portions of it rise to a remarkably high level of excellence : Milton was 
undoubtedly influenced by it to some extent, and Dryden far more, 
indeed it was Cowley rather than Waller or Denham who supplied the 
model of Dryden's heroic couplet, and that not only as regards the 
occasional use of the alexandrine, as exemplified in the Davideis, or of 
the triplet, as in Cowley's latest work, but still more in the general 
structure and flow of the verse. We can hardly read any part of the 
Davideis without being reminded of Dryden. Take this passage from 
near the beginning : 

This knew the Tyrant, and this useful thought, 
His wounded mind to health and temper brought. 
He old kind vows to David did renew, 
Swore constancy, and meant his oath for true. 
A general joy at this glad news appear'd, 
For David all men lov'd, and Saul they fear'd. 
Angels and Men did Peace and David love, 
But Hell did neither Him nor That approve; 
From man's agreement fierce Alarms they take, 
And Quiet here does there new Business make. 

Beneath the silent chambers of the earth, 
Where the Sun's fruitful beams give metals birth, 

Beneath the dens where unfletcht Tempests lye, 
And infant Winds their tender Voyces try, 
Beneath the mighty Ocean's wealthy Caves, 
Beneath th' eternal Fountain of all Waves, 

148 Reviews 

Where their vast Court the Mother- waters keep, 
And undisturb'd by Moons in silence sleep, 
There is a place, deep, wondrous deep below, 
Which genuine Night and Horrour does o'erflow, &c. 

Here we have Dryden's metre and Dryden's rhythm anticipated, both 
in the more familiar and in the more imaginative style, and Dryden 
was probably indebted to Cowley (' the darling of my youth ') more 
deeply than in his later age he was quite aware. Cowley in fact was 
a man of essentially wholesome tastes, with a natural tendency to 
simplicity and lucidity, who at a certain period contracted the vices of 
the so-called ' metaphysical ' style, but almost wholly shook them off 
both in his verse and his prose before the end of his career. No other 
poet serves so well as a link between the first and second halves of the 
seventeenth century in English literature. 

To return to the volume with which the Cambridge Press has 
presented the public, we will conclude by saying that so far as we have 
been able to compare it with the original editions it is absolutely 
accurate, and that it must be a pleasure to every lover of Cowley who 
does not possess those original editions, to be brought nearer to his 
author by this scholarly reproduction. 


The Poems of John Keats. Edited with an Introduction and Notes by 
E. DE S^LINCOURT. London: Methuen and Co., 1905. 8vo. 
lxviii + 613 pp. 

Mr de Selincourt's edition of Keats marks an advance in that 
scientific and faithful treatment of an author's text which is now 
happily becoming acclimatised in England. It is so good in some ways 
that we wish it were a perfect edition in all respects, but the failings to 
which we desire to draw the editor's attention can easily be remedied in 
the second edition that is certain to be called for. 

We are glad to note that Mr de Selincourt has not followed 
Mr Buxton Forman ' in altering the spelling of certain words so as 
to make them fit in with what appears to be Keats's usual form.' Such 
a procedure is at variance with that absolute fidelity to an author's text 
which should be an editor's first rule. Why this craze for uniformity ? 
No writer sets forth with a cast-iron rule as to commas and past parti- 
ciples : he often varies his views from year to year; there may be, nay, 
often is, a historic interest in noticing his inconsistency, and the incon- 
sistency itself may be a part of an author's idiosyncrasy which it is 
desirable to retain. It is all very well to postulate, as a recent critic 
has done, that spelling and punctuation are merely matters which the 
printer's reader has settled for the author from the days of Elizabeth 
jusqud nos jours, but, in the absence of any direct evidence to the con- 
trary, we must assume that the author, or his authorised friends, 

Reviews 149 

corrected his own proofs, and, whether he is careless or not, whether he 
plumes himself upon an individual method or is contemptuous in the 
matter of such ' sma' things/ there is no justification for tampering with 
his text. An editor may set forth his personal emendations to the 
limit of his publishers' patience in foot-notes, where the ingenious will 
study them, but let us have the text as it was originally printed, and 
on that base our views. In this respect, as we have said, Mr de Selincourt 
is to be congratulated upon his decision to present the exact text of the 
three volumes published during Keats's lifetime. 

The Notes to the poems constitute a very valuable commentary ; 
they are rightly printed after the text, and they are really an aid to a 
more thorough understanding of the poet's works. Mr de Selincourt 
has insight and a fine taste : he is also, so far as we have been able to 
test his references, accurate : a quality that is not always combined with 
illuminating criticism. 

We fail to see why the second edition of the Posthumous and Fugitive 
Poems, containing the characteristic sonnet to Chatterton and other 
poems which Mr de Selincourt regards as ' weak,' should be printed in 
smaller type than the first section. In a volume of selections we can 
understand an editors personal preferences being allowed full play, but. 
not in a practically complete edition. We gather from the Preface that. 
Mr de Selincourt would willingly have left out these fugitive verses, but. 
it surely cannot be admitted that an editor should have the power to- 
decide the canon of an author's writings by any other rule than that of 

We hope Mr de Selincourt will, in a future edition, facilitate cross- 
reference between text and notes by giving in the latter some indication 
of the page in the text to which they refer. As it is, beyond a few head- 
lines, the reader has no help, for not a single note is paged : he has to 
turn up the title of the poem in the index, if he wishes to check the 
text by the notes, and if he wishes to find the notes to any poem or 
passage he has to turn over page after page until he alights upon what 
he wants. And we should have been grateful to him if he had given on 
the sectional half-titles type reproductions of the original title-pages. 

Beyond these complaints there is little to be said but praise : the 
chronological tables are excellent, the glossary of Keats's language will 
be most useful, the volume has a sufficient index and the Introduction 
is an able exposition of the characteristic qualities of Keats. 


M. L. R. 10 

150 Reviews 

Schillers Stimtliche Werke. Sakular-Ausgabe in 16 Banden. Heraus- 
gegeben von E. VON DER HELLEN. Stuttgart: Cotta,1904,1905. 8vo. 

Schiller: Sein Leben und seine Werke. Yon KARL BERGER. In zwei 
Banden. Erster Band. Munich : Beck, 1906. viii + 630pp. 

The contributions which the 'Schiller year' 1905 has made to our 
knowledge and understanding of the poet, are, as it is, we believe, 
generally admitted, disappointing. The extravagances which popular 
enthusiasm indulged in, at the centenary of Schiller's birth, in 1859, 
have, it is true, been avoided, and even the extreme enthusiasts have 
attempted, in a sober spirit, to view their idol sub specie eterni ; but the 
present year has given us no work on Schiller to be compared with 
Tomaschek's Schiller in seinem Verhdltnisse zur Wissenschaft, which 
appeared in 1862, and it has not even brought us, what would have 
outweighed all the other Schiller literature of the year, the two con- 
cluding volumes of Minor's biography. 

The best and most furthering criticism inspired by the occasion has 
found its way into the special numbers of the learned periodicals, such 
as the Studien zur vergleichenden Liter aturgeschichte, Euphorion and, 
we may add, the Revue germanique. But the nature of this criticism 
is in itself significant. It avoids, for the most part, the wider issues, 
and larger problems, and contents itself with small and sharply denned 
provinces of 'Schiller philology'; it is obviously opportune, that is to 
say, prompted rather by the calendar than by inner impulse or con- 
viction the result of a few days or, it may be, weeks of steady applica- 
tion. And it cannot be urged in defence that the larger problems of 
Schiller's life and work have all been already solved. On the contrary, 
many of them have not even been faced. There is not one of Schiller's 
riper dramas, for instance, which has been investigated and discussed 
in all its manifold aspects, including its relations to the dramatic 
practice of its time ; and we have only to turn- to Walzel's admirable 
introduction to the volume of Schiller's philosophic writings in the new 
Cotta edition, to see what has still to be done in t?his field. 

In all that pertains to production type, paper, binding as well as 
cheapness, this new edition of the poet's Collected Works is exemplary. 
The text, too, as it is almost needless to say, is reproduced with 
scrupulous care, and will satisfy all practical needs, although we should 
have liked to see, even at the expense of an additional volume, greater 
completeness. We miss, for instance, a complete reprint of the parts 
of Don Carlos that appeared in the Thalia, as well as of the prose 
version all of them essential documents for the understanding of the 
most critical epoch in Schiller's career as a dramatist. Again, it is 
unfortunate that the new edition should not have repaired an omission 
which is common to every previous edition, by reprinting, if only in an 
appendix, the all-important Kalliasbriefe to Korner. The arrangement 
of the Gedichte in Volume I, according to a plan of Schiller's own, has 
been sufficiently commented upon in the German press, where it has 
found few defenders. The traditional grouping, due, in the first 

Reviews 151 

instance, to Korner, is admittedly unsatisfactory, but if it must be 
departed from at all in a modern edition, the change, it seems to us, 
should be in the direction of a more strictly chronological arrangement. 
Of the various introductions to the separate volumes, all are good and 
some, especially that by Walzel already referred to, and that by Koster 
to the translations, are admirable. But with the results before us of 
this kind of 'editing' in England, that is to say, of inviting distinguished 
critics and scholars to write introductions to familiar classics in order to 
give the reprint additional commercial value, we can only say that we 
regret to see the custom being adopted in Germany. A standard edition 
of a great classical writer should be left to speak for itself. 

The Centenary of 1905 has been the occasion of several new lives 
of Schiller, and amongst these Karl Berger's deserves special notice. 
It is a carefully compiled and judiciously written book, and, if the 
second volume bears out the promise of the first, it may be recom- 
mended to the student as, in stereotype phrase, 'the best Life of Schiller 
of moderate compass.' But it is possible to admit so much and yet 
regret that the work has not a more obvious raison d'etre than merely 
to provide the publisher of the admirable Life of Goethe by Bielschowsky 
with a companion book on Schiller. Berger has little or nothing of 
importance to say about Schiller that has not already been said, 
and, unlike Bielschowsky, his way of expressing himself is not original 
enough to justify the repetition; his criticism is, from the traditional 
point of view, 'sound,' but wanting in any kind of distinction. The 
book is an excellent handbook of what we already know and have been 
taught to think about Schiller, but little more. It is, however, the last 
volume of a life of Schiller, as of Goethe, not the first that is the real 
touchstone of its value, and we prefer to suspend further judgment 
until we have seen what Dr Berger has still to say. 

The fascination which Schiller's genius has always had for the 
metaphysical type of mind and the tendency to judge him from a 
philosophical we use the word in its widest acceptance point of view, 
has been unfortunate ; for it keeps away from Schiller just the kind 
of critic who might be best able to give us the definitive biography of 
Schiller we still await. 'Eine Schillerbiographie,' wrote a distinguished 
critic of Berger's volume the other day, ' muss pathetisch sein.' Now 
that, it seems to us, is just the last thing a Life of Schiller ought to 
be. One might as well say, a Life of Heine must be cynical, of Lenau 
pessimistic. For the ideal Schiller-biographer we look, not to the 
metaphysician with leanings towards Schillerian ' Pathos,' but to a 
scholar who has grown up under Goethe's influence, and is able to 
regard Schiller's life and work as Goethe regarded them, that is to 
say, with that healthy naturalism and respect for the concrete fact, 
which distinguished all Goethe's judgments of men and books. It is 
this spirit that appeals to us in Brahm's fragmentary biography of 
Schiller, although Brahm's mind was too divided when he wrote it for 
him to give us of his best ; it is also the unmetaphysical attitude which 
makes Harnack's Schiller wanting as it is in the essential touch of 


152 Reviews 

sympathy for the poet so stimulating and suggestive. On the other 
hand, the metaphysical and 'pathetic' extreme is to be seen in 
Ktihnemann's new book on Schiller (Munich : Beck) ; and we are afraid 
Berger, too, sees his hero from a similar point of view. Like Ktihnemann, 
he is so intent upon justifying his hero to the twentieth century that, 
even in this first volume, he fails to do justice to that infinitely greater 
Schiller of the eighteenth century, who gave voice, as no other of his 
contemporaries, to the humanism of the classic age. 


Heinrich Heines Verhdltnis zu Lord Byron. Von FELIX MELCHIOR 
( Liter arhistorische Forschungen, herausgegeben von J. SCHICK und 
M. VON WALDBERG. xxvu. Heft). Berlin: E. Felber, 1903. 8vo. 
iv + 169 pp. 

Die Aufnahme Lord Byrons in Deutschland und sein Einfliiss auf den 
jungen Heine. Von WILHELM OCHSENBEIN. (Untersuchungen 
zur neueren Sprach- und Literaturgeschichte, herausgegeben von 
0. F. WALZEL. vi. Heft.) Bern: A. Francke, 1905. 8vo. 
x + 229 pp. 

These two books are the first attempts to determine accurately the 
extent of Byron's influence upon Heine. The task has not been easy, 
and the conclusions of the critics are widely at variance. Melchior is 
convinced that the greater part of the resemblance between the two 
poets is the result of posing and imitation on the part of Heine, while 
Ochsenbein argues on the whole for the German poet's independence 
and originality : he accepts as substantially correct Heine's own words, 
' wir mogen uns in manchen Dingen geglichen haben.' Unfortunately, 
Melchior's book, in addition to containing many errors of detail, is 
vitiated by an ignorance or disregard of the factors in Heine's psycho- 
logical growth, by want of sympathy and a manifest wish to ascribe the 
most trifling coincidences to literary imitation, conscious or unconscious. 
His second chapter deals fully with Heine's translations from Byron. 
To the instances of false rendering on p. 68 should be added Manfred 
218. The two passages considered incorrect by Melchior (p. 70) are 
free translations but by no means wrong, and as to the motto from 
Christabel, it is not Heine but his critic who has mistaken the meaning 
of the English. Something more might have been said about Heine's 
language in these early translations. It is interesting to note, for 
example, that Heine employs trivial expressions where Byron has none 
(Manfred 6, 112, 130, 150, 171); in the repetition of words and phrases 
the German poet goes much further than his English original, and the 
introduction of diminutives like ' Magdlein,' ' Thranlein,' ' Sternleiri,' 
' Handchen,' ' Mtindchen,' ' Gesichtchen,' where Byron has no suggestion 
of them, is a reversion to the mannerism of Heine's early period. In 
his third chapter Melchior discusses parallels in the poems of the two 

Reviews 153 

authors, but with regard to most of them opinion must vary. The 
indebtedness, for instance, of Scheme Wiege mewer Leiden to Fare thee 
Well, or of Traumbild ill and iv to Byron's Dream I v and vi, or of 
Lyr. Intermezzo 60 to Dream in, is very doubtful. A better case can 
be made out for Dream vn having influenced the poem Ratcliff, and 
Melchior's comparison of Belsatzar with Byron's poem on the same 
theme is instructive. The source of Lehn deine Wang' an meine Wang' 
in Byron's To Caroline (9 17) has been rightly pointed out, but there 
is no connection between Heimkehr 61 and Childe Harold ill, 91. 
Melchior argues for a considerable Byronic influence on Heine's sea- 
poetry. The idea of the wind being lulled to sleep by the water 
(Nordsee I, 2 and 4) is certainly Byronic; a nearer parallel than 
the one quoted is Siege of Corinth ix. Again, the comparison of the 
heaving of the waves with that of the human breast recalls Byron 
(Stanzas for Music), who may have derived it from Ossian ; perhaps 
Heine may have even drawn directly from Ossian (cp. Nordsee I, 6 
with Fingal I, 6 : 'In their midst the king stood silent, His struggling 
thoughts upheaving in his breast Like waves on a mountain loch Each 
one in foam and hoary ' etc.). Melchior's remarks about the comic 
rhymes in both poets are valuable and might well be extended. 

Ochsenbein's book is a much sounder and more carefully considered 
piece of work. He prepares the ground for his investigation by dis- 
cussing in two preliminary chapters ' Die Aufnahme Byrons in Deutsch- 
land ' and ' Heines Yerhaltnis zu Byron im Urteile der Kritik.' In the 
former of these he considers with great insight and fullness the manner 
in which Byron's personality, his poetical gifts and his type of hero 
influenced the Germans ; in the latter he brings together the opinions 
of Heine's contemporaries and of later critics on -the question of the 
German poet's indebtedness to Byron. The third chapter is an 
excellent account of Heine's personal attitude to Byron. At first he 
was enthusiastic ; very soon, however, he lost taste for the Englishman's 
work and, later still, grew quite indifferent to it. The period in which 
Byron's influence was strongest, is 1820 to 1822. In the fourth chapter, 
Ochsenbein discusses parallels between Heine's lyrics and Byron's poetry, 
and arrives at the conclusion that Byron's influence on the lyrics is 
slight and so fugitive as to defy detection : ' der einzige Einfluss ist ein 
unkontrollierbares, jedenfalls sehr leises Einmischen seines Pessimismus 
in die Stimmungen Heines.' Ochsenbein insists on the influence of the 
Dream upon Ratcliff and of Darkness upon G otter ddmmerung ; other 
parallels quoted on p. 190 (Don Juan n, 34 with Aufsatz uber Polen 
VII, 190 and Stanzas to Augusta with Heimkehr 87), seem to me very 
doubtful. Ochsenbein does not discuss Heine's sea-poetry at all; he 
would almost close the period of Byron's influence with thi year 1822. 
But even if Heine had ceased to read Byron much after that time, the 
sunset scenes had made a deep impression upon him ; he speaks of them 
in the Harzreise (ill, 57), and it seems to me that they have in many 
cases suggested the opening lines of Heine's sea-lyrics in the same way 

154 Reviews 

as the Volkslied supplied him with the ' situation ' of his love-lyrics. 
Two parallels may serve as examples : 

Slow sinks the sun Die gliihend rote Sonne steigt 

One unclouded blaze of living light Hinab in's weit aufschauernde, 

O'er the hushed deep the yellow beam he Silbergraue Weltmeer. 

throws (Nordsee I, 3.) 

Gilds the green wave that trembles as 

it glows. (Curse of Minerva.} 

And the midnight moon is weaving Der Mond 

Her bright chain o'er the deep. Uberstrahlt das graue Meer 

(Stanzas for Music.} Breiten Streifs mit goldenem 

Glanze. (Nachlese n, 71.) 

In each case. Heine has more colour. One must remember, too, that he 
did not sing of the sea as an imitator, but only after he had himself 
become acquainted with its beauty and charm. The influence of Byron 
is not more than a reminiscence, an unconscious suggestion ; and in the 
love-poems it is hardly anything else. On the whole, Ochsenbein's 
conclusions are acceptable, and his study is an important step towards 
the settlement of what has long been a vexed question. 


Athenaeum. Eine Zeitschrift von A. W. SCHLEGEL und FR. SCHLEGEL. 
Neu herausgegeben von F. BAADER. (Das Museum, herausgegeben 
von H. LANDSBERG, iv. Bd.) Berlin: Pan-Verlag, ohne Jahr. 
290 pp. 8vo. 

Jakob Minor hat sich vor kurzem in der Deutschen Liter aturzeitung 
mit Entschiedenheit gegen die moderne Leidenschaft der Neudrucke 
gewandt ; ohne ihm unbedingt recht zu geben, muss man zugestehen, 
dass Fal.le wie der vorliegende vom Ubel sind. Gewiss ist das Athe- 
naeum eine der wichtigsten Quellen fur unsere Erkenntnis derjenigen 
Tendenzen, die die deutsche Literatur umgescharTen haben ; aber eben 
deshalb verlangt das Werk von dem Erneuerer mehr Ernst und mehr 
Wissen als Baader besitzt. 

Auf vielerlei Weise konnte das Unternehmen gliicken. Man konnte 
eine wissenschaftliche und kommentierte Ausgabe veranstalten, wie wir 
sie z. B. von A. W. Schlegels Berliner Vorlesungen in mustergiltiger 
Weise besitzen; oder man konnte fur das grossere Publikum eine 
' Schausammlung ' veranstalten, wie die Museen sie auslegen. Aber 
gleich die Einleitung zeigt dass wir keins von beiden erwarten diirfen : 
sie ist fur eine wissenschaftliche Ausgabe zu flach und phrasenhaft, fur 
eine populare setzt sie zu viel voraus und halt sich zu sehr im Allge- 
meinen. Die Auswahl selbst deckt der Herausgeber mit dem Schlag- 
wort ' subjektiv,' und freilich muss sie subjectiv sein; aber ein genauer 
Kenner hatte doch anders gewahlt, wenn wir selbst nicht mit L. Geiger 
(in der Beilage zur Munchener Allgemeinen Zeitung, 1. Oktober, 1905) 
die Aufnahme der grosseren Aufsatze tadeln wollen, die bereits Minor in 

Reviews 155 

FT. Schlegels Jugendschriften neu herausgegeben hat. Geiger hat auch 
schon die Oberflachlichkeit und Unzuverlassigkeit der Anmerkungen 
erwiesen, die durch ein argerliches Versehen der Druckerei (wodurch 
die Seitenverweise fast nie stimmen) und durch Druckfehler wie 
1 Archilogos ' (S. 280) noch unbrauchbarer werden. 

Was bleibt iibrig ? Eine htibsch ausgestattete Bliitenlese von 
romantischen Einfallen und Gedanken ; aber von dem Bllttenstaub 
behalten wir des Staubes mehr als der Bliiten in der Hand ! 


Concordanza delle Opere Italiane in Prosa e del Canzoniere di Dante 
Alighieri. Pubblicata per la Societa Dantesca di Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, a cura di E. S. SHELDON coll' aiuto di A. C. WHITE. 
Oxford: nella Stamperia dell' Universita, 1905. Roy. 8vo. 740 pp. 

Seventeen years ago the Cambridge Dante Society in America 
issued Professor Fay's Concordance of the Divina Commedia, a work 
which, in spite of certain defects of arrangement, enjoys a deservedly 
high reputation, and has become an almost indispensable companion 
to every serious student of Dante. We have now to congratulate 
the same Society on the publication of another monumental work of 
reference in the shape of the present Concordance of the Italian Prose 
Works and of the Canzoniere of Dante. In the case of a poem like the 
Divina Commedia the preparation of a concordance is a comparatively 
simple matter so far as regards references. For this purpose any 
ordinary edition will serve. But where a prose work is concerned the 
question of the references becomes a serious matter, especially when 
there happens to be no recognised standard edition: When the pre- 
paration of this concordance of Dante's Italian prose works was first 
begun, under the auspices of Professor Charles Eliot Norton, this 
difficulty had to be faced by the compilers. Fortunately, before the 
work was too far advanced, the reference problem was solved by the 
publication of the Oxford Dante, in which the whole of Dante's works 
are included, with the lines both of prose and of poetical pieces 
numbered throughout, while the poems of the Canzoniere are for the 
first time consecutively numbered. This volume, of which a third edition 
was published a year ago, and which has been accepted as the standard 
edition of Dante on the Continent, as well as in England and America, 
was naturally adopted as the basis of the new concordance. The 
immense convenience of the Oxford Dante for the purposes of reference 
may be realised at a glance by any one who consults the Enciclopedia 
Dantesca of the late Dr Scartazzini. The references to Dante's prose 
writings in that work are to various editions arbitrarily selected by the 
editor, while in the case of the Canzoniere he is obliged to have recourse 
to the clumsy expedient of quoting the first line of each poem referred 
to. Seeing then how greatly the compilers of this concordance are 
indebted to the Oxford Dante for the simplification of the whole system 

156 Revieivs 

of references, it is not a little surprising to find no mention of the 
fact in the preface. We have only the bare statement that the text 
followed is that of the Oxford Dante. It would have been more 
graceful, to say the least of it, if some slight acknowledgement had 
been made of the very considerable assistance afforded to the compilers 
in the matter of the references by the Oxford edition. The omission is 
the more noticeable owing to the fact that Professor Fiammazzo, the 
editor of the Vocabolario-Concordanza recently published by Hoepli of 
Milan, lays particular stress on the convenience of the line-references in 
the Oxford Dante for the purposes of his work. 

The responsible editor of the concordance is Professor E. S. Sheldon, 
of Harvard, and his principal collaborator, as is indicated on the title- 
page, has been Mr A. C. White, whose name is known to English 
Dantists in connexion with a gallant, if not altogether successful, 
attempt at an English rendering of the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra. 

We have no hesitation in saying that the work reflects great credit 
on all concerned. The printing, which was entrusted to the Oxford 
University Press a striking and well-deserved tribute to the high 
reputation of the University typographer, Mr Horace Hart is admirably 
executed. The type of the quotations, though somewhat small, is clear 
and distinct, while the head- words stand out conspicuous in heavy type, 
thus greatly facilitating reference. 

The editors wisely abandoned the arbitrary arrangement adopted 
by Professor Fay in his concordance of the Commedia, and have reverted 
to the usual plan of giving the quotations in the order in which they occur 
in the original texts. We are inclined to think they were well-advised 
to separate the poetical from the prose quotations, by placing the former 
in the upper half of the page, and the latter in the lower, though this 
arrangement involves considerable repetition of head-words. On the 
other hand, we decidedly disapprove of the abandonment of the accepted 
concordance method of giving as head-words every separate part of 
verb, substantive, or adjective, in favour of the dictionary method, viz. 
that of registering all verbal forms under the head of the infinitive, 
and of ignoring as headings the inflected forms of substantives and 
adjectives. We cannot see that any advantage is gained by this 
arrangement, while the disadvantages are obvious. For instance, in 
order to find a particular passage, say, in which the word ragiona 
occurs (as in the phrase ragiona il fine), it is necessary to search through 
more than two pages of the concordance under the heading ragionare, 
whereas if there had been a heading ragiona, it would only have been 
necessary to glance through about a third of a page. Again, to verify 
a quotation in which the word ode occurs, one has to turn to udire, 
under which heading there are more than a page and a half of entries 

In the case of some two hundred words of very frequent occurrence, 
or of comparative unimportance, numerical references alone are given. 
This is reasonable enough, no doubt, in certain instances; but it is 
disconcerting, to say the least of it, to be confronted by a page and 
three quarters consisting of nothing but numerals, as under dire, for 

Reviews 157 

example. This is about on a par with the entry Smith in the index to 
the old Gentleman s Magazine, where all the Smiths mentioned in the 
magazine are lumped together under one heading. How hopeless the 
search under these conditions for peculiar forms such as dicer, dille, 
diri, and the like ! This mass of figures might have been of some use if 
each part of the verb had been registered separately with its own 
references. The word diri, by the way (the plural of the infinitive 
dire used substantively ; cf. saliri in Purg. xix. 78) which occurs 
in Canz. vm. 75, ought certainly to have found a place in the con- 
cordance. In the case of certain of these words we think that the 
editors might with advantage have used their discretion. Under ogni, 
for example, they might very well have quoted the passages (e.g. 
Conv. m. 5, 1. 139; 7, 1. 87: 11, 1. 78; iv. 23, 1. 148) where Dante uses 
the word in the restricted sense of ' both ' (cf. Inf. vn. 32 ; xxn. 56 ; 
Purg. ii. 22: iv. 32; xxvi. 31). Again, Dante's special use of acciocche 
might well have been indicated; as might the interrogative use of 
quando; and so on. 

Details of this kind, however, are matters of opinion ; and no doubt 
the editors were to some extent influenced by considerations of space, in 
-deciding on these and similar omissions. 

So far as we have been able to test it, and we have tested it 
pretty severely, the accuracy of the references a matter of paramount 
importance in a work of this description is beyond reproach. We 
have discovered but one wrong reference in the course of our exami- 
nation, namely on p. 652, 1. 6 from foot, where Gonv. iv. 15 should 
be iv. 5. 

The title page the arrangement of which displays a lamentable 
lack of taste on the part of the printers and the preface are in 
Italian. This seems at first sight a somewhat ridiculous piece of 
pedantry. The explanation is that if either were in English a duty 
would have to be paid on every copy of the book imported from England 
into the United States. 

The work is appropriately dedicated to the venerable and gifted 
president of the Cambridge Dante Society, Professor Charles Eliot 
Norton, who has done so much to foster and encourage the ^ study 
of Dante on both sides of the Atlantic during the last forty years. 
To Professor Norton was due the inception of this great undertaking, 
now so happily completed, and we are glad to learn from him that the 
Society has in hand the preparation of yet another Concordance, viz. to 
Dante's Latin Works, which with the two volumes already published 
will furnish a complete register of the whole of Dante's vocabulary. 


158 Reviews 

Dante s Divina Gommedia. Translated into English Prose by the Rev, 
H. F. TOZER. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1904. 8vo. iv + 447 pp. 

The Purgatorio of Dante Alighieri. Rendered into Spenserian English 
by C. GORDON WRIGHT. London : Methuen and Co., 1905. 12mo.. 
xii + 304 pp. 

Giovanni da Serravalle, writing circa 1416, asserts, as is well known, 
that Dante studied theology ' in Oxoniis in regno Angliae.' Modern 
criticism looks on this assertion with gravest suspicion, in spite of the 
fact that the poet betrays (Inf. xv. 4 sq.) a knowledge of that coast 
from which our white cliffs are visible. But if Dante was never at 
Oxford in the flesh ' con la sua persona ', there can be no doubt at all 
that he is very much at Oxford now, and that our University, if she 
must renounce her claim to be his Alma Mater, is showing herself a 
most devoted Alumnus. Even repentant Florence has done no more in 
these last years for Dante-studies than that eminent group of Oxford 
scholars Drs Moore, Toynbee, and Shadwell. And now another Oxford 
Dantist, Mr Tozer, has added to the debt which we already owe to him 
for his excellent and scholarly commentary on the Divina Commedia, by 
the publication of a companion volume a prose translation, with brief 
prefatory descriptions of Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise, and a well- 
selected minimum of short notes. The translation is based on Dr Moore's 
2nd edition, but on Purg. xxiii. 117, there is a significant reference to 
the Forese-Dante Tenzone, which was only admitted to the Oxford 
volume in 1904. 

Every lover of Dante knows that to translate the Divina Commedia 
adequately is impossible. Has not the Poet himself assured us (Conv. L 
7, 92 sqq.) in the most trenchant language that 'nulla cosa per legame 
musaico armonizzata si puo della sua loquela in altra trasmutare, senza 
rompere tutta sua dojcezza e armonia ' ? 

Yet this impossible has been attempted again and again, and with 
no mean success, since Carey first began to publish his verse translation 
exactly a hundred years ago. And the difficulties and limitations of a 
translation into English verse are probably halved in a prose rendering, 
though they still remain enormous. The present translator's claim is 
very modest to have produced a rendering faithful and readable but 
not too literal, and to have contributed ' something towards the more 
perfect translation of the future.' So much we feel certain he will have 
accomplished ; and we venture to go much further and to predict, with- 
out prejudice to the numerous and in many cases creditable and valuable 
efforts of his predecessors, that his excellent book will establish itself for 
some time to come as the standard popular translation of the Divina 

That it should be faultless is too much to expect, but it comes as 
near perfection, for its purpose, as anything we have yet seen. Having 
thus expressed our opinion on the work in general, we may be permitted 
to subjoin a few detailed criticisms, or rather suggestions for the learned 
translator's consideration in view of a second edition. 

Reviews 159 

A translator, unless he is prepared to mar his book by constant 
alternative renderings, is always under the necessity of dealing decisively 
and brusquely with points of doubtful interpretation. He may have 
oscillated for hours before his own decision was reached, but the result, 
unless he hedges, is definitely on one side or the other. Thus, we may 
not complain if we find the Feltro identified with Can Grande, without 
any suggestion of a doubt ; or the monte of Inf. xviii. 33 described as 
the Capitoline, or the vexed phrase beato per iscritto of Purg. ii. 44 
translated ' by a sure title blest.' But is it not at least probable that 
the Pope addressed in Par. xviii. 130 is Boniface VIII. rather than 
John XXII. ? Does Dante ever forget his formal date, and speak other 
than prophetically of the actual period when he is writing ? 

Again, surely the context of Inf. xxx. 78 is overwhelmingly in favour 
of an identification of Fonte Branda with the spring, which still exists 
to-day on the side of the Romena hill in Casentino, as against the 
traditional reference to Siena. 

Blemishes in the translation itself are of course exceeding few : but 
there are some points worth discussion. Is ' loving' a perfect rendering 
of soave (Purg. x. 38), or ' white ' of bionda (Purg. viii. 34) ? Is it 
sufficient to translate the wonderful verse (Purg. xxvii. 142): 

Perch' io te sopra te corono e mitrio, 

' Wherefore over thyself I invest thee with supreme control,' without a 
note of explanation ; or to render deiforme (Par. ii. 19) by ' which exists 
in the mind of God,' similarly without note or comment ? Again ' With 
gladness in his speech and looks ' is a very neatly turned translation of 
Par. xv. 37 : 

ad udire ed a veder giocondo ; 

but does it exactly represent the original ? Finally, ' mountaineer ' is 
perhaps the obvious equivalent for montanaro, but does it not to modern 
ears smack more of the Alpine Club than of the hill-bred clown of 
Purg. xxvi. 68 who gazes in open-mouthed wonder and perplexity at the 
unfamiliar sights of the city ? 

To turn to somewhat different points : is not the spelling ' Halleluia ' 
on p. 49 a monstrosity ? The Latin Alleluia (which Dante presumably 
wrote) and the Hebraic Hallelujah are both familiar ; but whence comes 
' Halleluia ' ? Another point in which the spelling is open to criticism 
is on pp. 182 and 183, but in this case for its inconsistency : the Mala- 
spina is called ' Conrad ' in text and notes, and ' Conrado ' in the 

For the rest, we have noticed some dozen places where fuller notes 
would seem desirable, and three or four more where an additional note, 
however brief, would be welcome. But in these cases it is always open 
to the author to shelter himself behind his earlier volume, the excellent 
Oxford Commentary on the Divina Corn-media. There can be no excuse, 
however, for redundancy in the notes, where so much has obviously been 
sacrificed on. the altar of brevity. Is it not therefore superfluous to 

160 Reviews 

describe Carisenda (p. 136, note 3) as ' One of the leaning towers of 
Bologna which is out of the perpendicular,' and do we need to be informed 
of Briareus (p. 198, note 1) that he is ' mentioned (in Purg. xii. 28) apart 
from the other ' giants ? 

We must apologise if many of the above criticisms seem captious ; 
one is dealing for the most part, though not entirely, with trifling 
blemishes. But it is just because we recognise the beauty and the value 
of this new translation that we venture to notice points apparently so 
trifling, in the hope that the second edition, which will surely be called 
for ere long, may advance a step further towards the ideal ' translation 
of the future.' 

Mr Wright has reason in his contention that Spenser's English has 
special qualities which adapt it to be a medium for rendering ' the easy 
grace and the mingled quaintness and sublimity' of the Divina Corn- 
media. And on the whole his own translation of the Pargatorio is 
decidedly happy. It is at once free and faithful; yet many will object 
to the recurrence of ' split infinitives ' ; and the printing in the form of 
prose of a version which runs so largely in blank verse rhythm, though it 
has its advantages in this case, is an expedient open to discussion. 

The notes are well chosen, and their material soundness is vouched 
for by the fact that they are mainly cited from Mr W. W. Vernon and 
Dr Paget Toynbee. The weak point of the book is its introduction, 
which condenses into eight short pages a perfect treasury of inaccuracies. 
We are left to conclude, for example, that the entire parties of Black 
and White were simultaneously banished from Florence in 1300, and 
that ' the Scaligers ' and ' Can Grande ' had no closer connexion with one 
another than had the latter with the Malaspini ! All this is unfortunate, 
because the writer has a clear and forcible style, and the little intro- 
duction would have been very valuable had it not failed in accuracy. 
There are signs also of hurried proof-reading : misprints occasionally, 
and the complete omission of a note (No. 8 on xxvii.). For the rest, the 
style, binding, and printing of the book are worthy of Messrs Methuen's 
best traditions, though the copy sent us lacks the promised frontispiece. 


Manualetto provenzale. Per uso degli alunni delle facolta di lettere. In- 
troduzione grammaticale, crestomazia e glossario. Da V. CRESCINT. 
Seconda edizione emendata ed accresciuta. Verona : Drucker, 
1905. 8vo. xii + 548 pp. 

The appearance of a second edition of a work such as this, especially 
after a revision so careful and complete, is an event of importance in 
the progress of the study of Provencal. The author acknowledges that 
he owes many useful hints to the critics of the first edition, and alludes 
to the second as ' almost a new work.' It certainly is the best book of 
its kind. The gaps in the first vocabulary have been filled up in the 
second by the addition of words common to Modern Italian and Old 

Reviews 161 

Provengal, which were omitted before. The expression ' tug li plusor ' 
(Extract iv 1. 15) does not find a place. Probably the omission is an 
oversight. Such, too, perhaps is ' an ' for a n = 'a messere.' We have, 
however, ' e'n ' = ' e messere ' (page 387). Elsewhere the conventional 
dot has been adopted, and the reader finds lines like ' Lombart be us 
gardaz,' to take an example at random, much more agreeable than 
' Lombart beus gardaz ' of the first edition. A step in the same 
direction, too, is the adoption of the sign ' .' But it is the high value 
of the grammatical introduction which raises this particular chresto- 
mathy above all others. We know of no other treatise on the Grammar 
of Old Proven9al so recent, convenient and complete. This introduction, 
and especially the part dealing with Phonetics, has come in for a 
thorough revision or rather amplification. A page is added upon the 
origin of such doublets as ' meravilha ' and ' meravelha.' Professor 
Crescini seems to be of opinion that the divergence or disturbance was 
probably due to the presence of ( j ' in the next syllable ; that it was in 
fact what it now is, purely a dialectical peculiarity, pervading the 
Italian as it did the Proven9al area, but that here the local boundaries 
of its distribution have become obliterated. The passage, however, 
does not seem quite clear, and I may be pardoned for hoping that 
the fault lies with the author. In any case the argument that the 
wide prevalence of the form 'meravilha' tells against the Latinising 
hypothesis, is at least weakened by comparing its history with that 
of the word ' familha ' and ' famille ' in French. Would not the Intro- 
duction be the better for the omission of the word 'eufonia' (page 127)? 
The word ' euphony ' has no precise meaning. It often seems to be 
used to describe phenomena not included under any other heading. 
In one treatise on Historical French, 'dissimilation' is classed among 
euphonic changes. The extracts are the same in both editions, with 
the felicitous addition in the second of a ProvenQal poetical epistle, one 
of those written by Rambaud de Vaqueiras to his patron, Boniface de 



Essays on Medieval Literature. By W. P. KER. London : Macmillan, 
1905. 8vo. vii + 261 pp. 

Our English scholars have been less successful than those of the 
Continent in conveying to us a sense of the beauty and glamour of 
medieval literature, possibly because, to quote the opening sentence 
of this volume, 'the attraction of medieval literature comes more 
strongly from some other countries than from England.' But, whether 
or no, the author of Epic and Romance and The Dark Ages is an 
exception ; Professor Ker has realised for us the ' gorgeous Middle Age ' 

162 Minor Notices 

with the aid of that fine humanistic scholarship which is the most 
precious heritage of our older universities a scholarship as distinct 
from the gay industry of the great French medievalists as it is from 
the mystic awe that brooded over the older German interpreters of 
the Dark Ages. Although all of these essays have been printed 
before Chaucer, Gower and Gaston Paris in the Quarterly Review, 
The Similes of Dante in the Modern Language Quarterly, Boccaccio 
in the volume of Taylorian Lectures, Froissart as an introduction to 
the edition of Berners' translation in the ' Tudor ' series we welcome 
their appearance in a single volume. 

The Diary of Samuel Pepys. With an Introduction and Notes by 
G. GKEGOKY SMITH. (The Globe Edition.) London: Macmillan, 
1905. 8vo. xxxii + 800 pp. 

It was to be expected that Pepys's Diary would sooner or later find 
a place in Messrs Macmillan's ' Globe Edition,' and the publishers are 
to be congratulated on having found so thorough and scholarly an 
editor as Professor Gregory Smith. He has provided the volume with 
an excellent introduction, the footnotes to which contain a full biblio- 
graphy. We do not wish to quarrel with the adoption of the Bray- 
brooke-Mynors Bright edition for the present purpose ; but we should 
have preferred a little less protest with regard to the choice. It is 
discussed both in the Preface and Introduction. A valuable addition 
to the present volume is Professor Smith's notes, which have stood the 
test of a pretty searching scrutiny ; he has skilfully avoided the danger 
to which the commentator of Pepys is peculiarly exposed, of annotating 
the obvious. 

Wordsworth's Literary Criticism. Edited with an Introduction by 
No WELL C. SMITH. London: Fro wde, 1905. 8vo. xxii + 260 pp f 

Poems and Extracts. Chosen by William Wordsworth for an Alburn 
presented to Lady Mary Lowther, Christmas 1819. London : 
Frowde, 1905. 8vo. xvii + 106 pp. 

The age of enthusiastic Wordsworth worship has passed away, but 
there still remains much for the serious student of our English Roman- 
ticists to do before final ideas are arrived at as to Wordsworth's position 
in the evolution of English poetry. Mr Frowde has added to his 
' Oxford Library of Prose and Poetry ' two volumes, each of which in 
its way contributes towards this end, and he promises, as a third, a 
reprint of the Guide to the Lakes, edited by Mr de Selincourt. Whether 
it is fair to Wordsworth's critical judgment to lay weight on the 'Poems 
and Extracts' which he selected for a very special object, is open to 
question, but we have no hesitation in welcoming the anthology of 

Minor Notices 163 

Wordsworth's criticism which Mr Nowell Smith has edited. The 
criticism that centred in the Lyrical Ballads has, of course, the chief 
place ; but if we are rightly to understand Wordsworth's significance 
as a force in Romantic criticism, and see in him something more 
than Professor Saintsbury, who in his History of Criticism regards 
' W. W.' with quite unmerited contempt, we must go farther afield. 
Mr Smith's extracts, especially those from the letters, are occasionally 
so brief as to appear ' scrappy,' but they at least point out the way to 
the sources of better understanding. 

Goethe's Faust. Translated by ANNA SWANWICK. With an Introduction 
and Bibliography by KARL BREUL. London: Bell, 1905. 8vo. 
Ixx + 437 pp. 

Goethe's Faust, translated by Miss Anna Swanwick, has been added 
by Messrs Bell to their ' York Library.' The value of the new edition 
is enhanced by an admirable and concise Introduction by Dr K. Breul, 
which provides the reader with the necessary corrective to such facts in 
Miss Swanwick's own introduction as have been rendered obsolete by 
recent research and discovery. It would have been still more satis- 
factory had the editor been able to insert his corrections in the original 
introduction rewriting here and there where necessary; but there 
were undoubtedly reasons for retaining Miss Swanwick's text intact. 
Our only criticism is that in a book obviously intended for a wide circle 
of readers the somewhat technical reference to the 'Urfaust,' 'Fragment,' 
Part I. and Part II., as U, F, Pj and P a might have been better avoided. 
The bibliography is judiciously selected and will be helpful to the student. 
In the interests of the heterodox members of the ' Goethe-Gemeinde ' 
might we not plead for the inclusion of Gwinner's Goethes Faustidee ? 

Lietuviska Ghrestomatija. By E. WOLTER. Partn. St Petersburg, 1905. 
240 pp. 

Recent political events have brought the Lithuanian language more 
to the front, and we read in the Russian newspapers accounts of literary 
reunions in which it has been spoken by the educated classes. This 
interesting language, which must always possess a fascination for the 
student of comparative philology, is made more accessible by the 
Chrestomathy of E. Wolter of St Petersburg, of which the second part 
has just appeared, containing interesting documents, songs and dialectic 
specimens. At a moderate price an excellent reading-book ^ind handy 
texts for philological lectures are thus furnished. Lithuanian books 
are still comparatively rare. We are also glad to welcome the English- 
Lithuanian Dictionary, published at Chicago, by A. Lalis. in two 
handsome volumes. A Lithuanian press has also been founded, thanks 

164 Minor Notices 

to the activity of Dr J. Szlupas, at Scranton, Penn., U.S.A., while the 
Lithuanian Literary Society of Tilsit continues its useful labours. New 
vitality seems to be given to this ancient language. 

Students of Romance Languages will welcome the Bibliotheca 
Romanica which is being published by Messrs Heitz und Mtindel in 
Strassburg. The publication is divided into four series, devoted to 
French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese literatures, and is, we under- 
stand, under the general editorship of Professor G. Grober. The first 
ten numbers include Moliere's Misanthrope and Femmes Savantes, 
Corneille's Cid, Descartes' Discours de la methode, Dante's Inferno 
(a double number), Boccaccio's Decameron (First Day), Calderon's La 
Vida es sueno, Restif de la Bretonne's L'an 2000, and Camoes' Os 
Lusiadas (Cantos I. and n.). Amongst the promises are Petrarca, Rime, 
Beaumarchais, Le Barbier de Seville, Tillier, Mon oncle Benjamin, Cer- 
vantes, Don Quijote and the Autos of Gil Vicente. The texts, which 
are reproduced with philological accuracy, are printed in clear type and 
on excellent paper, and each number is prefaced by an introduction in 
the language of the text. The numbers cost only 40 pf. (50 centimes) 

The ' Literarische Verein in \Vien ' has just issued to its members 
the fourth volume of its publications, Ed. von Bauernfeld's Gesammelte 
Aufsdtze, edited by Dr Stefan Hock. The Society was founded in 1904 
with the object of furthering the study of Austrian literature by the 
publication of unprinted or rare works, critical editions, correspondence, 
etc. In the meantime, it is not proposed to go back beyond the period 
of Maria Theresa. In 1904 its publications were : the first volume of 
Grillparzers Gesprdche und die Charakteristik seiner Personlichkeit 
durch die Zeitgenossen, by Professor A. Sauer, and F. M. Felder's A us 
meinem Leben, edited by Professor A. E. Schonbach; in 1905, the 
second volume of Grillparzers Gesprdche and the Essays of Bauernfeld 
already referred to. In preparation are : a reprint of the journal Pro- 
metheus (1808), a third volume of Grillparzer's Conversations, the political 
speeches of Anastasius Grim, Letters of Hermann von Gilm, Critical 
Essays by Emil Kuh, Political Poetry of the year 1809, and a volume of 
Letters and Memoirs bearing on Kant in Austria. The Secretary of the 
Society is Dr Rudolf Payer von Thurn, Wien, iv/2, Heugasse 56, and 
the annual subscription 20 Kr. 


September November, 1905. 


(a) Language. 

ABEL, C., Uber Gegensinn und Gegenlaut in den klassischen, germanischeii 

und slavischen Sprachen. i. Heft. Frankfort, Diesterweg. 1 M. 60. 
BAUMANN, F., Sprachpsychologie und Sprachunterricht. Eine kritische Studie. 

Halle, Niemeyer. 3 M. 
LEROY, E. B., Le langage, essai sur le psychologic normale et pathologique de 

cette fonction. Paris, Alcan. 5 fr. 
RAVIZZA, F., Psicologia della lingua. Turin, Bocca. 3 1. 
SCHRIJNEN, J., Inleiding tot de studie der vergelijkeude Indo-germaansche 

Taalwetenscap. Leiden, Sijthoff. 3 fl. 
STEYRER, J., Der Ursprurig und das Wachstum der Sprache indogermanischer 

Europaer. Vienna, Holder. 6 Kr. 
VOSSLER, K., Sprache als Schopfung und Entwicklung. Eine theoretische Un- 

tersuchung mit praktischen Beispielen. Heidelberg, Winter. 4 M. 

(b) Literature. 

GLASS, M., Klassische und romantische Satire. Eine vergleichende Studie. 

Stuttgart, Strecker und Schroder. 2 M. 
KER, W. P., Essays in Mediaeval Literature [The Earlier History of English 

Prose. Historical Notes on the Similes of Dante. Boccaccio. Chaucer. 

Gower. Froissart. Gaston Paris]. London, Macmillan. 5s. net. 
MEN^NDEZ Y PELAYO, M., Origenes de la novela. Tomo i. Madrid, Bailly- 

Bailliere. 12 pes. 
OSWALD, E., The Legend of Fair Helen. As told by Homer, Goethe, and others. 

A study. London, Murray. 10s. 6d. 
TRENT, W. P., Greatness in Literature and other Papers. New York, Crowell. 

1 dol. 20. net. 
WOODBERRY, G. E., The Torch : Eight Lectures on Race Power in Literature. 

New York, McClure, Phillips. 1 dol. 20. net. 


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Bibliotheca romanica. Nos. 1 10 [see p. 164]. Strassburg, Heitz. Each 40 pf. 

M. L. R. 11 

166 New Publications 

Medieval Latin. 

Gesta Romanorum. Translated by C. Swan. Preface by E. A. Baker. London, 

Routledge. 6s. net. 
HELLMANN, S., Sedulius Scottus. i.-m. Heft. (Quellen und Untersuchungen 

zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, hrsg. von L. Traube. I.) 

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ULRICH, J., Proben der lateinischen Novellistik des Mittelalters, ausgewahlt 

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FROM the outset it must be confessed that Dante is an inadequate 
exponent of the sports and pastimes of his age. His references are 
so scanty that they may be considered barely worth collecting. Yet 
this very scarcity has an interest, because it sets his reader thinking 
how it was that Dante, who sings and writes of so many sides of Italian 
life, should almost pass by in silence those amusements which for the 
majority of his countrymen made life worth living. It is true that 
contemporary poets provide even less illustrative material than does 
Dante, but then Cavalcanti, Guinicelli, Cino and the like, in their 
sonnets, ballads and canzoni bearing mainly upon love, would draw 
upon sport for the merest commonplace of metaphor, the stock-in-trade 
of love poets throughout all ages. Fazio Uberti in his Dittamondo had 
better opportunities, especially as in Italy sport like everything else 
had its peculiar local colouring ; but he is too severely geographical 
to be instructive, though he does supply one of the very few references 
to quintain. A more promising source might seem to be Francesco 
da Barberino's Del Reggimento e de Costumi delle Donne. He was 
an exact contemporary of Dante, and his subject is eminently social. 
But he is unfortunately too prudish and domestic for our purpose. He 
even warns his lady pupil that a love for balls is a sign of vanity, of 
the desire for the praise of strangers, and though he allows her to ride 
abroad during the Quinquagesima, with or without her husband, she 
must allow no strange gentlemen to annex themselves to her cavalcade.. 
Above all, she is warned, if a nun, to shun peeping from the windows; 
at the games in the square (finestre e giuochi di piazzoj), and it is 
precisely these games which we are seeking. In years long later 
Santa Maddalena de' Pazzi was praised for such avoidance in her 
early youth, although the too liberal Lasca had expressly recom- 
mended peeping. It is possible that if the popular sermons of the 
M. L. R. 12 

174 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries at all resemble those of S. Bernardino 
in the fifteenth, they might repay the sieve. Chroniclers, of course, 
are a main resource, but save such born gossips as Salimbene, they 
say little on social amusements, unless they have, as many indeed did 
have, a direct connection with public municipal events. The last places, 
perhaps, where details upon sport would be naturally sought, are the 
Statutes of the several cities, and yet for one important sport, and that 
the one which most nearly touches Dante, they prove to be the happiest 

Other sources being so defective, it may seem unfair to expect 
more from Dante than we get. But his own versatility is to blame 
for our disappointment. If his poetry and prose are storehouses of 
theology and philosophy, astronomy, history and geography if we 
resort to him for the politics, the personalities, the hatreds, the social 
abuses of his time if he has a feeling for natural scenery and for 
certain forms of animal life that few medieval writers possessed, whv 

-IT */ 

may we not also turn to him as an Encyclopaedia of Sport ? 

The forms of sport or amusement for which illustration might be 
sought fall under several heads: (1) the natural country sports, fishing, 
fowling and hunting ; (2) artificial competitive sports, racing on horse 
or foot, or in boats ; football and other games of ball ; jousting, quintain, 
and the mimic combats common to many Italian towns; (3) non- 
competitive amusements of a semi-public character, theatricals grave 
or gay, and the pastimes provided by professional purveyors, who, like 
modern merry-go-round proprietors, followed the annual cycle of feasts 
and fairs from town to town ; (4) private pastimes, such as singing, 
dancing, chess, draughts, and the very numerous and obscure games 
of chance. 

The latter two classes must here be lightly treated. The Paradiso 
is resonant with song, and the spirit dancers throng the heavens. But 
the dancing, at all events, is too supersensuous for historical earthly 
use : the solitary human touch is that which describes the movement 
of a lady's feet : 

Come si volge, con le piante strette 

A terra ed intra se, donna che balli, 
E piede innanzi piede a pena mette. 

Purg. xxviii. 52. 

Dante's intimate knowledge of the music of his time is beyond all 
doubt 1 . The Convivio (ii. 14) may be said to contain his theory, and 

1 For a recent work on this subject see Dante e la Musica by Arnaldo Bonaventura, 
Leghorn, 1904, and a review by C. Bellaigue in Journal des Savants, May, 1905. 


moreover admirably describes the absorption of all the sensitive faculties 
in that of sound. This absorption finds its practical illustration in 
Purgatorio, ii. 112, where Dante and his master were so content with 
the dulcet notes of Casella's song that naught else could affect their 
minds. And as they stood in rapt attention to the strain, the strain 
which, as Dante confesses, never after left his ears, stern Cato, as many 
a tutor since, was forced to chide them for their neglect in not following 
the steep path before them, which was that of duty. 

In the Paradiso, vii. viii. and x., are to be found passages quite 
modern on the relation between light and sound, and so the reader 
is taken back again to the Convivio, to the parallel between music 
and the qualities of heat in the planet Mars. The Commedia 
contains almost every variety of music then known: the songs of 
Casella, of Matilda and Arnaut, the duet of Peter of Aragon and 
Charles of Provence, the solo and choir in the Te lucis ante, the unison 
of a hundred voices in the In Exitu Israel. In the Agnus Dei, 

Una parola in tutte era ed un modo 
SI che parea tra esse ogni concordia. 

Purg. xvi. 20. 

The glory of the Paradiso culminates with the Ave Maria, which all 
the company of the Blessed takes up in chorus. Concerted instru- 
mental music was probably unknown to Dante's age, except perhaps 
as an adjunct of the dance, but he fully appreciated the accompaniment 
to the voice, as in Paradiso, xx. 142 : 

E come a buon cantor buon citarista 
Fa seguitar lo guizzo della corda, 
In che piii di piacer lo canto acquista, 

and in Purgatorio, ix. 140 : 

E Te Deum laudamus mi parea 
Udir in voce mista al dolce suono. 
Tale imagine appunto mi rendea 

Ci6 ch' io udiva, qual prender si suole 
Quando a cantar con organi si stea. 

Thus Dante is a faithful exponent of the highest musical knowledge 
of his time. And yet to ascertain the place which music held in life of 
every day, its domestic graces and its social humours, it might be well 
to turn to an authority less exalted. Salimbene, the friar ofcronicler of 
Parma, brings home the realities of music as a pastime in the ordinary 
Italian home. Examples of this are his few lines on the domestic 
concert in the courtyard of a noble Pisan house which he visited while 
begging for his Order, and again, Fra Vita's light, sweet tenor, so 

12 2 

176 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

gladly heard by bishops, archbishops, cardinals and the very Pope 
a voice which put to shame the most persistent talker, for at once 
the phrase of Ecclesiastes went round the room, ' Do not disturb the 
music.' Very real is this Fra Vita, so courteous about singing that 
he never refused on the plea of sore throat and cold, and belied the 
long current verses : 

Omnibus hoc vitium est cantoribus, inter amicos 
Ut nunquam inducant animos cantare rogati. 

Then again there was Fra Henry whose voice was better suited for 
the chamber than the choir, and who upon a time sang so deliciously, 
that a certain nun who heard him threw herself out of the window 
to follow, but could not, because in the fall she broke her leg, so that 
as ^Egidius of Perugia well said, ' It is a great gift not to possess gifts ' 
(Magna gratia est non habere gratiam). 

Chess, draughts, ninepins, knucklebones, dice and various games of 
chance wherein money was won and lost, played a large part in Italian 
life of Dante's day. Chess and draughts were lawful, and might be 
played in public : Sacchetti has several references to this. But many 
a man was ruined by dicing. Long before Savonarola religious revivals 
were marked by the destruction of the devil's playthings. Brunetto 
Latini warns his readers beyond all things to shun dice : he will have 
none of the man who throws himself away on that perverting and 
destructive art. Yet he admits occasional compromise: if you are 
asked to play as a favour to a friend or a lord, play high, and do 
not say, ' I cannot ' (i* non posso) ; if you lose, look as if it did not 
cost you anything, and above all do not use bad language. More 
serious is Orcagna's lament that a hundred tongues could not tell the 
tale of his troubles and the ruin of his soul, and of all the cause was 
that foul hazard (n* e cagione la brutta zara). 

Meanwhile Statutes prohibited name by name the various forms 
of gambling. Those of Pisa in Dante's time strove at least to save 
from such profanation the Campo Santo, the Cathedral and its steps. 
Florentine Statutes were most explicit : ' Nullus in civitate, comitatu 
vel districtu Florentiae aliquo tempore, etiam ultima die Aprilis et 
prima die Maii et qualibet die totius anni ad ludum zarae sive zardi 
cum taxillis ' (then follow a number of other varieties) ' ludere audeat 
nee stare ad videndum ludentes ad aliquem ludum zardi 1 .' The penalty 
was imprisonment, and before release the culprit must 'cum aqua 
baptisari et aqua totus perfundi.' Such precautions were of course in 

1 Statuta Populi et Communis Florentiae, Vol. n. lib. iv. 28. 


vain, and even in women a knowledge of games was, as now, regarded 
as an accomplishment, an asset in the matrimonial market. It tempted, 
among other attractions, Pino de Gente of Parma in 1285 to lure away 
his father's fiancee. Her name was Beatrix, an Apulian who lived 
in Ancona, and who 'thesaurum habebat et erat pulchra domina, et 
alacris, et solatiosa et liberalis et curialis, et de ludo scaccorum et 
alearum optime noverat.' So Pino married her, though it is true that 
he afterwards employed a man to smother her with a bolster. Chess, 
again, is mentioned by Salimbene as on a level with the legal, ecclesi- 
astical and administrative qualifications of Bishop Opizo of Parma, 
nephew of Innocent IV. 'Hie fuit litteratus homo maxirne in jure 
Canonico et in ecclesiastico officio valde expertus. Et de ludo scac- 
corum noverat, et clericos seculares multos tenebat sub baculo.' Yet 
to all such vices and virtues Dante, I think, makes but one reference 
that in Purgatorio, vi. 1 : ' Quando si parte il giuoco della zara.' Here, 
however, there is no lack of realism in his description of the winner and 
the loser, the latter going over his throws again and learning experience 
by misfortune; the former with his train of parasites, one marching 
in front, another plucking his robe behind, a third jogging his memory 
at his side, and he, never stopping, listening to this suitor and to that, 
defending himself from crushing by stretching out a generous hand 
so that the recipient may lessen the attendant throng. If Dante did 
not have a throw himself, he at least brought himself within the arm 
of the law, and incurred the penalty of total perfusion by looking on. 

The amusements included in the third class were incidents of the 
annual feasts in the greater cities, and of the jousting days held on 
special occasions. The miracle plays or similar performances were an 
inveterate custom in every town, and might have lent themselves to 
such a theme as Dante's. It is known that the Florentine company, 
which in 1304 performed the Day of Judgement with such disastrously 
premature consequences to the spectators on the Carraia Bridge, was 
not a travelling but a stock company, and must have in one year or 
another reckoned Dante among its onlookers. But of such repre- 
sentations there seems to be no trace in the Commedia. Every great 
festival was attended by professional mimes, mountebanks and musicians 
in their hundreds. They received rewards almost as high as those 
reputed to fall until lately to their amateur brethren in A^iglo-Indian 
circles. Brunetto Latini preaches against the waste of money on such 
triflers. Florentine Statutes forbade their entering the Palazzo Pub- 
blico (Vol. II. lib. iii. 106). These joculatores comprised street-singers 

178 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

of the tales of Roland and Oliver, destined long afterwards to give the 
death-blow to Dante's popularity, tight-rope dancers, tumblers, jugglers, 
owners of dogs with a spirit of divination or miraculous insight into 
character, and performing bears. To the attractions of the latter 
Dante at least was not blind, for in Canzone, xii. 71, is to be found 
the comparison of the ' Orso quando scherza.' It is possible too that 
the bos ephippiatus and the porcus balteatus of the De Vulgari Elo- 
quentia may be reminiscences of these rollicking Court-days, for the 
riding of a caparisoned ox was no uncommon feature, and the pig also 
at times played a serio-comic part, as when in the piazza at Venice 
twelve pigs were annually beheaded with much ceremonial in lieu of 
the twelve canons of Aquileia. 

Another popular frolic was some form of sport with bulls. This 
was apparently at Rome a bull-fight proper, but ' elsewhere it was less 
developed. At Venice the bull was baited by dogs. At Brescia the 
animal was let loose by a gang of crapulous butchers among the crowd 
of worshippers during the most solemn procession of the year, a source 
of exquisite amusement to the lower classes and of righteous disgust 
to the sober-minded. A Indus tauri was, as early as 1276, subsidised 
by the city of Perugia, while the nuns of Santa Mustiola in Chiusi 
were bound to supply the bull. There was of course much cruelty 
to the bull and some danger to the passers by. To some such scenes 
Dante perhaps refers in the pathetic lines on the fatal wound of the 
tethered bull in Inferno, xii. 22 : 

Qual & quel toro che si slaccia in quella 

Che ha ricevuto gia 1 colpo inortale, 

Che gir non sa, ma qua e la saltella, 
Vid' io lo Minotauro far cotale. 

E quegli accorto grido : Corre al varco ; 

Mentre ch' & in furia & buon che tu ti cale. 

The practice of masquerading at these festivals, also forbidden by 
the Florentine Statutes, finds one slight reference in Paradiso, xxx. 91 : 

Poi come gente stata sotto larve 

Che pare altro che prima, se si sveste 
La sembianza non sua in che disparve. 

No doubt, moreover, the triumphal car drawn by the Griffin 
(Purgatorio, xxix.), which through Petrarch's Trionfi has exercised such 
an extraordinary influence upon poetry and art, was a glorification of 
the allegorical chariots which early formed the leading feature of the 
festival of S. Giovanni at Florence, reaching its artistic climax under 
the imaginative care of Lorenzo de' Medici. 


A delightful paper by Mr H. F. Tozer illustrates Dante's close 
knowledge of the art of mountaineering 1 . Yet though in his wandering 
life he gained much experience in breasting the flanks of Alps or 
Apennines, it may be doubted whether he regarded them as his play- 
ground. Climbing was probably rather a painful necessity than a 
pastime or a sport. Nor can his line on a man swimming in the 
Lambro be taken as a proof that he was fond of bathing. It is, however, 
far more strange that he should show so little feeling for sport proper, 
for hunting, that is, and fowling, tastes so universal in his age. Almost 
all Florentine families, noble or bourgeois, had their estates or little 
farms in the contado, where brake and stream made haunts for beast and 
fowl, where hunting, fowling, and fishing were features of everyday life. 
Metaphors from these were so imbedded in the national speech that it 
would be impossible to avoid them. In Dante, therefore, they are 
necessarily found, but they are not frequent, though most of the 
characters whom he introduces must have been constant, if not mighty, 
hunters and fowlers. Of the two hunting scenes one is the dream of 
Ugolino, wherein he saw Archbishop Ruggieri as a master of hounds 
chasing the wolf and its cubs with his lean eager dogs (Inferno, xxxiii. 
28). The other is the graphic description (Inferno, xiii. 112) of Lano 
and Giacomo della Cappella fleeing from the demons. Here is real 
hunting life the rush of the boars and the swish of branches as they 
burst through the barriers of the wood, behind them the forest full of 
black hounds breaking away from the confinement of the leash, and 
fixing their teeth in their prey just as it sought shelter in the brush- 
wood. These references are really all, though the dilemma of the dog 
between two equidistant does in Paradiso, iv., may just be mentioned. 
The theme would be the richer if we could only quote as Dante's the 
vivid lines in the Vatican MS. ascribed to him by Mario Pelaez (Rime 
antiche italiane) : 

Sonar bracchetti e chacciator nizzare 

Lepri levare ed isgridar le genti 

E di guinzagli uscir veltri correnti 

Per belle piaggie volger o' nboccone 

Assai credo 

Ke deggia dilectare 

Libero core 

E van d' intendimenti. 

Here is proof of the real hunting spirit, and the making of a true 

hunting song. This leads forward to the fine dithyramb of Niccol6 

Soldanieri, / cacciatori della Volpe, printed in Perticari's Difesa di 

1 See Modern Language Quarterly, i. 274 ff. 

180 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

Dante (Opere, I. 317), and to a very similar fourteenth century poem on 
stag-hunting of unknown authorship, published by Trucchi, with equally 
spirited lines on fowling and fishing the latter curiously modern in 
character and a rare example. Direct from such parentage spring the 
verses of Lorenzo de' Medici, La caccia difalcone, which are the sunniest 
reflection of golden sporting days in Tuscany. 

Dante's references to fowling are more numerous than those accorded 
to hunting. ' In vain,' he writes, in Purgatorio, xxxi., ' in the sight of 
full-fledged birds is the net spread or the arrow aimed.' Geryon, in 
Inferno xvii., is compared to the falcon descending sulkily without its 
prey, while in xxii. is the elaborate comparison of the Navarrese jobber 
with a duck which plunges as the falcon stoops, and then the fight 
between the demons in which Alichino fixes his claws, like a sparrow- 
hawk, in his fellow devil. Paradiso, xix., contributes the pretty simile 
of the falcon, when its hood is withdrawn, moving its head and clapping 
its wings, pruning itself and showing its readiness for flight. This, 
however,, is rather to be classed with passages illustrating Dante's 
wonderful feeling for bird life the lark rising and the rooks, the bird 
waiting for the dawn, the stork circling round its nest, the low flight of 
the swallows, and the soaring of the kite. But we must not forget the 
picture where Dante compares himself as he gazed through the green 
foliage to the man who wastes his time in pursuit of small birds 
(Purgatorio, xxii.), nor the comparison of the whirling spheres to the 
falconer's lure, followed by the lines on the falcon looking to earth, then 
turning at the master's cry, extending itself in flight after its quarry 
(Purgatorio, xix.), nor again the bird netted by the snarer's call (Inferno, 
iii.). These examples suffice to show that the poet, if no keen sports- 
man, was not untouched by the most picturesque of sports. Yet we 
could wish for more, and poets contemporary, or earlier, give us more. As 
instances may be cited the spirited sonnets of Folgore da San Gemignano 
on hunting and hawking for the months of February, September, and 
October, and better still, perhaps, those for Friday and Saturday in his 
sonnets for the week. And even Dante in his love for bird life can 
hardly outdo the song of the anonymous lady who lost her falcon, the 
pathos of which is quite Catullian: 

Tapina me che amavo uno sparviero, 

Amavol' tanto, ch' io me ne moria 

A lo richiamo ben in' era maniero 

Ed unque troppo pascer no '1 dovfa. 
Or e montato e salito sf altero 

Ed e assiso dentro a un verziero, 

E un' altra donna 1' averk in balia. 


I sparvier mio ch' io t' avea nodrito 

Sonaglio d' oro ti facea portare 

Perch& nel uccellar fussi piu ardito. 
Or sei salito siccorne lo mare 

Ed ai volto li geti e sei fuggito 

Quando eri fermo nel tuo uccellare. 

E. LEVI, Lirica antica italiana (1905). 

It is noticeable that in these few references to hunting and fowling 
there is no mention of a horse. This animal apparently did not appeal 
to Dante. When mentioned at all it is almost always in metaphor, 
and is then represented as a vicious, troublesome brute. There are no 
touches, such as might be expected from his love of animal life, on the 
turn of the head, the prick of the ears, the sleekness of skin, and the 
grace of movement. The very name occurs perhaps not more than 
some ten times in the whole of Dante's poetry and prose, and this is 
extraordinary if the importance of the horse in medieval economy be 
considered. The three most elaborate passages relate to the fractious 
character which requires governance. In the celebrated lines on German 
Albert Italy is the fiera fella which has not been tamed by the spur, an 
idea which is repeated in Convivio iv., where the Emperor is figured as 
the ' Cavalcatore della umana volonta, lo qual cavallo come vada sanza 
il cavalcatore per lo campo assai e manifesto, e spezialmente nella 
misera Italia che sanza mezzo alcuno alia sua governazione e rimasa.' 
So also in Convivio, iii. the man is more praiseworthy who curbs a 
naturally bad character against the impulses of nature, just as he is 
the finer rider who controls a vicious horse, while in Convivio, iv. 26, is 
found the comparison of appetite to a riderless horse, which, even if it 
be of noble nature, goes ill without the guidance of the fine rider with' 
rein and spur. Among mere mentions of the horse may be cited from 
Convivio, iv. those who spend ill-gotten gains on banquets, horses and 
arms ; the children who desire first an apple, then a bird, then fine 
raiment, then a horse, and finally a lady-love; the ecclesiastics whose 
flowing mantles cover their palfreys so that two beasts jog along under 
a single skin. We might suspect that Dante never possessed a horse, or 
even rode one, unless we are to take as fact the line in the Vita Nuova, ii. : 
' Cavalcando 1' altr' ier per un cammino,' or as real regret the cry against 
' inopina paupertas,' which ' velut effera persecutrix, equis armisque 
vacantem, jam suae captivitatis me detrusit in antrum ' (Letter ii., to 
the Counts of Romena). 

It may be thought marvellous that there does not seem to be a 
single reference in all Dante to any of the games of ball for which Italy 
became famous. Homer has proved that the theme is not unpoetic, 

182 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

but Dante's Beatrice was no Nausicaa. It is difficult, however, to find 
an honest test of Dante's deficiencies, because his contemporaries are 
equally silent. Statutes forbid the playing of ball against this or that 
monastery wall, but there is no evidence to show the stage of evolution 
which the game had reached. A century later there are frequent 
references, and by yet another century differentiation had produced 
numerous forms. Rinuccini mentions several kinds of fives or racquets 
played along the blind walls of Florence. Only gradually had the great 
triad of Italian ball-games, calcio, pallone, and pallet, maglia, emerged. 
Mr Heywood in his recent book, Polio and Ponte, states his belief that 
calcio and pallone, utterly distinct as they became, were developed from 
a common simple type into the highly elaborate games of the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries. This might account for several peculiarities 
in the two games. The wall on one side of the ground or court remained 
a feature in both. In Italian football the whole end of the ground was, 
as in the Winchester game, the goal, while in pallone the most successful 
stroke is one that clears the back line which may possibly have kinship 
with the ' shy ' in the Eton wall-game. In both calcio and pallone the 
ball was bounced into the ground by a neutral, as in the old English 
game of ' hurling.' Moreover the ball in calcio was known by the names 
pallone, palla grossa, palla gonfiata our balloon or wind-ball. That 
now used in pallone is quite unlike those of tennis or racquets, for it is 
made of leather, distended by pneumatic pressure, and is of considerable 
size, some fifteen inches in diameter. Again pallone in the fifteenth 
century was not played, as now, by three a side, but by considerable 
numbers, and speed was highly valued. In calcio apparently the ball 
might be 'dribbled,' carried, and above all, hit with the fist. Venice, 
however, peculiar in this as in all else, is said to have played a strict 
' Association ' game, the use of hands and arms being disallowed. It is 
certain that calcio was an old game in Italy, and that is all that can be 
said of early days. S. Bernardino advised ladies to withdraw from the 
windows when it was played, not as might be prudishly recommended 
now, because the players wore shorts, but because they did not. In 
Dante's own city football has quite an interesting history. S. Antonino 
broke his arm at it, 'dum luderet ludo pilae inflatae quae dicitur palla 
grossa fregerat sibi bracchium.' Young Piero de' Medici shocked graver 
opinion by playing it in the streets when he should have been attending 
to affairs of state, and this contributed to his fall. A few years later ill- 
starred Filippo Strozzi, one of the leading young bloods of the day, 
describes a game at Naples, twenty-three a side, grey and rose stripes 


against yellow and white, in which Antonio Gondi broke his ankle. 
Filippo's sons were later taken up by the police for playing a disorderly 
game through the streets of Florence on Christmas Eve, in the course of 
which they spoiled a large quantity of Christmas goods displayed for 
show, and finally kicked the muddy ball against a choleric member of 
the Ministry of Justice. Their half-brother, the afterwards celebrated 
Leone Strozzi, made an ineffectual attempt to rescue them from the 
constables. During the siege of Florence in 1527 the youth played 
twenty-five a side in full costume on the Piazza S ta Croce, with a band 
on an adjoining house to call the enemy's attention to their bravado. 
A parallel to this was a game of pallone which two bands of young men 
played at Siena during the siege of 1555 for two hours or more, while 
the French officers looking on, ' si stupivano delle nostre pazzie.' This 
was followed by a game of pugna at which Monluc nearly wept for joy 
to see such spirit, but of this sport more hereafter. 

Football then was no mere vulgar amusement, and in comparatively 
early times stood high in Florentine affections, though Alamanno 
Rinuccini states that in the middle of the seventeenth century it was 
only played by boys, whereas he could remember bearded men taking 
part therein 1 . The farther it went back, the rougher it probably was, 
resembling the games still played at Dorking or Derby or Corfe Castle 
on Shrove Tuesday, and doubtless the rageries de grosses pelotes of 
Dante's own age in London, against which Edward II. in 1314 legislated 
with small effect 2 . Yet of all this Dante is completely silent ! Surely 
a writer who descanted upon Hell without a solitary mention of foot- 
ball can scarcely be acquitted of wasted opportunity. 

Even more violent and perhaps more picturesque than football were 
the mimic combats of immemorial antiquity in several Italian cities 3 . 
These were battles deliberately fought on stated festivals between 
different quarters of a town. The combatants commonly used staves 
or else their shields as offensive weapons, while the light-armed were 
employed as stone-throwers. The defensive armour was often elabo- 
rately composed of wicker and padding, but casualties were invariable, 
and fatal accidents not uncommon. The battle of the Bridge of Pisa 

1 Bologna, still the chief centre of pallone, can boast respectable antiquity for its 
' wall- game.' Indus pallce corece ad spondam muri, which was always played along a 
particular line of houses. This is incidentally mentioned in a law-suit of ^.435, while on 
August 5, 1580, Giovanni Bentivoglio patronised a match of Greens versus Yellows, fifty 
a side. Just a century later football was forbidden, as provoking quarrels and fights 
among the gentry. (L. Frati, La Vita privata di Bologna dal secolo xiii. al xvii. 1900.) 

2 Quoted by Mr Shearman in his History of Football. 

3 On this subject little can be added to Mr Heywood's admirable account in his Palio 
and Ponte. 

184 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

was the most celebrated survival of this game. In Dante's time this 
was played, not on the bridge, but in the piazza, and he must probably 
have seen it, for it was a usual day out for Florentine holiday-makers, 
at least for blind beggars and their dogs. Ungratefully enough when 
Pisa was forced to surrender in 1406, the Florentines even disarmed 
these innocent, if brutal, athletes of their clubs and shields. The 
revival of the sport, and its transference from the piazza to the bridge, 
has been attributed to Lorenzo de' Medici, who did his utmost to 
quicken Pisa into new social and economic life. The game was also 
played at Gubbio, at Orvieto, where it was known as Prelium de 
lapidibus and lasted from All Saints Day to the beginning of Lent, 
and at Perugia, where it was singularly persistent under the name of 
Battaglia de Sassi. Here in 1372, writes Mr Hey wood, the Papal 
Vicar strove to suppress it, and this was actually effected by S. Ber- 
nardino, though only for a time. It is noticeable that the first game 
of the year was played on the feast of the local saint, S. Ercolano, 
at government expense. At Perugia, and probably elsewhere, it became 
an incident in the serious fight between Guelfs and Ghibellines. This 
was natural enough, because the two factions here, as at Brescia and 
elsewhere, predominated in separate quarters. 

At Bologna a similar game, the Indus graticulorum, in which one 
party was armed with sticks and the other with baskets of eggs as 
missiles, was prohibited as early as 1306. The Sienese Statutes of 
1309-10 mention this combat under the name of Elmora, and docu- 
mentary evidence of its existence goes back to 1253. A peculiarly 
bloodthirsty fight took place in Dante's age, in 1318. The custom 
was apparently continued without much interruption, for a game was 
played in honour of Charles V. in 1536, while another delighted the 
French garrison in the last agonies of the siege. At Florence the 
game was very old, but few details are known of it. The Statutes 
of 1415 (Book IV. 39) strenuously forbid citizens, of whatever condition, 
either to play at, or be spectators of, the bellum de mazzis, or to join 
in the stone-throwing which accompanied it. But survivals are found 
in the organised stone-throwing by boys, especially at certain seasons. 
Even Savonarola only succeeded in suppressing them for a season, by 
substituting raids on their neighbours' fineries. The custom was not 
confined to Tuscany and Umbria. At Venice two districts long fought 
each other on the bridges, originally with stout bamboos, and since 
1292 with sticks 1 . One of these combats was held in honour of 

1 P. Molmenti, Storia di Venezia nella Vita private (ed. 1905), i. 204. 


Henry III.'s passage through the town on his way from Poland to 

Salimbene mentions as a landmark the open ground outside the 
gates, where the fight was habitually held at Parma % By far the most 
elaborate of the early accounts is that contained in the De Laudibus 
Paviae, written about 1330 ; this describes in some detail the Battiolae 
between North and South, which lasted from New Year's Day to Lent 1 . 
Yet of these games once so common, and so frequently mentioned alike 
in law and history, I have found no mention in Dante, nor, indeed, 
in any litterae humaniores at all contemporary. The absence of all 
reference is the stranger, as these combats were closely connected with 
the chief religious festivals of the city, often with that of the patron 
Saint : they were frequently subsidised by the municipal government, 
and the opening game of the season was as integral a part of the 
festival as the procession and the offerings of tapers and palii on 
the part of subject communes and feudatory nobles. And when the 
festival was over, these games were continued for some months, so that 
they formed no inconsiderable a feature in medieval Italian life. 

Far otherwise is it with the more aristocratic jousts and tourna- 
ments, and the graceful evolutions on horseback included under the 
term hastiludia. Every Italian dynasty on occasion of a marriage, a 
birth, or some social or political event, held a Corte bandita to which 
were invited nobles from all parts of Italy, and invariably associated 
with this Corte was the ceremony of conferring knighthood. Even 
the republics Florence, for instance, and in Dante's day held similar 
festivals, though there were not the same frequent occasions provided 
by birth or marriage : in republican Italy the wives and daughters 
of temporary presidents did not pose as princesses. Chief among the 
entertainments were of course the tournament and joust. It is needless 
to say that these were not characteristically Italian. An early case 
is mentioned at Bologna in 1147, when it is stated that the sport was 
introduced from Saxony. It is certain that the fashion was greatly 
stimulated in the second half of the thirteenth century by Charles 
of Anjou. More specifically Italian, perhaps, were the hastiludia, a 
phrase which sometimes comprised the others, but more strictly con- 
noted the display of horsemanship and skill in handling arnje, recalling 
the celebrated scene in Virgil, and known to much later times as 
Troy game. The hastiludia occasionally degenerated into buffoonery, 
as when at Parma the young gentry, dressed as women, skirmished on 

1 Muratori, Eerum Italicarum Scriptores, xi. 22. 

186 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

horseback through the town the whole night long, their faces covered 
with whitened masks. This, however, Salimbene, though no prude, 
regarded as indelicate, and, indeed, the men of Parma, as he tells us, 
spent all their time and substance on variety entertainers, actors, and 
the like. More frequently these evolutions were performed in com- 
pliment, as when in 1282 the Bolognese knights manoeuvred round 
the carroccio of Parma on the piazza of Cremona, thinking to do the 
Parmesans a pleasure. 

Most chroniclers have references to these high festivals, the most 
celebrated of which in Dante's time was given in honour of the marriage 
of Beatrice d' Este to Galeazzo Visconti. Dante regarded this as a 
mesalliance for the widowed lady, but her late husband, the Judge 
of Gallura, could not have bettered this splendid festival, the sensation 
of the day, the talk of all Italy. So deeply imbedded in the thought 
and language of upper-class Italy were the ceremony of knighthood 
and the feats of arms connected with it, that even in the lightest love 
poetry metaphors from the lists are frequent. For the nearest approach 
to actual description recourse must again be had to Folgore da San 
Gemignano in his verses on May, thus translated by Rossetti : 

I give you horses for your games in May, 

And all of them well train'd unto the course, 
Each docile, swift, erect, a goodly horse ; 
With armour on their chests, and bells at play 
Between their brows, and pennons fair and gay ; 
Fine nets and housings meet for warriors, 
Emblazon'd with the shields ye claim for yours, 
Gules, argent, or, all dizzy at noon-day. 
And spears shall split, and fruit go flying up 
In merry counterchange for wreaths that drop 

From balconies and casements far above; 
And tender damsels with young men and youths 
Shall kiss together on the cheeks and mouths ; 
And every day be glad with joyful love. 

Probably every gentleman that Dante knew, and most of his 
acquaintances in Inferno, Purgatorio and Paradiso, belonged to this 
class, must have taken part in these contests or displays. Yet his 
references are few. The most distinct which I can recall is in Inferno, 
xxii. 9, a curious passage, because it seems to confound real acts of war 
in the territory of hostile Arezzo with the ferir torneamenti e correr 
giostra, which were their mimic representatives. In Inferno, vii. 34-5, 
the shock of the avaricious and the prodigal is a metaphor taken from 
the lists : 

Poi si volgea ciascun, quand' era giunto, 
Per lo suo mezzo cerchio, all' altra giostra. 


Aquarone in his Dante in Siena believes that the giostre del Toppo, 
which are thrown in Lano's teeth, contain a reference to the tourna- 
ments of the brigata spendeveccia in Siena, extravagance in which led 
to Lano's self-sought death at Piere al Toppo. A passage in Convivio 
iv. 27, supplies a hint that Dante disapproved of the extravagance of 
these despots' Court-days, wherein the money wrung from the poor 
is squandered on banquets, gifts of horses, arms, raiment and largess 
a passage recalled a little later by Coluccio Salutati's reproof to 
Petrarch for his presence at Violante Visconti's wedding-feast in the 
midst of a starving Lombardy, a reproof emphasised by its conclusion 
that the gout from which the poet was suffering served him right. 

It may be due to this indignation with the abuses of his age, from 
this want of sympathy with its pleasures, that Dante fails to leave 
any impression of Court life, to which, after all, he was no stranger. 
No dynasty was more lavish in its Court-days than that of Seal a, and 
even that of Polenta did not shrink from wasting the substance of 
others in the glorification of itself. The whole works of Dante, poetic 
or prosaic, give no such picture of a great Italian Court as the single 
short phonographic description of the hum and buzz, the jangle and 
the babel of the palace of Can Grande, in the Bisbidis of Dante's friend, 
Manuel the Jew 1 . 


1 Mario Pelaez, Rime antiche italiane. (Collezione di opere inedite o rare, edited by 
G. Carducci, 1895.) 


THE object of the following notes is 

(1) to offer some help towards removing the doubts expressed 
by the authors of the N. E. D. concerning a few uncertain derivations ; 

(2) to suggest what may be more likely derivations ; 

(3) to adduce earlier instances of E. words. 

Inserted between [ ] are here given the etymological remarks of 
the N. E. D. or such extracts from them as it has appeared expedient 
to place by the side of the new suggestions. 

Accessory, 1618 [ad. late Lat. accessori- us] A. F. accessorie, 
1309, Y.-Bks Edw. II. Selden Soc. n. p. 138. 

Adjection, c. 1374, in form adieccioun [ad. L. adjection- em] 
A. F. adjeccion, 1342, Y.-Bks Edw. III. Rolls Series, 31, n. p. 365. 

Adjutory, adj. 1612, sb. c. 1505 [ad. L. adjutori- us] A. F. adjutoire, 
?13th c. Das Adamspiel, Halle, 1891, 1. 38. 

Apportionment, 1628 [f. apportion + ment ; also in med. L. appor- 
tionamentum and F. apportionnement] A. F. apporeionement, 1342, 
Y.-Bks Edw. III. Bolls Series, 31, n. p. 483. 

Attempter, 1580 [f. attempt + er ; or a. O. F. (14th c.) attempteur] 
attempteur, 1449. Second ecrit des ambassadeurs anglais. Rolls 
Series, 32, p. 479. 

Budge, a kind of fur, 1382 [etym. obsc.]. Bogee occurs in an A. F. 
context, 13-14th c., in Le Domesday de Gippewyz, Rolls Series, 55, 
p. 190. 

Bull, a papal edict, 1297, a seal, 1340 [ad. L. bulla] A. F. bulle, 
a seal, c. 1245. Puis al escrit fu fait guarant U la bulle de soie pent. 
La Estoire de S. Edward le Rei, Rolls Series, 3, 11. 1612-3. 

Conspiracy, 1386 [f. Lat. conspiratio, with substitution of the 
ending -acy. A single ex. of conspiratie in 16th c. French is given by 
Godef.] A.F. conspiracie, 1308-9, Y.-Bks Edw. II. Selden Soc. I. 
p. 155. 


Cottage, c. 1386 [app. a. A. F. *cotage. 0. F. had cotage as a term 
of feudal law in the sense of base tenure] A. F. cotage, 1308-9, in a 
sense not recorded in N.E.D. : II ount perdu cotage et terrage. Y.-Bks 
Edw. II. Selden Soc. n. p. 72. 

Coursable, a. 1455 [a. F. coursable current (Cotgr.) ?That may 
have course.] A. F. coursable 1419, Voet le Roy et commande qe 
desorrnes nulle femme coursable (= puteyn) demurge deinz les mures de 
la citee. Liber Albus, Rolls Series, p. 283. The quotation may be of 
use in elucidating the sense of the obscure word, which seems to be 
' common.' 

Cozen [derivation uncertain. Cf. the phrase ' to make a cousin of 
?to beguile, deceive...] O. F. cosin, a dupe: Son mari lui rendra la 
chose telle comme elle lui bailla, combien qu'il en demorast toujours 
le cousin, in Godefroy. 

Crush, 1398 [app. a. O. F. croissir,... sometimes cruis(s)ir; in 
Cotgr. 1611] A. F. cruissir or craisser, 1174-83. Li fer tentissent, 
e cruissent li acier. Chronique de Jordan Fantosme, Rolls Series, 82, 
in. 1. 650. 

Cumber, vb., c. 1300. [Its early derivatives... all suppose for it a F. 
derivation. ? Aphetic for encumber, acumber. But appears earlier. 
Godefroy cites 0. F. combrer in the sense of covrer ' to lay hold of, take.'] 
O. F. conbre occurs as a variant of comble in ' ma matiere est conbre,' 
Robert le Liable, Anciens Textes fra^ais, 49, 1. 3031. Also, O. F. com- 
brer = combler, in ' ...quer combre' trova le passage.' L'Histoire de 
Guillaume le Marechal, Societe de 1'Histoire de France, 1. 15772. 
A. F. coumble, a substantive in ' venelles...nettez saunz coumble de 
fiens et de ordure/ Liber Albus, Rolls Series, p. 288, obs. E. cumble t 
accumulation, rare, suggests the variant *coumbre, *cumbre. Are not 
E. cumble and E. cumber, both meaning 'benumb with cold,' two different 
forms of one and the same word ? In French se combler occurs in ' Le combla des pieds de devant et cheut ' in Littre's historique 
s.v. combler, and in Godefroy, a solitary instance, where the meaning 
' to stumble ' is not very far from that of E. ' be cumbered,' = ' be held 
fast, as in a slough.' 

Dab, fish, 1577 [Etym. unknown] Dabbe, 1419, occurs in an A. F. 
context in: nief qe meisne dabbes, Liber Albus, Rolls Series, 12-1, 
p. 236. 

Demean, sb., c. 1450 [f. demean, vb.] Demene, 1449 : au demene 
des matieres de leur dite charge ou commission, Premier ecrit des 
ambassadeurs anglais, Rolls Series, 32, p. 438. 

M. L. R. 13 

190 Lexicographical Notes 

Demise, sb., 1509 [app. of A. F. origin] A. F. dimise, 1308-9. 
Y.-Bks Edw. II. Selden Soc. i. 68. 

Direct, vb., c. 1374 [f. L. direct-, ppl. stem of dirigere] A. F. directer, 
1342 in: et le bref est directe al Vicounte de Wiltescire (translated 
'directed'). Y.-Bks Edw. III. Rolls Series, 31, n. p. 299. 

Dispatchment, 1529 [dispatch +ment] Despechment, 1449, Premier 
dcrit des ambassadeurs anglais, Rolls Series, 32, p. 459; also in Godef. 
Lex. But the N. E. D. refers the vb. dispatch to an Ital. or Span, 
source, observing that [the date of the 1st quotation, 1517, is early for a 
word from Italian, and still more so for a word from Spanish. But, 
F. emp&her, depecher, in 16th c. also despecher, gave E. impeach, depeach, 
also despeche, in Caxton depesshe]. Yet, besides impeache, impeche, is 
there not Scotch impatshe ? This form, it is true, according to the 
N. E. D. l reflects Ital. impacciare! May not E. dispatch represent F. 
despesche, as E. match represents F. mesche, meiche ? 

Drunkard, 1530 [drunk + ard], occurs first in form droncarde 
Flemish dronkaerd, whence F. dronquart, 1521, in Godefroy. 

Eject, ppl., 1432-50 [ad. L. eject-us] A. F. eject, 15th c. in Godefroy 
who cites Littleton, 15th c. It is F. refashioned on Latin. In the same 
manner A. F. engetter, engeter, is Englished as eject, 1570-6, and engette- 
ment as ejectment, 1567. 

Embull, in-, 1432 [en-, in- + bull] A. F. enbuller, 1245, in 'ke eit 
enbulle privilege/ La Estoire S. Edward le Rei. Rolls Series, 3, 1. 2284, 
and ' enregistre e enbulU? ib. 1. 2475. 

Enangle, ? a. 1400 [en + angle] O. F. enangler, 12-13th c., Guillaume 
le Marechal. Soc. de 1'Hist. de France, 1. 10103. 

Entangle, 1540 [en + tangle] A. F. entangler, 1342, in 'grantent 
qe mesme cele volente ou ces successours de eel hour en avant ne 
serrount mye ernpechez nentanglez par eux.' Y.-Bks Edw. III. Rolls 
Series, 31, n. p. 125. 

Entertainment, 16th c. [entertain + nient] Entretenement, 1449, 
Premier ecrit des ambassadeurs anglais, Rolls, 32. F. entretenement , 
Commines, n. 57. Ed. by B. de Mandrot, Paris 1901. 

Founder, sb., 1303 [found + er. Cf. O. F. fondeor, -eur] A. F. 
fundur, c. 1245 in ' De plusur musters fundur,' La Est. S. Edw. le rei. 
Rolls Series, 3, 1. 2526. Also, 1342, in Y.-Bks of Edw. III. Rolls 
Series, 31, n. 

Garnishment, 1550; a legal notice, 1585 [garnish + ment. Cf. 
M. Du. garnissement, perhaps from an unrecorded O. F. word] A. F. 
garnissement, 1342, in legal sense, Y.-Bks of Edw. III. Rolls Series, 
31, n. p. 272. 


Induction, c. 1380, ecclesiastical [a. F. induction (14th c.) or a. L. 
induction-em] A. F. induccion, 1342, ' le presentour deit faire induc- 
tion.' Y.-Bks of Edw. III. Rolls Series, 31, n. p. 395. 

Infractor, 1524 [a. med. L. . . .Cf. F. infracteur (1419 in Godef. Compl.)] 
Infracteur, 1449, ' II est infracteur de treve.' Premier ecrit des 
ambass. anglais, Rolls, 32, p. 458. 

Interrupt, 15th c. [f. Lat.] A. F. interrupter, 1308, in 'nient 
interrupte! Y.-Bks Edw. II. Selden Soc. I. p. 29. 

Intruse, vb., c. 1470 [f. Lat.] A. F. entruser (s'), 1342, in <et puis 
le pere sentrusa et disseisi lenfaunt.' Y.-Bks Edw. III. Rolls Series, 
31, n. p. 51. 

Inunction, en-, 1483 [ad. Lat.] A. F. enuncciun, a. 1245 in 
' dediement Enuncciun e vestement.' La Estoire de S. Edw. le Rei. 
Rolls 3, 1. 2170, also 11. 3920 and 3925. 

Inundation, 1432-50 [ad. Lat....O. F. had inundation in 12-14th c. 
(perhaps the immed. source)] A. F. inundacion, 1342. Y.-Bks 
Edw. III. Rolls Series, 31, n. p. 399. 

Lieutenancy, also lieutenance, 1450 [lieutenant + ancy] A. F. 
lieutenance, 1449, Rolls Series, 32, p. 443. 

Litmus, a blue colouring matter, 1502 [altered from M. Du. leecmos] 
A. F. lytemoise, 1419. Liber Albus, Rolls Series, 12, I. p. 238. 

Quitter, quittor, pus, matter, 1297 [perh. a. O. F. quiture, culture, 
but app. not recorded in the specific sense of the E. word] A. F. 
quiture, c. 1245, has this sense : De ses boces la quiture Desent par 
vostre vesture, La Est. S. Edw. 1. 1981-2 ; En col nues [? unes] 
glandres out, K'em escrovele numer seout Tournees sunt a pureture 
Arancle e emfle e a quiture, Ib. 1. 2612-5 ; Issent verms de la quiture, 
Ib. 1. 2670. 




THE dramatic ghost, whose progress through the pre-Shakespearean 
drama has already been traced 1 , underwent, at the hands of Shakespeare 
himself, considerable modification. Whereas, in the plays of his pre- 
decessors, the ghost was a mere machine, a voice mouthing vengeance, 
it owbecame endowed with personality. The Shakespearean ghost, 

Lessing declared in a memorable passage of the Hamburgische 
Dramaturgic, is ' eine wirklich handelnde Person.' It is ' no longer a 
phantom roaming in the cold, evoked from Erebus to hover round the 
actors in a tragedy, but a, spirit of like intellectual substance with these 
actors, a parcel of the universe in which all live and move and have 
their being. 2 .' In accomplishing this change, Shakespeare stripped the 
ghost of its ' foul sheet ' and ' leather pilch,' and arrayed it in .tke~.garb 
which it had worn before mortality had been put off;, while, for the 
gibberings of the tortures of Tantalus in which the earlier Senecan 
ghosts had taken delight, he substituted the ghost-beliefs current in 
England in his own time. Nor was this all. In making the ghost 
more human, Shakespeare, at the same time 5 -gave to it a spiritual 
significance of which his predecessors had but a very faint conception. 
The Shakespearean ghost is at once the' embodiment of remorseful 
presentiment and the instrument of divine justice. 

The ghost seems to have fascinated Shakespeare already at the 
outset of his career. There are several references to ghost-lore in 
Henry VI, while in his early love-tragedy, Juliet, after the tidings of 
Tybalt's death have been brought to her, exclaims, 

0, look ! methinks I see my cousin's ghost 
Seeking out Romeo, that did spit his body 
Upon a rapier's point. 

Act iv, sc. iii. 

With the appearance of Richard III, ghosts take their place among 
the actors of the play. In making the ghosts of Richard's victims 

1 See Modern Language Review, January, 1906 (i, 89 ff.). 

' 2 J. A. Syruonds, Shakespeare's Predecessors in the English Drama, London, 1884. 

F. W. MOORMAN 193 

confront him in his sleep on the eve of Bosworth Field, Shakespeare 
was following the suggestions of his predecessors. Thus in Segar's 
story of the ' tragical life and death of Richard III ' in A Mirror for 
Magistrates (1563), the unhappy king declares: 

I thought that all those murthered ghosts, whom I 
By death had sent to their untimely grave, 
With balefull noise about my tent did crie, 
And of the heav'ns with sad complaint did crave, 
That they on guiltie wretch might vengeance have : 

To whom I thought the Judge of heav'n gave eare, 
And gainst me gave a judgment full of feare 1 . 

In The True Tragedie of Richard III the same thought reappears : 

Richard. Meethinkes their ghoasts come gaping for revenge, 
Whom I have slaine in reaching for a Crowne ; 
Clarence complaines and crieth for revenge. . 
My Nephues bloods, Revenge, revenge, doth crie. 
The headlesse Peeres come preasing for revenge. 
And every one cries, let the tyrant die 2 . 

Shakespeare goes beyond the author of the True Tragedie, and 
substitutes dramatic action for narrative. He makes the ghosts 
actually appear, and places words on their lips. These ghosts of 
Richard's victims are Senecan in character, in that they are represented 
as spirits of vengeance, but they depart from Seneca's manner in 
making absolutely no reference to. the under- world of classic mythology. 
For all this, Shakespeare substitutes a superstition drawn from 
native ghost-lore ; at the ghosts' approach, Richard tells us, ' the lights 
burn blue.' Moreover, these ghosts are something more than spirits of 
vengeance. They are conceived by Shakespeare as the instruments of 
that primeval, amorphous power of Nemesis which will not let the 
criminal triumph in his wickedness, but demands an eye for an eye and 
a tooth for a tooth. In so early a tragedy as Cinthio's Orbecche, 
1 Nemesi, Dea,' appears in the list of dramatis personae ; in Shake- 
speare's plays there is no goddess called Nemesis, but as an unseen 
force, guiding the issues of the drama, her influence makes itself felt 
again and again. The ghosts of Richard's victims are forces which sap 
his courage : he sees in them the voices of a ' coward conscience,' and 
they send him to the fight with Richmond unnerved and unmanned. 
The appearance of the ghosts to Richmond is a further development of 
the Nemesis idea. Shakespeare drew no warrant for this from his 
sources, but felt that the words of good cheer which the ghosts utter to 

1 Higgins's Mirror for Magistrates, ed. Haslewood, 1815. 

2 The True Tragedie of Richard III, ed. Barren Field (Shakespeare Society Publi- 

194 Shakespeare s Ghosts 

Richmond were the needful complement to the message of woe which 
they bring to Richard. 

In the plots of the comedies and histories of Shakespeare's middle 
period there is no ghostly intervention. That Shakespeare, however, 
still recognised the dramatic value of ghost-lore is proved by occasional 
references to it in these plays. Thus the disconsolate Richard II, 
talking of ' graves and worms and epitaphs/ would fain tell his followers 
sad stories of the death of kings : 

How some have been deposed, some slain in war, 
Some haunted by the ghosts they have deposed ; 
Some poison'd by their wives ; some sleeping kill'd ; 
All murdered. 

Richard //, Act in, sc. ii. 

Again, in 2 Henry IV, Lady Percy, reproaching Northumberland 
for his neglect of Hotspur at the battle of Shrewsbury, exclaims : 

Never, never, do his ghost the wrong 
To hold your honour more precise and nice 
With others than with him ! 

Act n, sc. iii. 

But the ghost is primarily a tragic figure, and it is, accordingly, to 
Shakespeare's tragedies that we turn to find the character and function 
of the Shakespearean ghost fully developed. 

The ghost of Julius Caesar that appears to Brutus in his tent at 
Sardis makes a greater demand upon our credulity than those of 
Richard's victims. The latter, though by the playwright's licence they 
are seen and heard by the spectators, are, like the ghost of Patroclus in 
the Iliad, sleep-phantoms; the ghost of Caesar, on the other hand, 
appears to Brutus as he is reading in his tent. Yet there is much to 
show that Shakespeare permits us to regard this ghostly visitation as 
the hallucination of an overwrought mind ; for no sooner does Brutus 
recover from the trepidation into which the ghost's sudden appearance 
has cast him, than it vanishes : 

Brutus. Why, I will see thee at Philippi then. [Exit Ghost. 
Now I have taken heart thou vanishest. 
Ill spirit, I would hold more talk with thee. 

Act iv, sc. iii. 

In Julius Caesar, as in Richard III, Shakespeare found in his 
sources the suggestion for ghostly intervention, and subjected the 
borrowed idea to characteristic and significant modification. In 
Plutarch's Life of Brutus the story of the ghost is as follows : ' So, being 
ready to go into Europe, one night very late, as he was in his tent with 
a little light, thinking of weighty matters : he thought he heard one 

F. W. MOOEMAN 195 

come in to him, and casting his eye towards the door of his tent, that 
he saw a wonderful strange and monstrous shape of a body coming 
towards him, and said never a word. So Brutus boldly asked What he 
was, a god or a man, and what cause brought him thither. The spirit 
answered him, I am thy evil spirit, Brutus : and thou shalt see me by 
the city of Philippi. Brutus, being no otherwise afraid, replied again 
unto it: Well, then I shall see thee again. The spirit presently 
vanished away, and Brutus called his men unto him, who told him that 
they heard no noise, nor saw anything at all.' Neither here, nor 
in Plutarch's account of the conversation as to the meaning of the 
apparition which Brutus holds with Cassius on the following morning, 
is there any suggestion that the 'wonderful strange and monstrous 
shape of a body ' is the ghost of the murdered Caesar. This is Shake- 
speare's addition, and in making it, he brings the scene into line with 
that of Richard III', in either case, it is the ghost of the murdered 
man appearing to the murderer. He retains Plutarch's words, ' I am 
thy evil spirit, Brutus,' but, in the light of the fact that the ghost is 
Caesar's ghost, these words acquire a new and bodeful significance. 
The spirit of Caesar is the embodiment of Brutus's sense of the failure 
and impending ruin of his cause. There is, accordingly, a sinister 
meaning in the ghost's declaration that Brutus shall see him again 
at Philippi, and Brutus himself informs us that its reappearance is 
regarded by him as a token that his hour is come : 

The ghost of Caesar hath appear'd to me 
Two several times by night, at Sardis once, 
And this last night here in Philippi fields : 
I know my hour is come. 

Act v, sc. v. 

The points of affinity which the ghost of Banquo bears to that of 
Caesar prompt me to take it out of its chronological order and consider 
it here. Unlike Shakespeare's other ghosts, it is the pure creation of 
his genius, without support from his sources. A ghost is demanded in 
Macbeth by virtue of the peculiar constitution of the ghost-seer's mind. 
The hectic imagination of the Celtic chieftain, which conjures up the 
air-drawn dagger and the voice crying, ' Sleep no more, Macbeth 
doth murder sleep,' evokes by inward necessity the ghost of the 
murdered Banquo. The reality of this ghost is scarcely impaired by 
the fact that it utters no words. It is silent, just because, to one of 
Macbeth's temperament, silence is far more appalling than speech ; 
indeed, when Macbeth, summoning up courage, bids it speak, it vanishes 
away. Yet it cannot, I think, be doubted that Shakespeare, to use the 

196 Shakespeare's Ghosts 

phrase of Professor Bradley, ' meant the judicious to take the Ghost for 
an hallucination.' Its two appearances synchronise exactly with the 
expression of Macbeth's hypocritical wish that ' our dear friend Banquo ' 
were present ; its first exit, as just noticed, falls in with Macbeth's bold 
summons to it to speak, and its final exit with his command, 

Hence, horrible shadow ! 
Unreal mockery, hence ! 

It is, of course, visible to the spectators, but so also are the sleep- 
phantoms of Richard III. The ghosts of Richard's victims are the 
figments of a coward conscience : the ghost of Caesar is the embodiment 
of Brutus's sense of the egregious mistake he has made in slaying 
Caesar, and of the approaching overthrow of republicanism. In like 
manner, the ghost of Banquo is the outcome of the play of Macbeth's 
frenzied imagination upon his deep sense of insecurity. Here, too, we 
are prompted to see in the ghost the agent of the dread power of 
Nemesis, and as such it is a powerful instrument to bring about 
Macbeth's ruin. In spite of Lady Macbeth's heroic endeavours to 
shield her husband, the suspicions of the Scottish lords are aroused 
how deeply aroused we learn from Lennox's intensely ironical speech 
almost immediately afterwards. 

The ghost ofJihe_ljiiaj^sty of buried Denmark ' stands on a different 
footing from that of Shakespeare's other apparitions. Of its reality 
there can be no question. It is not the ghost of a murdered man 
appearing to his murderer in the hour of sleep, or in moments of 
nervous excitement; for it is seen, not by the murderer, but by the 
minister of vengeance, as well as by disinterested persons like Horatio, 
Bernardo, and Marcellus. Horatio has ' fortified ' his ears against belief 
in the story of the ghost, but no sooner does it appear on the castle 
platform than all doubts as to its reality are swept for ever from his 

We have already seen that Shakespeare, in his employment of ghost- 
lore, breaks entirely loose from the Senecan convention of placing a 
ghost in an atmosphere of classic myth. Even when we stand, as in 
Julius Caesar, on classic soil, we are confronted with the beliefs of 
Elizabethan England, not those of antiquity. The ghost of Caesar tells 
us nothing of the tortures of Tartarus, but at its approach Brutus's 
taper burns dimly. It is, however, in Hamlet that Shakespeare makes 
by far the fullest use of the belief in ghosts current in his own day, and 
to the nature of this belief we must now turn our attention. 

F. W. MOORMAN 197 

In discussing this matter, a distinction must first of all be drawn 
between the popular ghost-lore of England and that secondary ghost- 
lore which the theologians of the Middle Ages had constructed out of 
these popular beliefs. That the ghosts of criminals, suicides, or murdered 
persons, walked the earth after death, that they sometimes entered into 
compacts with the living, that they appeared at midnight and 'faded 
on the crowing of the cock/ and that at their approach the lights grew 
dim all this is a part of a primitive ghost-lore common to most 
European nations. In these primitive beliefs the Church of the Middle 
Ages found substantial support for its doctrine of a purgatorial state 
and for inculcating the duty of offering up masses for the souls of the 
dead. A very clear illustration of the Church's use of ghost-lore is 
furnished by the medieval verse romance, The Awntyrs of Arthure cut 
the Tarne-wathelan 1 , in which the ghost of Guinevere's mother appears 
to Guinevere and Gawayne, describes, amongst other things, the pains 
of Purgatory, and declares, 

Were thrittk trentes of masse done 
Betwyx vndur and none, 
My saule were socurt ful sone, 
And bro}te vn-to blys. 

The association of ghost-lore with the teaching of the Roman 
Catholic Church brought the whole matter very prominently before 
men's minds at the time of the Reformation. Mr T. A. Spalding has, 
in his Elizabethan Demonology, drawn attention to the polemics of 
catholics and protestants on the ghost question, as well as to the light 
which these polemics throw upon the Elizabethan drama. He quotes 
passages from the writings of Archbishop Parker and Bishop Hooper, 
and also from the Demonologie of King James, as illustrations of all 
this. A study of the Parker Society volumes reveals, indeed, the fact 
that the question of the nature and origin of ghosts was, at the time of 
the Reformation, one of considerable moment. The reformers, recognis- 
ing that there was scripture warrant for the belief in ghosts, never 
ventured to question the reality of ghostly visitations. Their con- 
tention, however, was that ghosts were not the spirits of dead men, but 
manifestations of the devil. Cranmer in England and Bullinger in 
Switzerland argue this point at great length, and add force to 
their arguments by quoting Tertullian and Chrysostom to the same 
effect. That the discussion was a protracted one, is shown by King 
James's absorption in it in his Demonologie, and by the fact that to the 

1 Edited by Eobson (Camden Society Publications), 1842. 

198 Shakespeare s Ghosts 

1665 edition of Reginald Scot's Discoverie of Witchcraft there was 
added an appendix, entitled ' A Discourse concerning Devils and Spirits/ 
dealing at some length with the question of the nature of ' astral 
spirits.' While theologians disputed, the ghost enjoyed a popularity 
such as it had never known before. We have seen something of its 
vogue in the Elizabethan drama ; it occupied a distinguished place in 
the non-dramatic poetry of the time, and forced an entrance even into 
the popular chap-books. Thus, when the anonymous author of Ratseis 
Ghost (1605) essayed to relate the highway robberies of the newly 
hanged Gamaliel Ratsey, he found it necessary to encase the whole 
story in an elaborate framework of ghost-lore. 

The most elaborate treatment of this theological ghost question is 
that furnished by the Swiss protestant reformer, Louis Lavater, in his 
work, De Spectris, Lemuribus . . . , published at Zurich in 1570, of which 
an English translation, with the title, Of Ghostes and Spirites Walking 
by Night, appeared in London in 1572. So direct is the bearing of this 
work upon the ghost scenes of Hamlet, that some detailed examination of 
its contents seems desirable. Writing from the strictly protestant stand- 
point, Lavater acknowledges the existence of spirits, and declares 'to 
whome, when, where, and after what sort spirits do appear and what 
they do work.' They appear ' especially in the night, and before mid- 
night in our first sleep,' being chiefly found ' in the fieldes where battels 
have been fought,' in places of execution, in woods, or in the c ruins and 
rubbish of castles.' Such spirits show themselves ' in sundry sort, some- 
times in the shape of a man whome we know, who is yet aly ve or lately 
departed ; otherwhiles in the likenesse of one whom we knowe not.' In 
the second Part of his work he declares at full what is the Popish 
doctrine concerning such spirits. The Papists declare that they come 
from Purgatory, and are permitted to walk the earth for a season, 
'for the instructing and terrifying of the lyving.' They maintain 
that these spirits 'do not appeare nor answeare unto every mans 
interrogatories, but that of a great number they scantlie appeare unto 
one.... And yet they hold that no curious, unprofitable questions shold 
be demanded of the spirit except he wold of his own accord revele and 
open them. And yet it wer best that sober persons shold thus question 
with him on some holy day before diner, or in the night seson, as is 
commonly accustomed. And if the spirite will shewe no signe at that 
tyme, the matter shold be deferred unto some other season, untill the 
spirite woulde shewe hymselfe agayne.... And farther they say that we 
neede not to feare, that the spirit would do any bodily hurte unto that 

F. W. MOORMAN 199 

persone unto whome it doth appears. For if such a spirit would hurte 
any, he might justlie be suspected that he were no good spirit.' The 
Eoman doctrine as to the duty of relieving such spirits is declared a 
little further on : ' They teach that it is an horrible and heynous offence, 
if a man give no succoure to such as seeke it at his hands, especially if 
it be the soule of his parents, brethren or sisters.' Having set forth the 
Romish doctrine, Lavater proceeds to demolish it, and to show that these 
visions and spirits are ' not the souls of dead men as some men have 
thought/ but ' either good or evill Angels,' and quotes from Scripture 
and the Fathers to show that the devil has ' power to appeare under the 
shape of a faithfull man.' 

Without going so far as to consider Lavater's work the source 
whence Shakespeare drew the ghost-lore of his Hamlet, it will, I think, 
be allowed that the dramatist was profoundly interested in this dispute 
of the theologians, and that many of the doctrines set forth by the 
Swiss protestant find an echo in his tragedy. He makes use of the 
Reformation ghost question, both to furnish his ghost-scenes with an 
atmosphere which should take the place of that mephitic air of Tartarus 
through which the Senecan ghost moved, and also to throw fresh rays 
of light upon the character of Hamlet. When confronted with the 
catholic and the protestant doctrine as to ghosts, Shakespeare at once 
chooses the former a choice which in no sense proves him to have 
been a catholic. To have represented the ghost of the dead king as 
the devil, or as anything but ' an honest ghost/ would have brought the 
whole play toppling down like a pack of cards. Yet Hamlet, on the 
ghost's first appearance to him in i, iv, adopts a distinctly protestant 
standpoint : 

Be thou a spirit of health 1 or goblin damn'd, 

Bring with thee airs from heaven or blasts from hell, 

Be thy intents wicked or charitable, 

Thou comest in such a questionable shape 

That I will speak to thee. 

Act i, sc. iv. 

But then, feeling the insufficiency of the protestant dogma, he falls 
back upon the catholic, and adds : 

I'll call thee Hamlet, 
King, father, royal Dane : O, answer me. 

In the conversation between Hamlet and the ghost in tfce following 
scene, the latter, knowing the instability of Hamlet's mind, emphasizes 

1 Most editors interpret 'spirit of health' as 'healed or saved spirit.' The phrase, 
however, clearly means 'good angel,' and the verse falls at once into line with the 
protestant doctrine that the spirits that walked the earth were either good or evil angels. 

200 Shakespeare s Ghosts 

the fact that he is, in very truth, confronted by his father's spirit, now 
doomed to fast in purgatorial fires, until the crimes done in his days of 
nature are purged away, and able, if such things were but permitted, to 
unfold a tale of the horrors of purgatory which would harrow up Hamlet's 
soul and freeze his blood. Such a declaration sweeps from Hamlet's 
mind every doubt as to the nature of the ghost ; he places implicit trust 
in its story and takes upon his shoulders the heavy burden of vengeance. 
The subsequent development of the action shows how necessary it was 
for the ghost to make its identity absolutely clear to Hamlet. For the 
latter, shrinking from action, ever striving to place new obstacles between 
himself and the deed of vengeance, seeks in protestant doctrine a covert 
to which he may flee to escape from the call of duty : 

The spirit that I have seen 
May be the devil. 

Act n, sc. ii. 

In suffusing the ghost-scenes of Hamlet with the ' local colour ' of 
catholic and protestant doctrine, Shakespeare had accomplished only 
half of his purpose. There still remained ^the task of bringing 1 out the 
personality of his ghost, and of representing it as a moral and intellectual 
v being, capable of enlisting the spectator'^ -sympathy. The necessity for 
this was all the greater from the fact that, whereas the spectator is 
acquainted with Banquo and Julius Caesar and Richard's victims as 
living beings before they appear as ghosts, the death of Hamlet's father 
precedes the opening of the play. The first impression that the ghost 
. makes upon us, as it appears to Horatio and the others in the first 
-/C scene, is that of a great warrior king. It moves across the stage with 
martial stalk ; its armour of complete steel is that in which the dead 
king had conquered and slain old Fortinbras of Norway. Its fair and 
warlike form is so majestical that Marcellus recognises the wrong of 
offering it a show of violence. On its reappearance in I, iv, we still see 
the majesty of buried Denmark, but also the gracious solicitude of the 
father. It waves Hamlet aside with courteous action, and, while enjoin- 
ing upon him the sacred duty of vengeance, is also concerned for his 
spiritual well-being. Knowing only too well that guilt must be burnt 
away by the fierce fires of purgatory, its strict injunction to him is, 
' Taint not thy mind.' 

But far more striking than the ghost's fatherly solicitude for Hamlet 
is the tenderness and love which it shows to the queen. Gertrude may, 
or may not, have been guilty of robbing her husband of life, but she 

F. W. MOORMAN 201 

had certainly robbed him of honour while life was still his 1 . Yet he 

had loved her with a love 

of that dignity 

That it went hand in hand even with the vow 
I made to her in marriage. 

This love still endures, and his strict command to Hamlet is 

nor let thy soul contrive 

Against thy mother aught ; leave her to heaven, 
And to those thorns that in her bosom lodge, 
To prick and sting her. 

On the ghost's reappearance in ill, iv, this love and tenderness flame 
forth anew. Hamlet has ignored his father's injunction not to con- 
trive against his mother, and, at the moment when the ' gracious figure ' 
of the ghost appears, he is stabbing her to the heart with reproaches, 
until, in agony of soul, she cries : 

0, speak to me no more ; 

These words like daggers enter in mine ears ; 
No more, sweet Hamlet. 

With a tender regard for Gertrude's feelings, the ghost makes 
itself invisible to her. The object of this visitation, as Hamlet 
knows full well, is to whet his almost blunted purpose ; but no sooner 
does the ghost see the mental suffering which Gertrude is enduring, 
than it quietly puts aside seli-mterCots, and, moVeJ by chlValro* 1 " 
solicitude for her welfare, bids Hamlet relieve her poignant thrills of 

agony : 

But look, amazement on thy mother sits ; 
Oh, step between her and her fighting soul ; 
Conceit in weakest bodies strongest works ; 
Speak to her, Hamlet. 

Act in, sc. iv. 

The ghost remains upon the scene a little longer, listens to the words 
which Hamlet speaks to his mother, and gazes upon wife and child with 
eyes so full of pity that Hamlet fears lest they may 'convert my 
stern effects,' and call forth tears where blood should flow. At last, 
seeing that Gertrude has won a certain mastery over the tortures of her 
mind, and without further reference to its own most pressing needs, it 
silently steals through the portal. Thus, for th^_jjbbering_ghost o 

Shake. 8.pgp.rp f nffkra.. nsr tturwaycior kinp^j-.hft gracious^ \ 

d who bearsjvvith him to^the-ab^de^of spirits a 
love for a faithless wife which has triumphed over crirrfe and dishonour 
and death. 


1 See i, v, 41 f., and Prof. Bradley, Shakespearean Tragedy, p. 166. 


THE language of Beowulf is, by no means, a pure West Saxon dialect. 
Though, as a whole, it may be described as West Saxon of the tenth 
century (the period to which the MS. points), a large number of non- 
W. S. forms are imbedded in the poem. These non-W. S. forms have 
been ingeniously used by Ten Brink in support of his hypotheses as 
to the Mercian and Kentish versions of the poem. Symons (Paul's 
Grundriss, in. p. 651), on the other hand, goes so far as to describe 
the results of the higher criticism as highly uncertain, maintaining 
that ' die Frage, welchem der anglischen Stamme die Ausbildung der 
Sage zufallt, ist kaum entscheidbar.' It is probable, however, that a 
sclen lifer study' of ~tEe "material will ultimately throw light on these 
problems. The difficulty of distinguishing one non-W.S. dialect from 
another is, at present, the chief stumbling-block. In the following 
article nothing has been attempted beyond a partial survey of the 
materials a complete analysis of the elements in Beowulf still remains 
to be undertaken. 

The abbreviations adopted are : P. Gr. (= Paul's Grundriss), Ten 
Brink ( Beowulf -Untersuchungen , 1888), S. (=Sievers' Old English 
Grammar, trans. Cook, 1903), B. (=Biilbring's Altenglisches Elementar- 
buch, 1902), Sw. (= Sweet's A.-S. Reader, 1894). Forms marked with 
an asterisk have been slightly emended from the MS. The numbers in 
brackets refer to the lines of Holder's edition. 


(a) I -umlaut of ea to le or y. 

The appearance of fe or y as i-umlaut of ea may be taken as a 
characteristic W.S. feature. Of this there are some 231 examples in 
Beowulf. The following are among the examples : hyran, ylde, gegyr- 

P. G. THOMAS 203 

/ f 

wan, wylma, ylfe, undyrne, syrede, hynSu, forwyrne, gelyfan, bestymed, 

nyd, geflymed, fyl, yrfe, byldan, nyhstan, yrmSe, ahyrded, wyrgenne, 
gymeS, gey wan, geslyhta, y3e, gewyrpte, fyrd, lyhS. 

Palatal influence has produced i in : gist, liges, niht, miht. 

(6) I -umlaut o/lo as le or y. 

Of this second W. S. characteristic there are some 64 examples : 
dygel, dyre, wyrSe, hyrde, onsyn, gestrynan, tyne, trywe, unhyre, 
yrringa, yrre. 

With later palatal influence : wrixle, lixte. 

(c) eo as opposed to lo forms. 

All 10 forms are not necessarily non-W.S., but it will be useful 
to show the proportion of such forms. Ten Brink (pp. 238-9) has 
already laid stress on the fact that the 10 forms are of much more 
frequent occurrence in the later portions of the poem. It is remarkable 
that up to the point where the first hand ceases to appear in the MS. 
(1. 1939), there are but 11 examples of 10 as against 786 of o. From 
this point to the end of the poem there are 117 examples of 10 as 
against 482 of eo. The total number of lo forms in Beowulf is thus 
1268, of 10 128. 

(d) Nasal influence. 

This, again, is no test of dialect, but presents points of general 
interest. Before m and n short a in Beowulf appears as either a or o. 
Out of 243 words examined, 116 show a, the rest o. This fact lends 
additional support to the theory advanced by Wyld, namely that a 
and o before nasals are used pretty much according to individual taste. 
Examples of parallel forms are : began g, begong ; bana, bona ; clamm, 
clomm ; gamol, gomol ; gehwane, gehwone ; forSan, forSon ; Hc-hama, 
lic-homa ; samod, somod ; wang, wong. 

(e) L.W.S. forms. 

The gen. sing. ' wintrys ' represents L. W. S. weakening of final -es 
(B. 360). 

Of verbal forms ' buon ' has an infinitive in -on. -on for -an occurs 
again in the noun ' hsefton/ and in the adverb ' neon.' 

L.W.S. y for i appears in: J?ysne, ]?ysses, J?yssum, y* byS, synt, 
syndon, nymetS, swymman, swynsian, swylc, hwylc, scypon, syngales, 

L.W.S. y for eo appears in ' syfan-wintre ' and in ' gyfenes ' (S. 105). 

204 Notes on the Language of Beowulf 

II. (i) NoN-W.S. ELEMENT. 

(a) Personal names. 

Symons (P. Gr. in. p. 651) has pointed out that names common t> 
Beowulf and the Northumbrian lists are of non-W. S. origin. Common 
to Beowulf and the Liber Vitae are : Wiglaf, Heardred, Hama, OftV 
Herebald. Liber Vitae also has the names Ingild (cf. Ingeld), Hyglai 
(cf. Hygelac), Buuwulf (cf. Beowulf). Common to Beowulf and the 
Northumbrian genealogies are : Finn, HroSmund, and lurmenric (cf 

(6) Grammatical forms. 

A genitive singular in -as occurs in the proper names 'Merewioingas ' 
(2921) and ' Heatto-Scilfingas ' (63), as well as in ' yrfe-weardas ' (2453). 
Such genitives occur in Northumbrian, Rushworth 1 , and sporadically in 
L.W.S. (S. 237). 

The verbal forms <hafu, hafo' (2523, 2150, 3000) and ' ful-liestu ' 
(2668) preserve the archaic ending of the 1st sing., pres. ind., generally 
found in Anglian texts ; forms like l hafast ' (5 times) and ' hafaS ' 
(9 times) are also rare in W. S. In the imperative 'wees' (407) we 
have a Northumbrian form (S. 427). According to Sievers ( 408), 
' eawetS ' (276) and ' geeawed ' (1194) are probably non-W. S. forms. 

(c) Narrowing of w to e. 

This phenomenon occurs in : edrum (742), folcred (3006), gesegon, 
gesegan (3128, 3038), sele (1135), setan (1602), weg (3132, 1907), Won- 
redes, -reding (2971, 2965), gefegon (1627), ]?egun, )?egon (2633, 563). 

Cf. with the above forms the following also found in Beowulf: 
seel, sieton, waig-, gefsegon, )?8egon. 

(d) Absence of breaking. 

Unbroken a before r + cons, occurs in ' hard-fyrde ' (2245). 

(e) Non-W. 8. breaking. 

Non-W. S. breaking of e before 1 + cons. occurs in 'seolfa' (3067). 
S. 81, B. 138. 

(/) Absence of palatalisation. 

This distinguishes as non-W. S. the form 'gsest' (102, 1800, 2073, 
2312, 2670, 2699, 1331, 1995). B. 156, S. 75. 
Cf. gist, giest, gyst (7 times). 

P. G. THOMAS 205 

(g) Non- W. S. u- or a-umlaut. 

u- or a-umlaut of e to eo occurs in : eofoSo (where Northumbrian 
eo appears for ea, 2534), eotonisc, eotenisc (2979, 1558), meodu, meodo 
(5, 1643, 1980, 1902, 638), meoto (489), meotod (1077), weora (2947),. 
giofan (2972), geofa (2900), geofena (1173), geofum (1958). 

Cf. etonisc, me^du, -o (11 times), metod, wera (4 times), gifu (4 
times), agifan, ofgyfan. 

i to io (eo) in: freotJo, -u, frioSo, -u (851, 188, 522, 2959, 1942, 
2282, 1096, 1707), hleoSu (710, 820, 1358, 1427), gewiofu (697), hleonian 
(1415), leoSo (1505, 1890), leofaS (974, 1366, 2008), riodan (3169), 
scionon (303), seoSSan (1775, 1875, 1937), cliofu (2540), leomum (97). 
weotena (1098), wreo)?en (1698), nioSor (2699). 

Cf. friSu, hliSo, lifaS, lyfaS (3 times), witena (3 times), nij?er, ny]?er. 


(a) Unbroken a before I -[-cons, may occur in: alwalda (316, 955), 
anwalda (1272), balwon (977), baldor (2428), balde (1634), aldor (56, 
369, 392, 668, 15, 718, 805, 1587), aldre (346, 661, 680, 955, 1434, 1447, 
1469, 1478, 1524, 1779, 2005, 2498), aldres, aldrum (822, 1002, 1565, 
510, 538), hals (298, 1566), waldend (1661, 1693, 1752, 2741, 2875, 183, 
2292, 3109), galdre (3052). 

Cf. alwealdan, bealdor, ealdor (18 times), heals (9 times), wealdend 
(3 times), gealdor. 

It should, however, be noted that Aelfred has several examples of 
unbroken a (B. 134). 

(b) i-umlaut of ea as e occurs in: gesene (1244), eS- (1110, 2861), 
e3e (2586), leg (3115, *3145, 2549, 3040), nedlari (2223), eg (577, 
*2893), hedige (3165). These forms may also be Kentish, B. 96,, 
184, S. 159. 

Cf. gesyne (7 times), eaSe (4 times), ea'5-, y5e (twice), yS-, lig 
(10 times). 

(c) i-umlaut of ea before r + cons, may occur in : werhSo (589), 
wergan (133, 1747), underne (2911), serce (2539, 2755), mercels (2439), 
though a similar phenomenon is found in Aelfred and Aelfrte (B. 179). 

Cf. undyrne (4 times), syrce (7 times). 

before I-}- cons, in ' eldo ' (2111) and in 'eldum' (2214, 2314, 2611, 
3168), which forms may also be Kentish as Ten Brink held (p. 240). 
M. L. R. 14 

206 Notes on the Language of Beowulf 

Cf. yldo (5 times), ylda, yldum (6 times). 
Also in wselm (2546, 2135, 2066), sseld (1280). 
Cf. wylm, seld-. 

In most of these words smoothing to e or 33 had taken place before 
i-umlaut (S. 162, note 5). 

(d) i-umlaut of iu occurs in ' eorres ' (1447) S. 100. 
Cf. yrre (8 times), yrringa (twice). 

i-umlaut of iu possibly in : diore (1949), deore (2236, 488, 1528, 
1879, 561, 1309), deogol (275), heoru (1372), unhlore (2413), unheoru 
(987), mowan (1789), eoweS (1738). 

Cf. dyre (4 times), dygel, unhyre, mwe (5 times), niw-, geniwod, 
-ad (3 times), ywde. 

Such forms, however, may also be Kentish, and are not unknown 
to L. W. S. writers (B. 189). 

(e) Smoothing of eu to e before rh occurs in ' ferh ' < ' *feurh ' (2706) 
and in ' hleor-berge ' (304). 

before h in gehSu (3095), where i-umlaut has followed, S. 164. 

Cf. giohSo, *giohSe (2267, 2793). 

wit5er-raehtes (303) may be a Northumbrian form. S. 164, B. 207. 

(/) Smoothing of ceo to ce before h occurs in ' gesehtlan ' (369) and 
<gesehted'(1885). B. 205. 

Cf. eahtode, eahtedon. 

before rg and rh in 'hergum' (3072) and ferh < *fa3orh (305). 
S. 162 

Cf. *hserg-trafum (175). 


(a) u or a-umlaut of a. 

This is the most characteristic feature of Mercian, and occurs in : 
eafera, eafora (12, 19, 897, 375, 2358, 2992, 1547, 1847, 2475, 1185, 
1710, 1068, 2470), eatol (2074, 2478), heafo (2477), heafolan (2697, 
2679, 2661), hea]?u, -o (41 times), meaglum (1980), eafoS (602, 960, 
2349, 1466, 1763, 1717), Eafores (2964). 

Cf. atol, atelic (10 times), hafelan, hafalan (11 times). 

(b) Narrowing of ce to e, which may also be Kentish, is found in : 
drep (2880), hreSe (991), secce (600). 

Cf. hraSe, saecce. 

(c) i-umlaut of ea (or ce) to e occurs in ' gest ' (1976, 994), B. 182. 
This form may be Kentish. 

P, G. THOMAS 207 


As has already been shown, most of the supposed Kentish forms 
may be either Anglian, Mercian, or L. W. S. The form t specan ' (2864) 
may, likewise, be either L.W.S. or Kentish (Sw. 151, S. 391). In 
' trem,' a foot's space (2525), we may possibly have a Kentish narrowing 
of y to e ; cf. ' trym ' (Maldon, 247). Kentish ' getremman ' is cited in 
B. 162. 

Of these 269 forms, classified as non-W. S., 92 belong to the 
Anglian, 73 to the Mercian dialect; the Kentish forms are all 
doubtful. If the 10 forms be added, the number of non-W. S. forms 
is brought up to 397. 




THE early editions of Greene's plays and poems abound in obviously 
corrupt readings, probably due in many instances to the illegibility of 
the author's handwriting, which, according to the testimony of his 
friend Chettle, ' was none of the best.' Most of the corruptions have 
been removed by the ingenuity of Dyce and other scholars ; but there 
remain several which the latest editor, Prof. Churton Collins, has either 
given up as hopeless, or has attempted to correct by conjectures that 
appear to me unsatisfactory. 

The play misnamed (in the posthumous first edition) James the 
Fourth contains an unusually large number of these unsolved puzzles. 
That the copy was very badly written may be inferred from the extra- 
ordinary amount of corruption in one passage where the correction is 
certain. In the interlude after Act I, two lines of the inscription on 
the tomb of Cyrus appear in the quarto as follows : 

And I prithee leaue me not thus like a clod of clay 
Wherewith my body is couered. 

The passage in Plutarch's Life of Alexander from which this inscription 
is taken shows, as Prof. Collins observes, that the true reading of the 
first of these lines is, ' And I prithee enuie me not this little clod of clay.' 
The stage-direction at the beginning of this play is thus printed by 
Prof. Collins : 

" Enter Aster Oberon, King of Fayries ; an(d) Antique(s), who dance about 
a Tombe... ; out of the which suddainly starts vp, as they daunce, Bohan, a Scot, 
attyred like a ridstall man, from whom the Aritique(s) flye." 

Neither Prof. Collins nor any preceding editor, so far as I know, has 
made any remark on the title prefixed to the name of Oberon, though 
the fact that it does not occur elsewhere in this connexion might 
reasonably have excited suspicion that something was wrong. Further, 
antique was formerly used as a collective noun, meaning a company of 
dancers grotesquely habited, so that the letters inserted by the editor 



are wrong. The beginning of the stage-direction should, I think, un- 
questionably read : ' Enter, after Oberon King of Fayries, an Antique, 
who dance about a Tombe.' In the latter part, the word ridstall has 
been a puzzle to all the commentators. Prof. Skeat has suggested that 
'a ridstall man' means a man who 'rids' or cleans a stable. This 
explanation can hardly have seemed quite satisfactory even to its pro- 
poser. It would, I think, be impossible to find in English of any period 
an instance of an adjectival compound of verb and object noun serving 
to designate a man's office or employment. I believe the truth is that 
what Greene wrote was ' a raskall man/ meaning a man of the humblest 
class. This sense of rascal was common in the 16th century. A good 
example is quoted in the Oxford Dictionary from Udall : * He that 
purifieth al thinges cam as one of the raskall sort.' 

In Act IV scene 3 of the same play there is the following dialogue : 

Shoomaker. Gentleman, what shoo will it please you to haue 1 ? 
Slipper. A fine neate calues leather, my friend. 
Shoomaker. Oh, sir, that is too thin, it will not last you. 
Slipper. I tell thee, it is my neer kinsman, for I am Slipper, which hath 
his best grace in summer to bee suted in lakus skins. 

For lakus skins Collier suggested lackass skins] but the word jackass is 
not known to have been in use earlier than the 18th century ; besides, 
one does not see why there should be supposed to be any near kinship 
between ass-skin and calf leather. The context obviously demands 
either ' calues skins ' or something nearly synonymous. As one of the 
Elizabethan forms of capital C, when badly written, might easily be 
mistaken for I, and misreadings of k for I are notoriously common, I 
think there need be little hesitation about correcting lakus into Calues. 

A few lines earlier in the scene Slipper says to the tailor, ' I tell 
thee, a flap is a great friend to a storrie; it stands him in stead of cleane 
napery.' The editors leave storrie without explanation. I would doubt- 
fully suggest that it is a misreading of sloven, which seems to suit the 
context. In 16th century MSS. si and st are sometimes not easily dis- 
tinguished. The word sloven is used elsewhere by Greene. 

In Act ill scene 2 (Collins, 1. 1199) the quarto has 'They seeke a knot 
in a ring.' I know of no other example of this form of the (originally 
Latin) proverbial phrase ' to seek a knot in a rush.' As the final h of 
16th century handwriting, when badly written, is liable to be mistaken 
for a g, it seems not impossible that rush was what Greene Wrote. 

In the same scene (Collins, 11. 1271-2) the quarto reads : 

Sieur laques, this our happy meeting hides 
Your friends and me, of care and greeuous toyle. 

210 Some Textual Puzzles in Greenes Works 

It is evident that hides makes no sense. Dyce substituted hinders. 
Prof. Collins introduces priues into his text, justifying this bold altera- 
tion by the unlikely assumption that the copy was read to the com- 
positors while being set up. But even as an error of hearing the change 
of prives into hides does not seem particularly likely, and I do not know 
of any example of the verb prive in the required sense. I venture to 
suggest frees, which certainly gives the right meaning. At first sight 
this emendation may seem more violent than those of the two editors, 
but in reality the graphical difficulty is very small, because the MS. d 
and e often scarcely differed except in size, and the combinations hi and 
fr were sometimes not greatly dissimilar in appearance. 

The bad French assigned to Jaques in this play is a difficulty for an 
editor, as it is impossible to say how far the blunders of grammar and 
spelling are due to the printer and how far they are the author's own. 
Perhaps the best course would have been to leave the gibberish of the 
quarto unaltered in the text, and give the probable correction in the 
notes. Prof. Collins, however, has chosen to introduce his conjectures 
into the text. It is not worth while to criticize his restorations in 
detail, but they seem to me sometimes to do too much violence to the 
recorded reading. For instance, in Act IV scene 5 (1. 1697-8), the origi- 
nal has : ' You no dire vostre prieges ? vrbleme merchants famme,' which 
the editor alters to ' You no dites vostres prieres ? morbleu, mechante 
femme! It is not easy to see how morbleu could be corrupted into 
vrbleme, and villeine, which is graphically more plausible, will suit the 
sense equally well. It is to be remarked that words and sentences of 
foreign languages were commonly written in the ' Italian hand.' 

In the preface to his edition Prof. Collins says : ' I have very rarely 
admitted conjectures into the text even where corruption cried for 
them.' He has, however, several times (of course not without due 
notice in the footnotes) altered the spelling of the quartos quite need- 
lessly, substituting, e.g., hairs for heares, and coin for quoine, although 
the condemned forms were in the sixteenth century regarded as quite 
admissible. I have noted two instances in which the alteration is more 
than merely orthographical. In Alphonsus, line 11, Prof. Collins has 
followed Dyce in printing idless* slights (with the apostrophe !) for the 
Idels slights of the quarto. The word idlesse appears to be Spenser's 
coinage, and I am not aware that he used it before 1596, which is later 
than the date of Greene's death. At any rate we have no reason to 
suppose that Greene intended to use the Spenserian word in this 
passage, for idle occurs in contemporary writings as a substantive in the 



sense of idleness. The other needless correction is in Looking Glasse, 
1. 1820, where the quartos read ' As I was comming alongst the port 
ryuale (Qq. 3, 5 ryualt) of Niniue.' Dyce and Prof. Collins have altered 
ryuale into royal. But surely ' port rival ' (i.e. port on the bank of the 
river) is at least as likely to be right as the proposed substitute. In 
Looking Glasse 11. 1516-8, 

Sun-bright as is the eye of sommers day, 
When as he sutes Spenori all in gold 
To wooe his Leda in a swanlike shape, 

some correction is of course needed. But Mitford's brilliant suggestion 
of ' his pennons ' for Spenori ought not to have been intruded into the 
text. It does not, after all, yield a quite satisfactory sense, and the use 
of pennons for ' wings ' or ' pinions ' first occurs, so far as is known, in 
Paradise Lost. The reading in the old editions reminds me of the 
mysterious the Eronie (apparently meaning the sky) in Dekker's Mag- 
nificent Entertainment (Dram. Wks. 1873, I. 319). The combinations 
spe and the are written nearly alike in some MSS. But what is 
'Eronie'? Dyce's conjecture 'ourany' cannot well be right. 

I do not know why all the editors of the Looking Glasse have chosen 
to follow the later quartos in printing the name of the King of Nineveh 
as ' Rasni,' instead of retaining the form ' Rasin ' of the first quarto. It 
has, perhaps, not hitherto been remarked that the name of Rasin and 
his sister Remelia must have been suggested by the Vulgate text of 
Isaiah viii. 6, ' Rasin et filium Romelise.' It is not absolutely certain 
that Greene and Lodge mistook the 'Romelia' of this passage for a 
female name, but appearances are badly against them. 

The nature of some of the corrections offered in this paper suggests 
the remark that the conjectural criticism of Elizabethan texts has 
hitherto taken far too little into account the peculiarities of the hand- 
writing of the period. The misreading of MS. is not, of course, the only 
source of corruption ; even in dealing with ' reprint copy ' a compositor 
will often substitute one letter for another, owing to carelessness or 
wrong distribution of type, and will sometimes catch at the general 
drift of a sentence instead of reading each word as he sets it up ; but it 
is no doubt from difficulties of handwriting that the most puzzling 
errors usually proceed. It would be a considerable help to textual 
critics if some one would compile a judiciously classified dist of the 
kinds of mistakes most frequently met with in the original editions of 
sixteenth century works. 



SINCE the recent publication of the very elaborate and careful 
article upon Wilhelm Mtiller in the Eighth Book of Goedeke's Grundriss 
(pp. 255 278) there has been little expectation of any new sources of 
information concerning that poet. Not long ago, however, I learned 
from Dr Alfred Rosenbaum of Prague (author of the article mentioned) 
that the Deutsche Blatter fur Poesie, Litteratur , Kunst und Theater 
(published during 1823 in Breslau by Schall and Karl von Holtei) 
contain a large number of contributions, many of which are quite 
unknown. Two expeditions to Berlin proved fruitless, but after much 
correspondence I was fortunate enough to receive by post the volume 
which belongs to the University of Breslau. The journal, which 
was one of the multifarious enterprises of that adventurous free-lance, 
Karl von Holtei, appeared four times a week, and shows an unexpected 
distinction of form : there is hardly another magazine of the period 
which exhibits such chaste proportions, elegant simplicity of arrange- 
ment, clearness of print, and excellence of paper. Holtei had already 
met Mtiller during a visit to Berlin in 1817, when Holtei was taken up 
by the circle of the Gesellschafter. Mtiller proved very congenial, and 
secured Holtei's introduction to the manager of the Berlin Theatre, 
which did not, however, lead to the acceptance of his unknown 
plays, as he had hoped. Again in August, 1820, Mtiller happened to 
meet Holtei in Saxon Switzerland, at a time when the latter was 
starting upon a tour as vagrant reciter. The poet remonstrated with 
him, urged him to go upon the stage, and furnished him with an 
introduction to Tieck, who at once gave him an engagement in the 
Dresden Royal Theatre (Holtei, Vierzig Jahre, 3, 238 ff.). When 
Holtei established his short-lived Obernigker Bote in Silesia in 1822, 
Miiller contributed to it on September 23 the poem Dem dlterlichen 
Brautpaare, which was not republished until 1868, from another source 
(Max Miiller's ed. 1, 111). 


Holtei had always an audacious way of getting around the ordinary 
restraints of society, and his Deutsche Blatter published many things 
which in North Germany would certainly have led to the interference 
of the censor. It was doubtless for this reason that Miiller found it a 
useful organ, and contributed so often to its pages. He himself was 
habitually getting into conflict with 'the powers that be' in press- 
affairs. The ground-note of Mliller's temperament was personal 
freedom, a restiveness under arbitrary interference of whatever sort. 
When he and his four young poet-friends, who had served together in 
the War of Liberation, renewed their literary bond in Berlin and pub- 
lished (January, 1816) the volume Bundesbluthen, they at once awakened 
the hostility of the censor. The following verses, prepared by them- 
selves for insertion as advertisement of the forthcoming poems, and as 
innocent of treason as their verses themselves, for the most part, of 
literary distinction, were at once forbidden : 

5unf (ganger reid)ten einfteng fttf> bie ^anb 
3u eto'geu $5unbeg tyeU'gem llnterpfanb. 
>ie fatten (ang in frommer @tut gefocfyten 
5iir ott, bie Jre^eit, Sfrauentieb nnb @ang, 
llnb (Sidjengrim nm ifyre @tim geflocfyten, 
(Srrungen in ber ffiaffen unlbem 2)rang, 
Unb ba fie nun bie 5vei)t)ett fiegcn macfyten, 
23etbanben fie fid) treu jn fjeitrem Jttang : 
tlnb oon ben 33lutf)en, fo ber 33unb getragen, 
2Bitt (udj bieg 58ud? bie erfte Jtunbe fagen. 

Personal remonstrances of the indignant young authors were of no 
avail : the censor rated them chiefly for emphasizing the word ' freedom ' 
in the advertisement. When they pleaded that the King himself had 
called them out in the name of ' freedom/ he answered : ' Yes, at that 
time ! ' 

In Urania for 1822 (Leipzig, 1821) Mtiller published a long literary 
essay on Byron, in which, speaking of the widespread personal interest 
in the English poet, he said : ' Maria Louisa, " proud Austria's mournful 
flower," once asked where he was sitting in a theatre ' a sentence 
which caused the entire edition to be forbidden throughout the Austrian 
empire. From this time on, Miiller had constant annoyance from the 
Leipzig censor, who repeatedly mutilated his reviews for Brockhaus's 
literary periodicals, to which Miiller was a constant contributor 1 . The 
publication of the first volume of the Neue Lieder der friechen was 

1 Through the kindness of the present head of the firm of F. A. Brockhaus, I have 
been granted free access to 129 entirely unknown letters of Wilhelm Muller, extending 
from 1819 to the day before the poet's death in 1827. These letters shed a flood of light 
upon many little-understood events in Miiller's career. 

214 Newly -Discovered Political Poems of Wilhelm Muller 

delayed because of these difficulties, in connection with which Muller 
writes that the Imprimatur for such poems is also not easy to obtain in 
Dessau. A proposed third volume of burning poems in favour of the 
independence of the Greeks (already announced in the Deutsche Blatter 
of March 4, 1823) was entirely suppressed in Leipzig. At the end of 
1823 a poem upon the execution of the Spanish revolutionist Raphael 
Riego was also suppressed (published first in 1844; see Max Mtiller's 
ed. 2, 131, where it stands wrongly among Griechenlieder). In 1824 
Miiller's review of poets of the Greek cause is interfered with because 
of certain objectionable phrases, and he himself proposes 'bedrangte 
Griechen ' for ' bedrangte Mitchristen,' in order to appease the censor. 

Mtiller's contributions to Deutsche Blatter are in five groups : (1) 14 
Devisen zu Bonbons (Jan. 23 June 23). (2) 19 Tafellieder (Jan. 27 
Dec. 23). (3) 2 Strafgedichte in favour of Greek independence 
(March 4). (4) 10 poems belonging to the cycle Die Winterreise 
(March 13 and 14). (5) The First Act of a drama Leo, Admiral von 
Cypern, which ran through eight numbers (May 5 16) and seems 
never to have been completed, though Muller sent Brockhaus the 
Second Act on June 15, 1823. The two first groups concern us more 

It is easy to understand Miiller's purpose in the veiled satires which 
are so artfully mixed among more harmless poems even if he had not 
himself described them, in a letter to Brockhaus of February 26, 1823, 
as ' Gesellschaftslieder zum Theil politische Chansons' (Amer. Journ. 
of Philology, 24, 134). He had fought through the War of Liberation 
with enormous enthusiasm, and immediately upon its close had been 
cast into utter disappointment by the ruthless reactionary politics of 
European statesmanship. Despots, diplomats, and parasites held the 
lately-aroused spirit of freedom in check, and all that was left was the 
indignant protest, in a spirit of half-suppressed indignation, against 
those who were in possession, or in favour. The cause of the Greeks 
despised by all European governments burned into his soul. Under 
a harmless title the poet speaks out, hoping that his protest may make 
itself heard between the lines. The censors had keen perceptions, 
however, and it seems sure that those songs which Muller did not 
include in his next volume (most of the poems in Deutsche Blatter 
appeared in his Gedichte eines reisenden Waldhornisten, 2. Bandchen, 
Dessau, 1824) were left out because the publisher dared not print 
them 1 . 

1 All these poems are to appear in the writer's forthcoming Gedichte von Wilhelm 
Muller. Vollstandige kritische Ausgabe. B. Behrs Verlag. Berlin. 



The group Devisen zu Bonbons bears the inscription : ' Allen 
deutschen Konditoreien gewidmet ' ; and the additional note : ' Die 
Bilder werden durch die Uberschriften bezeichnet. Dem Dichter 
schwebten die bekannten Pariser Bonbons vor, die auf diese Weise 
unter uns zu nationalisiren waren.' The innocent Devisen (Rosenknospe 
und Thautropfen, Amor in einer Rosenknospe, Amor als Bettler, and 
the like) are very light Anacreontic poems, and occur in all editions 
since 1824. Very different is the political song (January 23, 1823) : 

(tn tfrebS. 

SBort bcr 3eit; 


ftidjt jit fd)nef( unb nidjt ju tt>eit, 
2Bie'g an mir ju fefyen! 

S5in gum Jtcdjen je$t 511 gut, 
SB if( nunnte^r ftubiren, 
Unb in ber repttten 33rut 
3D?id; brao btfttnguiven. 

fefjon tceit gebrad>t 
3Rtt bem tudtvarte @c^retten: 
^renfterne, otb unb SWad^t 
ben guten Senten. 

ittf, i>tlf bit miv fort! 
2)ir gefjort mein Seben. 
Jpanb in ^>anb unb ffiort auf 5Bcrt, 
u^ ftrebcn ! 

In the volume of 1824 Miiller published a very much modified and 
greatly subdued variant of this song among his Tafellieder, under the 
title Ruckwdrts ! (Max Muller's ed. 2, 55). 

One of the most peppery of these ' Bonbons for German Confec- 
tioners ' appeared on June 23 and is entitled : 

(Sin reu$$en in ber neueften 

3d) Jtreuj, mein eigneg Jtteitj eucf> ftage, 

2Bie man mir mitfpielt I)eut' ju Xage. 

3n alien bunten s Dtobebuben, 

S3ei (Sfyriften, ^>eiben cber Suben, 

Jpat man mid) fell on olt> unb @ifen f 

Unb, um mir (Sfyve ju evweifen, 

S'rdgt mid) bie 2)irn' auf narften 93rnften 

S3ei eitlem @tol^ unb unlben Siiften. 

3luc^ auf bem $utifd) mu^ i^ fte^en, 

Unb fcfyminfen, flebcn, pfiaftern fef>en, 

216 Neivly -Discovered Political Poems of Wilhelm Muller 

Unt Slbenbs fdjntiuf irf) bann bic ftefie, 

3ur Unterfyattung frontmer djh. 

3n euren neuen ^tmanacfyen 

2Kup id? bag ititelfupfer mad)en, 

Unb barf im Smtern and? nicfyt feftfen, 

Sftufj im @onett mid) laften qudlen, 

Unb gn>ifd)en dotting, Saun unb (Slauren 

@in ttebee? tanged 3al)r aueibauern. 

@elb|l in ben 3urferbdcferlaben 

SBerb' ic^ gepragt anf i^ort' unb ^laben, 

Unb eingetotrfelt in $apieren 

ic^ JBonbond aid 93ilbd)en jteren, 

ic^ n?dre fd)on oerfommen, 
tc^ nicf>t nteiner angenontmen 
3)ie ^otitif auf ifyrem Xljrone, 
Unb au^ beef buntmen $6betg Define 
3Widf> gtorrett^ $u ftc^ aufgeijcben. 
@eitbem fc^n^eb' id? jtvar wieber oben, 
Unb fterb' in 51 f ten unb Xraftaten 
eefyrt von frommen 2)iplomaten; 
9lf(ein im fdjonen SWorgentanbe 

mic^, gn after (S^riften @d^anbe, 

aflem Sammern, a((em S3eten, 
grau $olttif mit 5ii^en treten. 
3(^ feuf$' unb mup baretn mid^ finben: 
2Ber famt bte ^olittf ergrimben? 

The last six lines have, of course, reference to the Greek struggle. 

The Tafellieder are, like the Devisen, mixed in character, a few 
being purely convivial, though in general Mtiller's famous songs of 
German wine have decidedly a political tendency. 

In Vino Veritas! 

$>ie SSafyrfyeit tebt im SiJein. 
Saft btefen <Sprnc^ nn^ efjren, 
Unb von bent -ipeucfeelfcfyein 
2)er 3eit un$ nic^t bet{>oren. 

2Kit fetnem Xiamen nennen, 
Unb uber err unb Jtnec^t 
97ur ein efe^ erfennen! 

ie SBa^r^eit tebt im SBein. 
9Bem gilt ber erfte 33ed^er? 

ftar unb tauter ein! 
gilt bem rug$erbred)er, 

bei bem fyetlften 
tjcd), ttef, nafy unb fern 
birgt, ruft ju erid)te. 


>ie ffiafyrfyeit lebt im 28ein. 
2)er (Str-'ge frdgt uad) Sfyaten ; 
@r fd)auet nicfyt fyinein 
3n 91 f ten unb raftaten, 
3)a tool)! fein SKame ftefyt 
SKit grower djrift gefcfyrieben: 
2>er 93ud$ab', er *ergef)t 
SKo ift ber etft gefclieben? 
JDte SBa^eit lebt im OBetn. 
2Bag na^en bcrt fur djaaren? 
<Ste jie^en fingenb ein, 
epu^t mit f<^licf)ten ^paaren. 
@inb ba^ bic frommen Seitt', 
2)ie fidj in Sllmanad^en 
SKtt ifjrer ^rcmmtgfeit 
@o n)imberjierli^ nta^en? 

3)ie Safyrtyeit (ebt im SSein. 
SSem gift bet jioeite S3ec^ev? 
@uc^ fofl er Ijetlig fein, 
3t)r farfen Sugenrd'd^er, 
2)ie fur ber ffltoljrijeit X^rcn 
SKit ^anb unb SKunb geftritten, 
Unb gern, al tegeglofyn, 
^o^n, Stotf) unb Xob erlitten! 

JDie 2Bat)r^ett lebt im sffiein. 
Saft nic^t auf tjotjen aiilen 
33on blanfem 2J?armorftein 
2)ie SBltd' af(ein ereilen. 
5)te 2Ba^r(>eit nrinft ung fort, 
Unb jeigt in oben Jlluften 
Une! manc^en fjeU'gen Drt 
5D?it ungef(i)mucften ruften. 
>ie SBa^r^ett tebt im 3Sein. 

SBon ctb unb (Sbelftein 
$)ie freie 2huft b 
)eg 9lame nie erflang 
Slug eineg @dngerg 
35 en meint ber 33ed)er 
3n unfrer volfen Oiunbe. 

2)ie 2Bairt)eit tebt im 2Bein. 
^Jiun fflflt ben te^ten 33erf)er! 
2)o^ fe^t, ber ift nic^t rein, 
Unb fair finb ftare Setter. 
2Bem gilt ber 93cbenfafc? 
2)en truben Dbffuranten 
93rm Drben beg Sgnaj, 
Unb ifyren 9lnt>ertt)anbten ! 

(February 10.) 

218 Newly -Discovered Political Poems of Wilhelm Muller 

There is a sturdy spirit of protest in some of these stanzas which 
puts them among the most earnest of Miiller's verses. The fourth 
stanza aims at the younger Romanticists (such as the group connected 
with Fouque's Frauentaschenbuch) whose religion even showed a 
decidedly reactionary tendency. 

2)te Dicife tn'S 
aj?t unfrer 3eit ein ieb ung fiugen! 

@ie mil in'g s }>arabieg ung bvingen, 
@ie fiifyrt ung fidjerftd) fjiuein. 

Sajst wig mit if>r rucfrodrtg gefyn 
Unb nid)t uneber oonudrt^ fef)n ! 
OtiJicfdrte( gefyt'3 buri^ ^erenfeuer, 
3Son bem SRaben ^u bem eter, 

burcfy bog Xeufel^ ^iic^ 
be0 Jle^erbampf^ eriic^e, 

i^ jiim alten 
3)er ben Slpfel t^dt 
Olucfwdrtd big in' 
Sii^rt ung unfre Beit 

Saft unfrem 2Bein ein Sieb ung fingen! 

will in'g ^arabieg img bringen, 
fii^rt ung ficfyerltcfy i)inein. 
5liigel fe^t er 3ebem an, 
2Bo fie jebet braurfjen faun, 
Sin bem ^opfe, an ben Sefyen, 
Unb iit fcfyroeben nac^ ben -c() 
3So bie jungen Sercf>en fingen, 
iBo ber @:pfydren Xcne fltngen ; 
3n ber <Seligen eivimmel 
Xrdgt er ung burcfy fieben 
33ei ber @ternenlirf)ter @<^e 
rab' in'g ^arabteg i)inein. 

(March 25.) 

Similar in tone is a letter to Fouque from Muller on December 15, 
1821 : ' Was sagen Sie zu Oesterreich ? Da will man, wie es scheint, 
die Welt retour schrauben. ... Geht es mit dieser Maschinerie so rlistig 
fort, wie man anfangt, so kommt man nachstens zu der Inquisition und 
den Autodafe"'s etc. zuriick' (Diary and Letters of W. Muller, Chicago, 
1903, p. 99). 



Sicb' unb 28ein. 

3>d) finge nut son &ieb' unb SSein, 
Unb fdflt tnir etttag Slnbreg ein, 
<So fuff unb trinf id) gleid) eimuat 
Unb fdjicfe tnetn elitft ju fyal. 

efyab' bid) tr-cl)!, bit meine Beit, 
2ftit after beiner errlid?feit. 
3d? bin nid)t lourbig, ctt fei 3)anf! 
3 it ftngen beinen 8o6gcfang. 

5)ie Settling nntb ja ^oefie 
Unb ftmvt bie Jtraft ber ^8t)antafie, 
9Benn fie un^, fcf)U>aq auf grau unb \ 
beinen (fienret3. 


33 on tttan^em h)eltBeru{)mten 

3ft jet mir !aum bie 3eit 

91ur eine, bie t>erge)f icf) nie, 

Sragt if)t mid^ brunt, fo nenn' id) fie. 

$)e$ Saijre^, beffcn eblen ffiein 
3c^> frf)enr in biefen 93ec^er ein, 
2)e^ fei mit 3ubel jlet geba^t: 
3)ie S }>r0be t)dlt, tt?ag er gebrai^t. 

@g lebe a^t^ef)nf)unbert etf! 

@tot an barauf unb fagt: ctt fyelf! 

man jn>ei 3af>r barauf gm>ann, 

ott, tt)ot)in ber $i$ein yerrann! 

5)ie belter fyatte ol;l ein Sect) : 
9hm fci^merfen luir nur -efen nod), 
Unb mand^e fluge 3unge fpricfyt : 
2)ie ipefen bie beraufcfyen nii^t. 

3(J> lobe tnir ben flaren SBein; 
2)rum, S3riiber, fc^enft noc^ einntal ein! 
33i$ eifre& bringt bie beffre 3eit, 
3ft'^ Sieb' unb 3Bein, \w$ ung erfreut. 

(June 12.) 

In the last stanzas there is a noticeable expression of bitter dis- 
appointment at the apparent failure of the national uprising of 1813. 

Unfre ftonftitution. 

ier an unfrer Xafelrunbe, 

3n bem freicn Sieberbunbe, ^ 

n?ir gut fonftituirt ; 
afC auf $opf unb 
@inen berben ieb yertiagen 
5iir ba^ 9ted)t, bag un^ regierr. 

220 Newly -Discovered Political Poems of Wilhelm Mutter 

Jteine Xitel, ^reu^' unb (Sfyren 
Surfeit bem efefce roefyren, 
in biefem Staat ffctiri : 

unb Slrme, rep' unb Jtletne 
3Jiuffen trinfeu 21>ein sent 9Jr;eine 
2i>ie bet $6'nig fcmmanbirt. 

3)ocfy ber Jlonig felbft ba cben 
3ft bem @prucfye nid)t eutf)oben, 
SBenn er feincn @jepter fct)tt)ingt; 
eit er uneven nn^ unb trinfen, 
i^rinft unb ftugt er btes ^unt tnfen 
2)?it un^, ba^ eg* ftirrt unb ftingt. 

Uufer ^cnig ber foil leben, 
!Die SDJtnifter auct) baneben, 
Si^enn fie fc^enfen lauter ein; 
2Ber mit 5)lifd)mafd) ung betvogen, 
Tier itirb oor ericfyt ge^ogen 
Unb erbantmt ju tinfetvein. 

9lu^ ber reid>ften beutfc^en Cluede, 
<Starf unb ru()ig, ivarm unb fyede, 
Slieft ber 2Bein in unferm @taat, 
Jpebt ba^ -iperj unb irerft bie eifter, 
2Kad)t bie btoben Sungen breifter, 
Unb gtebt aden .Ropfen Oiatt). 

Sllfo faben eg gefjatten 

Unfre guten, tapfern 5llten : 

@ie berietfyen fid^ beim lag ; 

Unb bie neuen 2)tplomaten 

fatten aucfy auf s )Bein unb SSraten, 

Unb fyernacfy auf bieg unb bag! 

$ort nur mit ben ivelfcfyen Scfjaumen, 
3)ie in 2)eniagogentrauttien 
Sirbeln nac^ bent <irn empcr! 
ftovt attcft mit bem f^tveren, birfen 
Ungar, ber bag 8i^t erfticfen 
3Btll in fetner 2)unfte gtor! 

Cber lr>cllt ibr'g ernftlid) tvagen 
mit ung l>erum gu fd)lagett, 
fc rucEt fyeran jum Strau^l 

ung bed) nid>t in bie 3ppf e ' 
Unb ttnr bre^en eud^ bie Jlopfe, 
Unb ioir fiec^en all' eud) aug. 

Unfre ^arte ju befcfyuen, 
<Se^en gern wir unfre 2ftuen, 
93eutel unb ^erriicfen bran; 
$)emagogen unb JDefpoten 
3ft ber >anbfd)ufy angebcten, 
Unb njtr fte^n fur einen 


2)eutfd)e Sieber, beutfd^e Oteben, 
SDeutfdje Suft unb beutfdjeg I'eben, 
QMufyt auf beutfcfyer @rb' empor ! 
egnet imfre Safelrunbe, 
)ie aug einem soften Sftunbe 
(ud) begriifit im erjhn (51)or ! 

(August 7.) 

jungft mit >ivlomaten ; 
3n bie tiefe Jlunft ber @taaten 
33in id) ba f>inab gefunfen, 
Unb f>ab' tins baju getrunfen. 
D e^ ! > dc^ ! D tod) 
SBriiber, f>ott mirf> bod) 
Slug bem 

(SfyvifUnbriiber Iie id> fc^lac^ten, 
$eil fie ni(f)t potitifc^ batten, 
llnb gar, ot)ue tnicf) jit f ra 9 e "r 
Sliig^ ber ^>eiben 3od^ jerfcfylagen. 
D mef) ! D toef) ! D tce^ ! 

33ruber, (>olt mid) bod) J)erauS ! 

Jpalt' eg fyier nid)t (anger aug. 

Unb bie iipptgen S3arbaren 

mid) an meinen Jpaaren; 
tton tegitimen ^ra((en 
Sa^t man fid) baef itof)l gefaHen. 

D toety ! C iwel) ! D toefj ! 
SBriiber, ^)ott mid) bod) 
2Kic^ erfafjt ein falter 

llnb id) fdjrie aug of(er 
ott errette meine @eete 
9lng ber tiefen Jhmft ber taaten, 
S5on bem 5!ifd) ber Siplomaten ! 
D toefy ! D toelj ! D n>e^ ! 
S9ruber, fjolt mic^ bod) ^eraug 
Slug bem 2)iplomatenfd)maug ! 
Unb alg id) bason gejogen, 
^ort' id) toag son ^emagogen 
Winter mir bebenftid) brummen, 
Sifpetn, fiiiftern ober fummen. 

ott fei >an! ! id) bin fjerans 
Slug bem )iptcmatenfd)maug. ^ 

(August 14.) 

Like most other ventures of the sort, the Deutsche Blatter came to 
an end within one year, ceasing upon the last midnight of December, 1823. 

M. L. R. 15 


THIS poem has an interest for students of Dante : reference is made 
to it in the Convivio, Book IV, chap, xi, where Dante remarks that 
legacies fall more often to the wicked than the good, and goes on to 
exclaim : ' Cosi fosse piaciuto a Dio, che quello che domando il Proven- 
zale fosse stato, che "chi non e reda della bonta perdesse il retaggio 
dell' avere ! " The personality of the ' man of Provence ' has long been 
a difficulty: his identification with Giraut is due to Prof. Francesco 
Torraca of Naples, whose discovery was announced by Dr Paget Toynbee 
in a letter to the Athenaeum of April 18, 1903. There is no doubt that 
Dante had in mind 11. 29 33 of this poem: other reminiscences of 
Giraut, or perhaps unconscious coincidences of thought, occur in this 
fourth book of the Convivio. Thus in chapter xxvii : ' Ahi malastrui e 
malnati ! che disertate vedove e pupilli...edificate li mirabili edifici e 
credetevi Larghezza fare ! ' etc., we are reminded of Giraut's 

tals e tals vai tapis 
Pe-1 seu donar... 

in No-s pot sofrir ma lenga (see Kolsen, G. von Bornelh, Berlin, 1894, 
p. 92 and his note on p. 134 : ' der Dichter scheint hier Leute, wie es 
deren nicht wenige gab [s. Diez, Poesie, 48], im Sinne zu haben, welche 
sich die Mittel fur ihre Freigebigkeit auf unrechtmassige Weise 
erwarben '). A more interesting poem, to be read in connection with 
chapter x, on the text that riches are no test of worth, is Solatz, jois e 
chantars, published in Chabaneau's Poesies inedites des troubadours du 
Perigord, Paris, 1885, p. 33 : 

Qui mais ha e val mens 
Deu esser mens nomnatz.... 
Doncx per esser manens 
Voletz esser blasmatz ? 
Oc ben, si voletz vos 
Aver mais qu'esser pros. 

H. J. CHAYTOR 223 

In this poem, too, Giraut returns to the theme which forms the subject 
of Los Apleitz : 

pretz e jovens 
E bels captenemens 
En son mout descazatz, 
Si qu'als plus rics baros 
En ave mals ressos; 
Et estera lur be 
Qu'usquex penses de se 
Quar Dieus als plus prezatz 
Donet las heretatz. 

Bartsch (Grundriss, 242, 47) gives the following MSS. as containing 
copies of the poem : ABCDDcIKMNQRUVa. My text is based upon 
the following: A (Archiv, 33, 314; M. G., 853, Monaci, Studj, iii, p. 15), 
C fol. 8vo, col. 2, I fol. 18 a , K fol. 8b and c (the identity of I with K 
and of A with B is well known), M (M. G., 852), N fol. 168 a , Q fol. 100, 
R fol. 10, U fol. 1 (Archiv, 35, 363), V fol. 72 (Archiv, 36, 419 ; M. G., 
854), a fol. 2 (Stengel, Revue des langues romanes, 1892). 

I have to thank Professor A. Jeanroy of Toulouse for copies of 
CIKR, and Signor Benedetti of Florence for the copy of Q. I have not 
been able to procure a copy of D. These MSS. seem to me to fall into 
three groups, ANUV, IKMQRa, and C. The last, the best MS. which 
we possess, has been made the basis of the text. 

The rime scheme is : 6a (with internal rime) 6b 6b 6c 6c 6d 4d 64 
6e 6f 6f 6g 6g 6g 6g 6g. Maus (Peire Cardenals Strophenbau, Marburg, 
1884) notes this scheme under No. 675 ; the only corresponding poem 
given by him is one of Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (Bartsch, Grundriss, 392, 
22). He denotes line 13 as 4g instead of 6g, probably a misprint. 


Los apleitz ab qu'ieu suelh 
chantar e-1 bon talan 
ai ieu qu'avi' antan; 
mas, quar non trob ab cui 
5 ne deport ni-m desdui, 
no sui ges benanans. 
ai dieus ! quals dans 

1 aplegz M, aplez U, aple Q, apletz OIK, apleyt R. sueil N, suoill AIKR, 
sueilh M. 3 agra eu UKI, qa auia Q, quauia ATI. 4 no truep Na. 

5 no solatz M, nom solatz V. nim] ni MQ, no mesiau ni mesdui R. 6 ni 
non sui b. AKMNQRU, no soi ben amantz V. 7 oi d. N, deu Q, e d. V. 


224 Giraut de Bornelh: 'Los Apleitz' 

s'en sec e quals dampnatges ! 

quar cortz e bos usatges 
10 aissi menuza e falh 

no-n a i mil refrenalh ; 

mas, quar mon senhor platz 

jois e chans e solatz, 

m'esjau ab sos privatz ; 
15 e quan m'en sui lunhatz 

m'irasc ab los iratz. 


Mas destreitz me destuelh 

per que-m vau regaran 

si ia s'alegraran ; 
20 e ges a joi non fui 

ni-ls plazers no-m esdui, 

anz mi platz ades chans 

e gens mazans 

e cortz e vassalatges: 
25 ia-s pert als rics linhatges; 

par pros en son miralh 

cui ses esperonalh 

non s'esmera barnatz; 

e si-1 pair fo lauzatz 
30 e-1 filhs se fai malvatz 

sembla-m tortz e pechatz 

qu'aia las heretatz. 

8 cal damnatge QU. 9 iois e bos AIKNV, ioia e bon Q, usatge QV, 

cors a. 10 a si minut Q, aixi menut e V, menuzye (y a later insertion} 

N, ay si menut defalh R, aisi nienusaie f. U, merme defaill a. 11 noi 

agreu retenaill A, non agreu retanaill Q, nonna greu retenailh U. 13 ioi QR, 
bes e iois A, iois e bes V, bens e cant U, bes iois IK. 14 me iai ab se p. 
Q, los p. CR. 15 me son V. 16 ab los iratz] wanting in Q. 

17 destuelch V, destreg Q (other rime words as in I). 18 per qe IKQRU, 
per quen C, e sim uauc A, regardan IK. 20 quar ges MRVa. 21 nil 

uoler CRa, non CMQUV, desdui A. 22 qa mi IKMVUa. 23 e bels 

m. RA, e bel M. 24 tortz a, uasallatge QV. 25 ia CQRV, perda AQ, 

pergal bos 1. M, pergal bos usatges V, per gal bon lingnatge U, perde rics 1. IK, 
per dels rics 1. R, pert els rics a. 26 pair pro en son m. A, pareys pros son 
m. C, paire pros son m. IKR, paire pron son m. MU, pros pair en son m. Q, 
pros paire so mirals V, paire pro son m. N, pares pron son m. a. 27 qua 

s. CR, e uei ses IK, quo o senes speronail Q, car s. V, quoi s. Ua, esperdilailh U. 

28 sesmarra A, no sesmet als C, non sesmeral R, esmaral V, ses miral a. 

29 pairs CM, fos CIKQ. 30 filh UVa. 31 mi par t. AV, tort Q. 
32 les UV. hertaz Q. 




Mas quals dreitz o acuelh 

qu' elh filhs ai' atretan 
35 de rend' e 1 pretz soan ? 

ni quals razos adui 

que mieilhs non tainh' autrui ? 

qu' autreiat fon enans 

outra mil ans 
40 honors e senhoratges 

de son pretz e coratges 

e costa e trebalh; 

e-1 filhs si non trassalh 

non es doncs forlignatz; 
45 ara cum no-m mostratz, 

vos savi, que jutgatz ? 

s'als pros fol don donatz 

cum n'er dels desprezatz ? 


Mas neleitz er si -in tuelh 
50 per eels que falhiran 

de solatz ni de chan ; 

per fol tengatz celui 

qui se mezeis destrui 

ni-s vira malanans; 
55 per non sai quans 

33 doncs q. A, E q. QV, dretz CIK, dregz M, dreg QV (other rime words as 
in I). 34 qe f. Q, fill UV, aia trestan M, agestan V, autretan U. 35 renda 

cl ACIKQR. 36 o quels C, o q. U, cal QRV. 37 nois taigna A. 38 quieu 
ere qe fos AIKQMNR, qe ere fos ans V. 40 qonors CMQSUa, e onors en 

s. IK, e uasallatge U. 41 dones p. CIKQ, dauon MRa, dos e p. V, donan 

p. U. 42 costas IKMVa. 43 sil mieilhs tr. AMNRUa, fiel quel miels V, 
que miel IKQ. 45 era car IKMQa, eras com UV. 46 sauis AIKUV, uos 
sabi qui iviaz Q, uos autres R. 47 fo R, dons d. AQ, fos Q, fols V. 48 cum 

49 ff. This stanza is wanting in V. 49 mas na lezer sim U (rime words 

as in I). 51, 52 transposed IKMQRa, 52 wanting in IK. 52 qa fol IKMQ, 
qe fol R, car fol a, ten yeu R, teig eu a. 53 qui se gasta e d. AIK, gaste N. 
54 uire C, nis vicia malanz Q, malenans U. 55 nom U. 

226 Giraut de Bornelh : 'Los Apleitz' 

cui iois par nesciatges : 
que ricors ni paratges 
er greu qui no-s nualh 
puois qu' alegressa falh 
60 e no's camje viatz ; 

doncx que -us valra rictatz 
si ia no us alegratz ? 
qu' emperis e regnatz 
son ses ioi paubretatz. 


65 Mas 1'adreitz cors qu'ieu vuelh 

e desir e reblan 

m'a trait d'ir'e d'afan; 

e si jois la-m condui 

no sabran ja mas dui 
70 los entresseins ni Is mans ; 

que tortz es grans 

e sobeirans follatges 

quan per nescis messatges 

vilans e d'avol talh 
75 escapa del guinsalh 

ni-s fuig bon amistatz: 

mas ieu-m sui ben gardatz 

que no-n sia encolpatz, 

qu'uei non es vius ni natz 
80 per qu'ieu en fos proatz. 

56 cui par iois IKQ. 57 cui sabers ni MR, quel r. IK, que ricx cors C, 
qo o sober Q, ca sabeiz ni a. 58 non es que n. IKMQRtf. 59 pos al : M, 
pos alegran san f. C, puois alegransai f. IK, pos alegransail f. MQRa, pois allegra 
soau f. U. 60 e nois A, e no Q, e nous R. 61 e queus AIKMNQRa, 

recta9 Q, rieraitz a. 64 e ses AMR, esses IKN. 

65 Rime words as in I. 67 traig A, trag MN, trais Q, ira e 

ACIKQR. 68 men condui AV, mi condui IKQU, la condui R. 69 ia 

non s. mas AMNRa, nol s. QU. 70 entresels R, co sentresems a. 71 qenueis 
es MR, que auiatz es a. 72 sobre grans V, sobreire N. 73 per rnaluatz 

AN. 74 ni dauol AMNQU. 75 escampa A, escapar N, seschapa IK. 

76 ni f. AMQRVa, fui MQVa. 77 mas ieu sui C, mas ieu me sui garatz R. 
78 qanc non MQRa, fui en: MR, encusatz IKQV. 79 qe non A, quoi U, 

quanc non fo IK, quo non Q, aiei non es nuis a. 80 cui anc en fos privatz 
A, per cuy ieu fos R, uns per qen fos a, en] wanting V. 

H. J. CHAYTOR 227 


E-l espleitz si-m acuelh, 

so que-ilh querrai cantan, 

remaign' al sieu coman; 

qu'ab gens plazers redui 
85 quan no-s part ni-s defui 

1'adreitz cors benestans, 

ni-1 bels semblans 

ni-1 amoros usatges. 

qu'avinens es lo gatges 
90 que del cor als huelhs salh 

per qu'ieu, qui queis baralh 

ni s'apelhe forsatz 

me teing a ben menatz 

quan truep ben acordatz 
95 lo coratg'e la fatz 

e-ls ditz ben enseignatz. 


E puois enans no valh 
ni non sui aizinatz, 
bels seigner, sufertatz 
100 qu'ieu chant ab sos sufratz ; 
conosc ben que-1 comiatz 
porta plus de mil gratz. 


A-n Sobretotz digatz, 
vos que mon chan portatz, 
105 que sai s'es tant tardatz 
qu'el en semblara fatz. 

81 els esplegz sils macuoill C, ai es: a, sil V, e sil plag qlh macuoill R. 
82 querran Q, querra a. 83 tan remaingal U, son coman IK. 84 qabels 
p. M, cab bels a, cab bel R, qaien p. IK. 85 can non uolu MV, quant nos 

uol IKQ, quan nos uole R, can nos uolu mi d. a. 86 benistans Ma. 87 ni 

bels A, nil gens Q, francs gen parlanz IK. 90 qe dels hueilhs al cor s. 

MQRa, qant dels cor ab los oils s. U. 91 trebail a. 92 sa pella U. 

93 men teing IK, cum ten per ben pagaz Q, a dreg menatz Ra. 94 quan 

los trop ac: A. 95 lo uisatge ab la AIK (IK hardly legible}.- 96 ditz 

enamoratz M, ensegraz Q. 

VII Only in A and IK. 98 non son IK. 100 ab cosofratz A, que 
chan cab so suefratz IK. 102 mal gratz IK. 

VIII Only in AIKQ. 103 anz s. Q. 105 sai soi tan Q. 106 qu en 
semblera f. IK, qeu en senblami f. Q. 

228 Giraut de Bornelh : ' Los Apleit 


I. The instruments and the good spirit with which I was wont to 
sing, I have which I had before : but as I find none with whom to 
delight or disport myself, I am by no means in good case. Ah God, 
what loss and what misfortune results therefrom ! For joy and good 
manners are so minished and failing (that) there is no check thereto : 
but, as joy and song and cheerfulness please my lord, I disport myself 
with his friends, and when I am removed thence, I vex myself with the 

II. But need drives me forth and so I go looking to see if they 
will ever become cheerful : and I by no means flee from joy or withdraw 
myself from pleasure; on the contrary, song is ever my delight and 
pleasant bustle and courts and knightly service. High birth is even 
now lost to the rich; he seems a fine fellow in his mirror, to whom 
knighthood is not brilliant without spurs ; and if the father was praised 
and the son become a villain, it seems to me wrong and a sin that he 
should have the inheritance. 

III. But what right admits this, that the son should have as much 
revenue and put worth to shame ? And what reasoning brings it about 
that another should not hold it more worthily (i.e. the money) ? For 
more than a thousand years ago, fief and lordship were conferred for a 
man's worth and courage and pains and toils. And the son, if he does 
not pass all limits (of decency), does not lose his rank (i.e. degenerate) ; 
now, you wise ones, why do you not show me what your opinion is ? If 
to the excellent you give a foolish gift, how shall it be with those who 
are despised ? 

IV. But it will be a sin if I withdraw from song and pleasure, 
because of those who shall go astray; count him a fool who ruins 
himself and does not reform when he is sick : I know by name as many 
as there are to whom joy appears folly. There will be hardly wealth or 
birth which does not come to naught after cheerfulness fails and does 
not change at once (from failing). Then what will wealth avail you, if 
you are never joyous ? For empires and kingdoms are poverty without 


V. But the upright heart that I wish and desire and flatter, has 
withdrawn me from anger and grief, and if joy escorts her to me, not 
more than two will know the signals and the missives : for it is great 

H. J. CHAYTOR 229 

wrong and supreme folly when, through a scoundrel messenger, low 
born and of evil bearing, good friendship escapes and flees from the 
leading strings. But I have kept myself carefully that I be not blamed 
on that account : for there is not to-day a living soul by whom I would 
be called in question for it. 

VI. And the result, if she receives me, which I shall ask her (to 
do) in song, let that remain at her disposal : for with good pleasure the 
upright sound heart, if it does not depart or flee, brings back the fair 
bearing and the loving treatment. For delightful is the pledge which 
rises from the heart to the eyes : wherefore, let him who will, dispute 
and call himself outraged, I consider myself well treated when I find 
these in accord, namely, the heart with the face and the words well 

VII. And since I can no more avail and have no more opportunity, 
fair lord, suffer me to sing with feeble song ; I know well that leave- 
taking brings more than a thousand thanks. 

VIII. Say to Sir Sobretotz, you who bear my song, that it has 
delayed here so long that it will seem foolish for it. 


16 A better antithesis could be obtained by reading sos (against the authority 
of all the MSS.) instead of los. In this case, sos in 14 would be regarded as the 
substantive (sonus) : ' I disport myself with private songs (for my lord's ear only) ; 
and when I am far from this kind of composition, I give vent to my grief in songs 
of wrath. 3 On the question whether iratz is from irar or represents iratus from 
irascor, see Levy, Suppl. Worterbuch, whose quotations seem decisive in favour of 

21 ni'ls should be ni als. I have no example to hand of this crasis. 

25 If als bos be read, the meaning will be : ' high birth is lost to the good, i.e., 
brings no reputation ' ; ' riches only count.' 

26 f. esperonalh seems to be aira% \ey6fj.fvov. Levy quotes this passage only, of 
which he says : * ich verstehe die Stelle nicht.' The Glossaire occitanien translates 
the word as 'eperon.' I understand the passage to mean that the rich think only 
of outward show ; spurs, not virtue, make the knight in their opinion. It is also 
conceivable that miralh and esperonalh may be intended to bear a metaphorical 
sense: in this case I should read bos in 1. 25 and que-us in 27 and translate: 'it 
seems fitting in his opinion (i.e. the good man's) that one should not be accounted a 
noble without doughty deeds.' This rendering places an excessive strain upon 
miralh, and son is awkward after the plural bos. For the metaphorical use of 
miralh see Stimming, B. de Born (Edition of 1892), ix, 29, whence the sense of 
'opinion' is possible as a further development. 

29 ff. Kolsen (op. cit., p. 138) quotes this passage as an oppositiofl to 11. 45 47 
of No -s pot sofrir ma 

Car qui mor bos, sivans gazanha tan 
que pres de se dieus lo vai coronan, 
e laissa rics ses filhs de sa nomansa. 

230 Giraut de Bornelh: 'Los Apleitz' 

These lines are quoted in a poem entitled S(erventes) le Trobaire de Villa Arnaut 
(Bartsch, Denkmaler, p. 137), stanza 4 : 

en tota malventeira 

viu eel qi no tern vergeira 

q'en Girautz dis de(n) Borneira 

qe tortz es e granz pecul 

qel fils tenga atretul 

de renda el prez so soneira, 

qe miels tainh trop as autrul 

qen sapcha son devieira. 

On these false rimes Bartsch observes ' die Reimworte sind malaventura, vergonha, 
Bornelh, peccatz, atretan, autrui, dever ; soneira weiss ich nicht zu deuten.' As 
Kolsen points out (loo. cit.) the word is soan. 

39 mil am. An intentional exaggeration ; as we should say, ' from time 
immemorial.' This is a difficult passage; the argument seems to be a fortiori : 'if 
on the worthy you bestow a foolish gift (of wealth, which is foolish because it is 
retained irrespective of merit) what do you propose to give those whom you despise ? 
Surely nothing, and therefore the bad ought to be poor. 5 I owe this rendering to 
Professor A. T. Baker of the University of Sheffield, who has kindly read this 
article in manuscript. I had proposed to translate : ' if to the excellent you give a 
foolish gift, how shall it be one of things despised ? ' the argument being that, as 
the son loses rank by his misdeeds, so he should lose his wealth, which ought to be 
given to the good. You may call that a foolish gift, but it would ennoble the 
wealth, which would then be in the hands of a good man and be no longer despised, 
as it is despised when possessed by the bad. 

55 per non, i.e. there are very few of them : as we say, I could count them 
on one hand. Non for nom (except in U) is, however, unusual. 

66 reblan. Kolsen (op. cit., p. 115) says: 'reblandir heisst nicht "anbeten," 
sondern " sich (durch Schmeicheleien, Versprechungen) jem. wieder geneigt machen 
wollen '" and quotes this passage. 


metaphor than * leading-strings ' imply. Of. Godefroy, Diet., 

100 sufratZj from so/ranker (manquer), which should, however, be sofraitz. 

103 Sobretotz, a pseudonym of constant occurrence in Giraut's poems. See the 
razo to Si per mon Sobretotz no fos. 

105, 106 i.e. the song will appear feeble when the time consumed in its compo- 
sition is considered. 




THE origin of this expression in the sense of ' boon companion/ and 
its historical relation to merry grig, have not yet, as far as I am aware, 
been determined. When the article Greek was written for the Oxford 
English Dictionary Dr Bradley was in a position to say no more than 
that ' the difference of recorded date [gay greke 1536, merygreeke as the 
name of a character in Roister Doister, a. 1553, and merry grig 1566] is 
too slight to afford ground for saying that merry Greek is the original.' 
The following scraps of evidence may, however, point to the direction 
in which a solution of the difficulty is to be looked for. 

In the fifteenth century alliterative Alexander (edited by Prof. 
Skeat for the Early English Text Society) the collocation merry Greek 
occurs in the line 

>e mayntenance of J>e Messedoynes & of }>e meri Grekis (line 1179, Ashmole MS.). 

Considered entirely by itself, this instance might be taken to have no 
more significance than other alliterative epithets coupled with Greeks 
in the same poem ; viz., mony in the Dublin MS. version of this same 
line, and in both MSS. in line 1279, and trewe in line 986 (alliterating 
with Traces and Tessaloyne). But taken in conjunction with the two 
following passages from Shakspere's Troilus and Cressida 

Then she's a merry Greek indeed (1. 2. 118), 

A woful Cressid 'mongst the merry Greeks (4. 4. 58) 

in both of which the reference is, of course, to actual Greeks and 
with the development of the transferred meaning, it would seem to 
have a distinct value. It suggests the possibility of the occurrence of 
merry Greek (or perhaps gay Greek) as a conventional commonplace in 
some once-well-known version of the Alexander or the Troy story. This 
conjecture receives some support from the prominence given to the 
joyous mood of the Greeks in the earlier part of the twelfth century 
French Alexandriade. In the first hundred pages of the 1861 edition 
of this romance there are at least five instances in which their rejoicing 
is dwelt upon in such language as the following: Griu en out grant 

232 Miscellaneous Notes 

ioie eue (17/271), Li Griois sont ioiant qui le cop out veu (69/111), La 
veiscies per Vost les Grius mult esbaudis (101/120). 

The above considerations make at least for some probability in 
favour of merry Greek being the original form of the phrase and merry 
grig merely an alteration of it. 



Wordsworth in The Excursion, iv, 330, 331, introduces two lines 
from Daniel's poem, To the Lady Margaret, Countess of Cumberland : 

unless above himself he can 
Erect himself, how poor a thing is Man ! 

Wordsworth says Daniel translated them from Seneca, but does not 
give the reference. This is Nat. Quaest., Praef., 4 : ' quam contempta 
res est homo nisi supra humana surrexerit ! ' I find in Ben Jonson's 
Cynthia s Revels, i, 5, 30, another turning of the same thought: 

how despisde and base a thing is a man, 
If he not striue t'erect his groueling thoughts 
Aboue the straiue of flesh ! 

As Cynthia's Revels was acted in 1600, and Daniel's poem (published 
1603) was apparently written about 1599 (see Diet. Nat. Biogr.), it is 
probable that neither Daniel nor Jonson borrowed from the other, but 
each independently from Seneca. 



Puck. Sometime a horse I'll be, sometime a hound, 
A hog, a headless bear, sometime a fire ; 
And neigh, and bark, and grunt, and roar, and burn, 
Like horse, hound, hog, bear, fire, at every turn. 

(Midsummer Night's Dream, in, 1.) 

In the Arden edition there is no note on this curious phenomenon 
of a headless bear roaring, but in the Cambridge Shakespeare I find 
that two conjectures are recorded. Instead of headless Delius pro- 
poses heedless, and Gould curbless. No one seems to have thought of 
leadless, or leaderless. A lead is still used (a ' dog-lead ' is often called 
a ' lead '), and leadless seems preferable to leaderless, as involving less 
change. Although a ' lugged bear ' (if ' lugged ' means lugged about 
the country by a bear-leader) is a 'melancholy' beast, a bear that 
breaks its lead, and rages and roars, is a terrifying object a true bug- 
bear and therefore fitted for Puck's purpose. 


Miscellaneous Notes 233 

' DEEP PATH AIRES ' (Arden of Fever sham, m, v, 51). 

In the Athenaeum of December 24, 1903, Mr W. Headlam proposed 
to explain this well-known crux by reading pathaines, in the sense of 
' passionings,' from the Greek iraQaivofjLai. Mr Headlam is unable to 
accept Mr Gollancz's conjecture petarres, i.e., 'petards/ 'explosive mines.' 
Delius proposed deep-fet aires. I have to add one more guess to the 
list. In dealing with any Elizabethan crux of the kind, it has always 
been my habit to write out the words in a sixteenth century hand, so 
as to get some idea of how the MS. may have looked to the printer. 
The passage in Arden (Temple Classics Edition, p. 54) is as follows : 

Alice. But I will dam that fire in my breast 

Till by the force thereof my part consumes. 
Ah, Mosbie ! 

Mosbie. Such deep pathaires, like to a cannon's burst 
Discharg'd against a ruinated wall, 
Breaks my relenting heart in thousand pieces. 

Alice's ' Ah, Mosbie ' is intended to be a very deep sigh, as Mr Headlam 
says he could understand Mosbie to mean. This is in fact Mosbie's 
meaning. Writing in Elizabethan script the word pathaires, I am 
struck by the facility with which it might be misread for suspires, and 
I believe that the dramatist here really wrote ' Such deep suspires ' 
suspiria de profundis 'breake my relenting heart to pieces.' Her 
' deep suspires ' intensify his anguish of mind (cf. Hamlet, I, ii, 79 : 
'windy suspiration of forced breath'). I made this conjecture some time 
ago, but only lately did I hit on an interesting confirmation of it. In 
Heywood's Hierarchie of the Blessed Angels, 1635, p. 516, Heywood has: 

And fetching many a deep suspire and groan, 
His melanch'ly grew almost to despaire. 

The chronology is rather in the way of Arden being one of the plays in 
which Heywood had a ' maine finger,' but it is in the manner of his 
domestic tragedy, and the question whether he had any part in the 
authorship might be worth investigating. 



Growth and Structure of the English Language. By OTTO JESPERSEN. 
Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1905. 8vo. iv + 260 pp. 

Within the last few years many books dealing with the history 
and structure of the English Language have appeared, both in England 
and America. The names of Toller, Bradley, Emerson and Lounsbury 
need only be mentioned to recall to our minds a few of the best known. 
To the names of such we may now add that of Dr Jespersen, already 
well-known as a student of language generally, and of English in 
particular. The Danish professor has succeeded in fulfilling what 
might well be deemed the impossible task of writing a really new and 
original book on this well-worn theme. 

In the first portion of the book, dealing with the development of 
vocabulary, Dr Jespersen is full of suggestions and is often wholesomely 
sceptical as to some of our most cherished ideas. We may mention, 
as examples, the suggestion that the wealth of synonyms for ideas 
connected with the sea, found in Old English Poetry, was characteristic 
of a nation that had once been seafarers; the hypothesis that the 
characteristic diction of old English poetry, as distinct from prose, is 
to be ascribed, not to Anglian influence, but to a poetical koine or 
standard language ; the masterly characterising of the influence of the 
Scandinavian invasions on the English language ; the attack on the 
theory that the development of the classical element in the language is 
commendable on the score of international intelligibility, and tends to 
greater exactness of expression. 

In the chapters dealing with grammar, Dr Jespersen works on 
the lines of his Progress in Language, largely with the same happy 
results. He next treats of the language of Shakespeare, and of poetry 
generally. His account of Shakespeare is interesting, but is at times 
too subtle in its distinctions, as when he endeavours to show that 
Shylock is characterised by certain peculiarities of vocabulary and 
idiom, even in matters not belonging particularly to his creed or pro- 
fession. In the concluding chapter, we have an attempt to estimate 
the position of English among the languages of the world, and a 
prophecy of its future estate. 

Throughout the book Dr Jespersen has made frequent and acknow- 
ledged use of the New English Dictionary, and has through this means 

Reviews 235 

been enabled to add greatly to the value of his work by abundant 
citation of examples, often tending to disprove the hidebound theories 
of the older grammarians and lexicographers. At the same time, he 
has been occasionally misled by the great wealth of material at his 
command in the dictionary and by his own extraordinarily intimate 
knowledge of English idiom. There is at times apparent in the book 
a tendency to lay too much stress upon isolated examples of word or 
phrase. This is perhaps seen most clearly in the chapter dealing with 
the classical elements in English, where it somewhat vitiates the 
investigator's results. 

Other points on which one would like to join issue with the writer 
are his belief in a certain tendency towards prudery and euphemism 
in modern English, and his scepticism as to the usual estimates of the 
relative numbers of words used by various writers and members of 
different ranks of society. Also, though it savours of ungraciousness 
to reproach a foreigner with it, a good many students will probably 
doubt the truth of much of the eulogium which Dr Jespersen so liberally 
showers upon the English language. 

The book should be read by all serious students of the history of 
English, for it is brimfull of suggestions and should stimulate all alike 
to further effort and investigation. 


Pedantius. A Latin Comedy formerly acted in Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge. Edited by G. C. MOORE SMITH. (Materialien zur Kunde 
des dlteren Englischen Dramas, vm.) Louvain: A. Uystpruyst, 
1905. 1 + 164 pp. 

There have been numerous evidences of late that the English 
academic drama, and its relations to the popular stage, are being 
more attentively studied than hitherto. Not the least welcome of 
these is the present edition of Pedantius, which forms Volume vui 
of the valuable series of Materialien zur Kunde des dlteren Englischen 
Dramas now appearing under the general editorship of Professor Bang 
of Louvain. Professor Moore Smith is to be congratulated upon his 
enterprise in wandering from the ' beaten way ' of commentators, and 
in making generally accessible this neglected but important memorial 
of the sixteenth century Latin drama. His collation of the text of 
the quarto of 1631 printed about half-a-century after the first per- 
formance of the play with that of the MS. in the Library of Caius 
College, Cambridge, has never been attempted before and gives most 
interesting results. While there can be no reasonable doubt that the 
MS. version is the earlier, Professor Moore Smith in the rst section 
of his Introduction fairly establishes his contention that 'neither is 
in all points nearer to the original form of the play than the other.' 

When did this ' original form ' come into being ? The quarto has 
a prefatory statement that the play, when printed, was 40 years old, 

236 Reviews 

i.e. produced first in 1591. But this cannot be correct, for Sir J. 
Harington writing in that year uses words which imply that he and 
the Earl of Essex were present at a performance of Pedantius in Cam- 
bridge at a considerably earlier date. From a comparison of Harington's 
words with references by Nash to the play in Have with you to Saffron 
Walden, Professor Moore Smith arrives at the result that the ' play was 
brought out between the winter of 1580 and July, 1581.' This is 
probably correct, though it is somewhat venturesome, considering the 
frequency of College performances at this time, to seek to identify 
Pedantius as one of the ' playes ' on which the Junior Bursar of Trinity 
(as recorded in his account-book) laid out 5. 14s. S^d. on 6 February, 

The authorship of Pedantius is as difficult to determine as its date, 
and here the editor's conclusion is less convincing. Professor Moore 
Smith indeed disposes effectively, once and for all, of the baseless claims 
of W. Hawkesworth, the writer of a later academic play, Leander, and 
of Dr Beard, the Puritan tutor of Oliver Cromwell, though the piece 
has been assigned to each of them in different articles of the Dictionary of 
National Biography. But between the two serious candidates, Anthony 
Winkfield or (as the name is more commonly spelt) Wingfield, to whom 
the play is assigned by Nash in Strange Newes, and Edward Forcet or 
Forsett, who figures as author in the Caius College MS., Professor Moore 
Smith inclines to the latter, though with the qualifying clause that 
' probably more hands than one were engaged on ' the comedy. There 
is, however, no evidence external or internal in support of this theory 
of joint-authorship, and it seems to me that Wingfield's claim is far 
better substantiated than that of Forsett, who having matriculated first 
at Christ's College, became a Scholar of Trinity in 1571, and a Fellow 
in 1574. There is nothing in the interesting details of his life collected 
by Professor Moore Smith which points to his having been the man to 
write a broadly satirical comedy, and before giving credit to the attri- 
bution of authorship in the Caius MS. we should want to know when 
and by whom it was made. Nash, on the other hand, is a first-rate 
witness to Wingfield's claim. The novelist and pamphleteer had matri- 
culated as a sizar of St John's in October, 1582, and may have been in 
Cambridge a year before matriculation. Thus he began his University 
career soon after the play, on Professor Moore Smith's own showing, was 
produced, and as he had himself 'a hand in a show called Terminus 
et non Terminus,' in which he acted ' the Varlet of Clubs,' he must 
have been thoroughly familiar with the academic drama of his day. 
Moreover the passage in Strange Newes, which Professor Moore Smith 
does not quote fully, bears upon it, as it seems to me, the stamp of 
authentic knowledge of the provenance of the play. ' My muse,' cries 
Nash to Gabriel Harvey, ' never wept for want of maintenance, as thine 
did in Musarum lachrimcz that was miserably flouted at in M. Winkfield's 
Comoedie of Pedantius in Trinity College.' Here the pamphleteer speaks 
as if Wingfield's authorship were a matter of common note ; had he been 
wrong, there must have been hundreds of Cambridge men, including 

Reviews 237 

Harvey himself, who in 1593, when Strange Newes was published, could 
have brought him to book. Moreover Nash is right in his statement 
that Harvey's Musarum Lachrimce was ridiculed in Pedantius (Act v. 
Sc. vi. 11. 2860-1); and in Have with you to Saffron Walden (1596) there 
is a remarkable passage quoted by Professor Moore Smith in his Intro- 
duction, pp. ix x, which shows still more fully how intimately acquainted 
he was with the personal references in the play and the mode of its 
production. Can it then be supposed that he was likely to be mistaken 
about such an elementary fact as its authorship ? Wingfield, too, had a 
powerful motive for writing a satirical comedy directed against Harvey. 
Elected Scholar of Trinity in 1573, minor Fellow in 1576, and major 
Fellow in 1577, he had been for a time Reader in Greek to the 
Queen, and in March, 1580/1, was Harvey's successful rival for the 
office of Public Orator of the University. The contest was long- 
drawn and bitter, and Wingfield, who was an accomplished classical 
scholar, may well have bethought himself of turning academic feeling 
against his antagonist by a caricatured representation of him on the 
Trinity boards. 

The editor's distrust of Nash's statement as to the authorship of 
Pedantius is the more noticeable as he makes such effective use of the 
pamphleteer's testimony in other ways. Nothing could be more satis- 
factory than his exposition of how the play is related to ' conventional 
Plautine comedy,' and yet differentiated from it by its satire of an 
individual instead of a type. The suggestion, based on internal evidence, 
that 'Pedantius had been preceded by a comedy much nearer to the 
Plautine and earlier Italian type ' is ingenious and plausible, and the 
discussion of the union in the titular figure of traits common to the love- 
sick pedant of southern comedy with others peculiar to the Cambridge 
humanist and fop is excellent. Indeed Section vn of the Introduction 
in which Professor Moore Smith, taking as his basis Nash's satirical 
description of Harvey, shows that they correspond in detail with 
characteristics exhibited by Pedantius, and that favourite phrases from 
the pompous rhetorician's works are put into the mouth of his theatrical 
' double ' is not only of first-rate value in its bearing on the play, but 
is a novel contribution to Elizabethan biography. 

Did space allow, there are other features of the comedy over which 
one would gladly linger, such as the diverting contrast between Pe- 
dantius the humanist and the logic-chopping philosopher, Dromodotus. 
The latter may, like his friend, have been a caricature of some ' Don * 
of the day. I agree with Professor Moore Smith in rejecting the theory 
of Messrs Churchill and Keller (Shakspere-Jahrbuch, xxxiv, pp. 275 
et seq.), that Shakspere was influenced by these two figures in his 
portraiture of Holofernes and Sir Nathaniel. If any of his early works 
owes something to Cambridge playwrights, it is not Love's Labour's Lost 
but Richard III. 

Even readers to whom verbal wit, sometimes, it must be confessed, 
fatiguingly spun out makes but slight appeal, can scarcely fail to enjoy 
the humours of the interview between Pedantius and his tailor, or of 

M. L. R. 16 

238 Reviews 

the ill-starred courtship by the scholar of the serving-maid, Lydia. As 
they turn over the pages of this admirable edition, they will, I believe, 
pronounce the play as ' full of harmless mirth ' as in the days of Sir 
John Harington. And they will feel indebted to Professor Moore Smith 
for the very full notes, explanatory and illustrative, which he has pro- 
vided. Some of the parallel passages cited from Elizabethan writers 
may be thought superfluous in a volume which will chiefly attract 
specialists, but the varied and interesting quotations from classical, 
mediaeval, and renaissance Latinists are illuminating and helpful in a 
high degree. 

F. S. BOAS. 

The Plays and Poems of Robert Greene. Edited with introductions 
and notes, by J. CHURTON COLLINS. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 
1905. 2 vols. 8vo. xii + 319 and 415 pp. 

/When the Delegates of the Clarendon Press entrusted me with 
the preparation of an edition of Greene's Plays and Poems I determined 
to spare no pains to make it, so far at least as the text was concerned, 
a final one.' Such, Professor Churton Collins tells us, was the excellent 
intention with which he set about his work. He appears to have re- 
cognised, what no competent critic will probably deny, that the business 
of an editor is primarily with his author's text, that it is in that 
department that he can do the most valuable and lasting work, and 
that biographical, critical, and exegetical matter are at once more easily 
superseded and intrinsically less important. No editor possesses un- 
limited time, patience, or knowledge, and where the main object of a 
work is attained much may be excused in other and subordinate matters. 
It will, therefore, be only fair to remember that the preparation of a 
final text has been the editor's chief concern. 

The introduction, or rather introductions, however, first call for 
attention, and it will be convenient before criticising Professor Collins' 
work in detail, to deal with one or two general considerations. No one 
in the first place can help noticing throughout the editor's laxity of 
expression and indifference to accuracy in matters of detail. Instances 
occur on almost every page, and a very few examples must suffice. On 
pp. 52-3 some footnotes have apparently been transposed, with the 
result that Dyce is made to quote from a non-extant work and Greene's 
Repentence is confused with that of one Ned P>rown who was hanged at 
Aix. A note on p. 17 assigns Nashe's Pierce Penniless to Greene and 
also gives a false reference. Note 1 on p. 10 is either misprinted or so 
clumsy as to be unintelligible. Indeed the style is frequently careless 
to the point of obscurity. Alphonsus and Orlando are styled tragedies 
(57), which they are not in the accepted meaning of that term in 
English ; rime royal is called 'stanza royal ' (63), thus inviting confusion 
with ' chant royal ' ; and the obsolete and ambiguous term ' active ' for 
' transitive ' is persistently employed. The same book is mentioned 
twice over in the course of three lines in a list of works on p. 21. 
Titles are quoted in the loosest manner. It does not tend to clearness to 

Reviews 239 

cite Meres' Palladis Tamia as Wits Treasury, (53) still less as ' Mere's 
[sic] Works ' (59). The title of Lodge's well-known poem on the tale of 
Glaucus and Scilla is misprinted Sulla's Metamorphosis (138). Marlowe's 
play is called by the title of Goethe's (139). The habit of referring to 
works by their second titles is one to be deprecated. To call Volpone 
and Epicoene the Fox and the Silent Woman is, indeed, allowed by 
custom, and no great harm is done by citing Menaphon as Arcadia, 
though, as there are already at least five works bearing that title, it 
seems hardly necessary to add to their number ; but to refer to such a 
comparatively obscure play as Jack Drum's Entertainment as the 
Pleasant Comedie of Pasquil and Katherine is surely to darken counsel 
unduly. Greater precision of reference might also be desired. On 
p. 216 four lines are quoted from the Old Wives' Tale as being similar 
to some passage in Orlando, but to what passage is not stated 
(actually 11. 66, etc.). At the end of the ' Hystory' of George a Greene 
which, by the way, might just as well have been given in full is 
printed the ballad of the Pinder of Wakefiejd, the source of which, how- 
ever, is not mentioned. At the end of this appears the note : ' Another 
old Ballad. "The ludgment of God shew'd vpon Dr lohn Faustus." 
Tune of " Fortune my Fee [sic] " ' which does not seem to relate to 
anything in particular. It may be incidentally remarked that such 
bowdlerisation as that on p. 31, where a bracketed word has been 
substituted for that used by Greene, is puerile in a book of this sort. 
One great defect of the work, lastly, is the want of a chronological 
catalogue of Greene's writings, together with those of the 'numerous 
assailants ' with whom he is credited on p. 21. 

Having disposed of these general considerations, it is possible to 
pass on to consider the Introduction in detail. It may at once be said 
that Professor Collins has treated the problems of Greene's biography 
with robust common sense, and has steadily refused to be misled by 
specious identifications or ingenious conjecture. If he has erred, it 
is in underrating the importance of inferential arguments, and in 
discounting, at too heavy a rate, unwelcome evidence. Indeed, when 
he says that Henslowe's ' gorge a gren ' is ' presumably the Pinner 
of Wakefield,' and that Greene's ' Shake-scene ' is probably Shakespeare, 
it is clear that caution has degenerated into affectation. When, how- 
ever, the work is considered more closely, it assumes a less satisfactory 
appearance. To discuss all or even the majority of the points which 
must strike the reader is quite out of the question. A very few of the 
more important only can be dealt with here. On p. 23 the Professor 
writes : ' Among the men of letters of that time [Greene] could number 
among his intimate acquaintances. . .Robert Lee, an actor and dramatist.' 
Greene dedicated the second part of Mamilla to Robert Lee, ' Esquire,' 
whom he addresses as ' Your Worship.' Professor Collins h$,s confused 
this person with an obscure actor who is first heard of for certain five 
years after Greene's death, and who, moreover, was not a dramatist, the 
play he sold to Henslowe being evidently an old stock-piece. On p. 41 
the editor repeats the usual common-place, that ' The plain object of 


240 Reviews 

[Nashe's Preface to Menaphon] is to pour contempt on Marlowe,' but 
no more than any of his predecessors does he attempt to explain 
the contradiction between this view and Nashe's explicit statement : 
'Further... bee it knowne...! never abusd my life' (ed. 
McKerrow, ill. p. 131). On p. 44 no authority is quoted with regard 
to a lost History of Job accredited to Greene. The Professor proceeds : 
'The appearance of Harington's Ariosto in 1591, as I have shown in 
the [special] Introduction, almost certainly suggested [Orlando^ In 
the passage he refers to it is shown clearly that the play owes nothing 
to the translation, and indeed that ' Harington's version could hardly 
have been in Greene's hands ' (217) ! On p. 47 he thinks that Greene's 
wife ' sent her commendations, possibly in answer to the letter ' printed 
in the Groatsworth ; but that letter, as the work itself informs us, 
was 'found with this book after his death.' On p. 61 Professor 
Collins mentions Malone's identification of the ' Musaeus ' of Chettle's 
England's Mourning Garment with Marlowe, and pronounces it to be 
impossible, Marlowe having died ten years previously. ' Musaeus,' he 
says, must be Chapman. Next time the Professor wishes to correct 
his predecessors he will do well to look up the facts of the case. It 
so happens that Chapman is also introduced by Chettle under the name 
of Corin, who is described as the poet 'that finished dead Musaeus' 
gracious song ' ! Referring to the problem of Henry VI on p. 68, 
Professor Collins writes : ' Though, as we have already seen, the famous 
passage in the Groatsworth is ambiguous, in spite of the light apparently 
thrown on it by Chettle and "R. B.," still in Greenes Funeralls the 
quotation of a line which is almost certainly a parody of a line in the 
True Tragedie points to some association with that play.' ' As we have 
already seen ' yes, in a footnote twenty pages back, to which no clue 
is given, and to which the reference in the Index is wrong ! Moreover, 
no ' R. B.' has been previously mentioned nor any parody pointed out 
in the Funeralls. It so happens, however, that this work is signed 
' R. B.,' so that it would appear probable that what the Professor meant 
to write was ' by Chettle and " R. B." in Greenes Funeralls ; still the 
quotation' etc. Thus emended the sentence at least makes sense, 
though it remains very clumsy, since the reader is left to draw on his 
own knowledge of Shakespearian controversy for the identification of 
the passage in question. 

Three points deserve fuller consideration : Greene's alleged repent- 
ance in 1590, the date at which he became a playwright, and the 
authorship of Selimus and George a Greene. In the seriousness of 
Greene's reformation after he had been accused of writing the Cobler 
of Canterbury, it is difficult to share the Professor's belief. That 
Greene's conscience was at times uneasy may readily be imagined, 
and it would be uncharitable not to accept as genuine his death-bed 
repentance. But the commercial use he made of his periodical attacks 
of hysterical remorse certainly suggests a considerable literary element 
in his pretended reformation. As the Professor admits, his life showed 
no signs of amendment and his writings stood in no need of it. There 

Revieivs 241 

is consequently a strong suspicion that Greene found either that his 
vein for amorous romance was running dry, or else that the taste for 
it was passing, and that he deliberately adopted the machinery of a 
repentance by way of explaining and advertising a change of style. 
Indeed, in the Vision itself the remarks of Chaucer to the effect that 
there was nothing discreditable in the Cobler read so like a sly vin- 
dication of that brilliant but offensive work, as seriously to discount 
Greene's denial of the authorship. Certainly, although he had abjured 
novel-writing, he never hesitated to publish works of this nature when- 
ever he saw a profitable opportunity and could invent a plausible excuse. 
For Never too Late he claimed indulgence in the Vision itself. He 
followed it up by a second part called Francisco's Fortunes, which he 
excused as a continuation. Next he dedicated to Lady Fitz water a 
novel, Philomela, representing that he had written it long before at the 
request of a noble lady, ' a Countesse in this land,' which may or may 
not have been the case. This may also suggest a reason for his bor- 
rowing Lodge's name, should Euphues Shadow ultimately prove to be 
his. The moral intention of the Coney-catching pamphlets to which 
he next turned his attention cannot be taken seriously. Greene main- 
tained his old manner of life, and determined to turn his knowledge 
of crime to literary account. The stories, as Professor Collins admits, 
are told 'with a gusto and raciness which savours sometimes more 
of sympathy than satire/ and Greene's assertion that he associated 
with the sharpers whose tricks he exposed ' not as a companion, but 
as a spie to have an insight into their knaveries ' is belied by all that 
we know of his London life. That his pamphlets ' struck terror into 
the scoundrels with whom they declared war,' and that these sought 
his life, rests merely on Greene's own assertion and is a trick of self- 
advertisement which need not be taken more seriously than any other 
of his quasi-autobiographical fictions. His mistress, the sister of a 
notorious rascal who had already danced at Tyburn, was one of the 
few people who tended him on his death-bed. He was always threat- 
ening to expose the names and haunts of villains in a Black Book, 
but even when he knew himself to be dying, he only dared to compose 
the Black Book's Messenger. 

The date at which Greene began to write for the stage is one of 
the most important and most difficult questions that his biographer 
has to face. Professor Collins has contradicted himself hopelessly on 
the subject. The question largely turns upon the interpretation of 
an important but obscure passage in the Preface to Perimedes, dated 
1588. This will be found quoted at length on p. 40. The meaning 
evidently is that Greene had been scoffed at on the stage either for 
not attempting to write tragedies, or else for having attempted and 
failed. Professor Collins proceeds to argue very sensibly and with 
great show of reason, that the latter is the correct interpretation. This 
would place Alphonsus, which we may reasonably assume to be the 
earliest of the plays here printed, immediately after the production 
of Marlowe's Tamburlaine in 1587. This is exactly where one would 

242 Reviews 

naturally place it on grounds of style, and other evidence also points 
to a date not later than 1588. On pp. 74-5, however, Professor Collins, 
having apparently forgotten all that he has written on p. 40, proceeds 
to quote the same passage over again and to argue in a diametrically 
opposite direction, maintaining that Greene wrote no play before 1591 ! 
He does not appear to realise the difficulty his theory entails in 
assigning no less than six dramas to the last twenty months of 
Greene's life in addition to a quantity of work of a non-dramatic kind. 
There is, moreover, one argument which Professor Collins has either 
overlooked or disregarded, which would seem to show conclusively that 
Greene began writing for the stage at least as early as 1587. In the 
Groatsworth Roberto, meeting the player who is famous in the parts 
of Delphrigus and the King of Fairies, is induced to become playwright 
to the company. Now without unduly pressing the resemblance be- 
tween Greene and Roberto his ' life in most parts agreeing with mine ' 
it is fair to argue that such a detail as this must be a personal 
recollection, and that Greene must have begun writing for some company 
at a time when the plays mentioned still held the stage. But in his 
Preface to Menaphon Nashe speaks of some of his literary friends, in 
a manner which certainly does not exclude Greene, as having made 
the fortune of a ' company of taffaty fooles,' who but for them ' might 
haue antickt it vntill this time vp and downe the Countrey with the 
King of Fairies, and dined euery day at the pease porredge ordinary 
with Delfrigus.' Greene began playwriting when these were the 
popular pieces ; they are mentioned as obsolete in 1589. Consequently 
1587 may be taken as the very latest date assignable to the commence- 
ment of Greene's theatrical career. Besides 1591 is too late a date 
even for Orlando, which must be after Alphonsus. There are two 
passages common to Orlando and Peele's Old Wives Tale. The latter, 
Professor Collins remarks, ' almost certainly appeared in 1590, but this 
will not help, because it is impossible to say whether Peele copied from 
Greene or Greene from Peele.' He has omitted to remark that the 
character Sacrepant (or Sacrapant) is also common to the two plays. 
This Greene took from Ariosto and consequently Peele must have taken 
both it and the common passages from Greene. 

The attribution of Selimus to Greene proposed by Grosart is strongly 
combated by the present editor. Nevertheless, after all deductions 
have been made, the reader will probably feel that Allot 's testimony 
remains of considerable weight, and that some at least of Grosart 8 
parallels remain significant. Such negative argument, moreover, as 
is forthcoming is hardly convincing. ' It seems perfectly clear,' writes 
Professor Collins, ' that [Selimus] was originally one of the old-fashioned 
rhymed plays, and that it had been re-cast and interpolated with blank 
verse in consequence of the popularity of Marlowe's innovation.' Since 
no reasons are adduced, it may be sufficient to meet assertion by 
assertion and to submit that the play was begun on the lines of a 
Senecan tragedy in rimed stanzas, but that during the course of 
composition the author came under the influence of Tamburlaine and 

Reviews 243 

introduced more and more blank verse as he proceeded. There is 
certainly no internal evidence either of re-casting or interpolation. 
Professor Collins next proceeds to quote a number of parallels between 
Selimus and Locrine. Some of these are striking, but the point is not 
new. It is significant that when Grosart cites the word ' arm-strong ' 
as an epithet of Hercules, Professor Collins declares it to be an ( ordinary 
Elizabethan ' phrase, but nevertheless himself uses it for the purpose 
of connecting Locrine with Selimus. The passages are certainly note- 
worthy : 

Selimus : ' The arme-strong son of Jove ' ; 

Locrine : l The arme-strong offspring of the doubled night Stout Hercules ' ; 

Menaphon : ' Alcides (the arme-strong darling of the doubled night).' 

The Professor then remarks that the blank verse of the two plays 
is indistinguishable, which is quite true, and proceeds to quote in 
illustration two rimed passages from Selimus ! The inference, of course, 
is that Selimus and Locrine are by the same hand, and this he seems 
to think disposes of Greene's claim. But no one has ever denied that 
a strong case can be made out for Greene's authorship of Locrine. 
Moreover, in the end Professor Collins gives away his case by saying 
that 'What reminds us of Greene may have been interpolated [in 
Selimus] from Greene's MSS.' No argument is adduced to show that 
Greene's authorship is in any way unlikely, and yet rather than 
entertain that obvious hypothesis we are asked to suppose that passages 
out of lost or unpublished works of his have been deliberately inserted 
by some person or persons unknown ! Grosart in his treatment of the 
question undoubtedly laid himself open to attack, but it is far easier 
to pick holes in his arguments than to disprove his contention. Nor 
is the question one which can be adequately treated by itself. One 
would have expected from Greene's editor a general inquiry into the 
authorship of a whole set of plays Selimus, Locrine, Leir, Titus and 
it is hardly a proof of the Professor's zeal that he has shirked some 
of the most difficult portions of his task. It is true that little value 
was likely to attach to such an investigation from the pen of a writer 
who habitually and avowedly disregards the work of other critics, 
except for an occasional sneer concerning the 'thick darkness, not 
irradiated, but rendered visible by the spluttering pyrotechny of 
meteoric theories and bavin conjecture.' 

When Professor Collins comes to discuss the claims of George a 
Greene, he is in a very different frame of mind. ' Though the evidence 
in favour of Greene's authorship of the Pinner [as usual, the second 
title is preferred] is far from conclusive, it is sufficient to warrant 
us in including it tentatively among his works,' although 'Whether 
Greene wrote [Selimus and Locrine] or had a hand in them is in my 
opinion much too doubtful to justify any editor including either of 
them in Greene's Works,' and 'precarious conjecture I ta&> to be no 
part of an editor's duty.' The external evidence in favour of Greene's 
authorship of the play on the subject of his namesake of Wakefield is, 
as the Professor admits, very slender. It consists of an inscription on 

244 Revieivs 

the title-page of the Duke of Devonshire's copy, first ' brought to light 
by Mr Payne Collier/ to the effect that Shakespeare said it was written 
by ( a minister,' and Edward Juby that it was ' made by Ro. Gree[ne].' 
The authority of this statement might be open to question, even if the 
authenticity of the entry were not. Professor Collins, however, himself 
admits the latter to be ' pregnant with suspicion.' Until the original 
has been examined by some competent person familiar with the Ireland 
and Collier forgeries, no final verdict can, of course, be pronounced, 
but critics must in the mean time be excused if they rule such very 
suspicious testimony out of court. The internal evidence is hardly 
more convincing. Had the resemblances been adduced by any other 
critic in favour of any other play, we should doubtless have heard more 
of ' meteoric theories and bavin conjecture.' There is, in the passages 
cited, not a tithe, not a hundredth part of the resemblance found in 
those quoted from Selimus and Locrine, of which the Professor wrote : 
' the truth is that arguments like these are futile, and I have merely 
parodied Dr Grosart.' He has here parodied that scholar with a 
vengeance. Greene's authorship is supported by no arguments of the 
slightest weight, and there are serious objections. The play was per- 
formed by a company with which Greene is not known ever to have 
been connected. The verse of the play is admitted by the editor to 
be utterly unlike Greene's, and its language to show no traces of any 
of his tricks of style or rhetoric. The conclusion drawn is that it must 
be his latest drama. Marry, must it ! but can the cat-a-mountain thus 
change his spots ? The free open-air, rollicking humour of the play 
is utterly unlike Greene, and reminds one rather of such a piece as 
Munday's John a Kent, with which it has several points of resemblance. 
To compare Bettris with Margaret is absurd. Grimes' daughter talks 
with direct and delightful simplicity; the maid of Fressingfield could 
look back on a youth misspent over Greene's amorous romances. ' It 
is possible,' writes the Professor in conclusion, ' that if we possessed 
the drama in its original form we should have been able to find further 
and much more satisfactory internal evidence in favour of the play 
being from Greene's pen.' It may suffice to quote Professor Collins' 
own remark that hypothesis is not argument. All readers will be glad 
that George a Greene has been included in the present collection ; but 
to argue that there is more evidence, external or internal, for Greene's 
authorship of this play than of Selimus is preposterous. There is in- 
finitely less. 

A few points in the special Introductions to the plays call for 
attention. The first is Alphonsus. Having in the general Introduction 
argued in favour of the date 1588, the editor here proposes the date 
1591 on the ground of certain supposed parallels with Spenser's Com- 
plaints published that year. Even, however, supposing the parallels to 
have the least force, which it is difficult to grant, nothing follows, since, 
as Professor Collins himself admits, the poems in question undoubtedly 
circulated in MS. for several years before they issued from the press. 
Next comes the Looking Glass. Incidentally, on p. 140, the closing of 

Reviews 245 

the theatres in July 1592 is said to have been on account of the plague. 
This is not so ; they were closed owing to riots. The plague did not 
become serious till the beginning of September. Orlando is assigned the 
third place. The transcript of the title-page, among other errors, states 
that the play was ' Printed for [sic] lohn Danter for Cuthbert Burbie.' 
On p. 218 Orlando is said to have torn Orgalio in pieces. It was the 
clown on whom he performed. In the second volume the first play is 
Friar Bacon. The editor has omitted to state the whereabouts of any 
of the quartos or to mention what copy he has followed. The British 
Museum copy of Q 1 is imperfect and the only other copy recorded 
by bibliographers is in Bridge water House. No acknowledgement for 
access to this is made. Next comes James IV. A comparison of the 
transcript of the title-page with the facsimile is instructive : 

[Reprint.] The Scottish Historie of [facsimile.] The Scottish Historic 

James IV, slaine at Flodden Field, of lames the fourth, slaine at Flodden. 
Entermixed with a pleasant Comedie Entermixed with a pleasant Comedie, 
presented by Oboram King of Faeries, presented by Oboram King of Fayeries : 
As it hath been sundrie times plaide. As it hath bene sundrie times publikely 
Written by Robert Greene, Maister of plaide. Written by Eobert Greene, 
Arts. Omne tulit punctum 1598. Maister of Arts. Omne tulit punctum. 

London Printed by Thomas Creede. 


Lastly there is George a Greene. In this instance the transcript of 
the title differs from the facsimile only in matters of spelling and 
punctuation, but to make up for this comparative accuracy the editor 
immediately afterwards states that the play is ' described on the title- 
page as an interlude/ which is obviously not the case. On p. 160 it is 
said that Juby ' was an actor in Prince Henry's Company in 1604, and 
had joined [S.] Rowley in writing a play called Sampson in 1602.' He 
is known to have been a member of the same company, then the 
Admiral's, at least ten years before the date mentioned, but is not known 
to have written any play ; he and Rowley simply authorised payment 
for the piece in question on behalf of the sharers. 

A very few words must suffice concerning the notes. While in some 
cases a good deal of useful information has been collected, as in regard 
to ' clapperdudgeon ' (George a Greene, 909) of which hardly adequate 
illustration is supplied by N. E. D., much space is occupied by quotations 
for quite common words and phrases, such as 'to like of (Orlando, 138), 
'hunts-up' (386), 'cutter' (Bacon, 516), 'black-jack' (James IV, 845) or 
by extracts which may be entertaining in themselves but which do not 
serve to throw any light on the text (e.g. Bacon, 237). There would be 
no reason to complain of this were it not that many difficulties are 
passed over in silence. To mention one instance out of scores Looking 
Glass, 96-7 : ' Remilias loue is farre more either prisde Thejji leroboams 
or the worlds subdue.' The editor does not adopt either Dyce's or 
Mr Daniel's emendation for 'either,' does not obelise the word, and 
adds no note. On several occasions also the illustrations cited are not 
parallel. Two rather glaring instances may be quoted. Orlando, 122: 

246 Reviews 

' But come there forth the proudest champion That hath suspition in 
the Palatine.' ' For this curious use of " suspicion " in the sense of fame 
or reputation, i.e. that which creates suspicion or envy, cf. Spenser's 
Sonnet to Gabriel Harvey. "And as one careless of suspicion Ne fawnest 
on the favour of the great ".' Now in Spenser the word obviously means 
* misconstruction.' In Greene it appears to have the force of ' mistrust ' 
and the 'in' in place of 'of is presumably a rather unusual Latinism. 
' The Palatine ' is, of course, the Count Palatine, that is Orlando ; can 
Professor Collins have taken it to mean the Palatinate ? Friar Bacon, 
299 :' guesse. This form of the plural of guest is not uncommon.' In 
every instance, however, which is cited, ' guesse ' is a singular. In short 
the notes offer very much the same occasion for criticism as the Intro- 
ductions, and it must be further remembered that the remarks made 
above with regard to both touch upon only a very small number of the 
more important points which must strike the attention of any careful 

It is time to pass to the consideration of the text, and it must 
be borne in mind that it was here that Professor Collins ' determined 
to spare no pains' to make his edition a final one 1 . It is impossible to 
%/ pretend that it is even moderately satisfactory. The plays have been 
printed from transcripts of the original quartos which were on the 
whole accurate, but in which the distinction between capitals and small 
letters was not clear, in which the ampersand and other contractions 
were sometimes retained and sometimes expanded, and which contained 
a certain number of gross and obvious mistakes. Further, it is clear 
that no consistent attempt was made to read the proofs with the 
originals, a precaution which everyone familiar with work of this sort 
knows to be absolutely indispensable, if accuracy is to be attained. 
There is, indeed, no evidence whatever that the editor has himself 
consulted a single one of the original editions. Under these circum- 
stances it would seem that the names of the transcribers had as good 
a claim to stand on the title-page as that of Professor Collins. It 
is high time that it should be understood that so long as we entrust 
/ our old authors to arm-chair editors who are content with second- 
\ hand knowledge of textual sources, so long will English scholarship 
in England afford undesirable amusement to the learned world. 

The extent of the inaccuracies in matters of detail may be illustrated 
from the first 250 lines of Orlando. In these there are nine cases 
of a small letter which should be a capital, twenty of a capital which 
should be small, three of ' and ' for ' &,' and also the following errors : 
' seauonfold ' for ' seauenfold,' ' Sauours ' for ' fauours ' (though Dyce is 
quoted as reading ' favours,' and Grosart also has the correct word), 
' Supersedeas ' for 'Super sedeas,' and 'myselfe' for 'my selfe.' The 
collations as a whole are at least as unsatisfactory. Not only are the 
readings quoted repeatedly incorrect, instances of which will be given 
in a moment, but it is frequently impossible to discover exactly for what 

1 The Clarendon Press are to be heartily congratulated on their conversion to a sound 
practice with regard to upper and lower case u and v. 

Reviews 247 

words in the text they are a substitute (e.g., James IV, 55 and 1703). 
Particularly is this the case where the speaker's names have been, some- 
times unnecessarily, altered, for it is seldom stated whether the wrong 
name appears in the original, or whether the speech is simply run on 
(e.g., James IV, 298, Alphonsus, 349, where, moreover, the insertion of 
Alphon. has not been marked by the usual brackets, and George a 
Greene, 1214, where it is distinctly stated that a new name appears, 
which is not true). So again alterations in the text are quite in- 
consistently treated. Insertions are usually marked by the use of 
conical brackets, but in a number of instances these have been omitted 
(e.g., Orlando, 675, which should read ' Proud, <and> disdainfull,' and 
Alphonsus, 1425, which should read ' threat<e>nings ' ; cf. 11. 1114 
and 1926); square brackets are apparently used to indicate delenda 
in James IV, 612 and 999 s. d., though the fact is nowhere stated, but 
elsewhere (e.g., James IV, 2128 s. d., and George a Greene, 115 and 
568) they seem to be mere misprints for conical brackets ; while round 
brackets have been introduced in Alphonsus, 175 s. d., for no reason at 
all. ' Exit ' is frequently allowed to stand where several persons leave 
the stage, but ' Manet ' is altered to ' Mane<n>t.' The treatment of 
italics is most inconsistent. In Alphonsus the quarto has been usually 
followed in italicising proper names; in Orlando it has been followed 
in not italicising them; in Friar Bacon, however, they have been 
italicised though the quarto prints them in roman. In almost every 
case the head-title is entirely different from that of the quarto. 

The plays may now be considered in order. To begin with, why 
is there no photographic reproduction of the title to Alphonsus ? The 
type-facsimile given is incorrect from beginning to end. The editor 
has failed to remark that the Dyce copy is imperfect, having A 4 in 
facsimile; this may account for the variant reading in 1. 64. With 
regard to 1. 335 s. d., the statement that Q prints the direction as part 
of the preceding speech is untrue. Line 1022 (note) : Dyce and Walker 
insert ' so/ ' but I let the text stand.' He does not ; he prints ' Of this 
<so> strange.' Line 1109 (note) : ' " Stones " is a disyllable.' Then why 
insert ' do ' to eke out the metre ? 

Orlando. The emperor's name has been printed ' Marsilius ' through- 
out in accordance with Ariosto, though Q appears to be consistent in 
reading ' Marsilius,' and the metrical evidence is inconclusive. The 
change seems hardly warranted, though it may readily be admitted 
that it is an editor's business to make up his mind what a name is 
intended to be, and not to print 'Serlby' and 'Serlsby' indifferently 
as Professor Collins does in Friar Bacon. Line 1070 is rendered un- 
grammatical by the misprint ' mee ' for the correct ' wee ' of Q. In 
1. 1134 'Lounes' is nonsense; Q has ' Sounes,' i.e. Zounds. Line 1174, 
' luno, mee thou gat, sent downe from heauen by loue,' is unintelligible, 
though the editor appears to be quite satisfied with it, since he has 
no note on the passage. Q makes it all clear by reading ' luno, mee 
thought'! On 1. 1311 the statement that the Dyce copy reads 'love' 
for 'lust' is untrue. Line 1451: 'rich Q 2: om. Q 1.' Again untrue. 

248 Reviews 

The Museum copy is slightly defective at this point and the word has 
been torn away, not omitted ; it is present in the Dyce copy. 

Friar Bacon. Line 497 : ' Whilst then we fit to Oxford with our 
troupes ' ; so Q 1 ; ' fit ' is obelised. Obviously a misprint for ' flit,' i.e. 
remove. Line 777 : ' Bungay MS. corr. in Q 3.' Presumably in some 
particular copy of Q 3 ; the editor has not stated what copies he is using. 
It so happens that the correction has been made in the Museum copy 
of Q 1. In 1. 1347 is found the extraordinary reading ' thEgyptian ' 
(notes have 'th' ^Egyptian'!) for 'the Gypfcian' of Q 1. Is Professor 
Collins really unaware that ' Gyptian ' was used in Elizabethan English 
for 'Egyptian'? Line 1580: 'Lacuna of two or three words after 
moment in Q.I.' There is no such thing. Again: ' ion and your add. 
Q 1 in marg.' ; it should be ' wn and your ' ; the beginning has been 
cut away in binding. Line 1993: ( welt -lost in Q 1 B. M.': this is 

James IV. It is quite unnecessary to treat the first stage direction 
as corrupt. The editor prints : ' Enter Aster Oberon, King of Fayries ; 
an<d> Antique<s>, who dance! Apparently we are to suppose that 
Aster is Oberon's Christian name ! Q reads : ' Enter After Obero King 
of Fayries, an Antique who dance' ', (at least Professor Collins says 
that Q reads 'After'; I am not sure, but it is often difficult to 
distinguish 'f and long 's'). Except that 'After' should be 'after? 
this is quite correct. 'Antique' is a technical term for the bur- 
lesque dance of an anti-masque, and there being several performers 
takes a plural verb. Line 5 : ' recon.' The collation has ' reson Q,' 
but according to the notes this error is only found in the Dyce copy. 
That copy, however, reads 'recon.' From 1. 53 to 1. 110, it will be 
noticed that the readings of the Museum and Dyce copies vary con- 
siderably, and that the editor follows now one and now the other. It 
happens, however, that the Museum copy is imperfect at this point, 
leaf A 4, in which the variations occur, having been printed to supply 
the deficiency somewhere about 1820. This has been mistaken for 
genuine. Similarly in the case of the 1594 quarto of Orlando, the 
Dyce copy has A 3 and the whole of F in modern reprint, which 
Professor Collins actually asserts to belong to the edition of 1599 
(p. 243) ! It may be questioned whether our knowledge of the 
Elizabethan drama is likely to be furthered by entrusting the editing 
of important texts to gentlemen, whatever may be their literary 
reputation, who either do not think it necessary to examine the 
original editions of the works concerned, or if they do are incapable 
of distinguishing between the typography of the sixteenth and that 
of the nineteenth century. In the present instance the result is thirty- 
six errors in fifty-seven lines. To continue : 1. 367 : ' She shoud 
consent.' Why italic ? Q reads ' should ' ; it is not an apostrophe 
but a broken '!.' Line 653: ' <0ber.> But marke mee more.' Q is 
quite right in giving the words to Bohan. It is he who is presenting 
the jigs. Line 812 (note): 'There is no necessity to insert "or."' 
Then why do so? Line 1717: 'The God of heauen reward thee, 

Reviews 249 

courteous knight ? ' Why a query ? Q has a full stop. Line 1819 : 
' fair<i>e ' ; Q has ' fairie.' 

George a Greene, 1. 818 : 'My Lord of Kend, you are welcome to 
the court.' ' Kend ' is an impossible form ; Q has ' Kend.' as a con- 
traction for Kendal ; read ' you're welcome.' Line 838 : the dash 
at the end of this line is needless ; understand ' that ' after ' But ' in 
the next line. Line 881 : again the insertion of a dash reduces the 
passage to nonsense. Line 1027 : ' No, nor the stoutest groome.' This 
is ungrammatical ; Q has ' not.' Line 1076 : ' feee.' Can a text be 
said to be edited in which such misprints as this are retained ? 

Poems from the Novels. It would have been far more convenient 
had these been divided into clearly marked groups according to the 
works in which they occur. As it is, the whereabouts of the poems is 
only mentioned in the note.s, and there not always correctly. Thus 
Lin LXXI are said (p. 390) to be from Never too Late, though 
LXXI really belongs to the Farewell to Folly (as correctly stated on 
p. 394). 

Finally a few words must be said concerning the Dulwich MS. of 
the part of Orlando. Professor Collins more than once insists on the 
value of this document in conjunction with the printed text, but he 
has nowhere discussed the relation of the two. Three possibilities exist : 
(1) that Q is a mutilated and surreptitious version ; (2) that Q repre- 
sents an abridged playhouse version made for some special object, as 
maintained by Mr Fleay, and (3) that the MS. represents a revised and 
expanded version made when the play was revived by Strange's men 
in 1592. One would certainly have expected some discussion of this 
interesting problem. Professor Collins, however, contents himself with 
giving a reprint of the MS., and, moreover, a reprint which is so inaccu- 
rate as to be utterly useless. Indeed, it follows the original less closely 
than that printed by Collier in 1841, of the existence of which the 
editor was apparently ignorant, since he repeatedly speaks of Dyce's 
transcript, whereas Dyce in point of fact merely took his readings from 
Collier. In his preface the editor implies that he had a transcript of the 
MS. made. It is much to be regretted that this transcript was not 
used to print from, for it is quite clear that the text in the Appendix 
has been set up from a copy of his own edition, which has been very 
imperfectly corrected to agree with the MS. This will be obvious from 
a comparison of the following passages : 

Lines 10834. Lines 117880. 

Collins, p. 254, Quarto : Collins, p. 257, Quarto : 

And if he doo denie to send me downe With that, mounted on her parti- 
The skirt which Deianyra sent to Her- coloured coach, 

cules. Being drawen with peacfckes proudly 

through the aire, 

(Where it may be remarked that skirt' She flew with i r is to the sphere of 
is the editor's misprint for ' shirt ' of Q.) loue. 



Lines 10834. 
Collins, p. 271, MS. : 

And if he doo denie to send me downe 
The shirt which Deianyra sent to Her- 

Dulwich MS. : 

Lines 117880. 
Collins, p. 273, MS. : 

With that, mounted vpon her party- 

colered Coach, 
Being drawen with peacockes proudly 

through the aire, 
She slipt with Iris to the sphear of 


Dulwich MS. : 

yf he denye to send me downe the shirt w th that mouted, vpo hi r pty coulered 
that Deianyra sent to Hercules coach 

she slipt w th Iris to the sphear of loue. 

The persistent inaccuracy of the reprint in matters of detail is well 
seen in such a passage as the following : 

Collins, p. 268, 11. 685713 (5). 

Feminile ingegno di tutti male sede 
Cometi vuogi et muti facilmente 
Contrario oggetto propri de la fede 

infelice O miser 

Inportune superne ett . . . dispettose 
Priue d amor di fede et di consigli 
Temerarie crudeli inique ingrate 

Par pestilenza eterna al mundo natae. 

medor is, medor a knave 

Vilayne, Argalio,whers medor? what lyes 
he here ? 

And braues me to my face ? by heaueuen, 
He tear 

Him pecemeale in dispight of these : 

on his neck. 

Villayns, prouide me straight a lions 

For I, thou seest, I am mighty Her- 

See whers my massy clubb vpon my 

1 must to hell to fight with Cerberus, 
And find out Medor ther, you vilaynes, 

or He dye. 

shall I doe? 

Ah, ah, ah, Sirha, Argalio ! 

He ge e the a spear framd out of ... 

Dulwich MS. 

O feminile ingegno di tutti mali sede 
come ti vuolgi et muti facilmente 
Contrario oggetto proprio de la fede 
infelice, miser [ ] credi 
inportune, superbe ett dispettose 
priue d' amor di fede et di Consiglio 
temerarie, crudeli, inique, ingrate. 
per pestilenza eterna al mundo nate. 




of her glorious wayne 

medor is medor a knave 

Vilayne Argalio whers medor A what lyes 
he here 

and braues me to my face, by heaue 
lie tear 

him pecemeale in despight of these. 

on his neck 

Villayns provide me straight a lions 

for I thou seest / I am mighty Her- 

see whers my massy clubb vpon my 

I must to hell to fight w th Cerberus 

and find out Medor ther, yea vilaynes 
or He dye 

shall I doe 

ah, ah, ah. Sirha Argalio 

He geue the a spear framd out of [ ]me 

[ 1 s 

He haue the be my Laiicpres[a]d[e 
[ ] the [ 

[lacuna of some lines] 
[ Jhrna of the gloriouse wayne 

As a matter of fact the last line belongs to a different place 

The nature of the pains which Professor Collins has not spared in 
order to make his edition accurate and trustworthy must now be 



apparent. If the above remarks have been chiefly devoted to pointing 
out errors and defects, the blame does not rest with the reviewer. 
Countervailing merits have been sought, and sought in vain. The 
common sense displayed in the general introduction is rendered nugatory 
by the results there attained being contradicted in other parts of the 
work. The labour expended on the notes is largely misapplied owing 
to a failure to distinguish between what is relevant and what is not. 
Professor Collins' reprint of Greene's plays will serve until a better 
is produced, but to put forward careless and superficial work of this 
kind as a final edition is a gross insult to English scholarship. 

W. W. GREG. 

Underwoods. By BEN JONSON. Printed at the University Press, 
Cambridge. 1905. 8vo. 165 pp. 

This beautiful reprint of the Underwoods amply realises the primary 
aim of the publishers, to produce an artistic book; the type is bold 
and closely set together, and stands out effectively on a well-balanced 
page. Jonson's half-forgotten lyrics, with their slender vein of inspira- 
tion, reappear in a form as far removed as possible from the clumsy 
printing of the original text. But readers of this Revievi, while fully 
appreciating the charm of the typography, will be keenly interested in 
the reprint from a further standpoint. The text follows the 1640 
Folio, in the second volume of which the poems first appeared as a 
pendant to The Forest of the earlier volume. They had a separate 
title-page, and this is reproduced; but, as no clear intimation of the 
source is given, it would naturally be inferred that the poems were a 
separate issue. The paging of the Folio was continuous for the 
Masques from 1616 onwards, the Underwoods, the later Entertainments, 
and the fragment of Mortimer ; by a freak of the printer the running 
head-line of 'The Vnder-wood' was extended to the Entertainments 
which immediately followed, with the result that they are reprinted in 
the new edition. Yet Jonson's prefatory note is given in which he 
expressly limits the title Underwoods to ' these lesser poems.' The old 
text has been reproduced with two slight touches of revision : capital J 
and U are printed consistently, and lower-case letters at the beginning 
of a line have been corrected. Misprints, however, and faulty punctua- 
tion have been retained such a portent as ' Cacoches,' such lack-Latin 
as * in mortem Salium ter quatient humum,' such sense and grammar as 

All good Poetrie hence was flowne, 
And are banish'd. 

In the old Folio these points cause no difficulty; the reader is on 
the alert and corrects instinctively. But, reset in clea^ and comely 
type, they are disturbing and incongruous ; they do more than catch 
the eye, they offend it, and one longs for the bare minimum of correction 
needed to eliminate mere inartistic blemishes. The reprint appears to 
add some errors of its own. 'Donner's' (p. 29) should be 'Donnor's'; 


252 Reviews 

'knowes to doe In true respects' (p. 31) should be 'It'; 'But though 
Love thrive' (p. 62) should be 'For'; in 'And must be bred, so as to 
conceale his birth ' (p. 63) ' as ' should be deleted ; and in ' He vexed 
rime, and busied the whole State' (p. 100) the correct reading is 'time.' 
The original text, as in so many books of the time, underwent correction 
while the sheets were passing through the press; for instance, the 
' roiots ' of p. 67 was corrected in most copies. But for the variants 
here cited I believe that the Folio was not responsible, and a list of 
minute differences might be added. Worse still, there are a group of 
errors due to such an elementary mistake as misreading 'f for 'f: 
thus, p. 26, ' is loath to leave, Left Ayre, or Print ' (where ' lest ' = least) ; 
p. 72", 'Or left that vapour might the Citie choake'; p. 95, 'grow The 
fame that thou art promis'd'; p. 133, 'the feat That she is in' (poor 
Lady Digby is in heaven ; at least Ben thinks so) ; p. 147, ' thy foster 
bed' (a double blunder, with 'mollis thorus' to correct it on the 
opposite page); and p. 151, 'Wives, &ad fell's' (where ' sell's ' = selves). 
The text then is far from flawless ; in an edition which is sure to revive 
interest in the Underwoods it is a pity to place needless obstacles in 
the way of the reader. 


The Gospels of St John, St Matthew and St Mark in West Saxon. 
Edited from the MSS. with Introduction and Notes by JAMES W. 
BRIGHT (Belles Lettres Series: I. Early English Literature). 
3 Vols. Boston and London: D. C. Heath, 1904, 1905. 16mo. 
xl + 280, 147, and 84 pp. 

These three dainty volumes form part of a series of reprints of the 
English classics, of the type with which we have of late become so 
familiar: they are neatly bound little pocket editions, clearly and 
accurately printed. 

The Belles Lettres Series is, however, honourably distinguished from 
its predecessors by containing a special section devoted to reprints of 
Old English classics prior to the year 1100; and the three gospels 
form part of a set, which is already reaching considerable dimensions, 
of editions of the shorter documents in Anglo-Saxon prose and verse. 
The three West Saxon gospels are particularly welcome, since good 
editions have for some time been difficult to procure. In the early 
days of English philology Anglo-Saxon was chiefly valued as a weapon 
of the theologian, bent on proving his case by an appeal to the usage of 
the English church in the 10th or llth century. Accordingly, as early 
as 1571, these gospels were issued by the Protestant printer, John 
Daye : ' published for a testimony ' of the use of the scriptures by the 
Saxon Church in the vulgar tongue. But in later times these versions 
have suffered somewhat from neglect : they have been overshadowed by 
subsequent more exciting discoveries in the field of Old English. 
Though several times printed in collections of Bible translations, such 
as those of Junius in 1665, Bosworth in 1865, and particularly in the 

Reviews 253 

great edition of Professor Skeat published between 1871 and 1887, 
these West Saxon versions have only once, since the days of Elizabeth, 
been printed, in extenso, by themselves. 

The present edition is in every respect a satisfactory one : the text 
is formed by collating once more with the MSS. the very correct version 
published by Professor Skeat twenty years ago : and its accuracy leaves 
nothing to be desired. 

The volumes will be so useful for placing in the hands of elementary 
students, that it is to be regretted that only the gospel of St John is 
furnished with notes and with a glossary. It is a pity that this glossary 
was not enlarged so as to include the words found only in the other 
gospels. Perhaps, however, when the whole series is completed by the 
publication of St Luke, the editors will bring out a special volume of 
notes and glossary to the four gospels. Such an appendix to the series 
would greatly increase its value. 


Nouveaux Essais de Philologie Francaise. Par ANTOINE THOMAS. Paris : 
Bouillon, 1905. 8vo. xii + 416pp. 

C'est la suite du volume intitule Essais de Philologie Francaise paru 
chez Bouillon en 1898. Avec ces deux ouvrages il est necessaire de 
consulter egalement du meme auteur les Melanges d'Etymologie Francaise 
(Fascicule xiv de la Bibliotheque de la Faculte des Lettres de I'Universite 
de Paris, 1902). Apres avoir dirige ses recherches dans tous les 
domaines de la philologie romane, apres avoir donne une grande partie 
de son temps aux etudes concernant 1'histoire du moyen age, 1'auteur 
s'est de plus en plus specialise dans les problemes de lexicologie et 
d'Etymologie. II nous presente ses idees sur la ' science etymologique ' 
dans le premier article du volume Nouveaux Essais qui est la reproduc- 
tion avec quelques retouches d'un travail paru le l er decembre 1902 
dans la Revue des deux Mondes et intitule La Science etymologique et 
la langue frangaise. Le titre seul de 1'etude en indique 1'esprit : 
M. Thomas considere que la science de 1'etymologie ne pourra c se 
constituer qu'en etudiant comparativement et contradictoirement la 
succession historique des faits, des sons, des idees' (p. 11). C'est la son 
principe et ce principe s'oppose a celui de 1'ecole semantique represented 
surtout par Hugo Schuchardt qui a developpe ses idees dans plusieurs, 
articles notamment dans Vber die Lautgesetze, Romanische Etymologien, 
et en divers endroits de la Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie. Le 
semantiste allemand pense qu'il faut prendre en consideration non 
seulement le developpement des sons mais aussi et surtout le develop- 
pement des sens, I'influence des formes des mots connexes pour etablir 
l'origine de 1'un d'eux. En somme il subordonne les transformations 
physiologiques aux influences psychologiques tandis que M. Thomas 
prend comme unique base scientifique une se*rie de lois phonetiques 
mathematiquement .fixees. On comprend des lors que la methode du 
philologue frangais soit beaucoup plus rigoureuse et conduise a un 

M. L. R. 17 

254 Reviews 

maximum de vraisemblance bien plus eleve que celui attaint en suivant 
la m^thode de M. Schuchardt. Cependant M. Thomas reconnait aussi 
que la semantique a son utilite : elle sert de contre-epreuve aux 
resultats fournis par 1'enquete historique et elle peut parfois y suppleer. 
' Et, dit-il malicieusement, il y a en particulier un vaste domaine ou le 
langage semble se jouer des lois de la phone tique. C'est celui de 
1'analogie, qu'on peut se representer comme une sorte de Cour des 
Miracles. C'est la qu'on voit des mots qui ont perdu leur tete ou leur 
queue s'emparer sans vergogne de celle du voisin pour faire figure dans 
le monde et se livrer a quantite d'autres tours de passe-passe dont le 
spectacle est fait pour deconcerter notre raison. La semantique a 1'oeil 
sur eux et, mieux que la phonetique, elle peut nous livrer le secret de 
leurs faits et gestes et les deferer aux tribunaux dont ils ressortissent.' 
D'autre part M. Schuchardt se sert de la phonetique comme point de 
depart dans ses recherches qui tournent au psychisme une fois seulement 
qu'il se heurte a des difficultes ou la phonetique lui semble incapable de 
fournir aucun secours. Les deux philologues ne sont done point separes 
Tun de 1'autre autant qu'il semble au premier abord, et si leurs principes 
different, en pratique ils se donnent parfois la main. 

M. Thomas se dene un peu des considerations generales. II prefere 
les exemples concrets et les fouilles nettement delimitees et c'est surtout 
dans les articles venant apres celui que nous venons de signaler avec 
quelque detail qu'on trouvera les heureuses applications de sa methode 
scientifique. Parmi les articles les plus interessants du livre qui 
dans la seconde partie, pp. 149-345, ne contient que des etudes 
etymologiques, nous citerons les suivants armorijo; aveneril (ou 1'auteur 
reconnait une composition en -arllis (arius + llis) lui permettant 
de retrouver 1'origine de mots comme chaumeril, femeril, fromen- 
teril, meeril, orgertt 1 ); caillou ; cerneau ; cibre ; consier, desier ; deimai, 
ou il retrouve le rnot esmoi (de + esmoi) ; fauterne ; histar, que 
M. Thomas fait remonter sans doute possible a genesta + aris, ' comme 
ela, dit-il, saute aux yeux de tout bon philologue'; iviere, qui vient 
non de nivaria, comme 1'auteur 1'avait d'abord cru et soutenu dans les 
Memoir es de la Sociefe Ant. de I' Quest, :t868, mais de hibernum, 
comme il 1'admet maintenant, p. 285 ; nuitre, qu'il derive de *noctula 
(' chouette ') ; ostade dans le sens d'etoffe de laine, qui, comme il 
le montre irre"futablement, n'est autre que le nom de Worstead 
(Norfolk) dont les etoffes penetrerent en France au xiv e siecle ; trouver, 
ou 1'auteur refute avec beaucoup d'esprit 1'etymologie generale- 
ment donnee turbare, et a la place de laquelle il soutient le beaucoup 
plus probable *tropare. A propos du mot eculorger les exemples 
fournis par le glossaire hebreu-fran9ais du XIII 6 siecle, public par 
MM. Lambert Mayer et Louis Brandin, confirment 1'idee emise par 
M. Thomas, et permettent de rejeter completement la part du...derriere 
que M. Dottin a voulu y fourrer sans avoir, nous le craignons, suffisam- 
ment refle"chi. II nous donne en effet les formes eklorjgrt (175, 75), 

1 Les mots blaril, lineril, seilleril, sont signales par M. Mario Boques dans son 
compte-rendu, Journal des Savants (aout 1905). 

Reviews 255 

eklorjont (194, 9), eklurjement (174, 20), klorjemont (175, 71), klorje- 
monz (89, 44), klorjonz (153, 83), qui indiquent sans doute possible le 
radical * collubricare. 

Signalons encore la solution definitive d'une question fort delicate 
la transformation de -arius en -ier, et 1'interessant article sur le suffixe 
-aricius, ou il reprend et corrige les idees exposees par MM. Horning, 
Tobler et Meyer-Ltibke et ou il donne une liste d'environ 250 mots 
fran9ais et proven9aux, masculins et feminins, formes a 1'aide de ce 
suffixe, prouvant ainsi que sa vitalite a etc" beaucoup plus grande qu'on 
ne 1'avait reconnu jusqu'ici. 


Dante the Wayfarer. By CHRISTOPHER HARE. London and New 
York: Harper. 1905. 8vo. xviii + 355 pp. 

The idea of this book is excellent a record of Dante's wanderings, 
illustrated by pertinent passages from his own writings, and embel- 
lished with photographs (many of them original) of the more important 
spots which he visited. And the general scheme of its arrangement is 
perhaps as satisfactory as the somewhat vague chronology of the Poet's 
movements will permit. Some of the chapters which at first sight 
seem intrusions embody a catena of Dante's most beautiful thoughts 
on different aspects of Nature, and find their justification therein : 
such, e.g., are the digression in Chapter I on 'Mothers and Children,' 
the Chapter on ' The Birds of Dante,' and that on ' The Highway of the 
Sea.' There were, in fact, certain moods of Dante's versatile genius, 
and certain departments of his insight, which the writer could not bear 
to leave unrepresented. But while we applaud his judgment we cannot 
but wish that he had shewn more skill and deftness in effectuating it. 
The Divina Corn/media is a mine of treasures, and of very varied 
treasures. A book like this might have given us a classified museum 
of the same, ordered on a definite plan. But it remains neither mine 
nor museum something between the two. 

And while in general this externally attractive volume gives one the 
impression of a mass of good things rather loosely put together more 
than once, e.g., the author repeats apparently unconsciously, and almost 
word for word, a sentence or a paragraph already given in an earlier 
chapter a more detailed view confirms the impression. The same 
faults of style which disfigured the earlier and in some ways equally 
fascinating book on The most illustrious Ladies of the Italian Renais- 
sance, are here repeated ; and there is also a goodly harvest of small 
inaccuracies (both material and verbal) and of misprints. Why do we 
read on p. 33 ' Peregrino, quasi mendicando,' and on p. 137 ' Pelli- 
grino ' (sic) in the same quotation from Conv. i. 3 ? On whtt authority 
is the pavement in the Duomo of Siena attributed to Duccio ? and who 
is responsible for the twin solecisms of 'San Stefano' and 'Santo 
Cassian^s ' ? Why, again, should the beautiful if not entirely original 
chapter on ' Dante as Alpine Climber ' be disfigured by the fantastic 


256 Reviews 

interpretation of the Corda of Inf. xvi ? Again, if the writer desired 
to give a contemporary illustration of mountaineering, would not 
Salimbene's thrilling account of the feat of Peter of Aragon have been 
more in point than a reference to 1555 ? 

But we will content ourselves with the foregoing criticisms, though 
indeed there is matter for many more, and conclude with a word of 

If ' lo bello stile ' is lacking to our writer, there is no want of ' lungo 
studio ' of a sort, and of very sincere ' amore.' To beginners in the 
study of Dante, this book may be of considerable use, in spite of its 
blemishes, and not least for its collection and quasi-classification of 
some of the very finest passages in the Divina Commedia. 


Delia Trilogia di Dante. Da ALESSANDRO CHIAPPELLI. Florence: 
Barbera, 1905. 8vo. vii-f 286 pp. 

Dantologia : Vita ed opere di Dante Alighieri. Per G. A. SCARTAZZINI. 
Sa'Edizione con ritocchi e giunte di N. SCARANO. Milan: Hoepli, 
1906. 16mo. xvi + 424 pp. 

La Divina Commedia. Con postilli e cenni introduttivi del Prof. 
RAFFAELLO FORNACIARI. Edizione minuscola. Milan: Hoepli, 
1905. 32mo. xxii + 577 pp. 

Teologia Dantesca studiata nel Paradiso. Da GIUSEPPE TAROZZI 
(Biblioteca degli Studenti, 132, 133). Leghorn: Giusti, 1905. 
16mo. x+ 112 pp. 

Avviamento allo Studio della Divina Commedia. Da FRANCESCO 
FLAMINI (same Series, 134, 135). Leghorn : Giusti, 1905. 16mo. 
x + 122 pp. 

Tavole Riassuntive della Divina Commedia. Da L. M. CAPELLI (same 
Series, 136). Leghorn: Giusti, 1905. 16mo. 90 pp. 

The title of Prof. Chiappelli's book is at once enlightening and 
disappointing. It is enlightening because it restores to its more 
scientific use the word 'Trilogy/ rather unfortunately misapplied by 
Witte to the triad of the Vita Nuova, the Convivio and the Commedia. 
On the other hand it leads one rather to expect a somewhat scientific 
account of the structure and mutual relations of the three Cantiche; 
instead of which we have the usual reproduction of a more or less 
disconnected group of lectures delivered at various times in Rome, 
Florence and Naples. And there is no proportionate treatment of the 
three elements. The bulk of the book deals with subjects from the 
Inferno, the Purgatorio and Paradiso having assigned to them one 
lecture each. 

But the disappointment is after all short-lived. The prolific writer, 
whose papers on classical, artistic and political themes contributed to 

Revieivs 257 

the Nuova Antologia and other Reviews will be familiar to many 
English and American readers, brings a store of culture and erudition 
to his task, and ransacks English and German as well as Greek and 
Latin classics for his illustrations. His real insight into the classical 
spirit makes the lecture on L'Odissea dantesca a peculiarly illuminating 
commentary on the remarkable passage of Inf. xxvi which is in some 
respects perhaps the most fascinating episode in the whole Cantica. 
And in this as in the other chapters, the incidental light thrown on the 
structure and meaning of the Commedia goes far to make up for one's 
prima facie disappointment. The printing of the volume is worthy of 
the traditions of the publisher, who has embellished it with two 
excellent illustrations. 

Scartazzini's Dantologia comprises nos. 42 and 43 of Hoepli's ex- 
cellent ' scientific series.' The first part contains three comprehensive 
chapters on the life of Dante, prefaced by a very complete resume of 
the literature, ancient and modern, bearing on his life. The second 
part similarly opens with a chapter of ' cenni bibliografici,' followed by 
three which deal respectively with (1) the Life as exhibited in the 
works, (2) the minor works, (3) the Commedia. 

The value of the book is enhanced, though its ' readableness ' is 
naturally impaired, by the constant introduction of references : and the 
astonishing amount and variety of matter compressed into so small a 
space is so well arranged that it escapes being unmanageable and 
bewildering. The editor of this third edition is to be congratulated 
on a creditable performance of a difficult task. He has conscientiously 
refrained from substituting his own cherished convictions on points 
not proven. Where Scartazzini's view is specially open to criticism he 
has appended a note of his own ; only where the original compiler has 
been proved ' manifestly wrong ' has he ventured to alter the argument. 
The characteristic chapter on 'La vita nelle opere' he has left practically 
untouched. His additions are, quite reasonably, most prominent and 
most important in the department of bibliography. 

The ' edizione minuscola ' of the Divina Commedia published by 
Hoepli is a charming little pocket edition, beautifully printed on India 
paper, and admirably adapted for those who frequent the public 
afternoon lectures so often given in the larger Italian cities. The 
notes are brief and to the point. The learned editor, while availing 
himself of the best work of his predecessors, has kept simplicity ever in 
view and taken care not to 'darken counsel with knowledge,' or to 
overload the text with wayward or superfluous comments. 

In his excellent Biblioteca degli studenti, which deserves to be better 
known in England, Raffaello Giusti of Livorno has already published 
this year three useful manuals on Dante, the last on our list. The 
first two, being double volumes, are issued at one lira each, the third 
at 50 c., and all three are well worth and more than worth the price. 
Prof. Tarozzi's Teologia Dantesca takes the form of an elaborate 
analytical commentary on three comprehensive passages in the Paradiso, 
viz. Par. i. 103 141, in which he finds a summary of Dante's teaching 

258 Reviews 

on 'God and the Universe'; Par. ii. 112 141, which forms a text for 
the discussion of the ' organi del mondo ' and the Motive Intelligences ; 
and Par. xiii. 52 84, giving the fundamental doctrine of Creation. 
Each passage is printed in extenso at the beginning of its own chapter 
and then taken clause by clause at the head of the following pages, 
while illustrative terzine from other parts of the Paradiso, and occa- 
sionally from the Inferno and the Pargatorio, are adduced in the course 
of the commentary. The method strikes us as scientific and illumi- 

Prof. Flamini's Avviamento, appropriately dedicated to Isidoro del 
Lungo, is an attempt to treat, not only scientifically but originally, 
what would otherwise be a somewhat hackneyed theme. He deals with 
the genesis of the Divina Commedia, its precursors and its sources ; 
with its literal, allegorical and anagogic signification; with its fame 
and fortune as a book; and appends an ample but well selected 
bibliography, in which we are glad to find Toynbee's Dante Dictionary 
specially marked as 'opera importantissima.' The central section, on 
the signification, is the most original and probably the most valuable. 
It is based on a careful study of Aquinas' commentary on the Ethics. 

Dr Capelli's Tables will be less interesting to the general reader, 
especially if he have already in his hand the rather more elaborate 
manual of Prof. Polacco published five years ago by Hoepli. But for 
its original purpose the little volume is probably elaborate enough, and 
it has the merit of being based on very recent research. 


Cervantes in England. By JAMES FITZMAURICE-KELLY. London: 
Published for the British Academy by H. Frowde. [1905.] 8vo. 
19 pp. 

Nothing could be better than the address delivered by Mr Fitz- 
maurice-Kelly before the British Academy on the occasion of the 
Tercentenary of Don Quixote. It is admirable in matter and dignified 
in manner. The main theme of the discourse is deftly intertwined with 
the leading points of the great writer's life and aims. Without any 
show of pedantry the chronology is so well observed that the First Part 
of the novel and its contemporary influence in England are dealt with 
before we hear of the Second Part ; between the two sections comes a 
short but brilliant interlude on Avellaneda. Full justice is done to 
the Novelas Ejemplares. Few students of English literature can have 
realised the part played by these tales in the history of the drama. 
Of course Mr Fitzmaurice-Kelly makes use, with due acknowledgment, 
of the labours of other scholars, like E. Koppel ; but he rarely does so 
without illuminating the subject by some fresh touch or point of view. 
The bibliography attached to his Life of Cervantes shows that our 
author is acquainted with the Travels' of Persiles and Sigismunda 
(1619), which was rendered into English from the French version of 

Reviews 259 

de Rosset (1618) 1 . It might have been as well to mention this book, 
as it seems to show that Cervantes was quite in vogue in England at 
this early date, otherwise there would scarcely have been any demand 
for a work which is not one of its author's successes. It would perhaps 
have been better to call the paper 'Cervantes in English Literature.' 
From the musical standpoint, it is true, there was nothing important to 
chronicle, save, perhaps, Purcell's setting of some passages from D'Urfey's 
Don Quixote, which has little, if any, connection with Cervantes. But 
Cervantes in English Art is an important and fascinating theme, as 
was demonstrated by Mr Ashbee. From the curious title-page of 
Shelton's version down to Mr Strang's fine etchings there is a long 
series of English works of art that owe their inspiration to the great 
Spanish romance. But these are all minor points ; and it is a thank- 
less task to find fault however slight with a brilliant performance, 
and one that was entirely worthy of a great occasion. 


Geschichte der russischen Literatur. Von A. BRUCKNER. Leipzig : 
C. F. Amelang, 1905. 8vo. 508 pp. 

Professor Bruckner has earned the reputation of being one of our 
most learned Slavonic philologists, and he has especially added to our 
knowledge of old Polish literature. His History of Polish Literature, 
for which he was amply equipped both by his minute knowledge of the 
subject and the enthusiasm he would naturally feel for it as a Pole, 
appeared both in German and Polish. In dealing with Russian litera- 
ture, we might have had fears that the stari, domashni spor (' the old 
family quarrel '), as Pushkin called it, would perhaps distort his views. 
But in reality he has written in a genial and sympathetic manner of 
the literature of the old ancestral enemy, and we are thankful to him 
for it. He stands in this respect in remarkable contrast to M. Walis- 
zewski whose book on Russian literature, published a few years ago, 
was characterised by a good deal of prejudice. 

The early period, including the chronicles, the correspondence 
between Ivan IV and Kurbski, the Domostroi said to be by the priest 
Sylvester, and the work by the diak Kotoshikhin, is discussed in two 
chapters. The real Russian literature begins with the third chapter, 
with the extraordinary change in the country brought about by Peter 
the Great ; the chronicles and lives of the saints give place to essays in 
the style of the Spectator and satires in imitation of Boileau. Kantemir, 
of whose satires Prof. Bruckner gives an analysis, is treated with respect 
as the first Russian author of the new school ; as ambassador at the 
courts of St James and Versailles, he had plenty of leisure to assimilate 
western literary forms. Russia now followed the universal Jmitation of 

1 It is curious that this book was again translated into English in 1854 by L[ouisa] 
D[orothea] S[tanley]. It would be interesting to know whether any fresh information 
has, since that date, been gathered concerning the fine portrait of Cervantes, a reprot 
duction of which forms the frontispiece to this volume. Mr Ashbee does not mention it. 

260 Reviews 

French literature ; Kheraskov, with his tedious epics, reminding us of 
the Henriade. But the Rossiada and Vladimir found many readers, 
for the Russians, even the humbler classes, seemed to crave some 
literary pabulum, and perhaps Kheraskov will be best remembered in 
future times by the interesting fact that these turgid productions were 
read to the youthful Turgueniev by one of his mother's serfs, and 
inspired him with a fondness for Russian literature. The chapter on 
the age of Catherine does not spare the corruptions of her court, and 
tells us of the bold attempts of Radistchev and Novikov to ameliorate 
the condition of the serfs and aid in the spread of education. Professor 
Bruckner also speaks favourably of Derzhavin, the chief court laureate 
who had a new poem for each of Catherine's victories, but who had also 
the courage to satirize the favourite Potemkin. The pedants and 
reactionaries, especially Shishkov, are dealt with severely by Professor 
Bruckner, while the importance of Batiushkov, whose genius was 
quenched at an early age, is justly recognised. Zhukovski, who followed 
the latter, has of late been somewhat depreciated in Russia. His work 
is chiefly translation, but he was more than a translator. Many of his 
versions are surprisingly good, and we do not wonder that Professor 
Bruckner praises his rendering of part of the Odyssey. Zhukovski did 
a great deal to pave the way for Pushkin by refining Russian versifica- 
tion. A whole chapter (the seventh) is devoted to the latter, the pride 
of the Russians. Our author gives an admirable estimate of Pushkin's 
exquisite work, Yev genii Oniegin, and Pushkin's glorious lyrics are not 
forgotten. We are glad to have such a eulogy of the Russian poet, 
whom Professor Bruckner finely calls 'der Zauberer,' written in a 
language accessible to many western readers. 

The novel came into Russia gradually. There are ' Volksbticher ' 
pretty early, certainly in the reign of Alexis, the father of Peter the 
Great, but the form was more or less created by the many novels 
translated from French and English during the eighteenth century. 
The Russians became in this way acquainted with the works of Fielding, 
Smollett and Sterne. In the earlier part of the nineteenth century, the 
novels of Scott blazed across Europe, and in Zagoskin and Lazhechnikov 
to say nothing of the worthless Bulgarin the historical tale was 
established in Russia. It was, however, Nicholas Gogol (died 1852) 
who created the genuine Russian romance, and a whole chapter is very 
properly devoted to him here. The culmination of the Russian novel is 
reached in what Professor Bruckner distinguishes as the ' Modern Time ' 
(1855 1905). To Turgueniev, as to Pushkin, he is generous in his 
praise, and a separate chapter is devoted to Tolstoi whose religious 
views are (p. 355) roughly dealt with. Dostoievski is clearly not one of 
our author's favourites and he is, we think, too lenient to Boborykin, 
who is a kind of G. P. R. James. 

This chapter is followed by an excellent survey of the history of the 
drama in Russia. Professor Bruckner devotes, we are glad to see, 
considerable attention to the clever bourgeois comedies of Ostrovski 
which are very popular on the Russian stage. The latter part of the 

Reviews 261 

work is occupied with the latest developments of novel writing, in 
which the scenes are taken almost entirely from the lives of the 
proletariat, as in the works of Gorki, Chekov (recently deceased), 
Potapenko and Korolenko. Space is also found for the discussion of 
the latest school of poets, the Decadents, such as Constantine Balmont, 
Briusov, and pthers. We wonder, however, that Professor Bruckner 
says nothing about Balmont's excellent translation of Shelley. We 
should have liked to see a fuller account of Russian historical writing, 
but presumably Professor Bruckner does not consider this to fall within 
the scope of his work. In conclusion we may say that in this book we 
have the conscientious work of a thorough scholar, and we wish it all 



The Syndics of the Cambridge University Press are, we understand, 
arranging for the publication of a History of English Literature from 
the earliest times to the end of the Victorian age, more or less on the 
lines of the Cambridge Modern History. The work is to be in about 
twelve royal octavo volumes, of approximately 400 pages each, and will 
be edited by the Master of Peterhouse and Mr A. R. Waller. A history 
planned on so generous a scale may depend on a warm welcome from 
all workers in the field of English literature. We are glad to learn 
that the excellent bibliographical appendices of the Modern History will 
also be a feature of the new work. The relations of English literature 
to foreign literatures, a subject in which continental and American 
research has, during the past few years, added so much to our knowledge, 
will receive special attention. 

We have been asked to draw attention to the 'Festschrift' which is 
being prepared in honour of Professor Camille Chabaneau, who cele- 
brated his seventy-fifth birthday on the 4th of March. Professor 
K. Vollmoller of Dresden has placed a special volume of Romanische 
Forschungen at the disposal of those who wish to contribute. The 
volume will appear in the course of the year under the title Melanges 
Chabaneau. The appeal for support is signed by more |than forty 
leading Romanists. We regret, however, to see that the list does not 
include a single English or American name. 


December, 1905 February, 1906. 


(a) Language. 

BUCK, C. D., Elementarbuch der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte. (Sammlung 

indogermanischer Lehrbiicher, vn.) Heidelberg, Winter. 4M. 80. 
HIRT, H., Die Indogermanen. Ihre Verbreitung, ihre Urheimat und ihre 

Kultur. i. Band. Strassburg, Trubner. 9 M. 
SCHRADER, 0., Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte. Linguistisch-historische 

Beitrage zur Erforschung des indogermanischen Altertums. 3. Aufl. 

I. Teil. Geschichte und Methode der linguistisch-historischen Forschung. 

Jena, Costenoble. 8 M. 

(5) Literature. 

Archiv fur Theatergeschichte. Hrsg. von H. Devrient. n. Band. Berlin, 

Fleischel. 7 M. 50. 
BRANDES, G., Samlede Skrifter. xvi. Bind. (Skikkelser og Tanker, n.) 

Copenhagen, Gyldendal. 5 kr. 75. 

COLLINS, J. C., Studies in Poetry and Criticism. London, Bell. 6s. net. 
HALE, E. E. , Dramatists of To-day. Rostand, Hauptmann, Sudermann, Pinero, 

Shaw, Philipps, Maeterlinck. New York, Holt. 1 dol. 50. net. 
MADAN, F., Summary Catalogue of Western MSS. in the Bodleian Library at 

Oxford. Vol. vi, Part 1. London, Frowde. 7s. 6d. net. 
MAZZONI, G., e F. E. PAVOLINI, Letterature straniere. Manuale comparative. 

Florence, Barbera. 4 L. 
MUNCKER, F., Wandlungen in den Anschauungen liber Poesie wahrend der 

zwei letzten Jahrhunderte. Festrede. Munich, Franz. 60 pf. 


BOCCACCIO, G., Le lettere autografe del Codice Laurenziano xxix, 8, per cura di 
G. Traversari. Castelfiorentino, Giovannelli e Carpitelli. 3 L. 

CAFELLI, L. M., Tavole riassuntive della Divina Commedia. (Biblioteca degli 
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THE present Anglo-Norman poem on the Antichrist, copied about 
the middle of the XIII th century and written doubtless at a somewhat 
earlier period, is published here for the first time according to the MS. 
Old Royal 8. E. xvn (f c 80 et seq.) in the British Museum. A second 
copy exists in the MS. Fr. 24862 (f 98d et seq.) of the Bibliotheque 
Nationale in Paris, of which the opening and concluding lines (some 
thirty verses in all) have been published by Paul Meyer in an interesting 
memoir 1 on the manuscript in question, in which are to be found some 
valuable particulars concerning the author of our poem. The name of 
this author was Henri dArci ; he was a templar of the establishment 
of Bruern or Bruer Temple in Lincolnshire and the writer of several 
works in Anglo-Norman. In the epilogue to one of these works, the 
Vie de Sainte Thais, Henri dArci, after mentioning himself by name 
and his calling, makes specific reference to his two most important 
compositions the Antichrist and the Descent of Saint Paid to Hell 2 : 

Henri d'Arci, frere del temple Salemun, 

Pur amur Deu vus ai fet cest sermun ; 

A vus le present e as freres de la maisun. 

Ne quer loer de vus si bone volente nun, 

Mes ore larrai d'escrire, par le vostre congie, 

Ke le mielz del essamplaire ai enromance ; 

Mes asquanz des chapitles ai je entrelessie, 

Ces en qui je ne vi geres d'utilite. 

E si ceste translaciun vus vient rien a gre, 

Prest sui en autres choses a vostre volente. 

Mes ore, a ceste feiz, voil un poi reposer. 

Nequedent, ainz que je leisse del tut ester, 9 

1 Notice sur le ms. frangais 24862 de la Bibliotheque Nationale, contenant divers 
ouvrages composes ou ecrits en Angleterre, Paris, 1895. 

'-' Published by the author of the present article in the Revue des Langues Romanes 
(tome XLVIII., Sept. Oct. 1905). 

M. L. R. 18 

270 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

De la venue Antecrist voil traiter, 

U neistra e cumbien devra regner 

E les granz merveiles qu'il fra voil remembrer, 

E u murra e coment trestut voil comter ; 

E del [jur] de juise e del grand jugement 

Dirrai aucune chose pur Deu ensement. 

Puis dirrai, par la grace del seint Espirit, 

Des peines que seint Pol 1'apostle en enfert vit. 

Oez dune le sermun ententivement, 

Ke, si bien 1'escotez, si avrez amendement. 

Of the two manuscripts containing Henri d'Arci's composition on 
the Antichrist, that of the British Museum, as Paul Meyer has already 
pointed out (op. cit. p. 26), presents a text preferable by far to that of 
the Paris MS. An independent examination on my part has fully 
confirmed this view. At the same time the variants of the MS, 
Fr. 24862 are not without interest, and they will be found fully 
communicated at the foot of the page, including a passage of about 
thirty lines absent from the London MS., which, however, is obviously 
an interpolation of the scribe. With the material at my disposal, and 
in view of the probable absence of the original MS., it did not seem 
advisable to correct L (British Museum MS.) by means of P (MS. of the 
Bibliotheque Nationale), although it is clear that in some isolated 
cases this would be an advantage. I leave the reader to make the 
experiment for himself. 

As regards the linguistic peculiarities of Henri d'Arci's poem, they 
are such as one would expect to find in a work written oh this side 
of the Channel about the middle of the XIII th century. The most 
important are here appended: 

(a) o closed is occasionally rendered by u : vus 2, etc., cum 16, etc., 
nus 48, etc., mult 98, etc., mustre 226, as commonly in Norman and 
Anglo-Norman texts. 

(b) The Latin ending -ere of infinitives appears as -er, instead of 
eir (oir) as in French : saver 21, 149, aver 302. 

(c) Latin is occasionally represented by e instead of ie : ert (erit) 
6, etc., afert 51, ben 162, 164, 171, etc. 

(d) a preceded by a palatal occasionally gives e instead of ie: 
peckd 31, etc., manger 219. 

The same peculiarity is seen in the suffix -arius: maneres 60, 111, 
premer 242, etc. 

(e) The forms liu (locus) and fu (focus) which occur in numerous 
other Anglo-Norman texts, should be noted. 

(f) Finally nasal o and a are written oun and aun, as often in 
Anglo-Norman: perdicioun 51, devaunt 116, creaunce 124, 205, etc. 

L. E. KASTNER 271 

The versification is very defective, even for a composition written 
in England ; half, or very nearly half, of the verses are either too long 
or too short according to the exigences of French verse. A few verses, 
it is true, may be regarded as correct, looked at in the light of Anglo- 
Norman metric, which could leave out of account both the feminine e 
and the protonic e, but even admitting this possibility, quite a third 
of the verses are halting. It is not my intention to enter here into 
the different theories that have been advanced in order to explain 
the striking irregularities of Anglo-Norman metric ; at the same time 
present results are, I think, ample justification for stating that the 
view held by Suchier and other German scholars and combated by 
Paul Meyer and Vising, according to which the syllabic irregularity in 
certain Anglo-Norman poets can be explained by the influence of the 
Germanic prosodic system, is no longer admissible. In any case it is 
clear that the majority of Anglo-Norman poets, as time went on, forgot 
the rules of continental French prosody: they did not know what to 
count and what not to count in estimating the number of syllables in 
a French verse, and seem to have been satisfied with the ring, so to 
speak, of the rhyme at the end of each verse, provided that each verse 
had approximately the same length on paper. In conclusion it should 
be mentioned that the poem on the Antichrist of Henri d'Arci is a 
translation, with very few variations, of the Libellus de Antichristo 1 of 
the Abbot Adson 2 of Moutier-en-Der, which the latter had undertaken 
at the request of Gerberge, wife of Louis d'Outremer. 

Id commence un estoyre, 
De Antecrist la memoi/re. 

Si de Antecrist veus oyr la memoire, [F. 80. col. iv] 

Ici vus dirai la verite* de 1'estoyre. 

Oyez done premerement pur quele acheson 

Cist trait-res avera Anticrist a non. 

4 Avera] aura 

1 The Latin text (about 360 lines) of the Libellus de Antichristo will be found in 
Migne, Patrologia Latina, t. ci. col. 1298. 

2 Interesting details on Adson will be found in H. Omond's article in th0 Bibliotheque 
de VEcole des Chartes, t. xvn. pp. 157-160 : Catalogue de la Bibliotheque de VAbbe Adson 
de Moutier-en-Der. See also Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Par., i. 561-2 ; Calrnet, Bibliotheque 
Lorraine (1751), 22-5; Cave, Scriptores Ecclesiastici (1745), n. 107; Histoire Litteraire 
de la France (1742), vi. 471-92 ; Lelong, Bibliotheque de la France (1768), i. 10609, 10632, 
12118, 12176, 13280 ; Migne, Patrologia Latina, t. cxxxvn. 597, t. ci. col. 1289 ; Oudin, 
Supplementum de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, p. 308. 


272 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

5 For ce, sachez, Antecrist appelle sera 

Ke encontre Jhesu Crist ert e encontre guerra. 

Jhesu vint humbles, e cist orgoillous vendra ; 

Jhesu vint humbles enhaucier, e cesti les abessera; 

Jhesu vint por pecheours en terre justiser, 
10 E cesty vendra encontre ses felons enhaucer. 

La ley de 1'evangelie Antecrist destruiera, 

E a honorer le deable par tot le monde comandera. 

Oez en quel liu Antecrist sera ne, 

E coment il nestera e de quele ligne\ 
15 E ne quidez pas que de mon sen le vus die, 

Mes si cum je 1'ay veil e oi'e, 

En seinte escripture que de reen ne ment 

Nous dit tot soen avenement. 

Antecrist sera engendre e n6 
20 Des gens en Babiloine la cite, 

Ce est a saver del ligne Dan. 

Kar Jacob dist, passe a meint an, 

Ke Dan malveis colovre en la veie sera, 

E si cum la lesarde la voie gueitera. 
25 Iceste prophecie paremplie sera 

De Antecrist que de la ligne Dan nestera. 

Touz iceus que a sey convertir ne porra 

Par sa grant malice les devorra. 

6 Ke encuntre crist ert encuntre crist vivera 7 Jhesu vint humbles] 

Ke crist vint umble 8 Crist vint les homes eshaucer et oil les abessera 

12 Instead of this one verse, we read the following three in the Paris MS.: 

Sultivement des diables al mund remettra 
Sa propre glorie en totes manieres querra 
Deu omnipotent de tuz clamer se fra 

16 20 These verses are amplified as follows in the Paris MS.: 

Ke ne 1'ai controve pas ne quidez mie 
Mes les livres mult ententivement cercai 
E si cum jel trovai escrit sil vus dirrai 
E si vus ne dirrai ce sacez poi ne grant 
Fors ce dunt puis ave[ir] le livre a garant 
Si cum nus volum mustrer par auctorite 
Antecrist del poeple as gius iert engendre 

21 Et ce fet a saver de la lignee dan 22 Kar Jacob dist] Ke Jacob le 

prophaite dist 26 Dan serra fet colevre et en la veie serra 27 8 Re- 

placed by the following verses in the Paris MS. : 

E si cum le serpent el sente demora 

E mulz de la veie de bien desturnera 

E par le venim de sa malice ocira 

Tuz icels qu'il a soi convertir ne porra 

L. E. KASTNEK 273 

De pere e de mere nestera cum autre gent, 
30 Neent, cum mouz quident, de virge soulement. [F. 81. col. i] 

En peche sera ne, en peche engendre", 

En peche conceu, icel maleure. 

Un Giu de sa femme espouse engendera 

Antecrist que tot le monde devorra. 
35 Meimes le houre k'il conceti sera 

Ly deable el ventre sa mere enterra, 

E pus en la sue garde tot dis mes sera, 

Ke de ly ne de sa mere mes ne departira; 

E si cum ly seint espirit vint en Marie 
40 Kant ele conceiit, si ne departi mie, 

Mes de la seinte vertue la enumbra, 

E de la divine Grace la eslumina, 

Autresi li malfe en Antecrist descendera, 

E li e sa mere partot environnera. 
45 Fyz de perdicion appelle sera. 

Ore oiez en quel liu Antecrist nestera : 

Si cum nostre sauveour douz Jhesu Crist 

En Beleem ou il voleit nestre por nus eslit 

Ausi a porveii li deable (a) soen metre: 
50 Ce est la cite de Babiloine ou il deist nestre, 

E eel liu afert bien al fiz de perdicioun, 

Kar Babiloine dist autretant cum confusion. 

En deus citez sera norri e conversera: 
Ce est en Corozain e en Bethsaida, 
55 Por ce les maldit nostre sire Ihesu Crist 
En un liu del evangille ou il dist : 

32 En pechie conceu et en pechie iert ne 33 4 Lacking in the Paris MS. 
41 Et de la sue sainte vertu la umbra 42 Et de divinite tute 1'environa 

43 4 These lines are expanded as follows in the Paris MS.: 

Qu'ele del seint esperit voirement conceust 
E ce que de li neistreit devin et seint fust 
Issi le diable en la mere antecrist descendra 
E de la sue vertu tute la emplira 
E si la environera dedenz et defers 
E sun habitacle aura fet en sun cors 
Por ce qu'il serra par son enticement conceu 
Soit del tut en tut felun e mal e perdu 

45 After this verse the following two are inserted in the Paris MS.: 

Ke ces qui nel voldrunt consentir destruira 
E il meimes a la parfin destruit sera 

47 Bethleem u il voleit por nus neistre eslit 49 Ausi li ad porveu liu li 

diable sun mestre 55 Por ce les maldit] por ce les blesina 

274 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

Maldit seit Bethsayda, maldeit seit Corozain, 

Kar en vus conversera le vessel de venim ! 

Icist Antecrist avera oue sei devinours e sorceres 
60 E enchanteours de diverse maneres, 

Ke par le espirement del deable 1'enseigneront [Col. ii] 

E de tot fausete Fen aprenderont; 

E \j espirit del malfe ly governera 

E touz jours sanz departir oue ly sera. 
65 E en apres deskes en Jerusalem vendra 

E soen se en le temple domini mettra; 

E se fera circuncire solon la veille ley; 

E dira a les gens k'il est lour dieu e lour rei, 

E por lour salvacion est venu ce lour dira ; 
70 Or e argent e richesses assez lour dorra. 

Lors convertira les princes e les reis, 

E par eus ly poples, si lour dorra ses leys; 

E touz iceus k'yl ne porra a sei convertir 

Devant ly de malemort les fera morir. 
75 Done commandera chescun crestien Dieu reneer, 

Ou par fu ou par fer les fera touz oscir, 

Ou par serpenz ou par bestes detraire, 

Gil que ne voldront en ly creire. 

Les lius ou Ihesu Crist nostre sire ala 
80 Ices meimes Antecrist environnera; 

E ce que Ihesu Crist fist a son pover le defra, 

Kar de malice e de felonnie plein sera. 

E en apres messagers pecheours assemblera; 

Par tot le universe monde les enveiera; 
85 Sa predication tendra en le orient, 

E del su en le norz e deske en le Occident; 
E sa poeste et sa mestrie ensement 
E sa seignourie fera sour tote gent. 
Done fera il miracles e merveilles assez: 
90 Ke les clops iront, e verront les avugles, 

57 Wai tei bethsaida wai tei corozaim 59 Devinours e sorceres] sorcerieres 

60 E divinours e chantairs etc. 62 E de tote fausete le endoctrinerunt 

63 E les malignes esperiz tut dis le werront 64 E tuz jurs sanz departi 

ses compaigmms seront 66 E sun siege a etc. 67 Dune se fra circuncire 

et dira as juels 68 Qu'il est messias qui est premis a els 70 E il les 

assemb[le]ra tuz ce lur promettra 74 De male mort les fra morir 75 Dune 
comendra as crestiens deu a reneer 76 Oscir] tuer 78 Gels qui convertir 

ne voldrunt nen lui creire 81 A son pover le defra] ice defra 89 E 

merveilles assez] e merveilles 90 Les avugles] les avoegles 

L. E. KASTNER 275 

E les sourz orront, e ly mus averont sancte ; 

E tost fera le solail torner en oscurte; [Col. iii] 

E la lime en sane soudeinement tornera ; 

E fu del ciel hisdusement venir fera, 
95 E les arbres fera il soudeinement foillier ; 

E pus kant il voudra les fra touz ensechier; 

La mer commovera par son commandement, 

E derechef 1'apeisera mult soudeinement ; 

II fera les eves changer lour colours, 
100 E totes autres natures turnera en rebours ; 

Le eir par vent e par pluie commovera, 

E autres miracles e merveilles fera. 

Touz les miracles que Ihesu fist Antecrist fera, 

Fors soul tant que nul mort ne resuscitera. 
105 Mes les miracles que il fera faus seront, 

E as mescreanz e as pecheours verai seront. 

Tanz des merveilles Antecrist fera 

Ke les eslyz Dieu en mescreance mettra. 

Si diront entre eus : ce [est] nostre sauve(ou)r 
110 Ke es venu en terre por le mond juger. 

En treis maneres tornera a sei la gent : 

Par dons, par miracles, par poour de torment. 

Ceus que par poour convertir ne porra 

Par miracles e merveilles les decevera, 
115 E ceus que il ne porra par miracles torner 

II les fera devaunt ly tuer. 

95 Foillier] florir 96 Ensechier] sechir 99 Les ewes fra cil enemi 

changer lur curs 101 E par pluie c.] e par fluvies c. 102 E merveilles 

fera] e forceries fera 103 5 These verses are lacking in the Paris MS. 

106 Mes as mescreanz por verrais aparunt 107 Kar quant eels miracles e 

merveiles verrunt 108 Si doterunt entreus ces qui parfit sunt 109 Saver 

u nun si ce soit icel meimes crist 110 Que la sainte scripture al mund 

venir promit 112 16 This passage is amplified as follows in the Paris MS.: 

Par duns par miracles par pour de tourment 

Kar mult grant richeises e mult grant habundance 

Promettra a eels qu'il turnera a sa creance 

Puis durra or e argent a grant fuisun 

A eels qui convertir(ir)unt par sa precheisun 

Issi convertira plusurs e decevera 

Par les richeises e les duns qu'il lur dora * 

E eels qu'il ne porra corrumpre par 1'argent 

Si(l) les surmuntera par pour de tvirment 

E eels qu'il par aveir detenir ne porra 

Ne par pour par miracles les avera 

E eels qu'il ne porra par miracles turner 

Si(l) fra devant tuz cruelment tuer 

276 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

Itele persecutioun idonkes sera 

Tele ne fa pus que ly siecle commeru^a. 

Kar si cum nostre seignor le pronuncia : 
120 Ly fiz le pere, e ly pere le fiz, traira, 

E ly frere livera a la mort son frere, 

Mere la fille, e la fille sa mere, 

Kar sovent avendra que ly fiz renera [Col. iv] 

E ly pere en sa bone creaunce remeindera, 
125 E sovent reneiront pere e mere, 

E la fille reneiera sanz la mere. 

E issi reneieront entre eus changablement 

Hommes et femmes par tot le mond communement. 

Kant ces que si faitement reneie seront 
130 Veront que les autres reneier ne voderont, 

Si les liveront a la mort par lour trai'son. 

Alias, cum cheitive e dolorouse persecucion ! 

Done reneieront Ihesu Crist lour seignor, 

Pour les miracles que il fera e verront, e par la pour. 
135 Kar Antecrist, e ses ministres ensement, 

Par tot le mond destruieront crestiene gent. 

Mes, si cum nostre sire en le evangille dist, 

Ke se tient deske a la fin, cil ert sauf e eslit. 

Ly tens Antecrist durra treis anz e demi, 
140 Kar la seint escriptoure demustre tot issi. 

Seint eglise karante moys defoleront 

Antecrist e ses ministres que ly ensuiront. 

Tant dura la persecution de malveis Antecrist, 

Si cum seint eglise nus temoine e dit. 
145 Done abregera Dieu les jours pour les eslyz, 

Ke il ne seient par le malfe touz periz. 

Si il regnat un demi an plus avant, 

Homme ne femme ne sereit sauf vivant. 

Si vus plest saver kant Antecrist vendra 
150 Oez quei Seint Pol de sa venue parla: 

Ne vendra pas, ce dit, ly fiz de perdicion, 

Deceque seit let primes discension, 

125 E la fille reneera souvent sa mere 126 E sou vent reneerunt andui 

pere e mere 1278 These two lines are lacking. ' 130 After this verse 

the following occurs : 

Issi reneerunt tuz ensemblement 

146 Ou perireient autrement les parfiz 1478 Lacking in the Paris MS. 

149 Si vus plest saver] si vus demandez 

L. E. KASTNER 277 

Ce est a dire, deceque touz les regnes del mond 

Seient departi de Rome, que enclins y sont, [F. 82. col. i] 
155 Kar tot le mond fu jadis subjet a Rome 

E treu ly dona chescun an par cosfcume. 

Mes, ainz que viene ly fiz al enemi, 

Tot le mond de son empire ert departi; 

Mes eel tens n'est venu oncore mie, 
160 Ne les regnes de Rome departie. 

Kant chescun empire destruite sera, 

L'empire de Rome ben se governera, 

Tant cum les Romeins en vie seront; 

L'empire o lour pover ben governeront ; 
165 La dignete de Rome pas tot ne perira, 

Ke en ces reis meimes la dignete estera. 

Aucuns de nos mestres dient qu'al dereins tens 

Sera un rei des Fra^ois sages et de grans sans 

Ke tendra enterement 1'empire des Romeins, 
170 E ert de tot reis de Rome ly derreins; 

E kant il avera le regne ben governe, 

Longement en pes e en mult debonourte, 

A la fin cil reis en Jerusalem ira, 

E deske al mont de Calvarie done vendra, 
175 E prendra la coronne de son chef, si la mettra 

Sor la croyz que iloc affiche verra; 

Pus tendra vers le ciel en haut ses meins, 

E lyvera a Dieu le regne des Romeins. 

Issi finera 1'empire et tote la poeste 
180 De Rome e de tote la crestiente. 

E en apres, si cum Seint Pol ly apostle dit, 

Sanz nule demorance vendra Antecrist, 

Nekedent mes que il ne viegne despurvuement, 

E deceive e mette en errour tote gent. [Col. ii] 

156 Chescun] cheun 157 Mes ainz que seit revele cil fiz al enemi 


Car meis que sunt empire seit destruite et partie 
Nequedent portant cum les reis franceis durrunt 
L'empire de rume tenir deverunt 

169 L'empire des Rorneins] 1'empire rum am 172 E en rnult debonourte] 

e en grant boneurte 173 A la fin] a la parfin 174 E tres qu'al munt 

chaut pas de calvarie vendra 176 Sur le chef a la croiz que en eel lui 

serra 178 E livera sur le regne a deu des remains 

278 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

185 Deus prophetes vendront devant soen nessement, 
Pour dire e pour nuncier soen advenement : 
Ce est Enok e Elye que devant ly venderont, 
E treis anz e demi en le secle precheront, 
E les elys Dieu en lour fey confermeront ; 

190 E por eus enseigner e garnir vendront. 
Totes les villes que en le siecle seront 
Ices deus prophetes a Dieu convertiront. 
E done sera acompli a eel houre 
Ce que nus trovon en la seinte escripture. 

195 Si le nombre des genz fust autretant 

Cum gravele de la mer, sauf ert le remenant. 
Pus kant il averont lour predicatioun acompli, 
Cum je vus ai dit par treis anz'e demi, 
Apres ce tanttost Antecrist vendra, 

200 E de primes vers les prophetes guerre commencera, 
E tant durement se tornera vers eus 
Ke il les oscira les prophetes ambedeus ; 
E kant il les avera oscis ensemblement 
Les autres feus Dieu guerra durement; 

205 E ceus k'il ne pourra torner a sa creaunce 
II les fera tuer sanz nule demorance. 
Trestouz que en ly fermement crerount 
Signe de sa creaunce en lour front averont. 
Ore avez oy ou Antecrist nestera 

210 E les miracles el mond que il fera, 
Ore oiez en quel liu cil malfe morra 
E coment e en quele guise il finera : 
Pus kil avera treis anz e demi regne 
E le pople Dieu par divers tormenz pene", [Col. iii] 

215 A la fin vendra sor ly grant peine 

E Dieu ly oscira de sa grace derneine. 
Seint escriptoure dit que Antecrist morra 
En eel liu ou Ihesu en le ciel monta. 

189 E les elys Dieu] e les feelz den 191 Tuz les melz qui dunques en 

eel tens serrunt 196 Cum est grefe de mer sauf erent li remanant 199 Apres 
ce tantost] apres ici chaut pas 200 E de primes vers eus were commovera 

201 Se corucera 204 Les autres feelz deu werera erraument 207 E 

tuz icels qui en lui dune creire vuldrunt 211 Cil malfe morra] cil ennemi 

murra 212 E coment e en quel liu il fin(en)era 215 Grant peine] 

vengance e peine 216 Grace demeine] vertu demeine 217 II dient que 

sun paveillun occis sera 

L. E. KASTNER 279 

Kant Antecrist si fetement sera ocis 

220 Ne vendra mie erraument li jor de juis, 
Mes karante jours de fere penance 
Dorra Dieus a ses eslyz sanz dotance ; 
E ces karante jours lour penance feront 
Les elyz Dieu que par Antecrist deceli seront; 

225 E kant la penance sera finie, 

Cum Jeremie nus mustre en sa prophecie, 
Nul ne ert en vie que done dire savera 
Kant le jour de juise apres ce vendra, 
Fors soul Dieu que totes choses fourma. 

230 Kant son pleisir ert le siecle jugera. 

Ore oez cum Dieu vendra al jugement, 
E coment apparont devant ly tote gent 
Ly jour de juise, si cum ly livre tesmoinne : 
II vendra le jour de Pasche par un dimaine. 

235 E le jour devant tote gent morront, 
Hommes e femmes que en vie seront, 
E pus en ausi poy de houre releveront; 
Cum oyl se clout e ovre al jugement vendront. 
Lors vendra al jugement nostre douz syre, 

240 Oue grant disdeinance o corrouz e o ire; 
E si ne vendra mie soul al jugement, 
Cum il vint soul a soen premer aveignement, 
Mes oue grant glorie vendra e o grant seignorie, 
E les nefs ordres des angles en sa compaignie, [Col/ iv] 

245 Patriarkes, prophetes, apostles, oue li vendront, 
E touz les autres seinz qui en le ciel seront, 
Martirs, virges, e ly confessour; 
E les angles iront devant nostre seignour, 
Si porteront le signe de la croyz avant, 

250 Si cum Jeremie nus dit que est nostre garant. 
Pus kant il ert oue son grant ost avale, 
Que il ert venu (c)el liu que est appelle Estele, 

221 Penance] penitence 223 E en quarante jorz frunt penitence tuz 

224 Les eliz qui serrunt par antecrist suduiz 225 Puis quant il averunt la 

penitence finie 226 Cum daniel nus mustre etc. 227 N^l n'iert suz 

ciel qui unques dire saura 229 Fors sul dampnedeu etc. 235 E le 

samadi devant etc. 238 This line is lacking 239 Nostre douz syre] 

nostre sire 245 E les patriarches ensemble ocl lui vendrunt 246 E les 

prophetes qui de deu parlerent en cest mund 247 E li apostle martir virgne 
et confessor 250 Cum saint jeroime dit trovum a guarant 252 Qu'il 

ert venu el ciel qu'il claiment estelle 

280 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

Lequel est par entre la lune e la firmament, 

Done charra le fu sor la terre espessement ; 
255 Tote la terre ardera que est desouz le ciel, 

Si ke ly mont e ly val seront ouel; 

La flamme del feu tant haut montera 

Cum 1'eve de la terre parfond sera. 

Dont ert ly jour mult cruel e plein de hydour, 
260 Kant les seinz e les angles trembleront de poour; 

Done sonera Sein Michel sa busine dreins, 

Ke de touz les angles est primes e sovereins ; 

Les autres angles chescun sa busine businera, 

E Seint Michel la derreine busine sonera. 
265 E al son de cele busine releveront 

Les hommes e les femmes que mort seront ; 

Les cors e les almes touz se assembleront 

En un poy de houre de mort releveront ; 

E touz les esliz seront ouelement granz 
270 E de une belte e d'eage de brente anz. 

L'eage des dampnez e de lour estature 

Ne parole reen la seint escriptoure. 

Lors seront touz les eslyz en liu ravi 

Ou iiostre sires sera e ses angles oue ly; [F. 83. col. i] 
275 E les cheitifs dampnez sor la terre esteront, 

Enmi la flamme, mes pas ne arderont, 

Mes le fu d'enfer les ardera, je vus affi, 

Solon ce ke chescun avera deservi. 

Done seront departi li malveis de les esliz, 
280 Si cum hommes depart chevres de berbiz. 

Les eslyz mettra Dieus a sa destre, 

E les malveis mettra a sa senestre ; 

Done se tornera Dieus a sa destre partie, 

E dira a la beneite compaignie: 
285 Venez avant, les benoiirez fiz mon pere, venez ! 

Le regne del ciel que vus attent recevez ! 

254 Dune charra fu sur terre cum pluie espessement 255 E dune 

ardra la terre qui est sus ciel 257 La flambe del fu tant halt en 1'eir montra 

258 Cum 1'ewe del diluvie noe jadis monta 263 Car sis angles chascun le 

suen businera 268 E en si poi d'ure de mort cum oil clot releverunt 

273 En liu ravi] en 1'eir ravi 276 Mes pas ne arderont] mes pas iluec nen 

arderunt 277 Je vus affi] sacez de fi 279 Li malveis de les esliz] les 

maus et les esliz 280 Si cum Tern departe cheverels de berbiz 282 E 

trestuz les mals a senestre 285 Venez avant les beneitz etc. 

L. E. KASTNER 281 

Kar je avoie feim e seif e vus me saiilastes, 

E sovent [fui] nuz e povre e vus me eidastes ; 

Kant je fui sanz oustel vus me herbergastes ; 
290 Kant je estoie en prison vus me visitastes. 

Done responderont les esliz e diront sanz respit: 

Sire, kant vus veimes tel cum vus avez dit ? 

E il dira: kant vus feistes ben a un de mes povre eliz, 

Si le feistes a moy, ce sachez, bel douz fiz. 
295 E en apres a son senestre tornera, 

E as cheitifs dampnez irousement dira: 

Departez de moi, malelirez, en liu pardurable 

Ke en enfer est appareille al deable ! 

Kar je avoie feim e seif e fu en grant grevance 
300 E onkes par vus ne avoie nul allegance. 

E done diront iceus : kant vus veimes si povrement 

Aver mesaises e ne vus aidames nent ? 

E Dieu dira: kant a miens ne feites reen 

Done ne feistes pas a moy, ce sachez ben. [Col. ii] 

305 Lors iront ceus en pardurable peine, 

E les eslyz, en la joie sovereine. 

Jhesu Crist, Dieu omnipotent, 

Ke ciel e terre fist de neent, 

Nous ameine a cele clarte 
310 Ou reen n'y a de obscurte ! Amen. 


287 Kar je avoie] car jo oi 288 Em ferm et en chartre fui et vus me 

rewardastes 289 Quant jo fui sanz ostel vus me requilistes 290 Suvent 
fui senz dras et vus me vestistes 293 E il dirra quant ben feistes a mes 

petiz 296 Irousement dira] si faitement dirra 297 Departez de mei 

maleiz al fu pardurable 299 Car jo oi faim e sei em ferm en chartre fui 

300 E senz ostel mes unc aie de vus nen oi 301 Dune dirront quant vus 

veimes si faitement 306 E les dreiturels en la joie suvereine 307 10 These 
verses are lacking in the Paris MS., which, however, contains the following concluding 
passage, absent from the London MS.: 

Atant estes vus parfini le jugement 
E nostre sire montera au eel erraument 
Puis ert cest secle delitable et de grant belte 
Quant par fu cum dis devant ert espurge 
E nequedent mes qu'il seit bel et delitable 
Ne maindra mes nul home e nul diable 
Dune resplendirunt les sainz cum soleil el ciel 
Nequedent ne serrunt pas tuz li sainz vel 
Car une esteille al ciel plus qu'a[u]tre est clere 
E lez seinz serrunt en mei me la manere 

282 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

Li soleil resplendira apres le jugement 
Set feiz plus qu'il ne fet ore plus clerement 
E trestuz eels qui serrunt bons parfitement 
Resplendirunt cum li soleil fra dune certeinement 
Les autres qui de si grant merite ne serrunt 
Sulunc leur deserte idunc resplendirunt 
Ha deus cum par a ei grant dignite 
Qu'home deit estre al ciel en si grant clart^ 
Meint horn dit si fusse dedenz lus de paradis 
Je avereie joie e clarte assez tuz dis 
II dit vers mes ce ne dust il mie dire 
Car que co dit mei est avis qu'il dit folie 
Car icels qui dient qu'il ne querent neent plus 
Mes qu'il poissent estre sulement dedenz lus 
De fieble quor lur vient tels diz u pensers 
Qu'il voldreient estre dereins et nent as prerners 
Mes oez mun conseil trestuz communement 
Seez de quor si pernez a vus grant hardement 
Enpernez le ben a faire e dex vus aidera 
Deservez le plus haut liu e deus le vus durra 
Deu par sa grace nus doinst estre as prenierains 
U si ce nun aukune part nus doins o les dereins 


I HAVE nowhere seen an account of such English words as have 
been borrowed directly from Provencal ; and I therefore take this 
opportunity of discussing a detail in the composition of our language 
which has nowhere been dealt with. 

Of course, there can be no doubt that, among the numerous words 
which we have borrowed at various times from French, a few were 
borrowed by the Parisians from the South of France, and are thus 
Provencal words at second-hand. Examples occur in badinage, cabin, 
cabinet, cadet, cardoon, fad, fig, radish, rigadoon, and some others. The 
consideration of these forms belongs rather to the history of French 
than of English. Flamingo is likewise of Provengal origin. 

Neither is there anything very remarkable in the fact that the 
words tulle and valance are derived, respectively, from the place-names 
Tulle and Valence, both of which are in the South of France ; for it is 
not likely that these came to us otherwise than through Northern 
French. But there are a few words which we seem to have imported 
directly from Southern France, and it becomes historically interesting 
to consider how such a result came about. It forms a small, but 
separate chapter in our linguistic history. 

There are a couple of lines in Chaucer's description of the Shipman 
which throw a clear light upon the matter. He says : 

Ful many a draught of wyn had he y-drawe 
From Burdeux-ward, whyl that the chapman sleep. 

We must remember that, in the days of Edward III. and Richard II., 
Bordeaux and the adjoining country belonged to England; and that 
when the Shipman brought casks of wine from the river Gironde to the 
river Thames, the communication was quite direct, from one part of 
England's dominions to another, and had nothing to do with Northern 
France. We might therefore expect that at least some of the terms 
connected with the wine trade were necessarily Provengal. Such was 

284 Provencal Words in English 

actually the case with the words funnel, puncheon, rack, spigot, and 
ullage ; words which have given the etymologists a good deal of trouble. 
I may claim to have myself established the etymologies of these words, 
though Mr Wedgwood had already compared funnel, rack, and ullage 
with Languedoc forms, without assigning any reason. 

However, it is now clear that funnel represents the Prov. founil, 
longer form enfounilh, from the Latin infundibulum. Puncheon, in the 
sense of ' cask,' is not from the French poinqon, but from the Gascon 
pounchoun. To rack wine, i.e. to clear it from dregs, is from the 
Gascon verb arraca, which has that very sense; and arraca is itself 
derived from raca, a docked form of draca, 'dregs/ answering to the 
Old French drache. Spigot represents an old form espigot, now only 
used in the sense of 'an ear of corn well thrashed,' but originally a 
variant of espigoun, which means precisely ' a spigot ' ; from the Latin 
spica. Ullage is a technical term which I have explained in my 
Concise Dictionary (1901). 

But these words are not all ; we may add to them battledoor, league, 
noose, troubadour; and even lingo and sirrah. All these have an 
interesting history. 

When the Shipman and his fellows sailed up the Gironde, we cannot 
doubt that they saw many young washerwomen diligently washing 
clothes by the river-side with the aid of a batlet, which was called at 
that time a batedor in Provencal, and simply means ' a beater.' They 
promptly learnt the word, but turned it into battledoor, by association 
with battle, which in provincial English still means ' a mallet.' Batedor 
is formed like troubadour, which is well known to be Provencal. 

League, as a measure of distance, answers to the Prov. leg a, modern 
Bordeaux legue (so says Mistral), not to the French lieue. Cotgrave 
notes that the French lieue measures about two miles, whilst that of 
Languedoc measures three. That is why the English marine league 
measures three miles likewise. It is a sailor's word ; so the Shipman 
knew it. It appears in Middle English in Chaucer's time. 

Why noose should be a Gascon word is not at first obvious ; but a 
moment's consideration will explain it. When the Shipman wanted to 
come to land, he had to throw a noose at the end of a rope over a post, 
as is done still; so there is no wonder at his acquiring the Gascon 
name for it; it was, literally, the first Gascon name that required his 
notice. It represents the Gascon nos, mod. Prov. nous, from the Latin 
nominative nodus ; whereas the French nceud is from the accusative 
nodum. The Languedoc plural of nous is nouses. Mistral gives a 

W. W. SKEAT 285 

Provenal proverb, in the form ' Fai-te 'n nous a la co,' literally, ' make 
thee a noose for thy neck,' which we express more briefly by the words 
' be hanged.' 

Mistral, in his Provenal Dictionary, tells us that lingo is the precise 
form used at Marseilles. No doubt our sailors picked it up at that 
famous port. It does not appear in English till 1660, long after we 
lost Gascony. 

The story of sirrah is one that greatly interested me, when I first 
found it in Mistral. It does not represent the French sire, which is a 
title of honour, but the Provengal sira, which (though it is the same 
word) is very much the reverse. It is merely the French word sire 
adapted to a Southern pronunciation ; but altered in sense owing to a 
difference in the point of view. The Southerners detested the French 
sires, and went so far as to use this polite title as a term of contempt. 
This throws a clear light upon the use of the word by English writers, 


M. L. B. 19 




IT may interest students of Bishop Berkeley to call attention to 
the existence of a publication of his which seems to have escaped the 
notice of his editors. The following is the title : 

Queries | relating to a | National Bank, | extracted from the 
Querist. | also the | Letter containing | A Plan or Sketch of such 
Bank. | Republished with Notes. | Dublin. | Printed, and Sold by 
George Faulkner, | Book-seller, in Essex-street, opposite the Bridge. | 

The pamphlet is of 40 pp. ; the signatures indicate a quarto, but 
my cut copy has the appearance rather of an 8vo. Chronologically it 
comes immediately after the third part of * The Querist.' In separate 
sections it gives Queries from the First Part of the Querist, pp. 3-13, 
Second Part, pp. 14-23, Third Part, pp. 24-33. ' The Plan | or | Sketch 
of a | A [sic] National Bank To A. B. Esq ;' occupies pp. 34-40 and 
is signed 'The Querist.' I have not noticed in the queries any 
variations of text from those of ' The Querist ' in its earliest form, but 
my examination has not been minute. 

The 'Advertisement' (p. 2) shows that the selection is Berkeley's 
own: 'The Author hath thought fit to select the following Queries 
from among others of a Miscellaneous Nature, intermixed with them 
in the Querist, to the End that, those which relate to a National Bank 
being brought together in one View, the Reader may be the better 
enabled to judge of the Usefulness of such a Proposal, and understand 
the Grounds thereof.' 

' The Plan or Sketch of a National Bank ' is altered and enlarged 
from the letter of Berkeley to Thomas Prior which was published by 
Prior with Berkeley's approval in the Dublin Journal (1737), and may 
be found reprinted in Professor Fraser's Life and Letters of Berkeley 


(1871), pp. 248-249. As the alterations and additions are considerable 
it may be printed here in full : 


You tell me, Gentlemen would not be averse from the National 
Bank proposed in the Querist, provided they could see a distinct Sketch 
or Plan of such Bank drawn up in one View. The Querist indeed, only 
puts Questions, and offers Hints, not presuming to direct the wisdom 
of the Legislature. But it should seem no difficult Matter to convert 
Queries into Propositions. However, since you desire a short Abstract 
of my Thoughts on this Subject, take them as follows. 

I conceive that in order to erect a National Bank, it may be 
expedient to enact : 

I. That an additional Tax be raised of ten Shillings the Hogshead 
on Wine ; or, that such other Tax be raised as shall seem good to the 

II. That the Fund arising from such Tax, be Stock for a National 
Bank, the Deficiencies whereof to be made good by Parliament. 

III. That Bank Notes be minted (a) to the Value of one hundred 
thousand Pounds, in round Numbers from one Pound to Twenty. (6) 

IV. That such Notes be issued, either to particular Persons on 
Cash, or Security; or else, to the Uses of the Publick on its own 

V. That a House, Treasurer, Cashiers, and other Officers, (c) be 
appointed in Dublin, for the uttering and answering of Bills; for the 
judging of Securities ; for the receiving and keeping of Cash ; and for 
the managing of this Bank as other Banks are managed. 

(a) No Country hath more natural Advantages. Our Wants therefore are mostly to 
he resolved into the Want of Skill and Industry in our People ; the proper Encouragement 
whereof consists in ready Payments. These Payments must be made with Money, and 
Money is of two Sorts, Specie or Paper. Of the former, we neither have a sufficient 
Quantity, nor yet Means of acquiring it. Of the latter Sort, we may have what we want, 
as good and current as any Gold for Domestic Uses. Why should we not therefore reach 
forth our Hand, and take of that Sort of Money which is in our Power ; and which makes 
far the greater Part of the Wealth of the most flourishing States in Europe ? This, by 
promoting Industry at home, may advance our Credit abroad; and in the Event, multiply 
our Gold and Silver. 

(6) It seems very evident that, be the Fund what it will ; or in Case th^e was no 
Fund at all ; yet those Notes would circulate with full Credit, if they were sure to pass in 
all Payments of the Kevenue. That is to say, the Government itself could give more 
Credit to that Paper, than any other Security now current among us. 

(c) Among these it is proposed, that there be two Managers with Salaries: One of 
whom always to attend; and that such Officers be at first named in the Act, and afterward 
jreplaced by the Visitors. 


288 A Pamphlet by Bishop Berkeley 

VI. That there be twenty-one Visitors ; one Third of these, 
Persons in great Office (d) for the Time Being; the rest, Members 
of either House of Parliament, some whereof to go out by Lot, and as 
many to come in by Ballot once in two Years. 

VII. That such Visitors visit the Bank in a Body four Times 
every Year; (e) and any Three of them as often as they please. 

VIII. That no Bills or Notes be minted, but by Order of Par- 
liament. (/) 

IX. That it be Felony to counterfeit the Notes of this Bank. 

X. That as the Publick is at all the Charge, and makes good the 
Credit of this Bank, so the Publick be alone Banker, or sole Proprietor 
of this Bank ; the Profits whereof shall be accounted for in Parliament, 
and applied under the Direction of the Legislature, to the promoting 
of publick Works and Manufactures, (g) 

For the better administering of this National Bank to the Content 
of all Persons, it will be thought expedient to add divers Regulations 
about the Number and Choice of Visitors, and other Officers concerned 
in so great a Trust, into some Share whereof it may not perhaps 
altogether seem improper to admit the Deputies of great Corporations. 
For the same End, those several Precautions by Signatures, Cyphers, 
strong Boxes under divers Keys, and such like Checks, which are used 
in other Banks, would not be omitted in this. 

A Bank wherein there are no Sharers, would be free from all the 

(d) No just Jealousy can be conceived of the Power of such Visitors, inasmuch as they 
are to give no new Directions, but only see that the Directions of the Legislature be 

(e) It is objected, that this were too much Trouble to be expected from Visitors who 
have no Salaries. But if four Times be thought too often, twice may do. It is hardly to 
be supposed, that Gentlemen would begrudge the Attendance of two Days in the Year 
Gratis, for the Service of their Country ; or if there be such Gentlemen, it cannot be 
supposed that they would be chosen by Ballot. But this may be provided against, by 
allowing Persons, who cannot attend, Leave to decline the Office, and electing others in 
their Stead. 

(/) Under the Direction of the Parliament, the Publick Weal will prescribe a Limit 
to the Bank Notes, which will always preserve their Use and Value, provided they are 
multiplied only in Proportion to Industry, and to answer to the Demands of Industry. 
Paper Credit can never be so secure of doing Good to a State, as by making the Demands 
of Industry its Measure, and the increase of Industry its End. The same holds also with 
Regard to Gold and Silver. The not considering this seems to have been the great 

(g) Men disposed to object, will confound the most different Things. We have had, 
indeed, Schemes of private Association formerly proposed, which some may mistake for 
National Banks. But it doth not appear that any Scheme of this Nature was ever 
proposed in these Kingdoms : And among the Foreign Banks, perhaps there will not be 
found one established on so clear a Foot of Credit, contrived for such a general and easy 
Circulation ; and so well secured from Frauds and Accidents, as that which it is now 
hoped may, by the Wisdom of our Legislature, be modelled and erected in Ireland. 


Evils of Stock-jobbing. A Bank, whereof the Publick makes all the 
Profit, and therefore makes good all Deficiencies, must be most secure. 
Such a Bank prudently managed, would be a Mine of Gold in the 
Hands of the Publick. The Bills therein minted, would be equivalent 
to so much Money imported into the Kingdom. The Advantages 
of such a Bank in restoring Credit, promoting Industry, answering 
the Wants, as well of the Publick as of private Persons, putting Spirit 
into our People, and enlivening our Commerce, will, I suppose, be 
evident to whoever shall consider the Queries of late proposed to the 

Reasons for a National Bank and answers to Objections are particu- 
larly insisted on in the Querist, wherein are contained also several 
other Matters relating to such Bank; which in Time may be further 
improved, altered, and enlarged, as the Circumstances of the Publick 
shall require. 

Every one sees that a National Bank admits of many variations, 
and minute Particulars, divers of which are hinted by the Querist, but 
the Publick will chuse what shall be judged most convenient. 

It should seem the Difficulty doth not consist so much in the 
contriving or executing of a National Bank, as in bringing Men to a 
right Sense of the Publick Weal, and of the Tendency of such Bank to 
promote the same. 

To explain these Points, and to urge them home, both from Reason 
and Example, hath been the Aim of the Querist, particularly of the 
third Part just now Published, which, with the "two foregoing, contains 
many Hints designed to put Men upon thinking what is to be done 
in this Critical State of our Affairs ; which perhaps, may be easily 
retrieved and placed on a better Foot than ever, if those among us, 
who are most concerned, be not wanting to themselves. 

I am your humble Servant, 

It may be worth noticing that in the Dictionary of National 
Biography (iv, p. 355) " The Querist, Part ill " is mentioned as 
" Part iv, 1737." There was no " Part iv." 



DEUX articles recents, 1'un de M. Ernest Dupuy sur les Origines 
litte'raires d'A. de Vigny 1 , 1'autre de M. Schultz-Gora sur Eloa 2 , ont 
insiste sur les emprunts ou les reminiscences qui rattachent ce ' mystere ' 
a d'autres ceuvres, surtout etrangeres. Us sont d'accord pour reduire 
au minimum 1'influence qu'a pu exercer Moore sur Vigny, et le poeme 
des Amours des Anges leur semble devoir etre raye du nombre des 
ouvrages dont procederait a quelque degre" la Sceur des Anges. Us 
s'ecartent en ceci de 1'opinion de Sainte-Beuve qui mettait en 1835 
' Thomas Moore lui-meme ' parmi les ' sources exteVieures du talent 
poetique de M. de Vigny, si on les recherche bien 3 .' Des la publication 
d'Eloa, Henri de Latouche, lie avec Vigny, avait, dans le Mercure du 
XIX e Siecle, indique sans s'y arreter que ' 1'invention de cette fable a 
quelque analogic avec tel poeme de Moore, ou de Byron ' ; un redacteur 
du Globe, Ch. Magnin, notait le 21 octobre 1829 ' qu'aupres d'Eloa, les 
Amours des Anges, de Thomas Moore, ne sont qu'une mesquine et 
coquette conception, un feu follet sans consistance et sans portee.' 
Meme en supposant un classement aussi inegal des deux ouvrages, le 
rapprochement paraissait s'imposer: on le rencontre encore sous la 
plume d'un critique aussi informe qu'Emile Montegut : ' Eloa a son 
origine dans les Amours des Anges de Moore,' ecrit-il dans la Revue des 
Deux Mondes du l er mars 186*7 4 . II est permis enfin de retrouver un 
souvenir d^guise de cette association presque convenue de deux oeuvres 
seraphiques dans 1'allusion faite a la fois par Balzac aux Amours des 
Anges et a une serie de creations plus ou moins analogues, lorsqu'il 
parle assez a 1'improviste du ' poeme caresse par tant de poetes, par 
Moore, par lord Byron, par Mathurin, par Canalis (un demon posse"dant 

1 Revue d'histoire litteraire de la France, x. (1903), p. 373. Reproduit en volume dans 
la Jeunesse des Romantiques, Paris, 1905. 

2 Zeitschrift fur franzosische Sprache und Litteratur, xxvn. (1904), p. 278. 

3 Portraits contemporains, t. n. p. 62. II y revient en 1864 (Nouveaux Luiidis, t. vi. 
p. 411). 

4 Dans Nos morts contemporains, l e serie, p. 344. 


un ange attire dans son enfer pour le rafraichir d'une rosee derobee au 
paradis) 1 .' Quelle est en realite la nature de ces rapports ou de cette 
dependance ? 

Pour le premier romantisme, celui de 1820, qui n'avait pas encore 
fait sa revolution en matiere de langue et de style et qui mettait 
presque tout son effort a creer une sorte de litterature transcendentale, 
le poete du Paradis et la Peri n'avait pu manquer d'apparaitre comme 
un auxiliaire precieux. De fait, on le tient en singuliere estime, et 
c'est a peine si W. Scott et Byron font tort a sa renornmee. ' On dirait, 
ecrivent les Annales de la litterature et des arts' 2 , que ces trois genies se 
sont divise entre eux toute la creation. W. Scott s'est empare" de la 
terre ; lord Byron semble s'etre precipite dans les sombres abimes ; le 
domaine des cieux est echu a Th. Moore. II semble, en quelque sorte, 
initier l'homme aux sublimes mysteres de la divinite.' C'est a propos 
des Amours des Anges que 1'organe attitre de la Societe des Bonnes- 
Lettres precede a cette repartition de 1'univers ; et ce poeme semblait 
en effet mettre le sceau a la renommee de Moore considere comme le 
peintre des regions superieures. Mais il n'avait pas attendu jusque- 
la 3 pour exercer une influence dont Fontaney, Guttinguer, Gerard de 
Nerval offrent mainte trace : Berlioz et Th. Gautier a leur tour repre- 
senteront, dans la troupe des admirateurs francais du poete irlandais, 
comme un second ban, qui 1'aimera pour des qualites differentes 4 . 

Alfred de Vigny a du de tres bonne heure etre mis au fait de 
1'oeuvre de Moore par son parent Bruguiere de Sorsum : celui-ci publia 
en effet des 1820, dans le Lycee frangais, un long article sur Lalla- 
Rookh, ou il s'attardait surtout a I'ingenieux episode du Paradis et 
la Peri 5 . On voudrait pouvoir decouvrir le nom du jeune poete 
aristocrate lui-meme sous 1'initiale V. qui signe un article du Con- 
servateur litteraire, en juin 1820, consacre lui aussi a Lalla Rookh 6 . 
L'auteur remarquait que ' le style est ce qui prete le plus a 1'eloge et a 
la critique ' dans ce poeme, mais il trouvait les defauts ' bien rachetes 

1 La Derniere Incarnation de Vautrin [decembre 1847]. Ed. des (Euvres completes, 
Paris, 1860, t. xix. p. 19. 

- 1823, tome xi. p. 95. 

3 Une des premieres mentions de Moore semble se trouver dans un article du Lycee 
fratigais, 1819, tome i. p. 131. 

' 4 C'est surtout autour de I'Epicurien que se rassemblent, apres 1827, ces nouvelles 

5 Lycee francais, 1820, t. m. pp. 319, 363, 409 (a propos de la traduction Pichot). 

6 Conservateur litteraire, 2 e aunee, livraison xv. p. 180. Sainte-Beuve 1'attribue a 
Hugo, semble-t-il. Selon M. Dupuy (Jeunesse des Romantiques, p. 231), le premier article 
de Vigny dans ce periodique serait celui qu'il consacrait a lord Byron sous cette meme 
rubrique de Litterature anglaise, mais en decembre 1820. La P^ri, 'venant du soleil,' 
par ait deja dans Helena. 

292 Thomas Moore et A. de Vigny 

par la variete des figures, 1 eclat du coloris, la grace on 1'energie des 
peintures et cette verite de teinte locale qui rdpand, sur les imper- 
fections memes, une sorte de charme magique.' Surtout il observait 
que ' les ouvrages de Th. Moore, qui ont plu generalement, choqueront 
toutefois le gout de quelques champions du classique sans qu'ils puissent 
motiver leur severite. La poesie romantique, par ses formes vagues et 
indecises, echappe a la critique, semblable a ces hdtes fantastiques de 
1'Elysee pai'en, qui frappaient la vue et se derobaient a la main qui 
les voulait saisir.' N'etait-ce pas definir dans un sens bien conforme a 
la tendance du premier Cenacle les particularites preferees du poete 
irlandais ? 

Vigny allait subir, a 1'egard de Moore, 1'effet d'un autre prestige, et 
Fun de ceux qu'un apprenti de lettres eprouve presque infailliblement. 
De la fin de 1819 au printemps de 1822, 1'ami et le confident de lord 
Byron, I'h6te favori de 1'aristocratie liberale fit a Paris plusieurs sejours 
dont le jeune lieutenant de la garde royale a e"te certainement plus 
qu'informe. Le Journal de Moore mentionne 1 un grand nombre de 
visites, de soirees, de rencontres mondaines qui mettent le poete 
etranger en presence de Mmes de Flahaut, de Sainte-Aulaire, de Barante, 
de Dolomieu, et surtout de la duchesse de Broglie, la fille de Mme 
de Stael, que Moore retrouvait a Paris apres 1'avoir deja connue eri 
Angleterre avec sa mere 2 , pendant les derniers mois de FEmpire. On 
aimerait savoir les noms des convives que Mme de Broglie fit rencontrer 
a Moore le 19 Janvier 1820, et 1'on est tente de s'impatienter de la 
memoire indifferent e, dedaigneuse ou courte de 1'illustre etranger, qui 
note dans son journal : ' Treize personnes outre moi, qui etais le seul 
Anglais present. II y avait la quelques hommes dont on vante le 
talent, mais je ne me rappelle pas bien leurs noms. II discuterent 
litterature anglaise aussi couramment que s'ils connaissaient rien a 
1'affaire ' II est certain, a tout le moins, que Lamartine, qui est en 
relations avec Mme de Broglie des 1819 3 , dont Moore traduit en 1820 
quelques vers pour Y Edinburgh Review, a ete admis a 1'honneur 
d'approcher 1'auteur de Lalla Rookh chez Mme de Broglie. Et il 
associe d'une fa^on si irresistible ce souvenir a celui de Vigny, qu'il est 
permis de presumer que son emule en poesie re9ut des cette epoque le 
contre-coup de 1'emotion ressentie par les privilegies qu'invita le due 

1 Memoirs, Journal and Correspondence of Th. Moore, London, 1853, vol. in. 

2 II la retrouve chez Mme de Flahaut le 19 decembre 1819. 

a Of. les Confidences, ed. Hachette, livre xi. p. 304. Mme de Broglie parle de 
Lamartine a son amie Mme Anisson du Perron dans une lettre du 11 avril 1820 (Lettres, 
publics par sou fils, Paris, 1896, p. 42). 


de Broglie. Apres avoir rappele 1 qu'il avait ete lie avec Vigny 'depuis 
le jour ou il repandit son nom dans le monde,' et avoir indique 1'inspira- 
tion byronienne de Dolorida, Lamartine continue: 'Une autre imitation 
plus etudiee tentait deja 1'ame douce et tendre de Vigny. Thomas 
Moore, Irlandais d'un grand talent .aussi, venait de publier les Amours 
des Anges et Lalla Rookh, poemes indiens (sic). II etait alors a Paris, 
jouissant dans un applaudissement universel de la fleur et de la primeur 
de son talent. Je le voyais sou vent chez Mme la duchesse de Broglie, 
fille de Mme de Stael, et femme dont la beaute, la vertu, 1'enivrement 
mystique et la piete celeste devaient ravir le poete irlandais et faire 
croire a la sceur des anges que Vigny voulait creer pour type ideal des 
amours sacrees...' 

Moore etait-il sensible en effet a la grace seraphique de Madame de 
Broglie ? Son Journal ne temoigne, a cet egard, que d'une satisfaction 
assez vulgaire a la trouver tres enthousiaste des Melodies irlandaises 
(21 mai 1821), a lui dire des vers (3 avril 1821) ou a chanter avec elle 
(6 decembre 1821), et il ne nous informe pas du sujet des nombreuses 
* conversations ' notees chemin faisant. En tout cas, le poeme The Loves 
of the Angels, ecrit sur le continent, parait peu de temps apres le 
sejour de 1'auteur a Paris : il est mis en vente des Janvier 1823 2 . La 
meme annee paraissent deux traductions en prose, d'abord celle de 
Davesies de Pontes 3 , ensuite celle de Madame Belloc 4 , que Moore re9oit 
le 15 juillet 1823, 'avec une lettre fort flatteuse... Mme Belloc dit qu'il 
y a deux autres personnes occupees a traduire les Anges en vers 5 .' 

Mme Belloc publiait a la suite de sa traduction celle des Melodies 
irlandaises: les admirateurs fran9ais du poete possedaient ainsi dans un 
meme volume, agremente d'un portrait lithographie, une version assez 
habile de deux ceuvres bien propres a plaire au public de cette epoque. 
Vigny savait assez d'anglais des ce moment pour se passer d'une 
traduction, et peut-etre prit-il connaissance des Loves of the Angels 
avant son depart pour Strasbourg en mars 1823. Mais c'est plut6t, a 

1 Cours familier de literature, t. xvi. Paris, 1863, p. 232. Eeproduit dans les Souvenirs 
et Portraits, t. in. Paris, 1872, p. 146. 

2 D'apres Schultz-Gora, art. cite, p. 278. 

3 Les Amours des Anges, po&me en in chants, trad, de 1'anglais. Paris, Fillet ain, 

4 Les Amours des Anges et les Melodies irlandaises de Thomas Moore, trad, de 1'anglais 
par Mme Louise Sw = Belloc, traducteur des Patriarches. Paris, Chasseriai^ 1823. 

5 Peut-etre fait-elle allusion a la traduction Ducrest de Villeneuve, dont un fragment 
parait dans Y Almanack des Muses de 1827, p. 80. Cf. aussi Douze melodies francaises avec 
accompagnement de piano ou de harpe, paroles imitees de Th. Moore, par le C te Auguste 
de Lagarde. Paris, 1823. Mme A. Tastu traduit a cette epoque diverses Melodies 
irlandaises. Ce n'est qu'en 1829 et 1830 que devaient paraitre les traductions en vers des 
Amours des Anges par Aroux et par Moutardier. 

294 Thomas Moore et A. de Vigny 

mon sens, apres son arrivee a Bordeaux a Fautomne, et lorsqu'il se 
remit a travailler ce Satan qui 1'avait occupe pendant 1'ete, que Vigny 
lut et relut le poerae de Moore, et cela dans la traductiori de Mme 
Belloc. Cette derniere etait en rapports assez intimes avec la famille 
Gay 1 , et Vigny, dont on sait les relations avec Mme Gay et la belle 
Delphine a cette epoque, avait toutes les raisons d'etre au courant de 
ses travaux. II emprunte a sa traduction des Melodies irlandaises le 
theme de 1'espece de romance-barcarolle qu'il intitule le Bateau*. Et 
pendant le mois ou son Satan, devenant Eloa, ' s'e"tend beaucoup sous 
ses doigts/ et s'augmente 'd'immenses developpements,' comme il 
1'ecrit a V. Hugo le 3 octobre, il a sous la main cette traduction. Lui 
qui trouvait precisement a cette date que 'Lamartine a manque son 
ciel comme tous ceux qui en ont fait,' il avait besoin d'etoffer sa trame 
et de documenter ses notions du monde angelique. 

L'action proprement dite, dans Eloa, ne doit pas grand chose a 
1'oeuvre de Moore, et Ton a raison de chercher des precedents de plus 
haute allure au byronisme latent dans ce poeine de la Soeur des Anges. 
M. Schultz-Gora cependant remarque justement que dans le Paradis et 
la Peri c'est, apres deux tentatives infructueuses, grace a 1'offrande qu'elle 
peut faire de la larme d'un criminel repentant, que la Peri exilee 
du Ciel en retrouve enfin 1'acces. D'autre part, quelque parallelisme 
episodique ne laisse pas d'apparaitre, entre 1'ignorante et la pitoyable 
curiosite de la tendre Eloa et les amours des trois anges masculins de 
Moore pour des mortelles qu'ils aiment, 1'un par sensualite, 1'autre par 
un culte excessif pour les creatures de Dieu, le troisieine par pure 
simplicite de coeur. Le deuxieme ange de Moore, comme le Satan de 
Vigny, fonde sa seduction sur 1'inconscient appel des sens : 
Moore, p. 43 de la trad. Belloc : Vigny, vers 427 : 

La, habitaient tant d'innombrables Sur Phomme j'ai fonde" mon empire de 
choses qui nourrissent 1'ardeur des flarnme, 

jeunes coeurs, les desirs vagues, les Dans les desirs du co3ur, dans les reves 
tendres illusions, les rves d'amour de Fame, 

encore sans objet, les espe"rances legeres Dans les desirs du corps, attraits mys- 
et ailees qui obeissent au de*sir..., et les terieux, 

passions cachees sous des pensees vir- Dans les tresors du sang, dans les 
ginales... regards des yeux. 

Le premier ange de Moore, lorsqu'il a goute au ' breuvage enivrant 
de la terre,' eprouve un peu des ivresses coupables que se rappelle 
1'archange dechu de Vigny: 

1 Of., sur Mme Belloc, les Souvenirs inedits de Delecluze, Revue retrospective, 1888, 
t. n. pp. 22 et 195. 

2 Batisbonne la croyait inedite : elle a paru dans la Revue des Deux Mondes de 1831 et 
dans 1' Almanack des Muses de 1832. 


Moore, p. 23 : Vigny, vers 666 : 

...remplissant [mon ame egaree] de Triste amour du peche ! sombres desirs 

vaines illusions, de folles pensees, et de du mal ! 

ce desir du mal qui nous poursuit en De 1'orgueil du savoir gigantesques 
1'abserice des rayons du ciel... pensees ! 

Comment ai-je connu vos ardeurs in- 

En depit de ces rencontres accessoires que 1'analogie de quelques 
situations ne pouvait manquer d'amener, Fintention et la conduite de 
Faction offrent chez les deux poetes des divergences capitales sur 
lesquelles il est inutile d'insister. Mais les Amours des Anges, tres 
documentees sur les mysteres des mondes celestes et trainant a leur 
suite, meme dans la traduction fran9aise, tout un appareil de references, 
permettaient a Vigny de se renseigner sur maint detail de 1'existence 
angelique ou meme de la condition physique des anges. 

Moore, p. 30 : Vigny, vers 631 : 

Quoique le jour eut disparu, ses ailes Et cornme, tout nourris de 1'essence 
diaprees etincelaient de rnille feux, premiere, 

qu'animees de 1'eclat d'Eden, elles ne Les anges ont au creur des sources de 
tiraient que d'elles-mdmes... lumiere, 

Tandis qu'elle parlait, ses ailes a 1'en- 


Et son sein et son bras repandirent le 

Une autre irradiation eblouissante traditionnelle, celle-ci est celle 
qui emane de Dieu, et que les anges eux-memes ne peuvent supporter. 

Moore, p. 75 : Vigny, vers 636 : 

Souvent, quand du front du Tres- L'archange s'en effraie, et sous ses 
Haut s'echappait un e'clair trop vif pour cheveux sombres 

le supporter, et que tous les Seraphins Cherche un epais refuge a ses yeux 
se voilaient le visage de leurs ailes, et eblouis ; 

n'osaient en contempler 1'eclat... II pense qu'a la fin des temps evanouis 

II lui faudra de meme erivisager son 


Et qu'un regard de Dieu le brisera 
peut-etre. . . 

Ou, avec une image qui s'imposait a propos de splendeurs insoutenables, 

Moore, p. 62 : Vigny, vers 651 : 

[Faigle des Asturies] 

...apprendre k supporter cet eclat, Regarde sou soleil, d'un bee ouvert 
comme les jeunes aigles supportent celui 1'aspire... 

du soleil... 


Thomas Moore et A. de Vigny 

L'emoi et le scandale seraient les memes, dans ces deux paradis, si 
Ton y evoquait le souvenir de 1'Archange revolte : 

Moore, p. 18 : 

Vigny, vers 124 : 

...ce feu devorant qu'on ne nomme Nul ange n'oserait vous conter son 
point aux cieiix. histoire, 

Nul ange n'oserait dire une fois son 

Semblable a la mortelle qu'aime le premier ange de Moore, Eloa 
n'eprouve cependant que de la tristesse, et point de colere, a connaitre 
les crimes du reprouve : 

Moore, p. 20 : 

Ce n'e"tait point 1'expression de la 
colere. Non...elle n'etait pas irritee, 
mais triste. C'etait un douleur aussi 
calme que profonde, un deuil qui ne 
permet point de larmes, tant 1'amertume 
qui remplit le coeur s'y fixe et s'y glace. 

Vigny, vers 126 : 
Et Ton crut qu'Eloa le maudirait ; mais 

point son paisible 

L'effroi n'altera 


La tristesse apparut sur sa levre glacee 
Aussitot qu'un malheur s'offrit a sa 


Sur les fonctions ' cosmiques ' des phalanges celestes, Moore fournis- 
sait des renseignements que ni Milton ni Chateaubriand ne donnaieiit 
aussi nettement, et qu'il savait appuyer de references dans ses notes. 

Moore, p. 14 : 

...creatures de lumiere...qui, a chaque 
instant de la nuit et du jour, trans- 
mettent, a travers leurs innombrables 
legions, 1'echo de sa parole lumineuse. 

id., p. 19 : 

...pourquoi mon destin ne m'a-t-il pas 
fait naitre esprit de cette belle etoile, 
habitant sa brillante sph6re, pure et 
isolee comme tous ces dtres rayon- 
nan ts... 

et p. 27 : 

Ce fut vers cette etoile lointaine que 
je la vis diriger son vol a travers 1'espace 
lumineux, vers cette lie etincelante au 
milieu du firmament bleuatre... 

Vigny, vers 108 : 

On le nommait celui qui porte la 

lumiere ; 
Car il portait Pamour et la vie en tout 

Aux astres il portait tous les ordres de 


id., vers 95 : 

Quel globe attend ses pas? quel siecle 
la demande? 

et vers 193 : 

...leur timide compagne 
Etend 1'aile et sourit, s'envole, et dans 

les airs 
Cherche sa terre amie ou des astres 


Dans le meme ordre d'idees, il convient de remarquer que le 
second ' mystere ' de Vigny, le Deluge qu'il ecrivit cette meme annee 
1823, conserve a Tegard des Amours des Anges une dependance qui 


merite d'etre notee, meme a c6te de celle qui le rattache au del 
et Terre de Byron. Le renvoi au 6 e livre de la Genese, qui parle des 
amours des anges pour les filles des hommes, se retrouvait dans la 
Preface de Moore. Emmanuel pourrait etre le fils d'un des coupables 
amants dont il avait racont6 les amours; et une certaine analogie 
de mise en scene parait dans le debut des deux poemes : 

Moore, p. 13 : Vigny, vers 1 du Dduge : 

Le monde etait dans sa fleur ; les La terre etait riante et dans sa fleur 
etoiles brillantes venaient de commencer premiere. .. 

leur course radieuse... La terre etait Rien n'avait dans sa forme altere la 
alors plus pres du ciel que dans ces nature, 

jours de crime et de desolation, etc. Et des monts reguliers 1'immense archi- 


S'elevait jusqu'aux cieux par ses degres 

C'est dans ce qu'on pourrait appeler la tonalite du decor et des 
accessoires que Vigny temoigne surtout qu'il a beaucoup retenu de 
sa lecture de Moore. De fait, il y avait la, pour un poete qui avait 
a depeindre ou a suggerer les details d'un monde transcendant, une docu- 
mentation precieuse. Les ' mysteres ' de lord Byron, sous leur forme 
dramatique, n'offraient pas beaucoup de ressources a cet egard. Et il 
faut bien reconnaitre que 1'Empyree somptueux et hierarchique de 
Milton, le vaste Ciel d'oratorio evoque par Klopstock, avaient moins 
chance de reveiller, chez le Vigny de 1823, des emulations fecondes 
que le coloris brillant et souvent brillante que Moore avait donne a 
ses descriptions paradisiaques. On a souvent remarque avec quelle 
peine Vigny s'est defait d'une certaine predilection pour 1'affeterie et la 
fausse elegance dans 1'expression : 1'ingeniosite manieree, mais gracieuse, 
du barde irlandais etait bien propre a satisfaire ces affinites-la, d'autant 
plus qu'elle correspondait a merveille aux tendances d'une epoque qui 
n'avait pas encore renove en matiere de langue poetique et qui cherchait 
assez peniblement une terminologie propre a exprimer ses reves et ses 
imaginations d'au-dela. ' Le vague, disait la Preface du traducteur des 
Amours des Anges, qui fait un des charmes de sa poesie, serait a peine 
tolere dans notre prose. On a beau planer dans la region des fantdmes 
et des nuages, il faut pour nous que chaque etre ait un corps et chaque 
objet un nom. En exprimant une pensee, Moore en eveille mille ; 
il dessine une image, et il en fait apparaitre une foule dans le lointain. 
II laisse au lecteur le soin de les deviner et d'achever ses tableaux.' 
C'est bien ainsi que se posait la question de 1'image ou de 1'epithete 
suggestive pour cette peinture du monde celeste qu'entreprenait 

298 Thomas Moore et A. de Vigny 

Alfred de Vigny ; par la, bien plus que pour la conception on 1'agence- 
ment du poeme, la Sceur des Anges est tributaire des Amours des Anges : 
et si les emprunts on les reminiscences se reduisent a des touches 
de couleur, il n'en reste pas moins que la tonalite generale du tableau 
s'en trouve determined. Grace a une qualite bien plus haute d'esprit 
et d'ame, grace a d'autres modeles infiniment plus forts, Vigny rehausse 
souvent d'un ton plus ferme, accentue d'un trait mieux cerne un detail 
qui a son analogue chez Moore ; et il suffit de juxtaposer des exemples 
comme ceux-ci pour faire valoir 1'avantage d'Eloa : 

Moore, p. 34 : Vigny, vers 153 : 

Des 1'instant ou je fus appele avec les Et soit lorsque Dieu meme, appelant 
cherubins pour assister au premier reveil les esprits, 

printanier de la nature dans ces spheres Devoilait sa grandeur a leurs regards 
florissantes, ces fleurs lumineuses qui surpris, 

jaillirentau premier souffle del'Eternel... Et montrait dans les cieux, foyer de la 


Les profondeurs sans nom de sa triple 

vers 88 : 

Et des fleurs qu'au Ciel seul fit germer 
la nature... 

id., p. 36 : id., vers 763 : nouveaux mondes, brillants de Des anges au Chaos allaient puiser des 
jeunesse et de fraicheur, semblaient mondes. 

s'elancer du sein des t^nebres... Passant avec terreur dans ses plaines 

...Celui qui venait de parcourir cette profondes... 

vaste etendue ou etincellent des mondes 

Mais ailleurs, le poete d'Eloa s'en tient a la qualite meme de la 
description ou de 1'evocation tentee par Moore. La lumiere d'Eden, chez 
1'un et chez 1'autre, est plutot azuree ou nacree que franchement 
eclatante; une certaine mollesse asiatique semble s'insinuer dans leur 
imagination, et Ton est loin, au milieu des fleurs, des fontaines au sable 
vermeil, des meteores indistincts et des arcs-en-ciel flottants de ces 
paradis en demi-teintes, du Ciel puritain de Milton et du Ciel 
evangelique de Klopstock. Comment les anges n'y prendraient-ils 
pas le gout de voluptes moins celestes ? Une sorte de suave frivolite 
n'en est point bannie. 

Moore, p. 38 : Vigny, vers 80 : 

J'avais vu naitre la premiere femme, Et tous les Anges purs, et tons les 
Eve... J'avais vu les anges les plus purs grands Archanges 

s'incliner au-dessus d'elle en 1'adorant. 

Abaisserent leur front jusqu'a ses pieds 
de neige... 


Les cometes et les meteores, dans ce firmament peu rigide, semblent 
presque 1'emporter sur les etoiles fixes : 

Moore, p. 36 : Vigny, vers 308 : suivais quelque comete voyageuse Chaque etoile semblait poursuivre un 
se dirigeant au loin vers des points meteore ; 

lumineux. Et 1'ange en souriant au spectacle 


Suivait des yeux leur vol circulaire et 

id., p. 72 : id., vers 57 : 

Elle s'etait evanouie, comme un Comme on voit la comete errante dans 
meteore qui luit tout-a-coup sur nos les cieux 

tetes, et qui s'enfuit au moment ou Ton Fondre au sein de la nuit ses rayons 
crie: 'Voyez, voyez !...' glorieux. 

Les deux poetes se servent de la meme expression pour designer le 
mouvement des astres entraines dans le mouvement de 1'univers : 

Moore, p. 35 : Vigny, vers 144 : 

...les astres,... roulant au milieu de Chars vivants dont les yeux ont d'dcla- 
1'espace comme des chars vivants de tants prestiges ! 

lumiere 1 ... 

Meme analogic dans quelques-uns des jeux auxquels les anges se 
livrent avec les astres : 

Moore, p. 35 : Vigny, vers 577 : parcourais soir et matin les lignes Du char des astres purs j'obscurcis les 

radieuses qui s'etendent comme des essieux, 

reseaux d'or entre les etoiles et le soleil, Je voilai leurs rayons pour attirer tes 

deliant tous ces rayons de lumiere... yeux... 

Sur terre, ou a la surface du chaos, r6dent des feux follets semblables : 

Moore, p. 23: Vigny, vers 305 (cf. vers 471): 

...les feux livides qui rampent a la Mais elle y vit bientot des feux errants 
surface de la terre des que le jour a et bleus 

disparu. Tels que des froids marais les eclairs 


1 M. Schultz-Gora, art. cite, p. 283, rapporte les 'chars vivants' de Vigny a des 
passages miltoniens fort peu convaincants. C'est le lieu de signaler queTques errata 
qu'appelle son travail. L'influence de Heaven and Earth sur le Deluge de Vigny avait e"te 
indique'e expressement par M. E. Dupuy, art. cite, p. 406 (dans la Jeunesse des Romantiques, 
p. 353) ; M. Schultz-Gora (p. 281) a lu pense regeneratrice ou M. Dupuy avait ^crit 
pensee generatrice, ce qui change sensiblement la these; lire (p. 283) VI au lieu de V pour 
la seconde indication du Paradis perdu. 


Thomas Moore et A. de Vigny 

Nous voici dans une partie de la creation plus accessible et mieiix 
connue; nombre de details qui lui sont attribues se retrouvent chez 
les deux poetes. La musique sur la mer : 

Vigny, vers 615 : 

Moore, p. 76 : 

Ce fut pendant le crepuscule du soir, 
sur le rivage de la mer tranquille, qu'il 
entendit pour la premiere fois les sons 
du luth et la voix de celle qu'il aima 
glisser sur les eaux argentees... 

La jeune epouse : 

Moore, p. 19 : 

...comme la jeune epouse qui se 
penche sur le bord du lit nuptial... 

Le ver luisant : 

Moore, p. 62 : 

La lumiere que le ver luisant suspend 
la nuit aux branches des arbres... 

Les amours des fleurs : 
Moore, p. 63 : rose, confiante et sans tache, qui 
a re9ii toute la nuit les baisers de la 
mouche de feu? 

Le serpent-oiseleur : 

Moore, p. 14 : 

...semblable a 1'oiseau qui abandonne 
son nid eleve", fascin^ par des yeux 

Et la mer quand ses flots apportent 

sur la greve 
Les chants du soir aux pieds du 

voyageur qui re"ve... 

Vigny, vers 52 : 

Elle marche vers Dieu comme 
epouse au temple... 


Vigny, vers 469 : 

Le verrnisseau reluit ; son front de 

Bepete aupres des fleurs les feux du 


Vigny, vers 436 : 

Comme le papillon, sur ses ailes pou- 

Porte aux gazons emus des peuplades 

de fleurs 
Et leur fait des amours sans perils et 

sans pleurs. 

Vigny, vers 214 : 

Les serpents-oiseleurs qu'elles pourraient 


et vers 423 : 
Sous 1'eclair d'un regard sa force fut 

brisee ; 
Et des qu'il vit ployer son aile mal- 

L'enuerni seducteur l . . . 

Les diamants dans 1'obscurite : 

Moore, p. 51 : 
. . .les diamants, semblables a des yeux 

Vigny, vers 635 : 

Ainsi le diamant luit au milieu des 

L'archange s'en effraie, et sous ses 

cheveux sombres 
Cherche un epais refuge a ses yeux 


1 II faut noter que le passage d'Atala qui la remarque en a etc" souvent faite a fourni 
la plupart de ses details a 1'^pisode du colibri des Florides, mentionne le serpent-oiseleur 
sans le montrer dans 1'exercice de son pouvoir de fascination. 

qui brillent au milieu des tenebres, 
furent surpris dans leur retraite ob- 


La jeune e*toile cette e*pithete de jeune est assez particuliere : 

Moore, p. 48 : Vigny, vers 555 : 

Les images d'automne qui retiennent Toi seule m'apparus comme une jeune 
les Eclairs prts k s'echapper de leurs 6toile 

flancs, pour laisser briller une jeuue Qui de la vaste nuit perce a 1'ecart le 
etoile. voile. 

(Cf. deux 'jeunes planetes' au vers 223.) 

Un autre detail est un souvenir du Paradis et la Peri: 

Moore, vers 167 : Vig nv > vers 605 : 

Ces lis vierges qui baignent toute la Son bras, comme un lis blanc sur le lac 
nuit leur beaute dans le lac... suspendu... 

II serait possible de continuer ces rapprochements. Quelques 
details d'un orientalisme assez choquant dans Eloa les ' Divans ou 
dort la molle Asie' et toute cette attitude de jeune satrape de Fange 
dechu (vers 353 et suivante), la blanche tour d'Alep et sa sultane 
imprevue (v. 420) ont peut-etre leur origine dans 1'exotisme de Lalla- 
Rookh, moins eclatant et plus insinuant que celui de Byron. Vigny, 
qui a toujours eu, pour les effets de lumiere contrariee et d'ombre 
transparente, une predilection dont temoignent presque tous les 
tableaux lumineux de son oeuvre, trouvait un coloriste a sa guise dans 
le poete des Amours des Anges : Moore ne pousse-t-il pas le raffine- 
ment jusqu'a ebaucher Tarc-en-ciel forme par la lune' ! C'est par la, 
par cette delicatesse manieree dans le coloris, qu'il a du seduire le jeune 
officier a la pensee si grave qui devait conserver longtemps encore, 
malgre toutes les hardiesses de sa meditation, le gout un peu mievre 
du 'joli' et de 1'ingenieux dans 1'expression. 


M. L. R. 20 




OF all Italian sports in and after Dante's age the most universal 
and characteristic was the racing for the palio. This was a long strip, 
or sometimes two strips laced together, of valuable cloth, silk or rich 
brocade, resembling in shape the banners now used at school feasts and 
in the processions of benefit societies. The chief uses of these banners 
were two, and it will be seen that they had some connection. Firstly, 
they were carried in procession and presented annually to a ruling city 
on the great municipal festival by subject communes or noble feuda- 
tories as a recognition of her sovereignty. Thereafter they were hung 
in the principal church. Thus at Florence S. Giovanni's was hung 
round with palii. Secondly, they were suspended on poles and hoisted 
at the winning-post of race-courses as the first prize. Hence the palio 
came to mean the race itself, much as we use the phrases Ascot Cup or 
Middle Park Plate. To give an example. Just as the War of the 
League of Cambray was breaking out, young Luigi da Porto wrote 
from Vicenza to his uncle in the Friuli, ' If I don't send my Barbary 
horse to run the palio at Udine this St George's day, it is because I 
think that throughout all the Venetian territory there is bound to be 
something else to do this year than running the usual palii! So 
universal were these two practices that the manufacture of palii was 
quite an important industry, e.g. at Venice, and the prices paid for the 
race prizes were, even according to the earlier statutes, very high, and 
then continually rose. Thus the palio of Piacenza, which in 1372 was 
won by Bernabo Visconti's horse, had for three years past cost 112 gold 
ducats, whereas in temporibus retroactis the value was 15 (Ckron. Plac. 
Agazzari, p. 50). 


In the second half of the fourteenth century and in the fifteenth the 
chief race meetings were events as fashionable as they were in England 
in the nineteenth. Horses were sent from all over Italy, and no prince's 
or great nobleman's establishment was complete without its stud. 
There were professional training stables kept sometimes by the lesser 
members of well-known families. The companion of Pico della Miran- 
dola's voluntary or involuntary elopement was the wife of a Medici, a 
horse-trainer at Arezzo, which no doubt accounted for the skill with 
which she leapt on the croup of the attractive philosopher's horse. We 
know for certain that immediately after Dante's death to win the polio 
was the ambition of the most prominent bloods of Lombardy. That of 
Milan was carried off in 1339 by Bruzio Visconti, podesta of Lodi, the 
handsome gallant bastard of Luchino Visconti, and it cost 40 gold 
florins at least 160 in modern values. Twice afterwards the same 
prize fell to him, and his stable was equally successful at other 

I have found notices of these races throughout Northern and 
Central Italy, from Vercelli to Udine, from Milan to Rome. Never- 
theless their origin is totally obscure. Muratori (Dissertation, xxix.) 
could not trace it beyond the thirteenth century. Yet it is improbable 
that it then had a mushroom growth all over Italy. The absence of 
earlier mention may be accounted for by the balder and more formal 
character of the chronicles, and more particularly by the absence of 
codified statutes, our best authority, for which the classical age is the 
latter part of the century. The earliest notice is, I believe, that recently 
quoted in Mr Hey wood's Polio and Ponte from the Libri de pretori of 
Siena, when in 1238, the loser of the race colui che perde in Dante's 
phrase was heavily fined for refusing to carry his consolation prize 
publicly into the city. This chance notice carries back this curious 
custom, to which I shall again refer hereafter, quite as a matter of 
course beyond any mention of the polio in chronicle or statute. Not 
far behind, however, are the Statutes of Bologna of 1250, which provide 
for a change in the course for the polio of S. Pietro, the existing one 
being too short and inconvenient (Statuti del Comune di Bologna, ed. 
Frati, n. 128). Very old also was the palio of S. Bartholomew at 
Bologna, which is said to have originated in 1249, and of which there 
is documentary evidence in 1269 (ibid. 29). 

It is possible that the races were introduced from the East or from 
Africa during the Crusading period, but I can find no evidence for this. 
The horses certainly seem to have had Arab blood. The term Barberi 


304 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

is said in Delia Crusca to have been confined exclusively to horses run 
for the palio. This is the word used in Da Porto's letter already 
quoted, while the large pictures of the Duke of Ferrara's horses in the 
Schifanoia Palace supply evidence of half a century earlier. 

The older races were invariably connected with a religious festival, 
and were often named after the patron saint of the city, e.g. after 
S. Eusebius at Vercelli, after S. Syrus at Pavia, and yet another race 
after S. Petronius at Bologna. S. Mary of August was, however, the 
most usual public holiday. To the present day the horses are blest 
and sprinkled with holy water in Church before the race, for which 
ceremony there is a special office with prayers for their preservation 
from all harm. Mr Heywood believes this practice at Siena to be not 
earlier than the eighteenth century, but its alleged existence in small 
Tuscan townlets, where life is extremely conservative, may point to 
longer custom. The races were not only an essential feature of a 
religious but of a patriotic festival, for they were usually founded in 
honour of a national deliverance or victory. Thus at Padua the race 
celebrated the death of Eccelino da Romano. The Florentine legend is 
as instructive as it is false that the palio and the Church of S. Repa- 
rata were both founded in honour of Stilicho's victory over the Goths. 
The palio of S. Barnabas did actually commemorate Campaldino, that 
of S. Anne the expulsion of the Duke of Athens, that of S. Victor a 
defeat of the Pisans in 1364. The Sienese honoured the exorcism of 
demons by S. Ambrogio Sansedoni, and similarly the overthrow of the 
faction of the Twelve and the Milanese protectorate after Gian Galeazzo 
Visconti's death. The defeat of Bernabo Visconti at S. Ruffillo in 1361 
was the excuse for yet another meeting at Bologna, for which the prize 
was a palio of striped velvet with the Saint's picture on the pennon 
which sometimes surmounts the banner (L. Frati, Vita privata di 
Bologna, p. 151). Connected with these sporting displays of patriotism 
or party-feeling was the custom of running the palio outside an enemy's 
town when its troops had been driven within the walls. At the same 
time it was usual to coin gold money. This latter was a symbol of 
sovereignty, and it is possible that the palio was also regarded as a 
proof of occupation. An interesting early statute at Parma orders that 
if the Podesta should be away with the army on the stated day for the 
national palio, it should be run wherever he, the representative of the 
state, and the army, that is the nation in arms, should chance to be. 
This, no doubt, was also the meaning of the palio run by the Floren- 
tines outside Arezzo on S. Giovanni's day in 1289, which is often erro- 


neously described as the origin of the race. But in Italy jest and 
earnest go in pairs, and in this practice there was an element of jibe, as 
when at Arezzo in 1335 the Perugians gave a polio for a prostitutes' 
race. Earlier than this, in 1325, the Florentines had suffered a similar 
insult from Castruccio Castracane, who on S. Francis's day gave three 
palii for horses, men, and prostitutes outside the city from the Ponte 
alle Mosse to Peretola (Villani, IX.). Yet, as will be seen hereafter, 
this was merely the extension of not uncommon domestic customs to 
the national army in the field. These very Atalantas of the camp were 
no novices on the track : they had received their training on the recrea- 
tion grounds or through the streets of their native cities. Regarded, 
however, merely as a jibe, these patriotic indiscretions would fall into 
line with the hanging of asses with the names of the enemy's most 
eminent citizens round their necks : at Arezzo, indeed, on another occa- 
sion, the poor donkey's head was crowned with the mitre of the fighting 
bishop of the city. Also in 1325 the two aspects of this custom, the 
patriotic and the opprobrious, are illustrated at Bologna, which was 
besieged by the Cremonese, Mantuans, and Modenese : each state ran 
its polio 'ad asternam memoriam praemissorum, et ipsorum Bononen- 
sium scandalum et opprobrium.' Sercambi of Lucca has an interesting 
passage in this connection. The Florentines in 1357 were besieging 
Pisa, of which Lucca was a somewhat forced ally. They ran three palii 
outside the city, and this is the chronicler's comment : ' The Commune 
of Lucca in its power ordained the running of these three palii in sign 
of victory. And therefore the Commune of Florence ought not to wish 
by way of scorn to have these races run which the Commune of Lucca 
annually held by way of exaltation. And in this Florence showed little 
love towards Lucca' (Sercambi, I. 116). Sercambi gives us probably 
the first two pictures of this opprobrious racing one of the Pisans out- 
side Florence (i. 122), the other of the Florentines outside Pisa (i. 125). 
The horses are seen racing towards the polio, which is held aloft on a 
staff at the goal. 

The banner which formed the first prize for these races was always 
of some shade of red, so that correre il scarleto was almost as common a 
phrase as correre il polio. This, for instance, occurs in the thirteenth 
century Paduan Statute, and so too at Parma in 1324 the reconciliation 
of the factions of Rossi and Corrigeschi took place on the race-course, 
* quando currebatur scarlattus extra portam Novam de mense Augusti 
in festo beataB Marise.' Sometimes the prize was fortified by a more 
material gift, as at Ferrara and Bologna by a horse. The second and 

306 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

third prizes gave more scope for imagination : they included hawks, 
hounds, pairs of gloves or spurs, cocks with or without cages, sucking 
pigs, hams, owls, and not uncommonly geese with a sympathetic bunch 
of garlic, suggestive of their coming fate. The winner of the last prize 
was something of a butt, though in the thirteenth century statutes, e.g. 
at Verona and Padua, precautions were taken that the horses must be 
thoroughly sound and of considerable value. The colui che perde was 
often required, as has been seen at Siena, to carry his trophy attached 
to his horse into the city. 

It has been hinted that not only horses raced. At Pisa boat-racing 
was in vogue as early as the thirteenth century, and the head of the 
river received an ox with scarlet housings. The thoroughly Dantesque 
date, 1300, marks the first notice of the far-famed Venetian regattas. 
There were also races in several towns for men, women, donkeys, and 
Jews, the latter at all events in Rome under the patronage of Paul II., 
while in 1490 Jews ran from the Campo de' Fiori to the Piazza of 
S. Peter, where the winning Hebrew received a red cloth polio in the 
gracious presence of Alexander VI. himself dubbed Marano. Races 
for men are mentioned at Ferrara, Verona, Brescia, Pisa, and Lucca, 
and were probably universal. Those of women and donkeys added a. 
coarse, comic zest, thoroughly Italian, to the solemn religious patriotic 
festivals. Yet they were not uncriticised. At Brescia, time after time, 
the authorities, especially in periods of religious revival, strove to 
suppress the women's races as demoralising and irreverent, but they 
were what the lower classes really cared for, and conservative or argu- 
mentative people urged that it was a good means of distinguishing 
disreputable from reputable womankind. At Brescia, it may just be 
noticed that the prize for the horse-race was of scarlet of England, that 
for men of drappi verde, and that for girls of blue : at Ferrara the 
panno verde was the prize for boys. The donkeys must be content 
with linen or canvas palii. The very curious fresco in the Schifanoia 
Palace shows horses, mares, donkeys, men and women all racing one 
behind the other, while Borso d' Este and his Court look on. Donkey- 
riders, then as now, sat on the nethermost end of their mounts. 

The best early account of races perhaps occurs in the De laudibus 
Pavice, written about 1330, but describing customs of long standing. 
On the feast of the Translation of S. Syrus the horses ran very early in 
the morning on a long course outside the city for a silken or gold- 
embroidered palio, a roast sucking pig and a live white cock. After 
lunch, varlets and women ran in another place for salt and fresh meat. 


The writer gives the only account with which I am acquainted of the 
ultimate destination of the polio. The winner offered it to S. Syrus, or 
any other Church, or did what he liked with it. 

If Paul II. enjoyed the races down the Corso at Rome, his pre- 
decessor, Pius II., encouraged them in his little native hill-town of 
Corsignano, and has left a most graphic description in his Commentaries 
(Book ix. p. 433, ed. of 1584). The people here had always held races 
on S. Matthias's Day, but the ceremony of the opening of Pius II.'s new 
Cathedral and the surrounding group of buildings, domestic and muni- 
cipal, was celebrated with unusual splendour at his expense. A fair 
was held in booths outside the town, whole oxen straight from the 
plough were roasted, and then towards evening came the races. The 
horses were assigned their stations, the signal given for the start, but 
' inequality of speed and an uncontested victory rendered the spectacle 
somewhat poor,' the horse of one Alexander leaving the field nowhere. 
The donkeys, however, made amends by their spirited competition, for 
under the stimulus of a shower of blows first one and then the other 
forged ahead. So also the races for men and boys on the chalky soil 
greased by rain caused much excitement and amusement, for none 
could keep their feet, the last frequently became first, and the naked 
runners coated with mud became unrecognisable by their backers. The 
feature of the meeting was the race for small boys who ran round the 
course to the city gate, sticking and stumbling, losing their wind and 
getting up again, while their parents and brothers shouted exhortations. 
Victory wavered between several to the very last. The success of young 
Piensis was deservedly popular: he was carried shoulder-high to his 
home to the great delight of all his quarter. If Dante had only been 
as human as ^Eneas Sylvius, how much more social history his admirers 
would have known ! 

The first actual description of the polio in verse belongs to the early 
years of the quattrocento : the poem gives an elaborate account of the 
festival of S. Giovanni. The unknown poet celebrates the corroccio 
drawn by horses draped in red and white, with the marzocco at each 
corner and then he writes : 

Nel mezzo al carro & fitto un alto stile, 

Dov' e il palio gentile ^ 

E tutto steso, di color vermiglio, 

E 'n su la cima d' oro e posto un giglio... 

I corsier senza resta 

Furon condotti poi a ventun' ora, 

Che, per giungere ad ora, 

308 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

Qual grida, quale isferza, qual vien meno 
A qual si rompe il freno. 
Pure alia fin V ebbe quel di Ferrara 
Trascorrendo ciascun per forza e gara. 

E. LEVI, Lirica italiana, p. 46. 

This poem provides one proof among several that in the earlier 
races the horses were ridden, as now at Siena, by jockeys, raggazzini as 
they were called in the fourteenth century. In later days riderless 
races were far more common. Those at Rome down the Corso, which 
men still living may remember, are said to have been originated by 
Paul II., by whose palace, the Palazzo Venezia, was the goal. But the 
drawings of Sercambi of the fourteenth century, the frescos of the 
Schifanoia Palace, and an illumination of Basinio Parmense's Argonauts, 
1454 (engraved in Yriarte's Rimini), show jockeys riding their horses 
bare-backed. In the latter they are seen racing through the town 
gate towards the front of Sigismund Malatesta's Tempio. 

Here then, setting aside the races for women and donkeys, we have 
a more or less dignified form of sport, which in each city was the great 
event of the year, which was instituted in honour of some notable 
victory, paid for by government, and associated with the name of the 
chief civic saints. A custom so universal, combining elements of reli- 
gion, of national pride and scorn, could scarcely pass wholly unnoticed 
by Dante, if he were really to tell the story of his age. Year by year, 
he must have seen these races in Florence or without. He does, 
indeed, make no less than four distinct references to the polio. In a 
previous paper I called attention to Dante's apparent lack of interest in 
the horse. It is noticeable that in none of these four passages does he 
directly refer to horses as being engaged in the races, while three bear 
exclusively on the far less important foot-races. The first and slightest 
reference is in Convito, iv. 22, where in quoting Corinthians i. 9, he 
translates Qui in stadio currunt by Che corrono al palio. This is 
important so far as showing that the very idea of a race was by Dante's 
time inseparably connected with the palio. Otherwise the passage is 
disappointing, because in enlarging on his text he describes, not the 
competition of runners upon a single track, but the competition of 
tracks, only one of which leads to the right goal. The use of the 
simile is, it must be confessed, singularly clumsy and inept. 

More apposite to our purpose is the passage in De Monarchia, ii. 
| 8 9, where Dante speaks of different nations either fighting or 
racing for the prize of Empire : of the latter contest he writes ' sicut 
fit per pugnam athletorum currentium ad bravium,' which Ficino 


translates ' come avviene a quelli atleti che corrono al palio.' Bravium 
and pallium were, indeed, employed as synonyms, e.g. in the Statutes 
of Vercelli, ' Ordinatum est quod unum palium sive bravium sufficiens 
et idoneum et omnia alia pertinentia die to palio ementur per comune 
Vercellarum.' Then after referring to the race of Atalanta in Ovid's 
Metamorphoses, x., Dante quotes Cicero, De Officiis, 'Qui stadium 
currit eniti et contendere debet, quam maxime possit ut vincat : sup- 
plantare eum, quicum certet, nullo modo debet ' translated by Ficino, 
' Chi corre al palio deve sforzarsi quanto piu pu6 di vincere, ma dare 
garnbetto a colui che con lui combatte non debbe.' This absence of 
fouling is here stated as the essential distinction between fighting and 
racing. The modern race for the palio at Siena is one continuous foul, 
and a foretaste of the practice is found in the more comic races even in 
the fourteenth century. But in purer times and more serious racing it 
is sternly forbidden by the statutes of several cities, for instance that of 
Florence on the palio of S Reparata, ' et nullus cursorum ipsos seu 
eorum equos, nee ipsi cursores inter se impedire debeant,' and a similar 
statute applies to the race on S. Barnabas's day. 

We now come to the two references to racing which have a distinct 
local interest. In Paradiso, xvi. 40, Cacciaguida says : 

Gli antichi miei ed io nacqui nel loco 
Dove si trova pria 1' ultimo sesto 
Da quel che corre il vostro annual gioco. 

' My ancestors and I were born in the place where the last of the 
six districts is first reached by him who runs in your annual sport.' 
This site is known to have been near the junction of the Mercato 
Vecchio and the Corso, probably the angle of the Via Speziali and the 
Via Calzaioli. Here Dante gives a real piece of information, for the 
Statute only prescribes the course through the Borgo Ognissanti and 
the Via della Vigna: 'Palium sive bravium prsedictum curratur...per 
burgum Omnium Sanctorum et per viam della Vigna et alicunde non.' 
Dante therefore marks it a stage farther on, on the further side, that is, 
of the Mercato Vecchio, on the way towards the Corso and the Porta S. 
Piero which was the goal, for the anonymous poem already quoted 
-states definitely that the race was run from the Prato on the west to 
this gate. 

And now at last we reach the most distinct of all Dantefe allusions 

to sport : 

Poi si rivolse, e parve di coloro 
Che corrono a Verona '1 drappo verde 
Per la carnpagna ; e parve di costoro 
Quegli che vince, e non colui che perde. Inf. xv. 121. 

310 Dante in relation to the Sports and Pastimes of his Age 

In this case the Florentine poet and the Veronese Statutes supple- 
ment each other. Most fortunately the statute, the celebrated Alber- 
tina, compiled between 1271 and 1278, under the provisions of which 
the Veronese races were run in Dante's time, still exists, as does the 
next issue of Can Grande in 1323. It seems worth while to quote the 
text as bearing so directly upon Dante's lines and the sport from which 
he draws his graphic illustration 1 : 

Ad honorem del patris omnipotentis filii et spiritus sancti et gloriosse beatae 
Virginis Maria? et beati Zenonis cujus patrocinio gaudemus et ad honorem et 
letitiam et bonum statum partis regentis Veronam quse est commune Veronse et 
erit in seculorum secula Deo dante statutmus et ordinanius quod potestas com- 
munis Verone teneatur quolibet anno in die dominica tocius populi ponere seu 
poni facere pro communi Veronae duo bravia in loco ubi utilius ei videbitur. 
Ad unum quorum curratur equester ad alterum curratur pedester et illud ad 
quod current ad equum sit unum palium et una baffa de qua licitum sit cuilibet 
accipere et prius currenti detur palium et ultimo currenti detur baffa de qua 
licitum sit cuilibet incidere et tollere postquam currens habuerit ad collum equi 
ligatam. Aliud vero ad quod curratur ad pedes sit unum paliuin et unus 
gallus quse palam portare debeat usque in civitatem. Ad quae bravia non debeat 
aliquis currere cum aliqua equa nee etiam cum aliquo equo quod (sic) non sit 
integer omnibus suis membris et potestas habeat liberum arbitrium in ordina- 
tione baunorum ponendorum circa constitutionem et ordinationem dicti ludi et 
leticiae in his quse videretur (sic) utilia circa ea et in puniendo quemlibet facientem 
contra ea quse per potestatem in predictis et circa predicta fuerint ordinata non 
obstante aliquo statute generali vel speciali in contrarium loquenti quae omnia 
prsesenti statute sint penitus abrogata. Et potestas teneatur exclamari facere per 
civitatem et burgos uno mense ante predictum terminum quod quilibet volens 
currere ad dicta bravia seu curri facere debeat se parari ad predicta. 

In this statute it is noticeable that nothing is said of the colour of 
either of the palii, which is unusual : nor is there any hint as to a 
definite race-course, for this is left to the pleasure of the Podesta. The 
former deficiency is supplied by the next statute, that of Can Grande 
in 1323, for after the words duo bravia is the addition unum de scarleto 
et aliud de panno viridi. Here then is Dante's drappo verde, which by 
a few years anticipates the information given in the statutes. His 
lines also help to settle a long controversy as to the customary course. 
The races in later days were unquestionably run through the streets of 
Verona, and it has been argued that this was the immemorial course, 
and in accordance with the usual practice at other cities. It is certain, 
however, that at Siena the race through the city was later, and that at 
Parma and Pavia the statutable course was a stadium outside the town. 
The two statutes of Verona imply that the course was external, for the 
loser, colui che perde, had to carry his consolation prize usque in civi- 

1 Since copying the statute from the MS. of the Albertina at Verona I have found that 
this, together with the Statutes of Can Grande and Gian Galeazzo Visconti relating to the 
palio, were printed by Gaetano da Re, I ire primi Statuti suite corse de' Palii di Verona, 
in the now defunct Rivista critica della letteratura italiana, vn. 80 87. 


tatem. Dante clinches the matter by definitely stating that the foot- 
race at all events was run in campo, the meadows outside the city. In 
these respects then, and in his precise notice of a point in the Floren- 
tine race-course, Dante has actually contributed to our knowledge of 
contemporary sport. Apart from this we should know as much had he 
never put pen to paper. Is it possible to account for our disappoint- 
ment, for his almost complete silence on the pastimes of his countrymen, 
when on all else he was so eloquent ? It may be due in part to his 
character, schifo e disdegnoso a guisa di mal filosofo. as Villani com- 
plained (ix. ch. 136). He had little sympathy with the pleasures of his 
fellow-gentry, less with those of the vulgar. His mind was too serious 
for sport, too indignant for amusement. But this is not nearly all. 
Such amusements were too quotidian to find mention in graver writers, 
and even in those of lighter vein they only intrude by accident. It 
may be suggested moreover that in the literature of most ages there is 
a gap in narrative poetry, that the taste for narrative is either early or 
comparatively late, and it is of course narrative that offers the best 
opportunity for the setting out of prominent customs. In such a gap 
Dante wrote, for in spite of appearance he is not really narrative, and, 
when the taste for narrative revived, he retired for the nonce to limbo. 
After all in modern England football absorbs more of the thought of the 
lower classes and golf of the higher than any one other subject grave or 
gay. Yet they will leave little mark upon our literature, save for an 
obscure line of Mr Rudyard Kipling's. Our inquisitive successors will 
be as much at fault as to our amusements, as we find ourselves when 
we ransack Dante. He tells us little of sport in his poetry or prose, 
mainly because the poets and prose-writers of all ages rarely tell 
posterity what at the moment it wants to know. 



THE question of continental interest in Shakespeare during the 
period immediately preceding the publication of Voltaire's Lettres 
philosophiques, was discussed, for Germany, by R. Genee in his valuable 
Shakespeare in Deutschland more than thirty years ago; for France 
more recently by J. J. Jusserand 1 . My object in the following notes is 
to add some facts to the evidence already collected, and to indicate the 
relations in which several of the items stand to their English sources 
and to each other. 

The earliest mention of the name Shakespeare in a book printed 
on the continent, is to be found in the Unterricht von der Teutschen 
Sprache und Poesie, published at Kiel in 1682 by the famous 
' Polyhistor,' Daniel Georg Morhof : 

2>er John Dryden fyat gar tocfl gelafyrt ttou ber Dramatic^ Poesi gefcfyvieben. 3Me 
@ngettdnber tie er fyterin cmfufyrt, fein Shakespeare, Fletcher, Beaumont, non rcelcfyen id) 
tticfyts gefefyen 

And in Adrien Baillet's Jugemens des Savans, printed at Paris in 1685- 
86, the name Shakespeare appears for the first time in a French book, 
it being included in a list of the principal poets of the British islands 3 . 

But for both France and Germany the first knowledge of the 
English poet which went beyond the mere name, was drawn from Sir 

1 E. Gene*e, Geschichte der Shakespeare 'schen Dramen in Deutschland, Leipzig, 1870, 
and J. J. Jusserand, Shakespeare en France sous Vancien regime, Paris, 1898 (English 
translation, London, 1899), where references to other literature on the subject will be 

2 In the chapter Von der Engelldnder Poeterey, p. 250 (the passage is quoted by 
A. Koberstein, Vermischte Aufsatze, Leipzig, 1858, pp. 163 ff., and by Gene"e, p. 60). The 
name ' Shakespeare ' also occurs in the summary of Morhof's chapter (p. 227) and in a 
quotation from Camden's Remains (p. 232). In a subsequent chapter Von den Schauspielen, 
Jonson and Milton are mentioned, not Shakespeare. Later editions of the Unterricht 
appeared in 1700 and 1718. 

3 Jus&erand, p. 141 (English translation, p. 176). On a still earlier MS. notice of 
Shakespeare in France, see p. 137 (170). 


William Temple's widely-read Essay on Poetry. A French translation 
of this essay appeared in the (Euvres melees of Temple, published at 
Utrecht in 1693 and frequently in subsequent years. Here (p. 366) 
occurs the statement : ' Je ne suis point etonne" de voir jetter des cris & 
repandre des larmes a beaucoup de Gens, lors qu'ils lisent certaines 
Tragedies de Schake-spear.' Here, too, was to be read that claim for 
the superiority of the English dramatist to all others ancient or modern, 
in the quality of ' humeur,' Shakespeare having been the first to intro- 
duce it on the English stage. 

The second reference to Shakespeare in a book written by a German 
is based on Temple. It occurs in a tract, Vindiciae nominis Germanici, 
contra quosdam obtrectatores Gallos (Amsterdam, 1694), one of the 
many replies to the famous charge brought against the Germans by 
Bouhours, that they were deficient in ' esprit.' The tract takes the 
form of a letter by J. F. C. (i.e. J. F. Cramer 1 ) to F. B. Carpzow. On 
p. 35 is to be found the following : 

Quantam autem poetices vernaculae facultatem habeant Angli, non ita pridem 
demonstravit Templeus Eques...Sidnejum, Equitem Anglum, omnibus & Anglis & 
exteris Poetis, qui aut nostra aut major urn nostrorum aetate ingenii laude prae- 
stiterunt, anteponere longo intervallo ; Spencerum comparare cum Petrarcha & 
Ronsardo ? Shakespearium cum Molierio, in genere comico ; & in ludicra dictione, 
Joannem Minceum, Equitem, praeferre etiam Tasso & Scarroni, vir complurium 
linguarum & omnium hujus generis elegantiarum callentissimus non dubitat 2 . 

In January, 1702, the Acta Eruditorum, that magnificent monu- 
ment of German learning, industry and cosmopolitan literary interests, 
had a little more information to offer on the subject of Shakespeare. 
In a review of Dryden's Essay of Dramatic Poetry, the critic, in 
summarising the work, quotes (p. 38) the following passage, which 
could hardly have failed to impress the German mind : 

Tantis enim eum laudibus effert, ut si non ingenio, certe arte superatum ab eo 
putet ipsum Shakespearium, qui ut eruditus minus fuit, ita ingenio modernos 
omnes Poe'tas & tan turn non veteres quoque superasse fertur, ut Halesius nihil 
uspiam apud Poe'tas pulcrum exstare judicaverit, quod non rnulto elegantius aliquo 
in dramate expresserit Shakespearius. Ne vero solus sapere videretur Johnson, 
cuncta Beaumontii censuraft subjecit, qui ut post Shakespearium inclaruit, ita dotes 
insitas magis studio percoluit... 

1 See Recueil de Litterature, de Philosophie et d'Histoire, Amsterdam, 1730, p. 14, 
also the article on Cramer in the Allgem. deutsche Biographic. 

2 I am indebted to the Staatsbibliothek in Munich for helping me to trace this interesting 
pamphlet; but there is also a copy in the British Museum. It was review^ in the Acta 
Eruditorum for 1895, p. 39 (cp. Hettner, Literaturgesch. d. 18. Jahrh. 4, in. i, p. 163), 
where the statement with reference to the English poets is repeated: ' inter Anglos 
quidem eminere Sidneium, Spencerum, Shakesparium, Minceum, teste Equite de Temple.' 
' Minceus ' is the once famous Sir John Mennes (in the French translation of Temple, ' le 
chevalier Jean Mince *. 

314 The Knowledge of Shakespeare on the Continent 

In the course of the next few years the continent seems to have 
made little progress in its knowledge of Shakespeare. In 1*708 the 
Journal des Sqavans, in a preliminary announcement of Rowe's edition 
of Shakespeare, mentioned that this was 'le plus fameux des Poetes 
Anglois pour le tragique 1 / and, about the same time, a Hamburg poet, 
Barthold Feind, again falling back on Temple as his authority, wrote in 
his Gedancken von der Opera : 

Mr. le Chevalier Temple in feinem ntefytmafyte angefufyrten Essai de la Poesie 
njefylet p. 374, baf? etticfye, toenn fie beg renommirten (fnglifrfjen Tragic! Shakespear 
trailer? <Sjnele sertefen fycren, offt tauten <alfe3 -an ju fcfyretyen gefangen, unb fyaufftge Sfyrdnen 
vergcfien 2 . 

As far as the general public was concerned, a more important word 
in praise of Shakespeare was that in A. Boyer's Dialogues familiers (in 
English and French) appended to various widely-used grammars for the 
use of French and English learners of the respective languages, by 
Boyer himself and by G. Miege. The statement is (I quote only the 
French version): 

Pour ce qui est des Poetes, il n'y a point de Nation qui puisse entrer en 
comparison avec la notre. II est vray ; car nous avons un Pindare & un Horace, 
en Cowley, & en Oldham ; un Terence en Ben. Johnson ; un Sophocle, & un Euripide 
n Shakespear ; un Homere & un Virgile en Milton ; & presque tous ces Poetes 
ensemble en Dry den seul 3 . 

The biographical lexicons published on the continent in the closing 
years of the seventeenth century had completely ignored the existence 
of Shakespeare, even when they devoted comparatively long notices to 
Milton 4 . The first compiler to repair the omission was J. F. Buddeus, 
who in his Allgemeines historisches Lexicon, published at Leipzig in four 
volumes in 1709, inserted (vol. IV. p. 428) the following notice of 
Shakespeare : 

<Sf)afefpear, ($ittiam) gebcfyten in tratton an bet Stoon, in ber (Sngelanbtfcfyen proving 
, ttar ein berut>mter poet, ob er tocfyl feine fonbetbare gelefyrfamfeit fyatte, irepwegen 

1 Supplement du Journal des Sqavans (Oct. 1708), p. 396. Two years later the same 
periodical announced the appearance of the edition : l Le Sieur Tonson Libraire de cette 
Ville, commence a vendre la nouvelle Edition des Oeuvres de Shakees Pear en six vol. in 8. 
M. Kow 1'a revue & corrigee, & il y a joint une Dissertation tres-curieuse sur la Vie & les 
Ouvrages de ce Poete' (1710, p. 110). Both passages are quoted by M. Jusserand. 

2 Quoted by both Kobersteiu and Genee. It is to be found in B. Feind's Deutsche 
Gedichte, i. Stade, 1708, p. 109. 

3 It is doubtful when this dialogue, which is not to be found in the older editions of 
the grammars, was first published; it would appear not to have been written until 1705. 
See A. Boyer, The Compleat French-Master, 5th ed., 1710 (Brit. Mus.), p. 377. Jusserand 
quotes it from a Grammar of 1715. 

4 Shakespeare's name is, for instance, not to be found in Bayle's Dictionnaire, in 
Moreri's Supplement (1716), nor even in the German translation of Bayle, published by 
Oottsched and his circle at Leipzig as late as 1741-44. 


wan fief) befto mefjr fiber ifyn tteritwnbern mufh. (Si ftatte etn fcfyer^affte^ getniitfye, funte abet 
bcdj and) fefjr ernftfyafft [elm, unb ortreff(id)e tragcbicn unb contcbien fcfyreiben. dr fyatte 
viel finnreicfye unb fubtile ftreitigfeiten tnit 33en;3ot)nfon, itnetoofil feiner yon betyben ttie( bamit 

It is strange that this interesting notice should have hitherto escaped 
attention, as the Lexicon, which was subsequently revised by J. C. 
Iselin, father of the better-known historical writer, Isaak Iselin, 
reached a third edition in 1730. The source of the notice, it should be 
added, is Thomas Fuller's History of the Worthies of England (1662). 

In 1715 the Leipzig scholar, J. B. Mencke (or rather, Ch. G. Jocher, 
who was the real compiler), with the unscrupulousness which appears 
to be the right of all dictionary- makers, appropriated almost literally 
Buddeus's notice "for his Compendioses Gelehrten-Lexicon (Leipzig, 
1715). But for the first sentence he substituted: 'Shakespear (Wilh.) 
ein (SnoJ. Dramaticus, o,eb. $u (BtrcUforb 1564. urnr fcftlecfyt aufeqogen, unb 
ttevftunb fein atein, jebod) bracfyte er3 in ber ^oefie fefyt f)0($.' And he 
added the further information: ' @r ft. $u tratforb 1616. 23 2fyr. im 53. 
Sa^re. Seine @d)au# unb ^rauer^@pte(e, beren er fefrr iel ge(c^rieben, finb 
in VI. Sfyeilen 1709, 511 Sonben gufammen gebrucft, unb werben fef)r f)oc^ 
ge^alten 1 .' This notice was reprinted without alteration in the sub- 
sequent editions of the Lexicon of 1725 and 1733; and when, in the 
years 1750 53, Jocher published as a fourth and much enlarged 
edition of Mencke, his Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, the only addition 
to this naive account of Shakespeare was a mention of the fact that : 
< Seine SSercfe finb au$ 311 Sonben 2ln. 1733 in fieben $ott. son Lud. 
Theobald mit tttel critifcfyen unb anbern 2lnmercfungen son neuen an ba3 
$td)t geftettet worben, allwo auc^ son ifym me^rere 9lac^ric^t anjutreffen/ The 
fifth edition of Jocher's work (1784-1822), for which Adelung and 
Eotermund were responsible, did not reach the letter S. 

Between Mencke's Lexicon of 1715, and the next reference to 
Shakespeare in a German book omitting the repetitions in the later 
editions of Buddeus-Iselin and Mencke and of Morhof's Unterricht 
there is a gap of seventeen years, which, notwithstanding diligent 
search, I have been unable to fill up. The silence in Germany is 
remarkable, for there is no doubt that, in these years, through the 
medium of French sources of information, Shakespeare's name was 
becoming increasingly familiar to the continent. Of thdfce French 

1 Mencke himself possessed the edition of 1709 (Biblioteca Menckeniana, Leipzig, 
1723, p. 562). His notice is quoted both by Koberstein and Genee. 

316 The Knowledge of Shakespeare on the Continent 

sources 1 , three were of paramount importance for the spread of a 
knowledge of English literature : the French translation of the Spectator 
(1714), the Dissertation on English poetry in the Journal litter air e 
(1717), and Muralt's Lettres sur les Anglois (1725). 

In its French garb the Spectator had an extraordinary vogue on the 
continent. The first edition appeared at Amsterdam in 1714 under the 
title : Le Spectateur ou le Socrate moderne, ou Von voit un portrait naif 
des moeurs de ce siecle. Traduit de V Anglois and forty years later, it 
seemed still to be as popular as ever 2 . Even, however, under the most 
favourable circumstances, the Spectator was not a work which could 
have materially helped to familiarise a foreign people with Shakespeare, 
and its value in this respect was still further diminished by the fact 
that all the early French editions were much abbreviated. More than 
half the references to Shakespeare in the Spectator do not appear in 
French at all, and of the remainder, the majority are mere passing 
allusions or quotations. The most definite pronouncement, and one 
that was likely to arrest attention, is in the paper of July 1, 1712, in 
which Addison discusses the ' fairy way of writing ' : 

Entre les Anglois, SHAKESPEAR 1'emporte infiniment au-dessus de tous les 
autres. Cette noble extravagance de 1' Esprit, qu'il possedoit au supreme degre, le 
rendoit capable de toucher ce foible superstitieux de 1' Imagination de ses Lecteurs, 
& de reussir en de certains endroits, ou il n'etoit soutenu que par la seule force de 
son propre Genie. II y a quelque chose de si bizarre, & avec tout cela de si grave, 
dans les Discours de ses Phantdmes, de ses Fees, de ses Sorciers & de ses autres 
Personnages chimeriques, qu'on ne sauroit s'empecher de les croire naturels, quoique 
nous n'ayons aucune Regie fixe pour en bien juger ; & qu'on est contraint d'avouer, 
que, s'il y a tels Etres au Monde, il est fort probable qu'ils parleroient & agiroient 
de la maniere dont il les a represented 

On the first occasion when the name Shakespeare occurs ('notre fameux 
Shakespeare,' No. 17), the translator, who shows throughout an intimate 
familiarity with English conditions and affairs, adds a footnote ex- 
plaining : ' II a ecrit des Tragedies, dont la plupart des Scenes sont 
admirables; mais il n'etoit pas tout-a-fait exact dans ses Plans, ni dans 
la justesse de la Composition 3 .' 

Much better adapted for spreading a knowledge of Shakespeare 

1 I omit the minor notices, as I have few to add to those mentioned by M. Jusserand. 
See an instructive note by F. Baldensperger on La prononciation franqaise du nom de 
Shakespeare in the Archiv fur neuere Sprachen und Litteraturen, cxv. (1905), pp. 399 ff. 

2 According to L. P. Betz (Bodmer-Denkschrift, Zurich, 1900, p. 238), editions were 
published at Amsterdam in 1714, 1716-18, 1722-30, 1731-36, 1744, 1754-55 ; at Paris, in 
1716-26, 1754 ('corrigee et augmentee ') and 1754-55. The British Museum possesses an 
edition dated Amsterdam, 1746-50. The German translation (by Frau Gottsched), Der 
Zuschauer, dates only from 1739-43. 

3 Quoted by Jusserand, p. 142 (178). 


than the Spectateur, although naturally appealing to a more limited 
public, was the Dissertation sur la poesie angloise which appeared in 
volume IX of the Journal litteraire (1717), pp. 157 216. After 
touching briefly on Prior, Butler, Rochester, Dryden, and discussing 
the rhymeless verse of the English, which he regards as no better than 
good prose, the author of this article goes on to analyse at considerable 
length Paradise Lost ; he also criticises the Faery Queen and Addison's 
Campaign. From the epic he turns to the comedy, reproving the 
English writers for their coarseness and vulgarity, their unscrupulous 
thefts from the French ; even the writers of tragedies are not free from 
blame in this respect. He deprecates the English contempt for the 
'rules,' and this naturally brings him to Shakespeare (p. 202): 

II est probable que tous ceux qui voudront bien reflechir sur 1'essence de la 
Tragedie, admettront avec nous ces Regies comme les principales, & comme celles 
sans lesquelles une Tragedie n'est pas Tragedie. Sur ce pied-la ce ne sont point 
des Tragedies que les Pieces de Theatre faites par Shakspear, que la plupart des 
Anglois regardent encore, comme le plus admirable ecrivain dans ce genre-la, & a 
qui dans tous les prologues de ceux qui Pont suivi, on dresse des Autels comme a 
un Dieu de Theatre. 

But this 'divin Shakspear' ignored the rules of his art in the most 
reprehensible way ; and the incongruous introduction of the gravedigger 
scene in Hamlet, which shocked Voltaire, is quoted as an illustration. 
Besides Hamlet, the critic mentions Richard III, as an example 
of how 'le grand Shakspear a traite toute 1'Histoire d'Angleterre, 
depuis Guillaume le Conquerant jusqu'au Regne sous lequel il a vecu/ 
Othello is accorded what is relatively the most detailed analysis, but the 
critic regards this tragedy from an even more superior standpoint. The 
article finishes with a few words on contemporary writers, such as 
Philips, Rowe and Addison. On the whole, this dissertation was the 
first real introduction of the English poet to the continent, and, until 
Voltaire published his Lettres philosophiques in 1734, it remained 
virtually the only source of detailed information. 

What the third authority on English matters, the Swiss writer Beat 
de Muralt, in his Lettres sur les Anglois et les Francois (1725), had to 
say on the subject of Shakespeare, is of very minor importance, he 
being more interested in the English adaptor of LAvare, ( Schadvel ' ; 
but his views on Shakespeare are worth quoting, if only because his 
book penetrated into circles which had no access to the Journal 
litteraire. The first edition of the Lettres was published at Bern in 
1725, the second nominally, at least at Cologne, in 1727 \ 

1 See 0. von Greyerz, Beat de Muralt, Frauenfeld, 1888 ; Greyerz has also edited the 
Lettres sur les Anglais et les Frangais, Bern, 1897. 

M. L. R. 21 

318 The Knowledge of Shakespeare on the Continent 

Si les Anglois, (he says in the second letter), pouvoient se resoudre a y etre plus 
simples, & a etudier davantage le Langage de la Nature, ils excelleroient sans doute 
dans le Tragique par dessus tous les Peuples de 1'Europe. L'Angleterre est im Pai's 
de Passions & de Catastrophes, jusques la que Schakspear, un de leurs meilleurs 
anciens Poe'tes, a mis une grande partie de leur Histoire en Tragedies. D'ailleurs, 
le Genie de la Nation est pour le Serieux ; leur langue est forte et succinte, telle 
qu'il la faut pour exprimer les passions. Ainsi leurs Tragedies ont d'excellens 
endroits, & un grand nombre ; mais elles ont les inemes defauts que leurs Comedies, 
& je pense quelques autres de plus. 

With such sources of knowledge more or less accessible, the scanty 
paragraph which was inserted in the second edition of the Engel- 
Idndische Kirch- und Schulen-Staat (1732) by the Hanoverian theologian 
H. L. Bentheim, seems somewhat belated ; the notice, which is again 
taken from Fuller's Worthies, will be found on p. 976 : 

151. William Shakespear, fant ju @trabforb in Warwickshire auf biefe 
>etne elef>rtf)eit tear fefyr fcfylecfyt, unb bafjer tterttwnberte man fid) um beftomefyr, baf ev ein 
furtreffltdjer Poeta war. @r fjatte einen ftnnretcfyen .ftopff, woUer @d)er|, unb war in Tragoedien 
unb Comoedien fo gliicfUd), bap er and) einen Heraclitum jum ad)en, nnb einen Demo- 
critum jum 2Betnen bringen fonte 1 . 

The earliest reference to Shakespeare which I have been able to 
trace in Italian sources, has something more than Italian interest. It is 
to be found in a letter which prefaces the tragedy II Cesare by Antonio 
Conti, published in 1726. Conti was a cultured Venetian abbe, who, 
attracted mainly by the brilliancy of English scientific discovery and 
the fame of the Royal Society, came to London in 1715. He was 
provided with excellent introductions and was soon on friendly terms 
with the English scholars and scientists of the day, including Newton. 
In 1716, when he went over to Germany with the English court, he 
was charged with the important mission of mediating between the 
English philosopher and Leibniz; but before he reached Hanover 
Leibniz was dead. Of delicate health and constantly afflicted with 
asthma, he found that the air of London, rendered heavy 'per la mistura 
delle particelle del carbon di terra,' did not agree with him, and on the 
advice of friends and doctors, he gave up his scientific studies and retired 
to the country. As a residence he selected * Kinsington/ where he 
enjoyed the intimacy of the Duke of Buckingham, and the latter 
reawakened in him those literary interests which he had, so far, not 
had time to cultivate in England. The Duke showed him his tragedies 

1 See also Gende, p. 62. In the chapter on Oxford there is another mention of the 
poet with reference to Otway : ' Thomas Otway, ein guter Poete tint fcelo&tet Comoedien- 
ctyretber; toelctyer after ben @^>a!efpear fein aitSjufcfyretben tt>ujle' (p. 435). The first edition of 
the Kirch- und Schulen-Staat (Leipzig, 1694) contains no reference to Shakespeare, although 
Milton, Butler and Chaucer are mentioned. The author, it ought to be added, died in 


on the subject of Caesar and Brutus adaptations of Shakespeare's 
Julius Caesar and Conti's ambition was fired to write a similar work. 
The first result was II Cesare, which, however, was not finished until 
after Conti returned to France in 1718. In Paris he read the drama 
aloud in several literary circles, and copies of it in manuscript passed 
from hand to hand. Ultimately Cardinal Bentivoglio, then the Papal 
Nuncio in Paris, without consulting the author, had the tragedy 
printed and in 1726 it appeared in a handsome quarto at Faenza 1 . It 
is in a letter to Jacopo Martelli that Conti explains the reasons which 
induced him to write the drama and also expresses his views on Shake- 
speare. The most characteristic passage is the following (p. 54 f.) : 

Sasper & il Cornelio degl' Inglesi, ma rnolto piu irregolare del Cornelio, sebbene 
al pari di lui pregno di grandi idee, e di 'nobili sentiment!. Restriugendomi qul a 
parlare del suo Cesare, il Sasper lo fa morire al terzo atto ; il rimanente della 
Tragedia e occupato dall' aringa di Marc-antonio al Popolo indi dalle guerre e dalla 
morte di Cassio e di Bruto. Pud maggiormente violarsi 1' unita del tempo, dell' 
azione, e del luogo ? Ma gl' Inglesi disprezzarono sino al Catoue le regole d' Aristotile 
per la ragione, che la Tragedia e fatta per piacere, e chi ottima ella e allora che 
piace ; contenesse alia cento azioni diverse, e trasportasse personaggi dall' Europa 
nell' Asia, e finissero vecchi, ove cominciarono fanciulli. Cosl pensava cred' io 
la maggior parte degl' Italiani del 1600 guasti dalle Commedie Spagnuole ; e mi 
maraviglio, come in quel secolo niuno si sia avvisato di tradurre in Italiano le 
Commedie e Tragedie Inglesi, colme d ; accidenti come le Spagnuole, ma certamente 
con caratteri piu natural! e leggiadri. L' Italia avrebbe se non imparata tutta la 
storia de i Re d' Inghilterra, che da' loro poeti e stata posta sul teatro, ogni vita di 
Re dando materia ad una tragedia. 

The importance of this statement is that here, for the first time, we 
find a critic outside of England not merely regarding Shakespeare with 
respect, but hinting at the possibility of a continental nation learn- 
ing from him 2 . That Conti's own Cesare, excellent though it is, has 
nothing Shakespearian about it, does not impair his argument, and his 
words fell on fruitful ground both in France and Germany. In all pro- 
bability, this tragedy indicated to Voltaire how the ' drunken savage ' 
might be trimmed and docked; and even if II Cesare was not the 
immediate model of La Mort de Cesar, it at least corroborated Voltaire's 

1 A biography of Conti is prefaced to the second volume of his Prose e Poesie, Venice 
1756. See also the admirable series of articles on Conti by G. Brognoligo in the Ateneo 
Veneto, 1893-94. 

2 The explanation of this attitude is partly to be sought in the strained relations 
existing at the time between Italian critics and the representatives of French pseudo- 
classicism. See Ch. Dejob, Etudes sur la tragedie, Paris 1897, p. 107 ff. and A. Galletti, 
Le teorie drammatiche e la tragedia nel secolo XVIII, i. Cremona, 1901. To Conti and 
the influence of his critical views, I propose to return in a subsequent article. ^Meanwhile, 
it is perhaps worth while correcting an error in Prof. Saintsbury's History of Criticism, 
where (vol. in. p. 23) to Conti is ascribed the Paragone della Poesia tragica published by 
Bodmer in 1732. The author of that book was not, however, Conti, but Calepio Pietro 
de' Conti di Calepio whom even the British Museum authorities have erroneously 
catalogued under ' Conti. ' 


320 The Knowledge of Shakespeare on the Continent 

choice of Julius Caesar as the drama best adapted for the purposes of 
introducing Shakespeare to his countrymen 1 . Further, the words 
just quated from Conti's introductory letter have also, it seems to me, 
left their mark on the first edition of the Lettres philosophiques, where 
Voltaire, in introducing the English poet, wrote (Letter xviii) : 
' Shakespear, qui passoit pour le Corneille des Anglois, fleurissoit a peu 
pres dans le terns de Lopez de Vega.' To mention Corneille in the 
same line with Shakespeare was obviously not in accordance with 
Voltaire's rnaturer views 2 , and in the later editions of the Lettres 
philosophiques, he substituted for the objectionable comparison, the 
words : ' Shakespear que les Anglois prennent pour un Sophocle, 
fleurissoit etc.' 

Conti's interest in Shakespeare had also a sequel in German 
literature. It offers an explanation to a puzzle which has long been 
the subject of conjecture and controversy. The Swiss critic Bodmer, 
in the prefatory Nachrichten to the first edition of his translation of 
Paradise Lost (1732), had mentioned 'Shakespear der Engellandische 
Sophocles,' and a few years earlier, had had the opportunity of making 
the acquaintance of Shakespeare in the original 3 ; but it is more than 
doubtful if he took advantage or knew enough English to take advan- 
tage of that opportunity. In 1740, however, in his Gritische Abhand- 
lung von dem Wunderbaren in der Poesie (1740) and in his Gritische 
Betrachtungen der poetischen Gemdhlde der Dichter (1741), he adopted 
Conti's Italianised orthography, and called the English poet ' Sasper ' 
and ' Saspar.' Now that the origin of Bodmer's freak is clear, it seems 
to me that the only inference to be drawn is that Shakespeare was, at 
the best, a very shadowy personage to Bodmer, a poet for whom he had 
little use except as a means with which to clench an argument ; and for 
such purposes it was immaterial to him whether he called him ' Sasper ' 
or ' Shakespear 4 .' Indeed, keeping Bodmer's very mediocre literary 

1 See Voltaire's preface to the drama, and his letter to Desfontaines of Nov. 14, 1735 
(Oeumes compL, 33, p. 551). 

2 Cp. Letter to M. de Cideville, Nov. 3, 1735 : C'est Shakespeare, le Corneille de 
Londres, grand fou d'ailleurs, et ressemblant plus souvent a Gilles qu'a Corneille' (Oeuvres 
completes, 33, p. 545). 

3 In a letter of January 28, 1724, to his friend L. Zellweger : ' 2fia$ iljr mir son Congreve, 
Gibber, Addison, Shakspear, unb Dryden gefanb, barton tuerbe tcfy (ud> betreffenb nne tcty btefe fcfyviff- 
ten anfetye, ein anbev SJialjl tftedjenfdjafft gefcen ' (H. Bodmer, Die Anfdnge des zilrcherischen 
Milton, in Studien zur Literaturgeschichte, M. Bernays gewidmet, Leipzig, 1893, p. 193). 

4 For the various solutions that have been suggested in explanation of Bodmer's 
'Sasper' see Th. Vetter, Zurich als Vermittlerin englischer Literatur, Zurich, 1891, 
pp. 15 ff., and the same writer's contribution to the Bodmer-Denkschrift, p. 330. It is 
interesting to note that, just as Conti made ' Sasper' out of ' Shakespeare/ so he wrote 
4 Sasfburis' for ' Shaftesbury ' and 'Uctsonio' for ' Hutcheson ' (Prose e Poesie, i. (1739), 


attainments in view, it is perhaps not too much to say that in 1740-41, 
he had no definite conviction as to how the poet's name was spelled, and 
was as ready to accept Conti's authority as that of the French Spectateur. 
One thing, at least, is clear, and it is a point which some German 
critics have been inclined to overlook : there is no evidence in these 
critical writings to prove that Bodmer at this time knew anything 
more of Shakespeare than was to be learned from these two sources. 
The only references which seem to imply a knowledge of individual 
plays (Von dem Wunderbaren, p. 246, and Poetische Gemdhlde, p. 170 f.) 
are direct translations from the Spectator. 

While Bodmer was still writing blindly about ' Sasper ' another 
German, Kaspar Wilhelm von Borck, who from 1735 to 1738 was 
Prussian ambassador in London, had completed the first literal trans- 
lation of a Shakespearian drama, and again the choice fell on Julius 
Caesar. Borck's Der Tod des Julius Cdsar in Alexandrines appeared 
at Berlin in 1741. Possibly indeed, this translation may be regarded as 
a direct challenge to Voltaire, whose Mort de Cesar was translated into 
German by J. F. Scharffenstein in 1737. Both Borck's translation, 
however, and Bodmer's knowledge of Shakespeare fall outside the limits 
I have set myself, and must be reserved for later consideration. Mean- 
while, the fact is worth chronicling that, within a few years between 
1726 and 1741 three versions, in three of the chief languages of 
Europe, based on one and the same play of Shakespeare's, carried not 
merely the English poet's name, but something and in the German 
case, a very great deal of his art, to the nations of the continent. 



THE influence of M. G. Lewis' novel The Monk upon Shelley is at 
present, for the most part, an unwritten chapter in his development 
as a poet and a thinker. Mention has often been made of the result 
produced by the influence of the so-called 'Renaissance of Wonder* 
upon him; but the remarks dealing with Lewis in this connection have 
been very scanty. They have mostly consisted in statements to the 
effect that Shelley attempted in his earliest works to revive the uncouth 
horrors of the Monk, and that his productions of this period bear traces 
of the vapid sentimentality and disordered imagination of its author. 
Medwin, Godwin, Jefferson Hogg, and Peacock, who laughed at their 
friend for his transcendentalism, which about this time, as the 
first named has stated, 'ran on bandits, castles, ruined towers, wild 
mountains, storms and apparitions,' all made no direct allusion to any 
close connection between the works of the two authors. And it has 
been the same with nearly all the many critics who have followed 
them. This was first done by the late Dr Garnett in his publication 
of the Original Poetry by Victor and Cazire (London and New York, 
1898). The curious light thrown by him on this subject has not yet 
been adequately explained. In the course of the search for the volume, 
which its editor has called ' a bibliographical event as rare as, according 
to Petrarch, the appearance of a Laura in heaven,' Professor Dowden 
discovered a short critique of it in the British Critic, while another 
gentleman found a few lines of a similar purport in another journal. 
Strange to say, a long article in the Literary Panorama (Vol. vm. 
p. 1064), containing copious extracts from many of the poems, was 
entirely overlooked, and has up to the present not been mentioned. 
The discovery of the missing volume by a member of the Shelley 
family has, however, now deprived the last-mentioned article of the 
great importance it would otherwise possess. The reason of Shelley's 
withdrawal of his so-called Original Poems was due to his publisher 
Stockdale finding one of Monk Lewis' poems printed verbatim in its 

- .. 

A. B. YOUNG 323 

pages. As Garnett was unable to ascertain which poem this was, so 
much so that he confesses ' some doubt whether Stockdale's testimony 
is entirely reliable,' and made sundry guesses which are all incorrect, 
it may be here stated that the poem in question is undoubtedly Saint 
Edmund's Eve, pp. 37 44, which is copied word for word from a poem 
entitled The Black Canon of Elmham or Saint Edmunds Eve, from 
Lewis' Tales of Terror, 1799 and 1808 editions. In addition to this, 
Garnett did not find out that the subject-matter of the two other 
longest poems in the collection is derived nearly entirely from the 
same author. The poem Ghasta, pp. 50-62 the origin of the first 
stanza of which has been rightly explained to have been influenced by 
Chatterton is nothing more or less than a versification by Shelley of 
the tale of Don Raymond, The Bleeding Nun, and the Wandering Jew 
as related in the Monk, with some minor alterations. The Revenge, 
pp. 45 49, is due to the story of the Castle of Lindenberg and the 
ballad of Alonzo the Brave in the same romance. These parts of the 
Monk are themselves derived from German sources. As a specimen 
of Shelley's plagiarism, and as an illustration of Lewis acting as a 
mediary of German influence on the former's youthful works, the 
following nineteenth stanza from Ghasta can serve : 

Thou art mine, and I am thine, 
Till the sinking of the world, 
I am thine, and thou art mine, 
Till in ruin death is hurled, 

which is taken from the corresponding lines in the Monk : 

Agnes ! Agnes ! thou art mine, 
Agnes ! Agnes ! I am thine, 
In my veins while blood shall roll, 
Thou a.rt mine ! I am thine ! 
Thine my body ! thine my soul ! 

which in their turn as the whole story of the Bleeding Nun, of which 
they form a part go back upon one of Musseus' fairy tales called Die 

Entfilhrung : 

Ich habe dich, nie lass ich dich : 
fein Liebchen du bist mein, 
fein Liebchen ich bin dein, 

du mein, ich dein, 

mit Leib und Seele. 

It appears to the writer that a careful investigation of the contents 
of Shelley's other juvenile works, with those of Lewis, woulc^show that 
he was largely indebted to this romanticist, not only as has hitherto 
been supposed as regards style, but also as regards subject-matter. 
Buxton Forman and other critics have conjectured, for instance, that 

324 Shelley and M. G. Lewis 

Shelley derived most of the contents of his novel, Zastrozzi, from 
German originals. His statement in the Preface of Shelley's Prose 
Works ( that the repeated accounts of Matilda's violent passions are 
beyond the probabilities of so youthful an imagination as Shelley's 
at that time, and were more likely to have been taken from some 
unpleasant foreign book that he did not more than half understand,' 
is quite incorrect. There can be little doubt that they are directly 
derived from the similar character of the same name in the Monk, 
and it is interesting to observe, in connection with Buxton Forman's 
statement, that Lewis was at the time he wrote his novel about the 
same age as Shelley was when he wrote his. To show further how 
Zastrozzi is nothing but a second version of certain portions of the 
Monk, with, however, great alterations a fact which up to the present 
has escaped notice the following resemblances can be alluded to : 
The character of Matilda corresponds in nearly every respect with that 
I of Matilda in the Monk', Verezzi resembles Ambrosio; and Julia, 
Antonia. Zastrozzi may be said to take the part of the Devil in the 
Monk. The greatest difference between the two romances is that 
Shelley eliminates the idea and use of supernatural agency. In the 
Monk, Matilda, who drives Ambrosio and Antonia to ruin and ultimate 
death, is the direct agent of the Devil. In Shelley's novel, Matilda, 
who precipitates in ruin Verezzi and Julia, is urged on by Zastrozzi, 
who, although one might imagine him to be the Evil One himself by 
the way he acts and is described, is still only desirous of avenging his 
mother, who has been seduced by Verezzi. Zastrozzi is indirectly the 
cause of his father's death in the same way that Ambrosio kills his 
own mother, and in both cases the relationship between the villains 
and their victims is first disclosed at the end of the respective tales. 
As the one (Matilda) is the means of rescuing the life of her 
beloved Verezzi, so the other, under similar circumstances, that of her 
enamoured Ambrosio, and in both cases these acts conduce to the 
gratification of sensual wishes. In the one novel there is a glowing 
description of Matilda watching at the bedside of Ambrosio, and in the 
other of Matilda at that of Verezzi, and at the end of both there is a 
scene before the Inquisition, etc. As Lewis himself drew material 
extensively from German sources, the above indication of Shelley's 
indebtedness to him does not necessarily disprove the previously 
accepted idea of Shelley owing much in his juvenile works to German 
romanticism, but at least exhibits this supposition in a novel and 
interesting aspect. A. B. YOUNG. 



Certes, dame, Jx>u seist as hende ; 
And I shal setten spel on ende, 
And tellen }>Q al. 

Dame Siriz, 62. 

IN Prof. Schipper's sixth edition of Zupitza's Ubungsbuch the first 
in which Dame Siriz appears this expression was not commented on 
at all. Prof. Holthausen asked for an explanation in his review in 
Engl. Studien (31, 268). In the one now given in the seventh edition 
(Glossary, in v. 'setten'), 'setten on ende/ 'zu ende bringen,' Prof. 
Schipper was evidently inspired by Matzner's note : ' say my speech to 
the end.' But it strikes one that there can hardly be any question as 
yet of saying the speech ' to the end,' for the lover is only just be- 
ginning. Moreover, when we come to think of it, the text does not say 
so, for 'on ende' is not 'to the end.' Matzner's only quotation in 
support of his explanation has, it is true, ' to J?an ende/ but with the 
verb ' to say/ not with ' to set.' 

It is thus necessary to look for a different explanation, which is 
fortunately not far to seek. ' To set on end ' suggests a stick or pole, or 
something similar, and this brings us to another 'spell/ viz. a 'spill/ 
If we now study the context, it becomes at once clearer. The lover is 
tentatively feeling his way ; ' I hope/ he has said (37 ff.), ' that if I tell 
thee my errand thou mayst not become wroth/ and when he is en- 
couraged by the lady's more than friendly reply (' even if thou shouldst 
speak me shame, I will not blame thee ') all his hesitation disappears, 
and he says (61 ff.) : ' Truly, Lady, thou speakest so kindly now, that 
I am determined to tell thee all/ For line 62, as will be immediately 
apparent, means nothing else than ' I am determined/ 

The key to the difficulty is to be found in the phrase ' to set the 
spell up on end' borrowed from the game of 'knur and spell' (see 
E. D. D. in v. ' knur '). The ' spell ' is ' a thin piece of wood with a 

326 Miscellaneous Notes 

cavity at one end to receive the knur or ball... The spell acts as a lever 
to raise the ball to a proper height when it is struck with the batstick 
or bat.' Cf. ib., in v. ' spell ' as well as a slightly different description 
in v. ( knur.' To ' set up the spell on end ' is therefore evidently to do 
one's best to send the ball in the proper direction ; and the E. D. D. 
gives an example of the figurative use of the expression in Yorkshire, 
with the meaning ' to show firm determination for the mastery ' (in v. 
1 spel,' sub 8, ' Ah's be fooarst to set t'spel up an end '), and then more 
generally, ' to be determined.' The expression is analogous to that in 
Romeo and Juliet, iv, 5, 6 : 'to set up one's rest/ which may have been 
suggested by the game of Primero, although undoubtedly also under- 
stood in its military sense, as Keightley has urged. The two phrases 
mutually elucidate each other. 


'DEEP PATHAIRES' (Arden of Feversham, m, v, 51). 

This word is certainly difficult, but I do not think that conjecture is 
any cure for it. The various proposals to alter it seem to be based on 
the assumption that the example quoted by Mr Littledale is unique and 
that the word is therefore imperfectly attested. This is not so ; it occurs 
at least twice. This important evidence in its favour has escaped even 
the Argus eyes of the N. E. D. To the passage from Arden of Fever sham, 
m, v, 51, should be added a parallel from W. Smith's The Hector of 
Germanie, 1615, sig. B 4 verso, where old Fitzwaters, rival to his own 
son for the hand of Floramel Clynton, surprises him in his wooing, 
draws upon him, and is held back by the steward. Young Fitzwaters 

cries : 

If I could feare the wauing of a Sword, 
Mine enemies had frighted me ere now ; 
But I'nie invaluable [sic], like my minde, 
Not to be wounded but with darts of loue ; 
And I as little estimate a Father 
In these Pathaires, as he esteemes my griefe. 

' Suspires ' is impossible here, and the recurrence of the word seems to 
me to dispose of such substitutes as ' petarres ' and ' pathaines.' Two 
compositors could not blunder alike over such an out-of-the-way word. 
The case of ' the prenzie Angelo ' in Measure for Measure, in, i, 95, is 
exactly parallel : ' prenzie ' would have had a short shrift at the hands 
of most modern editors but for the fact that the epithet recurs, with 
marked distinctness and emphasis, in the next sentence. In the case of 
either word it seems impossible to doubt (1) that the printer copied it 

Miscellaneous Notes 327 

faithfully, and (2) that he attached a meaning to it. The reading, to 
quote the wise words of the Cambridge editors on the crux in Measure 
for Measure, ' rests on such strong authority that it is better to seek to 
explain than to alter it.' 



In the Modern Language Review for last January I drew attention 
(p. 143) to Dr Winter's discovery that, in the Staple of News, Jonson 
employed many elements which had been used earlier in the London 
Prodigal. I confess that when I wrote the notice in question I had 
not yet read the Shakespeare- Jahrbuch for 1905. Had I done so, I 
should have taken the opportunity of pointing out that Mr Crawford 
had made a similar discovery with regard to the Staple of News and the 
Bloody Brother. Jonson's play in fine, turns out to be little more than 
a cento made up of borrowings from earlier works. Whether it follows 
that those works were by Jonson is another question, but a very strong 
case can undoubtedly be made out. Possibly Ben gathered up fragments 
of his own work produced in collaboration with others, and wove them 
into a new piece, much as Day did in the Parliament of Bees. I should 
mention that, while the parallels Mr Crawford adduces between the 
Bloody Brother and Jonson's Discoveries are of great interest, one would 
like, before building on them, to know how far the latter work was 
original. Mr Spingarn has shown that considerable portions of it are 
translated from foreign sources. 

W. W. GREG. 


In his Life of Fielding (English Men of Letters), Mr Austin Dobson 
states (p. 7) that Fielding returned to London from Leyden, where he 
had ' studied the civilians ' for about two years, ' at the beginning of 
1728 or the end of 1727.' This cannot be correct as Fielding was not 
registered as a student at the University of Leyden till 1728. On 
p. 915 of the Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae occurs 
the following entry: 'Febr. 16. 1728: Rectore Johanne Wesselio, Hen- 
ricus Fielding, Anglus. 20, L.' On that day Henry Fielding, aged 
twenty, was entered as litterarum studiosus at Leyden. 

This entry naturally gives no certainty about the date of his arrival 
in Holland. But one interesting thing we learn from it is that Fielding 

328 Miscellaneous Notes 

applied himself to the study of letters, that is, the study of the classics. Of 
course, he may have ' studied the civilians ' as well, but the entry leaves 
no room for doubt as to the purpose of his stay at Leyden. As his first 
play, Love in Several Masques, was staged at Drury Lane in February 
1728, and his next play, The Temple Beau, was produced in January 
1730, it is not improbable that his residence in Holland filled up the 
interval or part of it. Did the profits of the play perhaps cover part of 
his travelling expenses ? 

Although Goldsmith may have lived for some time at Leyden, his 
name does not occur in the Album studiosorum which was studiously 
kept by every succeeding Rector Magnificus. This means that Goldsmith 
was never a student in the University. The year given in the various 
biographies is 1754, but neither under that date nor, for the matter of 
that, under any other, does the name of Goldsmith appear in the 
academic register. His friend Ellis, who assisted him in his pecuniary 
difficulties, was entered on the llth of January 1754 as 'Thomas Ellis, 
Hibernus, 24. M.' No doubt Goldsmith's extreme poverty prevented 
him from becoming a regular student. 

A. E. H. SWAEN. 

GOTISCH 'BiJANDZUj? J?AN ' (Philemon, 22). 

rfj inraKorj <rov eypa^d <roi Gatrauands ufhauseinai }?einai game- 
on KOI v7Tp 6 \fyo> 7roiT)(rcis. ap.a lida j?us witands J?atei jah ufar |>atei 
de teal /uoi eviav. qipa taujis. bijandzuj? Jjan mamvei mis 


Die Etymologie des hier erscheinenden bijandzu]> 1st bisher dunkel 
gewesen. Uppstrom glaubte ein Verbum bijan, 'zufugen,' annehmen 
zu dtirfen, so dass also das Partizipium bijands das temporale Adverbium 
ajjLa wiedergeben wiirde. Eine solche Ubersetzung sowol als Kon- 
struktion stande aber einzig da in der got. Bibeltibersetzung. Man 
vermisst ein Objekt. Als Parallelen werden I Th. ii, 13, und I 
Kor. xvi, 10 angefiihrt. Dort ist ev^apicrrov^ev ro5 0eco aStaXetTrra)? mit 
awiliudom gu]>a unsweibandans, hier r iva a</>o/3fc>? (einige Hss. haben 
gar afoftos) <yevrjrai Trpos VJJLCLS mit ei unagands sijai at izwis iibersetzt ; 
dass diese Stellen sich nicht vergleichen lassen bedarf keiner weiteren 
Erorterung. Das angenommene bijan hat keine Entsprechung in den 
verwandten Sprachen, der BegrifF 'zufugen' wird im Got. gewohnlich 
durch ein Kompositum von aukan ubersetzt. 

Miscellaneous Notes 329 

Schon J. Grimm hatte jene Moglichkeit in Erwagung gezogen, 
indem er (Gramm. m, 25) unsere Stelle mit Mt. vi, 17 zusammen- 
brachte ; aber auf derselben Seite deutet er noch eine andere an, die 
fur mich mehr Wahrscheinlichkeit hat : ' dunkel und bedenklich ist 
andizuh (rj yap), Lc. xvi, 13, vielleicht jenem bijandzuh verwandt ? ' 
Andiz ist Adverbialkomparativ zu and- (Leo Meyer, 123, 182, 195; 
Uhlenbeck, 13. Vgl. hald-is, f ram-is etc. Uber den Wandel von s zu 
z vgl. Leo Meyer, 195 ; Braune, 37 ; Wilmanns, 1, 127) eine Auffassung 
die nichts bedenkliches hat, da der Begriff ' entgegengesetzt ' wol eine 
Steigerung zulasst. Andizuh steht Lc. xvi, 13, notdtirftig fur das erste 
Glied des korrespondierenden 77 rj, woriiber ich an anderer Stelle 
(Syndet. u. asyndet. Parataxe im Got. Gott. Diss., 1904, p. 46) gesprochen 
habe ; es bezeichnet ein adversatives Verhaltnis, wahrend im griech. 
Text ein explikatives erscheint. Zu diesem andizuh stelle ich also 
bijandzuh. Uber das synkopierte i der Endung vgl. Grimm, Gramm., 
in, 589, 590. Bi- ist das bekannte in bi-aukan, bi-bindan, etc. erschein- 
ende und mit der Proposition bi identische Prafix, j Hiatus vermeidender 
Sekundarvokal, wie mfreijhals, II Kor. iii, 17 A ; Gal. ii, 4 A ; in saiji, Me. 
iv, 14; II Kor. ix, 6 A, etc. (Wilmanns, I, 157, 200). Die urspriingliche 
Form lautete also bi-andiz-uh. Das einfache andizuh bedeutet einen 
Gegensatz, bi- fiigt ihn etwas anderm zu, das folgende /cal ist durch \an 
wiedergegeben, wie auch sonst. 

Gut ist die Ubersetzung freilich nicht. Wir haben noch an vier 
Stellen ein a/jua: I Th. iv, 17 ist suns gebraucht, das sonst immer 
eu<9eo>9 oder ahnl. iibersetzt; Kol. iv, 3 ; I Th. v, 10, und I Tim. v, 13 
erscheint samana. Es bleibt hdchst auffallig, dass Wulfila nicht auch 
Philemon 22 cifjua Se /cal ahnlich Iibersetzt hat wie an der zuletzt 
genannten Stelle, a]fyan samana jah. Den Vorschlag den Uhlenbeck 
(Beitr., xxvii) nach dem Vorgange friiherer macht, kann ich nicht 
akzeptieren : wir sollen, offenbar in Erinnerung an Stellen wie Kol. 
iv, 3, Mt. vi, 7, bidjands- lesen. Aber Mt. vi, 7 ist die einzige Stelle, 
wo uh-lpan auf ein Partizipium folgend erscheint: ich vermeide den 
Ausdruck 'mit einem Partizipium verbunden,' denn ich sehe in dem 
Unterbleiben des Wechsels von s zu z grade das Bestreben, die beiden 
Worte zu trennen. Es ist doch im hochsten Grade gefahrlich, wenn 
man eine Konjektur mit einer Stelle begriindet, die selbst eine exzep- 
tionelle Stellung einnimmt. Auch liegt in Kol. iv, 3 gar kein^ Parallele 




John Lyly. By JOHN DOVER WILSON. Cambridge: Macmillan and 
Bowes, 1905. 8vo. vii +148 pp. 

' That examination [of Lyly's works] which I have now concluded is 
far too superficial in character to justify a psychological synthesis... this 
essay cannot claim to have exhausted the subject of the ways and means 
of Lyly's art ' ; tels sont les termes dont s'est servi 1'auteur pour deter- 
miner la valeur de ses efforts et apprecier les resultats de ses recherches. 
Et je ne saurais mieux faire que de repeter ces mots pour resumer a 
mon tour 1'impression que j'ai gardee de la lecture de ce livre. Mr 
Wilson a du talent ; il a aussi un bel enthousiasme et un gout litteraire 
tres eveille ; ces qualites combinees lui ont fait entrevoir et attaquer les 
tres nombreux problemes qui restent a resoudre sur la vie et sur 1'ceuvre 
de Lyly ; dans certain cas meme, Felan initial a ete si fort qu'il a porte 
1'auteur jusques a deux doigts du triomphe. Mais il est rare qu'apres nous 
avoir entraines a sa suite, en quete de difficultes a vaincre, Mr Wilson 
ne nous brule subitement la politesse, des que le moment est venu de 
se colleter avec la difficulte enfin decouverte. ' While Lyly's claims as 
a novelist are acknowledged on all hands,' fait-il observer avec une 
precision meticuleuse, pleine de promesses, ' I felt that a clear statement 
of his exact position in the history of our novel was still needed ' (p. vi). 
Mais c'est en vain que Ton cherche dans le chapitre consacre au ' First 
English Novel' cette 'place exacte' de YEuphues; et 1'auteur, ce 
chapitre une fois termine, s'apergoit que ' to attempt to estimate Lyly's 
position as a novelist and as a prose writer is to chase the will-o'-the- 
wisp of theory over the morass of uncertainty ' (p. 85). En abordant le 
theatre, Mr Wilson est repris d'une ardeur nouvelle ; il constate que les 
pieces ont une importance autrement grande que le roman : ' His plays 
...greatly outweigh his novel both in aesthetic and historical import- 
ance' (p. 85). On espere que va suivre 1'etude detaillee, complete et 
definitive qui, en effet, n'a pas encore ete 6crite sur les Comedies de 
Lyly : mais sur les 140 pages du livre, 46 seulement sont consacrees a 
une etude rapide du theatre; encore devrait-on d&iuire de ce total 
9 pages remplies par une esquisse du drame avant Lyly et quelques 
truismes sur les moraliUs. Pendant deux pages (102 3), 1'auteur 
montre 1'importance de 1'allegorie dans la litterature elizabethaine ; et, 
ma foi, il le fait tres bien ; mais c'est pour arriver a cette conclusion 

,. Reviews 331 

de"concertante que 'it is quite possible, however, to read and enjoy these 
plays without a suspicion of any inner meaning... the superficial inter- 
pretation of each play is all that need engage our attention and we 
shall content ourselves with briefly indicating the actual incident which 
it symbolises ' (p. 104). Apres cette declaration de principe, rien n'est 

Elus facile que d'escamoter le point le plus delicat et le plus difficile de 
i critique lylienne : 1'explication de 1'allegorie d'Endimion. Mr Wilson 
elude le problem e d'un seul mot : ' The whole question is one of such 
obscurity and of so little importance from the point of view of my 
argument, that I shall not attempt to enter further into it ' (p. 109). 

Mais nulle part les defaillances de Mr Wilson ne sont plus regret- 
tables que dans le cas de 1'euphuisme. Ici encore, il a reconnu que ' no 
critic, in my opinion, has as yet solved the problem of origins with any 
claim to finality' (p. 21); il a ete seduit par cette question, et, sous le 
coup de son^ enthousiasme, il a incontestablement avance la resolution 
du probleme. D'un bel elan, il a emporte d'assaut les deux positions 
importantes dont il faut etre maitre avant de conquerir la verite. II a 
tout d'abord porte un rude coup a la theorie Landmann-Guevara, en 
montrant que Berners ecrivait euphuisme des 1524, c'est-a-dire cinq ans 
avant la publication du Llbro Aureo ; que, par suite, 1'euphuisme etait 
en germe dans la langue anglaise et qu'il se serait vraisemblablement 
developpe independamment de toute influence etrangere. II a, en 
second lieu, reaffirme cette verite que Ton devait chercher les sources 
de ce parler dans 1'humanisme. Arrive a ce point, Mr Wilson n'avait 
qu'un tres petit effort a faire pour atteindre a la solution desiree. S'il 
avait tant soit peu pousse ses recherches, il aurait acquis la preuve que 
tous les elements constitutifs de 1'euphuisme (antithese, parallelisme, 
alliteration et rime) se trouvent parfaitement developpes, aux environs 
de 1510, dans More et dans Fisher, pour ne citer que les exemples les 
plus caracteristiques. Et enfin, il ne fallait pas se contenter d'affirmer r 
apres tant d'autres, que 1'euphuisme provenait de 1'antiquite, il fallait 
aussi le prouver. Ici encore, quelques recherches complementaires 
suffisaient. Si Mr Wilson avait interroge les ecrivains latins et grecs, il 
aurait decouvert sans peine que 1'antithese, le parallelisme, la rime (soit 
a la fin, soit au commencement du mot, ce qui revient a dire 1'allitera- 
tion et la rime) et les jeux de mots sont les precedes de style qui 
caracterisent Gorgias et son ecole ; et que ces precedes n'ont pas cesse 
d'etre les marques distinctives de la prose artistique et ornee dans toute 
1'antiquite. On les trouve notamment dans Isocrate, Herodote, Thucy- 
dide, Nepos, Ciceron, Seneque, Achilles Tatius, Apuleius &c. &c. Si 
Ton songe que Isocrate, Ciceron et Seneque, les trois auteurs chez 
lesquels ces precedes apparaissent le plus frequemment, sont precise"- 
ment les auteurs qui sont le plus lus pendant la Renaissance, en Angle- 
terre, comme dans le reste de 1'Europe, bien des mysteres s'ec^ircissent: 
quoi de plus naturel que les ecrivains anglais, le jour ou ils eprouverent 
le besoin d'orner leur prose encore gauche, aient emprunte des precedes 
de style a leurs auteurs favoris, auxquels d'ailleurs ils etaient redevables 
de ce gout pour la prose ornee ? Et si les euphuistes anglais offrent 

332 Reviews 

certaines ressemblances avec Guevara, n'est-ce pas pour la simple raison 
que 1'Espagnol et les Anglais etudiaient les raemes modeles et qu'ils 
copiaient la meme ecriture ? Mr Wilson n'a pas voulu aller aussi loin ; 
il avait pris le bon chemin, mais il s'est arrete au milieu de sa route et 
une fois de plus, en terminant son chapitre, il nous a fait entendre la 
note lasse et decouragee : ' No history of its origin [the origin of euphu- 
ism] can be completely satisfactory : such questions must of necessity 
receive a speculative and tentative solution, for it is impossible to give 
them an exact answer which admits of no dispute ' (p. 62). La chose 
n'est pas impossible avec un peu de methode et de patience. 

Ces echecs successifs ont probablement une cause unique : 1'auteur 
ne semble pas avoir une connaissance suffisamment precise et etendue 
de 1'epoque elizabethaine ; parfois meme on se demande s'il a vraiment 
approfondi les plus elementaires des questions lyliennes, celle de la 
biographic par exemple ; car, sans cette hypothese, on ne s'explique 
guere le caractere de certaines erreurs que Ton est stupefait de trouver 
sous la plume d'un specialiste de Lyly. Je releve les plus importantes 
parmi ces erreurs : 

p. 6. 'In 1576 we find him writing to his patron Burleigh.' La 
lettre est, non de 1576, mais du 16 mai 1574, ainsi que 1'atteste 1'anno- 
tation ecrite par le secretaire du Tresorier; 1'interpretation basee sur 
cette date de 1576 est done de pure fantaisie. 

p. 8. ' These letters show us that he was already connected with 
this office [of the Revels].' Les lettres a la Reine et a Cecil ne peu vent 
montrer rien de pareil. Nous connaissons les noms de tous les officiers 
des Revels pendant le regne d'Elizabeth ; on peut, en particulier, voir 
au Record Office toutes les nominations des differents Clerks Comp- 
trollers, seule situation qu'on ait pu jusqu'ici attribuer a Lyly. En 
voici la liste : a Richard Leys avait succede, en 1571, Edward Buggin 
(Record Off. Pat. Rolls, xiii Eliz. p. 6, m. 12); Buggin occupa le poste 
jusqu'en 1584, a laquelle date il fut remplace par William Hunning 
(Pat. Rolls, xxvi Eliz. p. 13, m. 3). Au mois de juin 1596, Hunning 
donna sa demission et il eut pour successeur Edmund Pakenham (Pat. 
Rolls, xxxviii Eliz. p. 7, m. 35 and 36) qui resta en fonctions jusque sous 
le regne de James. Lyly, on peut done I'affirmer, n'occupa jamais de 
poste dans les Revels. 

p. 45. Mr Wilson a ete fort intrigue de trouver dans Lyly, Watson 
et Kyd cette meme ide"e que ' the soft droppes of rain pearce the hard 
marble ' ; et il s'est demande quelle pouvait bien etre la source de cette 
idee. A la page suivante, assez illogiquement d'ailleurs, il semble 
s'appuyer sur une repetition sernblable dans Barnefield pour prouver 
que 1'auteur de V Affectionate Shepherd doit etre considere comme un 
euphuiste. Cette phrase n'est nullement particuliere aux euphuistes ; 
c'est au contraire un des lieux communs du jargon petrarquiste. 
Petrarque avait dit : 

Vivo sol di speranza, rimembrando 
Che poco umor gia per continua prova 
Consumar vidi marmi e pietre salde 

(Sonn. ccxxvi. p. 372, ed. G. Mestica); 

Reviews 333 

et de nombreux poetes anglais avaient repris 1'idee; on la trouve 
dans Wyatt : The Lover sendeth his Complaint ; dans un Anonyme de 
Tottel's Miscellany (ed. Chalmers, ii. 424) ; dans Whetstone : Remem- 
braance (p. 22, Gascoigne's Steele Glass, ed. Arber), &c. Petrarque 
1'avait lui-meme empruntee a 1'antiquite, soit a Plutarque (Educ. Puer. 
c. 4), soit a Ovide (Ars Am. i. 475 6), soit a Lucrece (i. 313). 

p. 99. 'Campaspe is one of the first dramas in our language with 
an historical background.' Parmi les titres des pieces jouees a la Cour 
avant celles de Lyly, j'en releve plusieurs qui prouvent que les sujets 
historiques n'etaient nullement inconnus : Orestes, Effiginia, Aiax and 
Vlisses, Quintus Fabius, Mutius Scevola, The foure sonnes of Fabyous, 
Scipio Africanus, Pompey, Timoclia at the siege of Thebes (laquelle 
pourrait bien avoir servi de modele pour Campaspe), &c. Mr Wilson 
ne tient jamais compte, dans ses appreciations, de ce theatre de Cour. 
Ce theatre est aujourd'hui perdu, mais il a existe et il etait consider- 
able (on jouait, en moyenne, dix pieces par an). Un critique soucieux 
de la verite ne devrait jamais dire que ' true English comedy is not to 
be found ' avant Lyly : nous n'en savons rien. 

p. 100. Campaspe 'is a remote ancestor of Hernani and the XlXth 
century French theatre.' II serait difficile d'imaginer deux auteurs 
dramatiques ayant moins de ressemblances que Lyly et Hugo. 

p. 109. 'Mr Bond... is perhaps less convincing where he pairs 
Endymion with Sidney.' Bond n'a jamais dit une pareille absurdite. 

p. 116. Mr Wilson eonsidere que Lyly est 1'auteur des chansons 
habituellement imprimees avec les pieces, ' since the omission in ques- 
tion is fully accounted for by the fact that they were probably written 
separately from the plays, and handed round amongst the boys together 
with the musical score.' Cette hypothese explique, en effet, pourquoi 
les chansons n'ont pas ete publiees dans les in-quarto ; mais elle ne 
prouve nullement que les chansons imprimees par Blount aient ^te 
ecrites par Lyly. Ce n'est pas avec de pareils arguments que Ton peut 
resoudre des questions aussi delicates que celle-la: les lecteurs de la 
Modern Language Review, qui ont conserve le souvenir de 1'article si 
precis et si prudent de Mr Greg (je souscris entierement a ses conclu- 
sions), seront de mon avis. 

p. 129. ' In Lyly's day drama had not yet been differentiated from 
masque.' II doit y avoir la une erreur de redaction. 

p. 133. 'We can see him [Lyly]... seriously announcing to a con- 
vulsed assembly his intention of applying for a fellowship... and pro- 
posing that the house should go into committee for the purpose of 
concocting the now famous letter to Burleigh.' Une pareille interpre"- 
tation de cette lettre pourrait trouver place dans un roman : on s'etonne 
de la rencontrer dans un livre de critique. 

p. 134. Mr Wilson suppose que Lyly quitta le service d^De Vere 
en 1585 ' after a sharp quarrel.' II n'existe pas le moindre document 
qui permette de supposer que Lyly se querella jamais avec son maitre. 
J'avais tout d'abord pense que Mr Wilson interpretait ainsi la lettre de 
1582; mais il ne peut s'agir de cette lettre, car 1'auteur dit ailleurs 

M. L. R. 22 

334 Reviews 

(p. 7) : ' We have every reason for believing that Lyly was still his 
secretary. . .in 1584.' D'ailleurs, il est certain que, en 1587, Lyly etait 
encore au service de De Vere, car, dans un document, date 10 mai 
1587, conserve au Record Office (Close Rolls, 29 Eliz. p. 24), John Lyly 
est designe sous le titre de 'servaunte to the righte honorable the 
Earle of Oxenforde.' 

Je passe sous silence plusieurs cas, ou Mr Wilson a endosse des 
hypotheses emises par ses predecesseurs, sans meme en verifier la pos- 
sibilite, bien qu'il se serve a tout instant de ces hypotheses pour etayer 
ses jugements. 

Malgre ces imperfections, et bien qu'il soit, dans la plupart des cas, 
en retard sur les travaux de Mr Bond, ce livre ne sera pas inutile. C'est 
en somme la premiere etude d'ensemble sur Lyly, et cela meme con- 
stitue une etape dans la critique lylienne. En ce qui touche a 1'Euphu- 
isme, Mr Wilson peut etre fier d'avoir prepare la route pour les etudes 
qui suivront. Enfin, si la methode et le fond donnent prise a la 
severite, je suis heureux de dire combien, au contraire. la forme merite 
tous les eloges : Mr Wilson possede le style ardent et colore* auquel se 
reconnaissent infailliblement ceux qui sont appeles a se distinguer en 
litterature et je ne serais pas etonne si, un jour, il atteignait a une 
place tres honorable dans la critique elizabethaine. 


On Ten Plays of Shakespeare. By STOPFORD A. BROOKE. London : 
Constable, 1905. 8vo. 318 pp. 

A second title of Mr Stopford Brooke's book is ' Lectures on Shake- 
speare,' and we opine that it was as lectures that the criticisms now 
published were written. Additions may have been made to them, but 
they still bear their birthmark. As lectures, they were no doubt 
charming: as criticisms to be read, they are sometimes unsatisfying. 
Writing them as lectures, Mr Brooke would seem to have determined 
to restrict himself closely to Shakespeare's text, and say as little as 
possible upon the relation which a particular play might bear to some 
preceding work. And, no doubt, for the immediate purpose this was 
best. But when we read these lectures at leisure, we feel it to be a 
defect in Mr Brooke that he shows a play almost solely as a finished 
work, never in the process of being fashioned by the artist's hand from 
the stubborn marble. We need only refer to Mr Brooke's treatment of 
Richard III as a thing in itself, without regard to the previous existence 
of Greek tragedy, of a Machiavelli or a Marlowe, and to his treatment 
of Ariel as a creation of Shakespeare's brain without any reference to 
Strachey's account of the wreck of the ' Sea- venture ' when ' Sir George 
Summers being upon the watch had an apparition of a little round 
light, like a faint star, trembling and streaming along with a sparkling 
blaze, half the height upon the main-mast, and shooting sometimes from 
shroud to shroud.' The oddest example of Mr Brooke's unhistorical 

Reviews 335 

method however is his opening passage on The Merchant of Venice: 
' This play is made up of two separate stories woven together by the 
dramatist ...Both of them came down from ancient times. These are 
the story of the cruel Jew and his debtor, and the story of the heiress, 
her suitors, and the caskets. They seem to have had a kind of chemical 
affinity for one another, for it is said that they were combined in a lost 
play called The Jew, acted before 1579.' So far is it from occurring 
to him that Shakespeare probably treated two stories in combination 
because he found them already combined to his hand, that we do 
not doubt that if Dry den had written a later Merchant of Venice, 
Mr Stopford Brooke would have discovered in it a fresh example of 
chemical affinity. 

There is much that is admirable in Mr Brooke's criticism, much 
that bears the impress of a delicate and sensitive temperament. He 
gives a beautifully sympathetic account of King Richard II, in which 
one can only find fault with the note on p. 90, in which he seems to see 
no difference in tone between Bolingbroke's manly patriotism, 

sweet soil, adieu, 
My mother and rny nurse, that bears me yet, 

and Richard's sentimental and patronizing tone, 

Dear earth, I do salute thee with my hand, 

followed by 

weeping, smiling, greet I thee, my earth 
And do thee favours with my royal hands. 

But one comes across many pieces of really helpful criticism. We 
need only mention the passage on p. 69 beginning ' certain soliloquies 
must be considered as representing thought, not speech ' ; the dictum 
on p. 103, ' the most remarkable thing in Richard Ill's character, as 
Shakespeare conceived it, is that he is devoid of the least emotion of 
love '; the remark about Lorenzo's talk on p. 131 ' where love of music 
is the test of goodness in man, of gentleness in beasts. Pure Renais- 
sance that ! pure Florentine ! ' his defence of the realistic Porter-scene 
in Macbeth ; his remark that Ariel is never brought into contact with 
Miranda ' she does not seem to know of his existence ' and this other 
that the conspiracy of Stephano and Trinculo to slay Prospero and be 
kings of the island ' is the ludicrous image of the conspiracy of Sebastian 
and Antonio to slay Alonzo, even of the conspiracy in the past which 
drove Prospero from his throne.' 

On the other hand, as is natural, certain views of Mr Brooke's do 
not commend themselves, at least to us. 

There is surely some lack of humour shown in the remark on p. 29 ; 
' Absurd as he [Bottom] is, Theseus and Hippolyta are qujf e moved 
by his acting 

The. This passion and the death of a dear friend would go near to make a man 
look sad. 

Hip. Beshrew my heart, but I pity the man.' 


336 Reviews 

Mr Brooke is only saying what many have said before when he 
writes (p. 162), 'The forest of Arden, by a lucky coincidence of name, 
puts us in mind of an English forest/ but this association of ideas is 
surely quite unnecessary. How many Londoners in Shakespeare's time 
or ours have ever heard of the forest of Arden in Warwickshire ? where 
does the ordinary man encounter it except in books of Shakespeare 
biography ? The forest of Ardennes is, and no doubt was, far better 
known, and no one who had read Lodge's tale or had followed the 
earlier scenes of As You Like It could suppose the scene to be set in 
England. When Mr Brooke goes on in his airy manner, ' while he 
[the poet] is there in his dream, olive-trees slip into the northern 
forest, and palm-trees receive the love-rhymes of Orlando/ he is again 
shutting his eyes to the fact that much that is in Shakespeare is not 
pure inspiration or invention, but taken over from his ' source.' 

Mr Brooke's reading of the characters of Macbeth and Lady Macbeth 
does not quite satisfy us, but we disagree with him most in his 
treatment of Coriolanus. Here he seems to be led away by his demo- 
cratic sympathies into giving a very strained representation of Shake- 
speare's attitude towards his characters. 'We are convinced that he had 
no admiration, but all but contempt for Coriolanus.' ' Shakespeare has 
made the leaders of the people's cause [i.e. the tribunes] the only hope 
and trust, and the quiet powers, of the city.' "The leaders... are repre- 
sented throughout as men who have kept their heads ; cool, temperate, 
prudent, but resolute to attain their end; and using steadily and ruth- 
lessly the best means for this end/ No word, we see, of disapproval, 
even when the means used are the calculated exasperation of a noble 
nature into a betrayal of its weakness. 

We do not know if Mr Brooke has any peculiar views on the 
chronology of Shakespeare's plays. If he has not, it is hard to under- 
stand a sentence on p. 66 : ' He is passing out of [this temper] in 
Coriolanus and in Julius Caesar he has emerged from it.' On p. 299 
the first quotation is given incorrectly. 

Mr Brooke's style is generally fluid, coloured and charming. Occa- 
sionally however he indulges in strange capriccios. What are we to 
think of the sentence (p. 74), ' Had [this patriotism] not been so 
damaged by the pirates who took it up eagerly because it so spread- 
eagled England, it would have come down to us less injured by 
passages unworthy of Shakespeare's dignity' ? or this (p. 122), 'As we 
read it, we should sit in his soul, below the words' ? or this (p. 1*71), 
' There are artists who would become ill if they did not relieve them- 
selves of some of the host of conceptions which beset them and call 
aloud for form ' ? This metaphor is evidently medical more we 
cannot say. 

But a writer and critic of Mr Stopford Brooke's eminence must not 
be treated with profane jesting. All students of English literature owe 
him much ; perhaps no living Englishman has done more to create an 
intelligent love of our literature in wide circles of our people. In this 
last book he has not indeed given us anything so sure and masterly and 

Reviews 337 

brilliant as those six short lectures on Shakespeare by Ten Brink, 
which fill us with ever-new sadness at the premature loss of that 
wonderful critic: but he has at least given us much that was well 
worth his printing and is well worth our thoughtful attention. 


Did Shakespeare write ' Titus Andronicus ' ? A Study in Elizabethan 
Literature. By J. M. ROBERTSON. London: Watts & Co., 1905. 
8vo. xi + 255 pp. 

Mr Robertson has attacked one of the thorniest problems of Eliza- 
bethan dramatic history with a vigour and thoroughness which cannot 
but command the deepest respect. His emphatic denial that Shake- 
speare can have had any considerable hand in the production of the 
crude and revolting series of horrors which make up the play of Titus is 
supported by a minute knowledge of the plays of the period which 

fives him an immense advantage over most of the writers who have 
een recently concerned with the subject, for instance Mr H. Belly se 
Baildon. His work, indeed, even when unconvincing, stands yet in 
most welcome and refreshing contrast to that of the traditionalists, who, 
in the persons of their foremost representatives, are for the moment, 
though it is to be hoped only temporarily and accidentally, identified 
with the school of mere uncritical bluster. 

In the course of his study Mr Robertson has dealt severely if 
humorously with several of the arguments in Mr Baildon's work, but 
two minor points on which he has not touched are so significant that 
no excuse is needed for mentioning them here. For one thing 
Mr Baildon directs several pages of critical irrelevance at the late 
Dr Grosart for attributing Titus to one George Greene. Dr Grosart 
may have certain literary sins to answer for, but it need hardly be 
said that this particular absurdity is not among them. Elsewhere 
Mr Baildon writes, concerning the companies mentioned on the title- 
pages of Titus, ' The change from Essex in [the 1594] edition to Sussex 
in that of 1600 marks the disgrace and fall of the former ambitious 
noble.' The 'Essex' of 1594 is universally admitted to be a misprint. 
No company is known to have acted under the name later than 1578, 
and Henslowe's alleged reference to ' the Earle of Essex, his men ' exists 
nowhere but in Mr Baildon's imagination. 

Mr Robertson's work is far more than a mere study of Titus. It is 
an elaborate investigation into the authorship of that considerable body 
of anonymous drama vaguely connected with the names of Greene and 
Peele, but in which it is on general grounds likely enough that Marlowe, 
Kyd, and Lodge may also have had a share, as well as int^ the dis- 
tinctive features of the work of each of these writers. The plays chiefly 
discussed are naturally Selimus and Locrine, also Leir, Edward III, 
Alphonsus of Germany, Soliman and Perseda, and Arden of Fever sham. 

In discussing the authorship of Titus Mr Robertson rightly sets out 

338 Reviews 

from the position : ' There are probably many who, like the present 
writer, never had the sensation of reading Shakespeare's verse in a 
single line of it.' On whatever grounds and in whatever sense the 
question may ultimately be decided, it should be clearly understood 
that those who demand that the traditional ascription should be sub- 
jected to close scrutiny do so on internal grounds of style, and not, as 
the Shakespearian advocates are fond of pretending, upon any such 
vague authority as the Ravencroft tradition. They are not likely, 
therefore, to be impressed by the assertion, with which they are so often 
favoured, that Shakespeare's hand is patent and manifest throughout 
the play, and they will heartily endorse Mr Robertson's remark that, 
' if the habitual extolling of ineptitudes and commonplaces as " fine " 
and " Shakespearean " would settle the question, [Professor Collins] and 
Mr Baildon would have done so many times over.' 

The inquiry naturally falls into two sections dealing respectively 
with the external and internal evidence, both of which are important, 
though the latter occupies, of course, by far the greater space. There 
are aspects of the external evidence which have not hitherto been 
rightly appreciated. Thus Mr Robertson shows that against the two 
items of evidence in favour of the Shakespearian authorship, the attri- 
bution by Meres and the inclusion in the folio, both of which are 
subject to discount, must be set the fact that the play was regularly 
published three times during Shakespeare's lifetime without his name, 
the significance of which has been missed by previous writers, and 
further that it was originally performed by a company with which. 
Shakespeare was never connected. These points deserve the careful 
consideration of scholars, even though the writer may at times have 
strained his argument both in seeking to discount the Shakespearian 
evidence and in emphasizing that on the other side. Thus it is untrue 
that ' On no grounds can we say that a bare ascription by [Meres] 
counts for much more than an ascription by a contemporary publisher/ 
since his evidence is, at least, disinterested. Again, further acquaint- 
ance with the modes of thought general among Elizabethan authors, 
with which Mr Robertson shows himself a little unfamiliar, may perhaps 
induce him to modify his view that the fact of Shakespeare speaking of 
his Venus and Adonis in 1593 as ' the first heire of my invention ' must 
be necessarily held to preclude the possibility of his having already 
been the sole author of acted plays. 

It is when we come to the internal evidence that the value of 
Mr Robertson's method becomes apparent. The diligence with which 
he has sought out the use of rare words and distinctive expressions or 
turns of phrase as well as the occurrence of particular thoughts and 
metaphors in a large field of dramatic literature is beyond praise. It 
is scarcely necessary to say that his results are of the first importance. 
Nevertheless it must be admitted that he drives his arguments rather 
hard. An adverse critic might not unreasonably maintain that he 
reduces his method ad absurdum by demonstrating the presence of 
everybody's hand in every play. Of course, it need not be supposed 

Reviews 339 

that whenever Mr Robertson says that some phrase points to Peele he 
means to assert that Peele did actually write the passage in question, 
though it is not always very clear exactly how far he does intend to go. 
He certainly appears too fond of supposing a divided authorship. The 
method he has adopted, and which he applies with much skill, may be 
of the greatest service in apportioning work where, on independent 
grounds of style, or on external evidence, a composite authorship is 
demonstrable, but it must be clearly understood that such demonstra- 
tion is an antecedent necessity. In the case now before us, that of 
Titus Andronicus, it may well be questioned whether the hand of more 
than one original author can be traced. Nor is it always easy to accept 
Mr Robertson's tests as decisive. Some readers will probably hesitate 
over his ascription of Sir Clyomon to Peele, against the view held in 
common by two such diverse critics as Mr Fleay and Mr Bulleii ; while 
others will catch at a doubt expressed by the author himself as to 
' whether the hands of [Greene and Peele] can be distinguished,' at any 
rate upon the lines proposed. 

The metrical tests are open to the same criticism. Valuable in 
themselves, their application leads to far too great a complication in 
the way of hypothetical collaborations and revisions. To be of any 
service they require to be applied over a large field ; the occurrence of 
several examples of a metrical peculiarity close together possesses little 
or no significance. If a poet chances to employ two feminine endings 
within a few lines the distinctive rhythm which results will uncon- 
sciously fix itself in his mind and he will tend to reproduce it. Thus 
consecutive scenes, especially where the dramatic tone differs, may 
show very different percentages, and the absence or presence of double 
endings in speeches of thirty or forty lines cannot be used as an argu- 
ment for collaboration or revision. 

To return to the problem of Titus. Even apart from any positive 
arguments which he is able to adduce in support of a particular 
attribution, Mr Robertson has little difficulty in demolishing those 
brought forward in favour of Shakespeare's authorship. Every thought 
and expression which has been claimed as distinctively Shakespearian 
is shown to be common to other authors, notably Greene and Peele. 
The ' poetical ' passages, where not contemptible, are yet easily within 
the reach of the author of Friar Bacon and James IV even in his less 
mature years. This is important, for it is difficult to suppose that 
Titus, if written by Greene, belonged to the same period as what may 
be called his romantic masterpieces. It cannot be dissociated from the 
crudities of Alphonsus and Orlando, and must be dated at latest 1590. 
There is one point, however, to which Mr Robertson has devoted less 
attention than it deserves, and of which his treatment is less certain. 
This is the distinctively literary quality, the feeling for language, for 
the value of words, which writers possess in very different oegrees, and 
which is often curiously independent of their general poetic powers. 
Greene, in his earlier work at least, is almost entirely devoid of the 
gift; he habitually uses the most violent word which the sense will 

340 Reviews 

admit with ineffective forcefulness ; while Shakespeare, for instance, 
delights in investing a quite simple and commonplace word with special 
significance, by placing it in unfamiliar conjunctions. Other authors 
have this sense of word- value in different degrees. It is possible that 
Mr Robertson may himself be a little deficient in purely literary 
feeling his own style is often surprising for he finds 'substantially 
the same touch ' in the finest speeches of Edward III and in certain 
passages from Greene, where most readers will detect a very different 
hand. Of Greene's plays, none but Friar Bacon will supply instances 
of the literary feeling in question, and even here, though one or two of 
the passages are striking, they are very sparse. Thus : 

Love ought to creepe as doth the dials shade ; 

Why, thinks King Henries sonne that Margrets love 
Hangs in the uncertaine ballance of proud time ? 

And schollers seemely in their grave attire, 
Learned in searching principles of art. 

Instances of this artistic use of words are not uncommon in Titus. 
The following examples from sc. i. will serve : 

Princes, that strive by factions and I 
Ambitiously for rule and empery, 
Know that the people of Rome, for whom we stand 
A special party, have by common voice, &c. 

There greet in silence, as the dead are wont, 
And sleep in peace, slain in your country's wars ! 
O sacred receptacle of my joys, 
Sweet cell of virtue and nobility, &c. 

Wilt thou draw near the nature of the gods 1 
Draw near them then in being merciful. 

Of course it does not in the least follow that Shakespeare wrote these 
lines there is nothing particularly Shakespearian about them but 
surely Greene did not, unless he revised the work at the very end of his 
life. There are dramatic touches too which seem beyond him, in 
particular the one really great line in the play, Titus' cry : 

When will this fearful slumber have an end? 

Here if anywhere is the master hand, and yet it may be remarked that 
a similar, if less effective, line occurs in the old play of Leir 

Am I awake, or is it but a dreame ? 

and that it is there introduced in a very similar connection. 

Mr Robertson's own summary of his conclusions is worth quoting. 
* The probability is that between 1590 and 1592 Greene revised or 
expanded an older play, in which Peele had already a large share ; but 
there is the alternative possibility that Peele revised an old play by 
Greene and Kyd. The fresh matter, or revision, which in 1594 caused 

Reviews 341 

the play to figure as new, may again have been by Peele, or by Kyd, or 
by Lodge ; but the amount contributed by either of the two last named 
to the present play is small, though it is somewhat likely that Kyd had 
a hand earlier in shaping the plot.... Any revision [Shakespeare] gave 
it appears to have been limited to making the lines scan; and even 
this is not carefully done.' This last remark, be it said with all respect, 
is futile. Greene and Peele were perfectly able to make their lines 
scan if they chose to ; it was quite unnecessary to call in Shakespeare, 
and moreover the actors and the audience probably cared little. But 
the evidence is, indeed, far too uncertain to support any such elaborate 
conclusion, though there may be no improbability about any particular 
portion of it. Of course, if the play was written by Greene, who died 
in 1592, it must have been revised in 1594, since it then appears as new 
and contains, moreover, lines from Peele's Honour of the Garter of the 
year before. The opinion to which the reviewer himself inclines is that 
Peele, who while in some ways inferior to Greene not seldom displays a 
finer literary sense, was quite capable of writing the whole play. This 
is certainly the easiest way of accounting for the above-mentioned 
borrowings, first pointed out by Mr Crawford. In view, however, of the 
tradition connecting the piece with the name of Shakespeare, it is not 
impossible to see his hand in certain passages and to suppose that, in a 
superficial revision, he inevitably here and there introduced a more 
delicate literary touch, while nowhere condescending to embroider 
the rotten web with flowers of his own poetic fancy. This revision may 
conceivably have included the addition of the second scene of Act ill, 
which is found in the folio but not in the quartos, though the language 
is in no way distinctively Shakespearian. On this supposition, the 
substance of the play may well have been written by Greene about 1590. 
Nevertheless, though it seems impossible to accept Mr Robertson's 
argument in its entirety, his main conclusions may be recognised as 
sound, and it must not be supposed from what has been said above, 
that his treatment of this difficult and involved question is in the least 
dogmatic. He is probably himself perfectly aware of the weak points 
in his argument and is not likely to take it in bad part if other students 
fail to follow him in every train of reasoning. It is to be hoped that 
his work will have an appreciable effect in bringing critical opinion 
back to the saner views of Theobald, Johnson, and Malone, from the 
traditionalist position, which is after all a recent importation from 
Germany. Meanwhile he has produced a work which is not only of 
value to the Shakespearian student, but which will prove indispens- 
able to anyone whose work or interest happens to lie in that most 
chaotic period of the early drama, the decade or so that preceded the 
publication of Titus Andronicus. 

W. W. 

342 Reviews 

Orthographic, Lautgebung und Wortbildung in den Werken Shakespeares. 
Von WILHELM FRANZ. Heidelberg: Winter, 1905. 8vo. vi + 
125 pp. 

Dr Franz has with this small volume completed his Shakespearean 
Grammar, of which the main portion was issued in 1899. The most 
interesting and instructive portions of the book are those dealing 
with the spelling and phonology of Shakespeare's works. Here, at 
least on the phonological side, Dr Franz has had the help of the 
works of Ellis and Sweet, and if he has not discovered much that is 
new, he has selected for us the points that are of interest for the 
student of the language of Shakespeare, separating them from much 
extraneous matter. 

The exceeding variableness of Elizabethan spelling and the fact 
that we have no printed work of Shakespeare's definitely known to have 
been revised by him prevent our arriving at any very definite con- 
clusion in matters of orthography. In matters of phonology more can 
be done. Shakespeare's pronunciation of English was presumably that 
of most of his contemporaries, and, though it is not likely that the 
normalisation of speech had been carried so far as in modern literary 
English, it is probable that there was, at least approximately, a standard 
of literary speech. What this standard was may be determined with a 
good deal of accuracy from various grammarians of the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries, who deal with the pronunciation of words in 
their own day. Doubts remain on many points; at times especially 
there are hints of a struggle between popular tendencies and learned 
pedantries as to the pronunciation of certain sounds, but in all such 
cases Dr Franz has set the evidence clearly before us and has left us to 
draw our own conclusions. 

In observing the many differences of pronunciation between English 
of the seventeenth and English of the twentieth century, one wonders 
how far Shakespeare, if he were to revisit the stage, would be able to 
understand his own language on the lips of Tree or Benson, or again 
how far we should understand a performance of, say Much Ado, by the 
Elizabethan Stage Society, in which its members carried their conserva- 
tism to the extent of restoring the phonology as well as the stage-setting 
of Shakespeare's plays. 

The final section dealing with word-composition in Shakespearean 
English, though sound and scholarly, contains nothing that is strikingly 
new, and as regards a good deal of the vocabulary of Shakespeare the 
final word cannot in many cases be said until the New English Diction- 
ary has finished supplying us with the material on which to work. 


Reviews 343 

The Writings of Matthew Prior. I. Poems on Several Occasions. The 
Text edited by A. R. WALLER (Cambridge English Classics). 
Cambridge: University Press. 1905. 8vo. xxvi -I- 268 pp. 

There has been no lack of critical interest in Mat. Prior's work, from 
Johnson's Life down to Mr Dobson's sympathetic 'vignette/ but of 
critical texts it would be hard to say that 'nothing remained to be 
done.' Mr Dobson has given us a reprint of 'Selected Poems,' and 
Mr Brimley Johnson a modernized version in the 'Aldine Poets.' 
Neither of these can be accepted as substitutes for Mat.'s stupendous 
folio. Probably nothing will take its place, for 

Nothing went before so Great 
And nothing Greater can succeed, 

as its author has said of a certain monarch. But the folio, which 
would make a better monument to Prior the ambassador at Utrecht 
than to Prior the best of England's epigrammatists, is difficult to get 
and to handle. There was therefore a clear opportunity for Mr Waller 
to supply an accurate text for ordinary men at an ordinary price. 
This he has done admirably. He professes to give no more than a 
good text, and he modestly confines his remarks to a short prefatory 
bibliographical ' note.' The text reproduces all the ' originalities ' 
of the folio spelling, punctuation, italics, brackets to the great 
delight, I am sure, of Mr Dobson. It calls for no criticism beyond the 
test of its editorial care. That it stands that test is its best praise. 
The second, and concluding, volume will contain, in addition to the 
poems which do not appear in the folio, the new matter of the Prose 
Dialogues from Lord Bath's MS. at Longleat. 


The Poetical Works of William Blake. A new and Verbatim Text from 
the Manuscript, Engraved and Letterpress Originals. Edited by 
JOHN SAMPSON. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1905. 8vo. xxxvi + 
384 pp. 

The Lyrical Poems of William Blake. Text by JOHN SAMPSON. With 
an Introduction by WALTER RALEIGH. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 
1905. 8vo. li + 196 pp. 

. Though Mr Sampson and Mr Raleigh admit that the inner mysteries 
of prophet Blake have yet to be unravelled, it must be said that they 
have done more than all their predecessors to help criticism in its dis- 
tracting task. Mr Sampson's work is mainly, if not exclusively, textual 
and bibliographical. He argues for the use of "d ' in some of Blake's 
participles and for the advantage of preserving the poet's ' tyger ' and 
' desart ' niceties which Gilchrist and his fellows despised, and which 
the aesthetic brethren may refuse to be of moment to the message of 
the mystic. But Mr Sampson has confidence in his accuracy, and he 
shows that it is not an impertinence. For, apart from the general 

344 Reviews 

reason that a poet's text, when it is available in the original forms, is 
always the best, there is ample evidence that such details were intended, 
and that they are often helpful to the reading of the verse. Editorial care 
has shown that though Blake was defiant of convention in all her kinds, 
he was not less consistent in his craftsmanship than he can be proved to 
be in his symbolic revel. The volume contains all Blake's poetical work, 
the Poetical Sketches, the Songs of Innocence and of Experience, the songs 
from An Island in the Moon, and the verses from the Rossetti and 
Pickering MSS., the Letters, and the Prophetic Books each section being 
introduced by an excellent historical introduction, and all by a General 
Preface. The Notes show a scholarly reserve which cannot be too 
highly commended. When the Editor goes beyond his record of variants, 
and of the eccentricities of the better known reprints, he does so to 
explain difficulties by Blake's own words. Nearly all this aid comes 
from the Prophetic Books, with the interesting result that not merely 
are many obscure places in these books made clear by the parallelisms 
of the poems, but that a consistency is disclosed throughout Blake's 
work, where hitherto it had not been found, or even suspected. ' Readers 
of Blake's simpler poetry only,' says Mr Sampson, ' who, with Mr 
W. M. Rossetti, turn from the visionary writings after a " hasty and 
half-shuddering glance," will be ignorant of the consistency with which 
his self-invented system of mythology is expounded, and the absolute 
uniformity with which definite symbolical figures are used to express 
definite conceptions. While Blake has been at little pains to supply 
the world with a chart of his mental voyagings, it is impossible to study 
the prophetical writings without becoming aware of the extreme pre- 
cision of his mystical terminology.' 

This idea appears to be the basis of Mr Raleigh's appreciation in 
the essay prefixed to the little volume of selections which Mr Sampson 
has also prepared for the Oxford Press. Mr Raleigh maintains that 
' an absolute unity of character and purpose runs through all,' arid adds 
sympathetically : ' If he [Blake] has succeeded, here and there, in 
raising the curtain on the life of things, it is the part of wisdom and 
modesty to suppose that the rest of his work, which is dark to us, is not 
devoid of meaning.' Thus has criticism destroyed the old view which 
made Blake a literary Bedlamite. The obvious difficulties of Blake's 
text were only a partial excuse for this critical antipathy : the poet 
had instigated it by his claim to have ' cast aside from Poetry all 
that is not inspiration.' But, as Mr Raleigh points out, ' a man who 
dares thus to trust himself cannot but be consistent, for inconsistency 
lies in inferences and arguments, not in the array of things seen. 
Blake would not make use of anything borrowed from others.' From 
this general position Mr Raleigh advances if I interpret him rightly 
to another which is not less helpful to our understanding of the poet. 
Blake is not only consistent, but he reveals a simple, we might say single, 
purpose or doctrine, and urges it from first to last, in his poems and 
letters, and, apparently, in his Prophetic Books. He is consumed by 
hatred of ' generalization ' (' To generalize is to be an idiot ') and of 

Reviews 345 

' Science,' as he calls Reason and her rules ; by it he fights for the 
free exercise of the 'Divine Arts of Imagination.' This destructive 
purpose, which he applies to art, morals, and society, has given him the 
name of anarchist. But anarchist he is not, in the common harsh sense 
of the word. He is too sympathetic, too constructive in aim, though his 
process of reaching his end often appears to be but wanton havoc of 
every convention. His theory of life and art has much in common with 
Shelley's. Both show the same conception of the motive force of poetry ; 
both make the poet a man of action; and both in their seemingly 
negative attitudes are but endeavouring to remove the shackles which 
clog that freer movement which is to them the one and only positive fact 
in the whole round of human energy. Mr Raleigh incidentally refers to 
Shelley when he asks, and briefly answers, the question whether Blake's 
' revolutionary theology ' is identical with Shelley's. This is but part of 
a wider question, which, on its aesthetic side alone, would have been 
pertinent to an edition of Blake's lyrical poems. 

It is easy to discover Blake's limitations. There is his unfairness to 
the classical habit of mind, the result of his ignorance of its meaning 
as much as of his excessive individualism. It is obvious, as Mr Raleigh 
points out, that classical discipline 'was exactly what Blake most 
needed.' In another way, too, the poet has been confounded by his 
own missionary enthusiasm. In condescending to satire, as an ally 
in his attack on the encumbrances of ' Science,' he admits the respect- 
ability of the conventions which he abhors, and solicits their support. 
' Laughter, when it is employed as a weapon, is an appeal to common 
sense. All genuine laughter implies or invites sympathy, and refers the 
question at issue to the tribunal of current opinion.' 

Mr Raleigh's Introduction is one of the best things which he has 
written. I hope he will not find in this an ' odious comparison ' with 
his larger efforts. The Introduction interprets as an introduction should, 
and in companionship with Mr Sampson's selections must remain, for 
some time to come, the best guide to those who approach with misgiving 
the weird creator of the philosophers Suction, Quid, and Sipsop and the 
fair Miss Gittipin. 


Phonetics of ike New High German Language. By ARWID JOHANNSON. 
Manchester : Palmer, Howe and Co., 1906. 8vo. x + 91 pp. 

The feelings with which this conscientious study of modern German 
pronunciation is likely to be greeted by the English reader will, I fear, 
be of a somewhat mixed nature, owing to the peculiar character of the 
English in which it is written. I do not refer so much to ^the lack of 
those finer graces of English style which it would be unfair to expect 
from a foreigner, as to the author's habit of coining new words on the 
analogy of those in his own language. English written on such lines is 
only fully comprehensible to those who are familiar both with English 

346 Reviews 

and the native language of the writer. Professor Johannson writes, for 
instance, ' Consonantism ' (= Konsonantismus), ' Vocalism ' (= Vokalis- 
mus), ' position of indifference ' (= Indifferenzlage), ' rubbing noise/ 
instead of ' audible friction/ apparently an imitation of ' Reibelaut.' 
' Occlusion/ was, if I remember aright, used by Wilkins in the seven- 
teenth century, but this hardly justifies the employment of such a 
pedantic term instead of ' stoppage/ ' closure/ or ' stop/ This indiffer- 
ence to English word- usage will go far to prevent lecturers from using 
the book as a class-book, a purpose to which it would otherwise have 
been well adapted. 

Apart from these defects, Professor Johannson has performed his 
task satisfactorily. His book may be welcomed as a set-back to the 
tendency common at the present day to make things more easy for the 
student than they have any right to be. This book aims neither at 
providing for students just the quantum necessary to scrape through an 
examination, nor at encouraging unduly those who wish to obtain a 
smattering of the subject in their leisure moments. Professor Johannson, 
in fact, politely requests such as are unwilling ' to work through the 
book systematically, to leave it alone.' Phonetics is neither more easy 
nor more difficult than other scientific studies, but like them, it demands 
both patience and systematic application. 

The scope of the book is pretty well indicated by the title. It is 
evident that we are not here dealing with a contribution to general 
phonetic theory, but with an application of such theory to the scientific 
description of a typical German pronunciation. To the sections which 
deal with the analysis and synthesis of German sounds are, however, 
prefixed two shorter and more general ones ; the first, introductory and 
containing a definition of phonetics as a science, a brief indication of 
the rdle played by the physiological, physical and psychological factors 
which come into consideration, remarks on the relationship of letter 
and sound, and so on ; the second providing a description of the vocal 
organs and their function. The remainder falls into the following main 
divisions : Consonantism, Vocalism, Synthesis, and Accentuation. Very 
welcome is the importance assigned to the last, although the technical 
use of the word 'Accentuation' is, of course, to be deprecated; a little 
more than a third of the whole book is devoted to the phenomena of 
accent. To the text are added several plates, giving diagrams of the 
vocal organ and its parts, and of the articulations of various charac- 
teristic sounds. Most of the latter are from drawings by the author 
and will doubtless prove useful, although they are somewhat rough and 
do not compare very favourably with, for example, those given by 
Bremer in his Deutsche Phonetik. 

It is noticeable that in the arrangement of the vowels the author 
discards the vowel-triangle and adheres to the Bell-Sweet system. 
The a of da, Vater, which, so far as that system is concerned, is the 
stumbling-block for most German phoneticians, he finds no difficulty in 
describing as midback, while recognising a back vowel a degree lower 
in the first element of the diphthong au. On account of its practical 



convenience, it is to be hoped that other German phoneticians will yet 
find means of allocating to the a sound whatever its exact articulation 
may be a position in the Bell-Sweet system, and thus remove the 
principal hindrance which has prevented it in various quarters receiving 
a theoretical recognition in proportion to its importance in practice. 

For normal German the author accepts the standard of the stage, 
not in classical drama, but in the light society piece (' Konversations- 
stiick,' translated ' elegant drama ' !). This differs from the more arti- 
ficial Buhnendeutsch of the classical or serious drama in its closer 
approximation to educated, colloquial North German, more especially 
of higher social and official circles in Berlin. It is not surprising 
therefore that Professor Johannson recognises the velar r as the normal 
pronunciation of that consonant. In this he is undoubtedly supported 
by the trend of development, not only in North Germany, but practically 
in all parts of the country. Whether, however, the trend of develop- 
ment will also prove favourable to his recognition of the North German 
short vowel in words like Zug, and the like, is quite another matter. 
It appears on the whole more likely that Northern speakers will have 
in this respect to accept Zug as normal in the not distant future. The 
preservation of a short vowel is here a conservative not a progressive 
tendency, and in such cases it seems, generally speaking, to be the 
progressive tendency which carries the day. 

In most points of theory Professor Johannson has, as set forth in his 
Preface, ' eliminated all discussions about the numerous phone tical points 
at issue, in order to give a more practical character to the book, and 
not increase its volume unduly.' In a book of this scope such a plan 
pleases by its moderation. It is questionable, however, whether the 
author would not have done better to indicate at various points what 
questions are still open. In such cases he follows one authority or the 
other, without generally stating which. A consequence of this is, that 
it would be difficult for one not already versed in phonetic literature to 
gather from the present book what are the open questions here dealt 
with ; hence, too, many things are stated as if they were definitely 
settled, about which there is still room for ' great argument.' There is 
no doubt that Professor Johannson follows his authorities in such 
matters by conviction, but it would, on the whole, be fairer to the 
reader in many cases to indicate where the authorities are not in 

I add a note on one or two minor matters. Page 20 : Vowel- 
alliteration is no proof that Anglo-Saxon had the glottal catch. The 
assertion to the contrary assumes that vowels cannot alliterate unless 
pronounced with the glottal catch. The incorrectness of this assump- 
tion is proved by the fact that vowel-alliteration is still quite common 
in English poetry. On page 24 we find the statement that ]Jnglish has 
no voiceless 'prepalatal fricative,' but what about the often quoted 
examples hue, huge, etc. ? On the same page the author condemns the 
view that the German sch can have a form in which the alveolar articu- 
lation is supplemented by the formation of a palatal ' Enge/ for the 

348 Reviews 

reason that 'the combination of these two positions would never produce 
as result the two basin-shaped hollows essential for sch! Bremer, 
however, upholds the articulation in question; and, moreover, there is 
a strong resemblance between Johannson's Fig. XIII (alveolar z and s) 
and Bremer's Abbildung XII (in his Deutsche Phonetik) of Zungen- 
spitzen-scA. It may further be noted with reference to Fig. XIII that 
the sound here counterfeited has a decidedly coronal appearance 
again in agreement with Bremer while on page 17 it is stated that s 
and z have, in contrast to t, d, n, L dorsal articulation. Page 35 : 
1 dzounss ' is surely a slip (or misprint ?) for ' dzounziz ' ? The final z is 
in the unaccented syllable frequently partially unvoiced, but it never 
becomes the fortis s, much less then the preceding one. 


Studies in Modern German Literature. By OTTO HELLER. Boston: 
Ginn and Co., 1905. 8vo. x + 295 pp. 

Die verdienstliche Absicht des Verfassers 1st, dem amerikanischen 
Publikum Interesse fur die neuen Tendenzen unserer Literatur zu 
erwecken. Hierzu wahlt er einerseits die vielbesprochenen 'Dioskuren' 
des realistischen Dramas, Sudermann und Hauptmann, andererseits 
die Frauenliteratur. Gegen die Auswahl lasst sich nicht viel einwenden, 
da ein vierter Hauptpunkt in der neuesten Entwickelung der deutschen 
Dichtung, die Lyrik, doch schon eine reifere Teilnahme in der Lesewelt 

Der dritte Aufsatz bietet nur einen ' raisonnierenden Katalog ' 
unserer hervorragenderen Schriftstellerinnen, der in dem Namen der 
Ricarda Huch gipfelt, ubrigens weder (S. 259) Marie von Ebner noch 
von den Vorgangerinnen (S. 241) die Grafin Hahn gerecht wiirdigt. 
Auch die grossen Tendenzen, die die weibliche Literatur unserer Tage 
trennen, kommen in dieser kurzen Aufzahlung nicht deutlich heraus, 
wogegen die Einzelcharakteristiken wie dass Hermione v. Preuschen 
1 coquettishly mystical ' sei (S. 267) meist gelingen. Der franzosische 
Ausdruck ' oeuvre de tongue haleine* ist (S. 287) falsch verstanden. 

Selbstandiger sind die beiden anderen Aufsatze. Schon in der 
Grundauffassung, Sudermann wird (S. 10) als Satiriker aufgefasst ; wie 
zutreffend das ist, haben gerade seine letzten Produktionen bewiesen. 
Nicht ganz so sicher ist, ob man Hauptmann wirklich durchaus als 
Lyriker (S. 123) aufzufassen habe. Den Verfasser hindert eine gewisse 
Entfremdung von deutschen Zustanden und Stimmungen (vgl. z. B. 
S. 169, Anm.) die Weber (S. 156) oder den Collegen Crampton (S. 165) 
nach ihren dramatischen Elementen gerecht zu beurteilen. Dagegen 
unterschatzt er die Versunkene Glocke (S. 186), was ihm ubrigens zu 
interessanten Bemerkungen liber ihre Aufnahme in Amerika Anlass 
giebt. Ebenso stellt er ein ander Mai (S. 52) die Auffassungen einer 
Sudermann'schen Rolle durch eine englische und eine franzosische 
Schauspielerin lehrreich einander gegeniiber. 



Das Gesamturteil liber die literarische Stellung Sudermanns (S. 77, 
107 f.) und Hauptmanns (S. 199, 227) entspricht dem, das sich als 
communis opinio gebildet hat, 1st aber durch jene spezifische Far bung, 
die die Satire bei dem Einen hervorhebt und die Lyrik bei dem 
Anderen, vielleicht besonders geeignet in Amerika Interesse fiir beide 
zu erregen. 


A History of German Literature. By W. SCHERER. Translated from 
the Third German Edition by Mrs F. C. CONYBEARE. Edited by 
F. MAX MULLER. (Cheaper Reprint.) 2 Vols. Oxford : Clarendon 
Press, 1906. 8vo. 401 and 357 pp. 

The German Classics from the Fourth to the Nineteenth Century. With 
Biographical Notices, Translations into Modern German and Notes. 
By F. MAX MULLER. A new Edition, revised, enlarged, and 
adapted to Scherer's History of German Literature by F. LICHTEN- 
STEIN. 2 Vols. (Vol. ii revised by F. L. ARMITAGE.) Oxford: 
Clarendon Press, 1906. 8vo. xvi + 710 pp. and viii + 450 pp. 

It is a pleasing sign of what, we trust, may be regarded as a 
reviving interest in German studies in England, that the Clarendon 
Press has been able, not merely to issue a reprint of Mrs Conybeare's 
excellent translation of Scherer's German Literature at a price within 
the means of the average student, viz. two volumes at 3s. net each, 
but also to publish a second edition of the companion volumes, Max 
Muller's German Classics. It is to be regretted, however, that in only 
one of the four volumes before us, has there been any editorial super- 
vision. While not in favour of the German method of keeping literary 
histories ' auf der Hohe der Wissenschaft ' by tacitly introducing altera- 
tions and additions a process which, for instance, has made it desirable 
in the case of the last edition of Hettner's Eighteenth Century, for those 
who value Hettner's judgment, to refer occasionally to the previous 
editions of that work we think that a few judicious notes in the 
English Scherer would have been useful to indicate to the student 
where new facts have come to light and where later research has 
altered Scherer's dates or rendered his conclusions untenable. The 
German work, it must be remembered, is already in its tenth edition 
(1905), and each successive edition has been entrusted to so competent 
an authority as Prof. E. Schroder. 

The revision of the German Classics, which has proved in the past, 
both in England and America, a valuable textbook for students engaged 
in following courses of lectures on German literature, is limited to the 
econd volume, the first having, as far as we see, been reprinted from 
ie old plates. This is somewhat unfortunate, for it was, afder all, the 
fiist volume which stood most in need of revision. Even at first, when 
lix Mtiller resolved to reissue his pioneer volume of 1858 in the 
esent form, his choice of editor was not very happy; Lichtenstein 
no conspicuous qualifications for the task, and his successor, Joseph, 

M. L. R. 23 

350 Reviews 

although an admirable and painstaking scholar in a restricted field of 
Middle High German scholarship, was hardly the man to whom a work 
demanding catholic tastes and wide sympathies with German literature 
was to be entrusted. Accepting the original work, however, as satis- 
factory in 1886, much of it is out of date in 1906. Several of the Old 
and Middle High German texts stand in need of thorough revision in 
the light of recent criticism and research ; many of the modern German 
translations might be superseded by more accurate ones, and the biblio- 
graphical data of twenty years ago are, needless to say, of small practical 
use now. Under these circumstances, we think it would have been 
better had the new edition borne a more explicit statement on the 
title-page that the work, although dated 1906, is only what the 
Germans call a new ' Titelausgabe ' ; it would have obviated the 
impression which the book is liable to convey, that in matters of 
German scholarship, we in England are content to lag twenty years 
behind Germany herself. 

The revision of the second volume of the German Classics has been 
entrusted to Mr F. L. Armitage, and to judge from a comparison of the 
two editions, he has done his work with tact and good taste. He has 
made a number of judicious omissions, and here and there introduced 
more felicitous illustrations of a writer's work. Occasionally we are 
not entirely in agreement with his changes. Instead of the three 
items representing Heine's work in the old edition, he gives us, for 
instance, no less than sixteen. Surely this is a concession, of which 
neither Scherer nor Max Miiller would have approved, to the mid- 
Victorian verdict, which still holds good in certain circles in England, 
that Heine is the only German poet worth considering since Goethe. 
We should have been more grateful to Mr Armitage had he repaired 
a serious omission by inserting a few lyrics of Morike's. More repre- 
hensible is his omission of Grillparzer's Esther fragment, which was 
both typical of the poet's work and admirably suited for an anthology 
of this kind ; in its place we have a scene from Grillparzer's juvenile 
tragedy Die Ahnfrau. One might as well choose passages from Die 
Rauber as typical of Schiller's dramatic achievement, or from Titus 
Andronicus or Richard III, as sole illustration of Shakespeare's. A 
little more care might have been devoted to the revision of the texts. 
The plan with which the original editors set out it was Max Miiller's 
express intention in 1858 was evidently to reprint the specimens in 
their original form, not in modernised spelling. But they were not 
very consistent in this matter, and the texts from S.chiller, for instance, 
are more archaic than those from some of his predecessors, such as 
Gleim, and even Lessing. Nothing has been done to remedy this 
defect, and even the bibliographical notices which might have been 
brought up to date instead of abbreviated have been retained in an 
orthography (' Theil,' ' Rath/ c Lecture ' and the like) which is no longer 
followed in Germany. 

These, however, are matters of very minor importance. We are 
confident that the usefulness of the work will be enhanced by this new 

Reviews 351 

edition, and the reduction in size and price from half-a-guinea to 
5s. 6d. will ensure it a wide circulation among students of modern 
German literature who are unwilling to accept their opinions at second- 


The Casentino and its Story. By ELLA NOTES. Illustrated in Colour 
and Line by DORA No YES. London: J. M. Dent, 1905. 8vo. 
xii + 330 pp. 

Amid the torrent of illustrated books on Italy with which the 
English Press has been flooded of late books, it must be confessed, of 
varying literary and artistic merit it is a real pleasure to come across 
a volume like this. Here sound and solid matter is clothed in good 
literary form, and a tastefully printed letter-press embellished with 
pleasing and successful illustrations. 

Students of Dante will welcome the sympathetic chapter on ' Dante 
in the Valley/ but they will not stop there. They will find Dante 
everywhere : notably in ' Poppi and Campaldino,' and ' The Rock of San 
Francesco.' The writer brings to her task not only a knowledge of the 
obvious books (preeminent among which will always be Signor Beni's 
excellent Guida), but a cultivated literary taste, a clear judgment, a 
powerful imagination, and an enthusiasm such as only living contact 
can enkindle. 

Treading day after day in Dante's footsteps she has watched with 
him the changing seasons and the ever-repeated drama that is played 
between dawn and sunset, sunset and dawn: and if she does not add 
anything really new to our data for Dante's sojournings in the Valley 
(who could expect to do that ?) she at any rate makes him a living 
figure in that gracious ambiente, and collects and weaves together very 
happily the passages in his writings which reflect, or seem to reflect, 
the scenery of the Casentino. Whether or not she is right in identify- 
ing the lady of the 'montanina canzone' with that of the 'rime 
pietrose ' and with the ' pargoletta ' of Beatrice's censure, and in attri- 
buting those lyrics to the sojourn coincident with Henry VII.'s descent 
into Italy, will remain an open question. But there can be no question 
at all as to the ability with which the authoress has handled her 


Spanish Influence on English Literature. By MARTIN HUME. London : 
Nash, 1905. 8vo. xviii 4- 322 pp. 

Mr Martin Hume had a magnificent theme, and it is JL pleasure to 
be able to say that where he is dealing with subjects with which he 
has long been familiar, such as military science and history of the 
sixteenth century, the average student of mere literary history will 
have something to learn from him. The elaborate attempt to identify 


352 Revieivs 

Shakespeare's Don Adriano Armado with Antonio Perez, though it 
does not convince us, strikes us as being the happiest feature of the 
book. For the rest, signs of haste and carelessness are everywhere 
apparent : the general arrangement is faulty ; repetitions abound ; the 
style, too, is poor. No useful purpose would be served by pointing 
out the numerous errors of detail that we have noted. The author 
seems to go wrong in entire chapters. Nothing could well be more 
clumsy than the two sections in which an attempt is made to connect 
.the early Spanish chronicles, and the Spanish romances of chivalry and 
pastorals with English literature : here the faults of method are so 
serious that it is almost inconceivable how any historian of repute, 
who should be accustomed to examine cause and effect, could have been 
guilty of them. When so many points are laboured, which might well 
have been left out altogether, it is strange to note serious omissions : 
for example, there is no mention of Gracian ! What shall we say of 
the absence of a bibliography in a work of this kind ? Was Mr Hurne, 
when dealing with the picaresque novel, acquainted with the treatises 
of De Haan and Chandler ; or, to take a wider field, are we to assume 
that Underbill's Spanish Literature in the England of the Tudors was 
known to him ? Unfortunately he is frequently wanting in knowledge 
of general European literature, especially where the Middle Ages are 
concerned : various genres are dealt with as being peculiar to Spain, 
which were common to, and appeared earlier in, other countries. All 
that can honestly be said of the volume is that it contains a certain 
amount of material uncritically put together: it remains for some 
scholar to digest a portion of this material, let much of it go by the 
board and add to it from fresh sources. 


The Life of Cervantes. By ALBERT F. CALVERT. London : John Lane. 
1905. 8vo. x + 139 pp. 

The body of this book in no way advances our knowledge of Cervantes 
and his works : it is not distinguished by accuracy of detail, and from 
the standpoint of literary criticism its value is nil. There is much 
display of learning in the bibliographical section, and much lack of 
knowledge and judgment. Thus the list of English versions contains 
no mention of the three modern editions of Shelton's translation. What 
purpose can be served by a ' list of bibliographies of Cervantes ' in an 
elementary book of this kind ? Then, again, there is a ' chronological 
repertoire of documents relating to the life of Cervantes/ which is 
compiled in the most arbitrary way. One column is devoted in each 
case to the 'first publisher.' P6rez Pastor occurs twenty-one times; 
but quite apart from the fact that the very ' general ' reader for whom 
the book is obviously intended, is not told in this (or any other) case 
where the ' first publisher ' printed the documents in question, there is 
nothing to show on what principle these 21 have been selected from the 
111 more or less valuable ones unearthed by this diligent scholar. In 

Reviews 353 

spite of these and many other faults, Cervantists may like to have the 
book on account of the portraits, illustrations and facsimiles of early 
title-pages it contains : some of these are full of interest ; but even 
here too much reliance must not be placed on the author's descriptions, 
which are mostly inadequate and amateurish, and sometimes wrong. 
The whole is as flagrant an example of book-making as it has been our 
lot to come across. 


An outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provencal. By 

C. H. GRANDGENT. (Heath's Modern Language Series.) Boston : 

D. C. Heath, 1905. 8vo. xi + 159 pp. 

This volume is stated by the author to be ' the result of desultory 
labours extending through a period of twenty years,' and is based upon 
the most reliable authorities. It gives evidence also of wide and careful 
study of texts, and should be found highly valuable by all who are 
interested in the study of Old Proven9al. Not only is it capable of 
becoming a useful guide to the beginner, but it also may prove service- 
able upon occasion to the advanced student, if only for the references 
given to the literature of the subject which is scattered in large part 
through various periodicals not readily accessible to everyone. It is to 
be wished, upon this account, that the author could have seen his way 
to extend the number of these references : however, the book gives a 
great deal of accurate information in a comparatively small space. 

In the Phonological section, the method followed is naturally that 
of taking the Vulgar Latin sounds as a starting-point and examining 
their development in Proven9al. In 11 the author might either have 
stated Suchier's law or have given his reasons for passing it over. 
With 28 and 92 he will no doubt be interested to compare the article 
by A. Thomas in the January number of Romania. In 100 cors and 
cor are not always so clearly differentiated as the author states. On 
the formation of the future and conditional a reference might have been 
given to a paper by Karl Foth in Romanische Studien, vol. I. These 
trifles in no way detract from the value of the book, which is well 
arranged and well printed: there is a commendable absence of mis- 


Histoire poetique de Charlemagne. Par GASTON PARIS. Reproduction 
de 1'edition de 1865 augmentee de notes nouvelles par 1'auteur et 
par M. P. MEYER. Paris : H. Champion, 1905. 8vo. 507 pp. 

The original edition of the Histoire Poetique de Char&magne was 
prepared as a doctor's thesis for the University of Paris in 1865. The 
work was immediately acclaimed as of unique value, both as an object 
lesson in method and as a contribution to specific knowledge ; it took 
rank as a classic, and scholars are not wanting who believe that it is its 

354 Reviews 

author's masterpiece. The original edition was soon exhausted, and for 
nearly thirty years the book has appeared but rarely in second-hand 
catalogues, and has brought a high price. Gaston Paris intended to 
issue a second edition, and made from time to time notes towards that 
end. His purpose failed of fulfilment because of the manifold interests 
which more and more absorbed the leisure of his last years. His life- 
long friend and associate, M. P. Meyer, has generously laid aside for a 
space his own numerous philological enterprises, and has given ms the 
much-needed second edition. M. Meyer has added to the notes of Paris 
a number of carefully chosen notes of his own, and has had prepared a 
serviceable index, the lack of which was one of the grave defects of the 
first edition. It was manifestly impossible to give all the bibliography 
concerning the many theories, literary monuments and poetic personages 
mentioned in the five hundred and seven pages of the work. M. Meyer 
was thus forced to make a selection in his bibliographical notes. He 
has done this with such sure judgment and ripe scholarship that none 
but a carping critic could find fault with him. In view of the estab- 
lished reputation of the Histoire Poetique de Charlemagne, it is hardly 
necessary to do more here than draw the attention of scholars to this 
new edition. 



The Legend of Fair Helen as told by Homer, Goethe and Others. By 
EUGENE OSWALD. London: Murray, 1905. 8vo. xii + 211pp. 

The author of this volume appears to have been induced by the 
study of the second part of Goethe's Faust to bring together the most 
notable instances of the artistic treatment of the Helen legend in 
different ages and countries. The net is cast very wide, as we hear 
not only of those who have dealt with the subject, but also of those 
who might have done so (p. 192 f.). The book falls into three parts : 
the first traces progressively the various stages in the life of Helen, as 
portrayed by different poets and artists, the meeting of Helen and Paris 
being, for instance, illustrated from Ovid, Thomas Hey wood, Leconte de 
Lisle and Landor ; the second follows the history of the legend chrono- 
logically. Either of these schemes, if adhered to systematically, might 
have furnished an admirable framework for the mass of bibliography 
and illustration which the author has collected, but between the two 
we get a great deal of repetition. The third part, the ' Epilogue,' 
contains what the author calls a ' little aftermath,' in which a number 
of miscellaneous references to Helen are gathered together. The book 
contains much that is interesting, but suffers from the lack of methodical 

H. G. A. 

Minor Notices 355 

Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. Von MAX KOCH. 6te. neu durch- 
gesehene Auflage. (Sammlung Goschen, xxxi.) Leipzig : Goschen, 
1906. 8vo. 294 pp. 

Professor Koch's History of German Literature in the well-known 
Sammlung Goschen is a survey of a very wide field in a comparatively 
small space. In consequence of the large number of names included, 
the treatment of even important works is, of necessity, very brief; but 
the author takes up a disproportionate amount of the available space in 
emphasising his personal views as to the relative importance of certain 
authors. Thus he occupies two of his 294 pages in denying to 
Hauptmann all true poetic and dramatic talent, only one to prove that 
Sudermann possesses both in a high degree, and rather less to maintain 
that Schnitzler is a greater dramatist than either. For Kretzer he claims 
a place in the front rank of modern novelists. The intrusion of such 
views, however interesting they may be as an expression of subjective 
opinion, seems to us to place at a grave disadvantage a book which 
is obviously designed for the use of learners. H. G. A. 

II Purgatorio e il suo preludio. Da F. D'Ovmio. Milan: Hoepli, 

1906. 8vo. xvi + 634pp. 

Professor D'Ovidio's name is too well-known to need introduction ; 
and those who take up this new volume, and essay to mount the hill of 
Purgatory under his guidance will not be disappointed. They will find 
the accustomed beauty and clearness of style, the wide erudition and 
the devotion, at once sane and enthusiastic, to Dante and his poem, 
which are associated with the writer's name. The first 147 pages are 
an elaborate exposition of the first canto, a running commentary more 
or less of the nature of a ' talk,' like Yemen's Readings, in which the 
commentator has sacrificed willingly all literary effect to the supreme 
aim of every true commentator. The second part (pp. 151 607) deals 
with various aspects of the Purgatory its ' moral geography,' its rela- 
tion to the Inferno, and, in fact, with almost every question that arises 
as one reads and studies the 'seconda cantica.' Manfredi, Sordello, 
Bellacqua, Stazio and Matelda are fully treated in this second part, as 
is Catone the Cato of history and of Lucan and the Cato of Dante 
in the first. The short preface contains a graceful little personal 
anecdote as charming as anything in the book itself. 

L. R. 

The Library of Harvard University has just issued a 'Catalogue of 
the Moliere Collection in Harvard College Library, acquired chiefly from 
the Library of the late Ferdinand Bocher ' (Bibliographical Contribu- 
tions, edited by W. C. Lane, No. 57). The Catalogue, which has been 
compiled by T. F. Currier and E. L. Gay, is a model of what such 
special catalogues ought to be, and a 'bibliographical Contribution' 
which no Moliere scholar can afford to overlook. It contains appendices 
on the Portraits of Moliere, English Imitations and Translations of 
Moliere's Plays and Tables showing the Contents of the Editions and 
Translations of the Collected Works. 

356 Minor Notices 

Professor W. H. WILLIAMS writes to us with reference to the review 
of his Specimens of the Elizabethan Drama on p. 137 f. of the present 

: 'Mi 

volume of the Modern Language Review : ' Mr Greg contrasts my 
Specimens of the Elizabethan Drama with Mr Pollard's English Miracle 
Plays, from which it differs entirely in method, scope and intention. He 
further complains that there is " a serious gap " between the two works, 
assuming that the one was intended to be a sequel to the other. As a 
matter of fact, there is no very "serious gap" between the year 1580, 
with which my book begins, and 1579, with which Dr Skeat's Specimens 
of English Literature ends. I modelled my Specimens closely on 
I)r Skeat's in method and arrangement, feeling it to be a great honour 
to be permitted to continue, however unworthily, the lines he had so 
ably laid down. Then Mr Greg somewhat invidiously remarks that 
"from Mr Pollard's volume the student can obtain a very fair knowledge 
of the religious and didactic drama of England," but that " no such 
knowledge of the later drama can be gained " from my Specimens. In 
answer, I can only refer Mr Greg to my Preface, in which I state my 
aim to be " to convey to the reader who, for one reason or another, is 
unable to study the collected works of the Elizabethan dramatists, a 
fair general impression of their average style and spirit." ' 

[I am sorry if I have unwittingly done Professor Williams an 
injustice, but I cannot regard my remarks on his Specimens as in any 
way unfair. Whether he or the Clarendon Press was responsible I do 
not pretend to say. I had reason to know that the Press had at one 
time contemplated dealing with the later drama on the same lines as 
the earlier, and when there appeared a volume of selections from that 
later drama to all appearances intended as a companion to Mr Pollard's 
work, the connection seemed obvious. The comparison with Professor 
Skeat's Specimens, on the other hand, a collection which includes prose, 
verse and drama from 1394 to 1579, and of which the prime intention 
is surely linguistic, hardly suggests itself. I may have been hasty in 
assuming that a volume of ' Specimens of the Elizabethan Drama ' was 
intended to illustrate the development of the kind, but if it was not, I 
can only regard it as the more unsatisfactory, as tending to concentrate 
attention upon the peculiarities of writers as individual phenomena 
rather than upon the connected history of the drama as a literary 

W. W. GREG.] 

NOTE RECTIFICATIVE. J'ai ecrit dans le numero iii de la Modern 
Language Review, p. 254, que M. Thomas avait renonce a 1'etymologie 
donnee par lui en 1868 dans les Mem. Soc. Antiq. de I'Ouest. En realite 
c'est en 1902, dans ses Melanges d'Etymologie Frangaise qu'il 1'avait 
proposee (voir nivaria, p. 93). Pour ce lapsus, qui lui attribuait un 
excedent d'annees considerable, je prie 1'eminent philologue d'agreer 
mes plus vives excuses. 



March May, 1906. 


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ICT. JAN 11 19? 



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