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Full text of "The Modern language review"

1IFDING LIST NOV 1 5 1924 



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THE 
MODERN LANGUAGE REVIEW 



VOLUME XVIII 



1923 



CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

C. F. CLAY, Manager 

LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C 4 

CHICAGO : THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 

(agent for the united states and Canada) 

BOMBAY CALCUTTA AND MADRAS : MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 

TOKYO : MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 




■S 

m 




THE 



Ky 



MODERN LANGUAGE 
REVIEW 



A QUARTERLY JOURNAL EDITED FOR THE 
MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 



BY 

J. G. ROBERTSON 
G. C. MOORE SMITH 

AND 

EDMUND G. GARDNER 



VOLUME XVIII 







CAMBRIDGE 
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1923 



P6 



M6e 



PBINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN 



CONTENTS 

ARTICLES. page 

Allen, Hope Emily, Some Fourteenth Century Borrowings from 

1 Ancren Eiwle ' 1 

Allen, L. H., Plagiarism, Sources and Influences in Shelley's 'Alastor' 133 

Baum, Paull Franklin, Judas' Sunday Rest 168 

Bell, Alexander, The Single Combat in the • Lai d'Haveloc ' 22 

Bell, Aubrey F. G., The Seven Songs of Martin Codax . . . 162 
Butler, E. M., Heine and the Saint-Simonians. The Date of the Letters 

from Helgoland .......... 68 

Chappell, A. F., Rabelais and the Authority of the Ancients . . 29 

Chappell, A. F., Voulte's Rupture with Rabelais 293 

Clark, Ruth, Les Deux Demoiselles Maitteland 427 

Constans, Antony, and G. L. van Roosbroeck, The Early Editions of 

Gomberville's ' Polexandre ' 302 

Dodds, Madeleine Hope, Gondaliand 9 

Dunstan, A. C, The German Influence on Coleridge. II. . . 183 
Entwistle, William J., The Adventures of ' Le Cerf au Pied Blanc ' in 

Spanish and Elsewhere 435 

Everett, Dorothy, The Middle English Prose Psalter of Richard Rolle 

of Hampole. Ill 381 

Fiedler, H. G., Goethe's Lyric Poems in English Translation . . 51 
Green, F. C, A Forgotten Novel of Manners of the Eighteenth Century : 

1 La Paysanne parvenue ' by Le Chevalier de Mouhy . . . 309 

Greg, W. W., On Editing Early English Texts 281 * 

Krappe, A. H., The Legend of Amicus and Amelius . . . . 152 

Legouis, Pierre, Andrew Marvell : Further Biographical Points . . 416 

Lindelof, U., A New Collation of the Gloss of the Durham Ritual . 273 ♦ 

Peers, E. Allison, Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism . . 37 

Richardson, Margaret E. A., Wilhelm Miiller's Poetry of the Sea . 323 

Robertson, J. G., The Genesis of Wagner's Drama 'Tannhauser' . 458 
Sandbach, Francis E., Karl Philipp Moritz's 'Blunt' and Lillo's 'Fatal 

Curiosity' 449 

Simpson, Evelyn M., John Donne and Sir Thomas Overbury's 

'Characters' 410 

Sisam, K., An Old English Translation of a Letter from Wynfrith to 

Eadburga (a.d. 716-7) 253 • 

Waterhouse, G., An Early German Account of St Patrick's Purgatory 317 

Welsford, Enid, Italian Influence on the English Court Masque . . 394 

Wrenn, C. L., Chaucer's Knowledge of Horace 286 

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 

Ashdown, Margaret, ' The Owl and the Nightingale,' 11. 385, 389-90 . 337 

Bell, Aubrey F. G., The Year of Fray Luis de Leon's Birth . . 87 

Bigongiari, Dino, Notes on the Critical Text of Dante's Epistles. . 476 



VI 



Contents 



MISCELLANEOUS NOTES cont. page 

Day, Mabel, The Word ' Abloy ' in 'Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight' 337 
Entwistle, W. J., A Note on Fernan Perez de Guzman, 'Mar de 

Historias,' cap. xcvi (' Del sto grial ') 206 

Goffin, R., Notes on Chaucer 335 

Gough, Charles E., ' Cfriden ' in ' Meier Helmbrecht,' 1. 428 . . 88 

Howie, Margaret D., Kosegarten's ' Legenden ' and Sebastian Brant . 89 

Laborde, E. D., Grendel's Glove and his Immunity from Weapons . 202 • 

MaoKellar, Walter, Milton, James I, and Purgatory . . . 472 

Mackie, W. S., The Mid Front Vowel in ' Steak, 5 ' Great,' ' Break ' . 473 

Priebsch, R., Two Charms in Low German 479 

Sedgefield, W. J., Old English Notes 471 • 

Stenberg, Theodore T., Blake's Indebtedness to the ' Eddas ' . . 204 

Swaen, A. E. H., « The Knight of the Burning Pestle,' Act v, 11. 193-5 . 338 

Tuttle, Edwin H., Romanic Etymologies 474 

Wright, Elizabeth M., The Word ' Abloy ' in • Sir Gawayne and the 

Green Knight,' 1. 1174 86 



REVIEWS. 



Alfreds Soliloquien des Augustinus, Konig, herausg. von W. Endter 

(S. J. Crawford) 

Antologia Castellana, door G. J. Geers (W. J. Entwistle) 

Ashton, H., Madame de la Fayette (F. C. Johnson) 

Bell, Aubrey F. G., Benito Arias Montano (W. J. Entwistle) . 

Bell, Aubrey F. G., Portuguese Bibliography (W. J. Entwistle) 

Bell, Aubrey F. G., Portuguese Literature (W. P. Ker) . 

Boas, F. S., Shakespeare and the Universities (G. C. Moore Smith) 

Bolwell, R. W., The Life and Works of John Heywood (Arthur W. Reed) 

Borowski, B., Zum Nebenakzent beim altenglischen Nominalkomposi 

turn (Henry Bradley) 

Cabanyes, M. de, The Poems of, ed. by E. Allison Peers (A. F. G. Bell) 
Chambers, R. W., An Introduction to the Study of Beowulf (Allen 

Mawer) 

Charlemagne (The Distracted Emperor), ed. par F. L. Schoell (H 

Dugdale Sykes) 

Curme, G. O., A Grammar of the German Language (J. G. Robertson) 
Dante Alighieri, La Divina Commedia, a cura di S. A. Barbi (E. G 

Gardner) 

Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy, transl. by M. B. Anderson (E. G 

Gardner) . . . . ' -. : 

Dechamps, J., Sainte-Beuve et le Sillage de Napoleon (Louis Brandin) 

Ekwall, E., The Place-names of Lancashire (Allen Mawer) 

Enterlude of Welth and Helth, An, herausg. von F. Holthausen (S. J 

Crawford) 

Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association, III, ed. by 

G. C. Moore Smith (H. B. Charlton) .... 
Gild of St Mary, Lichfield, The (A. Hamilton Thompson) 
Gothaer Mittelniederdeutsche Arzneibuch und seine Sippe, Das, herausg 

von S. Norrbom (R. Priebsch) 



481 o 

229 

350 

502 

502 

359 

487 

106 

341 

500 



214, 



370 
365 

119 

354 
223 
219 

483 

349 
104 

230 



Contents 



vn 



REVIEWS cont. page 

Grierson, H. J. C, Lord Byron, Arnold and Swinburne (Oliver Elton) . Ill 
Guernes de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, Vie de St Thomas le Martyr (Claudine 

I. Wilson)^ 491 

Hauvette, H., Etudes sur la Divine ComeMie (Edmund G. Gardner) . 224 
Havens, R. D., The Influence of Milton on English Poetry (G. C. Moore 

Smith) 345 

Henriquez Urena, P., La Versificaei6n irregular en la Poesia castellana 

(W. P. Ker) 226 

Holmqvist, E., On the History of the English Present Inflexions (Henry 

Bradley) 339 

Holthausen, F., Altsachsisches Elementarbuch (R. Priebsch) . . . 230 
J Jespersen, O., Language : its Nature, Development and Origin (W. E. 

Collinson) 91 

Kellner, L., Shakespeare- Worterbuch (W. W. Greg) . . . . 213 
Kluckhohn, P., Die Auffassung der Liebe in der Literatur des 18. 

Jahrhunderts (W. Rose) 503 

Laws of the Earliest English Kings, The, ed. by F. L. Attenborough 

(K. Sisam) 98 *> 

Lucas, F. L., Seneca and Elizabethan Tragedy (H. B. Charlton) . . 110 

Ltideke, H., L. Tieck und das alte englische Theater (J. G. Robertson) . 234 
Menendez Pidal, R., Poesia popular y Poesfa tradicional en la Literatura 

espanola (William J. Entwistle) 357 

Morf, H., Aus Dichtung und Sprache der Romanen, III'(A. H. Krappe) 490 

Morsbach, L., Der Weg zu Shakespeare (G. C. Moore Smith). . . 486 

Owl and the Nightingale, The, ed. by J. W. H. Atkins (G. G. Coulton). 342 

Pecock, R., The Donet, ed. by E. V. Hitchcock (J. H. G. Grattan) . 105 

Pepysian Garland, A, ed. by H. E. Rollins (A. E. H. Swaen). . . 215 

Pollard, A. W., The Foundations of Shakespeare's Text (E. K. Chambers) 484 

Reul, P. de, L'OZuvre de Swinburne (C. H. Herford) .... 346 

Rhodes, R. Crompton, Shakespeare's First Folio (E. K. Chambers) . 485 

Rhodes, R. Crompton, The Stagery of Shakespeare (E. K. Chambers) . 485 

Schiller, F., Die Rauber, ed. by L. A. Willoughby (Marshall Montgomery) 363 
Schreiber, A., Neue Bausteine zu einer Lebensgeschichte Wolframs von 

Eschenbach (M. F. Richey) 360 

Sir John Van Olden Barnavelt, The Tragedy of, ed. by W. P. Frijlinck 

(G. C. Moore Smith) 343 

Stammler, W., Mittelniederdeutsches Lesebuch (R. Priebsch) . . 230 

Studi danteschi diretti da M. Barbi, VI (Edmund G. Gardner) . . 354 

Torraca, F., Nuovi studi danteschi (Edmund G. Gardner) . . . 354 

Torraca, Studi di storia letteraria (Edmund G. Gardner) . . . 354 
Winstanley, L., Macbeth, King Lear, and Contemporary History (C. H. 

Herford) 209 

Ysopet-Avionnet : The Latin and French Texts, ed. by K. McKenzie 

and W. A. Oldfather (John Orr) 112 

MINOR NOTICES. 

Atkins, E., The Poet's Poet 507 

Bald, M. A., Women Writers of the Nineteenth Century . . . 506 

Baum, F. P., The Principles of English Versification .... 367 



r< 



viii Contents 

MINOR NOTICES corU. page 

Bruns, F., Modern Thought in the German Lyric Poets from Goethe to 

Dehmel 369 

Damon, S. F. and R. Hillyer, A Book of Danish Verse .... 370 

Dante Alighieri, La Vita Nuova, ed. by K. McKenzie .... 508 

De' Lucchi, L., An Anthology of Italian Poets 368 

Fischer, W., Die Briefe R. M. Milnes' an Varnhagen von Ense . . 237 

Foligno, C., Dante the Poet 238 

^ -Galimberti, A., Dante nel pensiero inglese 368 

Gartner, Th., Ladinische Worter aus den Dolomitentalern . . . 509 

Gayley Anniversary Papers, The 240 

Geijerstam, G. af, The Book about Little Brother 370 

Greene, R., A Notable Disco very of Coosnage ; the Second Part of 

Conny-Catching 504 

Gudde, E. G., Freiligraths Entwicklung als politischer Dichter . . 510 

Guyer, F. E., The Influence of Ovid on Crestien de Troyes . . . 240 

Hallstrom, P., Selected Short Stories 370 

Harvey, G., Foure Letters and certeine Sonnets 504 

Hauptfragen der Romanistik 240 

Hurtada, J. J. and A. Gonzalez Palencia, Historia de la Literatura 

espafiola 369 

^** Hutton, E., Some Aspects of the Genius of Boccaccio .... 238 

Hyamson, A. M., A Dictionary of English Phrases .... 238 

^ Idealistische Neuphilologie 240 

Johnson, E. F., Weckherlin's Eclogues of the Seasons .... 369 

Kelly, J. A., England and the Englishman in German Literature . . 239 

Koster, A., Die Meistersingerbuhne des 16. Jahrhunderts . . . 239 
Lamborn, E. A. G. and G. B. Harrison, Shakespeare : The Man and his 

Stage 505 

Lee, Sir S. and F. S. Boas, The Year's Work in English Studies . . 367 

Morgan, B. Q., Bibliography of German Literature in English Translation 509 

Paues > A. C., Bibliography of English Language and Literature, 1921 . 120 

Schuchardt-Brevier, Hugo 240 

Schiicking, L. L., Character Problems in Shakespeare's Plays . . 236 

Serra, R., Esame di coscienza di un letterato 238 

Shears, L. A., The Influence of Walter Scott on Theodor Fontane . 510 

Sisson, C. J., Le Gout public et le Theatre Elisabethain . . . 505 

- — Soffici, A., Sei saggi di critica d'arte 238 

Toynbee, P., The Bearing of the ' Cursus ' on the Text of Dante's ' De 

Vulgari Eloquentia' . 508 

Uhrstrom, W., Pickpocket, Turnkey, Wrap-rascal 238 

Vaganay, H., Lodge and Desportes 504 

Watson, F., Luis Vives 239 

Weekley, E., An Etymological Dictionary of Modern English . . 121 

~~ — Willey, B., Tendencies in Renaissance Literary Theory. . . . 240 

NEW PUBLICATIONS 122, 243, 371, 511 



Volume XVIII JANUARY, 1923 Number 1 



SOME FOURTEENTH CENTURY BORROWINGS 
FROM 'ANCREN RIWLE' 



The Chastising of God's Children is a well-known Middle English' 
theological treatise addressed to a nun, which was printed by Caxton and 
exists in various manuscripts (Brit. Mus. Harl. MS. 6615, Trin. Coll. 
Camb. MS. 305, Magdal. Coll. Camb. Pepysian MS. 2125, etc.). It was 
early brought to notice because of its reference to the use of the Scrip- 
tures in English, and Miss Margaret Deanesly, in quoting the section in 
question 1 , points out that the work is cited in the Clensing of Mans 
Soul, of which a copy belonged in 1401 to an abbess of Barking 2 . The 
Chastising therefore was written before that date. She also points out 
that it was bequeathed to the Carthusians of Shene by the first recluse 
there about 1415 : she lists two later legacies in which it occurs 3 . It 
was therefore apparently a work of some popularity in its time. 

It has escaped notice that the Chastising of God's Children takes its 
theme and title from a section of the Ancren Riwle. This it incorporates 
in the first chapter, with no sign that it is quoting. With the Ancren 
Riwle* should be compared the Caxton edition of the Chastising as 
follows : 

Ancren Riwle: Chastising; 

Ure Louerd, hwon he iSoleS |>et we Also, whan our lord suffreth vs be 

beoff itented, he plaieS mid us, ase pe tempted in our beginnynge, he playeth 
moder mid hire 3unge deorlinge, vlihft wyth vs as the moder wyth the chylde, 
from him, and hut hire, and let hit sitten whiche somtyme fleeth away and hideth 
one, and loken 3eorne abuten, and cleo- her, and suffreth the chylde to wepe and 
pien, Dame ! dame ! and weopen one crye ; and besely to seke hir wyth sob- 
hwule, and J>eonne mid ispredde ermes byng and wepyng, but thenne cometh the 
leapeS lauhwinde uorS, and cluppeS and moder sodenly wyth mery chere and 
cusseS, and wipeS his eien. Riht so, ure laughinge, beclippyng her chylde and 
Louerd let us one iwurSen oSer hwules, kyssyng and wipeth away the teres. Thus 
and wrSdraweft his grace, and bis cum- fareth our lordewyth vs, as foratymehe 
fort, and his elne, J?et we ne iuindeS swet- wythdraweth his grace and comfort fro 

i The Lollard Bible, Cambridge, 1920, p. 338. 

2 This is Bodl. MS. 923 (27,701). The note appears at the end : ' Iste liber constat 
Sibille de ffeltoun Abbatisse de Berkyng.' A contemporary hand writes above: 'Anno 
domini 1401.' On f. 145 v of this volume appears the mention (first pointed out by Mr 
Madan, in his catalogue) : ' Of this mater $e baue in a boke of englisch I trowe, which is 
cleped amonges 30W >e chastising of goddes children.' — The catalogue of the Harleian 
MSS. notes that Harl. MS. 6615 differs from the text of the Chastising printed by Caxton. 
'Vernacular Books in the 14th and 15th Centuries,' Modern Lanquaqe Review. 
Oct., 1920. " 

4 Camden Society, 1853. 

M. L. R. XVIII. 1 



2 Some Fourteenth Century Borrowings from ' Ancren Riwle' 

nesse in none binge t>et we wel doft, ne vs, In sornoche that in his absence we 
sau ur of heorte. . . And six ancheisuns beoS ben al colde and drye, swetnesse have we 

hwi God, for ure god, wi5drauh"5 him none, nesauour in deuocyon (Fol. 1) Of 

ofcerhwules : bet on is, bet we ne bicumen vi pryncypal causes why our lorde wyth- 

prude, etc (pp. 230 ff.). draweth his comfortes fro his chyldern... 

One cause maye be that the louer sholde 
falle not by pryde, etc. (Fol. 2) — 

The Chastising goes on to enumerate the six causes given in the 

Riwle, but amplifies them. Nothing in the former after this point is 

directly derived from the latter, but the Riivle has perhaps given a hint 

to the later treatise in the following : 

An oSer wise, bench 3et pet hwose euer hermeS be, oSer eni wo deS be, scheome, 
grome, ofter teone, bench bet he is Godes 3erd, and tet God bet be mid him, and 
chasteS, ase ueder deS his leoue child, mid ter 3erde...(p. 184). 

Chapter V of the Chastising follows up the theme already introduced by 
describing how the mother beats the child as it grows older for its own 
good— the greater the rod, the older he is. She brings him home when 
he runs away, and beats him to make him stay at home. A religious 
application is then given to this example. Though most of the later dis- 
course shows no connexion with the simile of the mother and child, it 
is obvious that the section taken from the Riwle is considered to be the 
key-passage, since it gives the title to the whole. 

Though no borrowings have been noted in the latter part of the 
Chastising, the sentences directly preceding those already quoted seem 
to be founded on a section of the Riwle far removed from that just 
quoted. The relation may be illustrated as follows : 

Ne wene non of heie Hue bet heo ne Ffor soth it is to good men and wymen 

beo itempted. More beo5 be gode bet beo$ that traueyle to be perfygh to ben more 

iclumben an heih itempted ben beon be tempted than other whyche be recheles 

woke, and bet is god riht. Vor euer so of liuynge. And a cause why is for a 

be hul is more and herre, so be wind is mountayne the hyer he is there is the 

more beron. Se be hul is more and herre gretter wynde. In the same manere the 

of holie Hue and of heie, so be ueondes hyer a mannus liuyng is the strenger is 

puffes, bet beoS be windes of fondunges, the -temptacion of his goostly enmys. 

beo5 strengure beron and more. 3if eni Wherfore yf men or wymen of religyon 

ancre is bet ne veleS none uondunges, or of onyperfeccyonfelenootemptacions, 

swuS drede hire itSet point, bet heo beo thenne oughte they sorest to drede, for 

ouer muchel and ouer swuSe ivonded. theune they ben moost tempted whan 

Vor so Seint Gregorie seitS : Tunc maxime they fele hem not tempted. Therefore 

impugnaris, cum te impugnari non sentis. sayth saynt gregory : Thenne art thou 

(p. 178.) most assaylled whan thou felest the not 

assayled. Also whan our lord, etc. 

(Fol. 1.) 

II 

The sections of the Ancren Riwle used in the Chastising are quoted 
in a short piece found in Latin amongst other theological scraps in the 
Bodl. Laud Misc. MS. Ill, of the early fifteenth century, f. 187 (following 



HOPE EMILY ALLEN O 

the Judica me Deus of Richard Rolle), and in Lincoln Cathedral MS. C.4.6, 
of the middle of the fifteenth century (between the Incendium Amoris 
and the Oleum Effusum of Rolle). Both manuscripts retain the child's ex- 
clamation ' Dame ! dame !,' though otherwise in Latin. No verbatim com- 
parison has been made, but my notes seem to show that the passage in 
question is identical in the two manuscripts. Since it brings together 
the same two widely separated portions of the Riwle as are found in the 
Chastising, it was probably used by the author of that work. The 
following would suggest that it had borrowed from the Riwle directly : 
' Unde si heremita vel anachorita non sentiat temptationes turn multum 
timeat '...(f. 172). The equivalent sentence in the Chastising does not 
mention hermits or anchorites (v. supra). 

Ill 

The section of the Laud MS., already cited, begins with the words : 
■ Quandocumque tribularis vel temptaris, memento '...(f. 187), and it 
appears to be the same piece in English which, in the highly popular 
Middle English compilation known as the Poor Caitiff, makes the chapter 
on temptation (beginning ' Whanne j?ou art temptid eiSir troublid, haue 
mynde of j?ilke remedie J>at oure sauyour seiS in be gospel,' Brit. Mus. 
Stowe MS. 38, f. 104). The Poor Caitiff is made up of sections brought 
together from several quarters 1 . For example the chapter immediately 
preceding that just mentioned ends with the words: 'Al J>is sentence 
sei5 a seint in his book,' and actually the source is Richard Rolle's Emen- 
datio Vitae (cap. vi). It is likely that the chapter on temptation is 
borrowed from the Latin piece already cited. The agreement is close, 
except that the English text is slightly abridged. No word of hermits or 
anchorites appears. 

We have no clue as to the date when the Latin piece in question 
was put together, but the Poor Caitiff, which seems to give it in English, 
probably belongs to the second half of the fourteenth century. Several 
manuscripts date from this time (e.g. Bodl. Douce MS. 13, Lambeth 
MS. 541, Hunterian Mus. Glasgow, MSS. 496, 520 etc.). The work evi- 
dently circulated in the same circles as the Chastising of God's Children, 
for Magdal. Coll. Oxford MS. 93, which contains a partial text, belonged 
in 1438 to the fifth recluse at Sheen, where the first recluse, as we have 
seen, owned the Chastising. There is an immense number of manu- 
scripts : one not hitherto noted is New York Public Library MS. 68. 

1 The Poor Caitiff is described and quoted from by Miss M. Deanesly, The Lollard Bible, 
pp. 346-7. 

1—2 



4 Some Fourteenth Century Borrowings from ( Ancren Riwle ' 

An interesting copy is Brit. Mus. Harl. MS. 2336, which attaches to the 
conclusion a colophon stating that the volume is made for a 'common 
profit/ and is to pass from one owner to another as long as it lasts (for 
similar notes see Bodl. Douce MS. 25, Camb. Univ. MS. Ff. VI. 31, etc.). 
The very general use which this implies is also testified to by the Stowe 
MS., from which quotations are made here. In this copy the treatise 
seems to be treated as a primer: no other work was copied into the 
original book, and a calendar is prefixed. The prologue uses the phrase 
' Poor caitiff' to describe the author, and no manuscript known gives any 
information as to his identity. A late note on the fly-leaf of Brit. Mus. 
Harl. MS. 2336 states that ' the bishop of Chichester ' (by whom it is 
thought that Reginald Pecock is meant) said that the author was a 
Friar Minor, who ' compiled this book in his defense,' but the origin of 
this information cannot be found. The work (like most English com- 
positions of the time) was once ascribed to Wycliffe, and the greater part 
of it will be found (in a modernized text) printed in the edition of his 
works brought out by the Religious Tract Society in 1831. The order of 
the material varies in the different manuscripts, but a correct order was 
evidently recognized, for a contemporary hand has annotated Bodl. MS. 
938, because ' ]>e materes of pe forseyd book pore caytiif stondyn not here 
in ordre' (f. 39 v ). An edition of this work is promised by the Early 
English Text Society. 

The reminiscences of the Ancren, Riwle in the Poor Caitiff are as 
follows : 

For \>e hi3est and holyest in lyuynge han moost temptacioun : for how myche 
]>at an hil is hi3er, so myche j>e wynd is >ere |>e greettir : so how myche ]>e lyf is 
hi3er, so myche J>e temptacioun of \>e enemy is moore strong. God pleie}> with his 
child whanne he suffrij) him to be temptid, as a modir rise> fro hir myche loued child 
and hidef* hir, and leuej) hym alone, and suffrij? him to crie ' dame, dame ' so }>at he 
biholde aboute, crie and wepe at atyme, and at \>e laste whanne J>e child is in poynt 
to be ouersett with wepingis and disesis, >anne sche comeJ> a3en perto and biclippi)) 
it in hir armes, and kissij? it and wipij> awey J>e teres. So oure lord suffrij) his loued 
child to be temptid and troublid at a tyme... (Stowe MS., f. 104 b f.) 

This section is generally chapter 7 of the Poor Caitiff. 

IV 

A puzzling Middle English text is the religious tract, or series of 
tracts, printed by Horstmann 1 , both from Brit. Mus. Ar. MS. 507 (dated 
c. 1400) and from the Thornton MS. (of the early fifteenth century). The 
order and general text vary greatly in the two versions, and it is hard to 

1 Yorkshire Writers, London, 1895, i, pp. 132-156, pp. 300-321. Miss G. E. Hodgson 
modernizes this, and ascribes it to Rolle in her edition of modernized texts of his Form of 
Perfect Living and other pieces (London, 1910). 



HOPE EMILY ALLEN 5 

determine which is the original : the Ar. text, though abridged, contains 
material not in the Thornton, and the latter ends at two points with an 
' &c. ' (pp. 305, 321). The two segments thus given appear in the Thornton 
MS. in reversed order (according to the Ar. text) ; but the text of the 
latter is in its own way disturbed, since extraneous material is thrust 
into the midst of the treatise (ff. 47 b -54 b ) — including a duplicate text of 
one section of the work itself (marked by Horstmann ' 3 a ,' p. 136). A 
manuscript sold at Sotheby's October 21, 1920 to Mr Maggs the book- 
seller of Conduit St., and kindly shown to me by him, seems to contain 
a text of the work in the original order. The volume in question when 
in the possession of the Ingilby. family at Ripley Castle, Yorkshire, was 
mentioned by Miss A. C. Paues 1 because it contained a copy of Richard 
Rolle of Hampole's English Psalter. She was not able to examine it, and 
it has not been pointed out that it also contains various English prose 
treatises. 

The Ingilby MS., as it is now bound, contains in the first pages, in a 
hand not that of the rest of the book, an English treatise headed : ' Here 
beginnes be holy boke gratia dei.' This is a somewhat enlarged form of 
the treatise found in the Thornton MS. (printed Horstmann, pp. 305-21). 
No break occurs at the point (p. 310) where Horstmann prints one to 
mark a shift of subject from ' Grace ' to ' Daily Work ' (because the 
abridged text in the Ar. MS. seems, by the introduction of the extraneous 
material already mentioned, to make two tracts at this point). The dis- 
cussion of prayer, which in the Thornton MS. has occurred earlier in the 
volume (pp. 300-5), follows that on Daily Work without break in the 
Ingilby MS., as it does (in an abridged form) in the Ar. (pp. 142-5). The 
Ingilby MS., however, though it continues the text to the bottom of 
p. 151 of the Ar. version (beyond the first '&c.' of the Thornton), does not 
continue to the end (p. 156), and thus cuts off the entire 'Tercia pars 
libri ' found in the Ar. text — and more. 

Thus, the Ingilby MS. is apparently shortened at the end, but it gives 
the text of the treatise as far as it goes in a form sufficiently coherent to 
make it seem likely that we have to do with a definite unit, ' the holy 
book Gratia Dei.' This was apparently of Northern origin, since the 
manuscripts are all Northern. Miss Deanesly 2 notes several occurrences 
in medieval wills of a ' Grace Dieu,' all of which she takes to be English 
versions of de Guilleville's Pelerinage. I would suggest that the following 
Yorkshire bequest may refer to the present treatise : ' Liber vocatus 

1 A Fourteenth-Century English Biblical Version, Cambridge, 1902, p. xxxiv. 

2 Modern Language Revieiv, loc. cit., p. 356. 



6 Some Fourteenth Century Borrowings from 'Ancren Riwle ' 

Gracia Dei et de Vitis Patrum in Anglico ' (in the will of ' Dominus 
William Norman vile de Kelyngwike, miles,' 1449 l ). This conjecture is 
supported by the fact that the Ingilby MS. contains ' Sayings of Fathers ' 
probably related to the Vitm Patrum 11 , and similar to those printed 
by Horstmann 3 from Rawl. MS. C. 285, other articles of which printed 
by Horstmann (pp. 112-25) are repeated in the Ingilby MS. There is 
evidently some relation between all the manuscripts of this group. 

The Gratia Dei seems to be a compilation : it inserts (pp. 144, 304) 
a few sentences from the Abbey of the Holy Ghost*, also printed by 
Horstmann from the Thornton MS. (cf. p. 335) ; as also a section from 
another Thornton item, the Mirror of St Edmund (p. 145, cf. ibid. 
p. 221). Two extended borrowings have also been noted from the Ancren 
Riwle ; more perhaps might be traced, for a verbatim examination has 
not been made. The borrowings in question are as follows : 

Sicut urbs patens et absque murorum Sicuturbs sine murorum ambitu, etc... J>e 

ambitu, etc....J>e veond of helle mid his fende of helle with his hoste gase thurgh 

ferd went Jmrh J>e tutel jjat is euer open }?at mouthe )>at euer es opyne with euyll 

into }>e heorte, etc.... Hwosewule wilnen speche, etc For-J>i wha so will pat 

)>at Godes eare beo neih hire tunge, fursie goddes ere be nere his mouthe when he to 

hire urom pe worlde, elles heo mei longe hym prayes, drawe his herte fra pe werlde, 

3eien er God hire ihere ; auh he seiS Jmrh elles may he lange cry or god hym here, 

Isaie, Cum extenderitis manus uestras, als he thurgh J>e prophet Ysayesayse: Cum 

etc. (Ancren Riwle, pp. 74-6). extenderitis manus vestras, etc. (Thornton 

MS., Horstmann, pp. 316-7 ; a shortened 
form may be found in the Ar. text, p. 140). 

Eihte J?inges nomelich munegeS and For viii thinges aght vs to wake and 

lafciefc us to wakien i sume gode, and beon eauer be doand gode : Jus schorte life ; J>e 

wurchinde — J>is schorte lif — J>es stronge straite wai we haf to ga, etc J>eviiiisj>e 

wei, etc....J>e eihtuSe J>inc is hu muchel ioie of heuen (Ar. MS., pp. 145-6 : the 

is J>e mede iSe blisse of heouene (A. R., Thornton text stops short of this point). 
p. 144). 

Both sections borrowed from the Ancren Riwle appear in the Ingilby 
MS., and my notes indicate that the second appears there in an enlarged 
text. 

V 

In the first of the two passages of the Ancren Riwle used in the 
Gratia Dei occurs a striking sentence which may be quoted from the 
two works, as follows : 

pe tunge is sliddri, uor heo wadefj ine \>e tung es sleper, for it wades in wate, 

wete, and slit lichtliche uorS from lut and glyddes lyghtly furthe fra faa wordes 
word into monie (p. 74). Two thirteenth to many (p. 317). The Ar. text is ab- 
century manuscripts give 'slides,' and breviated at this point. It should be 
'slides,' respectively, for 'slit.' noted that Horstmann emends 'wate' to 

'water,' but the source of the passage 
shows that the original reading is correct. 

1 Testamenta Eboracensia, n, p. 138, Surtees Society, 1836. 

2 Migne, Patrologix Cursus, 73, c. 741 if. 3 i, pp. 125-8. 

4 This was pointed out by Konrath in his review of Horstmann, Herrig's Archiv, 96, 
p. 368. 



HOPE EMILY ALLEN 7 

The Ancren Riwle, or a common-place book quoting from it, has 
evidently contributed the following to the English Psalter 1 of Richard 
Rolle of Hampole : ' Oure tonge is in wate, forthi lightly it- slippis, as we 
doe when we ga in sklither way ' (p. 142). It might be argued that we 
have to do with a proverbial saying, but the similarity of the image to 
countless others found in the Riwle w r ould make it likely that it origi- 
nated in the vivid imagination of the author of that work. 

Mr G. C. Macaulay, in his invaluable studies of the text of the 
Ancren Riwle 2 , states it as his belief, after a detailed study of the 
French and English versions, that the former, though we have it only in 
a late and corrupt form, represents the original of the treatise. It cannot 
be said that the quotations above made throw any light on this question ; 
they do not follow the English text closely, but a detailed comparison 
with the French and Latin versions would be necessary to tell whether 
they follow either of the others more carefully : it is very possible that 
they follow corrupt versions of the English, or in some cases are made 
from memory. 

Mr Macaulay 's descriptions of the manuscripts of the Ancren Riwle 
have already shown the fourteenth century circulation of the work; 
beside the five English copies of the first half of the thirteenth century 
(the earliest of them already elaborately interpolated), we have from the 
early fourteenth century one French text and one Latin, and from the 
late fourteenth century one English fragment, one English text elabo- 
rately rewritten, and (in the Vernon MS.) one of the usual sort fairly 
complete. Mr Macaulay also cited one Latin text of c. 1400, and I have 
since discovered another 3 , more complete than any other, which Dr Poole 
(who was kind enough to examine it for my purposes) dated as ' probably 
of the early fourteenth century.' In all, therefore, we have seven four- 
teenth century copies of the Riivle still extant, in one form or another. 
The present quotations would seem to show that many copies of the 
Ancren Riwle must have circulated in the fourteenth century, and that 
the treatise must have enjoyed at that time a popularity as great as that 
of a new work. The fourteenth century mystical movement probably gave 
it a new lease of life. The original composition of the piece was formerly 
put c. 1200, because our earliest group of manuscripts dates from 1230-50, 
but in my article on the Origin of the Ancren Riwle I have pointed out 4 

1 Ed. H. R. Bramley, Oxford, 1884. 2 Modern Language Review, 1914, passim. 

3 See my note in the Modern Language Review, April, 1919. The second Latin manu- 
script which I point out (Modern Language Review, October, 1922) belongs to a later date. 

4 Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, October, 1918. 



8 Some Fourteenth Century Borrowings from 'Ancren Riwle 

the remarkable series of coincidences which seem to connect it with the 
three young women who were put into Kilburn hermitage about 1134. 
The work (whether in English or French) must therefore, if my theory 
is correct, have been written a few years after that date— that is, more 
than two generations before the time to which it has usually been 
ascribed, and from which we preserve the earliest copies. The details 
just given of its popularity in the fourteenth century show the vitality 
of the Ancren Riwle in an age far removed from that of its composi- 
tion — whether that be placed in the twelfth century or the thirteenth. 
We have now actual evidence of a greater circulation for the treatise in 
the fourteenth century than in the thirteenth, and we evidently have to 
do with a production which many generations found sympathetic. It 
would be very likely that the first copies of so popular a piece would be 
worn out ; in any case obviously its vogue in the thirteenth century does 
not necessarily mean that it was composed then. 

Hope Emily Allen. 
London. 



GONDALIAND 1 

Certain of Emily Bronte's poems appear in every anthology, but 
the reader who is tempted by their beauty to find more of her work is 
sometimes discouraged by a difficulty in interpreting her meaning. It 
is not that either the language or the thought is obscure ; on the con- 
trary the poems are particularly simple, direct and vivid. But the 
greater number refer to places, persons and events existing only in the 
author's imagination, which she never pauses to explain. 

Some of the poems, of course, require no explanation. We can enjoy 
The Old Stoic without asking who he was or why he was stoical ; it is 
the expression of a mood which we can recognise within ourselves. But 
very many are narrative poems, of vigorous and thrilling interest in 
themselves, but having reference to events and persons of which the 
reader knows nothing. That is all very well now and again, — for in- 
stance, in Browning's How They Brought the Good News from Ghent to 
Aix, when our bafflement as to what was the good news is simply part 
of the high spirits of the whole affair. But readers do not willingly 
accept a whole body of poetry written on the same principle. 

Speaking for myself, I was so much attracted by the beauty of the 
writing and at the same time puzzled by the mystery of the narrative 
that I tackled the problem by the absurdly prosaic method of a card 
index. I noted all the names of persons and places, and all the allusions 
to events. I grouped together the poems which referred to persons of 
the same name, and out of my groupings I seemed to evolve one fairly 
regular train of events, to be described hereafter, with a good many 
minor and more doubtful groups. It is all uncertain, and probably an- 
other reader might have worked out the sequence differently. In fact 
I afterwards discovered that Miss May Sinclair had made some different 
interpretations, though she was chiefly interested in another of the 
groups. I have set out the cycle of poems which seem to me to deal 
with a certain portion of the history of Gondaliand — the reign of King 
Julius and his daughter Augusta. I have not hampered the narrative 

1 Works of reference : Charlotte Bronte, The Professor, with Poems by Charlotte, Emily 
and Anne Bronte. 1860. Clement Shorter, Charlotte Bronte and her Circle. 1896. The 
Complete Poems of Emily Jane Bronte, ed. Shorter, with an Introduction by W. R. Nicoll. 
1910. May Sinclair, The Three Brontes. 1912. J. C. Smith, Emily Bronte (Essays and 
Studies by Members of the English Association, vol. v). 1914. Bronte Poems, edited by 
A. C. Benson. 1915. 



10 Gondaliand 

by continually writing 'probably' and 'we may suppose,' but it must be 
understood that the interpretation is merely conjectural. 

Naturally the first question is, ' What was or were Gondaliand ? ' 
and to understand this we must turn to the life of its creator. 

Emily Bronte once wrote in her diary : 

I am quite contented for myself :... merely desiring that everybody could be as 
comfortable as myself and as undesponding, and then we should have a very toler- 
able world of it. 

At first sight it does not appear that this was to wish any excessive 
degree of happiness for the rest of the world. Emily Bronte was a woman 
of genius, but she had not yet published a single book, and there seemed 
to be no prospect that she would ever do so. In her narrow home she 
did all the work of a general servant. She had no friends ; the sisters 
whom she loved dearly were forced to leave her for uncongenial work, 
and she herself was saved from the same fate only by ill-health. Her 
father was losing his sight; her brother was a perpetual burden and 
disgrace. Certainly her idea of Utopia was not extravagant. 

Nevertheless Emily was happy ; she loved life, — she was reluctant 
to die. It ought to be easy to discover the secret of her content, seeing 
that so much has been written about the Brontes ; their clothes, their 
friends, their money matters, their family, all have been minutely 
described. Yet none of these particulars explain Emily's happiness. 
Perhaps no one has cared much about it, for Charlotte is the famous 
sister, and it is she who started the hunt after the external facts of her 
life. Charlotte's genius was essentially lyric. She poured herself out 
into her novels as Shelley poured himself out into his poems, and the 
matter-of-fact reader is continually tempted to trace in the events of 
her life the experience she describes with such fervour. Emily's mind, 
on the other hand, was dramatic. She felt with each of her characters 
in turn, but she herself remained apart from them. She created circum- 
stances altogether unlike those which surrounded her, and made herself 
a kingdom of her own. 

The Bronte children instituted their play of The Islanders on a 
winter night in 1826. Emily chose for her island Arran, and for her 
chief men Sir Walter Scott, Lockhart, and Johnnie Lockhart ; in this 
choice lay the beginning of Gondaliand. In their general play each 
particular island was merged into 'The Island' which belonged to them 
all collectively, but ' best plays mean secret plays,' wrote Charlotte. 
Emily began a best play of her own at this time, which she shared 
only with Anne. The kingdom of the Gondals, founded on that winter 



MADELEINE HOPE DODDS 11 

evening, remained her secret abiding place until within three years of 

her death. 

All that the sisters acknowledged about this kingdom of their dream 

is contained in passages from their journals. The first was written by 

Emily on July 30, 1841 : 

Gondaliand x are at present in a threatening state, but there is no open rupture as 
yet. All the princes and princesses of the Royalty are at the Palace of Instruction. 
I have a good many books in hand, but I am sorry to say that as usual I make 
small progress with any. 

Anne wrote at the same date : 

How will it be when we open this paper and the one Emily has written 1 
I wonder whether the Gondaliand will still be flourishing, and what will be their 
condition. I am now engaged in writing the fourth volume of Solala Vernon's Life. 

Emily wrote on July 30, 1845 : 

Anne and I went our first long journey by ourselves together, leaving home on 
30 June. — And during our excursion we were Ronald Macalgin, Henry Angora, Juliet 
Augusteena, Rosabella Esmaldan, Ella and Julian Egremont, Catharine Navarre and 
Cordelia Fitzaphnold, escaping from the palaces of instruction to join the Royalists 
who are hard driven at present by the victorious Republicans. The Gondals still 
flourish bright as ever. I am at present writing a work on the First War. Anne 
has been writing some articles on this, and a book by Henry Sophona. We intend 
sticking firmly by the rascals as long as they delight us, which I am glad to say 
they do at present. 

Anne wrote at 'the same date : 

Emily is engaged in writing the Emperor Julius's life. She has read some of it, 
and I want very much to hear the rest. She is writing some poetry too. I wonder 
what it is about ! I have begun the third volume of Passages in the Life of an In- 
dividual. I wish I had finished it. — We have not yet finished our Gondal Chronicles 
that we began three years and a half ago. When will they be done ? The Gondals 
are at present in a sad state. The Republicans are uppermost, but the Royalists are 
not quite overcome. The young sovereigns with their brothers and sisters are still at 
the Palace of Instruction. The Unique Society above half a year ago were wrecked 
on a desert island as they were returning from Gaul. They are still there, but we 
have not played at them much yet. The Gondals in general are not in first rate 
playing condition. Will they improve 1 

In the autumn of 1845 Charlotte found Emily's poetry, and the spell 
was broken. Perhaps, as Anne's journal suggests, they were wearying of 
their plaything even before Charlotte's discovery. After the sisters died, 
Charlotte seems to have destroyed the Chronicles of Gondal. Nothing 
remains but the fragmentary poems which Emily wrote about the land 
and its people. Some readers enjoy the very uncertainty of the legends 
upon which they are based. They have the strange charm of dreams, 
the charm of something vivid and yet half-seen. But to most people 

1 Tbe nomenclature is difficult to work out. The principal country is called Gondal ; 
its inhabitants are the Gondals. But there are other countries connected with Gondal, for 
instance the Islands of the South. Gondaliand may mean 'all -the countries connected 
with Gondal,' but it has been suggested that it should be read ' Gondaliad,' formed on the 
analogy of ' Iliad,' and meaning ' the stories relating to Gondal.' 



1 2 Gondaliand 

this elusive quality is merely exasperating. The obscurity has been 
increased by the editors of the poems, who habitually print merely what 
they consider the best verses, omitting the connecting narrative. More- 
over Emily Bronte's poetical reputation is lowered by the publication of 
poems by the other members of the family with hers. It is unfortunate 
that, instead of the printing and reprinting of their effusions, one careful 
and complete edition of all Emily Bronte's poems has not been prepared. 
The good work in them is powerful enough to carry the bad. Mr Clement 
Shorter's Complete Poems of Emily Bronte 1910, though much the fullest, 
is still incomplete, as is proved by Mr A. C. Benson's publication of 
additional passages in his Bronte Poems 1915. 

Hitherto the history of Gondaliand has found only one student, 
Miss May Sinclair, who, after remarking apologetically, ' it does not 
look, I own, as if this hunt for Gondal literature could interest a single 
human being,' traces the first outlines of Wuihering Heights in the 
Gondal poems. Now that she has pointed it out, the connexion is clear, 
but I think she makes the Gondal stories appear too continuous. The 
stories of the Doomed Child, of the Duke of Zamorna and of Fernando, 
do not seem to be different episodes in the career of one man ; I think 
that they had three different heroes, who each contributed something 
to Heathcliff. 

Most writers on the Brontes adopt an apologetic tone in speaking 
of Gondaliand. They want real events, debts and love affairs and soul 
crises, and they are given instead the shadows of dreams. Emily herself 
encountered some of these practical-minded critics, and several of her 
poems are apologies, or, in another mood, justifications, for her choice : 

And am I wrong to worship where 
Faith cannot doubt, nor hope despair, 
Since my own soul can grant my prayer ? 
Speak, God of visions, plead for me, 
And tell why I have chosen thee. 

She took with her into the world of dreams the few treasures of her 
everyday life. One of these was her love of animals, but it is significant 
that while cats and dogs were her living intimates — one cannot degrade 
them by calling them pets — in Gondaliand horses took the first place. 
She took with her also her passionate love of the moors. Indeed it is 
not easy to distinguish in her poems between the real moors of Haworth 
and the dream moors of Gondaliand, nor to say of which she was thinking 
when she wrote fragments delicate and suggestive as Japanese uta : 

What is that smoke that ever still 
Comes rolling down the dark brown hill ? 



MADELEINE HOPE DODDS 13 

and again : 

Only some spires of bright green grass 
Transparently in sunlight quivering. 

The poems grew out of embryos such as these. Sometimes we can see 
the evolution. The fragment 

Loud without the wind was roaring 

Through the wan autumnal sky ; 
Drenching wet the cold rain pouring, 

Spoke of stormy winter nigh. 

All too like that dreary eve 

Sighed without repining grief. 
Sighed at first, but sighed not long : 

Sweet, how softly sweet it came, 
Wild words of an ancient song, 

Undefined, without a name, — 

became the poem which begins : 

Loud without the wind was roaring 

Through th' autumnal sky ; 
Drenching wet, the cold rain pouring 
Spoke of winter nigh. 
All too like that dreary eve, 
Did my exiled spirit grieve. 

The song in the wind, ' undefined, without a name,' haunts the 
Gondal poems. Many people, especially those who walk on the moors, 
must know the feeling that there is a voice singing somewhere, a great 
way off. The music of Gondaliand may be likened to that strange, half- 
heard song. 

Through all its history Gondal retained traces of its origin as the Isle 

of Arran, with Sir Walter Scott as its principal inhabitant. It was a 

sea-girt country, a land of mists and snows and grey skies, — 

Coldly, bleakly, dreamily, 
Evening died on Elbe's shore ; 
Winds were in the cloudy sky, 
Sighing, mourning ever more. 

There were great forests of ancient trees, where a wanderer might stray : 

The night is darkening round me, 

The wild winds coldly blow, 
But a tyrant spell has bound me, 

And I cannot, cannot go. 

The giant trees are bending 

Their bare boughs weighed with snow, 

And the storm is fast descending, 
And yet I cannot go. 

Clouds beyond, clouds above me, 

Wastes beyond wastes below ; 
But nothing dread can move me — 

I will not, cannot go. 



1 4 Gondaliand 

There were lakes with strange musical names, Eldenna, Arden, Werna : 

Cold, clear and blue the morning heaven 

Expands its arch on high, 
Cold, clear and blue Lake Werna's water 

Reflects that winter sky ; 
The moon has set, but Venus shines, 

A silent, silvery star. 

But above all it was a land of moors. Even the cities were pervaded 
by the fragrance of the heather : 

'Tis evening now, the sun descends 

In golden glory down the sky ; 
The city's murmur softly blends 

With zephyrs breathing gently by. — 

And yet it seems a dreary moor, 

A dark October moor to me, 
And black the piles of rain-clouds lour 

Athwart heaven's stormy canopy. 

Such was the land of Gondal. Its history vanished when Charlotte 
burnt the Chronicles, but in Emily's poems there are glimpses of the 
wild legends of the country, and of the strange passionate race which 
dwelt there. The chief character mentioned by Emily and Anne in 
their diaries is the Emperor Julius, whose history is shadowed forth 
in many of the poems. Emily's method of developing a theme, as far 
as it can be traced, seems to have been somewhat as follows. She wrote 
a ballad giving the tale impersonally, and then a number of songs and 
fragments telling the same events from the point of view of the different 
actors. The central ballad in this cycle is King Julius left the south 
country, which records an outstanding event in the history of Gonda- 
liand, the murder of Julius. Then there are three other poems about 
the same event, The night of storms is past, which is a prophecy of the 
murder ; Rosina, describing how the news was broken to Julius' widow, 
and Qlenedens Dream, the meditation of one of the assassins. Many 
others fall into this cycle, among them Emily's best known and most 
beautiful poem, Cold in the earth and the deep snow piled above thee, 
which is the lament of Rosina for King Julius. 

In Gondaliand, as in England, a nobleman had three names, his 
Christian name, his family name and his title. As Henry Percy, Earl 
of Northumberland, might be called Henry, or Percy, or Northumber- 
land, so Julius seems to have been of the house of Brenzaida, and to 
have taken his title from the hills of Angora. He belonged to a royal 
house, but his claims to the throne were set aside and the rival family 
of Erina was established in power. For twenty years Julius was an 
outcast and a wanderer ; then in the tropical islands which lay far to 



MADELEINE HOPE DODDS 15 

the south, he fell passionately in love with Rosina — a strong, beautiful, 

ambitious woman. They married, and she urged him to claim the Gondal 

throne as his right. Julius imagined that she had accepted him only to 

gratify her ambition : 

Yet have I read those falcon eyes, 

Have dived into their mysteries, 

Have studied long their glance, and feel 

It is not love those eyes reveal. 

They flash, they beam with lightning shine, 

But not with such fond fire as mine ; 

The tender star fades faint and wan 

Before Ambition's scorching sun. 

But he did his wife an injustice ; how passionately she loved him she 

revealed in her lament long after his death : 

No later light has lightened up my heaven, 
No second moon has ever shone for me ; 
All my life's bliss from thy dear life was given, 
All my life's bliss is in the grave with thee. 

It was her love and her pride in him which made her urge him upon his 
stormy career, and so, all unknowingly, she sent him to his death. 

In pursuit of his new ambition Julius made a compact with the 
reigning king of Gondal in the great cathedral of the capital. Some- 
one standing in the empty cathedral recalls the day when the oath was 
taken : 

look again, for still on high 

The lamps are burning gloriously ; 

And look again, for still beneath 

A thousand thousand live and breathe, 

All mute as death beyond the shrine 
That gleams in lustre so divine, 
Where Gondal's monarchs bending low, 
After the hour of silent prayer, 
Take in heaven's sight their awful vow, 
And never-dying union swear. 

King Julius lifts his impious eye 
From the dark marble to the sky, 
Blasts with that oath his perjured soul, 
And changeless is his cheek the while — 

for the oath was taken only to be broken. By the persuasion of Rosina 
he undertook the invasion of Gondal. His general Almedore made the 
first successful onset, and the King celebrated the victory : 

Our souls are full of gladness ; God has given 

Our arms to victory, our foes to death. 
The crimson ensign waves its sheet in heaven, 

The sea-green standard lies in dust beneath. 

King Julius followed this attack himself, and won triumph after 
triumph. The decisive battle was on the plain of Zamorna, and after 



1 6 Gondaliand 

it he composed a poem to the horse Black Eagle which had borne him 
in the field : 

Rest now in thy glory, noble steed ; 

Rest ! all thy wars are done ; 
True is the love and high the meed 
Thou from thy lord hast won. 

It is characteristic of Emily Bronte that she never took sides in 
Gondaliand. She celebrated the triumphs of Julius, but she was equally- 
moved by the sufferings of the Gondal patriots : 

All our hearths were the mansion of distress, 

And no one laughed, and none seemed free from care, 

Our children felt their fathers' wretchedness ; 
Our homes, one, all, were shadowed with despair. 

Against the song of triumph for Almedore's victory is set the misery of 
the vanquished : 

It was the autumn of the year, 

The time to labouring peasants dear ; 

Week after week, from noon to noon, 

September shone as bright as June ; 

Still, never hand a sickle held ; 

The crops were garnered in the field, 

Trod out, and ground by horses' feet 

While every ear was milky sweet ; 

And kneaded on the threshing floor 

With mire of tears and human gore. 

Against King Julius's profession of a high moral purpose stands : 
Why ask to know what date, what clime? 

There dwelt our own humanity, 
Power- worshippers from earliest time, 
Feet-kissers of triumphant crime, 

Crushers of helpless misery, 
Crushing down Justice, honouring wrong, 
If that be feeble, this be strong. 
Shedders of blood, shedders of tears, 

Fell creatures avid of distress ; 
Yet mocking heaven with senseless prayers 
For mercy on the merciless. 

The final victory of the invaders is told entirely from the standpoint 
of the conquered. This was the fall of Zalona, the capital of the country : 

This day might be a festal day ; 

The streets are crowded all, 
And emerald flags stream broad and gay 

From turret, tower and wall. — 
What do these brazen tongues proclaim ? 
• What joyous fete begun, 

What offering to our country's fame, 

What noble victory won 1 
Go, ask those children in the street 

Beside their mother's door ; 
Waiting to hear the lingering feet 

That they shall hear no more. 



MADELEINE HOPE DODDS 17 

Ask those pale soldiers round the gates 

With famine-kindled eye. 
They say, ' Zalona celebrates 

The day that she must die.' 

Julius carried away the captured Gondal patriots to the southern 

isles, where they pined for their country in dreamy prisons. The rival 

King Harold died in his captivity : 

His land may burst the galling chain, 
His people may be free again, — 
For them a thousand hopes remain, 
But hope is dead for him. 

But the hour of conquest was also the hour of peril to Julius. In a 

ghostly poem the banshee of his house wails over his coming death : 

Woe for the day ! With gory tears 
My countless sons this day shall rue ; 
Woe for the day ! A thousand years 
Cannot repair what one shall do. 

Julius made his entry into the capital. He took possession of his palace 
in royal state. But 

While princes hang upon his breath 

And nations round are fearing, 
Close by his side a daggered death 

With sheathless point stands sneering. 

The assassin struck home, and Julius fell. Rosina never enjoyed her 
victory. While her husband conquered Gondal she was lying uncon- 
scious in a fever. When she recovered, the first news she received was 
of his death. 

The murder of Julius did not at once free Gondal. The assassin 
was killed on the spot. One of the other conspirators, Gleneden, was 
seized and imprisoned, when he dreamt that he had himself killed the 
tyrant, and awoke to remember the truth : 

Shadows come ! What means this midnight? 
my God, I know it all ! 
Know. the fever-dream is over, 
Unavenged, the Avenger's fall. 

Julius was succeeded by his daughter Augusta. It was perhaps at 
her coronation that an old comrade-in-arms of the King, maybe Alme- 
dore himself, reproved the gay court for forgetting their master so soon : 

The organ swells, the trumpets sound, 

The lamps in triumph glow, 
And none of all those thousands round 

Regard who sleeps below. 

The story of Augusta throws more light on the murder of Julius. 
Two children were brought up with the little princess, a boy and a girl, 
Amadeus and Angelica. They seem to have been brother and sister, the 

M. L. R. XVIII. 2 



1 8 Gondaliand 

orphan children of some noble house. When they grew up, Amadeus 

fell in love with Augusta, and Angelica pleaded his suit, but the princess 

scorned him, and the two were banished. Angelica told the tale long 

afterwards : 

We both were scorned, both sternly driven 
To shelter 'neath a foreign heaven ; 
And darkens o'er that dreary time 
A 'wildering dream of frenzied crime. 

I would not now those days recall ; 

The oath within that caverned hall, 

And its fulfilment ; these you know, 

We both together struck the blow ; 

But you can never know the pain 

That my lost heart did then sustain, 

When, severed wide by guiltless gore, 

I felt that one could live no more ! 

Back, maddening thought ! the grave is deep 

Where my Amadeus lies asleep, 

And I have long forgot to weep. 

This deed, in which Amadeus fell, was the murder of King Julius, which 
must therefore have been the outcome of a private feud, not the avenging 
act of a Gondal patriot. Angelica escaped to the moors, where she met 
Douglas, a man of noble birth outlawed for his crimes. Douglas loved ^ 
her, but she treated him with contempt, until one day she discovered 
Augusta sleeping on the moor, with only two companions, Lord Lesley 
and Fair Surry. She resolved to avenge herself and her brother, but a 
curious pang of hesitation prevented her from killing Augusta : 

My hand was raised, my knife was bare ; 
With stealthy tread I stole along, 
But a wild bird sprang from his hidden lair, 
And woke her with a sudden song ; 

Yet moved she not ; she only raised 
Her lids and on the bright sun gazed, 
And uttered such a dreary sigh, 
I thought just then she should not die, 
Since misery was such misery. 

Angelica returned to Douglas, and promised him her love if he would 
help her in her revenge. He agreed, but in the execution of the deed 
Augusta fought hard for her life and wounded the outlaw. Seeing him 
helpless, Angelica mocked him and left him to die ; but the wound was 
not mortal, and alone he made his escape. 

Late at night Augusta's body was found by Lord Eldred and the 
royal guards. They traced the bloodstained track of the murderer, and 
set out in pursuit. Douglas had found a coal-black steed, and the most 
exciting of the Gondal poems described his flight, and the stratagem by 
which he overpowered his pursuers. 



MADELEINE HOPE DODDS 19 

After the murder of Augusta the Gondals rose and drove out their 
conquerors. There was a great battle in a mountain glen : 

There swept adown that dreary glen 
A wilder sound than mountain wind — 

The thrilling shouts of fighting men, 
With something sadder far behind. 

The patriots were victorious, but their losses were heavy. The exiles of 

Julius's wars returned to find many empty places in their houses, and 

their joy was clouded by memories : 

— In the red fire's cheerful glow 
I think of deep glens, blocked with snow ; 
I dream of moor and misty hill, 
Where evening closes dark and chill ; 
For, lone among the mountains cold, 
Lie those that I have loved of old. 

After this it is impossible to trace any further connected history of 

Gondaliand, but there is a series of. poems which may contain another 

of Augusta's love stories. Aspin Castle tells how Lord Alfred, the first 

chief of Aspin, had ' one fair daughter and no more,' a beautiful child 

whom he neglected, because he was entirely devoted to the black-haired 

queen. For a time she encouraged his passion. In one poem she pours 

forth her ardent love for Alfred, in another she gives him her miniature 

with the inscription : 

Dearest, ever deem me true. 

But soon she wearied of him and cast him off. In short she treated him 

as she had treated Amadeus : 

First made her love his only stay, . 

Then snatched the treacherous prop away. 

Lord Alfred wandered away in his despair to England, and killed himself 

on an English moor, holding her miniature in his hand and cursing her 

treachery. When Lord Eldred bent over Augusta's murdered body, he 

recalled this story : 

Like sudden ghosts, to memory came 

Full many a face, and many a name, 

Full many a heart, that in the tomb 

He almost deemed might have throbbed again, 

Had they but known her dreary doom, — 

Had they but seen their idol there, 

A wreck of desolate despair, 

Left to the wild birds of the air 

And mountain winds and rain. 

The lonely daughter seems to be described in a fragment : 

What made her weep, what made her glide 

Out of the park this dreary day, 
And cast her jewelled chains aside 

And seek a rough and lonely way, 

2—2 



20 Gondaliand 

And down beneath a cedar's shade 

On the wet grass regardless lie, 
With nothing but its gloomy head 

Between her and the showering sky ? 

There are many more Gondal poems, some connected with the history 
of Julius and Augusta, others with new heroes and heroines, others again 
which are too fragmentary to tell any story. 

The literary quality of the poems is not fairly represented in these 
quotations, as, in order to piece together the fragments of the story, 
I have been obliged to choose narrative passages which are on the whole 
weak, and to omit the outbursts of passion in which Emily's genius is 
shown. The best of the poems have an unusual quality of excellence ; 
the worst are very definitely bad ; but all are serious and completely 
different in atmosphere from the drolling references to Gondaliand in 
the journals. There is an utter discrepancy between the intensity of 
The Prisoner : 

But, first, a hush of peace — a soundless calm descends ; 
The struggle of distress and fierce impatience ends ; 
Mute music soothes my breast — unuttered harmony, 
That I could never dream, till earth was lost to me. 

Then dawns the Invisible; the Unseen its truth reveals; 
My outward sense is gone, my inward essence feels : 
Its wings are almost free — its home, its harbour found, 
Measuring the gulf, it stoops and dares the final bound. 

Oh ! dreadful is the check — intense the agony— 
When the ear begins to hear, and the eye begins to see ; 
When the pulse begins to throb, the brain to think again ; 
The soul to feel the flesh, and the flesh to feel the chain. 

and the adventures of the Unique Society on their desert island. 

The two sisters intentionally made their kingdom a grotesque. But 
merely as a literary exercise, Gondaliand proved better than correspond- 
ence courses. In writing these fantastic chronicles Emily learnt to use 
words, to control and apply her imagination. As her powers developed 
Gondaliand came alive in her hands. Her poems were her own secret. She 
did not show them even to Anne, and while Anne was regretting that 
the Gondals were not in good playing condition, Emily found that they 
delighted her as much as ever, because she had discovered a new develop- 
ment in them. But, like the water fairy of the legend, as soon as an 
immortal soul had been breathed into the land, it perished. Gondaliand 
lay too far into the world of shadows to bear prolonged stress of emotion. 
Moreover it must not be overlooked that a good deal of the country was 
mere pasteboard. When she had achieved results so perfect as The 
Visionary and Remembrance, Emily consciously turned from her kingdom 



MADELEINE HOPE DODDS 21 

to devote her growing strength to a more difficult task. She expressed 
the change in a poem, not wistful but determined : 

To-day I will not seek the shadowy region ; 

Its nnsustaining vastness waxes drear ; 
And visions rising, legion after legion, 

Bring the unreal world too strangely near. 

I'll walk where my own nature would be leading : 

It vexes me to choose another guide : 
Where the grey flocks in ferny glens are feeding ; 

Where the wild wind blows on the mountain-side. 

What have those lonely mountains worth revealing? . 

More glory and more grief than I can tell : 
The earth that wakes one human heart to feeling 

Can centre both the worlds of Heaven and Hell. 

She reaped the fruits of the hard work she put into her child's play in 
Wuthering Heights. 

Madeleine Hope Dodds. 
Gateshead 



THE SINGLE COMBAT IN THE ' LAI D'HAVELOC/ 

The suggestion has been made in a recent number of this Review* 
that the account of the meeting of Canute and Edmund Ironside at 
Olney, given by Henry of Huntingdon and others, is not due primarily 
to a simple misunderstanding of the phrase ' comon togsedere ' of the 
A.S. Chr. s.a. 1016; that a tradition of an earlier and equally decisive 
single combat was a predisposing factor in the choice of the hostile 
rather than the friendly sense of the phrase ; and that this tradition is 
to be sought amongst those which had gathered round the historical 
and romantic figure of Anlaf-Haveloc. Though the evidence there (I. c. 
pp. 119 ff.) adduced from a consideration of the battles of Brunanburh 
and Vinheith renders the existence of such a tradition possible, it is on 
a passage in the Lai d'Haveloc — and apparently on that alone — that 
the conclusion is reached : ' there is no good reason to doubt that the 
single combat formed part of the original story' (I.e. p. 118). When, 
however, this is based on the statement that 'the earliest version of 
the Haveloc story which has come down to us appears to be that of the 
French Lai d'Aveloc, which probably belongs to the first half of the twelfth 
century' {I. c. p. 116), there seems to be some confusion between the ex- 
tant version of the Lai and the earlier one from which it and Gaimar's 
account have been supposed to derive. 

In the course of my work on the Estoire des Engleis I have been led 
to review the whole question of the relations between Gaimar and the 
Lai, and, as a result of a detailed investigation which I hope soon to 
publish, I very much doubt whether the passage in the Lai d'Haveloc 
cited by Miss Ashdown has quite the evidential value she ascribes to it. 

In the first place it is not correct to say that the existing Lai 
a" Haveloc is the earliest version of the story, for that honour belongs 
to the one of which Gaimar is the author. The exceptional regularity 
of the language and the absence of dialectical features make it extremely 
difficult to date the Lai on linguistic grounds alone, but, so far as this 
evidence goes, it points to a period later than Gaimar, i.e. in the second 
half of the twelfth century. This result was arrived at long ago by 

1 M. Ashdown, ' The single combat in certain cycles of English and Scandinavian 
tradition and romance.' Mod. Lang. Rev. xvn, p. 113. 



ALEXANDER BELL 23 

Kupferschmidt 1 , though the phenomenon on which he chiefly relied — 
the use of -eit in imperfects of the first conjugation — is shown by a 
critical study of the text to have been unknown to the author. The 
date is supported, and defined more closely, by other considerations : 
the rule of the couplet is no longer strictly observed, and not only is the 
technique of the ' lai ' adopted, but there has been some measure of 
direct influence by those of Marie de France; and the nature of the local 
allusions suggests the period of the revival of the Scandinavian trade in 
Lincolnshire and the consequent rivalry of the seaports of that county — 
say c. 1200 — as the date of composition. 

Secondly, as the single combat is related neither in Gaimar nor in 
the English Havelok but only in the Lai d'Haveloc, which is not the 
earliest version, it becomes essential to determine the position of the 
latter in the Haveloc tradition. If — which is the generally accepted 
view — it and Gaimar are both derived independently from an earlier 
French poem of the first half of the twelfth century, then it is con- 
ceivable that the former retained and the latter omitted the account of 
the combat, and there is thus some justification for the assumption that 
such a combat originally formed part of the Haveloc story. If, on the 
other hand (which is the conclusion I have arrived at), the Lai is 
derived, entirely or in the main, from the Haveloc episode in Gaimar, 
then this passage must be carefully scrutinised before it is taken as 
evidence that the incident belongs to the Haveloc story. 

Premising that my results are based on a study of both MSS. of the 
Lai a 1 ' Haveloc, whereas the printed editions follow one only, and that 
the later of the two, my grounds for asserting the dependence of the Lai 
on Gaimar are, briefly stated, as follows : 

(i) At least one reading of the Lai seems incompatible with the 
existence, of the common source, and two of the names in the Lai — 
'Achebrit' and 'Sigar l'Estal' — seem to derive from the text of Gaimar. 
(ii) Of the numerous parallel passages in the two texts, a marked 
proportion are confined to two sections of the narrative which are peculiar 
to the French versions — Argentine's dream and the battle between 
Haveloc and Edelsi — and their differences of expression seem to be due 
to the author of the Lai rather than to Gaimar. 

(iii) Since the later text is written in the form of a 'lai,' there must 

necessarily be some changes in the order of the narrative, and reasons 

of technique are sufficient to account for the varying explanations of 

Haveloc's presence at Edelsi's court, and the only difference which could 

1 M. Kupferschmidt, Die Haveloksage bei Gaimar. Rom. Studien, iv, p. 411. 



24 The Single Combat in the 'Lai aV Haveloc ' 

be held to prove the independence of the Lai is its use of the 'strongest 
man' motive 1 , which is also found in the English version. Careful study 
of the text of Gaimar suggests that this motive was unknown to him 
and could not have been omitted by him, but that it is probably a later 
development of the story in local tradition. 

(iv) One difference appears to be due directly to a misunderstanding 
of Gaimar's text. On two occasions in the French versions Haveloc 
makes use of an axe in self-defence. In Gaimar, after his arrival in 
Denmark and appeal for protection to the Danish lord, Sigar, he is 
attacked in his lodging by some of the latter's servants who abduct his 
wife ; he seizes an axe which he finds hanging up in the house, rushes 
out into the street, rescues his wife and kills most of the assailants ; 
later, when he is to be presented to an assembly in Sigar's hall, he is 
apprehensive of punishment and seizes an axe from one of the bystanders 
in order to defend himself if necessary. In the Lai the ambush takes 
place in the street and the axe is there seized from one of the assailants, 
but, in Sigar's hall, Haveloc passes undisturbed through the bystanders 
and, still unhindered, takes down an axe from the wall. I suggest that 
the author of the Lai, misunderstanding the phrase ' dans la ruelle ' 
used by Gaimar with reference to the scene, not of the abduction but 
of the subsequent rescue, imagined the whole affair as taking place in 
the street, adopted the second of the two methods of obtaining an axe 
as more suitable and, consequently, had to do the best he could with 
the other when he came to the scene in Sigar's hall. 

(v) There are four features peculiar to the French versions which, 
as they fit in with Gaimar's sources of knowledge and methods of com- 
position, appear to have been introduced into the story by him. They are : 

(a) Argentine's dream. This is made the turning point of the first 
part of the story, is quite different from the English account, seems 
reminiscent of Iseult's dream in the Forest of Morrois and has evidently 
been composed with the finish of the French versions in view. As there 
is some evidence from the Estoire des Engleis that Gaimar was acquainted 
with the Tristan story, the innovation may be due to him. 

(b) The Capture by ' outlaws.' In the English Havelok Grim and 
his companions are driven by an unexpected storm to England ; in the 
French he is a regular traveller between Denmark and England, and is 
attacked by ' outlaws.' As these do not appear to have been familiar to 

1 Edelsi promises his dying brother-in-law to protect Argentille, then an infant, and, 
when she is of fit age, to marry her 'al plus fort home' in his kingdom; in order to deprive 
her of her inheritance, he adheres to the letter of his promise by giving her to his scullion, 
Haveloc, because of his prowess in wrestling and other feats of strength. 



ALEXANDER BELL 25 

the author of the Lai, whereas there is ample evidence that Gaimar was 
well acquainted with their existence, it would seem that he is responsible 
for their introduction. 

(c) The Geography of the poems. In Gaimar the two kingdoms 
concerned — of Edelsi and of Adelbrit — are very definitely in East Anglia, 
and the bounds of the former agree very closely with those of the South- 
umbrian realm subsequently described by him in his Estoire. In the 
Lai, though the author does not appear to have a very clear conception 
of the relations of the kingdoms with which he has to deal, to each 
other and to England as a whole, yet Edelsi's kingdom is described in 
the same detail as in Gaimar. It seems probable that this does not 
represent the original state of affairs and that Gaimar is responsible 
for their reduction in status from national to local sovereigns, though 
residence in Lincolnshire most likely accounts for the greater detail in 
describing Edelsi's realm, as opposed to Adelbrit's, noticeable in the Lai. 

(d) The Chronology of the poems. Both in Gaimar and the Lai 
the events are ascribed to the period following the death of Arthur, and, 
though a general reference to that monarch might not be out of place 
in a 'lai,' actually he is referred to in the Lai in the same terms — 
historical rather than romantic — as in Gaimar, but with no obvious 
purpose. As there is in Gaimar a clear intention of linking up the 
events of the story with that period in order to provide a basis for 
the subsequent Danish claim to have reigned in England prior to the 
arrival of the English, and as his appeal to Gildas (v. 41) appears to be 
not entirely a mere literary device for securing credence, it is highly 
probable that he is responsible for attaching the story to this period. 

If these features have been introduced by Gaimar — the arguments 
only have been outlined and no attempt has been made here to adduce 
evidence in their support — and if they are also found, as they in fact 
are, in the Lai, it follows that the latter must have derived them from 
the former. Consequently, in view of these and other points in which 
the Lai has been shown dependent on Gaimar and of the lack of proof 
to the contrary, it can no longer be regarded as representing an inde- 
pendent version of the Haveloc story, and the presence of an incident 
in the Lai cannot be accepted as proof of its occurrence in the original 
unless other evidence is forthcoming in support. 

Thirdly, a distinction must be made between the motive for the 
combat and the combat itself. Of the former Miss Ashdown remarks 
(I. c. p. 117): 'the humanitarian note is curious, and one might be in- 
clined to see in it the refining tendency of French romance ' ; but, 



26 The Single Combat in the 'Lai d' Haveloc' 

holding, as she does, that the Lai is older than Gaimar, she rejects this 
possibility and seems thereby to regard the motive as well as the combat 
as part of the original Haveloc story. There does not appear to be any 
compelling need to do this, for, in her own words (I. c. p. 124, n. 3), ' the 
fact that a certain motive is suggested in the version which has come 
down to us does not destroy the possibility that the original version 
implied a different motive ' ; and the mere fact that the story has been 
rewritten as a ' lai,' and has been influenced by their technique, renders 
it a priori probable that the motive is derived from French romance 
rather than from Scandinavian tradition. Moreover, the concern for the 
common people attributed to Haveloc by the author of the Lai seems 
to me to have been introduced by him partly from the same literary 
considerations as the additional touches whereby he makes of Edelsi 
a model leader, who goes out on personal reconnaissance before calling 
on his followers to do battle, and to suggest that no adequate motive for 
the combat was offered by the form of the story from which he derived 
his account. 

If we turn to Gaimar 's description of the battle between Haveloc 
and Odulf, we are at once struck by the fact that there is no explicit 
mention of the latter's fate and that it is uncertain whether he was 
killed or pardoned, though Gaimar's language — ' Li reis Odulf fud dune 
vencuz Kar Haveloc si se cuntint II sul en ocist plus de vint' (vv. 742-4) 
— seems rather to imply the former. On the other hand, Gaimar lays 
considerable stress on Haveloc's clemency after the battle ; he pardons 
two enemy princes — apparently Gaimar's own invention — and ' del pais 
la menue gent Vindrent a merci ensement E Haveloc lur fist parduns 
Par le cunseil de ses baruns ' (vv. 749-52). As he usually evinces some 
interest in the outcome of the battles he describes, even to the extent 
of turning an indecisive into a decisive engagement (e.g. vv. 1417 f£). 
it seems reasonable to assume that a single combat between the two 
monarchs did not figure in the story as Gaimar knew it. Neither does 
it appear probable, in this case, that the author of the Lai developed 
the combat from the uncertain data at his disposal in Gaimar's text, 
though, if he knew in addition another form of the story in which such a 
combat figured, Haveloc's clemency in Gaimar would supply him with 
a motive for it. 

That he was acquainted with the tradition in some other form than 
Gaimar — very possibly oral — is shown especially by his treatment of 
Sigar's recognition of Haveloc. In Gaimar, Sigar first sees Haveloc when 
besieged in the church tower, and his resemblance to the late king — his 



ALEXANDER BELL 27 

father — is so great that the Danish lord grants him a truce, takes him 
to his hall, learns his name and story, in consequence of which he has 
him watched in expectation of the mystic flame, and this convinces him 
of Haveloc's identity. In the Lai, the same events, in slightly different 
order, lead up to the same conclusion, but even more stress is laid on 
the physical resemblance. Yet, in spite of this being so great that it 
strikes Sigar in the conflict round the church tower, when, a short time 
before, Haveloc had sat as an honoured guest at his table, the resem- 
blance passes unnoticed. In the English Havelok, the recognition depends 
entirely on the mystic flame, there is no question of resemblance, and 
consequently Haveloc attracts no special attention when at the Danish 
lord's hall prior to the attack on his lodging. These agreements show 
that the Lai is combining Gaimar's account with one derived from some 
other source; for, just as he sought to provide a motive for his intro- 
duction of Argentine's visit to the hermit, so he provides one for Haveloc's 
visit to Sigar in view of a version of the recognition which he does not 
adopt. 

In favour of this suggestion, that the author of the Lai found mention 
of a single combat in his second source, it may be urged that, whilst he 
has throughout shown a decided tendency — under the influence, as I 
believe, of the Lai des deux amants of Marie de France — to make Ar- 
gentine play a more important part in the story and to make Haveloc 
more than ever disinclined to act save at the instance of others, in this 
case he is made to show unwonted decision of character in proposing 
the single combat with Odulf entirely on his own initiative. 

We have seen that this combat was probably unknown to the tradition 
used by Gaimar, but as probably known to that used by the author of 
the Lai to supplement the former's account, and the problem arises : 
was this combat an original feature of the story or is it an addition 
made in the later twelfth century? The evidence collected by Miss Ash- 
down seems, as far as I can judge, to render it likely that such a combat 
did figure in the Anlaf-Haveloc traditions ; but, in seeking to link it up 
with that related in the Lai, is it not possible that she has overlooked 
one consideration ? Assuming the correctness of her deductions from 
Brunanburh and Vinheith, we should expect the combat, which is to 
decide the fate of a kingdom and of which Anlaf-Haveloc is a protagonist, 
to take place in England, but the one thing clear about the battle between 
Haveloc and Odulf is that it occurs in Denmark. In the English Havelok, 
however, though no single combat in the sense of this discussion takes 
place, yet, because 'Havelok saw his folk so brittene' (v. 2700), he makes 



28 The Single Combat in the 'Lai d Haveloc ' 

for his opponent, Godrich, fights and captures him; the details are in full 
accord with the boisterous nature of this poem and its rough-and-tumble 
hero, but there is also the suggestion of a single combat and the battle 
takes place in England. 

It is well known that the conclusion of the story in the French version 
is very different, involving as it does the account of the dead men set 
up on stakes to personate the living, but it has not, to my knowledge, 
been ascertained — I have been concerned only with the two French texts 
and not with the wider problems of the Haveloc tradition — which of the 
two versions represents more closely the original ending, though I cannot 
be sure, in my own mind, that the ruse of the dead men was not intro- 
duced into the story by Gaimar. There can be little doubt that, in 
addition to his interest in the Haveloc story for its own sake, he had 
in mind its importance for strengthening the Danish claim of prior 
possession of England put forward, in his account, by Canute at his 
celebrated meeting with Edmund Ironside; and that claim would be 
strengthened if Haveloc obtained Edelsi's kingdom by the latter's free 
gift rather than by right of conquest. Also, if the ending underlying 
that of the English Havelok be the original one, the outcome of the 
combat was probably fatal to Haveloc's opponent. 

Therefore, if Gaimar knew the dead men ruse from another source — 
and he was not unacquainted with Danish traditions — it would, with 
his purpose in view, supply him with a better and more striking ending, 
and, to judge by his methods on other occasions, he would not have 
scrupled to adopt it instead of the original combat ending. Further, 
when both Gaimar and the second source conflict, the author of the 
Lai seems to prefer the former but likes to make use as well of any 
additional features from the latter. Hence, assuming that the single 
combat figured in his second source — here representing the original 
tradition — he would have a very striking incident at his disposal, after 
deciding to adopt the ruse ending from Gaimar, which he could use to 
good purpose in the, as yet, rather colourless Haveloc-Odulf incident. 

. Thus, though I have taken away from Miss Ashdown with the one 
hand in showing that this passage of the Lai cannot safely be used as 
direct proof of her contention, yet I have returned her somewhat with 
the other, and, should it be possible to substantiate the hypothesis of the 
preceding paragraph, it may be that she will consider herself the gainer, 
rather than the loser, by the exchange. 

Alexander Bell. 

Peterborough. 



RABELAIS AND THE AUTHORITY 
OF THE ANCIENTS. 

So much Renaissance work was vitiated by blind obedience to classical 
authority that it has been well said that that great movement gave birth 
to nothing. Nevertheless it seems probable that only in that time of up- 
heaval may we hope to discover demarcation lines between the medieval 
and the modern, for, since all ideas spring from actual tentatives, the 
workers for modernity in the seventeenth century, whose work came 
upon the world with a sudden blaze, must have had predecessors in the 
preceding age. Moreover, all authorities offer mutual support, and it is 
at a time when authority was weakened and still more weakened by an 
enthusiastic search for knowledge which drove men to seize upon every 
observable fact, it is at such a time probable that men should throw oft 
the authority of Greece and Rome, if and when they found it irksome. 
Intellectual and other eccentricities, indeed, may be but the indications 
that the germ of future development is active during a certain period, 
and no age so abounds in these excesses as Rabelais' age. To what 
extent can Rabelais be shown to move with the current of his day ? 
how far did his powerful nature assert itself against such passivity ? The 
question is not whether he availed himself of his classical studies : that 
he did so is in the nature of things ; but rather — and this is ascertain- 
able — what use he made of his reading. That is the all important point, 
and, when we contrast the wide appeal of his works to men of every sub- 
sequent age with the neglect of his contemporaries' writings, we cannot 
hesitate to infer that the romance possessed distinguishing qualities 
which have sustained, and even increased, its value. 

In contradistinction with the medieval scholars, those of the Renais- 
sance preferred perfection of form to perfection of idea, and this preference 
should have dissociated the new thought from the mass of traditions on 
man and life. Nevertheless it did not. Just as the Scholastics had 
distorted classical teaching and reconciled irreconcilable philosophies by 
subordinating them to Christian teaching and patristic literature 1 , so 
wherever, during this period in France, we find reverence for authority, 

1 Lefevre d'Etaples curiously mingles Aristotle and Plato, while lesser men, like Eabe- 
lais' Homenas claiming Diogenes as a Decretalist, are most naively learned, cp. Polydor 
Vergil, De Inventoribus Rerum. 



30 Rabelais and the Authority of the Ancients 

or for the letter of authority, we may trace an association of pagan and 
Christian ideas which results (to their mutual loss) in rendering both 
almost unrecognisable. The Rabelais of Pantagruel and Gargantua 
(1532-5) presents no exception to the rule. Generally speaking, in spite 
of an amusing reference to Pliny ('Et toutesfois je ne suis point menteur 
tant asceure comme il a este" — Garg. 6), he was at that time quite 
uncritical ; indeed even in this passage appear a large tolerance and 
a complacent sense of superiority to an admired authority ; and this 
learned vanity finds ample scope in his fond use of reference and quota- 
tion, to and from curious and obscure writers 1 . He makes no statement 
without this form of justification, and illustrations of such support for 
the most commonplace utterance abound. Of the colours of Gargantua's 
dress {Garg. 9) he says, ' Bien aultrement faisoient en temps jadis les 
saiges d'Egypte, quand ilz escrivoient par lettres qu'ilz appelloient 
hieroglyphiques...lesquels un chascun entendoit qui entendist la vertu, 
propriete et nature des choses par icelles figurees. Desquelles Orus 
Apollon a en grec compose deux livres, et Polyphile, au Songe d'Amours, 
en a davantaige expose".' Of the same nature is his affirmation concerning 
St Aignan's bell {Pant. 7), which could by no means be pulled from the 
earth, ' combien que Ton y eust applicque tous les rnoyens que mettent 
Vitruvius de architectura, Albertus de re aedificatoria, Euclides, Theon, 
Archimedes, et Hero de ingeniis, car tout ny servit de riens.' After the 
Limousin student episode he quotes Aulus Gellius and Caesar in support 
of purity of language, and of the great drought he writes, ' Les aultres 
gens S9avans disoyent que c'estoit pluye des Antipodes : comme Senecque 
narre au quart livre questionum naturalium, parlant de lorigine et source 
du fleuve du Nil.' He had not yet begun to speculate upon such matters, 
and his learning adds a meretricious ornament which betrays Rabelais 
as little greater than the pedantic author of De Inventoribus Rp.rum. 

In Gargantua the dominant influence is certainly Plato. Picrochole, 
a type of Injustice, begets Discord and Strife among his followers, who 
contend, like Thrasymachus in the Republic, that the justice of the State 
should subserve the interests of the great ; while Grandgousier, as the 
embodiment of Justice, the Platonist king-philosopher, is served by 
Concord and Harmony, and maintains that the kingly function exists to 
protect the weak and the inferior. Moreover, Touquedillon's injustice 
being granted, his being rewarded was the only treatment possible in a 
Platonist's eyes (since punishment of an unjust man would render him 

1 Secret writing, virtues of precious stones and the significance of colours are thus 
supported. 



A. F. CHAPPELL 31 

still more unjust), although to the practical bourgeois mind Grand- 
gousier's benevolence must have seemed as absurd as the Abbey of 
Thelema. The basic fact of that airy structure 1 is the Platonic relation 
of sex with sex : the sympathy existent between the ladies and gentlemen 
dictates their manner of life even to questions of dress and amusements, 
and each man, compelled by circumstances to quit the Abbey, married 
the lady with whom he felt the closest affinity. It would be difficult to 
believe that Rabelais did not know that the ideal freedom of Thelema 
could not produce such harmony, did we not consider that at this stage 
Rabelais was a convinced Platonist whose duty was to yield unswerving 
devotion to his master. Even the characterisation of the two books may 
have been Platonist if, as seems probable, for Rabelais was at the ' single 
quality' stage, the grossly amusing Panurge, followed in creation by 
the admirable spirited Friar who lacks even his later coarseness, were 
intended to form the sensual part of the Platonist trinity of sensual, 
active, and rational. We may conclude that between Pantagruel and 
Gargantua, when the influence of Lyons society was strong upon the 
author, some attempt at diffusing Platonism was planned. Thence result 
not only the perplexing inconsistencies between the prince and his 
forebears, but also the blending of Platonic philosophy with Christian 
teaching in Grandgousier's statecraft, the authority for which is chiefly 
Plato. This element is the chief charm of the book, it made the wavering 
reformers who sought the truth in Platonism enthusiastic admirers of 
Rabelais' genius, and Plato was the force which raised his work to a 
nobler plane. Nevertheless, at a time when Heroet's version of the 
Symposium (La Parfaicte Amye, 1542) was the admiration of the sadly 
stricken Third Party, we know that Rabelais, having re-studied Plato 2 , 
was planning the Tiers Livre, the thought of which, amid profuse quota- 
tion of his one-time master, is decidedly hostile. Even the quotations 
appear to be changed in intention in the work of 1546 onwards, and 
notwithstanding the large unacknowledged borrowings of thoughts which 
impressed him, and which he uses with accuracy, he became deplorably 
careless in regard to authors whose views he could not share. In the 
period 1535 to 1546 he had possibly stood aside from the humanist 
movement, and his attitude had fundamentally changed. 

The times were not ready for critical appreciation, or for distinction 
between Platonism and Neo-Platonism, and it must be remembered 

1 Kabelais later appears to have rejected Thelema, for he despatches unreal pictures 
thither (Q.L. 2) and devises absurd exercises for the Thelemites (Q.L. 62). 

2 Letter to Antoine Hullet. 



32 Rabelais and the Authority of the Ancients 

that Rabelais' scholarship has been seriously brought in question. That 
he dissociated himself from the contemporary school of Neo-Platonists, 
mainly feminist, for which he was attacked by them, is consequently of 
some importance. Not only did he deliver shrewd blows in the weakest 
parts of their armour, but he also ridiculed many of the currently accepted 
doctrines. He described Panurge's women associates in Salmigondie as 
Platonists and Ciceronians ; he invoked Plato's support of doubts whether 
woman be an animal or a reasoning creature, although 'Rondibilis' has a 
loftier opinion of her 1 (' Certes Platon ne scait en quel rang il les doibve 
colloquer, ou des animans raisonnables, ou des bestes brutes ' — T.L. 32) ; 
and with an analogous intention he wrote, ' aucuns Platoniques disent 
que qui peut voir son Genius peut entendre ses destinees. Je ne com- 
prends pas bien leur discipline, et ne suis d'advis que y adherez. — II y 
a de l'abus beaucoup ' ( T.L. 24), and ' Le serpent qui tenta Eve estoit 
andouillicque : ce nonobstant est de luy escrit qu'il estoit fin et cauteleux 
sus tous les aultres animans. Aussi sont andouilles. Encores maintient 
on en certaines academies que ce tentateur estoit l'andouille nommee 
Jtyphalle, en laquelle fut jadis transforme le bon messer Priapus' (Q.L. 38). 
Possibly these passages imply merely a criticism of Platonism as taught, 
in itself a great advance, but elsewhere Rabelais uses one of his commonest 
satirical methods against a more profound principle. 

In his examination of dream interpretation occurs this satire of 
Plato's metaphysics : ' Ja n'est besoin plus au long vous le prouver. 
Vous l'entendrez par exemple vulgaire, quand vous voyez, lorsque les 
enfants, bien nettis, bien repuz, et alaictes, dorment profondement, les 
nourrices s'en aller esbatre en liberty comme pour icelle heure licentiees 
a faire ce que voudront, car leur presence autour du berceau semblerait 
inutile. En ceste facon, nostre ame, lorsque le corps dort...s'esbat et 
revoit sa patrie qui est le ciel' (T.L. 13). In the conclusion all doubts 
whether this argument is serious must disappear, seeing that the philo- 
sophic views quoted are overwhelmed by Panurge's whimsical objection 
to light suppers. In each attempted research the author's plan is the 
same : the authorities counselling the particular method are martialled, 
the trial is made with all observance of the conditions, and finally the 
problem is brought to the test of the individual judgment, implying a 
certain discredit of traditional beliefs. The Tiers Livre treats not only 
of marriage, not only of the futility of divination. In fact the satire on 
classical writers wearies the author, and at least once he refuses to pro- 
ceed: 'Toutesfois, dist Pantagruel, Ciceron en dit je ne scay quoy au 
1 See his praise of the 'preudes femmes,' T.L. 32. 



A. F. CHAPPELL 33 

second livre de Divination ' (T.L. 20). Indeed the whole book suggests 
that the author principally desired to envelop the authority of the 
Ancients in absurdities which the new generation were coming to regard 
in a new light, in traditional ways of thought which bourgeois common 
sense, the fount of ' libertinism,' was soon to discredit. In this book, too, 
occur two passages illustrative of how Rabelais may have thus developed : 
in regard to the consultation with the dumb the various authorities 
were matched one against the other ; and when Panurge described and 
justified his Utopia of Debtors and Borrowers, he was refuted by Panta- 
gruel's quotation of Plato's Laws. It appears in the highest degree 
probable that not only wider reading but chiefly a richer experience and 
deeper thought had made his earlier enthusiasm for transcendental systems 
unsatisfactory, and had led him to weigh evidence and to discriminate. 
What renders the demonstration difficult is his decided preference 
for undermining rather than directly attacking his opponents' position. 
Nevertheless, the inference is clear when Jupiter, busy settling human 
disputes, not merely has no leisure to decide between Ramus and Galland, 
the Platonists and Aristotelians, but proceeds to deal with the wood- 
cutter's loss {Prol. de I'Auteur, Q.L.). Aristotle is held responsible for 
Queen Entelechie's strangeness and for the false knowledge of those 
caught spying upon him in the Pays de Satin ; and his authority supports 
the sheep's propensity to follow a leader (Q.L. 8), as that of Averroes 
demonstrates a monk's attraction towards the kitchen (Q.L. 11). Even 
Plutarch, whom Rabelais certainly admired, becomes a disseminator of 
false knowledge : ' Et dorenavant (he writes), soyez plus facile a croire 
ce qu'asceure Plutarche avoir experimente. Si un trouppeau de chevres 
s'en fuyoit courant en toute force, mettez un brin de eringe en la gueule 
d'une derniere cheminante, soubdain toutes s'arresteront ' (Q.L. 62). Plato 
is repeatedly turned to ridicule in as subtle a manner. The coarse 1 Isle 
of Ennasin becomes intelligible only when the alliances are considered 
as between Platonist affinities, and the whole episode as a pseudo- 
commonwealth based on principles of relationship found in the Republic 
and the Symposium. Numerous references to ' Ideas ' are found : in an 
episode destined to serve the cismontane cause (Q.L. 50) the Pope figures 
'as the Idea of God upon earth, an ingenious and powerful inversion ; the 
hovering terror of the Andouilles is the Idea of Mardigras (Q.L. 42) ; 
and Ideas are among the paintings 2 purchased in the Isle of Appearances 

1 The later Kabelais habitually relapses into coarseness before unreality. 

2 Of Echo, Plato's Ideas, Epicurus' Atoms, Philomela and Tereus. Of the most probable 
subject Rabelais says we must not expect a realistic picture. ' Cela est trop sot et trop lourd. 

M.L.R. XVIII. 3 



34 Rabelais and the Authority of the Ancients 

(Medamothi), an incident which must have lost point as art became 
more and more symbolical. Finally in the battle with the Andouilles as 
a result of the ingenious discussion on names and Rhizotome's vehement 
oath that he will read the Cratylus, so often commended, we almost lose 
sight of the arbitrariness in the names of Tailleboudin and Riflandouille, 
which are hailed by Pantagruel as happy omens, until our faith is dissi- 
pated by the ensuing conversation. Yet Rabelais obviates misunder- 
standing, adding, ' Vous truphez ici, beuveurs, et ne croyez que ainsi 
soit en verite comme je vous raconte.... Croyez le, si voulez ; si ne voulez, 
allez y voir. Mais je scay bien ce que je vis....' The manner is certainly 
more involved, but the purpose is that of the Tiers Livre. Throughout 
his later work Rabelais .did more than attack contemporary Platonism. 

Yet this is not the whole truth. His solemnest moments are those 
when his thought so closely resembles the well-known utterances of the 
Dialogues that at first borrowing appears to be the only explanation. 
There are, however, important if minor divergences : ' Je sens, dist 
Pantagruel, en mon ame retraction urgente, comme si fust une voix de 
loing ouie, laquelle me dit que n'y debvons descendre. Toutes et quantes- 
fois qu'en mon esprit j'ay tel mouvement senty, je me suis trouve en 
heur refusant et laissant la part dont il me retiroit, au contraire en heur 
pareil me suis trouve, suivant la part ou il me poussoit : et jamais ne 
m'en repenty. — C'est, dist Epistemon, comme le demon de Socrates, 
tant celebre entre les Academicques ' (Q.L. 66). The Apologia (xix) 
definitely states that the Socratic demon never urged to actions, as the 
intuitive element here does : yet Rabelais gladly compares his observed 
phenomenon with the greater example. In a similar delicate manner 
he will not dispute Socrates' noble thought that death is not in itself 
evil, nor to be feared, for to this life-loving being death in any form, but 
especially ! this kind of death by shipwreck,' appears terrible : the help- 
lessness of the drowning man horrifies him, and philosophy, called to 
mind on a sudden confrontation with death, gives consolation in vain 
(Q.L. 22). Tentatively adopting Plato's psychogony, he seeks to divest 
death of its terrors by depicting it accompanied by angels, heroes and 
good spirits who welcome the dying man to a troubleless existence 
(T.L. 21) 1 . Stoical theories fail to convince in face of G. du Bellay's life 
and death, there must be a hereafter since life is so incomplete. Therefore 

La peincture estoit bien autre et plus intelligible. Vous la pourrez voir en Theleme, a main 
gauche, entrans en la haulte galerie.' Thelema became Rabelais' repository for impossi- 
bilities, cp. Q.L. 62. 

1 It must be noted that both this passage and that in Q.L. 26-28 are occasioned by the 
death of G. du Bellay, with which they are linked. That actual incident is reflected in the 
romance. It probably caused Rabelais' visit to the old Macrobes, that is, classical philosophy. 



A. F. CHAPPELL 35 

Pantagruel answers Friar John's request for more light with an emenda- 
tion of Plutarch : ' Je croy que toutes ames intellectives sont exemptes 
des cizeaux de Atropos. Toutes sont immortelles : anges, demons et 
humaines ' {Q.L. 27). The transparent legend of Pan's death, culminating 
in Pantagruel's emotion and the company's awe, is a combination of 
Plutarch with a fine human pity for the dying Christ (Q.L. 28) : and 
we may conclude with justice that the old disciple of Lucian has first 
experienced the emotions his words inspire before recalling some similar 
passage of his reading. Where he adopts passages, it is because he is 
convinced of their truth. 

From Pliny he borrowed parts 1 of the famous description of Panta- 
gruelion, hemp as commonly understood, but preferably (from its close 
association with Pantagruel) of much deeper import. His reasons for the 
selection of Pliny on hemp remain somewhat obscure, but an examina- 
tion of the borrowed portions reveals the following important passage, 
composed of translation and additions : ' Mais estainct en I'homme la 
semence generative, qui en mangeroit beaucoup et sou vent. Et, quoy 
que jadis entre les Grecs d'icelle Ton fist certaines especes de fricassees, 
tartes et bignetz, lesquels ilz mangeoient apres souper par friandise, et 
pour trouver le vin meilleur, si est ce qu'elle est de difficile concoction, 
offense l'estomac, engendre mauvais sang, et par son excessive chaleur 
ferit le cerveau et remplit la teste de fascheuses et douloureuses vapeurs ' 
(T.L. 49). Pliny's report ('semen ejus extinguere genituram virorum 
dicitur') becomes a statement of fact ; this, however, appears to be of 
infinitely less importance than the challenged comparison with chapter 31 
of the same book wherein 'Rondibilis 2 ' had propounded five such methods 
of restraint. It cannot be doubted, moreover, that this comparison points 
to ' fervent study ' alone as a possible hidden meaning of Pantagruelion, 
and this explanation will be found to unravel the obscure allegory which 
follows (c. 51) exceedingly well. Enquiry has produced all the con- 
veniences of civilisation enumerated ; it cannot be destroyed by fire 
(a remarkable allusion to contemporary burnings), 'le feu qui tout 
devore, tout degaste et consume, purge et blanchist ce seul Pantagruelion 
Carpasien Asbestin' (c. 52); it would enable humanity (the author 
hopes) to attain truth to the consternation of the gods ; and it was the 
guiding principle of the new Pantagruel (c. 48). Hemp is as inadequate 
an explanation as it is doubtless the subject of Rabelais' original. Once 

1 Cp. articles by M. Sainean, ' L'histoire naturelle dans Eabelais ' (Revue du xri* Siecle, 
1916). 

2 That is, Eabelais, whom Francois de Billon attacked under this name. 

3—2 



36 Rabelais and the Authority of the Ancients 

more Rabelais is seen to have resorted to classical authors only for 
materials wherewith to furbish forth his new ideas. 

The passage is not yet exhausted, for he adds : ' Et m'esbahys com- 
ment l'invention de tel usaige a este par tant de siecles cele aux antiques 
philosophes ' ; and, as so frequently happens with Rabelais' main ideas, 
we find an amplification or a particularisation of this suggestion in 
Bacbuc's speech {Quint Livre, c. 48). ' Vos philosophes (she says), qui se 
complaignent toutes choses estre par les anciens escrites, rien ne leur 
estre laisse de nouveau a inventer, ont tort trop evident.' These are 
the utterances of a man who feels the widest difference between himself 
and his contemporaries, who realises their weakness in their being fast 
bound by tradition, and whose whole life from a certain point urged 
upon him the necessity for independent activity. He must have largely 
freed himself from the shackles of the past, as we see his works give 
evidence, except in the all-important perplexities of human destiny 
which, after his independent reflexion, forced him back upon the thought 
of others. For the first time classical authority is weighed in the balances 
(of experience) and found wanting, for the first time a visionary foresees the 
race advancing by research ; and this change, brought about by Rabelais' 
life and experience between 1534 and 1546, is mainly important in that 
the mature work was addressed to the growing bourgeois class — hence 
probably his change from quotation of authority to unacknowledged 
borrowing of thoughts — to that' class from which the kindred spirits,. 
Moliere and La Fontaine, were to spring. 

A. F. Chappell. 

Manchester. 



LATER SPANISH CONCEPTIONS OF ROMANTICISM. 

In an earlier article 1 we discussed some representative conceptions 
of Spanish Romanticism held by leading literary men in Spain and by 
contributors to its leading periodicals during the formative period of the 
movement. We saw how gradually one new constructive element after 
another was added to the growing concept, and how for the vague cos- 
mopolitanism of the Europeo with its zeal for 'conciliation' and for 
Schlegel's ' vermittelnde Kritik ' there was substituted a national ideal, 
gaining somewhat, as time went on, in clearness and power, though 
partly obscured by the influence of French Romanticism, and wholly 
ignored by those uncompromising opponents who identified the Romantic 
movement with ' lawlessness in literature.') 

One would naturally expect, with the establishment of Romanticism 
in Spain, to meet no more vagueness, no more fundamental misconcep- 
tions as to the aims and ideals of that school. Opposition to it there 
might still be, but both of the conflicting parties would be presumed to 
know what they were fighting about. Those inimical to Romanticism 
might exaggerate their opponents' claims, as happens in all controversies, 
or misinterpret their ends or motives : the surprising thing would be if 
the Romantics themselves were divided as to the falsity or truth of those 
interpretations. Nor would one look for much indifference : those who 
identified themselves with Romanticism might be expected to support 
it whole-heartedly — to believe in it — to write about it — to labour its 
principles and aims until all but wilful misunderstandings were cleared 
away. The object of this article is to show that such a state of affairs 
was never reached at all 2 . 

( Who can wonder if there is confused and loose thinking among 
present-day writers on Spanish Romanticism, when the very protagonists 
of the movement were openly at variance with each other over its prin- 
ciples, and the contemporary critic could never be sure if his friendly 

1 Modern Language Review, Vol. xvi, pp. 281-296. 

2 In both this and the earlier article I have endeavoured to select as representative 
quotations as possible from a comparatively large number which I have gathered from 
different sources. I hope in the future, after treating more fully the general literary ideas 
of this period, to contrast the real nature of Eomanticism in Spain, as judged by the works 
it produced, with what its various contemporary critics supposed it to be. As this will 
involve preceding articles also I shall add to it a full bibliography illustrating conceptions 
and the nature of Romanticism in Spain. 



38 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

and often flattering articles would be approved by more than a small 
proportion of the men whose work they praised ? Who can tell when 
the Romantic movement ended, if we find men who were considered as 
Romantics, whether five, ten or twenty years after its first appearance, 
still advocating the ' vermittelnde Kritik' and pointing out rather 
pathetically the virtues of the other side. We are driven to two con- 
clusions :| first, that no general understanding or agreement was ever 
reached on the nature of the national type of Romanticism — that its 
full possibilities were never realised, except by an insignificant minority ; 
secondly, that militant, constructive and self-conscious Romanticism in 
any form lived but for a few years in Spain and never, as a movement, 
really dominated literature at all. The freedom which it had brought 
was accepted ; the patriotic impetus which belonged to it continued — 
for the rest, men fled to the justo medio and returned to the ' vermit- 
telnde Kritik.' There were surpassingly great individual Romantics in 
Spain, but there was no surpassing greatness in the movement known 
as Spanish Romanticism. \ 

A complete justification of these views would require chapters where 
we have only pages, but the following notes are offered as an indication 
of the path to be pursued. We shall begin our investigations at the 
year of Don Alvaro, when, as El curioso parlante put it shortly after- 
wards, ' la palabra romanticismo pareceria ser la dominante desde el 
Tajo al Danubio, desde el mar del Norte al estrecho de Gibraltar 1 .' And 
we shall carry them some twenty years forward, to a point of time at 
which Juan Valera could say : ' El romanticismo, por lo tanto, no se ha de 
considerar, hoy dia, como secta militante, si no como cosa pasada, y per- 
teneciente a la historia 2 ,' and Ger6nimo Borao : ' Ociosa parece hoy la 
cuestkki, no ha muchos anos debatida, entre los sistemas clasico y 
romantico, y raros son a la verdad los escritores que, ni aun por inci- 
dencia, se ocupan ya de ambas escuelas 3 .' Both these statements might 
probably have been made as truly in the preceding decade, but even 
those who would grant the Romantic movement a longer life than we 
( are prepared to do would allow that it was dead by 1854. Great 
Romantics still lived, it is true, but whatever individuality Romanticism 
in Spain had possessed had completely disappeared./ 

1 'El Eomanticismo y los romanticos,' September 1837 (in Escenas matritenses) . 

2 Juan Valera, ' Del Eomanticismo en Espaiia y de Espronceda,' in Bevista espafwla 
de ambos mundos, 1854, Vol. n, p. 613. 

3 Ger6nimo Borao, 'El Romanticismo,' in Uevista espafwla de ambos muridos, 1854, 
Vol. ii, p. 801. 



E. ALLISON PEERS 39 

I. 

That all the elements inherent in Romanticism, together with certain 

specific traits attached to it in various European countries, were present 

when the Spanish movement matured, will hardly be disputed. Two or 

three representative periodicals and the preface to the Moro expdsito 

should make so much certain. The writers quoted in our earlier study 

are sufficient evidence that these elements were in 1835 inextricably 

confused and that no definite Spanish theory of Romanticism had emerged 

from them. A satirist two years after the production of Don Alvaro — 

none other than Mesonero Romanos — describes the state of popular 

opinion thus : 

I Que cosa es romanticismo 1 les ha preguntado el publico ; y los sabios le han 
contestado cada eual. a su manera. Unos le han dicho que era todo lo ideal y 
romanesco; otros por el contrario, que no podia ser sino lo escrupulosamente 
historico ; cuales han crefdo ver en el a la naturaleza en toda su verdad ; cuales a 
la imagination en toda su mentira ; algunos han asegurado que s61o era propio 
a describir la edad media ; otros le han hallado aplicable tambien a la moderna ; 
aquellos le han querido hermanar eon la religi6n y con la moral ; estos le han echado 
a renir con ambas ; hay quien pretende dictarle reglas ; hay por ultimo quien sostiene 
que su condition es la de no guardar ninguna 1 . 

But the appearance of several striking dramas since 1835 had suggested 

that a clearly Spanish type of Romanticism was slowly evolving: 'a 

Romanticism entirely our own, as befits a nation of so Romantic a 

character. Let our drama be as Romantic as we ourselves are 2 .' 

It is easy to understand that so fervent a champion of Spanish 

Romanticism as Ochoa should think of it in 1835-6 as a revolution, and 

that he should, in rather a one-sided way, emphasise its debt to France. 

He has eyes and ears for little more in 1836 : 

La revolution literaria que empezaba a formarse cuando sali6 a luz este periddico, 
y que nosotros abrazamos con entusiasmo y convicci6n, ha sido ya coronada por el 
mas brillante triunfo. A las piececitas de Mr. Scribe, que antes reinaban despotica- 
mente en nuestra escena, han succedido los dramas de Victor Hugo, de Casimir de 
la Vigne, de Dumas y muchas producciones de ingenios espaSoles : la poesfa h'rica 
national ha tornado un caracter muy diferente del que antes tenfa : el buen gusto 
en las artes ha hecho progresos evidentes, la aficion a ellas y a la literatura ha 
aumentado de un modo casi increible 3 . 

We should expect, too, that the opponents of Romanticism would 
continue to make capital out of its negative side, as in fact they did. 
Want of constructive principles is always an excellent weak spot in 

1 'El Bomanticismo y los romanticos ' (September 15, 1837) in Escenas matritenses. 
It will be remembered that the author went so far as to read bis satirical sketch in the Liceo 
de Madrid. 

2 See Revista espafiola, Aug. 27, 1835. Eeviewof Angelo : '...Un romanticismo espanol, 
enteramente nuestro, el del pueblo donde todo lleva el caracter del romanticismo ; romantica 
es nuestra bistoria, romantico nuestro cielo...romanticese tambien nuestra escena.' 

3 El Artista, Vol. in, p. 1. Gf. Vol. n, p. 6. 



40 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

one's opponent's armour, and, in most controversies, it yields to the 

feeblest attack. It is not surprising, then, to find Lista, even after the 

highly moral, religious and monarchical works of Rivas had appeared — 

the Moro expdsito, Don Alvaro and the Romances historicos — speaking 

thus of Romanticism : 

El romanticismo actual, antimonarquico, antireligioso y antimoral, no puede ser 
la literatura propia de los pueblos ilustrados por la luz del cristianismo, inteligentes, 
civilizados... 1 . 

The negativeness of Romanticism, whether French or Spanish, obsesses 

him even more than its ' horrors ' : 

El actual drama frances, llamado vulgarmente romantico, pinta el hombre fisio- 
ldgico como el de Atenas, sin someterse a sus reglas 2 . 

He attacks its love of freedom, endeavouring to turn it against its own 

exponents : 

Se dice que el romanticismo es el sistema de la Ubertad literaria. Si esto es asi, 
preciso sera...coronar a Horacio como al primer proclamador conocido de este sis- 
tema con su celebre quidlibet audendi' 1 . 

After which he returns to the old thesis : lo cldsico = lo bueno — an easy 

assumption 3 ! 

Para nosotros es cldsico todo lo que esta bien escrito 2 .... Nosotros designaremos 
las composiciones con los tftulos de buenas o malas, sin curarnos mucho de si son 
cldsicas o romdnticas, j este es en nuestro en tender el mejor partido que pueden 
tomar los hombres de juicio, naturalmente poco aficionados a dejarse alucinar por 
palabras ni frases*. 

His is a comfortable doctrine for the middle-aged, if unsatisfying (as 
one would think) to the youth of Spain : ' Las escuelas denominadas 
clasicas y romanticas pueden ser buenas a la vez, pero nunca los ex- 
tremos de ambos 5 .' 

But emphatically one would not expect such a shallow and negative 
conception of Romanticism as Lista's from those who were Romantics 
in sympathy. And yet we can find articles like one by Alcala Galiano 
in the Revista de Madrid for 1838 (i, pp. 41-55). Alcala Galiano had 
indeed fled from the name of Romanticism in 1834, but much had 
happened since then ; it is surprising, at the least, to find him in 1838 
showing unmistakable signs of fleeing from the reality. 

1 * De lo que hoy se llama romanticismo,' p. 39. In Volume ii of Lista's Ensutfbt 
criticos y literarios (Sevilla, 1844). This article was first published in La Colmena for 1842 
(Vol. i, pp. 72-5). 

2 Ibid, p. 42. 

3 See Modern Language Revieic, art. cit., xvi, p. 294. 

4 'De lo que hoy se llama romanticismo,' p. 43. 

5 Revista espailola, June 16, 1836, from a report of Lista's inaugural lecture to the 
Ateneo. Cueto (see Appx. to Memorias de un Setentdn, Madrid, 1881, Vol. n, p. 232) 
declares that the reactionaries read the works of the great Eomantics with as much avidity 
as any. 



E. ALLISON PEERS 41 

After commenting upon the confused state of opinion with regard 
to Romantic drama, he propounds three questions : (1) Is the division 
made between Classical and Romantic drama accurate ? (2) If so, is the 
distinction merely one of forms or not ? (3) What are the essentials of 
a good drama ? The conclusions he comes to are, briefly, that the division 
is not accurate, and that, except in certain questions of form, it is a 
distinction without a difference. In such matters only as observance or 
neglect of the unities can a line be clearly drawn between Classical and 
Romantic 1 . It is not possible to say that Romanticism alone draws its 
plots from Spanish history or from the Middle Ages 2 ; still less is it a 
question of metre 3 . Then comes the astounding conclusion (for with 
the third of his questions we are not here concerned) : 

Bien mirado, pues, el romanticismo de hoy consiste en el quebrantamiento de las 
reglas adoptadas e impuestas por el clasicismo frances del siglo de Luis decimocuarto, 
y la epoca a el siguiente 4 . 

Comment is surely needless ; and if we remember that the writer 
was a convert to Romanticism and an intimate friend of more than one 
great Romantic, comment is hardly possible ! 

Three years after this — in the Peiisamiento for 1841 — we find 
Cayetano Cortes complaining of vague and loose literary thinking, un- 
certainty in literary aspirations, and the like, so that ' grave and serious 
minds ' are turning to history and the literatures of the past 5 . It was 
not to be wondered at : opinions were as diverse and as conflicting as 
ten years earlier, when the greatest Romantics were in exile and no 
considerable work had appeared to inaugurate the movement. 

Later still, in 1847, Hartzenbusch makes a speech to the Ateneo on 
the state of contemporary literature 6 . Several of his contemporaries, he 
says, have treated this matter, but they were quite unable to agree as 
to what the state of literature was. He can only say that their opinions 
fall into two classes : 

1 Op. cit. p. 51: 'La observancia de las tres unidades, y la uniformidad de estilo, esto 
es, el cuidado de no mezclar lo serio con lo festivo, son los distintivos del drama hoy 
llamado clasico. Por abrazar muchos afios y pasar de un lugar a otro ; y por usar de un 
estilo desigual, y alternar alguna vez escenas jocosas o pedestres con otras pateticas o 
elevadas, se llaman romanticas otras composiciones.' 

2 Ibid.: 'Dicen, por ejemplo, que drama romantico es el que trata de asuntos de las 
edades medias y de la historia respectiva de la naci6n donde esta compuesto.' 

3 Ibid.: 'Dicen tambien que la tragedia romantica debe estar escrita en prosa o verso 
libre, y la clasica en metro mas artificioso, contra lo cual sirve de argumento que en prosa 
compuso Perez de Oliva sus dramas clasicos ; y que en versos de mucho artificio, y por lo 
general aconsonantados o asonantados, estan escritas todas nuestras comedias antiguas.' 

4 Ibid. p. 51. 

5 The passage is quoted in Le Gentil, Les Revues litteraires de VEspagne, p. 116. 

6 ' Sobre el caracter de la literatura contemporanea,' in Sinlo Pintoresco, 1847, Vol. in, 
pp. 149-152. 



42 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

De estas dos opiniones la una es negativa ; afirmativa la otra : por la una so 
establece que la literatura conternporanea carece de caracter propio o tiene por dis- 
tintivo la confusion y la anarqufa ; por la otra, se le atribuye un caracter formado 
ya, o por lo menos en camino para formarse. 

And what does he say of Romanticism ? we may ask. The reply is that 

he says nothing at all ! 

Another prominent critic, though still a young man — Juan Valera — 

held tenaciously to the idea of Romanticism as ' una feliz revolucion 

literaria ' and very little more. The essence of the movement, he writes, 

twenty years after its first successes, is its opposition to French precep- 

tists and pseudo-classicism 1 . Upon this he insists with great vigour, and 

passing on to consider extraneous phenomena which have been called 

' Romantic ' he disposes of most of them (of some very properly) as 

unessential additions, mainly from abroad. ' Our Romanticism,' he says 

in effect, 'came to us from France, and we added so much to it from 

various sources that Germany, whence it first sprang, would not have 

known the product ' : 

Nosotros...como los franceses, aiiadimos a estos elementos del romanticismo, no 
s61o cuanto nos parecio romantico en nuestro propio pais, que no fue poco, sino otro 
romanticismo venido de un pais diferente, y que por si solo imprimio un caracter 
singular a la nueva literatura. Hablo de las obras de lord Byron... y de las de 
Walter Scott... 2 . 

As soon as Valera touches the question of form we feel that he is 
tending to exaggerate the negative side of Romanticism once more 3 . It 
is, however, near the truth to say that the Spanish Romantics paid little 
attention to form, nor have we any quarrel with Valera's remarks on the 
melancholy, the Satanism and the rehabilitation of Christianity in 
literature which he thinks of as non-essential to Romanticism. More 
disputable, perhaps, though not of course peculiar to himself, is his de- 
scription of the ' idealisation of the criminal ' as a Romantic trait : his 
argument is full of exceptions 4 and somewhat crudely put. But the 
fundamental misfortune of the article is its limited outlook : misunder- 

1 In Revista espafwla de ambos mundos, 1854, Vol. n, pp. 610-630: 'El romanticismo 
ha sido una revolucion, y solo los efectos de ella podfan ser estables. Entre nosotros vino 
a libertar a los poetas del yugo ridiculo de los preceptistas franceses, y a separarlos de la 
imitaci6n superficial y mal entendida de los clasicos ; y lo consiguio. Las demas ideas y 
principios del romanticismo fueron exageraciones revolucionarias, que pasaron con la re- 
voluci6n ; y de las cuales, aun durante la revolucion misma, se salvaron los hombres de 
buen gusto.' (p. 613.) 

2 Ibid. p. 614. 

3 ' En cuanto a la forma, los romanticos la desatendfan, presumiendo de espiritualistas, 
y poniendo la belleza en lo sustancial y recondite El poeta no escribia ni debfa escribir 
por arte, sino por inspiraci6n ; su existencia debfa tener algo de excepcional y de extrava- 
gante ; hasta en el vestido se debfa dif erenciar el poeta de los demas hombres ; y el universo 
Mundo le debfa considerar como un ap6stol, con mision especial que cumplir en la tierra.' 

4 He has to admit that the same thing occurs frequently in Classical drama, cites 
examples, and endeavours to distinguish them as a class from those of Eomantic drama. 



E. ALLISON PEERS 43 

standing the true nature of Spanish Romanticism, Valera places a false 
emphasis upon its revolutionary side, and throws his picture into 
confusion. 

To illustrate the diversity of opinion regarding Romanticism, as late 
as 1854, we may quote from a striking article by Gerdnimo Borao in 
the same review and the same volume. It might, indeed, have been 
called forth by Valera's exposition, for it represents as nearly as possible 
the complement of it : Valera's and Borao's conceptions of Romanticism, 
if combined, form a full and a not unworthy one. 

Beginning, like so many others, with a comment upon the need for 
a study of Romanticism 1 , Borao devotes the greater part of his space to 
analysing it as it had appeared in Spain. He first clears away miscon- 
ceptions by demonstrating the ' futility of the charges made against 
Romanticism ' and the ' chapter of crimes for which it has been excom- 
municated.' Some of these charges are merely rhetorical efforts : { sofis- 
teria de la argumentacion,' and ' tendencia depresiva contra los principes 
y sacerdotes,' for example, speak for themselves, f The others, namely, 
non-observance of the unities, mingling of the sublime with the mean 
or grotesque and of prose with verse, the idealisation of vice, violence in 
characterisation and plot, and familiarity of style, describe, sometimes 
well, sometimes badly, reforms or the exaggeration of reforms which 
Romantics of every country found it more or less necessary, as the case 
might be, to advocate. This is the less important part, however, of the 
article. 

'We may wish that what follows had been written by a Spaniard of 
influence twenty years earlier. For Borao goes on to establish three 
principles of Spanish Romanticism, in refutation of Lista and others 
who would make it merely destructive. It is enough to say that these 
principles, which he expounds at length, are Nationality, Christianity 
and Liberty. How far are we here from Lista and even from Valera ! 
Romanticism is no more essentially an imitation than it is essentially a 
revolt 2 . It is a national literary ' system ' ; it is even a ' necessity.' And 
yet there are those who can call it a • coleccion de todos los extravios y 
libertades de cerebros calenturientos y de escritores disolventes ' ! The 

1 Revuta espanola de ambos mundos, 1854, Vol. n, pp. 801-842: 'Hay...pocas cosas 
menos a fondo examinadas que el romanticismo literario, en cuyo examen detenido vamos 
a empenarnos ' (p. 801). 

2 Op. cit. p. 832 : 'Hemos dicho que el romanticismo es por una parte la nacionalidad, 
y todos saben en efecto, que solo se llama clasica la obra dramatica que imita a la anti- 
giiedad, o mejor, a los remedos de ella. Hemos dicho tambien que el romanticismo no era 
una invenci6n, tal cual nosotros le concebimos, sino una reproducci6n del becho verificado 
en siglos de oro modernos en donde la lucha actual era todavia mas sensible que hoy entre 
la poesfa popular y la erudita.' 



44 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

fact is — he concludes, as he began — Romanticism has never been under- 
stood 1 . 

II. 

Yet, however many and diverse opinions there might be in Spain, 
three men, above all others, might be expected to have held worthy 
conceptions of that national type of Romanticism which the Revista 
espanola had looked for in 1835 ; they, if any, should have championed 
their conceptions, and, by precept as well as by example, commended 
them to the Spanish people. For all three — Rivas, Espronceda and 
Zorrilla — were thorough-going Romantics, by whatever criterion Roman- 
ticism may be judged : in their actual works we undoubtedly have a 
wider and a more generous ideal than any which we have yet found in 
the theory of any one writer. If, then, we find that they made any con- 
tributions to an understanding of the subject, we must at once follow 
them up, and ask why they proved ineffective. 

In point of fact, they made none. Espronceda was an individualist 
through and through. Brought up in the school of Lista and Hermosilla, 
it was natural that, when he reacted against it, the reaction should be a 
strong one, as it was. But his work was profoundly personal : he had no 
idea of solidarity, nor of a constructive Romantic movement. And this 
though he lived in the Paris of 1830, and, returning to Spain, joined the 
Parnasillo in which met nearly all the great Romantics of a later day. 
Perhaps Mesonero Romanos' sketch of him throws some light upon his 
attitude 2 : he could launch epigrams, but he could not lay down 
principles; he could satirise 3 but not generalise; he could declaim 
against a school but he could not found one. 

Zorrilla was born into Romanticism, or, at the least, grew up into it. 

Coming to manhood just as the movement of 1835 was winning success, 

he might well have stabilised it, set it on a broader basis, and given it 

reality. He himself realised the significance to letters of the date of his 

birth : 

Yo era el primero y debil eslabon de la nueva epoca literaria, el atropellador 
desaforado de la tradition y de las reglas clasicas, el fuego fatuo, leve e inquieto, 
personification de la escuela del romanticismo revolucionario 4 . 

But how disappointing is the way in which he speaks of the time when 
he began his career : 

1 Op. cit. p. 841. 

2 Memorias de tin Setenton, n, p. 59 : ' Alii Espronceda, con su entonada y un tanto 
pedantesca actitud, lanzando epigramas contra todo lo existente, lo pasado y lo futuro.' 

:i Cf. ' El Pastor clasiquino ' in El Artixta, Vol. i, p. 251. 
4 Recuerdos del tiempo viejo (Barcelona, 1880), Vol. i, p. 226. 



E. ALLISON PEERS 45 

Comence yo el primer ano de mi carrera dramatica, con asombro de la critica, 
atropello del buen gusto y comienzo de la descabellada escuela de los espectros y 
asesinatos historicos, bautizados con el nombre de dramas romanticos 1 . 

His early love for the great Romantics 2 , his admiration of Espronceda 3 , 
his friendship with the Duque de Rivas 4 — all were powerless to make 
him a Romantic by conviction, as he was undoubtedly one by tempera- 
ment and by the accident of the age in which he lived. One phrase in 
which he speaks of Espronceda illuminates the whole attitude of both 
poets. Espronceda, according to Zorrilla, is : 

lanzado, Luzbel-poeta, en el infierno insondable y nuevamente abierto del roman- 
ticismo 5 . 

No : in this Romantic we shall find no constructive Romanticism. He 
welcomes the movement as a liberating force : it is 'necessary' and 'spon- 
taneous ' ; its success makes a reaction in favour of classicism, with its 
unwanted mythological deities, impossible 6 . But once that revolution is 
accomplished, Zorrilla wants nothing further with 'Romanticism.' It 
would not do to press him too closely as to the force of his adjective 
w T hen he attributes his fame to the 'romantic inspiration of Toledo 7 .' 
He has two (' romantic ') principles and only two : we are never in 
danger of forgetting them : 

Cristiano y espaiiol, con fe y sin miedo 
Canto mi religi6n, mi patria canto 8 . 

By these lines, he says proudly near the end of his life, he has always 
been guided 9 . 

And what of Rivas, the protagonist of Romanticism in Spain ? 
We have seen how the writer of the preface to his Moro exposito 
developed: the author of the poem itself takes an almost equally 
reactionary position. First, he re-enters politics, and literature becomes 
for him mainly a diversion : he is primarily the popular ambassador at 
Naples, or the genial Sevillan, or the famous peer of the realm. His 
pronouncements on Romanticism are few and disappointing : he never 

1 Ibid, i, p. 59. 2 Cf. ibid, i, p. 19. 

3 Ibid, i, pp. 46 ff. : ' Yo creia,' he says, ' yo idolatraba en Espronceda.' 

4 Ibid, i, pp. 127 ff. 5 Ibid, i, 48. 

6 Ibid, ii, 33: ' Asi sucedio con nuestra fogosa y desatalentada, pero necesaria y espon- 
tanea, revolucion romantica.... La reaccion clasica no pudo cuajar ; el romanticismo habia 
echado de nuestra poesfa popular a las divinidades mitologicas....' 

7 Ibid, x, 51; ' Yo debia mi fama a mis inspiraciones romanticas de Toledo.' 

8 Granada. 

9 Recuerdos, n, 187-8 : ' Porque yo ; vive Dios ! he vivido once afios en America como 
espaiiol y como cristiano, fiel al lema con que encabece mi poema de Granada... y en el 
estrecho circulo de poeta, en el cual me he constituido por mi propia voluntad y por cou- 
ciencia de no servir para mas, he cumplido con mi deber y he cantado a mi patria y a mi 
religi6n, hasta que he perdido la voz y la fuerza, pero sin perder la fe ; porque yo soy 
cristiano a pies juntillos y espaiiol a macha martillo.' 



46 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

advanced beyond the position of Alcala Galiano's preface. His later 
works show clearly his own inclinations for narrative poetry. In the 
Romances historicos and Leyendas he follows those two principles which 
were also Zorrilla's. In his later dramas he goes back more or less com- 
pletely upon the Romanticism of Don Alvaro : in reading them we can 
understand why he left the arena in 1835. His true Romanticism is 
that of the Romances historicos. 

Such were the poets who might have been leaders of a national 
Romantic movement. Would Larra, we may wonder, have done their 
work, had he lived ? 

III. 

With the greatest writers evincing such lukewarmness or unconcern 

for the fortunes of Romanticism as a school in Spain it was only to be 

expected that the lesser men would follow suit. Just as they have no 

clear conception of what Romanticism is, so they have no enthusiasm 

for whatever they conceive it to be. There is still a party, no doubt, 

holding doctrines : 

Do toda regla es traba ignominiosa, 
Que la pedanterfa al genio impuso. 

El romancesco es por esencia triste, 
El horror es el mote de su secta ; 
Horror es a sus ojos cuanto existe. 

The well-known writer who gives us this testimony in 1847 implies that 

there were still those (discredited, but persevering) who were faithful to 

eighteenth-century traditions and regarded the Moro expdsito, with 

horror, as ' romantic ' : 

Si a las maximas clasicas te rindes 
Y te convida un clasico a su mesa, 
No por el Moro de Savedra (sic) brindes 1 . 

But all respectable writers, it would seem, now follow the custom (set, 

after all, by the Moro expdsito itself) of disclaiming connection with 

either party. Mora, in the preface to his Leyendas espanolas (1840) 

combines respectability with self-esteem when he says : 

En una palabra, no desea [el autor] que las Leyendas sean juzgadas como clasicas, 
ni como romanticas, sino como suyas*. 

But did all /the minor Romantics acquiesce in this convention ? Let 
us hear a few. /Here, for example, is Enrique Gil y Carrasco, undoubtedly 
a Romantic in practice, an ardent admirer of Espronceda, whom he fol- 
lowed so soon to the grave, a reader of the great Romantics of England, 

1 J. J. de Mora : ' Mis opiniones,' in Revista de Espafia, Vol. xi (1847). 
- Op. cit. p. xiv. 



E. ALLISON PEERS 47 

Germany and France, a student and perhaps an imitator of Sir Walter 

Scott. Yet Gil, as early as 1839, when reviewing Zorrilla's poetry for El 

Semanario pintoresco 1 , and writing of ' Classicism and Romanticism,' 

could go back quite complacently to the old Europeo doctrine of ' some 

of each 2 .' Four years after Bon Alvaro, a man whose sympathies were 

entirely with the Romantics, could call Sophocles and Shakespeare, 

Calder6n and Moliere, Byron and Cervantes, 'brothers 3 ,' and write of the 

opposing schools thus : 

Y si variamos de epoca anadiremos que aceptamos el clasicismo por entero entre 
nosotros durante todo el siglo xvin, como una idea poderosa de orden y de disciplina, 
unica capaz de corregir la anarqufa y confusion que se introdujo en la literatura 
hacia la postrera mitad del siglo xvn ; y que aceptamos el romanticismo aun con 
aus extravios a principios del siglo presente, como unico medio de emancipar el genio 
de las injustas cadenas de los reglistas 3 . 

A ' reconciling criticism,' indeed, and perhaps a salutary one. But how 

far removed is this Romantic from the Romantics of France, Germany 

or England ! 

Another contribution to the ' moderate ' side is made by Gil y Zarate 
in the Revista de Madrid ('Teatro antiguo y teatro moderno,' 1839). 
Here he scouts the idea of a return to classicism, but is equally sure 
that the ' revolution ' of the past few years has no longer the confidence 
or the support of reasonable men. The same views he expresses in later 
articles, notably in his inaugural speech to the Academy ' Sobre la poesia 
dramatica 4 .' He wishes to see a new genero in drama which shall com- 
bine the best qualities of the drama of many nations — his own included — 
and thus be truly eclectic, both cosmopolitan and patriotic. 

It might have been supposed that Hartzenbusch, after the success 
of his greatest play, in 1837, and the ultra-Romantic qualities of certain 
others, would have been an enthusiastic apologist and exponent of 
Romanticism. Yet we find him, commending it not at all, but adopting 
a tone of half-hearted acquiescence which indicates that if the movement 
is not doomed he certainly thinks it to be 5 . In discussing the Unities 6 , 

1 The article is reproduced in volume n of Gil's works, ed. 1883. 

2 ' Asf que, nosotros aceptamos del clasicismo el criterio de la 16gica ; no de la 16gica de 
las reglas, insuficiente y mezquina para las necesidades morales de la epoca ; sino la logica 
del sentimiento, la verdad de la inspiration ; y del romanticismo aceptamos todo el vuelo 
de esta inspiraci6n, toda la llama y el calor de las pasiones.' 

3 Op. cit. pp. 39-40. 

4 Revista de Madrid, 1839, Vol. in, pp. 147-157. Here he speaks most disrespectfully 
of ' La revoluci6n que ha acontecido liltimamente en esta clase de literatura, y que espan- 
tada ya el aspecto de su inmoralidad y funestas consecuencias, va cediendo en fuerza de 
una reaction provechosa.' 5 El Panorama, 1839, Vol. i, p. 230. 

6 The revival of interest in the two discredited unities of time and place, as well as 
the general acceptance of the unity of action, and the animated discussions on all three 
from 1838 onwards, are most significant indications of the impotence of Romanticism in 
Spanish drama at that time. 



48 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

though he ventures mildly to say a word for the French Romantics, his 
conclusions are distinctly in favour of the Rules, and his language sug- 
gests that the tide of opinion in Spain has turned against Romantic 
drama. In 1845 the Revista de Espana prints a speech delivered by 
Hartzenbusch in the Ateneo on the relative merits of Classical (Greek) 
and mediaeval types in modern literature 1 . The judgment which he 
gives upon the two is the familiar one of the ' moderate ' man : each 
has certain advantages over the other. In 1847, as we have seen, he 
writes on the state of contemporary literature without mentioning 
Romanticism as such at all. The period for him is one of conflicting 
ideas; the only clear fact which emerges is that a great change has 
come over Spanish literature since 1800. 

Another Romantic, in fact, has deserted, and when we find Hartzen- 
busch playfully counselling a Romantically-minded lady to leave sighing 
for sewing 2 , he seems to be speaking from the opposing camp. 

After these examples of eclecticism, it is no surprise to find Donoso 
Cortes, whose liberalism in literature was even less pronounced than in 
politics, following the same line of thought. Yet he was, after all, some- 
thing of a progressive in both. In 1838, a young man of less than thirty, 
he is searching for an eclectic solution to the differences between the 
two schools. In the Gorreo national 3 he analyses the respective virtues 
of classicism and Romanticism, and the opinions which the one school 
had of the other. He spends much unnecessary space in showing, in his 
serious way, that neither can contain 'absolute' error, which is 'absolutely 
an impossibility,' nor for that matter ' absolute truth.' Each, however, 
contains much truth ; each school must be studied in the period of its 
greatest glory to be understood, and in its social, political and philo- 
sophical bearings. Two summary quotations will show the attitude of 
Donoso Cortes when Spanish Romanticism was achieving its greatest 
triumphs : 

Se deducen las consecueneias siguientes : l a . Que si por clasicismo se quiere 
significar la poesfa de las sociedades antiguas, y por romanticismo la de las sociedades 
modernas, el clasicismo y el romanticismo son dos escuelas legitimas, porque estan 
fundadas en hechos historicos irrecusables : 2 a . Que esas dos escuelas se diferencian 
profundamente entre si, como quiera que el clasicismo se distingue por la perfeccion 
de las formas, y el romanticismo por la profundidad de las ideas ; el clasicismo por 
la riqueza de las imagenes; el romanticismo por la elevacidn de los sentimientos. 
De donde se sigue, que los clasicos y los romanticos, cuando se niegan mutuamente 

1 ' £ Son preferibles en el estaclo actual de la literatura y de las artes los tipos de la edad 
media a los del gusto clasico griego?' {Revista de Espana, Vol. xi, 1845, cit. Le Gentil, 
p. 125). 

2 Sonnet ' A una romantica ' in Poeslas, p. 379. 

3 Eeprinted in Obras, ed. 1854 (Vol. n, pp. 5-41). 



E. ALLISON PEERS ' 49 

el derecho de ciudadania en la republica literaria, se insurreccionan contra la razdn 
y se sublevan contra la historia. 

# * * * * 
...Si por clasicismo se entiende la imitacion exclusiva de los poetas antiguos, y 
por romanticismo la emancipacion completa de las leyes artisticas que los antiguos 
encontraron, el romanticismo y el clasicismo son dos escuelas absurdas. Pero si el 
clasicismo aconseja el estudio de las formas en los poetas antiguos, y el romanticismo- 
aconseja el estudio de las ideas y de los sentimientos en los poetas modernos, el 
clasicismo y el romanticismo, son dos escuelas razonables. 

So, concludes Donoso Cortes, — three years after Ochoa had pro- 
claimed with a shout the triumph of Romanticism, — let us be classics 
and romantics at once : ' Entonces la perfection consi$te en ser cldsico yj 
romdntico a un mismo tiempo.' 

These quotations show us the direction which literary thought had 
begun to take even before 1840. The so-called Romantic revolution was 
hardly more than a flash in the pan : even Romanticism in its wider 
sense burnt fitfully and unsurely for reasons some of which we have seen. 
The first effects of Don Alvaro had hardly passed away when eclecticism— 
in literature came into renewed favour, strongly coloured by patriotism 1 . ' 
Nowhere is its popularity better seen than in that important review, 
El Semanario pintoresco (1836-1857), as M. Le Gentil has already 
admirably demonstrated 2 . ' We are neither romantics in the classical i 
sense, nor classicists in the romantic sense/ begins one of its typical 
articles in 1837. ' Let us, then, avoid further disputes 3 .' The Liceo artis- 
tico, in the next year, lays down its position thus : 

No sera el Liceo,.. cldsico ni romdntico en el sentido comuu de estas palabras; 
pero no combatira tampoco al clasicismo, porque respeta las obras de Sobs, de 
.Racine, del Tasso y de Milton ; ni al romanticismo, porque no desprecia a Calderon, 
a Shakespeare, a Byron, ni al Ariosto 4 . 

The moderately-inclined Revista de Madrid, in which Gil y Zarate had 
written in so conciliatory a tone, is full of similar articles. We find 
Lopez Pelegrin, for instance, extolling the justo medio, condemning both 
the excesses of the one school and the tyranny of the other 5 . Lista 8 
and Gallego expound their familiar views freely ; Martinez de la Rosa 
discusses in academic fashion ' the influence of the spirit of the age on 

1 See, among other periodicals, Revista de Espaiia, Vol. n, passim, and El Pensamiento, 
which started life as a Romantic journal in May 1841, and came to an end in the following 
October. 

2 Op. cit. pp. 57-60. 

3 Critique of Barbara Blomberg, p. 387, 1837. 

4 Liceo artistico y literario espafwl, Vol. n, p. 5. 

5 Vol. m, 1840 : ' Entre el desbordamiento de esta escuela (sc. romantica) y la rigida 
tirantez de Moratin hay un medio que consiste en dar amplia libertad al genio, etc. ' 

6 ' De la moderna escuela sevillana de literatura' (1838, Vol. i, p. 251). 

M.L.R.XVIII. 4 



50 Later Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism 

literature ' ; no one comes forward to defend the theories of the out-and- 
out Romantics, though the works of such are occasionally printed or 
praised. 

To discuss in detail the general literary theories of these years is 
beyond the scope of an article which is concerned only with their con- 
ceptions of Romanticism. Enough has probably been said to show that 
by a date not far from 1840 few writers troubled about conceptions of 
Romanticism at all. Literature had changed very greatly since 1800; 
certain influences were clearly perceived ; new forces were at work and 
classicism no longer held sway. But Romanticism was a name. It had 
come, had done its work, and — as an entity — with meaning and principle 
— had gone. 

In a future article I shall endeavour to describe the literary ideas 
which exercised the Spanish mind after the nature and merits of Roman- 
ticism had ceased to occupy it. 

E. Allison Peers. 
Liverpool. 



GOETHE'S LYRIC POEMS IN ENGLISH 
TRANSLATION. 

The two most notable contributions within recent years to the study 
of Goethe's influence on English thought and literature have come from 
America and France 1 . Unfortunately their authors have both been 
labouring under considerable disadvantages. Miss Simmons, unable to 
visit the great libraries of this country, had to rely, in a large measure, 
on the help of correspondents for the collection of the necessary biblio- 
graphical material. Professor Carre had his work interrupted by the war, 
and on resuming found it often difficult to verify such notes as he had 
made during a visit to England, and in some cases even to recall their 
exact meaning or bearing. 

Under these circumstances it is only natural that the bibliographical 
data given in these publications should be incomplete and not always 
accurate. It is the object of this article to supplement and, where neces- 
sary, to correct the writers' information, so far as the English translations 
of Goethe's lyric poems prior to 1860 are concerned 2 . 

On pp. 91 to 103 of her thesis Miss Simmons gives a 'list of an- 
thologies and other books containing translations from Goethe,' in 
chronological order. She has numbered them consecutively from 1 to 82, 
marking sixteen of them with an asterisk to indicate that she has not 
been able to examine and verify them. Two of them (*1 and *75) do 
not exist, as will be shown later. Two others (*51 and *69) are American 
publications which I have not seen, — they should be easily procurable in 
the United States. Six (*7, *17, *21, *56, *70, *74) do not contain any 
translations from Goethe. Of the remaining six I can give the following 
particulars from copies in my possession. 

*5. The German Museum, or Monthly Repository of the Literature of 
Germany, the North and the Continent in general. 3 vols. Jan. to June 
1800, July to Dec. 1800, Jan. to June 1801. London: C. Geisweiler. 

1 Lucretia van Tuyl Simmons, Goethe's Lyric Poems in English Translation Prior to 
1860 (University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature, No. 6), Madison, 1919. 
Jean Marie Carre, Goethe en Angleterre: Etude de litterature comparee. Bibliographie de 
Goethe en Angleterre. Paris, Plon-Nourrit, 1920. 

2 The Werther portion of Professor Carre's bibliography has been reviewed and largely 
added to by Mr Arthur E. Turner, Modern Language Review, xvi, pp. 364-370. 



52 Goethe's Lyric Poems in English Translation 

The name of the editor, the Rev. Peter Will, does not appear on the 
title-pages but is given on the covers of the first six parts. He was 
Minister of the Reformed Church in the Savoy, London, and before 
starting the Museum had published The Secret Journal of a Self -Observer, 
or Confessions and Familiar Letters of the Rev. J. C. Lavater 1 , and The 
Suffering of the Family of Ortenberg , a Novel, translated from, the German 
of August von Kotzebue. His publisher, Constantin Geisweiler, was the 
author of a German translation of Sheridan's Pizarro, and carried on 
the business of a foreign bookseller in Pall Mall and later at No. 42 
Parliament Street, bringing out numerous translations from the German, 
including English versions made by his wife, Maria Geisweiler, of several 
plays by Iffland and Kotzebue, and the translation of Schiller's Maria 
Stuart by J. C. Mellish. 

In each volume of the Museum, facing the title-page, there is a 
portrait of a contemporary German writer, Wieland's (after A. Graff) in 
vol. I, Klopstock's (after Jens Juel) in vol. II, and Goethe's in vol. in. 
The Goethe portrait is an engraving by William Nutter after the water- 
colour painting made in 1795 by Johann Heinrich Meyer, and is minutely 
described on p. 102 of H. Rollett's Goethe-Bildnisse, Vienna, 1883. A 
list of subscribers to the Museum is given on the cover of Part v, among 
them M. G. Lewis, Esq., M.P. (' Monk ' Lewis), and W. Render, the trans- 
lator of Schiller's Rduber 2 . 

The German Museum attracted some attention also in Germany. 
Klopstock sent several contributions to it (printed in vols. II and ill), 
and Wieland's periodical Per Neue Teutsche Merkur, 3. Stiick, Marz 
1801, recommended it in a notice concluding : ' Geisweiler hat mit seinem 
German Museum anfanglich offenbar zugesetzt. Nun aber hebt es sich 
auf einmal sehr stark und wird gewiss bald ein herrliches Vehikel fur die 
teutsche Literatur in England werden, die wirklich durch die neuesten 
Uebersetzungen grosser teutscherDichterebennichtgefordertwordenist.' 

The German Museum contains translations of the following poems by 
Goethe : Herzog Leopold von Braunschweig (' Dich ergriff mit Gewalt '), 
Philomele (' Dich hat Amor gewiss '), Mignon (' Kennst du das Land '), 
Per Sanger, Per Fischer. The last three with the music by Reichardt 
are reprinted from The German Erato. 

On p. 524 of vol. I there is a short note on Goethe's translation of 

1 A translation of Lavater's Geheimes Tagebuch von einem Beobachter seiner selbst. 
Leipzig, 1771-73. 

2 The copy of the German Museum in the British Museum is defective. The Goethe- 
portrait, the title-page, index and pp. 449 to 512 of vol. ni, and the covers of all the parts 
are wanting. 



H. G. FIEDLER 53 

Voltaire's Mahomet, which Miss Simmons (I. c. pp. 16 and 149), apparently 
relying on information derived from the index only, has mistaken for a 
translation of Mahomets Gesang (' Seht den Felsenquell ')\ 

*12. The Literary Souvenir, or Cabinet of Poetry and Romance, 
edited by Alaric A. Watts. London : Hurst, Robinson and Co. Vol. I, 
1825, vol. II, 1827 2 . Contains vol. I, p. 24: 'Knowst thou the land where 
sweet the citron blows.' This is signed R., and is the version printed in 
Robert Robinson's Specimens of the German Lyrics, London, 1828. Vol. II, 
p. 394 : ' I watch for thee when parting day.' This is an imitation rather 
than a translation of Die Nahe des Geliebten 5 . 

*14. Stray Leaves, including Translations from the Lyric Poets of 
Germany, with brief notices of their works. London: Treuttel. 1827. 

Dedicated to Thomas Campbell. On the title-page there is a trans- 
lation of a stanza from Des Sdngers Fluch, the Epigraphe de Uhland 
referred to by Prof. Carre (Bibl. p. 90), beginning : ' They sing of love 
and spring-time, of the happy golden age.' The author is John Macray, 
who was born in Aberdeen 1796, was Librarian of the Taylor Institution, 
Oxford, from 1847 to 1871, and died at Ducklington Rectory, Oxford- 
shire, 13 Aug. 1878. Contains p. 65: 'The waters flow down' (from 
Jery und Bdtely). p. 81 : Soliloquy of an Amateur, ' Of what avail are 
nature's charms' (Monolog des Liebhabers). p. 149 : Consolation in Grief, 
' What hangs upon thy brow so dark ' (Trost in Trdnen). 

The note on Goethe begins : ' This mighty name is well known in 
England ; not so, however, the varied strains of his exhaustless Muse, for 
with the exception of Lord F. L. Gower's translation of Faustus, scarcely 
anything has been done to familiarise English readers with that master- 
mind.' 

*28. Translations from the Lyric Poets of Germany, with brief notices 
of their lives and ivritings, by John Macray. Oxford: J. H. Parker; 
London: Black and Armstrong. 1838. 

This is an enlarged and revised edition of the anonymous Stray 
Leaves (No. *14). The stanza from Uhland has been omitted from the 

1 On p. 69 of Prof. Carre's Bibliographie several articles on Goethe and Weimar are 
mentioned as having appeared in vol. i of the German Museum. Only the first of them is 
in that volume, the rest appeared in vol. n. 

2 The frontispiece to vol. i is an engraving by T. M. Wright after the outline-drawing 
by Retzsch (Margaret on Faust's arm in the garden, Martha with Mephistopheles in the 
background) . 

3 Imitations of this poem are frequently met with in the magazines and anthologies of 
that time. There is one (' I think on thee ') in M. McDermot's Beauties of Modem 
Literature (London, 1824) reprinted from the New European Magazine with the editorial 
note: ' These lines are in the manner of Moore, and worthy of him.' 



54 Goethe s Lyric Poems in English Translation 

title-page, the notes have been re- written and several new translations 
have been added, among them the following from Goethe : p. 6 : To the 
Moon, 'Wood and vale thou cloth'st again', p. 31: On Hearing of my 
Songs being translated into English, 'A meadow garland once I sought' 
(Ein Gleichnis, ' Jungst pfluckt' ieh einen Wiesenstrauss '). 

The note on Goethe now begins : ' With the exception of some trans- 
lations of Faustus, but little has been done to acquaint the English 
readers with his Poems. Dr Anster's translation of Faustus, in the 
opinion of the best critics, is by far the ablest hitherto published, 
although Lord F. Egerton's possesses distinguished beauty in many 
places.' 

*76. The German Lyrist; or, Metrical Versions from the Principal 
German Lyric Poets. By W. N. Cambridge : Macmillan and Co. 1856 1 . 

The author is William Nind, who was born in London 1809, was 
Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, from 1836 to his death 28 Aug. 1856, 
and Vicar of Cherryhinton near Cambridge from 1838 to 1851. He also 
published Odes of Klopstock, translated from the German (Cambridge, 
1848). Contains pp. 42-60: The Dedication of Faust, The King of Thule, 
Margaret at the Spinning-wheel, Margaret before the Mater Dolorosa, 
The Minstrel, Mignon longing for her home (' Kennst du das Land '), 
Mignon anticipating early death (' So lasst mich scheinen '), The Violet, 
The Fisher. 

In his Preface the author dwells on the difficulty of translating 
Goethe : ' No poet is in danger of losing so much by translation as 
Goethe. The fineness of his artistic touch, the exceeding beauty of his 
forms, the profusion of poetic ideas only glanced upon and not developed 
. . .render his lyric poems peculiarly difficult of reconstruction in another 
tongue. To rival Goethe's poetic forms would call for the highest effort 
of our most exquisite living poet — writing freely, and not under the 
trammels of translation.' 

A passage from his ' Note on Faust ' deserves reprinting : ' Goethe 
has done little moral or dramatic justice upon Faust himself, but poor 

1 Prof. Carre" (Bibl. p. 154) includes in his list W. M. Cambridge, German Lyrist or 
Metrical versions from Schiller, Goethe, Fouque, Londres, 1856. This is, no doubt, 
"W(illiam) N(ind)'s book, the name of the place of publication having been mistaken 
for that of the author. The source of the mistake may be C. Meuel's secondhand catalogue 
to which here, as in many other places, Prof. Carr6 refers. Another mistake in the 
Bibliographie and its source may here be mentioned. On p. 152 Goethe's poem Vanitas ! 
vanitatum vanitas! is described as 'tire" de la Foire de Plundersweilern,'— apparently 
because Sarah Austin (Characteristics of Goethe, pp. 225-227) gives a rendering of the 
poem after having discussed the Jahrmarkts-Fest, or, as she has it, the Jahrmarkt, zu 
Plundersweilern. 



H. G. FIEDLER 55 

Margaret is led to the denouement with an inflexible severity of art and 
retribution, enough to make Aristotle rejoice and a Christian weep.' 

*78. German Ballads and Poems, with an English Translation. By 
A. Boyd. London: Houlston and Wright. 1860. Contains p. 256: 
Gretchen's song at the spinning-wheel, 'My rest is gone, My heart is sore.' 

We will now return to the first item on Miss Simmons' list, viz. : 
*1. Specimens of German Lyric Poets (Beresford). 1798 (?). Miss Sim- 
mons tells us (p. 15) that 'thus far no record of this volume has been 
found, either in the book-lists of the time or in the magazine reviews.' 
Nevertheless she assumes its existence 'prior to 1798,' believing that in 
this year there appeared a book entitled : ' German Erato. A Collection 
of favorite songs translated into English with original music by Reichardt. 
The translator is the author of Specimens of German Lyrics. Berlin. 
C. Falk. 1798.' 

As a matter of fact the book was published anonymously in 1797, 
the title being : The German Erato, or A Collection of Favourite Songs 
translated into English, with their Original Music. Berlin. 1797. (4to.) 
2nd edition 1798; 3rd edition 1800. The sentence 'The translator is 
the author of Specimens of German Lyrics' does not appear on the 
title-page, and is most likely a note added by the compiler of the catalogue 
or bibliography on which Miss Simmons was relying. 

The volume contains sixteen songs, including the following from 
Goethe : p. 24 : Song, ' Unnotic'd in the lonely mead ' (Das Veilchen). 
p. 26: Song, 'Know'st thou the land, where citrons scent the gale.' The 
music of only three, including the two from Goethe, is by Reichardt. 

The German Erato was quickly followed by two similar collections: 

The German Songster, or A Collection of Favourite Airs, with their 
Original Music, done into English by the Translator of The German 
Erato. Berlin : H. Frolich. 1798. (4to.) 2nd edition 1800. Contains 
p. 12 : Moon-Light, ' Scatter'd o'er the starry pole ' (An den Mond). 

A Collection of German Ballads and Songs, with their Original 
Music, done into English by the Translator of The German Erato. 
Berlin: H. Frolich. 1799. (4to.) 2nd edition 1800. Contains p. 18 : 
The Fisher, ' In gurgling eddies roll'd the tide ' (Der Fischer), p. 20 : 
The Harper, ' What melting strains salute my ear ' (Der Sanger). 

The great success of these three books induced the publisher to issue 
the translations they contained, together with their German originals 
but without the music, in one small volume. 



56 Goethe s Lyric Poems in English Translation 

Translations of German Poems, extracted from the Musical Publica- 
tions of the Author of The German Erato. Berlin: H. Frolich. 1801. 
(12mo.) Again the name of the translator is not given on the title-page, 
but the publisher's 'Advertisement' indicates that he was an Englishman 
living in Germany. In some of the reviews he is spoken of as Mr Beres- 
ford, and the writer of an article headed ' The Rev. Beresford,' in 

the first number of The German Museum (Jan. 1800), describes him as 
' a native of this country who for some years has been resident at Berlin, 
where he has the honour of instructing the Queen of Prussia in the 
English language.' A poem ' addressed by Mr Beresford to the Queen 
of Prussia on her birthday' (March 10) was printed in The German 
Museum for March 1801. 

About twenty years later these translations were reprinted by an 
English publisher on account of 'their popularity, their scarcity and 
unquestionable merit,' with the title : 

Specimens of the German Lyric Poets : consisting of Translations in 
Verse, from the Works of Burger, Goethe, Klopstock, Schiller etc. 
Interspersed with Biographical Notices, and ornamented with Engrav- 
ings on Wood by the first Artists. London: Boosey and Sons. 1822. 
(Svo.) 1 The Preface states that these translations are 'from the pen of an 
Englishman of the name of Beresford, who was long resident in Germany.' 
The Lines addressed by him to the Queen of Prussia, and seven trans- 
lations, including The King of Thule, taken from a volume published 
by J. C. Mellish in 1818 (see below, p. 60), have been added. 

In his Historic Survey of German Poetry, London, 1828-30, William 
Taylor of Norwich repeatedly refers to the Specimens and reprints several 
of the versions they contain 2 , among them one of Schiller's Hero und 
Leander, which he introduces as 'so beautifully rendered by the Rev. 
"J." Beresford.' It was probably this note in W. Taylor's Historic Survey 
which led subsequent writers to confuse our author with the Rev. James 
Beresford who at that time was well known as the author of The Miseries 

1 Miss Simmons sajs that at Harvard University there is a copy dated '1822, second 
edition.' I believe it will be found that this is a copy of the first edition, and that the 
words ' second edition ' are a wrong note in the catalogue. The copies of the second edition 
in the British Museum and the Bodleian Library (they have no copies of the first edition) 
are both dated 1823. My copies of the first and second editions are dated 1822 and 1823 
respectively. On the title-page of the second, 1823, edition the words ' ornamented with ' 
are omitted to make room for the words Second Edition between the title and the wood-cut. 
Otherwise the two editions are identical. 

2 Historic Survey, n, p. 90: ' Stolberg's ballad entitled Budolph, of which a satisfactory 
translation occurs in the Specimens of German Lyric Poetry.' Ibid. p. 160: 'I do not 
willingly borrow the translations of others, but, not possessing Jacobi's poems, I transcribe 
one of them, nearly as rendered in the Specimens of German Lyric Poets.' In vol. in, 
pp. 349-351, Taylor prints, without acknowledgment, Beresford's versions of Mignon and 
Der Sanger, and Mellish's version of Der Kbnig in Thule 



H. G. FIEDLER 57 

of Human Life and a number of translations from Latin, French, and Ice- 
landic 1 . Other authorities, beginning with Robert Watt, Bibliotheca 
Britannica, Edinburgh, 1824, keep the two apart and give the name of 
the author of The German Erato etc. as the Rev. Benjamin Beresford. 

Miss Simmons has taken great pains to clear the matter up. She is 
inclined to believe that the correct name is Benjamin Beresford, but 
considers it possible that the two writers are identical. It can, however, 
be proved that they are not. 

To begin with, the life of the Rev. James Beresford is well known 2 . 
When The German Erato appeared, he was a Fellow of Merton College, 
Oxford ; when the Specimens appeared, he was Rector of Kibworth Beau- 
champ in Leicestershire, and there is no record of his ever having resided 
in Germany. 

On the other hand Johann Friedrich v. Reeke and Karl Eduard 
Napiersky in their Allgemeines Schriftsteller- und Gelehrten-Leccikon, 
Mitau, 1827, give the following account of Benjamin Beresford, with a 
list of his publications, including The German Erato, The German Songster, 
and A Collection of German Ballads and Songs : 

Beresford (Benjamin), D r der Phil., war friiher Geistlicher in England, dann Lektor 
der englischen Sprache auf der Universitat Dorpat vom 18 Mai 1803 bis 22 April 
1806, und zuletzt bis an seinen Tod Professor der englischen Sprache an der Berliner 
Universitat. Geb. zu .„ 1750, gest. am 29 April 1819. 

That he was teaching English at the University of Berlin for several 
years is confirmed by the list of the teaching-staff printed in Die Kgl. 
Friedrich WiUielms- Universitat Berlin in ihrem Personalbestande seit 
ihrer Errichtung Michaelis 1810 bis Michaelis 1885, which mentions his 
appointment to a University Lektorship in 1815 and his resignation at 
Michaelmas 1819 3 . 

In his Alumni Oxonienses Jos. Foster mentions a Benjamin Beres- 
ford (son of James, of Bewdley) who matriculated from St Mary Hall on 
Jan. 14, 1772, aged 22. As this fixes 1750 as the year of his birth, we 
may assume that he is the Benjamin Beresford who became English 
Lektor at the University of Berlin and the first translator of Goethe's 
lyric poems. 

1 A. Brandl, Goethe- Jahrb. in, p. 71, refers to the Specimens, describes the author as 
' Kev. J. Beresford, Englischlehrer der jungen Konigin von Preussen,' and includes among 
his translations 'The King of Thule ' which is by Mellish. Goedeke, Grundriss (1912), iv, 
iii, p. 52, mentions James Beresford as author of the Specimens. Similarly G. Herzfeld, 
William Taylor of Nortvich, p. 57. 

2 See D.N.B., and Jos. Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, London, 1888. 

3 Prof. Carre describes Benjamin Beresford as ' chapelain de l'ambassade d'Allemagne 
(? de Grande-Bretagne) a Berlin,' without stating his authority. 



58 Goethe s Lyric Poems in English Translation 

Finally, seven of the translations contained in the anonymous publi- 
cations we have discussed are printed over the signature of B. Beresford 
in The Poetical Register and Repository of Fugitive Poetry, vols. Ill and v 
(London, 1804 and 1807), and ' The Lines addressed to the Queen of 
Prussia,' headed ' by the Rev. B. Beresford ' and signed ' B. Beresford, 
Berlin, March 1801/ in vol. viii (1814) of the same annual. 

Another spurious title in Miss Simmons' list is *75. Lyrical Poems 
from the German. J. E. Reade. London: Longmans. 1856. The only 
book by J. E. Reade published by Longmans in 1856 is Man in Para- 
dise, with Lyrical Poems. This does not contain any translations. The 
few pieces which J. E. Reade translated from Goethe were printed to- 
gether with The Drama of a Life in 1840. 

On the whole, Miss Simmons' list is more complete than the cor- 
responding portion of Prof. Carre's Bibliographie, although the latter 
contains a few items which have been overlooked by her. Thus, Miss 
Simmons fully describes the important German Anthology by James 
Clarence Mangan, identifies most of the articles and translations he 
contributed to the Dublin University Magazine, and does full justice to 
this Irish poet who among the early translators of Goethe's lyric poems 
was probably the most gifted, and in his own work shows German in- 
fluence more clearly than almost any other British writer 1 . Prof. Carre, 
however, does not even mention him. 

In the following additions and corrections I propose to deal only 
with such publications as have been either omitted or insufficiently 
described by both Miss Simmons and Prof. Carre. 

The Poetical Register, and Repository of Fugitive Poetry for 1801. 
London: Rivington. 1802. Contains p. 256: 'Flow still, ye tears of 
sorrow ' ( Wonne der Wehmut). Prof. Carre, Bibl. p. 89, says it contains 
The Hour of Love. This is an original poem signed A. M. and printed 
on p. 257, immediately following the translation from Goethe. 

Selim & Zaida, an Oriental Poem: with other Pieces. Second Edition. 
London: J. Cumming; Edinburgh: A. Constable. 1802. According to 
Robert Watt, Bibliotheca Britannica (Edinburgh, 1824), the first edition 
was published the same year by Longman and Rees, London, but I have 
not seen this edition. Contains p. 89 : A Morlachian Funeral Song, on 

1 See D.N.B. and D. J. O'Donoghue, The Life and Writings of James Clarence Mangan, 
Edinburgh, 1897. 



H. G. FIEDLER 59 

the death of the illustrious wife of Asan Aga. From the German of 

Goethe. Begins : 

What shines so white in yonder verdant forest ? 
Snow, is it? or the Swans' unspotted plumage? 

Prof. Carre, Bibl. p. 89, accepting a note in C. Meuel's catalogue, attri- 
butes this to Sir Walter Scott. There is, however, strong evidence 
against Scott's authorship. If he wrote this version of the Klaggesang, 
he must also be the author of Selim and Zaida and of the other pieces 
in the volume {Emma, To Fortune, The Decline of the Year, The Ap- 
proaching Storm, The Return of Spring, Song ' Bear, oh ye Breezes,' 
Invocation to Venus), but none of these are included in any collection of 
his poems published in his life-time nor in The Poetical Works, edited 
by J. G. Lockhart in 1833. 

That Scott some time between 1795 and 1797 did 'versify Goethe's 
Morlachian Ballad ' is stated by Lockhart in Memoirs of the Life of Sir 
Walter Scott, vol. I, p. 247. Unfortunately he only quotes the first line, 
viz. ' What yonder glimmers so white on the mountain,' but this is 
sufficient to show that the version he saw, apparently in a MS. copy, 
was not the same as that printed in Selim and Zaida. 

It is indeed more than doubtful whether Scott's version was ever 
printed. Prof. Brandl was, I believe, the first to assume that it was 
included in Scott's Apology for Tales of Terror 1 . This hypothesis, it is 
clearly no more, obviously rests on Lockhart's account (I. c. I, p. 316) 
that Scott in autumn 1799 'took some of his recent pieces, designed to 
appear in Lewis's collection, to Ballantyne,' that the latter ' was charmed 
with them, especially with the Morlachian fragment after Goethe,' and 
that Ballantyne printed for private circulation 'twelve copies of William 
and Ellen, The Fire-King, The Chase, and a few more of those pieces, 
with the title (alluding to the long delay of Lewis's collection) of Apology 
for Tales of Terror, 1799.' 

It is evident, however, that Lockhart had never seen or, at any rate, 
had never examined the Apology, for his description of the contents is 
quite inaccurate. Only four copies are known to be extant. The Abbots- 
ford copy (with Walter Scott's autograph on the title) was shown at the 
Scott Centenary Exhibition at Edinburgh in 1871, and in the enlarged 
edition of the catalogue issued in 1872, under the joint editorship of 
Sir William Stirling-Maxwell, James Drummond, and Dr David Max- 
well, a whole page is devoted to it. Another copy, which turned up at 

1 Goethe-Jahrbuch, in, p. 50. According to Brandl the title of the pamphlet is Apology 
for Tales of Wonder, an obvious slip which, however, has been repeated by both Prof. Carr6 
(I.e. p. 54) and Miss Simmons (p. 14). • 



60 Goethe s Lyric Poems in English Translation 

a book-sale in 1893, has been minutely described by George P. Johnston 
in a paper 'The First Book Printed by James Ballantyne' {Transactions 
of the Edinburgh Bibliographical Society for 1893/4, No. in) 1 , and a 
third, which is in the Harvard Library, has recently been collated by 
Miss Elizabeth Church 2 . All three copies were found to contain only 
three pieces by Scott, viz. The Erl-King, The Chase, William and Helen 
— not The Fire-King, and not The Morlachian Ballad 3 . 

Gedichte von Joseph Charles Mellish, Esq re . Perthes and Besser, 
Hamburg, 1818 4 . In a letter, written in German, the author dedicates his 
book to the Grand Duchess Luise of Weimar 5 , signing himself ' Ew. 
Koniglichen Hoheit unterthanigster Diener, Koniglich Grossbritan- 
nischer General-Consul in Niedersachsen und der freien Hansestadten, 
Koniglich Preussischer, auch Grossherzoglich Sachsen-Weimarscher 
Kammerherr.' Contains: Deutsche Gedichte, pp. 1-82 ; Hours ofldlesse, 
Gedichte aus dem Deutschen in's Englische tibersetzt, pp. 85-116 ; Eng- 
lische Gedichte, pp. 119-152; Uebersetzungen aus dem Deutschen in's 
Lateinische, pp. 153-164, followed on pp. 167-182 by a series of English 
Translations of passages from Greek and Latin authors, selected and 
submitted to him in 1797 by Klopstock, who was anxious to learn, ' ob 
die englische Sprache dasselbe Sylbenmaass mit derselben Kiirze und 
Genauigkeit zuliess 6 .' Among the Hours of Idlesse are three translations 

1 Prof. Carre" refers to this paper in another connection (Bibl. p. 51), ascribing it, 
however, to Mr L. L. Mackall, whom he also credits (ib. p. 54) with contributions to Notes 
and Queries as far back as 1866 ! 

2 Modem Philology, xrx, 3 (February 1922), ' A Bibliographical Myth.' 

3 An Apology for Tales of Terror, ' A thing of shreds and patches.' Kelso: Printed at 
the Mail Office, 1799. 4°, pp. 76. p. 1: The Erl-King [Walter Scott], '0! who rides by 
night thro' the woodlands so wild?' p. 4: The Water-King [M. G. Lewis], p. 10: Lord 
William [R. Southey]. p. 19 : Poor Mary, the Maid of the Inn, by Mr Southey. p. 27 : The 
Chase [Walter Scott], 'Earl Walter winds his bugle horn.' p. 41: William and Helen 
[Walter Scott], 'From heavy dreams fair Helen rose.' p. 58: Alonso the Brave and the 
Fair Imogine [M. G. Lewis], p. 64: Arthur and Matilda [?]. p. 73: The Erl-King' '« 
Daughter [M. G. Lewis]. The authors' names are not given, except in the one case of 
Poor Mary, the Maid of the Inn. See also Catalogue of the Library at Abbotsford (drawn 
up by J. G. Cochrane, sometime editor of the Foreign Quarterly Revieiv), Edinburgh, 1838. 
Quite recently the Abbotsford copy has been inspected by Mr D. H. Low, with the same 
result. He ' found no trace of the Morlachian Fragment.' See the footnote on p. xiii of his 
translation of The Ballads of Marko KraljeviS, Cambridge, 1922. 

4 The book is sometimes quoted as Deutsche Gedichte eines Englanders. This title, 
which does not describe the contents accurately, appears on the fly-leaf only. On Mellish 
see: Transactions of the Manchester Goethe Society (1894), p. 140, Goethe-Jahrb. xxvi, 
p. 285, and Modern Language Revieiv, iv, p. 90. 

8 The letter begins : ' Die Erinnerung an die Zeit, wo ich mich unter dem erhabenen 
Schutz Ew. Koniglicben Hoheit des Umgangs eines Herder, eines Wieland, eines Gothe (sic), 
eines Schiller erfreute, geht wie ein seeliger Traum an meinem inneren Gesicht voruber.' 

6 Klopstock apparently worked at this subject for several years. In June 1800 he sent 
an article entitled ' Die Kiirze der deutschen Spracbe durch Beyspiele gezeigt ' to the editor 
of The German Museum. In this he compared his own translations of a number of passages 
from Homer, Virgil, and Horace with those by Pope, Dryden, and P. Francis. It appeared 
in three instalments in vols, n and in of The German Museum. Godeke does not mention it. 



H. G. FIEDLER 61 

from Goethe, p. 91: 'How comes it that you seem so sad' (Trost in 
Trdnen) ; p. 94 : The Spirit's Salutation, ' High on the antient Turret 
stands ' (Geistesgruss) ; p. 101 : The King of Thule, ' There liv'd a King 
in Thule.' 

An Autumn near the Rhine. London : Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, 
and Brown. 1818. 

In a series of letters the author gives the impressions he received 
during a tour through ' some of the German States bordering on the 
Rhine.' At Darmstadt he was invited to several court-functions and 
was presented to the Grand Duchess Luise of Weimar who was on 
a visit to her brother, the Grand Duke of Hesse 1 . He also made the 
acquaintance of the Hereditary Princess of Hesse, who talked to him of 
Byron and Ossian, then ' idolised by every German reader of- poetry,' 
and he records how ' he incurred a reproach from the Princess for hint- 
ing the possibility of her favourite rhapsodies being the manufacture of 
a certain Mr Macpherson, the late member of Parliament for Camelford.' 

In the second edition which was published by John Murray, London, 
1821, after the author had revisited Germany, a letter (No. xiii) was 
inserted, giving some account of German opinion of Goethe and Schiller 
and containing a translation of Der Gott und die Bajadere, beginning 
' Mahadeoh, lord of Earth, For the sixth time comes below.' 

The author is frequently referred to by contemporary writers as 
Mr Dodd 2 , and a correspondent of Notes and Queries, 7 August 1858, 
p. 117, claims to know that he was Charles Edward Dodd, Esq., Barrister 
of the Middle Temple, 'who died very soon after the publication of this, 
his first attempt at authorship.' 

Poems, with some Translations from the German, by John Anster, 
Esq. Edinburgh, 1819. Contains p. 221 : The Bride of Corinth,' A stranger 
youth from Athens came.' p. 234 : Stanzas, ' Again, fair Images, ye 
flutter near.' p. 237: To my Absent Mistress, 'And is she then no 
longer here ? ' (An die Entfernte). 

The anonymous Bride of Corinth in Blackwood's Magazine, March 
1819, is Anster's. 

1 ' Surrounded by ladies, who had all the flaunty air of a gay modern Court, the 
Grand Duchess had something of the character of a simple and respectable bourgeoise. 
With her plain, high, mob-cap, brought down under her chin, her white handkerchief 
folded neatly across her bosom, and her matronly slate-coloured silk-gown, she would have 
formed a fine figure for the pencil of Hans Holbein.' 

2 E.g. by William Sotheby on p. 225 of Italy and other Poems, London, 1828, and 
Dr Bisset Hawkins on p. 110 of Germany, the Spirit of her History, Literature, etc., 
London, 1838. In the notes to his Faustus (London, 1835) J. Anster reprints two long 
passages from the Autumn near the Rhine apparently without knowing the author's name. 



62 Goethe s Lyric Poems in English Translation 

Janus; or, The Edinburgh Literary Almanack. Oliver and Boyd, 
[Edinburgh] 1826. This was re-issued in 1833 by the same firm with 
the title The Literary Rambler 1 . Contains p. 149: The Return, 'Farewell, 
dear sheiling, lone and low' (Die schone Nacht). p. 219: Serenade, 'From 
thy white pillow, gentle Maid ' (Nachtgesang). Both unsigned. ' 

The Last Autumn at a Favourite Residence, with other Poems by 
Mrs Lawrence. Second edition with many additions. Liverpool : G. and 
J. Robinson; London: Longman. 1829. Contains p. 45: Inscription 
under a Picture of Cupid Sleeping, ' Disturb him not ! he softly rests ' 
(Warnung). p. 73: The Divorce; or the Wife of Hassan Aga, 'What 
glistening white thro' the dark * shadowy woods ' (Klaggesang von 
der edlen Frauen des Asan Aga). p. 85 : The Forsaken One, ' Flow 
still, ye tears of sorrow!' (Wonne der Wehmui). p. 90: Anacreon's 
Grave, ' Whose yon grave, where rose and myrtle.' p. 105 : The Gold 
Chain, ' Beloved memorial of departed pleasure ' (An ein goldenes Herz, 
das er am Halse trug). 

To the third edition, published in 1836, the author added Her Recol- 
lections of Mrs Hemans, and p. 209 : The Hindoo God and the Bayadera, 
' The Indian God has left his radiant bower.' 

In a note she points out that Goethe's poem is the original of a 
ballet by Taglioni, of a French opera La Bayadere 2 , and of an English 
opera then performing at Covent Garden under the name of Maid of 
Cashmere. 

Mrs Lawrence, nee Rose D'Aguilar, was a daughter of Captain Joseph 
D'Aguilar who, after retiring from the army, had settled in Liverpool. 
One of her brothers was General Sir George Charles D'Aguilar, some- 
time Adjutant General, of Ireland. She is the author of an anonymous 
translation of Goethe's Gotz which appeared in the same year as Walter 
Scott's version, of a Translation of Salomon Gessner's works, and of 
several collections of biblical, mythological and historical tales 3 . After 
her marriage she resided at Wavertree Hall in the village of Wavertree 
near Liverpool. During the years (1828-31) Felicia Hemans was living 
in Wavertree, the two women became much attached to each other, and 
it was, in some measure, due to her friend that at that time Mrs Hemans 

1 See Archiv, cxxi, p. 130. 

2 This is Le Dieu et la Bayadere by Auber, words by Scribe. Paris, 1830. 

3 Gortz of Berlingen, with the Iron Hand. An Historical Drama, of the Fifteenth 
Century. Translated from the German of Goethe, the Author of Werter. Liverpool, 
printed by J. M'Creery. The Works of S. Gessner. Translated from the German with some 
Account of his Life and Writings. Liverpool, J. M'Creery, 1802. Two letters addressed by 
Mrs Lawrence to Goethe have been printed by Prof. F. Baldensperger, Modern Language 
Review, iv, pp. 515 ft'. 



H. G. FIEDLER 63 

turned with renewed interest to German literature and particularly to 
the works of Goethe 1 . 

The Song of the Bell and other Poems. From the German of Goethe 
Schiller, Burger, Matthison, and Salis translated by John J. Campbell, 
Esq., B.A. of Balliol College, Oxford. London : Blackwood. 1836. Con- 
tains translations of sixteen poems by Goethe. Miss Simmons gives a 
list of them, mistaking however the Prologue to the Bride of Messina 
on pp. 54-56 (' O Heart oppress'd ! by storming troubles pent ') for a 
translation of Die Braut von Korinth. It is a rendering of a passage 
from the Maskenzug 1818 {Braut von Messina, ' Bedrangtes Herz ! um- 
sttirmt von Hindernissen '), Weim. Ausg. XVI, pp. 288, 289. 

Xeniola. Poems including Translations by John Anster, LL.D., 
Barrister at Law. Dublin, 1837. Contains p. 165: Gipsy Song, 'In 
foggy drizzle.' The German original was first printed in England by 
Sarah Austin {Characteristics of Goethe, II, 159), who described it as 
untranslatable. Reviewing her book in the Dublin University Magazine, 
September 1836, Anster offered his rendering as ' an imperfect imitation, 
attempted long ago.' He had, however, been forestalled by J. M. in a 
review of the same book in the Gentleman's Magazine, August 1833. 
J. M.'s and Anster's attempts are the earliest, though in Miss Simmons' 
list (p. 128) two others are mentioned as having appeared as early as 
1799. In assuming that these are to be found in the translations 
of Gotz by Walter Scott and Mrs Lawrence, she forgets that the 
German version of Gotz which contains the poem was not published till 
after Goethe's death 2 . 

Collection of Select Pieces of Poetry containing ' the Lay of the Bell ' 
and ' Leonora ' by George Ph. Maurer. Darmstadt : Lange ; London : 
Black and Armstrong. 1840. 

Miss Simmons describes the contents correctly but knows only the 
second edition, published in New York, 1848. 

The author was a Hessian officer who made the translations when, as 

1 Prof. Carrd mentions Mrs Hemans' translation of a few short passages from Iphigenie, 
but ignores an article on Tasso, containing translations of over 200 lines, which she con- 
tributed to the New Monthly Magazine for January 1834. It was the first of a series of 
German studies she was planning. The translations from Iphigenie, printed after her 
death (in Poetical Remains, Edinburgh, 1836), were intended for a second article in 
continuation of the series. 

2 Geschichte Gottfriedens von Berlichingen in VolhUhidigc Ausgabe letzter Hand, Bd 42, 
Cotta, 1833. Sarah Austin printed the poem in the form in which it appeared separately 
in Einsiedel's Neuente Vermixchte Schriften, 1784, and Goethe's Werke, 1815. Both J. M. 
and Anster introduce rhyme. 



64 Goethe s Lyric Poems in English Translation 

prisoner of war, he was quartered at Lauder in Scotland from 1812 to 
1814. 

Illustrations of German Poetry, by Elijah Barwell Impey, Esq., M.A., 
Faculty Student of Christ Church, Oxford. Clapham: David Batten. 1841. 
2 vols. A second edition was published, after the author'sdeath,bySimpkin, 
Marshall, and Co., London, 1850. Contains p. 225 : The Wedding Song, 
' We sing of the Count, who, as chronicles say.' p. 231 : The Minstrel, 
' From chain-drawn bridge to Castle-gate.' p. 234 : Song, ' Thrill'd 
with delight, or distracted with care.' p. 235 : The Rat Catcher, ' State 
minstrel is my style and station.' p. 237 : Prologue to Faust, ' Once 
more, ye fond delusions! ' 

Miss Simmons only mentions The Magicians Apprentice. This, 
however, according to the author's own note, is ' no translation but rather 
a jeu d' esprit in the style of Coleman's parody on Lewis' ballad of Alonzo 
the Brave.' It begins : 

Old Pancrates, priest of Osiris — alack ! 

Was a wicked idolatrous wizard : 
And he sailed in a sieve, and he rode on the back 
Of a Cayman, which he had the wonderful knack 

Of making as tame as a lizard. 

The Student-Life of Germany. By William Howitt, from the un- 
published MS. of Dr Cornelius. Containing nearly forty of the most 
famous Student Songs, with the original music. Illustrated by Sargent, 
Woods and other eminent artists. London : Longman, Brown, Green, 
and Longmans. 1841. Contains p. 346 : Table-Song, ' Heavenly joy 
entrances me Far beyond exploring.' 

William Howitt, the husband and literary associate of Mary Howitt, 
was born in 1792 and died in 1879. In 1840 he went with his wife to 
Heidelberg, remaining in Germany for two years. He also published 
The Rural and Domestic Life of Germany (1842) which contains 
(pp. 464 ff.) an account of his visit to Weimar and (p. 54) the trans- 
lation of a long passage from Hermann und Dorothea, and a translation 
of Chamisso's Peter Schlemihl (1843). 

The Maid of Orleans, and other Poems. Translated from the German 
by E. S. and F. J. Turner. London : Smith, Elder and Co. 1842. 
Contains p. 238 : Song, * I think of thee, when o'er the ocean glancing ' 
(Ndhe des Geliebten). p. 239 : Consolation in Tears, ' How is it that 
thou art so sad.' p. 241 : To one far away, ' Have I then for ever lost 
thee V (An die Entfernte). 



H. G. FIEDLER 65 

Poems Original and Translated by John Herman Merivale, Esq., 
F.S.A. A new edition. 2 vols. W. Pickering, London, 1844. The first 
edition, published in 1839, in addition to original poems contained 
translations from the Greek, Latin and Italian only. In this new edition 
translations from the German have been added to vol. n. They include 
versions of Goethe's Zauberlehrling 1 , Nahe des Geliebten, Beherzigung, 
Kophtisches Lied ('Geh! gehorche meinen Winken'), and of two passages 
from Faust (' O sahst du, voller Mondenschein,' 'Du flehst eratmend, 
mich zu schauen ') which Miss Simmons has mistaken for a translation 
of the Prolog irn Himmel. 

The author, who in the Preface to vol. I describes himself as a 
'Sexagenarian Judge of Bankruptcy,' was born in 1779 and died in 
1844. He also published the Minor Poems of Schiller, was an excellent 
classical scholar and a friend of Byron, who mentions him in English 
Bards and Scotch Reviewers. He is the father of the well-known historian 
Charles Merivale and of Herman Merivale (Fellow of Balliol 1828-34, 
Professor of Political Economy in Oxford 1837-42, Under Secretary for 
India 1860 to his death in 1874) who contributed to the Edinburgh 
Review the articles on Goethe and H. C. Robinson referred to by Professor 
Carre. 

German Ballads, Songs, 'etc., comprising Translations from Schiller, 
Burger, Goethe, etc. London: James Burns. N.D. [1845]. Contains p. 54: 
The Minstrel, 'What strain is that without our walls.' 

Verse Translations from the German : Including Burger's Lenore, 
Schiller's Song of the Bell, and other Poems. London : John Murray. 
1847. Contains p. 51: Clara's Song, 'Gladness and sadness.' p. 52: 
Joy in Tears, ' How is it that thou art so sad.' p. 55 : The Travellers 
Evening Song, ' Under every covert is rest.' 

The author is Dr William Whewell, Master of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge, from 1841 to his death in 1866 2 . 

English Hexameter Translations from Schiller, Gothe, Homer, Gallinus, 
and Meleager. London: John Murray. 1847. Oblong 8°. 

1 Merivale's translations of Der Zauberlehrling had been previously printed, though in 
a somewhat different form, in I. B. Sonderland's Designs and Border Illustrations to Poems 
of Gothe etc., London, 1841. 

2 See J. Todhunter, William Whewell, D.D. An Account of his Writings, Macmillan, 
1876, vol. i, p. 166: ' The authorship of the volume is known from Dr WhewelPs corre- 
spondence.' Prof. Carre's notes on Whewell seem to have got badly disarranged and 
misprinted. On p. 157 of his Bibliographie, apart from minor inaccuracies, the above poems 
(together with Day Dreams which is not from Goethe) are mentioned as being contained 
in Whewell's translation of Hermann und Dorothea, privately printed, 1839. The copy in 
the British Museum does not contain them. 

M. L. R. XVIII. 5 



66 Goethe's Lyric Poems in English Translation 

This volume was edited by Dr W. Whewell. It contains translations 
by himself (signed W. W.), Sir John Herschel (J. F. W. H.), Archdeacon 
Hare (J. C. EL), J. G. Lockhart (J. G. L.), and Dr E. C. Hawtrey, Head- 
master of Eton 1834 to 1852 (E. C. H.) 1 . 

The translations from Goethe are p. 204 : A Poetical Epistle, ' Now 
the whole world reads.' p. 212 : A Second Poetical Epistle, 'Excellent 
friend! thou knittest thy brows.' p. 217: Alexis and Bora, 'Ah! every 
moment the vessel is driving.' p. 229 : The Metamorphosis of Plants, 
' Thou, my love, art perplext.' The first three are by Hare and had been 
published in the Athenaeum eighteen years previously, the last is by 
Whewell who had printed eight lines from it in a foot-note to p. 435 of 
his History of the Inductive Sciences, London, 1837 2 . 

A Book of Ballads from the German by Percy Boyd, Esq r . James 
M c Clashan, Dublin, 1848. The volume is dedicated to Sir Edward Bulwer 
Lytton. Miss Simmons has overlooked that in addition to a version of 
the Hochzeitlied (p. Ill: A Lay of Christmas) it contains on p. 89 The 
King and the Gap, ' A monarch once in Thule.' 

In a Preface, dated Dublin, December 1847, the author states that 
with the exception of a few, which were made while he was resident in 
Heidelberg, his translations were written ' in moments snatched from 
the weary routine of less agreeable pursuits.' I have seen him referred 
to as a great friend of Dickens and Thackeray. He died in London on 
January 1, 1876. 

Lays and Legends by G. W. Thornbury. Saunders and Otley, London, 
1851. Dedicated to Washington Irving. Contains p. 99 : The Dance of 
Death, ' The sexton looks forth in the murk midnight.' 

George Walter Thornbury was born in London November 13, 1828, 
contributed to the Athenamm and other journals from 1850, published 
The Monarchs of the Main, 3 vols., 1855, Life in Spain, 2 vols., 1859, and 
many other books, died London, June 11, 1876 3 . 

Memoirs of a Literary Veteran by R. P. Gillies. 3 vols. London, 1851. 
Contains vol. in, p. 25 : An epigram ' containing Goethe's notion of a re- 

1 A minute description of the volume is given by Todhunter, I.e. vol. i, pp. 286, 287. 
He omits, however, to name the author of the original poem introductory to Herman and 
Dorothea, signed M. L. He was, no doubt, Williawt WheweU, who was fond of signing his 
contributions to periodicals with the final letters of his name. 

■ Prof. Carre" (I.e. p. 157) assumes that the whole poem appeared in the History of the 
Inductive Sciences, referring moreover to the edition of 1837 but to the paging of the 1859 
edition. Miss Simmons (p. 145) assumes two translations, one by Hare, published in 1847 
and another by Whewell, published 1859. 

:J See Times, June 13, 1876, p. 10; Graphic, xm, 1876, p. 614 (with portrait). 



H. G. FIEDLER 67 

viewer,' ' You make a feast, you spread the board.' This is a free rendering 
of Goethe's Rezensent ('Da hatt' ich einen Kerl zu Gast'). 

The Book of German Songs: from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth 
Century. Translated and edited by H. W. Dulcken. London : Ward and 
Lock. 1836. A second edition appeared in 1871. Contains p. 114: The 
Tailor s Fright {Schneider Courage), p. 141: The Water it Rushes (from 
Jery und Biitely). p. 211 : The King of Thule. p. 254: Wanderers Song, 
' From the mountain to the hill-side ' ( Wanderlied). 

Original Poems with Translations by Sophia Milligan. London: 
Hurst and Blackett. 1856. Contains p. 253 : The Minstrel, ' Before the 
gate what do I hear.' p. 256 : Nearness of the Beloved, * I think of 
thee, when from the Ocean glances.' 

H. G. Fiedler. 

Oxford. 



5—2 



HEINE AND THE SAINT-SIMONIANS. 

The Date of the Letters from Heligoland. 

I. 

The study of Heine and the Saint-Simonians, a peculiarly absorbing 
and interesting one, bristles with notes of interrogation. The story of 
his personal relations with the members of this remarkable sect is so 
full of unanswered questions and half-confidences, is haunted by the 
ghosts of so many lost letters and elusive manuscripts, that one can do 
little more than guess at the truth. Nor is the question of the influence 
of the Saint-Simonian religion on Heine's mind without ambiguity and 
obscurity. Two widely different attitudes towards this question have 
been adopted in the past. The more orthodox writers, such as Strodt- 
mann 1 and Lichtenberger 2 , have taken their stand on De VAllemagne 3 . 
They have established by quotations the obvious parallelism between 
the Exposition de la doctrine de Saint-Simon, and many passages in the 
Romantische Schule and Zur Geschichte der Religion and Philosophie in 
Deutschland, which prove that Heine accepted from the Saint-Simonians 
their philosophy of history, their analysis of the Christian dualism, their 
gospel of pantheism, and their demand for the ' rehabilitation of the 
flesh.' Although Strodtmann may say that the religious ideas of the 
Saint-Simonians coincided remarkably with Heine's own views 4 , and 
Lichtenberger may allow that Heine combined the doctrines of this 
school with his former revolutionary theories and with what he remem- 
bered of Hegel's teaching 5 , still neither of these writers is much con- 
cerned with the very remarkable foreshadowing of the Saint-Simonian 
theories which is to be found in Heine's earlier writings. 

It is this latter aspect of the case which has chiefly impressed 
E. Montegut and Julian Schmidt, who are perhaps the two most im- 
portant representatives of the second and less orthodox attitude. The 

1 A. Strodtmann, H. Heine's Leben und Werke, second edition, Berlin, 1873. 

2 H. Lichtenberger, Henri Heine, penseur, Paris, 1905. 

3 I use the title De VAllemagne in this study, for convenience, to include only : Die 
romantische Schule, 1833, and Zur Geschichte der Religion und Philosophie in Deutschland, 
1834. In reality it included as well the first part of the Elementargeister and various other 
fragments. 

4 Strodtmann, op. cit., p. 82. 

5 Lichtenberger, op. cit., p. 114. 



E. M. BUTLER 69 

former declares that Heine owes nothing to the Saint-Simonians 1 , whilst 
the latter allows at most that his intercourse with the school may have 
helped him to formulate some of his views 2 . 

If we leave the letters from Heligoland on one side for the moment, 
the modification which Heine's philosophy would seem to have under- 
gone after his arrival in Paris in 1831, that is to say, after his acquaint- 
ance with the Saint-Simonian religion, is all in the direction of synthesis, 
harmony and coherence. Before that period, he certainly held many 
views which were almost indistinguishable from theirs, notably the 
criticism of Christianity as a religion which unduly penalised the senses 3 , 
the glorification of an earthly paradise at the expense of the promised 
treasures of heaven 4 , a hostile attitude towards the marriage-laws 5 , and 
a conception of history which only lacked the Saint-Simonian labels 
* epoques organiques et critiques 6 .' Nevertheless, these views, scattered 
throughout the pages of the Reisebilder, are entirely disconnected and 
incoherent. He had no philosophy which could combine them into an 
organic whole, and his religious views particularly were in a state of 
chaos. This was largely the result of Heine's temperament. There was 
a tragic lack of harmony in his personality, and he has truly described 
himself as the enfant perdu of the age. For he was bound up of contra- 
dictions : romanticism and reason ; sentimentality and wit ; scepticism 
and religious longings ; idealism and materialism in love ; democratic 
principles and aristocratic prejudices : all this further complicated by 
his artistic impressionability, his extreme susceptibility to beauty, which 
made him at one and the same time an ardent spiritualist and an 
exuberant sensualist, with no religious faith that could soothe the fret 
occasioned by the strife of soul and senses within him. During this 
period he was for ever searching for a religion which should combine these 
two warring tendencies and should ' moralise ' them both. As late as 
1830 he had sought in vain, and he has stated with great vividness the 
dilemma in which he found himself between Christianity, which starved 
his senses, and paganism, which starved his soul. 

1 E. Montegut, Henri Heine. Annies de Jeunesse. Poesies Lyriques (Revue des deux 
Monde*, May 15, 1884). 

2 J. Schmidt, Bilder aus dem geistigen Leben wiserer Zeit, ii, Leipzig, 1871, p. 328. 

3 Almansor (1821), Samtliche Werke, ed. E. Elster (my references are throughout to this 
edition, but in my quotations I have retained the orthography of the earlier Strodtmann 
edition, Hamburg, Hoffmann und Campe, 1861-74), ii, pp. 281-289; Die Gotter Griechen- 
lands (1826), i, pp. 187-189 ; Die Bader von Lucca (1829), iii, p. 318. 

4 Das Buch le Grand (1826), iii, pp. 175, 189 ; Die Stadt Lucca (1830), iii, pp. 404, 407, 
418, 421. 

5 Reise von Milnchen nach Genua (1829), iii, p. 281. 

6 Die Nordsee, in (1826), iii, p. 92 ; Die Bader von Lucca (1829), iii, p. 304. 



70 Heine and the Saint- Simonians 

I refer to the famous passage in Chapter VI of the Stadt Lucca which 
is prefaced by an extract from the first book of the Iliad (11. 59 7-604) 1 . 
Christ, a pale Jew, dripping with blood, a crown of thorns upon His head, 
comes panting into the gay assembly of the Olympian gods, and throws 
His great wooden cross on to the tall table, so that the golden bowls 
trembled, and the gods fell silent and became ever paler, until they 
dissolved in mist. Heine first regrets their disappearance — as a pure 
pagan, one who might have sung with Swinburne: 'Thou hast conquered, 
oh pale Galilean : the world has grown grey from thy breath ' ; but the 
romantic in him, the sentimentalist, the sorrowful son of a sorrowful age, 
doubts and hesitates, and finally decides that a tortured God and a 
mournful religion make an irresistible appeal to suffering and oppressed 
mankind. Keenly aware of the antithesis between paganism and 
Christianity, unable definitely to decide between them, although on 
the whole feeling the stronger pull towards an Hellenic paganism of 
his own making, thus Heine stands wavering on the threshold of his 
acquaintance with Saint- Simonism. 

From 1831 onwards, however, first in the Fravzosische Maler and 
then in De V Allemagne, he speaks with a very different voice. Whereas 
before 1831 the dominant note was pessimism and the emphasis lay on 
the insoluble problem of the nature of man, there is now a much more 
hopeful tone in his writings, and the emphasis lies on the harmony to 
which man can attain by recognising in his sensual nature an aspect of 
the manifestation of God. The Saint-Simonian religion, which sought 
in this way to harmonise soul and senses, flesh and spirit, came to him 
almost as a revelation, and during the years 1831-1836 he speaks as one 
who had found an escape from the prison of his own temperament, and 
foresaw the solution of one of the great conflicts of mankind. 

The hope which Saint-Simonism held out to Heine was an illusory 
one ; he abandoned this synthesis later, the philosophy which he had 
built up on its foundation crumbled into ruins, his pessimism came creep- 
ing back, and he died amidst the wreck of his former ideals, declaring 
almost with his latest breath that death alone could bring him peace, 
and that the strife between truth and beauty would never cease on 
earth 2 . 

The debt which Heine owed to the Saint-Simonians would thus 
appear to be the short-lived hope that happiness was to be found in the 

i Die Stadt Lucca (1830), iii, pp. 394-395. 

2 Filr die Mouche (1856), ii, pp. 45-49. According to Meissner, written two or three 
weeks before his death. 



E. M. BUTLER 71 

fair balance between spiritualism and sensualism : the Christian dualism 
spirit versus flesh absorbed in the Saint-Simonian trinity : Love (or 
Beauty) = spirit + flesh. This theory presents itself in so convincing a 
way when Heine's works are re-read with the problem of the Saint- 
Simonian influence uppermost in one's mind, that it is something in the 
nature of a shock to find him preaching and prophesying harmony 
between spirit and flesh in the letters from Heligoland, dated 1830 : 

Aber nur der Leib ward verspottet und gekreuzigt, der Geist ward verherrlicht... 
und die ganze Menschheit strebte seitdem, in imitationem Christi, nach leiblicher 
Abtodtung und iibersinnlichem Aufgehen im absolutem Geiste.... 

Wann wird die Harmonie wieder eintreten, wann wird die Welt wieder gesunden 
von dem einseitigen Streben nach Vergeistigung, dem tollen Irrthume, wodurch 
sowohl Seele wie Korper erkrankten ! l 

Shakespeare ist zu gleicher Zeit Jude und Grieche, oder vielmehr beide Elemente, 
der Spiritualism us und die Kunst, haben sich in ihrn versohnungsvoll durchdrungen 
und zu einem hoheren Ganzen entfaltet. 

Ist vielleicht solche harmonische Vermischung der beiden Elemente die Aufgabe 
der ganzen europaischen Civilisation? 2 

II. 

These letters are dated from Heligoland, July 1 to August 19, 1830, 

and describe the impression the July Revolution made on Heine's 

mind : his depressed, embittered mood before the great news reached 

him, and the passionate enthusiasm with which he greeted the dawn of 

freedom in France. They were incorporated in his Borne in 1840, and 

Heine is at some pains both in the German postscript 3 and especially in 

the French preface 4 to impress on his readers that they are being given 

in their original form : 

Les feuilles suivantes furent ecrites quelques jours avant et quelques jours apres 
la revolution de Juillet....Je les ai donnees dans leur forme primitive, quoique bien 
des petites inexactitudes qui s'y trouvent trahissent parfois nne ingenuite qui pourra 
faire sourire le lecteur francais aux frais du novice allemand 6 . 

Now since we are dealing with Heine, this declaration in itself looks 

a little suspicious ; it certainly proves nothing more positive than his 

desire that the date should be accepted as genuine. He often took a 

mischievous delight in - mystifying his public, and he was by no means 

squeamish about altering dates if it suited his convenience. Thus we 

find him writing to Varnhagen von Ense on the subject of the Nachtrage 

zu den Reisebildern 6 : 

Sie werden sich nicht tiiuschen lassen durch meine politische Vorrede und 
Nachrede, worin ich glauben mache, dass das Buch ganz von fruherem Datum sey. 

1 vii, p. 47. 2 vii, p. 53. 

3 vii, pp. 65-66. * vii, pp. 548-550. 5 vii, p. 549. 

6 Die Stadt Lucca and Englische Fragmente. 



72 Heine and the Saint- Simonians 

In der ersten Hiilfte sind etwa drey Bogen schon alt ; in der zweyten Halfte ist nur 
der Schlussaufsatz ueu. 1 

Nor can his statement to Campe, that these letters are detached 
from his diaries, and an integral part of his memoirs, be taken to mean 
that he is giving them in their original form. He is chiefly anxious here 
to impress Campe with the great sacrifice he is making in publishing a 
part of his memoirs, and thus force him to pay the 2000 marks which 
he demanded for the Borne, and which Campe was extremely unwilling 
to disburse. 

Die Spannung und die Neugier, wonrit mein 'Borne' bereits erwartet wird, ang- 
stigte mich ein wenig, um so mehr, da lange kein Buch von mir erschienen. Ich habe 
mich daher entschlossen, ein ganz besonderes Opfer zu bringen, und aus den Tage- 
biichern, welcheein integrirender Theil meiner Memoiren, detachirte ich eine schone 
Partie, welchedie Entbonsiasmusperiode von 1830 schildert und in meinem 'Borne' 
zwischen dem ersten und zweyten Buche vortrefflich eingeschaltet werden konnte ; 
was dem Ganzen, wie Sie sehen werden, ein gesteigertes Interesse verleiht.... Ist 
nun diese Zugabe nicht ein grosses Opfer, und zeigt sich hierin ein Honorargeiz? 
Sie sehen, ich thue alles fiir das Werk, und ich sackrifizire ihm nicht bloss den 
Honorarbetrag von fiinf bis sechs Druckbogen, sondern auch die weit unberechen- 
barern Interessen eines meiner kostbarsten Manuskripte 2 . 

Such, then, is Heine's own account of how he came to insert the 
letters from Heligoland into his book on Borne. Strodtmann, Proelss and 
Elster 3 accept the date without comment. Karpeles is convinced that it 
is genuine. Brandes regards the letters with some suspicion 4 , and Walzel, 
as we shall see later, is possibly a little doubtful, but the question of 
whether Heine tampered with the letters in 1839-1840 has never seriously 
arisen. From any point of view but that of the study of the Saint- 
Simonian influence in Heine's writings, it would appear to be of little 
importance, and could at most arouse a purely academic interest. In this 
connection, however, the authenticity of the date of these letters calls for 
careful attention. If the date is genuine, then Heine was not indebted 
to Saint-Simonism for his conception of a new religion that should har- 
monise spirit and senses, and Montegut and J. Schmidt are right in 

1 F. Hirth, Heinrich Heine, Briefwechsel, 1914-20, i, p. 628. The letter is dated Nov. 
19, 1830. 

2 Hirth, ii, p. 307. Letter dated Feb. 18, 1840. I think that Heine was throwing dust 
in Campe 's eyes here, and that he had already decided to use these letters for the book on 
the July Bevolution which he was planning at the time. (Cp. Hirth, ii, pp. 298, 312.) It is 
significant that he abandoned the idea of this book after he had incorporated the letters 
in his Borne. The sacrifice in this case was not so great as he would have Campe believe. 

3 Cp. Elster, vii, p. 648. E. Fiirst makes no comment on the date of the letters, but 
treats them as if they had been written in 1839-40 (H. Heine, Leben, Werke u. Briefe, 
pp. 258, 328. 417-418). 

4 ' Even if these expressions have been strung together at a later period, even if the 
letters are not genuine but a fragment of a memoir inserted later, for the sake of contrast, 
in the book on Borne, they will undoubtedly give us a correct picture of Heine's mental 
attitude at that time ' (Brandes, Young Germany, Engl, transl., London, 1905, p. 28). 



E. M. BUTLER 73 

allowing a very minor rdle to the New Church in the history of Heine's 
thought. 

Now we know from Laube's famous Nekrolog written in August, 

1846, on the occasion of the false rumour of the poet's death, that Heine 

was not quite frank in the reasons he gave to Campe for including the 

letters from Heligoland in his Borne. In reality it was in order to meet 

Laube's objection to the bitterness which Heine expressed against Borne, 

that the author introduced this 'mountain' into his book 1 . Laube had 

declared that such a ' mountain ' was necessary to throw the personal 

enmity into the shade, and that it must be the development of Heine's 

1 grossere Weltanschauung ' as against Borne's purely political opinions. 

Heine seemed to agree, and during the winter 1839-1840, whenever he 

met Laube in the streets of Paris or came to see him, he would assure 

him that he was 'building the mountain.' Laube was extremely dissatisfied 

with the result, and said that the ideas of the July Revolution were 

rather a valley than a mountain, and that it was just these ideas, in the 

main Borne's, which Heine ought to have proved inferior to his own. 

I think, however, that he missed the point, and that Heine had done 

what he had promised to do. Partly, no doubt, he hoped that it would 

be apparent in the letters from Heligoland that his ideal of freedom 

was a finer and a freer thing than Borne's, but even Heine could hardly 

call freedom a philosophy of life. Who were the ' Gotter der Zukunft ' 

entrusted to his care? 2 What was this 'greater philosophy,' which he 

possessed in 1839, and which was so infinitely superior to Borne's narrow 

views ? It was nothing else than the harmony between sensualism and 

spiritualism, which he had been openly preaching since 1831 3 , and which 

the Saint-Simonians had proclaimed in 1830 4 . The whole tendency of 

the book on Borne lies in the contrast between the latter's narrow 

Nazarenism and Heine's broader Hellenism, which was at the root of 

their personal antipathy. Heine had defined this difference between 

them in the first book, written in 1839. 'Jews' and 'Christians,' he says, 

are for him but two terms which designate the same temperament ; he 

unites them in the epithet 'Nazarenes' to which he opposes 'Hellenes' : 

' Menschen mit ascetischen, bildfeindlichen, vergeistigungssiichtigen 

Trieben, oder Menschen von lebensheiterem, entfaltungsstolzem und 

1 Laube was in Paris during the winter 1839-40. 

2 vii, p. 41. 

3 I.e., 1831, in Franzosische Maler ; cp. Elster, iv, pp. 54-56; 1833 and 1834 in De 
VAllemagne, passim. 

4 In the Deuxieme annee of the Exposition de la Doctrine de Saint-Simon, published in 
the Oraanisateur, which, however, does not seem to have penetrated into Germany before 
1831. 



74 Heine and the Saint- Simonians 

realistischem WesenV This antithesis occurs again and again through- 
out the Borne 2 . 

Now, when we know that the letters from Heligoland were inserted 
between the first and second book for the express purpose of developing 
a ' greater philosophy ' than Borne's, which Heine had preached since 
1831, but not before, unless in these very letters ; when we have seen 
too that in 1830 he still stood uncertain between paganism and Chris- 
tianity, and that no presentiment of a religion which might bridge the 
gulf between them had then dawned upon his mind, we are justified, 
I think, in suspecting that this part is the work of 1840, and not of 1830. 

Nor is this suspicion entirely unsupported by proofs. There is some 
internal evidence that Heine was not guiltless of textual alterations, and 
this evidence should now be considered. I will begin with a very slight 
slip, which first caught my attention whilst I was puzzling over the 
anomaly of the Saint-Simonian synthesis in Heine's pre-Paris days. It 
was a reference to the 'schwabische Gelbveiglein' rather inconsequently 
dragged into the story of Leah and Rachel : ' Unterdessen kommt Ruben 
nach Hause und bringt seiner Mutter einen Strauss Dudaim, die er auf 
dem Felde gepfliickt. . . Was sind Dudaim ?. . .Es sind vielleicht schwabische 
Gelbveiglein 3 .' Now it is a well-known fact, that the ' Swabian wall- 
flowers ' had been a standing joke with Heine since 1837 (when he 
first fell foul of the 'schwabische Dichterschule'), but not before. Their 
supposed appearance in 1830 is little short of an anachronism. It is an 
addition of no importance in itself, but at least it is a straw which shows 
that the wind of 1840 blew through the letters from Heligoland. 

Then again, it is surprising to find Heine describing himself as a 
' heimlicher Hellene 4 .' It is cleverly done, since it would lead us to 
suppose that the 'grossere Weltanschauung' dated from before the 
Revolution, but it is the first time that we find the term 'Hellene' in his 
writings, and this in a book whose whole later tendency is to glorify 
Hellenism at the expense of Nazarenism. It occurs immediately before 
a fine passage in which he characterises the Jews as the ' people of the 
spirit.' This again is the first hint of such an attitude towards the Jews, 
always supposing that the date 1830 is genuine 5 . But when we come to 

1 vii, p. 24. 2 Cp. vii, pp. 23, 24-25, 38-39, 116, 123, 144-146. 

3 vii, p. 48. Cp. Genesis, xxx, 14 ff. The earlier editions have Judaim, the error here 
being Heine's. The Greek version is mandragoras. 

4 vii, p. 46. 

5 The first certain instance of this attitude is to be found in Schnabelewopski (1834), 
where he calls the Jews ' das Volk des Geistes' and the Christians ' das Geistervolk.' Cp. 
iv, p. 132. There is a very striking resemblance between this passage in the letters from 
Heligoland (vii, pp. 46-47) and part of the third chapter of the Rabbi von Bacharach (iv, 
p. 486), which was almost certainly written in 1840. Cp. Hirth, ii, p. 327. 



E. M. BUTLER 75 

the term ' Jude ' applied to Shakespeare 1 , the alteration of the original 
text seems to force itself on our notice. It is almost certain that 
Heine would have used the antithesis ' Christian ' and ■ Greek ' until 
1836; it is in the Elementargeister (1836) that he first uses the term 
Nazarenism in a technical sense which includes Judaism and Christianity. 
The passage is extremely reminiscent of the corresponding definition in 
the first book of the Borne from which I have quoted above 2 . Before 1836 
he uses 'Christian' and 'spiritual' as opposed to 'Greek.' 3 Moreover, 
in Zur Geschichte der Religion und Philosophie in Deutschland (1834) he 
still adopts the Saint-Simonian conception of Judaism as much more 
sensual than Christianity 4 , which goes to prove that his adherence to 
Hegel's theory that the Jews were the spiritual people par excellence 
was of later date. 

It will, I hope, be allowed that it looks as if Heine had kept faith 
with Laube, and that, when he declared he was 'building the mountain,' 
he was doing a little more than copying out the letters laboriously word 
for word. A passage or two to show that his religion, the religion of the 
future, was one of harmony and happiness 5 , the underlining of the one- 
sided spiritualism of the Jews, which would recall Borne to his readers' 
minds 6 , a vaguely- worded prophecy of the millennium 7 ; the whole 
cleverly worked in with his notes on the Bible, which he had been 
reading in 1830 8 , and which had fired his imagination, and now Laube 
will surely be satisfied, and Heine can proceed to enjoy himself. 

For the re-writing of the letters from Heligoland did not end with 
the development of the 'greater philosophy.' Heine was always more 
an artist than a thinker, and some years before 1840 he had begun to 
fall out of love with the Saint-Simonian synthesis. He had, however, no 
other philosophy to put in its place, and it still served him well enough 
for polemical purposes. I imagine that he undertook the modifications 
in this direction airily and carelessly, to satisfy his friend rather than 
himself. 

But the congenial task of enhancing the artistic value of the letters 
would make an almost irresistible appeal to Heine, and here, although 

1 vii, p. 53. 

2 Elementargeister (1836), iv, p. 423; cp. vii, pp. 24-25, and also Shakespeares Madchen 
und Frauen (1838), v, pp. 454-455. 

3 See De I'Allemagne, passim. 

* iv, pp. 192 and 583-4. 5 vii, pp. 47 and 53, quoted above. 

6 vii, pp. 46-47. 7 vii, p. 50. 

8 Cp. Hirth, i, p. 587 : letter to Vamhagen fromWandsbeck, April 5, 1830; and Hirth, 
i, p. 614 : letter to Vamhagen from Wandsbeck, June 16, 1830. There is no reference to 
the Bible in the correspondence from Heligoland which has been preserved, but he probably 
had it with him on the island. It was much in his thoughts at the time. 



76 Heine arid the Saint- Simonians 

the alterations are, I believe, much more extensive, the motive is a less 
questionable one, since his chief concern was to recapture his mood on 
the island before the Revolution. He was aiming here at poetic truth, 
whereas when he dated the ' greater philosophy ' 1830, his object was to 
deceive. 

I do not think that he tampered much with the letters dated 
August 6, 10 and 19, in which his enthusiasm at the triumph of free- 
dom is so finely expressed, and in which his words are not unlike the 
flaming stars and flashing spears with which he compares them 1 . The 
emotional truth of this ' first fine careless rapture ' is not to be denied, 
and Heine was too clever an artist to attempt any serious alterations in 
a colder mood 2 . Moreover when he affirms that he is giving the letters 
in their original form, it is obvious from the context that he is thinking 
of these later letters. He instances his ingenuous adoption of the legend 
of 'Lafayette aux cheveux blancs' and his uncritical enthusiasm for the 
faithful dog Medor. He was artist enough to leave these little mistakes 
intact, though he could not refrain from commenting on his restraint. 

It is more difficult to believe that he left the earlier letters untouched, 
and there are signs that he undertook alterations in two directions. In 
the first place, he wished to combine the letters from Heligoland into 
an artistic whole, in the second place he sought to intensify the mood of 
depression in the first letters, so that the contrast with the later letters 
might gain in vividness. 

Now the motif of the death of Pan runs through the first letters like 
a prophetic refrain and re-echoes triumphantly when the prophecy is 
fulfilled 3 . Its artistic value in drawing the two groups of letters together 
is so great, that one is tempted to ascribe its presence in the first group, 
not to the long arm of coincidence, but to the hand of Heine at a later 
date. This suspicion is heightened by the prophetic use to which Heine 
puts the story and its refrain. For among his more harmless vanities 
was the desire to impress the world with his gift of divination : he saw 
himself as a ' Sonntagskind 4 ' whose presentiments came true, and who 
saw visions and dreamt dreams denied to the rest of humanity. 

Even more suspect appear the ' wunderliche Ahnungen ' in the fifth 
letter, dated August 1 : 

Es ist heute junges Licht, und trotz aller wehmiithigen Zweifelsucht, womit sich 
meine Seele hin und her quiilt, beschleichen mich wunderliche Ahnungen.... Es 

1 viii, p. 59. 

' 2 Cp. the resemblance of mood between these letters, the Spiitere Nachschrift to the 
Stadt Lucca (Nov. 1830) and the Schlusswort to the Englische Fragmente (Nov. 29, 1830). 
3 Cp. vii, pp. 51-52, 56, 59, 62. * Cp. iv, p. 559. 



E. M. BUTLER 77 

geschieht jetzt etwas Ausserordentliches in der Welt.... Die See riecht nach Kuchen, 
und die Wolkenmonche sahen vorige Nacht so traurig aus, so betriibt.... 

...Es sah fast aus/als ob sie einer Leiche folgten....Wer wird begraben 1 Wer ist 
gestorben ? sprach ich zu mir selber. Ist der grosse Pan todt I 1 

This is just the kind of addition which Heine could hardly have re- 
sisted when preparing the letters for the press, and we begin to under- 
stand the motive, half-artistic and half-childish, which made him insist 
on their forme primitive. 

We now come to the question whether Heine undertook any altera- 
tions in order to intensify the mood of depression and restlessness which 
preceded the arrival of the news from Paris. The first letter is of para- 
mount importance here, since it serves as a prelude to the concert of 
conflicting emotions in the following pages. It is difficult not to believe 
that it was almost entirely re-written in 1839-1840, an assumption 
which is not based on the very different form in which F. Steinmann 
gives this letter 2 . Steinmann has been very generally condemned as a 
literary swindler, and he certainly cannot be trusted implicitly. Never- 
theless some of the letters, first published by him, addressed to himself 
and to other friends of Heine's student days, have been included in all 
the standard collections of Heine's letters. This one has been unani- 
mously rejected, probably on account of the variations from the text of 
the first letter from Heligoland. As Heine's version has always been 
thought to be genuine, Steinmann's would naturally appear as yet 
another forgery. 

Wer einmal liigt, dem glaubt man nicht, 
Und wenn er auch die Wahrheit spricht. 

In this case I believe Steinmann printed the letter as he received it, 
and that Heine, either from memory or from a copy, worked it up later 
into the form in which we now know it. It would, however, end in an 
almost Gilbertian situation if one attempted to disprove the genuineness 
of Heine's version supported by no better evidence than a letter pub- 
lished by a man of Steinmann's reputation. There are other and less 
controversial reasons which seem to point to a very considerable re- 
writing in 1839-1840 3 . 

It is dated from Heligoland on July 1, and Heine, writing to his 

1 vii, p. 56. Heine puts the supposed declaration of mine host, that the sea smelt of 
fresh-baked cakes on July 28, to the same prophetic use as the story ' Great Pan is dead ' ; 
cp. vii, pp. 54, 56, 56-57. 

2 F. Steinmann, H. Heine: Denkwilrdigkeiten und Erlebnisse aus meinem Zusammen- 
leben mit ihm, Prague, 1857, pp. 214-215 ; also included in his edition of Heine's letters, 
Amsterdam, 1861, i, pp. 94-96. 

8 I should perhaps state that I came to the conclusions which follow, before I had read 
Steinmann's version of the letter, or knew that such a version existed. 



78 Heine and the Saint- Simonians 

sister on July 28, says that he has been on the island for three weeks 1 ? 
so that the date in itself looks an unlikely one, and Steinmann's date, 
July 6, rather more probable 2 . Nevertheless too much importance cannot 
be given to dates here, for, writing to Immermann on August 10 3 , he 
speaks of this letter to his sister as having been written four weeks ago, 
which shows that he was apt to be confused about times. In a postscript 
to a letter to Varnhagen, dated from Wandsbeck on June 21 4 , he com- 
plains that the weather will not permit him to undertake the journey 
till the end of the week. Now, June 21 was a Thursday, and if he were 
able to go at the end of the week, the date July 1 may conceivably be 
correct 6 . But the letter itself seems to show certain retrospective cha- 
racteristics, later moods mingling with his memories of those earlier 
days, the Heine of 1840 looking over the shoulder of the Heine of 1830. 
Thus, when he is speaking of the irony of fate which had changed the 
poet into the pamphleteer 6 , he drops the tell-tale phrase : ' Ich, der ich 
mich am liebsten damit beschaftigte...die Geheimnisse der Elementar- 
geister zu erlauschen... 7 ,' which reminds us at once that his pre-occupa- 
tion with the ' Elementargeister ' was chiefly noticeable since 1834. 
Then, too, the sentence: ' ...in Frankreich selbst soil es jetzt schlecht 
aussehen, und die grosse Retirade hat noch kein Ende 8 ,' coupled with 
the despairing exclamation at the end of the letter : ' O Freiheit, du 
bist ein boser Traum 9 !' bringing under a strange guise a message of 
hope to readers who know that the July Revolution is at hand ; are we 
not almost forced to suspect the dramatic irony apparent here ? 

It is, however, the textual resemblance between the poem Jetzt 
Wohin ? which I quote below, and a portion of this letter, which makes 
me so doubtful of the date, and this, although Elster has dated the poem 
1830, on account, I suppose of this very resemblance 10 . It was first 
published in Romanzero, 1851, among the Lamentationen 11 . 

1 Hirth, i, p. 617. 

2 According to Steinmann, this letter was addressed to himself. 

3 Hirth, i, p. 618. 4 Hirth, i, p. 613. 

5 vii, p. 45. Heine says that July 7 was a Sunday, whereas it was really a Wednesday, 
which is another little straw of evidence in favour of later re-writing. 

6 This has a genuine 1830 ring. Since 1835 his chief lament was that, politically, he 
was gagged by the edicts. 

7 vii, p. 42. 8 vii, p. 44. 

9 vii, p. 45. I0 See Elster, vii, p. 648. 

11 i, p. 412. 0. Walzel, in his edition of Heine's Wort* (1911-15), seems to date the 
poem later than 1830, and to be doubtful about the date of the letters : ' Die franzosische 
Bearbeitung des zweiten Buches wird eingeleitet durch eine langere Darlegung, in der es 
u. a. heisst: "Les feuilles suivantes furent ecrites quelques jours avant et quelques jours 
apres la revolution de Juillet." Sicher weisen sie dieselbe Stimmung, die in den Briefen 
dieser Zeit, zunachst in dem Scbreiben an Varnhagen vom 19. November anzutreffen ist. 
Ahnliche Erwagungen stellt aber auch das Gedicht" Jetzt Wohin" des "Romanzero" an.' 
(viii, pp. 610-611.) 



E. M. BUTLER 79 

It seems to me that if the first three stanzas of this poem are read 
with an open mind, an obvious interpretation suggests itself. The 
' Krieg ' is surely the war against Young Germany, and the ' Kriegs- 
gerichte' are the edicts which were not withdrawn, even after the 
persecution had died down 1 . Whilst Heine was on Heligoland, his 
worst enemies were those he had made by his attack on Platen, and 
though there is nothing unnatural or unlikely in the question : ' Aber 
in der That wo soil ich hin ? ' and though Ave know that Heine was 
getting more and more restless and unhappy in Germany, we are not 
surprised to find that the possibility of being shot appears in the letter 
as nothing more terrible than the discomfort of being roused from sleep 
by a policeman to see if he really is asleep. Heine had written nothing 
before 1830 which could result in serious government persecutions ; the 
case had altered since 1835. Then again, in the poem, Heine considers 
the possibility of returning to Germany in his sentimental exile vein : 
' Der dumme Fuss will mich gern nach Deutschland tragen ' ; whereas 
the letter reflects the mood of impatient disgust with Germany, which 
was his in 1830. Lastly, in the poem there is no mention of France as 
a possible country to fly to. Now if it had been written in 1830, France 
would hardly have been omitted, whereas if it was written after 1831, 
the reason is obvious. France is not omitted in the letter, on the con- 
trary, it is used very skilfully : the Bourbon reaction is described as 
being at its height. The poem, therefore, 1 should date some time after 
1835, when the war with Young Germany was over. I think myself that 
it was most probably written in October, 1836, whilst Heine was at Aix, 
for there is a great resemblance of mood between the poem and a letter 
to Princess Belgiojoso of that date. During this period, ' die schmerz- 
lichste Passionszeit meines Lebens 2 ,' he had come to realise that the 
voluntary exile of 1831 had become a matter of stern necessity. The 
result was an acute attack of homesickness and ' Weltschmerz,' with 
their corollaries, restlessness and infirmity of purpose : 

Est-ce que, Madame, je ferai bientot ma paix, paix ignoble, avec les autorites 
d'Outre-Rhin, pour pouvoir sortir des ennuies de l'exil, et de cette gene qui est pire 
qu'une pauvrete complete ? Helas ! les tentations deviennent grandes depuis quel- 
que temps.. ..Nonje ne suis pas un Regulus, je n'aimerais nullement etre berce dans 
un tonneau larde de clous. Je ne suis pas non plus un Brutus ; je n'enfoncerais 
jamais un poignard dans mon pauvre ventre, pour ne pas servir les Prussiens 3 . 

1 The dates are as follows : Menzel's denunciations from Sept. 1835 onwards. Dec. 11 
1835, the Federal edicts against the writings of the Young Germans. On Feb. 16, 1836' 
the Prussian edicts took a somewhat milder form, and were withdrawn in the summer of 
1842. 

2 Hirth, ii, p. 126: letter to Moses Moser, dated from Avignon, Nov. 8, 1836. 

3 Hirth, ii, p. 122. I retain Heine's mistakes in French. 



80 Heine and the Saint- Simonians 

The poem Jetzt Wohin ? betrays the same longing to return to Ger- 
many, and the same half-humorous repudiation of the heroic attitude. 
In the absence of any definite proof, however, I do not care to insist on 
this date, since Heine was often a prey to such moods 1 . All the psycho- 
logical conditions that went to produce the poem were present in 1836, 
and the line ' Zwar beendigt ist der Krieg ' points to a date not all too 
remote from the Young German fracas, but it might have been written 
any time between 1835 and 1842. Between those dates, or so it seems 
to me, it is conclusively fixed by the allusion to the ' Kriegsgerichte.' 

The parallelism between the letter and the poem, however, is a 
somewhat double-edged proof, since it could be argued that the date of 
the letter is not affected by the date of the poem, which might have 
been suggested to Heine whilst he was re-reading and copying out his 
memoirs in 1839-1840. This is the weak point in my theory, since I 
cannot prove that Jetzt Wohin ? was written in 1836. Nevertheless 
Heine's lyric poems were born of the mood of the moment, whereas his 
works in prose were very often pieced together from old and new 
material. This exile poem does not read like an adaptation of an old 
letter to fit in with actual circumstances, whereas the letter shows other 
signs of having been re-written 2 . Then, too, the other letters present 
positive internal evidence of having been altered in 1839-1840 3 . In 
view of all these facts, I think it is safe to conclude that the Jetzt 
Wohin ? motif in the letter was elaborated in 1839-1840, and that a part 
of the poem was used for this purpose. 

III. 

I have hitherto ignored Steinmann's version of the first letter from 
Heligoland as completely as Heine's editors, but I cannot dismiss it 
altogether, since I am not satisfied that it is a forgery. I have not 
adduced it as a proof that Heine tampered with the original, yet fairness 
seems to demand that it should now be considered. 

The three texts are as follows 4 : 

A. Steinmann's Version. 1830? B. Heine's Version. 1840? 

IchselberbindesGuerillakriegesmiide Ich selber bin dieses Guerilla-Krie- 

und verlange nach Ruhe. Es ist wahrlich ges miide und sehne mich nach Ruhe, 

1 Cp. Elster, i, p. 263 : ' Ich hatte einst ein schones Vaterland,' 1833 ; and i, p. 272, Anno 
1839. 

2 The Elementargeister, the ' grosse Eetirade, O Freiheit, du bist ein boser Traum! ' 

3 The epithet ' Jude ' applied to Shakespeare points to a date after 1836. The Swabian 
wall-flowers date the alterations after 1837. It is hardly necessary to stress the fact that 
the re-writing is most likely to have taken place in 1839-40, either whilst Heine was con- 
templating a book on the July Bevolution, or whilst he was ' building the mountain.' 

4 The poem, the Steinmann letter, and the first paragraph of the letter from Heligo- 
land are quoted in full. I have also given all those passages in Heine's version which show 
a resemblance to the Steinmann text or to Jetzt Wohiii? 



E. M. BUTLER 



A. Stei?imann's Version. 1830 ? 

seltsam, dass gerade ich aus meinem 
beschaulicheu Leben herausgestort ward, 
um meine armen Landsleute gleichfalls 
herauszustoren und in die Bewegung 
hineinzutreiben und mich mit Polizei 
und Zensur herumzuhetzen. Was niusste 
ich auch Reisebilder schreiben, politische 
Annalen redigiren, mich mit der Zeit 
und ihren Interessen abplagen, den ar- 
men deutschen Michel aus seinem tau- 
sendjahrigen Dachsschlaf aufriitteln ? 
Was half s mir ? Er schlug die Augen 
auf, um sie gleich darauf wieder zu 
schliessen ; er gahnte, um sofort wieder 
noch starker zu schnarchen ; er reckte 
seine steifen ungelenken Gliedmaassen, 
um gleich darauf wieder im alten Bette 
seiner Gewohnheiten gleich einer Leiche 
leblos zu liegen. 



B. Heine's Version. 1840? 

wenigstens nach einem Zustand, wo ich 
mich meinen natiirlichen Neigungen, 
meiner traumerischen Art und Weise, 
meinem phantastischen Sinnen und Grii- 
beln ganz fessellos hingeben kann. 
Welche Ironie des Geschickes, das ich, 
der ich mich so gerne auf die Pfiihle des 
stillen beschaulichen Gemiithlebens bette, 
dass eben ich dazu bestimmt war, meine 
armen Mitdeutschen aus ihrer Behag- 
lichkeit hervorzugeisseln und in die Be- 
wegung hineinzuhetzen ! Ich, der ich 
mich am liebsten damit beschaftige, Wol- 
kenziige zu beobachten, die Geheimnisse 
der Elementargeister zu erlauschen, und 
mich in die Wunderwelt alter Marchen 
zu versenken...ich musste politische An- 
nalen herausgeben, Zeitinteressen vor- 
tragen, revolutionare Wiinsche anzetteln, 
die Leidenschaften aufstacheln, den ar- 
men deutschen Michel bestandig an der 
Nase zupfen, dass er aus seinem gesun- 
den Riesenschlaf erwache....Freilich, ich 
konnte dadurch bei dem schnarchenden 
Giganten nur ein sanftes Niesen, keines- 
wegs aber ein Erwachen bewirken....Und 
riss ichauch heftig an seinem Kopfkissen, 
so riickte er es sich doch wieder zurecht 
mit schlaftrunkener Hand.. ..Einstwollte 
ich aus Verzweiflung seine Nachtmiitze in 
Brand stecken, aber sie war so feucht von 
Gedankenschweiss, dass sie nur gelinde 
rauchte. . .und Michel lachelte im Schlum- 



Ich muss Ruhe haben ; aber wo finde 
ich einen Ruheplatz ? Vielleicht ware 
am Ende der der beste, worauf die 'stil- 
len Leute' ruhen, und wo es Betten gibt, 
die man 'kuhl,' 'kalt,' 'still' und ' duster ' 
nennt. Doch nein — fur diese Lagerpfiihle 
bin ich noch zu warm, zu voll Leben. In 
Deutschland kann ich nicht langer blei- 
ben ; ich habe die Wahl zwischen Frank- 
reich, England, Italien und Nordamerika, 
wenn mich nicht am Ende der Sultan, 
der sicher meinen 'Almansor' gelesen 
hat, und mehr fur ihn schwarmt als fiir 
seine Fatimen im Harem, noch zu sich 
einladet und mich zu seinem Leibarzt 
ernennt, da er weiss, dass ich in Bonn 
und Gottingen studirte, und man in 
Deutschland den Katzenjammer am bes- 
ten kennt weil er am haufigsten hier 
vorkommt, und am griindlichsten und 
schmackhaftesten mit Haringsalat zu 
heilen weiss. — Doch — im Ernst. Gib mir 
Rath, wohin ich gehen soil ? Ubereile 



Ich bin mude und lechze nach Ruhe. 
Ich werde mir ebenfalls eine deutsche 
Nachtmiitze anschaffen und iiber die 
Ohren ziehen. Wenn ich nur wiisste, wo 
ich jetzt mein Haupt niederlegen kann. 
In Deutschland ist es unmoglich. Jeden 
Augenblick wiirde ein Polizeidiener her- 
ankommen und mich riitteln, um zu 
erproben, ob ich wirklich schlafe ; schon 
diese Idee verdirbt mir alles Behagen. 
Aber in der That, wo soil ich hin ? Wie- 
der nach Siiden ? Nach dem Lande wo 
die Citronen bliihen und die Goldoran- 
gen '] [Negatived onaccountof Austria.]. . . 
Oder soil ich nach Norden ? Etwa nach 
Nordosten ? Ach, die Eisbaren sind jetzt 
gefahrlicher als je, seitdem sie sich civi- 
lisieren und Glacehandschuhe tragen. 
Oder soil ich wieder nach dem verteu- 
felten England, wo ich nicht in effigie 
hangen, wie viel weniger in Person leben 
mochte ! [Disquisition on the resem- 
blance between machines and Ensrlish- 



M. L. R. XVIII. 



6 



82 



Heine and the Saint- Simonians 



A. Steinmanris Version. 1830 ? 
dich nicht und schreibe mir offen deine 
Ansicht ; ich bleibe wenigstens noch vier 
Wochen unter dem Schutz und Schirm 
des komfortablen brittischen Gouver- 
neurs des einsamen Eilandsfelsens. 



B. Heine's Version. 1840? 
men. Governor of Heligoland cited as 
an instance.]... Dass die Insel Helgoland 
unter brittischer Herrschaft steht, ist 
mir schon hinlanglich fatal. Ich bilde 
mir manchmal ein, ich roche jene Lange- 
weile, welche Albion's Sohne iiberall aus- 
diinsten. In der That, aus jedem Eng- 
lander entwickelt sich ein gewisses Gas, 
die todliche Stickluft der Langeweile, 
[the English abroad ; do they travel to 
escape from their boredom, or because of 
the French cooking ?]...Aber wie vor- 
trefflich auch die franzosische Kiiche, in 
Frankreich selbst soil es jetzt schlecht 
aussehen, und die grosse Retirade hat 
noch kein Ende. [The Jesuit reaction.]. . . 
...Oder soil ich nach Amerika, nach 
diesem ungeheuren Freiheitsgefangnis, 
wo die unsichtbaren Ketten mich noch 
schmerzlicher drucken wurden, als zu 
Hause die sichtbaren, und wo der wider- 
wartigste aller Tyrannen, der Pobel, 
seine rohe Herrschaft ausiibt ! [The bad 
treatment of the niggers ; the greed for 
gold.]... 



C. Jetzt Wohin? 1836? 



Jetzt wohin ? Der dumme Fuss 
Will mich gem nach Deutschland tragen ; 
Doch es schuttelt klug das Haupt 
Mein Verstand und scheint zu sagen : 

' Zwar beendigt ist der Krieg, 
Doch die Kriegsgerichte blieben, 
Und es heisst, du habest einst 
Viel Erschiessliches geschrieben.' 

Das ist wahr, unangenehm 
War' mir das Erschossenwerden ; 
Bin kein Held, es fehlen mir 
Die pathetischen Gebarden. 

Gern wiird' ich nach England gehn, 
Waren dort nicht Kohlendampfe 
Und Englander — schon ihr Duft 
Giebt Erbrechen mir und Krampfe. 

Manchmal kommt mir in den Sinn, 

Nach Amerika zu segeln, 

Nach dem grossen Freiheitsstall, 

Der bewohnt von Gleichheits-Flegeln — 

A comparison of the three texts has led me to certain conclusions, 
which I offer here for criticism, but which, whether right or wrong, do 
not affect the theory that the first letter from Heligoland was largely 
re-written in 1840, for that theory rests on other evidence, as I hope I 
have succeeded in showing. 



Doch es angstet mich ein Land, 
Wo die Menschen Taback kauen, 
Wo sie ohne Konig kegeln, 
Wo sie ohne Spucknapf speien. 

Russland, dieses schone Reich, 
Wiirde mir vielleicht behagen, 
Doch im Winter konnte ich 
Dort die Knute nicht ertragen. 

Traurig schau' ich in die Hoh' 
Wo viel' tausend Sterne nicken — 
Aber meinen eignen Stern 
Kann ich nirgends dort erblicken. 

Hat im giildnen Labyrinth 
Sich vielleicht verirrt am Himmel, 
Wie ich selber mich verirrt 
In dem irdischen Getummel. 



E. M. BUTLER 8 3 

The conclusions are : that the Steinmann letter is genuine ', that this 
new factor does not affect the date of the poem, and that the first letter 
from Heligoland, re-written in 1840, is based on the Steinmann text 
and on Jetzt Wohin ? 

To begin with the Steinmann letter. As it was first published in 
1857, the assumption that it is not genuine must lead to the theory that 
it is a garbled version of the first letter from Heligoland — published in 
1840. The obvious parallelism between them allows of no other explana- 
tion. Now, if the opening passages of the two letters are compared, the 
differences between them tell strongly in Steinmann's favour. His ver- 
sion is less carefully written and less elaborate ; the Elementargeister of 
doubtful date are absent, the Reisebilder on the other hand are hall- 
marked 1830. Then the absence of the dramatic irony of Heine's version 
is significant, while the change from the ' Weltschmerz ' to the ' Katzen- 
jammer' motif in the body of the letter is altogether characteristic of 
Heine's technique. There is also a curious resemblance, which seems to 
me more than a coincidence, between the phrase 'des einsamen Eilands- 
felsens ' and a very similar expression in a letter to Varnhagen dated 
from Wandsbeck on June 16, 1830 : ' Wenn Ihr Brief... mich nicht mehr 
hier trafe, so wiirde er mir auf dem noch isolirteren Meerfelsen Helgo- 
land nicht minder willkommen seyn 2 .' It would argue an uncanny degree 
of luck, indeed, if Steinmann chanced on this phrase by pure accident. 

We now come to the date of the poem. It will have been noticed 
that the question : ' Gib mir Rath, wohin ich gehen soil ? ' and the care- 
less sentence: 'Ich habe die Wahl zwisch en... England... und Nordame- 
rika' form the leitmotif oi the poem. Heine probably had this letter in 
his mind when he wrote Jetzt Wohin P, but it cannot be said to have 
inspired the poem, which at most reflects a similar state of indecision. 
The mood is a completely different one. It is the mournful mood of the 
exile, whereas the Steinmann letter expresses a firm determination to flee 
from Germany at all costs. The textual resemblance is slight. France, Italy 
and Turkey are omitted in the poem, Germany and Russia are added. 
Moreover the ' Kriegsgerichte ' remain an unanswerable argument. The 

1 That is to say, it was addressed to Steinmann in 1830, and reproduced by him with 
approximate faithfulness. I cannot vouch for the absence of slight textual alterations. 
Steinmann was not an ideal editor. I think, however, that it deserves a place among 
Heine's letters equally with the three letters which he published in Mefistofeles in 1842 ; 
dated Oct. 29, 1820, Feb. 4, 1821 and April 10, 1823, and which have been included in the 
standard collections, although the MSS. have not been accessible; cp. here Hirth, i, p. 15. 

2 Hirth, i, p. 614. This letter was first published in 1865 in Briefe von Stagemann, 
Heine und Bettina von Arnim, nebst Brief en, Anmerkungen und Notizen von Varnhagen von 
Ense. 

3 It is entitled Fragment eines Brief es in the MS. See Elster, i, p. 556. 

6—2 



84 Heine and the Saint- Simonians 

Steinmann letter, therefore, if genuine, does not shake my opinion that 
the poem was written between 1835 and 1842. 

Heine's version of the letter combines two themes : the pre-revolu- 
tion mood of weariness and disgust expressed in his longing for peace, 
and his determination to escape from Germany, with the despairing 
feeling that freedom is nowhere to be found, reflected in his cynical 
review of other lands. With one notable exception, all this is to be found 
in embryo in the Steinmann letter. The first theme needed only slight 
alterations for style and intensification of mood. It is clear why the 
' revolutionare Wunsche ' were added, and why the irony of the poetic 
dreamer forced into politics was emphasised. Carried away by the con- 
genial mood of self-pity, Heine let slip the Elementargeister unnoticed. 

The treatment of the second theme in Steinmann's version did not 
suit his purpose. It was altogether too flippant in tone, and did not 
reflect the poetic truth of his mood on the island, which he was par- 
ticularly anxious to recapture. The passionate seeker after freedom must 
not be found wandering in harems. The poem was then drawn into 
service, and the attitude towards England and America elaborated on 
the lines of Jetzt Wohin? The half-contemptuous irony towards Russia 
in the poem was retained, although somewhat differently treated 1 . 
England was enriched with memories of the Reisebilder days 2 ; Italy, 
much in his thoughts in 1830, must play her part as an example of the 
oppression then rampant in the world, and, most important of all, a 
retrospective account of France before the July Revolution must be 
added. The letter was then as faithful a reproduction of mood as he 
could make it. The tempting sentence ' O Freiheit, du bist ein boser 
Traum!' probably first suggested to him the idea of a preface that might 
lull suspicion to sleep. 

IV. 
We have wandered far indeed from the Saint- Simonian synthesis, as 
Heine himself had wandered away from it before 1840. But the ad- 

1 The attitude towards America and Eussia points to a date after 1830. In the Iieise 
von Milnchen nach Genua, published in December, 1829, he gives both countries generous 
praise : ' Wiirde auch ganz Europa ein einziger Kerker, so gabe es jetzt noch immer ein 
anderes Loch zum Entschlupfen, das ist Amerika, und gottlob ! das Loch ist noch grosser 
als den Kerker selbst' (iii, p. 279); ' " Ja, ich bin gut russisch." Und in der That. ..hat es 
sich jetzt so gefiigt, dass der gliihendste Freund der Eevolution nur im Siege Eusslands das 
Heil der Welt sieht und den Kaiser Nikolas als den Gonfaloniere der Freiheit betrachten 
muss' (iii, pp. 277-278). 

2 In Sept. 1839 Heine was occupied with a fourth edition of the Reisebilder (cp. Hirth, 
ii, pp. 297, 301). There is a certain parallelism between passages in the Englische Frag- 
mente and the criticism of England in his letter. Cp. iii, p. 438, where he speaks of the 
' maschinenhafte Bewegung ' of the English ; and p. 443, where he mocks at their barbarous 
cookery. 



E. M. BUTLER 85 

ditional evidence which has been considered serves to strengthen the 
conviction that we cannot accept the passages which proclaim it, under 
the date 1830. Otherwise, with the exception of moments when the 
writer's hand has slipped or when the artist's temperament has betrayed 
him, the compliment must be paid to this arch-mystifier that it is im- 
possible to separate the new from the old definitely in these pages 1 . The 
tribute to Christ beginning: 'Welche siisse Gestalt dieser Gottmensch! 2 ' 
is quite in the style of the Reisebilder, and extremely reminiscent of 
Christ walking on the sea in the Nordsee 3 . The topic of the banishment 
of the gods is an old friend with a slightly new face 4 , and the inception 
of his religious interest in dsemonology 5 may claim in 1830 an authentic 
date; we have no right to question it. The pre-occupation with religion 
had reached an acute stage during Heine's journey to Italy, and we 
expect to find it occupying a large place in his diaries at this time. It 
is surprising to find him preaching harmony between flesh and spirit in 
1830, and Laube's Nekrolog leads us to look at the 'mountain' with a 
certain scepticism. The carelessness into which Heine's mocking dislike 
of the ' Schwabische Dichterschule ' unconsciously led him, confirms this 
sceptical attitude, and the term ' Jude ' applied to Shakespeare tends to 
justify it. Coming to examine the letters more closely we find that 
Heine seems to have modified them rather extensively to enhance their 
artistic value. As a side-issue the date of a poem has been called into 
question, and a dog with a very bad name may escape the gallows. 

The real importance of these facts in throwing a new light on the 
influence of Saint-Simonism on Heine's mind, lies beyond the scope of 
this paper. I have been unable to do more than adumbrate it. So much, 
however, seems certain. The passages which would seem to foretell the 
Saint-Simonian religious synthesis are under the deepest suspicion ; it 
would be extremely unsafe to affirm with Montegut and Schmidt that 
Heine had attained to this conception before he became acquainted with 
their doctrine. 

E. M. Butler. 

Cambridge. 

1 It seems more and more unlikely that any new part of that mysterious book, Heine's 
Memoirs, will ever come to light. He himself probably burnt the greater part of the original 
in the 'forties and 'fifties. But even his revised version would be of the utmost interest here, 

2 vii, p. 51. 3 i, pp. 177-178. 
4 vii, pp. 51-52, 59. 5 vii, pp. 54-55. 



MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 

The Word 'Abloy' in 'Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight/ 

1. 1174. 



* 



e lorde for blys abloy 
ul oft con launce & ly3t. 



In the Glossary to the E.E.T.S. edition of the poem, the word abloy 
is explained thus : ' an exclamation used in hunting ; equivalent to 
On ! on ! O.Fr. ablo.' It is the only quotation for the word in the New 
English Dictionary, and the derivation given there is the same, except 
that it is prefixed by the qualification ' perhaps.' Regarded then as a 
hunting cry, ablo must be, grammatically, the object of the verb launce, 
used transitively in the sense of ' throw out, utter.' Cp. ' be lady lanced 
bo bourde3,' 1. 1212, 'bay lanced wordes gode,' 1. 1766. 

The difficulty now lies in the words and lytf, where ly%t would 
normally seem to belong to launce, as a second infinitive dependent on 
the auxiliary verb con. But there is no evidence, as far as I know, for a 
transitive use of ly$t ' to alight,' to warrant us in taking it here to mean 
' cause to alight, let fall.' Professor Napier took ly$t to be an adverb, 
and translated it : 'in a light-hearted manner,' and Professor Emerson 
arrived independently at the same conclusion. 

This explanation has always struck me as making the best of a bad 
business, and I have often felt that the real difficulty is a phonological 
one, viz. how could an O.Fr. word ablo give the form M.E. abloy ? That 
the author wrote abloy is evidenced by his rhyme with joy, 1. 1176. 

Now, the Glossary suggests, though with a query, that launce in 
1. 1175 means 'ride forth,' as in 1. 1561, 'be lorde ouer be londe3 launced 
ful ofte.' Translated thus. lyjt would then be the infinitive of the 
common verb 'to alight, dismount,' cp. 254, 526, etc., naturally coupled 
with the preceding launce. But with these verbs in their intransitive 
meanings, we should expect to find in abloy an adjective, and not a noun 
in the objective case, and it is here that I wish to make a tentative 
suggestion. In the Dictionnaire Historique de I'Ancien Langage 
Francois, par La Curne de Sainte-Palaye, I find the verb : ' Esbloyr, v. 
Eblouir. Etonner, troubler, etc Esbloy, part. AveugleV 

The O.Fr. prefix es- does occur as a- in our author's writings, e.g. 
achaped Clean. 1. 970, from O.Fr. eschaper; achavfed Gaw. 1. 883, Clean. 



Miscellaneous Notes 87 

1. 1143, from O.Fr. eschaufer. Our author uses a number of words not 
found elsewhere in M.E. literature, and he has, besides, a perfect genius 
for transferred meanings, hence it is not an impossible assumption to 
suppose that he knew the O.Fr. word esbloy, and that, starting out from 
the literal sense 'aveugle,' he arrived at the figurative sense of 'dazed 
transported, reckless ' : 

The lord, reckless out of pure bliss, 
Full oft did ride forth, and alight. 

One of the characteristics of the ' lord ' is his faculty for wild, 

exuberant joy, v. 11. 1955-6, 1086-7, and 981-2. We can well imagine 

him dashing with gay irresponsibility from one ' trystor ' to another, and 

indeed the first line of the next stanza, immediately following the 

passage in question, would bear out the same idea : 

pus layke3 }>is lorde by lynde \v0de3 eue3, 

where layke% has a general rather than a definite technical sense. 

Elizabeth M. Wright. 
Oxford. 

The Year of Fray Luis de Leon's Birth. 

By simple subtraction the date of Fray Luis de Leon's birth was 
long accepted as 1527, since according to his epitaph ' obiit an. mdxci 
xxiii Augusti aet. lxiv.' So Nicolas Cruesen, Monasticon Augustinianum 
cap. XL. (repr. in Revista Agustiniana, vol. ii, p. 216): 'obiit emeritus 
Anno mdxci die 23 August, aetat. suae 64.' The publication of the 
account of Luis de Leon's trial before the Inquisition came to sift this 
as other accepted facts about his life. We know now from Luis de Leon's 
own words that on April 15, 1572 he was 'forty-four, more or less' 
(Documentos ineditos, vol. x, p. 180), that after attaining his fourteenth 
year at Valladolid his father sent him to study law at Salamanca and 
four or five months later he became a novice in the Augustinian 
convent at Salamanca (ibid. p. 182) ; and we know that he professed 
on January 29, 1544. On the basis of these facts Fray Luis Alonso 
Getino (Vida y procesos, 1907, pp. 5-7) fixed his birth in 1528 or 
1529, and it is now generally given as 1528 ? Professor Fitzmaurice- 
Kelly in his Fray Luis de Leon (1921), p. 7, gives 1527 or 1528. There 
is little reason to doubt that Luis de Leon was 44 on April 15, 1572. 
His mind was accurate and his memory keen, and his ' more or less ' 
may be taken to mean merely that he was not born exactly 44 years 
ago, on April 15, 1528. His assertion is not irreconcilable with the 



/ 



88 Miscellaneous Notes 

date of the epitaph, but it enables us to fix the date of his birth more 
narrowly: between April 15 and August 23, 1527. Perhaps we may 
without rashness fix it still more accurately, in the third week of August : 
in that case his father sent him to Salamanca in the middle of August 
1542, when he was still fourteen; four or five months afterwards, in the 
beginning of January 1543, he entered the Augustinian Order and after 
a year's novitiate professed on January 29, 1544, in his seventeenth 

year. 

Aubrey F. G. Bell. 

S. JOAO DO ESTOKIL, PORTUGAL. 

' IJfriden ' in ' Meier Helmbrecht,' 1. 428. 

sit dich mln zuht sol mlden 
an dem ufrlden. 

Haupt in 1844 (Z.f.d.A., iv, p. 336 : 'ich weiss diese zeile nicht mit 
sicherheit zu deuten ') probably knew of, but did not accept the inter- 
pretation already given by Schmeller {Bayer. Wb., 1827-37, ii, p. 58) as 
'das Haar krauseln'; but Beneke in 1863 (Mhd. Wb., 2a, p. 697a), Lexer 
in 1876 (Mhd. Handwb. ii, p. 1715) and Lambel in 1883 (in his second 
edition of Helmbrecht) follow Schmeller's lead. To this interpretation 
two objections may be raised. That the meier, learning of his son's in- 
tention to lead a life of crime, refers to a matter of greater importance 
than hair-curling after the cessation of his fatherly zuht. Also that 
Wernher and his audience would have accepted Hfriden in one of the 
more usual meanings of the common verb riden, and probably without 
reference to the adjective reide (11. 11, 273, 1898). For 'curling' the 
factitive verb reiden (= crispare, cf. Schmeller, Bayer. Wb. ii, p. 53 ; Lexer, 
Mhd. Wb. ii, p. 386) might have been expected. 

tffriden, a verbal noun, written in one word, as it is in the more re- 
liable MS. A (aufreiden), is a compound of riden ('writhe'), which could 
be used either transitively or intransitively. Another compound of riden 
is employed in Helmbr. 1808 in an intransitive and figurative sense, ez 
mac sich verriden means ' things may take a different turn ' (cf. Schmeller, 
Bayer. Wb. ii, p. 58 ; Beneke, Mhd. Wb. 2 a, p. 697 b ; Lexer, Mhd. 
Handwb. iii, p. 202). If riden used intransitively denotes a serpentine 
movement, iXfriden might denote a wriggling or writhing upwards, 
worming one's way into good society, ' Strebertum ' or ' Aufwarts- 
schleichen.' 

Young Helmbrecht (cf. 11. 226, 262 f., 362 f.), like Nithart's Hildemdr 
(Bartsch, L.D. xxv, 728-735), his prototype, 'wil ebenhiuzen sich ze 



Miscellaneous Notes 89 

werdem ingesinde | daz bi hoveliuten ist gewahsen und gezogen.' 
Since persuasion fails, the meier tries what scorn can do. His warning 
to his son almost amounts to a paraphrase of the last stanza of Nithart's 
poem. Lines 427-430 may be translated : 'Since I must avoid (exercising) 
my fatherly guidance in your wriggling upwards, just take care of your cap 
yourself,' etc. 

Charles E. Gough. 
Leeds. 

Kosegarten's 'Legenden' and Sebastian Brant. 

In his Die Quellen zu Kellers Sieben Legenden (Halle, Niemeyer, 
1919), Leitzmann does not claim to give a final account of the sources 
of Kosegarten's Legenden, the precursor of Keller's work. The following 
notes, based on a study of Sebastian Brant's Passional (Strassburg, 
1502),mentioned by Kosegarten in his 'Vorrede,' correct and supplement 
some of Leitzmann's suggestions. 

(1) The legend of the Virgin as Knight (p. 19). Leitzmann prints 
a passage from Caesarius of Heisterbach as a close parallel, having been 
unable to determine the exact source. Kosegarten's story is a literal 
transcription of Brant, II, f. lviii b . 

(2) The two legends on which Keller's Tanzlegendchen is based 
(pp. 29-31). Regarding the first of these, Leitzmann says : ' Eine Quelle 
fur diese Legende habe ich nirgends auffinden konnen : selbst Mussafia's 
reiche Listen mittelalterlicher Marienlegenden enthalten keine auch 
annahernd parallele Erzahlung.' Here again Kosegarten has merely 
modernised the version in Brant, I, f. cxxiii a . A Latin version of the late 
thirteenth century is to be found in MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 18,929 (Ward's 
Catalogue, Vol. n, p. 656). 

For the second story, the legend of M-usa, Leitzmann prints the 
original version from the Dialogue of Gregory the Great as direct source, 
but a careful comparison shows that Kosegarten did not use a Latin 
original, but copied the story almost word for word from Brant, n,f.lxxxix b . 

(3) The legend of Beatrix, the nun who loved the world (p. 20). 
Leitzmann prints a passage from Caesarius as direct source in opposition 
to Watenphul {Die Geschichte der Marienlegende von Beatrix, Neuwied, 
1904, p. 68), who' rightly refused to hold Kosegarten responsible for 
certain variations. One of these motives, the nun's penitence, credited 
by Leitzmann to Kosegarten's invention, is present in the story told 
by Brant, I, f. cxlix a , and if the character of her seducer is not entirely 
omitted, as in Kosegarten, he is dismissed with scantiest mention, and 



90 Miscellaneous Notes 

is far from having the importance of the ' clericus ' of Caesarius. The 
third change, the substitution of a woman as porter, may occur in a 
less faulty edition of the Passional than that at my disposal. It is a 
' portnerin,' who plays the part in the contemporary version of Cgm. 
626, f. 233 b -234 b (written in 1493), and we may take it that here, too, 
the change is none of Kosegarten's making. His was not an inventive 
mind. He may, on occasion, shorten a story, but he rarely takes any 
liberties with the actual material. 

Margaret D. Howie. 
Munich. 



REVIEWS. 

Language. Its Nature, Development and Origin. By Otto Jespersen, 
London: Allen and Unwin. 1922. 8vo. 448 pp. 18s. 

In these days of practical linguistic experiments such as the official 
use of Irish, the propagation of colloquial Hebrew among the Zionists 
and the inclusion of Esperanto in the agenda of the League of Nations, 
a reliable and judicious introduction to the science of language should 
be welcome to the layman. This latest book of Jespersen's will be read 
with no less interest by the philologist, who will find in it not merely a 
clear and comprehensive survey of the chief problems of general lin- 
guistics, but also a detailed discussion of many specific questions still 
sub judice. Some of the ideas go back to the author's Progress in 
Language (1894), but the present is much more than a new and revised 
edition of that work with the English chapters omitted. It is hardly 
too much to say that it is the best and most stimulating philological 
treatise of a general appeal in the English language. 

Following a sound procedure Jespersen begins with a history of 
linguistic science, which clearly traces the progress from chaos to cosmos 
in the formulation and precise circumscription of each new problem. 
This well organized introduction, compressed into about 100 pages, 
stimulates the reader to analyze and synthetize by easy stages as he 
passes in review the earl} T efforts of Indians and Greeks — chiefly practical 
in their aims — and the preoccupation of man with linguistic problems 
down to the present day. Two interesting pioneers are rescued from 
undeserved oblivion, Jespersen's compatriot Bredsdorff, whose ideas came 
50 years too early, and the German pastor Jenisch, whose study of the 
energetics of language published in 1796 has not even yet secured him a 
place in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. As to Rask his great work 
appears in full relief. At the risk of captiousness it might be suggested 
that some English readers would have welcomed a reference to the Basque 
problem, to the early Celtists like Lhuyd, to the part played by philology 
in the reform of Latin pronunciation, to Sievers' studies of speech-melody 
and to linguistic palaeontologists like Pictet, Hirt, and Schrader. In § 2 
— in view of the paucity of names — allusion might have been made to 
Filippo Sassetti's early comparisons between Sanskrit and Latin (cf. L. 
Wagner, Germanischrromanische Monatschrift, vol. viii, p. 45) and to 
Comenius' realization of the kinship of Finnish and Hungarian. 

In Book ii (The Child) the author has utilized much of the material 
of his Nutidsprog hos Born og Voxne, supplementing his illustrations by 
contributions from English friends. The remarks on the various stages 
of child-speech and the progressive organization of sounds, words and 
sentence-equivalents display acute observation and telling judgment. 



92 Reviews 

The reviewer can parallel many phenomena from his son's speech-history. 
Thus at 2.1 numbers above two were designated as more (cf. p. 119), 
request for repetition of sentence was made by m with rising tone 
(p. 134), at 2.3 no was used, but not yes or other affirmative (p. 136). 
The use of three in Schuchardt's example (p. 122) perhaps indicates 
' much/ just as a German boy used hundert Honig. The following extra 
illustrations may interest the author : — William de Morgan's title Alice- 
for-short in word-division (p. 132), popular use of mother for 'wife' by 
the husband (p. 118), children's gibberish when pretending to read — 
noted by Stern also — (p. 148), pleasant taste indicated by popular English 
yumyum (p. 158), similarity of expressions for peep-bo in various countries 
(§ 8). In theory Jespersen concurs with Stern against Meumann in 
opposing the exclusive rdle assigned to volition in the child's first 
utterances and combats the modern scepticism as to the child's power 
to invent words. Both Meringer's and Herzog's views touching the 
influence of the child and the adult respectively upon sound change 
receive some well-aimed criticisms, the author holding that 'gradual' 
shiftings proceed independently of transmission to the next generation, 
but that ' leaps ' like kv>p and abbreviations due to ' echoisms ' are 
probably the work of children. Book II well exemplifies Jespersen's 
command of both induction and deduction. 

Chapter xi (The Foreigner) sharply attacks the overstraining of the 
racial substratum theory by recent philologists with special reference 
to the fronting of Latin u in the Romance and Celtic languages and to 
Feist's and Wessely's explanations of the Germanic shifts. Jespersen 
attaches little importance to ' sound substitution ' (as the result of ethnic 
mixture) in the development of language. He quotes with approval 
Hempl's useful differentiations of types of intermixture and supports 
Windisch's general theory of loan-words. It is possible to agree with 
much of the criticism levelled against Ascoli's theory of Gallic influence 
in Latin [u] > [y] — one is tempted to add the argument that the N. 
Welsh u as a high flat unrounded vowel could only be adduced to show 
an advancement of the tongue position — but it is legitimate to ask what 
Jespersen makes of the apparent consensus of other convergent changes 
as between French and Brythonic 1 (not Goidelic), e.g. substitution of g# 
for u, prothesis of vowel before s + cons. (Fr. escole, Welsh ysgol ; but 
also Span, escuela), diphthongization of e (Fr. peis, poids, Welsh pwys), 
treatment of -act, etc. (Fr. kbit, Welsh llaeth). The next victim, Feist, 
has already received a hammering from Boer and Frantzen in Neophilo- 
logus and from Behaghel in the Geschichte der deutschen Sprache, 4th 
ed., p. 265. Wessely's arguments are reduced by Jespersen to their proper 
proportions and to my mind the general agreements between Germanic 
and Finnish boil down to a tendency in each towards initial or root stress 
and to the limitation of synthetic temporal forms to two — present and 
past. As to Translation-loans, p. 215, reference may now be made toSeiler, 
Zeitschrift fur den deutschen Unterricht, vol. 31, pp. 241-246. 

1 For the treatment of Latin loan-words in Welsh cf. S. J. Evans, The Latin Element 
in Welsh, Newport, 1908. 



Reviews 93 

The chapter on ' Pidgin and Congeners ' collects fascinating material 
from Beach la Mar, Chinook and other jargons, which, in Jespersen's 
view, are not so much mixed languages as debased forms of civilized 
languages owing their inception to the European's disdain for the native 
intelligence, and must not be adduced to illustrate the evolution of the 
Romance languages (p. 236). Woman as a factor in linguistic develop- 
ment is next considered — rather unconvincingly. The historical sections 
are good, but in the others many statements challenge opposition. In 
contemporary English, common and kind (p. 245), emphatic interrogative 
whoever and whatever, mild expletives like good gracious, and intensives 
like awfully, quite, to a degree are no more specially characterisic of 
women than are several of those adduced by Wyld in The Growth of 
English, p. 68. Daniel Jones' assertion (p. 245) that soft is pronounced 
differently by men and women is preposterous, as are also the alleged 
women's pronunciations of children, girl and waistcoat. The fact is that 
the spelling pronunciation is encroaching on the older one quite irrespec- 
tive of sex. Apart from the frequency in women's speech of the intensives 
so and sweet, the more exact knowledge of fabrics, costumes and colours 
(eau de nil, nigger-brown, etc.), the chief differentia between the sexes in 
language to-day is the — somewhat relaxed — inhibition which keeps 
women from using certain swear- words and vulgarisms and the intrusion 
of child-like diminutives, pet forms and adjectives suffixed with -y into 
the language of those who have much to do with children. Jespersen's 
material is rather old-fashioned and his resume of women's characteristics 
thin. 

Under ' Causes of Change ' the author clears out of his way theories 
built upon considerations of analogy, geography, national psychology 
and speed, but neglects to treat the factor of occupation, discussed by 
Wyld in Historical Study of the Mother Tongue, p. 88. He himself 
supports, with qualifications, the ease-theory. Such questions as extreme 
weakenings, the connexion between phonetic latitude and semantics, 
the implications of convergent and divergent sound change, are clearly 
posed. For 'sound law' the term 'phonetic formula' or 'rule' is suggested, 
and an instructive comparison made with Darwinian laws. 

Next the etymologists receive some invigorating douches. Jespersen 
shows the importance of the ascertainment of all the historical data (as 
Skeat did) in proposing a new etymology of hope 1 . Miss Pound's investiga- 
tions on 'blends' have been followed by an article by W. Horn, Germanisch- 
romanische Monatschrift, vol. ix, p. 342 (especially syntactical blends, 
cf. Jespersen, p. 282). A reference to Meringer's work in Worter und 
Sachen would have been welcome. 

In chapters xviii and xix Progress in language still means to 
Jespersen the increasing use of analysis according to the principle of 
sufficiency (' a maximum of efficiency with a minimum of effort '). Jes- 
persen is right in thinking that the native is sometimes conscious of 

1 Cf. Holthausen's comments on the etymology (as given in the Nord. tidskr.f. fil., 4. 
rsekke, viii, 151 f.) in Beitr. zur Gesch. der deatschcn Sprache und Literatur, xlvi, p. 143. 



94 Reviews 

effort — I could add a Chinaman's view to back Gabelentz's opinion 
(p. 325). It is noteworthy that he considers the fixation of word-order 
not the result but a cause of the ' phonetic decay ' of the old case, 
personal and gender affixes. This question naturally leads to the dis- 
cussion of a supposititious root-stage in language. Kuhn's investigations 
into word-order in isolating languages and Karlgren's discovery of case- 
distinctions in ancient Chinese help Jespersen to doubt the primitive- 
ness of monosyllabism and confirm his view as to the priority of inflexion 
or rather ' entanglement.' But it might be well to suspend judgment 
till Jespersen has extended his field of induction to include other isolating 
languages with significant tones like Ewe in W. Africa. Agglutination 
(' coalescence ' p. 376) is not permitted to account for all the facts of 
derivation and inflexion, but though an imposing mass of authorities 
rejects the pronominal original of -mi, etc. in the Indo-european verb, 
one cannot but recall the occurrence of a number of coalesced pronouns 
in various languages, viz. Ger. -t < du, Welsh 2nd pi. in -ch, or the alter- 
native conjugation in the Nama of S. Africa with its root + pronoun (cf. 
Seidel, Die Hauptsprachen Deutsch-Sudwestafrikas, p. 11). 'Secretion' 
(his'n, -en and -er as plural suffixes), suffix extension and contamination 
are well analyzed. To the modern theories of gender Jespersen contributes 
the suggestion that fern, -i may be a diminutive suffix. 

§ 2 of the next chapter (Sound Symbolism) prompts me to hint that 
expressive symbolism may have encouraged the foreigner to popularize 
in his own speech such English words as bluff, spleen, box, rowdy, stop, 
borrowed originally owing to their characteristically British significance. 
Originator nicknames (§ 4) were common in all armies during the war ; 
Bergmann in Wie der Feldgrave spricht quotes Parlewuh, Herr Servus 
(Austrian), Herr Morgen (German). The Englishman will probably 
demur to Jespersen's valuation of the diphthong in light, will associate 
the word with bright, shine, fire and feel into it greater luminosity than 
into the short vowel of glimmer. Reinforcement by doubling of consonant 
is well treated by R. Loewe in the 3rd edition of Germanische Sprach- 
wissenschaft, vol. I, p. 77. Like Paul, Jespersen is struck by the modernity 
of many echo-words (p. 410). He thinks onomatopoeia has become more 
prevalent, as the time of psychological reaction has become shorter, but 
brings no evidence in support of the latter thesis nor does he show how 
reaction-time affects onomatopoeia. Against this view I would point to 
the prevalence of sound painting in the native Australian languages 
(cf. A. F. Chamberlain, The Child, p. 116) and the extensive use of 
sound symbolism in the Middle High German poem Das Schrdtel 
und der Wasserbdr included in Bernt's edition of Heinrich von Freiberg 
(Halle, 1906). 

The culminating chapter — The Origin of Language — has been little 
modified since 1894. The threefold approach through the language of 
children (at the ' lalling ' stage), savage languages and the known history 
of language still leads the author back to primitive speech-complexes, 
entangled jungle growths, rich in difficult articulations and wide ranged 
intonations, utterances from which subsequently various elements have 



Reviews 95 

been gradually separated out to act as words and affixes. Two types of 
primitive complex are postulated — one roughly equivalent to a proper 
noun (potentially the progenitor of many concrete and abstract designa- 
tions) possibly evolved from an attempt to imitate the ' leitmotiv ' of a 
particular lover singing to his lass (p. 438), the other — more in the 
character of a sentence word — being perhaps derived from the exultant 
shouts evoked by some exciting situation such as the slaying of an 
enemy, and repeated by the group in similar contingencies. Both 
theories courageously tackle the fundamental problem, the union of 
sound and sense. To Professor Williams of Belfast I am indebted for the 
suggestion that communicative speech might have arisen among a party 
of hunters, when, as they sat feasting upon their spoils, some member 
might have stirred his companions' memory of events still fresh, evoking 
the latter by imitative and 'symbolic' cries eked out by appropriate 
gestures and possibly getting the others to join in. This latter theory 
emphasizes more considerably the part played by onomatopoeia (a process, 
in addition, very popular with children) and memory in speech-formation. 
A curious, though perhaps not helpful, parallel to Jespersen's assumed 
dissection of original entangled complexes is afforded by the evolution 
of a secret language in adolescence described by Chamberlain, op. cit. 
p. 140. But it is especially the threefold approach which seems to invite 
attack at several points: (1) in taking the first year of child-speech 
Jespersen is selecting rather a pre-linguistic or preparatory stage, one 
marked by expressiveness rather than communicativeness : the babbling 
monologues can hardly be taken as evidence of complexity in communi- 
cative speech, which in the child — admittedly dependent upon the 
mother tongue — tends to rather overshort utterance ; (2) in savage 
languages he seems to over-emphasize the importance of the American 
Indian type ; (3) if it is assumed that analysis proceeds pari passu with 
culture, it is hard to see why relatively uncultured speakers like the 
Ewe, Otomi and Khassi should have advanced further on the road to 
isolation than most European languages ; (4) in his chief approach — ' to 
find a system of lines which can be lengthened backwards beyond the 
reach of history ' (p. 418) — he seems to narrow the reference to Indo- 
european and possibly Semitic, but surely it would be necessary to see 
whether any analogous tendencies can be traced in Ancient Egyptian 
and Sumerian ; (5) the period of language development known to history 
is probably, even on a conservative estimate, a small fraction of the time 
which has elapsed since man first acquired speech ; (6) investigations 
into the communicative powers of the higher apes, especially their 
danger and hunger cries, might throw further light on the pre-linguistic 
stage. Though Jespersen's explanation does not seem to be complete, 
the enterprise was worth the effort, for we can no longer rest content 
with the dry bones of philology. 

Hearty congratulations are due to the author on his smooth and 
idiomatic English. His is no mummified language, but alive and personal. 
Some readers will perhaps frown at Gothortic and apophony — I wonder 
how his Danish readers took tyd\ — but we can all be grateful for 'stump- 



96 Reviews 

words/ ' pull-up ' sentences and many other neat applications. No one 
can doubt that this is the work of a man who combines great scholarship 
with a remarkable artistry of expression. 

W. E. COLLINSON. 
Liverpool. 



Beowulf. An Introduction to the Study of the Poem with a Discussion of 
the Stories of Off a and Finn. By R. W. Chambers. Cambridge : 
University Press. 1921. xii + 417pp. 30s. 

This volume has been long and impatiently expected. With memo- 
ries of his edition of the text of Beowulf and the commentary on Widsith 
fresh in one's mind, one had high hopes of what Professor Chambers 
would do for the great Beowulf-problem, in all its varied aspects and 
they have not been disappointed. The Introduction finally and definitely 
places its author in the front rank of the great English scholars who 
have handled the problems of Anglo-Saxon literature and at the same 
time removes the last vestige of reproach that might be brought against 
English scholars of letting themselves be outrivalled by scholars of 
German and Scandinavian nationality in the interpretation of the longest 
and in many ways the finest of Anglo-Saxon poems. 

It is no easy task to write an Introduction of this kind. The lite- 
rature of the Beowulf-question is a vast one, as is excellently shown in 
the very full and useful bibliography given at the end of the book. The 
evidence upon which most of the theories and interpretations of the 
poem have been built up is, as a rule, of a most fragmentary and often 
of a most difficult type, and what was chiefly needed was a scholar with 
a keen critical gift for weighing evidence and balancing interpretations, 
for there was little hope that any new or decisive evidence upon doubtful 
points could be discovered at this late date. This gift Professor Chambers 
has in rich measure, but he has others even greater and far more rare. 
He has a keen sense of humour, an innate feeling for the true atmo- 
sphere of ancient poem and saga and a sure instinct for the modern 
parallel which makes the whole business live before one's eyes. 

In his judgments upon the various problems of interpretation, as in 
his textual criticism, he inclines to the right ; but he is never unduly 
dogmatic. He clearly has much sympathy with Uncle Remus' point of 
view with regard to the deluge, aptly quoted on the title page, ' Dey 
mout er bin two deloojes : en den agin dey moutent.' He seldom leaves 
us in any doubt as to his own views upon the matter, but no one could 
~be more scrupulously fair in dealing with an opposing theory. 

The first chapter deals with the historical elements in the poem and 
here perhaps the most important part is the final vindication of the 
identity of the Geatas and Gotar and the very full treatment of the 
Offa story, an old love of Dr Chambers. In Chapter ii on the Non- 
Historical Elements the most important sections are those on Bothvar 
Bjarki and on Scef and Scyld. On the former question, after pointing 



Reviews 97 

out the parallel lines and incidents of the English and Scandinavian 
stories, the author passes a characteristic comment when he says : 

It is conceivable for a situation to have been reconstructed in this way by a mere 
accident, just as it is conceivable that one player may have the eight or nine best 
trumps dealt him. But it does not seem advisable to base one's calculations upon 
such an accident happening. 

Of Scyld and Scef Dr Chambers believes that each originally stood 
at the head of a famous dynasty, Scyld at the head of the Danish, and 
Sceaf or Sceafa at the head of the Longobardic, and that the two stories 
have mutually contaminated one another. One point may be noted 
here. Dr Chambers, though he does not believe that Scyld Scefing, 
meaning originally ' Scyld with the sheaf,' has been misinterpreted as 
' Scyld, son of Scef/ does not deny the possibility of the ' Scyld with the 
sheaf interpretation. In this he of course agrees with many other 
scholars, but is there any justification for it? The suffix -ing is un- 
doubtedly of wide use and interpretation in Anglo-Saxon but is there 
any parallel for a second personal name formed by adding -ing to some 
common object generally associated with the man who bears it? 

On the folk-tale element we have some keenly critical remarks. 
Dr Chambers believes in its existence and importance but rightly pro- 
tests against the somewhat uncritical fashion in which parallels drawn 
the world over, from China to Peru, have been compounded together 
into an entirely artificial story which is adduced as a close parallel to 
the Beowtdf -story. 

Chapter iii deals with the origin, date and structure of the poem. 
Most scholars will now agree with the author's rejection of any idea of 
a Scandinavian original for the poem, most will also agree with his 
warning against a too implicit and uncritical acceptance of the Lichtenfeld 
and Morsbach tests as a means of dating it. More controversial are the 
sections on the structure of the poem and on the relation of the heathen 
and Christian elements in it. As to the former the author is all against 
Schucking's views of an independent poem dealing with Beowulf's 
Return and gives good reasons for his own. He is equally emphatic in 
his rejection of Chadwick's views upon the latter. He shows that there 
is not that close familiarity with ancient funeral rites which has been 
claimed as reason for assigning a heathen origin to the poem and he makes 
an effective counter-stroke against the arguments based on the vagueness 
of the Christian references when he points out that they might equally 
well be used to prove the very early date of the Battle of Maldon. 

Part II is a valuable collection of the various Latin and Scandi- 
navian documents which furnish parallels for the various episodes in the 
poem, and here a word of tribute must be given to the excellence of the 
English renderings of the passages from Hrolfs Saga Krdka, Grettis 
Saga and other Scandinavian sagas. 

Part III is an exhaustive discussion of the Fight at Finnsburg and 
of the relation of the Finn-episode in Beowulf to the Finnsburg frag- 
ment. There are no better pages in the book and, even if the chapter 

M. L. R. XVIII. 7 



98 Reviews 

does not convey conviction to every one upon the most difficult problem 
in the whole range of Anglo-Saxon literature, no one can read it without 
understanding in fuller measure than he has ever before done the whole 
spirit and power of Teutonic Heroic poetry. 

An appendix deals more fully with some of the earlier problems and 
takes up fresh ones. The most welcome is perhaps the excursus on 
Beowulf and the archaeologists. Hitherto we have been almost entirely 
dependent on the very valuable but somewhat uncritical work of Knut 
Stjerna. Dr Chambers enables us to see his work in the right light, 
and, still better, shows us the extent to which we may be helped by 
a study of the archaeology of our own island. 

With a theme of this kind there was a serious danger that we might 
have had to be content with a learned but intolerably Dryasdust and 
inhuman book. Fortunately for us and for the repute of English scholar- 
ship the task fell into the hands of a scholar who is as witty and humane 
as he is learned, and the result is a book in which, where the author 
himself is speaking, there is not a dull page. 

Allen Mawer. 

Liverpool. 

The Laws of the Earliest English Kings. Edited and translated b}^ 
F. L. Attenborough. Cambridge : University Press. 1922. 8vo. 
xii + 256 pp. 15s. 

Mr Attenborough begins by disclaiming the attempt to compete 
with Liebermann's Oesetze der Angelsachsen ; but a new edition of the 
laws of the earliest English kings cannot avoid the comparison. Lieber- 
mann was extraordinarily equipped for the task by his marvellous 
patience and accuracy, by his lifelong study of early English documents, 
and of general and legal history ; and when his third volume appeared 
in 1916, one had the comfortable feeling that here at last was a work 
that would not soon find a rival. Following so close upon it, an English 
edition of the earlier laws must stand a critical scrutiny. The editor 
meets the point fairly in his preface, where he explains that many who 
are interested in the Old English laws are not proficient in German, 
and that others are likely to be bewildered by the bulk of Liebermann's 
apparatus and by the conciseness of his treatment of details. This book, 
then, must be judged as an attempt to bring within the reach of the 
ordinary student some of the material which Liebermann has edited for 
experts. 

The laws selected are the earliest — from iEthelbert (d. 616-7) to 
( Athelstan (d. 940); but the preface announces the preparation of another 
volume by Miss A. J. Robertson, which will cover the period from 
Edmund to Canute. For the double page of Liebermann's text-volume, 
presenting in several parallel columns the chief Old English MSS., the 
early Latin versions and a German translation, Mr Attenborough gives 
one Old English text with a modern rendering on the opposite page. 
There are brief Introductions to each group of Laws; Notes which con- 



Reviews 99 

tain far too many references to Liebermann if the book is designed for 
readers who find him difficult or inaccessible; and a useful Index: in 
all, a compact volume, in which the matter of the laws is given a fitting 
prominence. 

For the Old English texts the editor has collated the more important 
manuscripts, though he admits that his gleanings were scanty : indeed, 
the footnotes do not disclose any corrections of Liebermann's MS. 
readings, and where the text shows slight variations, it is often hard to 
tell whether they are the result of accident or design. Misprints are 
rather frequent, e.g. &yrnum for dyrnum p. 52 § 52 ; &eora for ftreora 
p. loO § 6, 2 ; gefer stipes for geferscipes p. 160 § 3; and no purpose is 
served by printing 7 slea nwn pa hond of pe he hit mid \sttel] gedyde 
at p. 68 top, where stsd (3 sg. pa. t.) is interlined in a MS. which is not 
the basis of the text, as a 'mere variant for {ge)dyde. In general, where 
there is a difference, Liebermann's text has the advantage in accuracy 
and critical quality. 

The translation, which is far ahead of the previous English version 
by Thorpe, is the most valuable part of the book. The language of the 
laws is often crabbed or vague, and the difficulty of turning it into lucid 
and readable English is much greater than might appear from the 
result. Some of Mr Attenborough's renderings point to interpretations 
which, if not always decisive, are still well deserving of attention ; and 
although details are open to criticism (e.g. the rendering of tu ealdhri&eru 
o&&e .x. we&eras by '2 full-grown cows or 10 wethers' at p. 59), it is 
greatly to his credit that he makes criticism possible by expressing his 
meaning clearly and precisely. 

With this foundation, a very attractive book might have been pro- 
duced had the editor seen his way to fill a gap, which Liebermann has 
as yet left unfilled, by exhibiting in a general essay the development of 
the Old English laws, the social conditions they reflect, their relation 
to the Continental systems, their place in the history of later English 
law, and their practical and literary quality of which the 43rd law 
of Ine is a classic example : ' If a tree in a wood is destroyed by fire, 
and there is proof against him who did it, he shall pay a full fine : he 
shall pay 60 shillings, because fire is a thief. If a man cut down many 
trees in a wood, and it becomes known, he shall pay 30 shillings for 
each of three trees : he need not pay any more, however many they be, 
because the axe is an informer, not a thief The absence of such an 
essay from a book designed to be an introduction to the Old English 
laws is the more disappointing because not much is done to cover the 
ground in the brief Introductions or the Notes. 

In another respect there is room for improvement. Where the 
solution of a difficulty requires commonsense, the editor is usually suc- 
cessful — and this is one of the most constant and valuable qualities of 
English editing. But where a technical point is involved, he is often 
silent, or falters, or misses the mark. For instance : at p. 10 § 56 MS. 
Iterestan (= Isesestan, Imstan ' least ') is retained without explanation, 
and of course good authorities have defended it as an isolated archaism, 



100 Reviews 

comparable with Frisian lerest ; but it was worth noting that the form 
occurs only in this passage, that the MS. is the Textus Roffensis of the 
twelfth century and that p. and f in late OE. MSS. are often almost 
indistinguishable ; so that the defence of Iserestan as an archaism may 
be too recondite. At p. 20 § 9 seo sacy occurs in the same MS., and the 
editor remarks: 'sacy, presumably for sacu' ; but as sio sace appears 
in the next paragraph, and forms like folcy =folce are familiar enough 
in this and other late MSS., the presumption is that -y represents un- 
accented -e. The 19th law of Wihtred reads : Cliroc feowra sum hine 
cl&nsie his heafodgemacene j ane his hand on wiofode ; opre tetstanden, 
ap abycgan; and the comment is 'abycgan, perhaps 3rd pi conjunct. 
Schmid suggested the insertion of and before ap.' ' Perhaps ' raises 
doubt unnecessarily; and as opre zetstanden, ap abycgan is an alliterative 
line, the omission of and is regular and essential to the rhythm. In the 
discussion of the words his agne forfongen at p. 194 of the Notes, the 
question is put : ' Is it possible that in the archetype MS. the reading 
was his agenne forfong, and that owing to an error of omission and a 
subsequent marginal correction, the en of ag[en]ne has been transposed 
to the end of the sentence ? ' The answer is that in Old English MSS. 
the omission of two or three letters is repaired by interlining, and not 
by inserting them in the margin, as a modern corrector of proofs would 
do. In themselves these are trifles, and it would be cavilling to notice 
them were they not symptoms of a method of editing in which the 
patient study of technical details is undervalued. Yet without it not 
much steady progress can be made on well-worked ground. Mr Atten- 
borough in fact passes by without curiosity problems that were almost 
forced upon his attention — such as the textual history of / Athelstan 
(pp. 122 ff.) and Athelstan's Ordinance on Charities (pp. 126 f.), which 
is not adequately covered by the customary reference to Liebermann. 

For the Old English text of the Ordinance, Lambard's Archaionomia 
of 1568 is the sole authority. For i" Athelstan Lambard has an Old 
English text which is entirely independent of that of the known MSS. 
It is assumed here, as elsewhere, that he had MS. sources which are 
now lost. Of course some manuscript material has disappeared in modern 
times. The present reviewer has a script facsimile made by Richard 
Taylor in 1811 from a late twelfth-century binding leaf which was then 
in the possession of ' Mr Stevenson, printer, of Norwich ' : it contained 
the Old English text of II Edgar, and III Edgar as far as the word 
he in § 6, without the interpolations of the Harleian and Corpus MSS. ; 
and apparently no editor has come upon it. But the disappearance of a 
MS. from one of the collections accessible to antiquaries in Lambard's 
time is uncommon enough to be matter for inquiry. 

To begin with, the double text of / Athelstan is puzzling. It is not 
unusual to find more than one recension of a single Old English text, 
but nowhere else does a series of laws appear in two quite independent 
Old English drafts ; and it is not easy to see how two such drafts came 
to be produced and promulgated. Liebermann does not consider the 
problem from this side, and his analysis of the relations of the versions 



Reviews 101 

(i xxxiii, in 96-8) is not altogether clear : but his conclusion seems to 
be that Lambard's Old English texts of 2" Athelstan and the Ordinance 
derive directly from a lost MS. of the early twelfth century, that this 
MS. was once part of CCCC. MS. 383, and* that the Latin text of the 
Quadripartitus was translated from its archetype. 

That Lambard's texts of / Athelstan and Ordinance have a single 
source appears to be certain, for they are distinguished from the other 
texts of the Archaionomia by an extraordinary neglect of the rules of 
Old English accidence and syntax, and by a diffused caninity of expres- 
sion. But it is hard to believe that this source was a part of CCCC. 
MS. 383 : the positive evidence adduced for the identification is value- 
less; and as Lambard prints other parts of the MS. with tolerable 
accuracy, it is not obvious why he or his printer should have produced 
from it the remarkable jargon of/ Athelstan and the Ordinance. 

It must be granted that Lambard was habitually' careless about 
accidence. Throughout his book final -e is added or omitted almost at 
random, and there is a fair sprinkling of bad forms and misprints. But 
it would be hard to find anywhere else in the Archaionomia such a riot 
of inflexions in so short a space, e.g.: &urh ealle mine rice; mines agenes 
eehtes gen. sg. (the only example of teht masc. cited in Boswbrth-Toller 
Suppl.) ; to &am tide ; &&s beheafdunges gen. sg. (where editors retain 
the misprint ftter for &tes); dn earm' Engliscmon (ace.) gif ge him habbaj?, 
etc. These are not the forms or spellings of a twelfth-century MS., and 
if Lambard used such a MS., his text could only be explained as the 
result of exceptional, deliberate, and unintelligent archaism. Even then 
it is not easy to see why he should change a presumable twelfth-century 
*to ftere tide into to (Jam tide. 

The syntax is stranger still. The distinction of strong and weak 
adjectives, and of the indicative and subjunctive moods in the present 
tense, long survived the twelfth century ; but here they have no place ; 
e.g.: ge $ms libbendes yrfes ge d'ms gearlices westmes; &a heofonlica 
&inga...j &a ecelic (ace.) : ic bebeode...pmt hi . . .gesyllap . . . ; ic nylle pset 
ge me hwtet mid woh begytap ; ic wille past ge fedap, etc. In warniap 
eow...&ses Drihtenes eorres, the verb warnian is used with the genitive, 
which is the Old English construction of wyrnan ; and gebyrian is 
twice construed with the simple infinitive : ...eallum &e hio gehyrsumian 
gebyrap and mi ge gehyrap . . .hwset us fulfremian gebyrap. It cannot be 
supposed that a printer changed his copy in this manner, and Lambard 
was not in the habit of perverting his MSS. so thoroughly. 

Then there are disconcerting oddities of expression : on pees Drihtsenes 
nama ' in the name of the Lord ' ; to ftam Drihten ' to the Lord ' ; &ses 
Drihtenes eorres ' the wrath of the Lord.' ' The article is commonly used 
in Old English with Htelend but not with Drihten. Longer specimens 
are : Ic wille pmt ge fedap ealle wsega an earm Engliscmon, gif ge him 
habbap, oppe operne gefindap = ' volo ut pascatis omni via pauperem 
unum Anglicum indigentem, si sit [t]ibi, vel alium inveniatis ' {Quadri- 
partitus) ; under ps&s bisceopes gewitnesse, on (5ms rice it sie — ' sub testi- 
monio episcopi in cuius episcopatu sit' (Quadripartitus); and, finally, 



102 Reviews 

an scone spices oJ?J?e an ram weorpe .iiii. peningas, j scrud for twelf 
monfia selc gear, ' a leg of bacon, or a ram worth Jf, pence, and clothing 
for twelve months ' = ' una perna, vel unus aries qui valeat quattuor 
denarios,...ad vestimentum duodecim mensium unoquoque anno.' 

This is too great a strain on our faith. Lambard's ancient MS. is 
a ghost, despite the pedigree Liebermann has prepared for it : and 
Lambard's texts of / Athelstan and the Ordinance are translations of 
the Quadripartitus into Elizabethan Anglo-Saxon. Hence the modernity 
of the constructions, and the sudden freedom from the grammatical 
restraints imposed by an old manuscript; hence too, some half-Eliza- 
bethan spellings, like gereafa for gerefa (4 times out of 5) which does 
not appear elsewhere in Archaionomia. 

Let us now examine some difficulties in the text from this stand- 
point. In / Athelstan § 5 the use of the word geornian is so unnatural 
that Liebermann (in, 98) thinks it was suggested by geunnan of the 
other version ; but it is the natural translation of cupire in Quadri- 
partitus. In Ordinance § 2 occurs the aira^ oferhealdan 'to neglect,' 
which is recorded in Bosworth-Toller and in NED. sv. Overhold : it is 
a mechanical rendering of supertenere in the Quadripartitus, and super - 
tenere elsewhere renders OE. forhealdan, which probably stood in the 
lost Old English text of the Ordinance. An scone spices stands alone 
among Bosworth-Toller's examples of scone and spic, and in NED. sv. 
Shank the passage requires a special paragraph for the meaning, as 
well as an etymological note on the form. This is not surprising; for 
perna of Quadripartitus is the regular equivalent of OE. flicce ' flitch,' 
and there can be no doubt that flicce stood in the lost OE. Ordinance. 
But the Elizabethan translator did not know this. He understood by 
perna what we now call a ' ham,' and yet ' ham ' in the modern sense 
of ' a cured leg of pork ' was neither Old English nor Elizabethan, and 
'gammon' was plainly not a native word. So he decided to give a para- 
phrase, and having come across sconca ' leg,' produced the monstrosity 
an scone spices ! It does not seem to have occurred to him or to his 
editors that the choice between ' a leg of bacon ' and ' a ram ' was a 
strange one : the dn earm Engliscmon required food and not breeding- 
stock ; and since aries in the Quadripartitus elsewhere renders we&er, 
we may be confident that the lost OE. Ordinance specified ,i. we&er, not 
dn rdm. The spuriousness of Lambard's text is thus confirmed : and 
even the plausible siblac = hostias paciflcas (I Ath. § 2) must be ex- 
punged from the dictionaries. 

The barbarous ' Old English ' helps to identify the Latin MS. of the 
^Quadripartitus that the translator used. It was certainly one of the 
' London ' group, with near affinities to Liebermann's K (Cott. MS. 
Claudius D. II) and Or. (Oriel College MS. 46), both of the early 
fourteenth century. Note for instance, in / Ath. § 5 : Quadripartitus 
'quid Deo precupiam etquidcompleredebeatis': but iT, Or. 'precipiam... 
debeamus,' which is closer to Lambard's hwmt Drihtene us bebeod j hwset 
us fulfremian gebyrap ; or again, in Ord. (Prologue) : Quadripartitus 'si 
sit ibi ' ; but K, Or. ' si sit tibi ' = Lambard gif ge him habbap. In one 



Reviews 103 

place K alone gives a corresponding text, and it is certainly corrupt : 
I Ath. § 3: Quadripartitus ' Recolendum quoque nobis est, quam terri- 
biliter in libris positum est ' ; K...'quod terribiliter in hiis [so others of 
the London group] libris...': Lambard We moton eac &ses ftencan, Se 
egeslic on Sissum bocum is gewriten. Use of K would also explain the 
failure to translate I Ath. § 4, which is made unintelligible by K's 
reading chericete for cyricsceatta. But account must be taken of Ord. 
§ 1 where K has witadefceop : Lambard (correctly) wite&eowne ; and of 
Ord. (Prologue) where K has 'omni villa' : rest 'omni via': Lambard ealle 
w&ga. It must be assumed either that the translator used a Latin MS. 
now lost which was very close to K, or — what is more likely — that he 
followed a transcript of K which had been collated with another MS. 
for at least two awkward readings. 

If Lambard was the translator, he must have had his tongue in his 
cheek when he wrote in the Preface : Jam vero ne quis domi nostras has 
natas esse leges arbitretur, plane suscipio atque profiteor, magna fide et 
religione ex vetustissimis. . .exemplaribus fuisse desumpta. But there is 
evidence of his good faith. In 1567, the year before the Preface was 
written, Lawrence Nowell gave him an Anglo-Saxon dictionary in manu- 
script, which is now Bodleian MS. Selden supra 63. It is significant 
that none of the rarities of the spurious laws are in Nowell's word-list ; 
but among the later additions — made apparently by Lambard's hand — 
appear the following: (under Sibbe) ' Siblac. hostia pacifica'; (after 
' Sceanca, the legges, see Scanca ') ' 7 Scone, idem, opinor. Scone spices. 
a gamon of Bacon, perna Lat.' This is not the language of a forger 
contemplating his own handiwork. It rather suggests that Lambard 
received the texts from some friend and printed them without a doubt 
of their authenticity. Now in his Preface he writes : Obtulit mihi supe- 
riori anno [i.e. 1567] Laurentius Noel us,... qui me (quicunque in hoc 
genere sim) ejficit, priscas Anglorum leges, antiquissima Saxonum lingua, 
et Uteris conscriptas, atque a me (quoniam ei turn erat trans mare eundum) 
ut Latinas facerem, ac pervidgarem vehementer flagitavit. These words 
might refer to the loan of an old MS.; but it is more likely that Nowell 
sent a transcript of the Laws in the imitative Anglo-Saxon script that 
scholars of the time used in making copies, whether for private use or 
for the printer. The spurious passages might easily creep into such a 
transcript : for if Nowell copied from a MS. like CCCC. 383, or Cotton 
Otho B XI, which begin Athelstan's Laws with II Athelstan, reference 
to a MS. of the Quadripartitus would at once disclose the gap ; and 
what more natural to an Elizabethan antiquary than to fill it as best 
he could, not with intent to deceive, but simply to complete his col- 
lection of Old English texts ? Once embedded in the transcript, the 
fictitious laws might be forgotten by their author; there would be 
nothing in the script to reveal them to Lambard ; and even when the 
true text of / Athelstan came to his notice in the course of collation, he 
would hardly recognise its superior claims. 

A thorough study of the whole body of Lambard's texts would pro- 
bably throw more light on their origin. His section headings particularly, 



/ 



104 Reviews 

unless they have MS. support, should be regarded as adventitious until 
they are proved genuine. 

K. Sisam. 
Oxford. 

The Gild of St Mary, Lichfield, being Ordinances of the Gild of St Mary 
and other Documents. (E.E.T.S. Extra Series, No. cxiv.) London : 
Kegan Paul ; H. Milford. 1920. 82 pp. 15s. 

This slender collection of documents, the earliest of which were 
copied by Dr Furnivall from the Gild register at Lichfield as long ago 
as 1889, is of more value to the social historian than to the student of 
English prose. The English version, made in 1538, of the ordinances 
which were issued at the foundation of the gild of St Mary in 1387, is 
an interesting addition to the series of ordinances printed, more than 
fifty years ago, in Toulmin Smith's English Gilds. At its outset, this 
gild was simply a religious organisation, founded mainly for the purpose 
of maintaining an unspecified number of chantry-priests in the chapel 
of St Mary. Its founders were evidently well-to-do citizens, and, within 
a hundred years of its foundation, it had become the governing body in 
municipal affairs. The second set of ordinances, made in 1486-7, is 
almost entirely devoted to this side of its activity, and indicates that, 
from a gild of unlimited though carefully chosen membership, it had 
developed into a close corporation of a master and forty-eight brethren. 
The city of Lichfield received its first charter from Edward VI, after the 
second Chantry act had put an end to religious gilds: its later govern- 
ment, by two bailiffs and twenty-one brethren, is a sign that here, as at 
Newark-on-Trent and other places, the new corporation was a revised 
edition of the old gild, with its chantry endowments confiscated or 
diverted to other uses. 

It is to be regretted that no historical introduction has been added 
to Dr Furnivall's transcripts. The research involved would have cleared 
up some points which the documents leave to inference, e.g. the relation 
of the gild in its municipal capacity to the Bishop as lord of Lichfield, 
which would have thrown further light upon its survival in the Edwardian 
corporation. The Latin certificate of the gild, returned in pursuance of 
the act of September 1388, might also have been given in an appendix : 
it is of value not only as showing that only one chantry-priest had been 
appointed up to that time, but as supplying the secondary dedication to 
St John Baptist, not mentioned in the ordinances. The English text of 
the 1387 document has been collated with the Latin original, and the 
English oath prescribed to members in 1387 is printed parallel with 
the form given in 1538. The translator did his work freely and roughly, 
and was no skilled Latinist. One of his mistakes is corrected in a note 
on p. 7 ; but the same page contains another, which shows how lightly 
he leaped over phrases which he did not understand. The order for the 
expulsion of ill-livers from the gild is followed by directions for the 
treatment of minor offences. To translate aliquo errore uel uicio non 



Reviews 105 

notorio irretiti by ' in ony errour, or ony other detestable crime,' implies 
a very casual treatment of the text, and probable ignorance of the legal 
meaning of notorius. When, on p. 8, we find capitali domino seruicia 
debita et consueta rendered as ' cheef honour to godd,' our suspicion of 
his capacity deepens : the true significance of the phrase is suggested 
with too much caution in a note, and it was quite needless to add that 
Canon Curteis, who collated the two texts, thought that the translator 
was justified by the passage of Scripture which follows. It doubtless 
misled him, but there were clerks in Lichfield who could have set him 
right. There are several misprints in the Latin notes : uixta for iuxta 
(p. 7), intromitant (possibly in the original) for intromittant, and infor- 
tunum for infortunium (p. 8), innitacionem for inuitacionem (p. 9) and 
libracionem for liberacionem (p. 10). 

The most interesting documents in the book after the two ordinances 
are those relating to our Lady's alms-chest or ' Herwood's coffre,' a mont- 
de-piete established in St Mary's in 1457 by two canons of the cathedral 
church, and placed under the administration of the gild-master, the 
cathedral sacrist, the chapel-warden and one of the chantry-priests. In 
1486 their negligence had brought the capital fund down from £40 to 
£13, and Dean Hey wood, in his visitation as ordinary of the city of 
Lichfield, recovered certain bad debts and made the rest good from his 
own pocket, leaving strict injunctions for its careful maintenance. The 
ordinances (1576 and 1697) of the company of Tailors, and (1601 and 
1630) of that of Smiths, two out of the seven crafts of Lichfield, call for 
little comment. The craft of Smiths, including several associated trades, 
was of much earlier origin than 1601 ; and it is probable that the Tailors 
in 1576 had been long established. In both cases, however, their ordi- 
nances were thoroughly revised for confirmation by the judges of assize, 
and, at the later dates, by the two bailiffs and twenty-one brethren, and 
contain nothing which enables us, as compilations of the same kind 
sometimes do, to distinguish between original clauses and subsequent 
additions or modifications. Short illustrative documents relating to the 
Tailors of Lynn and Southampton, and some other fugitive notes, taken 
from the reports of the Historical MSS. Commission, remind us how 
much remains to be done in publishing and collating the numerous 
ordinances and minute-books of crafts and mysteries which in many 
places are in private hands. 

A. Hamilton Thompson. 

Leeds. 



The Donet by Reginald Pecock, D.D. Now first edited from MS. Bodl. 
916 and collated with The Poore Mennis Myrrour (Brit. Mus. MS. 
Addl. 37788) by Elsie Vaughan Hitchcock. London: Published 
for the Early English Text Society by Humphrey Milford, Oxford 
University Press. 1922. 35s. 

Whoever may claim to be the 'father' of English prose, it was 
Reginald Pecock who first showed the fitness of our mother-tongue for 



106 Reviews 

the expression of abstract thought and profound learning. And he 
showed it so well that fear led the official medicine-men of the 
fifteenth century to a most thorough-going pursuit and destruction of 
his works. The six books that escaped their panic hatred have survived 
each in a single copy. 

Until lately our knowledge of Pecock's work has been derived mainly 
from The Repressor (ed. Babington, 1860). The Book of Faith was 
edited by J. L. Morison in 1909 ; and from James Gairdner's Monograph 
(1911) we have some idea of the contents of The Reule of Cristen Reli- 
gioun, now in private hands. Pecock's other three extant books, after 
more than four-and-a-half centuries of oblivion, now see the light again 
through the painstaking and scholarly care of Miss Hitchcock. 

The book before us, The Donet, is a guide to the ' Seven Matters ' of 
the Christian Religion: 1. The Nature of God; 2. His benefits; 3. His 
punishments ; 4. His Commandments ; 5. Our natural wretchednesses ; 
6. Our natural wickednesses; 7. Remedies against 5 and 6. Of these 
the ' fourth matter ' is accorded the fullest treatment. A critical exami- 
nation is made of the Ten Commandments of Moses, and in place of 
these are put Four Tables, containing Thirty-one Moral Virtues ' com- 
manded or counselled by reason or faith,' and thus embracing ' all God's 
commandments and counsels.' 

Students of history or of theology will find that their path through 
the intricacies of this book is made easy by Miss Hitchcock's full mar- 
ginal notes, excellent Summary of Contents, and exhaustive General 
Index. Students of language and literature owe still more to her. The 
Donet is the first work of Pecock's to be printed strictly in accordance 
with the manuscript. The trustworthy and scholarly editing leaves 
nothing to be desired ; there are notes critical and explanatory, and a 
very full glossary. 

The Poore Mennis Myrrour is a simplified version of part of the 
Donet, made for the less learned. Miss Hitchcock found it to agree so 
closely with the larger work that printing in full was unnecessary ; she 
has given it in the more useful form of collations, supplemented by an 
appendix. 

We understand that Miss Hitchcock's edition of The Folower to the 
Donet is ready for press, and will contain a discussion of the author's 
language and style. We trust that the editing of The Reule of Cristen 
Religioun may also fall to her lot. 

J. H. G. Grattan. 

London. 

The Life and Works of John Heywood. By R. W. Bolwell. New York : 
Columbia University Press; London: Humphrey Milford. 1921. 
xiii + 188 pp. 10s. 6d. 

Dr Bolwell's Life of John Heywood is seriously inaccurate and often 
ill-informed. One regrets that he has overlooked the studies published 
in The Library in 1917-18 and republished by Alexander Moring, Ltd., 



Reviews 107 

under the title of John Heywood and his Friends and The Canon of John 
Heywood's Plays. The errors of Wallace and others corrected in these 
papers reappear with additions in Dr Bolwell's work and he has omitted 
much that is new and significant. Thus there is no reference to the 
Heywood family and its association with the village of Harvard Stock in 
Essex, a connexion which has not died out, and which is of peculiar 
interest. It explains, amongst other things, the baffling line in Heywood's 
Play of Wether : 

Ynge Gyngiang Jayberd the paryshe of Butsbery, 

which is one of the various forms of the manorial name found on all the 
manor rolls of Stock where Heywood's brother William was a comfortable 
copyholder. Another brother, Richard Heywood, Armiger, was a wealthy 
and eminent legal officer of Lincoln's Inn, colleague and close friend of 
William Roper as Prothonotary of the King's Bench. A third brother, 
Thomas, a monk of St Osyth's in Essex, was executed in Elizabeth's reign 
for saying Mass. The family wills show how closely the brothers held 
together and how intimate their legal associations were. Many points in 
Heywood's writings are lost on those who do not know the Heywood 
circle. Working apparently away from original sources of information, 
depending on the brief summaries in the Calendars of State Papers and re- 
lying a little unwisely on Dr C.W.Wallace's Heywood gleanings, hurriedly 
gathered in the course of wider searches, Dr Bolwell has kept a beaten 
track and, like Wallace, has over-emphasised Heywood's association with 
the Court. He nowhere alludes to Heywood's intimate and official con- 
nexion with the City, just as he fails to notice his family associations with 
legal circles. 

His reconstruction of Heywood's early days turns on an error which 
has had too long a life. Heywood was not in Court service at the age 
of 17. It was not the dramatist but an elderly yeoman-usher of the 
same name who was paid the wage of 8d. a day in 1514. He says 
that no list of Royal choristers occurs during Heywood's boyhood; 
the Lord Chamberlain's accounts contain one for 1509 when he was 12, 
and Heywood was not a Royal chorister. Heywood went to Court at 
the age of 22 in 1519 in the same year as More, and from 1519 to 1528 
he enjoyed his first period of Court favour, his wages rising from £20 to 
£26. 13s. 4>d. Then in 1528 he was 'discharged' to use a technical term 
on an annuity or pension of £10 for life and from this point to the close 
of Henry's reign his Court activities were unimportant. At this point 
(1528) Dr Wallace creates a fictitious office for Heywood, dapifer cameras 
or sewer of the chamber. Dr Bolwell improves on this by providing a 
salary for the ' dapifer,' a second £10. Heywood did become a ' sewer of 
the chamber,' but it was twenty-five years later. It is one of the marks 
of a second period of royal favour which extended over the reigns of 
Edward VI and Mary. Heywood first appears in the Lord Chamberlain's 
accounts as ' sewer of the chamber ' when he drew his livery of cloth for 
himself and two servants for the funeral of Edward VI. By making 
Heywood's career at Court continuously and increasingly prosperous 



108 Reviews 

Dr Bolwell misrepresents the important years of his life between the ages 
of 30 and 50. 

In dealing with the circumstances and causes of Heywood's exile in 
his old age, Dr Bolwell is handicapped by his neglect of the four docu- 
ments at the Record Office recording the findings of the Inquisitions held 
on his property, rents and misdemeanours. This is an unfortunate bio- 
graphical oversight. Dr Bolwell says that ' it is hazardous to suggest the 
date of his departure from England.' The Inquisitions give the date as 
20 July 1564, a fact of importance for bibliographers. Hey wood was not 
an exile when the 1562 edition of the Epigrams was published. The 
Inquisitions give clear and explicit information as to Heywood's property 
at and connexion with North Mimms, Hinxwell and Romney Marsh and 
lift us entirely out of the field of conjecture. We learn that his widowed 
daughter Mistress Marvin — his son-in-law, John Donne, was too cautious 
— collected the rents after Heywood and his old wife Joan had fled. 
Dr Bolwell misnames Heywood's wife Eliza throughout. 

The accounts given of Heywood's royal grants of land are singularly 
unhappy. Dr Bolwell records a grant of an annuity of 10 marks charged 
on the cameral manor of Maxey and Torpul and proceeds to construe it 
as a grant of the manor itself. He prints in an appendix a record of a 
grant of the manor of Heydon, but fails to note that it occurs only in a 
legal commonplace book of precedents etc., and is not enrolled or other- 
wise confirmed. The grant was not made. 

In 1545-6 two lawyers, a goldsmith and two others, acquired for a 
great sum of money through the Augmentation Office certain properties 
formerly monastic. The property is fully described and further identified 
as being ' in tenura x or y &c.' Among many other tenants are a John 
Heywood in the Midlands and another in Dorset. Neither is the drama- 
tist, but Dr Bolwell identifies him with these tenants and then treats 
him as being thus the recipient of monastic lands from the king. He is 
again at fault in dealing with Heywood's manor of Broke Hall in Essex, 
which he leased for a term of years from Abbot Whederyk before the 
dissolution of St Osyth's. He retained his lease when the abbey lands 
fell into Cromwell's possession, but on Cromwell's attainder he only 
secured a renewal from the Crown at an increased rent. To claim this as 
a royal favour and grant of land is as strange as Dr Bolwell's reference 
to Heywood as ' holding monastic land to his own profit and at his 
Church's expense.' Heywood was made a landed gentleman by Henry VIII 
according to Dr Bolwell. Actually he received no royal grant of land or 
property until Mary's reign. 

Heywood's connexion with the City is nowhere referred to by Dr 
Bolwell. In 1523 he was admitted to the freedom of the City by royal 
request and ' payment of the old hanse,' and to membership of the Sta- 
tioners' Company — every freeman was a member of a Company — to 
which John Rastell, printer, doubtless introduced his son-in-law. This 
year was seemingly the year of his marriage to Joan or Johanna Rastell, for 
19 years later his daughter Joan Stubbes was married and conveyancing 
property. Thus he became a London citizen and married householder. 



Reviews 109 

If, as Dr Bolwell asserts, he was born in the City, his freedom would have 
been by ' patrimony,' not ' request.' 

Shortly after his 'discharge' from Court in 1528 on an annuity of 
£10, he was appointed Common Measurer of Linen Cloths to the City 
and ' transmuted ' from the Stationers' to the Mercers' Company. 

Dr Bolwell writes inaccurately of Hey wood's father-in-law, Rastell, 
that he was an Oxford and Lincoln's Inn man and had property at North 
Mimms. We do not know Rastell's university, he was of the Middle 
Temple and his property was at Monken Hadley, Finsbury, Paternoster 
Row and in Warwickshire. Much more is known of Rastell than Dr 
Bolwell's references suggest. 

In dealing with Hey wood's plays, Dr Bolwell does not face the problem 
of the remarkable dissimilarity of the Four P. trilogy and the trilogy of 
debats. He accepts the traditional canon but does not trace its history. 
His suggested dates for the Four P. group are surely too late. He writes 
well on the debats. There is remarkable evidence, which should have 
been considered, that Gentleness and Nobility is the work of John Rastell, 
and Dr Bolwell blunders in finding ' the most convincing evidence of 
Hey wood's authorship' in a woodcut frontispiece of Hey wood. This 
woodcut is pasted in — from The Spider and the Flie in the B.M. imper- 
fect copy of Gentleness and Nobility. J. S. Farmer's facsimile reproduces 
this imperfect copy and he explains the woodcut in his handlist. It 
does not occur, of course, in the Bodleian and Pepysian sound copies. 
J. S. Farmer's attribution of Galisto and Meleboea to Heywood is not 
supported by recent research and Thersites has been withdrawn by 
Mr A. W. Pollard who once thought there was ' a fairly strong case ' 
for ascribing it to him. The treatment of the Proverbs and Epigrams, 
in many ways Heywood's most intimate work and least ' courtly,' is in- 
adequate. His private and family life finds some odd reflections in them. 
Dr Bolwell is certainly right in identifying Cranmer with the Spider in 
The Spider and the Flie, but a more intimate acquaintance with the 
last years of John Rastell, the litigious victim of Cranmer, would have 
enabled him to identify him with the Fly. Rastell died in prison con- 
tumaciously fighting Cranmer and the clerics on the question of tithes 
and offerings, and Heywood dropped his fable for twenty years. The 
suggestion that More was the Fly does violence to Heywood's relations 
with him. The legal knowledge displayed in this strange and interesting 
work has its explanation in Heywood's close associations with lawyers, 
just as much of the homely wit of the Proverbs and Epigrams was in- 
tended for familiar and citizen approval ; but throughout his study 
Dr Bolwell has over-emphasised the Court service of Heywood and 
overlooked his family and city connexions. 

Arthur W. Reed. 
London. 



110 Reviews 

Seneca and Elizabethan Tragedy. By F. L. Lucas. Cambridge : Univer- 
sity Press. 1922. 136 pp. 7s. Qd. 

Mr Lucas' book reads so briskly and so gaily that a reviewer, having 
braced himself to solemn effort at the threat of the title-page, is soon 
prepared to forgive largely. He would indeed forgive entirely : but 
Mr Lucas will have none of it. Not content to have his volume recog- 
nized as a very presentable specimen of its kind, Mr Lucas insists on 
our putting it into another category and, unfortunately, into one to 
which for good and evil it has no claim to belong. 

He tells us that its main purpose is to estimate Seneca's influence, 
and to trace the line of descent from him to the Elizabethans, adding 
that for the sake of completeness, a sketch of the rise and progress of 
Greek drama is also included. The expectations thus excited of a com- 
prehensive and historical treatment of the theme are not even remotely 
satisfied. In fact, the author hardly gets to the subject at all. The best, 
and a very good, part of the book is the first 77 pages, which are solely 
concerned with Greek and Latin drama and dramatists. Of these, again, 
the best are the 27 pages on Seneca the man. The pity of it is that 
there remain but 55 pages for the main purpose of the book : and, of 
these, another dozen are immediately thrown away on pleasantly pre- 
sented, but commonplace and not very relevant material concerning 
popular mediaeval drama. With but 43 pages to go, the author can 
still waste a few more on customary generalities such as those on the 
spirit of the Renaissance at large. So when at last we get to the Eliza- 
bethans, there are no more than 23 pages for the lot of them : and yet 
one feels that Mr Lucas thinks they are getting more than their due, 
for he is positively profligate in his allowances of space for quotations 
which could be spared. Thus all that Shakespeare gets is four pages, 
and of these nearly the whole of one is used to reprint 28 lines from 
Richard III, merely to illustrate stichomythia. Even more palpably 
inappropriate in view of the title of the book, is Ben Jonson's share ; 
one page, and 23 lines of it are extracts from the plays. 

The case is clear. Mr Lucas knows his Latins. He likes the Eliza- 
bethans : but his book provides no evidence that he knows them any 
better than do most men of reading. He has nothing to say about them 
which has not been said frequently before ; and he limits the little he 
has to say to half a dozen of them. But it is still more unfortunate 
that, having chosen this particular subject, the author has apparently 
little sympathy with research and with historical method in literary 
scholarship. A pleasant gird at scholars, a propos of Legge's Richardus 
Tertius, seems to suggest that the historical importance of any given 
material is to be determined mainly by its capacity to bore or not to 
bore the average man of to-day. Mr Lucas is clearly impatient with 
piddling Theobalds: he looks rather askance at Cunliffe, Fischer and 
others who, working on his subject, have nailed themselves down to 
minutise and have forgone the temptation, so alluring to Mr Lucas, 
to soar to dizzy heights and thence to give judgment on mankind and 



Reviews 111 

all his doings through large stretches of time. Sed nunc non erat his 
locus. But of course, Mr Lucas' point of view is defensible: for one thing, 
it is likely to inspire a more entertaining book than that of the scholar 
and investigator in the stricter sense. Yet you cannot have your cake 
and eat it. Mr Lucas must wear his rightful laurels, without claiming 
to have earned those of the literary historian. For instance, after a 
ludicrously rapid glance at France and Italy, he writes ' we have traced 
the Senecan revival in Italy, France, etc' He most certainly has not : 
he has a line or two of the commonplaces from the textbooks thereon : 
and they are commonplaces we believe to be wrong, though for particular 
reasons we say so with all humility. 

In short, Mr Lucas' book has nothing for the professed scholar. But 
it should be an excellent book to put into the hands of the undergraduate 
who is setting out on the study of modern drama. It will appeal parti- 
cularly to the clever young man. The more obvious of Seneca's own 
rhetorical tricks, particularly the purple patch: a Pacuvian smartness 
pleasant to the ear of the common room : the manner and the mannerisms 
of fashionable contemporary litterateurs — these give the volume a dash 
of modernity which is perhaps meant to compensate for the lack of up- 
to-dateness in the nominal content. 

Manchester. H. B. CHARLTON. 

Lord Byron : Arnold and Swinburne. By H. J. C. Grierson. Warton 
Lecture on English Poetry, no. xi. (Proceedings of the British 
Academy, Vol. IX.) London: H. Milford. 1921. 31pp. 2s. 

Professor Grierson's vindication of Byron is fervid, and I believe it 
to be mainly just. It is well guarded with critical warnings and reserves. 
These are doubtless less needful to-day, when the problem is not to keep 
people from admiring the poet too much, but to get them to read him 
at all. The disputes and balancings of Matthew Arnold and Swinburne 
are also passing out of mind. It is a service on Mr Grierson's part to 
recall them so skilfully, and to trace the curve of Byron's fame with a 
keen historical sense. He describes the ups and downs of that fame ; 
quotes critics from France and Italy to show how Byron is at last ignored 
even in those countries ; and draws many acute distinctions to show what 
Byron is and is not ; the upshot being, that whatever Byron may not be, 
he is at all events alive. So he is ; but alive to whom ? To Mr Grierson, 
undoubtedly ; and, it may be added, to many other students here and 
there (including the present writer) ; and to many unstudious persons 
too, especially among the elder generation. To the living poets, elder or 
younger, Byron appears to be very much of a shadow, and nothing that 
professors say is likely to move them. None the less, Mr Grierson does 
well to recall us to Byron's good and great things, above all to his satire 
and wit, and to the verse novelle and to the unmatched love-passages in 
Don Juan, Of the Haidee episode he writes : 

Is there any love-poetry of the romantics which vibrates with so full a life of 
sense and soul as these verses ? Compared with it, ' I arise from dreams of thee ' or 



112 Reviews 

* A slumber did my spirit seal ' are the love-strains of a disembodied spirit or a rapt 
mystic. There is nothing like it in English poetry except some of the songs of Burns 
and the complex, vibrant passion, sensual and spiritual, of Donne's songs and elegies 
(p. 23). 

It might be debated whether they are very ' like ' it ; and it might be 
suggested that much of the imagery of Byron's sea-shore is actually 
Shelleyan ; but the praise remains. Mr Grierson also speaks up well for the 
grander parts of Childe Harold. He brings out afresh what Keats and 
Wordsworth and other poets provide, while Byron cannot provide it. 
(Probably, on p. 28, he overstates the influence of Keats ; but this would 
call for a long argument.) As a critic, he has plenty of courage, and has 
a welcome streak in him, if I mistake not, of sympathy with Byron the 
rebel. I wish he had named The Dream, Darkness, and The Prophecy of 
Dante, all flawed but magnificent poems. The obvious fact is that Byron, 
whoever may or may not read him, is always there. Like Dryden, with 
whom he has curious likenesses, he stands. His best oratory (which 
Mr Grierson justly distinguishes from his rhetoric) stands, in its own 
order; his satires and pictures of manners stand, even more firmly, in 
their order. His high and excellent poetry — what there is of it — abides 
no less. Byron's performance may recall those maps of mountain-ranges 
where a few undoubted peaks rise well above the 10,000-feet line. 
Below that, there are more numerous summits. The miles of shapeless 
moraine, which are also there, do not matter. Nor does it matter to the 
range how many persons, or how few, may ascend it, or may look at it. 

Oliver Elton. 

Liverpool. 

Ysopet-Avionnet: The Latin and French Texts. By Kenneth McKenzie 
and William A. Oldfather. (University of Illinois Studies in 
Language and Literature, Vol. v, No. 4.) Urbana, 111. : Univ. of 
Illinois. 1919. 8vo. $1.50. 

This is a handsomely printed volume of 286 pages, with reproductions, 
on a rather minute scale, of the mediaeval illustrations to the fables as 
found in one MS. (P) and specimens of those in the others. It is the 
first complete edition of the Latin text of this compilation of the Romulus 
and Avianus fables, and also the first edition of the French text which 
claims to be ' critical.' We shall confine our attention to the French 
portion, the work of the first-named editor. 

Three fourteenth-century MSS., B (Brussels), L (London) and P 
(Paris) contain both Latin and French versions; three others of the 
fifteenth century, a, b and c, all in Paris, contain the French version 
alone. These three MSS. also lack the long-winded and often pointless 
' addiciones ' which encumber both Latin and French in the first three 
and which, so say the editors, are the work of a woman. 

Mr McKenzie's treatment of the question of the authorship of the 
compilation is not particularly happy, nor very complete. He is at pains 
to prove that two (possibly three) authors are responsible for the work 



Reviews 113 

as it stands at present : firstly, the monkish compiler and translator of 
the original twin collection of fables, of which a, b and c represent the 
French version ; then the composer of the later work, characterised by 
the adjunction and omission of several fables and by the above-named 
' addiciones,' and lastly, perhaps, an interpolator of such fables as Avion- 
net xix 1 . 

This is doubtless true, but scarcely brings us any further than a 
precise statement in the Epilogue to Avionnet itself, which the editor 
fails to utilise. In this passage (missing, of course, in a, b, c), the second 
author continues the original Epilogue of six lines, found in all MSS., with 
the following words : 

Aucune chose ai trespass^ 

Et aucune autre ai amasse [added] ; 

Ajouste y ai aucun compte [i.e. conte] 

De venter ne vuil faire feste 

Que j'aie fait tout de ma teste ; 

Mes (en) ai trouve plus grant partie 

De compile, se Dieus m'aye, 

Et du frangais et du latin. 

We should like to have been told why the editors think that the 
French translation of the 'addiciones' is necessarily by the same (female) 
hand as the Latin original. We should have liked to know further what 
linguistic differences distinguish the earlier portions of the French version 
from the later, the more so as it is possible to date this later portion with 
absolute certainty as having been rimed between 1339 and 1348. Not 
only might this have afforded an instructive comparison of two stages 
of the language, but we should perhaps have learnt as well something 
about the author of the original unexpanded translations. 

The stylistic differences in the two strata are indeed most marked. 
The second author is a wearisome rimester, the first is no indifferent 
writer and had a clever knack of terse pictorial description, very re- 
freshing beside the frigidity of the Latin; witness this sketch of a cock: 

Un coc en un fumier estoit, 
Du bee bechoit, des pies gratoit 
Comme pour sa viande querre 2 . 

An examination of the rimes betrays a divergence in speech almost 
as marked as that in literary skill. Whereas in the portions attributable 
to the second author there are scarcely any dialect peculiarities (I have 
noted two cases of the reduction of -iee to -ie and two of -eine > oine), 
the work of the second shows a considerable sprinkling of dialect rimes, 
sufficient to throw light on the author's origin. He was undoubtedly 
from the south-east, as the following rimes will show, and used a literary 
medium strongly tinged with non-standard forms which flourished, some 
in eastern Champagne, others in Lorraine and particularly Burgundy. 
The rimes oreille : veroille, p. 64 ; corbiau : diau {duel), p. 76 ; vaut : 
quiaut (colligit), p. 99 ; Rooviaus : viaus (voles), p. 159 ; miaus : solaus, 

1 By no means certainly, as this fable might very well be one of the additions of which 
the author of the Epilogue to Avionnet speaks. 

a Ysopet, i. The Latin says: ' Dum rigido fodit ore fimum, dum queritat escam.' 

M.L.R. XVIII. 8 



114 Reviews 

p. 220 ; haus : miaus, p. 278 ; chevox (capillos) : Pols (Paulus), p. 225, 
are familiar enough to readers of Chretien de Troyes. The following go 
further east and more especially south-east : beste : heste (haiste < haste), 
p. 116; net (nitidum) : net (ait < habet), p. 120; endables (endebles) : 
pendables, p. 123 ; loiche (leche) : aproiche, p. 131 ; ters (tergis) : sentiers, 
p. 165. Moreover, the south-eastern present subjunctives gardoit and 
s'acordoit, pp. 190, 191, and the rimes plaige (plege) : ostaige, p. 175 ; tes 
(tais) : tes (tas), p. 181 ; loie (loue) : joie, p. 186; vache : crache (creche), 
p. 194, all help to mark as authentic the fables Ysopet lvii, Lix, lxi, 
lxii, lxiv which a, b, c omit. 

With regard to the second author, Mr McKenzie does not accept 
Robert's view that he was a Norman. This was based on the fact that 
in the Epilogue to Avionnet, v. 75, he (or she) says, by way of special 
mention, after invoking King Philip (1328 — 1350) and his line, 'I would 
not pass over my lord the Duke, the eldest son of the good king of 
France ... Lady Bonne (f 1348) his consort ... and the fair succession 
of her children for whom we pray....' The Duke is John, Duke of 
Normandy, afterwards King Jean le Bon, 1350 — 1364. Mr McKenzie 
opposes Robert's supposition, not on linguistic grounds but because in 
the same Epilogue, speaking of Philip's wife, Jeanne of Burgundy, the 
author calls her ' fille du due d'icelle terre.' This ought to mean, ac- 
cording to Mr McKenzie, ' that the author was in Burgundy when she 
wrote.' To my mind it ought to mean exactly the opposite ; icelle is not 
iceste, and means ' that ' and not ' this.' Robert's supposition 'is in no 
wise disproved by such a 'definite statement' as this, and receives some 
linguistic confirmation from the fact that, with the possible exception of 
the terminations -ence, -ance, the author, unlike his predecessor, does not 
rime en with -an. 

In constructing his text, Mr McKenzie seems to waver at times 
between a ' critical ' edition and a diplomatic reproduction of his main 
manuscript. He is not always consistent and is sometimes incorrect in 
his use of accents and the diaeresis, and often shows a lack of insight into 
his author's meaning. His text contains many obscure passages. Some 
of these are due to bad punctuation, others to a maiming of the text by 
a faulty division of letter groups, and are fairly easy to rectify. Many 
others, however, remain and should, we think, have been discussed, 
especially as the list of variant readings, on the editor's own showing, 
is incomplete. We regret, moreover, that Mr McKenzie did not follow 
the example of his co-editor and give us a glossary of rare words, a con- 
siderable number of which are not to be found in Godefroy. 

Mr McKenzie has taken as the basis of his text the MS. B, the most 
reliable of those that contain both the Latin text and the ' addiciones.' 
He has given the variants of a, b and c ' only where it seems possible 
that they may preserve the original version, or where they are of par- 
ticular interest.' In a complete critical edition of the French version 
alone, intrinsically well worth publishing, this group of MSS. would need 
to be much more completely utilised, representing as it does an earlier 
tradition than BLP. 



Reviews 115 

The following is a list of observations and suggestions concerning 
Mr McKenzie's text. It leaves many difficulties unsolved. 

Ys., Prologue, vv. 23 — 26, faulty punctuation ; v. 23, read quil and 
put full stop after essaucies ; del. comma of next line. v. 29, read envoie 
with P and del. semi-colon. 

Ys. I, v. 11, read a qui. in, 36, del. semi-colon, autre is object offerir. 
iv, 21, read mains jug e ment, ' many a judge goes astray,' mentir as equi- 
valent oifaillir. vi, 4, full stop after entremettre ; 6, del. semi-colon after 
nice ; entre has here its common enumerative use. 33, 34, amour is subj., 
heritage is complement, bien goes with convient. vii, 4, 5, change punc- 
tuation as ce dit refers to preceding line, viii, 4, del. full stop; s' of 
line 5 means 'and.' IX, 5, delivre (adj.) not delivre; 6, livre not livre. X, 2, 
serpent is here feminine, as in Marie de France (cf. vv. 8, 9 and xix, 19) ; 
the correct reading is therefore trouve une serpent ; v. 22, charpe with P. 
xii, 50, a seurer ; 58, for en oblit read enublist, ' clouds over, darkens ' ; 
62, A seur et a pais de cuer; 79, probably Et estre and receus (two 
syllables, like eusse lower down); 81, 82, veau and preau are dissyllabic, 
and probably peur also, xni, 22, soit li lai ou biaus goes better with the 
following line ; 29, 30, read victor'iens, liens (cf. xxix, 33, 34, anc'iens : 
mctoriens). xv, 34, siuelent < solent, not si vuelent. xvn, 9, read Qu'U ; 
18, del. semi-colon ; 45, De livrison, i.e. * livraison,' a common expression, 
especially with coups, xvin, 9, What is espied? is it for espinciee ? ; v. 11 ; 
for sa sovaige read sasouaige, ' is softened,' ; 18, for sove read soue * his ' ; 
23, L, a, b, c give the right reading ; 29, an, i.e. en, not au lieu ; 32, read 
veneeur ; 39, il with LP. xix, 38, meaning ? xxil, 36, del. full stop, and 
read tant v. 38. xxiii, 22, a gogue, ' farce, joke ' ; 25, sest. xxiv, 17, re- 
place semi-colon by question mark after que dut ce, ' why was it.' xxvi, 
34, 35, del. full stop, and put comma after aler. xxvn, 7, Que il; 13, ce 
que doit? ; 30, m'antention. xxvm, 2, s'atapissoient. xxix, 6, del. comma. 
xxx, 36, del. full stop as 36 goes with 37. xxxi, 3, the correct reading is 
de legat ou d'apostoille ; the author rimes oi and open e quite frequently 
(cf. p. 91, loist : paist ; p. 103, marchois : pres ; p. 109, doit : pait). xxxvi, 
1, 2, ata'ine, halnne; 20, cuisenment, 'sharply'; 86, Haineus and full 
stop at end of line, xxxvn, 22, ensele, ' saddled.' xxxvn, 65, escrache 
seems to be for escache and is probably a quasi-synonym of mortier, for 
* it has the smell of what it contains ' : escrache does not make sense ; 
70, read envis < invitus and /iu're < fugere. XL, 63, delivres. xli, 21, re- 
decoit. xlii, 56, del. full stop ; 57, full stop after pleist. xliii, 49, seisoit, 
probably s'eisoit from eisier (aisier). xliv, 3, s'em but XLVii, 32, si. 
xlviii, 37, entour prime ; 88, delivres. li, 45, vent ; 55, a" ; 62, Es ; 70, 
full stop after asouppe ; 75, comma instead of full stop, as what follows 
is in apposition with qui, etc. lii, 3, ata'ine. Lin, 8, does not make sense, 
read quel pois a ennui; 9, 10, tra'ine, ha'ine. lvi, 36, c'on. lvii, 18, part, 
tparc. Lix, 38, del. stop as le peuple is obj. of emprint. LXI, 94, question 
mark, lxiii, 18 — 21, faulty punctuation. 

Av. I, 15, aproie. x, 22, for cil read s'il. xiv, 26, Courtois is not a 
proper noun here, but an adjective. XV, 13, read a monter, as frequently 
elsewhere in the text, xvn, 12, del. stop, as this line goes with 14. 

8—2 



116 Reviews 

xviii, 26, read poujois, ' piece of money ' ; 42, donte. xix, 19, m'a tourne, 
probably rriatourne. Epilogue, 68, full stop after garde, as le roy, v. 69, 
is one of the subjects of soient, v. 74. 

John Orr. 
Manchester. 

Moliere. By Arthur Tilley. Cambridge: University Press. 1921. 
8vo. vii + 363pp. 12s. Qd. 

This valuable addition to English interpretation of Moliere comes at 
a particularly opportune time, during the tercentenary celebrations. The 
result of life-long study, it contains not only appreciations of the work 
of the best French critics on the subject, but personal views and sug- 
gestions of great interest, both to the student and to the general reader, 
in connection with certain aspects of Moliere's dramatic genius. 

The author disclaims any freshness in the biographical treatment, 
but desires to lay special stress on certain features of the works. He 
gives a careful chronological study of the plays and groups of plays, and 
the development of powers which they indicate, devoting a chapter to 
each special phase. First the ' experiments ' in simple farce, inherited 
from the Middle Ages or inspired by Italy, most of which Moliere ' trouva 
a propos de supprimer, lorsqu'il se fut propose pour but dans toutes ses 
pieces d'obliger les hommes a se corriger de leurs defauts.' Such is La 
Jalousie du Barbouille, a series of short scenes, later utilised by Moliere 
in George Dandin, but now revived in its original form (more or less) at 
the Theatre du Vieux Colombier. Passing to the social plays and then 
to the character studies, Mr Tilley traces the circumstances of composition 
of each group of plays ; he examines the cast of the first production, and 
the principal actors in important subsequent performances, thus throwing 
light on the dramatist's conception of his characters. Moliere is studied 
as manager, artist, moralist, but above all as comic genius, whose primary 
function was to amuse, to create laughter. 

Here the author finds himself to some extent in conflict with such 
critics as Lanson, Faguet, and Brunetiere, who hold that in certain of 
Moliere's plays, notably L'Ecole des Femmes, Tartuffe, Don Juan, Le 
Misanthrope, and L'Avare, the serious character of the problems pre- 
sented for solution is so marked as to give more than a suggestion of 
tragedy underlying the visible and external comedy. In particular 
Alceste has seemed to many a wholly tragic figure, a man of virtue and 
intellect at war with an evil world, in whose case the elements of struggle 
and uncertainty provoke pity rather than the gaiety of true comedy. 
(Certainly as played at the present time at the Vieux Colombier, not 
only Alceste but Celimene in her confession of her failing may almost 
be called tragic.) But Mr Tilley emphasises the other point of view : it 
is, he says, the ridiculous, illogical automatism of Alceste, as of Arnolphe, 
Orgon, Harpagon, Argan, it is the ' pli professionnel ' which is thrown 
into relief and creates the comic aspect. We laugh at Alceste even while 
we admire and sympathise with him : he has the exaggeration of youth 



Reviews 117 

without its sense of humour. So with Arnolphe : as he groans ' Chose 
etrange d'aimer ' we are moved with compassion, but who that has heard 
it at the Comedie Francaise can forget the final line of the tirade ' Et 
cependant on fait tout pour ces animaux-la ! ' or the burst of gaiety with 
which it is greeted by the audience ? Tartuffe is terrible : Brunetiere 
calls it a ' drame,' yet the contrast between the hypocrite's profession 
and his well-nourished appearance (' le pauvre homme ') is of the essence 
of comedy. Don Juan is indeed more sinister; and as for L'Avare, 
Mr Tilley allows that it maybe considered nearer the modern drama 
than classical comedy : the alternations are too violent for perfect art, 
and give the impression, especially when compared with the figures of 
Tartuffe and of Alceste, that the comic and tragic elements have not 
been completely fused, that Moliere the moralist is not in complete 
harmony with Moliere the dramatist. There are in each case undertones 
of deep thought, but not more than may legitimately belong to high 
comic art. It is a characteristic of works of genius that they have a wider 
application than their authors seem to have had actually present to 
consciousness. And Mr Tilley maintains that comedy, if it truly repre- 
sents life, cannot fail to touch the deeper and more sinister sides of 
human nature, in which strands of good and evil are inextricably entwined. 
It may even be held that Moliere, in these darker lines, foreshadows the 
mixed ' comedie bourgeoise ' of later days, without ceasing for that to 
have as his chief end the ' etrange entreprise de faire rire les honnetes 
gens.' We are reminded that, if we compare Moliere with that other 
great master of the 'comedie humaine ' (the word 'comedie' used here 
in a different sense) whose novels are tragedies, we see clearly that ' it 
is the ridiculous and not the tragic side of evil that quickens Moliere's 
imagination. He is the lord of laughter, from the smile which shows 
itself only in the eyes to the convulsive merriment which shakes the 
sides.' ' S'il lui arrive d'etre tragique, c'est comme malgre lui et par la 
force des choses.' After a serious scene we have an extra dose of mirth. 
'All sense of the tragedy which underlies Argan's character is dissipated 
effectually by the final ballet.' 

Thus Mr Tilley concludes that it is an over-sentimental age that 
reads tragedy into the highest comic art. The exaggeration and distor- 
tion that excite our merriment are accentuated in the theatre (where 
buskins, so to speak, must be worn) in order that the want of common 
sense (another point insisted upon) may be apparent. Comedy is 'the 
first-born of common-sense,' ' an interpretation of the general mind,' and 
thus it is that shrewd maid-servants rather than high-brows often appear 
in the comedies of Moliere as normal and admirable human beings. This 
glorification of common sense seems to lie at the root of the charge of 
want of poetry frequently brought against Moliere. Moderns are inclined 
to prefer Armande to Henriette, and English readers or spectators are 
apt to make unfavourable comparisons between Shakespeare's heroines 
and those of the great French dramatist. There is probably something 
national in this, but Mr Tilley makes an important point in insisting 
that the creative imagination which is of the essence of poetry is to be 



118 Reviews 

found in high comic art, that there is ' the lyricism of laughter ' or of 
irony and gaiety, as Sainte-Beuve says, where the grotesque meets the 
sublime. 

But, apart from the lyricism inherent in the highest comedy, Mr Tilley 
reminds his readers that there are ' passages of really poetic sentiment 
and language ' in the pastoral pieces. He quotes a charming little song, 
which apparently is not to be found in any anthology of French verse, 
and which is taken from the Pastorale Comique : 

Croyez-moi, hatons-nous, ma Sylvie, 
Usous bien des moments prdcieux ; 

Contentons ici notre envie, 
De nos ans le feu nous y convie 

The whole song seems an echo of ' Cueillons des aujourd'hui les roses de 
la vie,' in sentiment, while it uses the nine-syllable line which ■ is only 
found very rarely in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries/ 
and which Verlaine uses in his Art Poetique: ' De la musique avant 
toute chose.' In connection with the technique of Moliere's vers libres, 
there are illuminating observations on the artistic triumph of Amphitryon, 
which ' novel experiment in versification is a striking testimony at once 
to his metrical genius and to his high standard of artistic achievement.' 

F6nelon's famous criticism — 'En pensant bien il parle souvent mal 

J'aime bien mieux sa prose que ses vers' — is condemned: from the 
dramatic point of view his verse has the supreme quality of producing 
the illusion of reality. The psychological analyses of the passions of 
ordinary men and women require a prosaic and conversational style 'qui 
rase la prose.' So, with regard to Vauvenargues' accusation of ' negli- 
gences et expressions impropres,' while ' it would be impertinent in a 
foreigner to attempt to defend Moliere against these criticisms,' the real 
defence, as Brunetiere has shown, is that ' Moliere is incorrect because 
spoken language is often incorrect, and Moliere aims before all things at 
being natural.' 

As for the apparent weakness of the somewhat mechanical or melo- 
dramatic endings to some of the plays, this is shown to be due, not to 
deficiency in the power of constructing a plot, nor even always to haste, 
but rather to be the outcome of Moliere's overwhelming interest in 
character : the main idea of the play is worked out in dramatic fashion 
through and by the characters. 

And Moliere's morality ? What of J. J. Rousseau's attack, followed 
to some extent by Lavisse and Brunetiere : ' La morale de Moliere est 
tres modeste. On ne trouve pas dans tout son theatre un devoir qui 
commande un renoncement a soi, meme un effort qui coute.' There are 
undoubtedly moments when we prefer Pascal to Moliere, but to each 
man his work. As Mr Tilley shows, Moliere makes no exalted claim on 
behalf of human nature ; ' he is a healthy rather than a lofty moralist.' 
The very nature of comedy, which instructs by amusing, is contrary to 
the utterance of lofty sentiments : her business is not to preach virtue, 
but to ridicule vice and folly. She deals not with Cids and Polyeuctes 
but with average men. There is moreover a striking agreement between 



Reviews 119 

Moliere's implicit teaching on hypocrisy and evil speaking for example, 
and the sermons of some of the famous preachers of the day, notably 
Bossuet and Bourdaloue, and this, according to Mr Tilley, is remarkable 
testimony to the soundness of his morality. 

With regard to authorities, there is a useful note after Chapter I on 
the various biographies, and throughout the book the footnotes give 
valuable information as to reading, while a few of the main critics are 
referred to in the Preface. There seems, however, to be room for a com- 
plete bibliography, which would be a considerable help to the student. 
The index is good. 

All lovers of Moliere will be grateful for this work, which will spur 
them to re-read both the familiar and the less well-known plays, while 
those who have hitherto neglected them will be tempted to begin what 
must be for everyone a fruitful study of life and human nature. 

F. C. Johnson. 

London. 

La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri. Con il Commento di Tommaso 
Casini. Sesta edizione rinnovata e accresciuta per cura di S. A 
Bakbi. Vol.1. Inferno. Florence : Sansoni. 1922. 8vo. xv + 335 pp. 
L. 6. 

The admirable commentary of Tommaso Casini, of which the fifth 
edition appeared in 1903, has long been recognised as one of the most 
helpful and reliable companions to the Divina Commedia. But, during 
the last twenty years, Dante researches have been wide and fruitful. In 
the new edition, of which we have received the Inferno, the commentary 
has been brought into line with contemporary scholarship by a revision 
of the notes and the introduction of fresh matter. Even such minute 
discoveries as Zaccagnini's of the date of the death of Venedico Caccia- 
nemico (perhaps the only instance of Dante's not knowing or forgetting 
that a man, since dead, was actually alive in 1300) are duly recorded. 
The text in the main, though not invariably, follows the ' testo critico ' 
of Vandelli. The work has been exceedingly well done ; and the result 
is one of the best commentaries on the Inferno that we possess. We 
have noticed a historical inaccuracy retained in the note on Inf. XII, 111. 
Obizzo d'Este was not, as here stated, the son of Rinaldo d'Este and 
Adelaide da Romano. He was an illegitimate child of Rinaldo, born 
while the latter was a prisoner in Apulia ; the story is told at length 
by Salimbene (Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, pp. 167-8) and in the Annates 
S. Justinae Patavini (M. G. H., SS. xix, p. 162). Salimbene curiously 
anticipates Dante's association of Obizzo with Ezzelino : ' Et factus est 
pessimus homo, imitatus Icilinicos mores.' A thoroughly up-to-date 
commentary must necessarily refer to Croce; but a better quotation 
from La poesia di Dante might perhaps have been chosen than the 
appreciation of the Ulysses episode. We venture to think that the 
implication that Dante, ' ligio alia parola rivelata e agli insegnamenti 
della Chiesa,' regarded the last voyage of his Greek hero as a sin, is 



120 Reviews 

false to the spirit of the canto and the whole thought of the poet's 
time; the well-known passage in the Annates Januenses of Jacopo Doria 
(M. 0. H., SS. xviii, p. 335), concerning the expedition of a party of 
Genoese in 1291, 'ut per mare oceanum irent ad partes Indie,' shows 
clearly that this was not the way in which thirteenth century Italy 
looked upon such an undertaking. Surely the voyage has no connexion 
with the sin for which Ulysses is condemned ; on the contrary, the spirit 
that prompted it must rank among the ' vain virtues ' which are • the 
sorriest thing that enters Hell.' The motive of the terrible imprecation 
against Pisa for the death of Count Ugolino and his sons (Inf. xxxiii, 
79-83) has escaped Barbi's notice, as it seems to have done that of 
almost every other commentator: 

Ahi Pisa, vituperio de le genti 

del bel paese la dove '1 si suona, 

poi che i vicini a te punir son lenti, 
muovasi la Capraia e la Gorgona, 

e faccian siepe ad Arno in su la foce, 

si ch'elli annieghi in te ogni persona ! 

In the Pharsalia (viii, 827-830), Lucan similarly apostrophises Egypt 
after the murder of Pompey : 

Quid tibi saeva precer pro tanto crimine tellus ? 
Vertat aquas Nilus, quo nascitur orbe, retentus, 
et steriles egeant hibernis imbribus agri, 
totaque in Aethiopum putres solvaris arenas. 

Dante has obviously modelled his lines upon the passage in Lucan, 
adapting the classical poet's curse to the different geographical condi- 
tions of Pisa. 

E. G. Gardner. 
Manchester. 

MINOR NOTICES. 

The Modern Humanities Research Association may be congratulated 
on its Bibliography of English Language and Literature, 1921, edited by 
Miss A. C. Paues (Cambridge : Bowes and Bowes, 4s. §d.). The entries 
of publications amount to more than 2000, double the number of those 
included in the Association's Bibliography, 1920. The book thus repre- 
sents an immense amount of public-spirited work done by Miss Paues 
and her co-adjutors in different countries, work for which all students 
of English must owe them gratitude. The arrangement of the material 
has, no doubt, been carefully thought out, and no possible arrangement 
could escape criticism. At the same time one may perhaps suggest that 
the arrangement of the English Literature Section should be recon- 
sidered. It is perhaps convenient to have lists of authors arranged by 
centuries, though the century to which an author belongs is often not 
plain at first sight. Miss Paues considers Austin Dobson, Swinburne, 
Jack London, Lord Bryce, and even Viscount Morley and Thomas 
Hardy, who are still with us, to belong to the nineteenth century. Ann 
Radcliffe appears both in the eighteenth and in the nineteenth cen- 



Minor Notices 121 

tury. Would it be possible in future to give the rule on which such 
allocations are made ? A greater problem is presented by the literature 
classed as 'General' under the headings 'Old English,' 'Middle English/ 
'Sixteenth Century' etc. It would perhaps be better if the main division 
here adopted were ' Miscellaneous,' ' Poetry,' ' Drama,' ' Prose,' with sub- 
divisions by periods (as in the Dewey System so much used in our 
Public Libraries) under each head. It would also be desirable to have 
more cross-references to these sections from the author lists. Miss Paues 
has given some cross-references : thus under Marlowe one is referred to 
a paper by Mr Percy Simpson, but in many similar cases this is not 
done. One may further doubt if the 'Addenda' under each century etc. 
would not better have been fused with the original lists. Dr Jessopp's 
name (p. 98) was not August, but Augustus. 

The Bibliography gives fresh proof of the activity of the Modern 
Humanities Association. May its merits procure it such support from 
students of English that it may establish itself as an institution which 
gains in value and usefulness every year ! Its continuance, it is stated, 
is entirely dependent upon the support given to this issue. 

G. C. M. S. 

It was unnecessary for the author of An Etymological Dictionary of 
Modern English (London : John Murray, 1921, xx + 1659 pp.. £2. 2s.) to 
challenge comparison with the New English Dictionary. The pioneer 
work on scientific etymology specialized necessarily in prehistoric roots ; 
this work done, there was room for a treatment which should make a 
wider appeal. Professor Weekley's method is both scientific and human- 
istic. His emphasis of the semantic side of etymology is not unneeded : 
and his book should not only prove useful to scholars, but should also 
widen and deepen the average educated interest in words and their 
origins. The selection of material is a happy one. It embraces every 
kind of word, literary or colloquial, which will interest the intelligent 
modern reader. It throws light alike on literature and politics, sociology 
and the War, ethnology, mythology and journalese. Its treatment of the 
vocabulary of linguistic science, as was to be expected from Professor 
Weekley, is especially full and clear. Most lovers of our English tongue 
will be glad to possess a copy. J. H. G. G. 

The Editor of the Bulletin of the Modern Humanities Research 
Association acknowledges receipt of the following publications : Publica- 
tions of the Modern Language Association of America, edited by Carleton 
Brown, Vol. xxxvn, No. 3, September, 1922 ; Smith College Studies 
in Modern Languages, Vol. in, No. 3, April, 1922 (The Tradition of the 
Goddess Fortuna) ; Philological Quarterly, Vol. I, No. 3, July, 1922; 
Elizabeth F. Johnson, Weckherlin's Eclogues of the Seasons, 1922. 

Part of the German contents of the present number is published 
with the assistance of the Tiarks Fund for the Publication of Research 
Work in German. 



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Gyldendal. 3 kr. 
Roos, C, Det 18. Aarhundredes tyske Oversasttelser af Holbergs Komedier. 

Copenhagen, H. Aschehoug. 7 kr. 50. 
Thierfelder, F., Die Visa der schwedischen Liederbiicher des 16. und 17. 

Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhaltnis zur gleichzeitigen deutschen Liedpoesie. 

(Nordische Studien, iii.) Greifswald, L. Bamberg. 100 M. 
Wran£r, H., Valda skrifter. Utg. av F. Book. Stockholm, A. Bonnier. 4 kr. 50. 
Zoega, G. T., Islenzk-Ensk OrSabok. Reykjavik, S. Kristjansson. 25 kr. 

Old Saxon, Dutch, Flemish. 

Kossmann, F., Nederlandsch versrythme. The Hague, M. Nijhoff. 5 fl. 

Metzenthin, E. C, Die Heimat der Adressaten des Heiland (Journ. Engl. 

Germ. Phil., xxi, 2, April). 
Pelagia. Eine Legende in mittelniederlandischer Sprache. Herausg. von A. F. 

Winell. Halle, M. Niemeyer. 2 M. 
Proost, K. P., De religie in onze literatuur (1880-1920). Zeist, J. Ploegsma. 

2 fl. 40. 
Ulenspiegel, The Legend of, and Lamme Goedzag. By Ch. de Coster. Transl. 

2 vols. London, Heinemann. 30s. 

English. 

(a) General (incl. Linguistic). 

Baum, P. F., The Principles of English Versification. Cambridge, Mass., Har- 
vard Univ. Press ; London, H. Milford. 10s. 6d. 

Chambers, R. W., The Teaching of English in the Universities of England. 
(Engl. Assoc. Pamphlets, 53.) London, Engl. Association. Is. 

Flasdieck, H. M., Forschungen zur Fruhzeit der neuenglischen Schriftsprache. 
ii. Halle, M. Niemeyer. (Stud, zur engl. Phil., lxvi.) Gz. 2 M. 50. 
Klopzig, W., Der Ursprung der to be to-Konstruktion (Engl. Stud., lvi, 3). 
Meissgeier, E., Beitrage zum grammatischen Geschlecht im Friihmittel- 
englischen, besonders bei La3amon (Engl. Stud., lvi, 3). 

Paues, A. G, Bibliography of English Language and Literature, 1921. (Mod. 
Humanities Research Assoc.) Cambridge, Bowes and Bowes. 4s. 6d. 

Ritter, O., Vermischte Beitrage zur englischen Sprachgeschichte. Halle, 
M. Niemeyer. Gz. 7 M. 



128 New Publications 

(b) Old and Middle English. 

Alfred der Grosse, Bearbeitung der Soliloquien des Augustinus. Herausg. 
von W. Endter. (Bibl. der angelsachs. Prosa, xi.) Hamburg, H. Grand. 
200 M. 

Chaucer, G., The Prioress's Tale ; The Tale of Sir Thopas. Ed. by L. Win- 

stanley. Cambridge, Univ. Press. 3s. 6d. 
Grienberger, T., WidsiS (Anglia, xlvi, 4). 
Matter, H., Englische Griindungssagen von Geoffrey of Monmouth bis zur 

Renaissance. (Anglistische Forschungen, lviii.) Heidelberg, C. Winter. 

Gz. 18 M. 

Menner, R. J., ' Sir Gawain and the Green Knight ' and the West Midland 
(Publ. M. L. A. Amer., xxxvii, 3, Sept.). 
Rothstein, E., Die Wortstellung in der Peterborough Chronik. (Stud, zur engl. 
Phil., lxiv.) Halle, M. Niemeyer. Gz. 3 M. 

Sedgefield, W. J., An Anglo-Saxon Verse Book. Manchester, Univ. Press. 
9s. 6rf. 

Spurgeon, C. F. E., Five Hundred Years of Chaucer Criticism. (Chaucer Society, 
Second Series, lii-liv.) Parts m-v. London, H. Milford. 
Tupper, F., Chaucer's Lady of the Daisies (Journ. Engl, and Germ. Phil., 
xxi, 2, April). 

(c) Modern English. 

Beach, J. W., The Technique of Thomas Hardy. Chicago, Univ. Press. $ 2.50. 
Biagi, G., Gli ultimi giorni di P. B. Shelley. Florence, La Voce. L. 10. 

Bonnell, J. K., Touch Images in the Poetry of R. Browning (Publ. 

M. L. A. Amer., xxxvii, 3, Sept.). 
Brooke, Tucker, The Marlowe Canon (Publ. M. L. A. Amer., xxxvii, 3, Sept.). 
Browne, Sir Thomas, Religio Medici. Ed. by W. Murison. Cambridge, Univ. 

Press. 4s. 6d. 
Brunner, K., C. Kingsley als christlich-sozialer Dichter (Anglia, xlvi, 4). 
Burchardt, C, C. Marlowe (Edda, xviii, 3). 
Cambridge Plain Texts. Bacon : The Advancement of Learning ; Hooker : 

Preface to the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity ; Montaigne : Five Essays, 

transl. by J. Florio. Cambridge, Univ. Press. Each, Is. 3d. 
Cruickshank, A. IL, Massinger and 'The Two Noble Kinsmen.' Oxford, 

B. Blackwell. 2s. 6d. 
Eddy, W. A., Rabelais : A Source for ' Gulliver's Travels ' (Mod. Lang. Notes, 

xxxvii, 7, Nov.). 
Engel, E., Shakespeare und sein Biihnenwerk. Berlin, F. Schneider. 180 M. 
Flecker, J. E., Collected Prose. London, Heinemann. 6s. 

Foerster, N., Emerson as a Poet of Nature (Publ. M. L. A. Amer., xxxvii, 

3, Sept.). 
Fowler, J. H., De Quincey as Literary Critic. (Engl. Association, Pamphlets, 

52.) London, Engl. Association. 
Freeman, J., A Portrait of George Moore in a Study of his Work. London, 

W. Laurie. 16s. 
Golden Book of Modern English Poetry, The, 1870-1920. Selected and arranged 

by T. Caldwell. London, E. Dent. 7s. 6d. 
Goldring, D., J. E. Flecker. London, Chapman and Hall. 7s. Gd. 
Grasso, T., II bardo Ossian nella sua poesia. Milan, La stampa commerciale. 
Graves, R., On English Poetry. London, Heinemann. 8s. 6d. 



New Publications 129 

Graves, T. S., Some Aspects of Extemporal Acting {Nth. Carolina Stud. 
Phil., xix, 4, Oct.). 

Havens, L. D., The Influence of Milton on English Poetry. Cambridge, Mass., 
Harvard Univ. Press ; London, H. Milford. 37s. 6d. 
Hillebrand, H. N., The Children of the King's Revels at Whitefriars 
(Journ. Engl, and Germ. Phil., xxi, 2, April). 

Howe, P. P., The Life of William Hazlitt. London, M. Seeker. 24s. 

Hughes, H. S., Fielding's Indebtedness to James Ralph (Mod. Phil., xx, 1, 
Aug.). 
Hughes, J. L., The Real Robert Burns. London, Chambers. 6s. 
Hunt, Leigh, Poetical Works. Ed. by H. S. Milford. London, H. Milford. 

Jones, E., A Psycho-analytic Study of Hamlet. London, Intern! Psycho. Anal. 
Press. 
Judson, A. C, A Forgotten Lovelace Manuscript (Mod. Lang. Notes, xxxvii, 
7, Nov.). 
Kellner, L., Shakespeare- Worterbuch. (Engl. Bibl., i.) Leipzig, B. Tauchnitz. 

576 M. 
Kernahan, C, Six Famous Living Poets. London, T. Butterworth. 12s. 6d. 
Lawrence, W. W., The Meaning of 'All's Well that ends Well' (Publ. 
M. L. A. Amer., xxxvii, 3, Sept.). 
Marston, J., Antonio and Mellida and Antonio's Revenge. (Malone Society 

Reprints.) 
Mathew, F., An Image of Shakespeare. London, J. Cape. 18s. 
Muccioli, A., Shakespeare nella vita e nelle opere. Florence, Battistelli. L. 6. 
Nicoll, A., Dryden as an Adapter of Shakespeare. (Shakespeare Assoc. Papers, 
vii.) London, H. Milford. 2s. 
Nicolson, M. H., The Authorship of 'Henry the Eighth' (Publ. M. L. A. 
Amer., xxxvii, 3, Sept.). 
Risbora, P., Jonathan Swift. Rome, Formiggini. L. 2.70. 

Redin, M., The Friend in Shakespeare's Sonnets (Engl. Stud., lvi, 3). 
Redin, M., Shakespeares sonetter (Edda, xviii, 3). 

Reed, A. W., The Beginning of the English Secular and Romantic Drama. 
(Shakespeare Assoc. Papers, vii.) London, H. Milford. 2s. 

Saintsbury, G., A Scrap Book. London, Macmillan. 7s. 6d. 

Schelling, F. E., Appraisements and Asperities as to some Contemporary 

Writers. London, Lippincott. 9s. 
Schucking, L. L., Character Problems in Shakespeare's Plays. London, Harrap. 
10s. 6d. 

Shelley, P. B., The Dramatic Poems of. Ed. by C. H. Herford. London, 

Chatto and Windus. 12s. 6d. 
Smith, H, A Frvitfvll Sermon vpon Part of the 5. Chapter of the first Epistle 

of Saint Paul to the Thessalonians. Ed. by H. T. Price. Halle, H. Nie- 

meyer. Gz. 2 M. 50. 

Steinitzer, A., Shakespeares Konigsdramen. Geschichtliche Einfiihrung. 

Munich, C. H. Beck. 3 M. 50. 
Stopes, C. C, The Seventeenth Century Accounts of the Masters of the Revels. 

(Shakespeare Association Papers, vi.) London, H. Milford. 2s. 
Struve, H., John Wilson (Christopher North) als Kritiker. Leipzig, Mayer 

und Miiller. 40 M. 

Thaler, A., Minor Actors and Employees in the Elizabethan Theater 
(Mod. Phil., xx, 1, Aug.). 



130 New Publications 

Thomas, H., Shakespeare and Spain. The Taylorian Lecture, 1922. Oxford, 

Clarendon Press. 2s. 
Tinker, C. B., Young Boswell. Chapters on James Boswell the Biographer. 

London, Putnams. 15s. 
Webster, J., Le Demon blanc, suivi de la Duchesse d'Amalfi. Trad, de l'Anglais 

par C. Ce\ Paris, Renaissance du livre. 
White, N. I., Shelley's Debt to Alma Murray {Mod. Lang. Notes, xxxvii, 7, 

Nov.). 
Whitney, L., Did Shakespeare know ' Leo Africanus ' ? (Publ. M. L. A. 

Amer., xxxvii, 3, Sept.). 
Yates, M., George Gissing. An Appreciation. Manchester, Univ. Press. 6s. 
Zarchetti, C, Shelley e Dante. Palermo, Sandron. L. 12. 

German. 

(a) General (incl. Lingxdstic). 

Curme, G. 0., A Grammar of the German Language. Revised and enlarged. 
New York, Macmillan Co. 
Kurrelmeyer, W., German Lexicography, iv {Mod. Lang. Notes, xxxvii, 
7, Nov.). 

(b) Old and Middle High German. 

Bell, C. H., The Sister's Son in the Medieval Germanic Epic. (Univ. of California 

Publ. in Modern Philology, x, 2.) Berkeley, Cal., Univ. of California Press. 

$ 1.75. 
Bobbe, H., Mittelhochdeutsche Katharinen-Legendeu in Reimen. (Germanische 

Stud., xix.) Berlin, E. Ebering. 52 M. 
Bonjour, E., Reinmar von Zweter als politischer Dichter. (Sprache und Dich- 

tung, xxiv.) Bern, P. Haupt. Gz. 1 M. 40. 
Konig- Rother. Herausg. von Th. Frings und J. Kuhnt. (Rheinische Beitrage 

zur germ. Phil., iii.) Bonn, K. Schroeder. Gz. 3 M. 
Saran, F., Deutsche Heldengedichte des Mittelalters, i-iii. (Handbiicherei fur 

den deutschen Unterricht, i-iii.) Halle, M. Niemeyer. Gz. 3 M. 90. 
Schreiber, A., Neue Bausteine zu einer Lebensgeschichte Wolframs von 

Eschenbach. (Deutsche Forschungen, vii.) Frankfort, M. Diesterweg. 

80 M. 

(c) Modern German. 

Adrian, W., Die Mythologie in C. Spittelers Olympischer Fruhling. (Sprache 

und Dichtung, xxv.) Bern, P. Haupt. Gz. 1 M. 40. 
Arnim, Bettina von, und J. W. von Goethe, Briefwechsel. Herausg. von 

R. Steig. Leipzig, Insel-Verlag 500 M. 
Aus dem achtzehnten Jahrhundert. Th. A pel und Hilde Seeliger zugeeignet 

Leipzig, A. Weigel. 250 M. 
Bab, J., H. von Kleist und seine Buhnenwerke. Berlin, F. Schneider. 50 M. 
Bechtold, A., Kritisches Verzeichnis der Schriften J. M. Moscheroschs. Munich, 

A. Stobbe. 250 M. 
Bohnenblcst, T., Anfange des Kunstlertums bei C. F. Meyer. Leipzig, 

H. Haessel. 300 M. 
Brodfuhrer, E.,Untersuchungen zur vorlutherischen Bibeliibersetzung. (Her- 

maea, xiv.) Halle, M. Niemeyer. Gz. 8 M. 
Dehmel, R., Mein Leben. (Dehmel-Gesellschaft, ii.) Leipzig. 320 M. 
Deinhardt, H., Beitrage zur Wiirdigung Schillers Briefe tiber die asthetische 

Erziehung des Menschen. Neu herausg. von G. Wichsmuth. Stuttgart, 

Der kommende Tag. Gz. 3 M. 50. 



New Publications 131 

Dingelstedt, F., and J. Hartmann, Eine Jugendfreundschaffc in Briefen. 

Herausg. von W. Deetjen. Leipzig, Insel-Verlag. 200 M. 
Dresch, J., Borne et son histoire inedite de la Revolution francaise (Rev. 

litt. comp., ii, 3, Sept.). 
Elster, H. ML, H. von Hofmannsthal und seine besten Buhnenwerke. Berlin, 

F. Schneider. Gz. 1 M. 
Engert, H., G. Hauptmanns Sucherdramen. Leipzig, B. G. Teubner. Gz. 

1 M. 60. 
Enzinger, M., Das deutsche Schicksalsdrama. Eine akademische Antritts- 

vorlesung. Innsbruck, Tyrolia. 25 M. 
Franke, C, Grundziige der Schriftsprache Luthers. in. Halle, Waisenhaus. 

2. Aufl. 100 M. 
Freyhan, M., G. Hauptmann. Berlin, E. S. Mittler. 125 M. 
Geibel, E., und P. Heyse, Briefwechsel. Herausg. von E. Petzet. Munich, 

J. F. Lehmann. Gz. 6 M. 
Gloel, H., Goethe und Lotte. Berlin, E. S. Mittler. 375 M. 
Goethe, J. W. von, Vom unbekannten Goethe. Eine neue Anthologie. Herausg. 

von E. Ludwig. Berlin, E. Rowohlt. 200 M. 
Goethe-Gesellschaft, Jahrbuch der. ix. Weimar, Verlag der Goethe-Gesell- 

schaft. 100 M. 
Gruber, F. E., F. Grillparzer und seine Buhnenwerke. Berlin, F. Schneider. 

150 M. 
Gudde, E. G., Freiligraths Entwicklung als politischer Dichter. (Germanische 

Studien, xx.) Berlin, E. Ebering. 50 M. 
Gunderode, K. von, Gesammelte Werke. 3 vols. Berlin-Wilmersdorf, O. Gold- 

schmidt. 1200 M. 
Haenisch, K., G. Hauptmann und das deutsche Volk. Berlin, J. H. W. Dietz. 

80 M. 
Hamerling, R., Samtliche Werke in 16 Banden. Herausg. von M. M. Raben- 

lechner. (Deutsche Klassiker Bibliothek.) Leipzig, Hesse und Becker. 

4500 M. 
Hauptmann, G., Gesammelte Werke in 8 Banden. Jubilaumsausgabe. Berlin, 

S. Fischer. 5000 M. 
Hoffmann, E. T. A. Briefe. Eine Auswahl. Herausg. von R. Wiener. Vienna, 

Nikola Verlag. 240 M. 

Johnson, E. F., Weckherlin's Eclogues of the Seasons (Johns Hopkins Diss.). 

Tubingen, H. Laupp. 
Johnson, F., The German Mind as reflected in their Literature from 1870 to 

1914. London, Chapman and Dodd. 10s. 6d. 
Juden in der deutschen Literatur. Essays iiber zeitgenossische Schriftsteller. 

Herausg. von G. Kroj anker. Berlin, Welt- Verlag. 700 M. 
Kappstein, T., H. Sudermann und seine besten Buhnenwerke. Berlin, 

F. Schneider. Gz. 1 M. 20. 
Kolatschewsky, V., Die Lebensanschauung Jean Pauls und ihr dichterischer 

Ausdruck. (Sprache und Dichtung, xxvi.) Bern, P. Haupt. Gz. 1 M. 90. 
Kuhnemann, E., G. Hauptmann. Fiinf Reden. Munich, C. H. Beck. Gz. 1 M. 80. 
Ludeke, H., L. Tieck und das alte englische Theater. (Deutsche Forschungen, 

vi.) Frankfort, M. Diesterweg. 420 M. 

Muller, C. F., Reuter-Lexikon. Leipzig, Hesse und Becker. 100 M. 

Neubert, F., Goethe und sein Kreis. 2. Aufl. Leipzig, J. J. Weber. 400 M. 

Pollmer, A., F. W. Riemer und seine ' Mittheilungen iiber Goethe.' (Probe- 
fahrten, xxx.) Leipzig, R. Voigtlander. 88 M. 



132 New Publications 

Reinhold, C. F., H. Heine. Berlin, Ullstein. Gz. 6 M. 25. 

Satori-Neumann, B. T., Die Friihzeit des Weimarischen Hoftheaters unter 

Goethes Leitung, 1791-1798. (Schriften der Gesellschaft fiir Theater- 

geschichte, xxxi.) Berlin. 
Schlenther, P., G. Hauptmann. Leben und Werk. Neue Ausg. umgearbeitet 

von A. Eloesser. Berlin, S. Fischer. 100 M. 
Spaulding, J. A., The Lower Middle Class in Tieck's Writings (Journ. 

Engl, and Germ. Phil., xxi, 2, April). 
Specht, R., A. Schnitzler. Der Dichter und sein Werk. Berlin, S. Fischer. 

250 M. 
Steinberg, H., Die Reyen in den Trauerspielen des A. Gryphius. Diss. Gottingen. 
Stephan, H., Die Entstehung der Rheinromantik. Cologne, Rheinland Verlag. 

Gz. 5 M. 
Voss, L., Goethes unsterbliche Freundin (Charlotte von Stein). 2. Aufl. Leipzig, 

Klinkhardt und Biedermann. Gz. 5 M. 
Walzel, O., Vom Geistesleben alter und neuer Zeit. 2. Aufl. Leipzig, Insel- 

Verlag. 400 M. 
Witkop, P., Frauen im Leben deutscher Dichter. Leipzig, H. Haessel. 300 M. 
Wolff, R., Die neue Lyrik. Eine Einfuhrung in das Wesen der jiingsten Dich- 

tung. Leipzig, Dieterich. 15 M. 
Zentner, W., Studien zur Dramaturgie E. von Bauernfelds. (Theaterge- 

schichtliche Forschungen, xxx.) Leipzig, L. Voss. Gz. 4 M. 50. 



\ 



BULLETIN OF THE 

3\dodern Humanities Research ^Association 

January 1923 Number 17 



IJ The Modern Language Review for 1923 (to members, 
15s.) and the 1922 issue of the English Bibliography (to 
members, 3s.) may now be ordered through the Hon. Treasurer, 
Professor Allen Mawer, The University, Liverpool. 

OUR NEW PRESIDENT 

Professor Manly, the new President of the Association, is one of the most 
distinguished and brilliant of American scholars. As Head, for many years, 
of the Department of English at Chicago University, and General Editor of 
Modern Philology, a very large number of students have come under his in- 
fluence. He was himself one of the several distinguished pupils of Professor 
Child of Harvard, and he has continued Professor Child's tradition of a 
mediaeval scholarship at once sound and humane. His publications include 
many articles in periodicals, encyclopedias, etc., several editions and volumes 
for use in University classes. His two-volume edition of the pre-Shakespearian 
dramatists has been in general use for nearly a generation. His best-known 
contribution to English scholarship is without doubt his theory that Piers 
Plowman was written by a group of five writers : the articles in which he argued 
this theory, together with those written by M. Jusserand supporting the 
traditional point of view, were reprinted by the Early English Text Society. 

When America entered the war, Professor Manly volunteered for five years' 
service and rendered invaluable assistance at Washington in the Intelligence 
Department, for which he was peculiarly fitted by his knowledge of ciphers. 

PUBLICATIONS 

The new Bibliography of English Language and Literature was completed 
early in the Long Vacation, but it seemed best to defer publication until 
October. It may now be obtained by members from the Hon. Treasurer 
(35. net), and by non-members through any bookseller (4s. 6d. net). Thanks 
to the unremitting labours of Miss Paues and her collaborators the Bibliography 
is nearly twice the size of the 1921 issue (which is still obtainable also). It 
contains in all 21 19 titles of books, pamphlets and articles published in various 
countries during 192 1 upon English Language and Literature. It should be in 
every member's library: we hope that before long it will. 

# 



* 



2 MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 

The accounts of the year's working of the Modern Language Review reveal 
a loss of over £105. This, though rather less formidable a deficit than last 
year's, is a cause of considerable anxiety to the Committee, and a perusal of 
the Balance Sheet for 192 1-2 reproduced in this number will shew that unless 
the Review can be made to pay its way our Capital Fund will be completely 
extinguished. We need only 150 new subscribers to accomplish this, and if 
as many as two-thirds of our members subscribed to their journal we should 
have a substantial credit balance and be in a position to increase the number 
of pages in each issue. The moral is obvious, and subscriptions should be sent 
to Professor Mawer without delay. 

APPOINTMENTS AND ELECTIONS 

Professor W. P. Ker has been elected a Vice-President of the Association. 
Professor J. G. Robertson, Editor of the Modern Language Review, has been 
elected Chairman of the General Committee for the year 1922-3. M. Edouard 
Guyot, i bis Boulevard de Montmorency, Paris xvi, has been appointed co- 
secretary for Paris. The following correspondents have been appointed : Pro- 
fessor R. L. Graeme Ritchie (Birmingham); Professor W. L. Renwick 
(Newcastle); S. J. Crawford, Esq. (Southampton); Dr Fidelino de Figueiredo 
(Portugal, vice M. Ricard who has left the country); Professor Hans Hecht 
(Gottingen) ; Professor H. V. Jones (Illinois, U.S.A.). Miss Hope Emily Allen 
has been elected a member of the Publications Sub-Committee. 



GROUP NOTES 

EARLY ENGLISH 
{Organiser: Miss A. C. Paues, Ph.D., Newnham College, Cambridge.) 

It is a pleasure to record the steady growth of the Early English Subject 
Group and the varied activities of its members. 

As examples of collective work we may mention the Bibliography of English 
Language and Literature for 1921 which appeared at the beginning of the 
autumn term in an attractive cover. It should prove a useful adjunct to the 
scholar's table and save him hours of tedious search . Especial thanks are due 
to the main collaborators Professor Northup and Miss Seaton. We live in 
hopes of bringing out the 1922 volume at a much earlier date. Meanwhile our 
ardent desire is that members should act as press-agents and help to dispose 
of the present issue as quickly as possible, that we may have the wherewithal 
for extensions and improvements in the next. Some notes on Place-name 
study are given below. 

The following publications by members of the Group have appeared in the 
course of the year (or are on the point of appearing) : Miss Beatrice Allen is 
working on "The History of Alliterative Diction in Middle English Poetry"; 
Miss Hope Allen has drawn attention to "Another Latin Manuscript of the 
' Ancren Riwle'" in Mod. Lang. Rev. xvn. 403, and has an article on " Some 
14th Century Borrowings from the Ancren Riwle" coming out in Mod. Lang. 
Rev. for Jan. 1923, and one on " A 13th Century English Coronation Rubric " in 
the Church Quarterly Review of next year. Miss M. Ashdown has written on 
" The Single Combat in Certain Cycles of English and Scandinavian Tradition 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 3 

and Romance" in Mod. Lang. Rev. xvn. 113-30; Professor R. W. Chambers' 
pamphlet on The Teaching of English in the Universities of England printed by 
the English Association, July, 1922 (Pamphlet 53), should be read by every 
member of the Group ; his Inaugural Lecture at the beginning of the October 
term dealt with "Some Great Teachers of the English Language"; Mr S. J. 
Crawford's The Old English Heptateuch, and /Elfric's Treatise on the Old and 
New Testament is on the point of appearing; he has about half-finished a 
revision (in metrical form), with the Latin original, of iElfric's Admonitio ad 
filium spiritualem ; Mr G. G. Coulton has had two articles in the Mod. Lang. 
Rev. xvn. 66-9, 69-71 on "The Authorship of 'Ancren Riwle,'" and on 
"The Owl and the Nightingale"; furthermore we are happy to learn that the 
first of the three "fat" volumes on Five Centuries of Religion (1050-1550) is in 
the press; Miss M. Deanesly has an article on "John de Caulibus" in the 
Collectanea of the British Society for Franciscan Studies ; students of Richard 
Rolle will be interested in Miss D. Everett's investigations of the "Middle 
English Prose Psalter of Richard Rolle of Hampole" dealing with "the re- 
lations of the mss. to one another, the sources of Rolle's Translation of the 
Vulgate, and the purpose and history of the interpolated copies of the work" 
in Mod. Lang. Rev. xvn. 217-27, 337-50. Miss F. E. Harmer (Manchester) is 
working on some Place-name problems and similarly Miss Alice Selby 
(Nottingham); Mr I. Jackson has a note on " Sir Gawain's Coat of Arms" in 
Mod. Lang. Rev. xvn. 289, another on "Manannan MacLir, the Celtic Sea- 
god" will appear in Folk Lore. Miss H. M. R. Murray of Girton College has 
contributed Section 3, "Philology: General Works" for the Year's Work in 
English Studies. Professor E. W. Scripture prints a brief but important paper 
on "Die Verskunst und die experimentelle Phonetik" in the Wiener Medi- 
zinische Wochenschrift (No. 33, 1922): "die bisherige Metrik [ist] nur ein 
kunstlicher Aufbau, welcher mit dem wirklichen gesprochenen Vers nichts zu 
tun hat." Miss N. Kershaw (Mrs H. M. Chadwick) has published an im- 
portant study of Some Anglo-Saxon and Norse Poems (Cambridge Univ. Press) 
including the following O.E. poems: The Wanderer, the Seafarer, the Wife's 
Complaint, the Husband's Message and the Battle of Brunanburh. Mr P. G. 
Thomas's notes on Beowulf, 11. 1604-5, 2 °85-9i> and on Cleanness appeared in 
Mod. Lang. Rev. xvn. 63-6. Professor W. J. Sedgefield has published An 
Anglo-Saxon Verse-Book (Manchester Univ. Press) where the selections are 
arranged according to their literary affinities, viz. "Germanic Legend and 
Story," "Elegiac Lyric and Moralizing," "Narrative and Descriptive," 
"Biblical and Christian." Mr A. J. Wyatt has had the pleasure of seeing the 
Second Impression of his Anglo-Saxon Reader during this year. 



SURVEY OF ENGLISH PLACE-NAMES 

During the last few months the work has been going steadily forward and 
organized work has begun on several new counties. Three points have become 
specially apparent during that time. The first is the very great value of and 
necessity for work upon unpublished documents, chiefly at the Public Record 
Office, if the foundations of our work are to be laid aright. Valuable as are 
the series of Calendars issued by the Record Office, it is important to realise 
that there is a very large mass of thirteenth century material in the form of 
Assize Rolls, Plea Rolls and the like, which are full of matter for the place- 
name student, and that the material to be found there often gives early forms 



4 MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 

for names hitherto entirely unrecorded and fresh and illuminating forms for 
others already known. Offers of help in reading such documents are much 
needed from those skilled in reading 13th and 14th century mss. Many 
students of M.E. dialects are learning under the stimulating guidance of 
Professor Wyld to value place-name material. It is not perhaps fully realised 
as yet how rich is the material to be found in unpublished documents, material 
often more reliable than a good deal that is in print, because it is based very 
largely upon local depositions. If any such students could at the same time 
pursue their linguistic researches and give the forms found to the Survey for 
its own uses they would be rendering it rich service. 

The second point is that we are finding more than ever the value of the aid 
of the topographers in the construction of County Gazetteers of all the place- 
names to be found in a county. These enormously shorten the work of identi- 
fication in working upon unpublished material, enabling workers upon the 
historical documents to find with the utmost rapidity whether there is any 
survival of the old place-name upon the modern map. 

If any one is working upon such documents as those named above and 
would apply to the Survey for the use of such a Gazetteer as this an effort 
would be made to supply it. 

The third point is that in Professor Ekwall's book on the Place-Names of 
Lancashire we have a living demonstration of the truth and value of the ideal 
which the Survey has set before itself, viz. a combination in due proportion 
of the linguistic, the historical and the topographical aspects of place-name 
study. Dr Ekwall shows in most convincing manner the rich harvest of in- 
struction to be drawn from Place-name study if pursued on these lines. 

Finally it may be mentioned that the Survey has now completed plans for 
an Introductory volume to the whole Survey. Many prominent scholars 
drawn from various fields of Place-name study are contributing to it and it is 
hoped shortly to make a public announcement on the subject. 

A. M. 

MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE 

The Modern Language Association of America sends us a notice of its 
recent formation of a Group on the Influence of Latin Culture on Mediaeval 
Literature. 

The main purpose of the organization is to synthesize in a constructive 
programme the efforts of all individuals or groups from Modern Languages, 
Classics, History, Philosophy, and related fields who are interested in the 
Latin cultural aspects of the Middle Ages. Naturally, during the earlier stages 
of its activity the Group will centre its efforts primarily on members of the 
Modern Language Association, though from the first it has had the active co- 
operation of others. 

As a first step, the Committee is making a survey of the condition of 
Mediaeval Latin in the graduate colleges and universities of the United States. 
On the completion of this task, the results of which will be published, a 
committee will study the situation and present recommendations for the de- 
velopment of the study of Mediaeval Latin Culture in the graduate colleges 
and universities. This concerns specific courses, interdepartmental activity, 
and co-operation with English and Continental universities and learned societies. 

The Committee is attempting also to encourage various definite problems 
or tasks which individuals or small, compact groups have assumed or are 
assuming. One such definite project is already under way. Professor C. H. 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 5 

Beeson is now at work on a Mediaeval Latin primer or anthology for graduate 
students who wish to begin or continue their studies in this field. This will 
include carefully graded specimens of Mediaeval Latin from Cassiodorus to 
the time of Roger Bacon. 

The Group Secretary is Professor George R. Coffmann, Grinnell College, 
Grinnell, Iowa, U.S.A., who will be pleased to give further information. 



BRANCH COMMUNICATIONS 

The French sub-secretary sends for publication the following list of manu- 
script theses (Diplomes d'Etudes SupSrieures) submitted to the University of 
Paris (Sorbonne) in June, 1922. A provincial list is in process of compilation. 

A LIST OF MANUSCRIPT THESES {DIPLOMES D'ETUDES 

SUPERIEURES) DEFENDED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY 

OF PARIS (SORBONNE) IN JUNE, 1922 

I. English Literature and Philology 

M. Battistini : J. H. Newman dans le mouvement d'Oxford de 1833 a 1839: sa 

pensee, son role, et son influence. 
M elle Bornand : The subjunctive in Chaucer. 
jVIeiie Chide: John Denham precurseur des classiques. 
M elle Demoulin: The Historical Ballads in Percy's Reliques of Ancient English 

Poetry, 1765. 
M elle Denans: La pensee et le sentiment religieux chez Christine Rossetti. 
Melle Derreal: L'imagination plastique dans V Arcadia de Sir Philip Sidney. 
Melle Desgruelles: R. L. Stevenson as a literary critic. 
M eUe Emerique : Rudyard Kipling ecrivain pour la jeunesse. 
M elle Fretin: Hindu elements in Sir Rabindranath Tagore's works. 
M. Gilbert: Robert Ferguson. 
M elIe Godier: Bacon's attitude towards religion. (Published in part by the 

Revue de V Enseignement des Langues Vivantes.) 
Melle Guillaume: An edition of the Lay Le Freine, a Middle English "Breton 

Lay." 
M. Loiseau: The Middle Classes in the Comedy of the Restoration (1660- 

1670). 
M. Malas: La Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes en Angleterre jusqu'a 

Swift. 
M. Mayoux: Thomas De Quincey's moral and literary criticism. 
M elle Menjaud: La description exotique chez Lafcadio Hearn et Rudyard 

Kipling. 
M. Obrier: A Study of the comic element in Fielding's novels. 
M. Olive: The element of "caricature" in Smollett's novels. 
Melle Pi card: Sarah Margaret Fuller (a study in literary criticism). 
M. Ploquin: L'optimisme et le pessimisme chez Tennyson. 
M. Prat: Les emprunts au francais chez Thackeray. 
MeUe p RIEU R : Woman in the chief works of Arnold Bennett. 
Melle Rivard : Figures and types of children in the works of Rudyard Kipling. 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 



II. German Literature 

M. Chiquot: Jean Tauler et le Meisters Buch. 

Meiie d'Ham: La Ballade de Fontane. 

M. Fourquet: La vie et l'oeuvre esthetique d 'Anton Raffael Mengs. 

M. Michel: Les nouvelles d'Eichendorff. 

M. Montigny: Wieland et ses opinions sur la Revolution francaise. 

M. Normond: Le Gargantua de Fischart. 

M. Surugue: Gorres polemiste politique. 

M. Valembert: George Forster: l'homme, le revolutionnaire. 

III. Italian Literature 

M. Caraccio: Etude sur les Promenades dans Rome de Stendhal. 



La Revue d'histoire litter aire de la France (organe de la Societe d'histoire 
litteraire de la France, 18 rue de l'Abbe de l'Epee, Paris, v e ) est en voie de 
reorganisation. Elle serait heureuse de recevoir tous les ouvrages interessant 
l'histoire litteraire de la France (a l'exclusion des etudes de litterature comparee 
qu'il est preferable d'envoyer a la Revue de litterature comparee, 5 quai 
Malaquais, Paris). II en sera publie un compte-rendu, ou l'auteur sera 
prevenu des raisons qui empechent de donner ce compte-rendu. D'autre part, 
elle desire qu'on lui signale, en en donnant au besoin un court resume, les 
articles de revues anglaises interessant l'histoire litteraire franfaise ; il importe 
seulement que les articles signales ne soient pas seulement des jugements 
critiques mais apportent une contribution a la connaissance historique de cette 
litterature. Les notes ou tirages a part peuvent etre adresses soit directement 
au secretaire de la Revue soit au correspondant pour l'Angleterre, Mr G. 
Rudler, Professeur a l'Universite, 18 Bradmore Road, Oxford. La chronique 
de la Revue signalera les articles et brochures qu'on aura ainsi fait connaitre. 



ARTICLES RECEIVED 

[Books and complete journals will in future be acknowledged by the editor of 
the Modern Language Reviezv. Offprints and pamphlets will be noticed in the 
Bulletin, and will be available for members who wish to consult them. Applica- 
tion for pamphlets dealing with English should be made to Miss A. C. Paues, 
and for all others to the Hon. Secretary.] 

H. R. Patch, "The Tradition of the Goddess Fortuna" (Smith College 
Studies in Modern Languages), April, 1922. 

E. F. Johnson, Weckherlins Eclogues of the Seasons, 1922. 

G. L. van Roosbroeck, " Corneille's Cinna and the Conspiration des Dames " 
(Modern Philology), August, 1922. 

Anna Benedetti: E. D. Thoreau, // Solitario di Walden, March, 1919; 
Mazzini e Margherita Fuller, 191 8; Ruperto Brooke, October, 1919; Sinfonie 
in Versi, January, 1920; Nella Poesia di Giovanni Keats, February, 1921; 
Notizia Letteraria, August, 1922; Un Poeta Inglese, William Ernest Henley, 
February, 1922; Una Novella di Mrs Aphra Behn, December, 1921. 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 



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Cambridge: printed by j. b. peace, m.a., at the university press 



Volume XVIII APRIL, 1923 Number 2 



PLAGIARISM, SOURCES, AND INFLUENCES 
IN SHELLEY'S 'ALASTORV 

Shelley presents some of the complexities of the problem of 
plagiarism. One type of mind can regard him as a plagiarist pure 
and simple. ' Of celebrated poets/ says a critic 2 , ' Shelley seems to me 
the most imitative, and assuredly he does not improve on his originals.' 
Another 3 refines on this statement by taxing the poet with ' unconscious 
plagiarism,' adding : ' It is indeed scarcely possible that anyone should 
knowingly venture to imitate, in so undisguised a manner, and so 
frequently in the same piece, a poet who is in everyone's hands,' 
(i.e. Shakespeare). Professor Baynes 4 enlarges on the term 'unconscious': 
'But though Shelley was in this way acquainted with most of the 
English poets, it is abundantly clear that he went through them in 
a vital and impassioned rather than in a reflective and critical manner. 
In a word, he read their poetry as he composed his own, under con- 
ditions of imaginative excitement that enabled him rapidly to realize 
the substance, and to assimilate the leading and emotional conceptions 
without paying any separate or mental attention to details, of form or 
phraseology.' , . 

These two points of view cover the main varieties of plagiarism, 
those of idea, form, and expression. The two former varieties may be 
either general or specific. There are the main ideas current in a 
particular age; and individual ideas, such as those of Prometheus Bound 
or Bion's Lament. These last Shelley is acknowledged to have used in 
so masterly a fashion that the charge of plagiarism cannot be seriously 
considered. 

As regards expression Shelley is notorious for verbal echoes so 
obvious that we pause to ask whether the fact itself is not a problem. 
Has the defence of unconscious plagiarism a real meaning ? 

On plagiarism Shelley uttered himself explicitly. ' I do not propose 
to enter into competition with our greatest contemporary poets. Yet 

1 The substance of this essay formed an appendix to my dissertation The Personality 
of Shelley, presented at the University of Leipzig in 1907. It has been enlarged and 
altered. L. H. A. 

- Yardsley, Notes and Queries, iv, p. 285. . i 

3 ' Some Notes on Othello,' Cornhill Magazine, October, 1868. 

4 Edinburgh Review, 1871, pp. 443-4. 

M.L.R.XVIII. 9 



134 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley s 'Alastor' 

I am unwilling to tread in the footsteps of any who have preceded me. 
I have sought to avoid the imitation of any style of language or versi- 
fication peculiar to the original minds of which it is the character, 
designing that even if what I have produced be worthless, it should 
still be properly my own.' He argues, however, that any age stamps a 
certain resemblance on all its writers. 'This is an influence which 
neither the meanest scribbler, nor the sublimest genius of any era can 
escape, and which I have not attempted to escape 1 .' When his art was 
more mature he prefaced Prometheus Unbound with a finer statement 
of the same position. Beyond doubt he understood the matter in all its 
bearings, and not least the power of unconscious influence. ' There must 
be a resemblance which does not depend on their own will between all 
the writers of any particular age.' 

Realizing the inalienable force of genius, he knew that with the poet 
the mind acted on the influence rather than the influence on the mind 
by virtue of what he calls its ' uncommunicated lightning,' its ' internal 
powers to modify the nature of others.' However deeply in moments of 
depression he felt his own defects, he claimed that whatever influence 
he absorbed from the spirit of his age became his own. That principle 
he could well have extended to an influence from any preceding age or 
writer. There is, for instance, a strong resemblance between the atmo- 
sphere of The Cenci and that of Shakespeare's tragedies, especially 
Macbeth. This makes it the least original of his works ; but is it not, in 
the final analysis, an original creation ? 

The question is, however, how many of such resemblances are 
conscious ? The answer lies in his own phrase, quoted above, ' s> re- 
semblance which does not depend on their own will.' This infers that 
the mind is seized from without by a daemonic power which makes the 
poet sibylline, hardly conscious of his utterances. ' The poet,' he says, 
' is a different thing from the rest of the world. Imagination steals on 
him he knows not whence. Images float before him: he knows not their 
home. Struggling and contending powers are engendered within him 
which no outward impulse, no inward passion, awakened. He utters 
sentiments he never meditated. He creates persons whose originals he 
has never seen ; but he cannot command the power which called them 
out of nothing. He must wait until the god or daemon-genius breathes 
it into him.' 

In Shelley creation was, what genius essentially is, the working 
together of the whole man, conscious and subconscious, which made him 
1 Introduction to The Revolt of Islam. 



L. H. ALLEN 135 

a kind of medium, a vacuum for the occupation of the divine. But 
because this cooperation is never quite perfect in any mind, the sub- 
conscious not only contributed to the force of the poet's inspiration, but 
also interpolated foreign fragments, not recognized as such, exactly as 
in dream. 

This, I believe, is the explanation and defence of Shelley's verbal 
plagiarisms. I have endeavoured to enlarge on the initial hint, given 
by Professor Baynes, by relating the phenomenon more closely to the 
texture of Shelley's mind. His plagiarisms may be regarded as the 
intrusions of his dream-personality on his inspiration; but they are 
attendant only on the highest kind of inspiration. 

A mere glance at his juvenilia shows that a mind so impressionable 
must have precipitated much into its subconsciousness. His salad 
poems, those of Victor and Gazire 1 , contain this crude paraphrase of 
Campbell's Pleasures of Hope: 

See'st thou the sunbeam's yellow glow- 
That robes with liquid streams of light 
Yon distant mountain's craggy brow 
And shows the rocks so fair, so bright ? 
'Tis thus sweet expectation's ray 
In softer view shows distant hours, 
And portrays each succeeding day 
As dressed in fairer, brighter, flowers. 

Even Queen Mab, when Shelley was a prodigy of eighteen, begins 
with an obvious imitation of the opening of Thalaba. What would he 
have said, in those callow days, if he had been confronted with the 
parallels ? He said once of Sgricci : ' The idea, it is true, comes from 
Euripides, but he made it his own.' Would that have been his self- 
defence in such cases, or would he have denied the similarity altogether? 
Impossible as the latter may seem at first sight, it is not unnatural in 
a mind where subjectivity at times reached delusion in common affairs 
that might have seemed to exclude it 2 . 

The habit of echoing older poetry clung to Shelley throughout his 
writings. Even in his last work, The Triumph of Life, the phrase ' what 
seemed the head ' is from Milton's description of Death. Indeed, the 
monster's encounter with Satan embedded itself in his mind, for its 
outcrops appear in other passages. Compare the following with the 
episode in Milton's epic : 

Faith, the Python, undefeated 

Even to his bloodstained steps drags on 

Her foul and wounded train. (Ros. and Helen, 701 3 .) 

1 See R. Garnett's edition, 1898; and H. Richter, Englische Studien, xxvi. 

2 See the episode of Williams' visit, related in Peacock's Memoirs. 

3 All lines are numbered according to Locock's edition. 

9—2 



136 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley s 'Alastor' 

While I behold such execrable shapes. {Prom. Unb. I, 449.) 

[of Demogorgon] neither limb 
Nor form nor outline. {Prom. Unb. n, 4, 5.) 

Echoes from other poets are no less unmistakable. The phrase ' the effect 

and it ' from Macbeth is repeated {Rev. I si. ix, xxvii, 4) and ' all that 

it inherits ' {Hellas, 780) in a passage strongly reminiscent of Prospero's 

speech. From Coleridge comes : 

I chewed the bitter dust 
And bit my bloodless arm, {Rev. hi. HI, xxi, 8.) 

and 

Till Death cried, ' I win, I win ! ' {Eug. Hills, 240.) 

Is it possible that these cases, and others equally patent, were all 

unconscious ? Or is it only just to the poet to make some qualification ? 

Probably some borrowings, at least in the case of contemporaries, were 

tributes to the original. In one instance the debt is acknowledged. 

The phrase ' too deep for tears ' in Alastor is printed in quotation marks, 

while in the same poem ' obstinate questionings ' and ' natural piety ' 

appear without them. It strains our credence to believe that two were 

unconscious and one conscious. Is it not more likely that a particular 

expression, to the borrower's mind the most inalienable, was selected to 

indicate a general acknowledgment ? For quotation marks are the 

antithesis of poetry. They destroy the spontaneous and personal 

atmosphere. The poetic filcher might answer slily to his accuser : ' Must 

I, then, write in the style of the Ingoldsby Legends : 

One touch to her hand and one word in her ear, 
(I've borrowed this line from Sir Walter, I fear) ? 

We shall never know now w 7 hich of Shelley's borrowings were conscious, 

and which unconscious, but if we approach him in the spirit of poetry, 

not of exegesis, we shall make a just discount. 

A further distinction should be made. Translations from foreign 

languages, acknowledged or not, are not plagiarism. Any writer so 

doing knows that some scholar will soon track him down, but if the 

appropriations are well applied he need suffer no qualm. Many of 

Shelley's expressions are of this sort, such as : ' Revenge and wrong 

bring forth their kind ' {Hellas, 729) from vEschylus ; ' Lucan, by his 

death approved ' {Adonais, xlv, 8) from Lucan ; ' Happier they their 

happiness who knew ' {Adonais, v, 3) from Vergil ; ' One Shape of many 

names' {Rev. Isl. vni, ix, 6) from ^Eschylus. With these may be 

mentioned adaptations from such originals. Thus the phrase last 

quoted becomes later ' O many fearful natures in one name ' {Prom. 

Unb. 458). 



L. H, ALLEN 137 

For what Shelley did, Shelley answered or disdained to answer. He 
was great enough to do both. But for what Shelley did not, let him not 
be called to account. There is a tendency among scholars and critics in 
our own age, which is over-sensitive on the subject of originality, to 
push analysis too far. In their attempts to recreate a poem as it arose 
in its maker's mind they leave it a muddle of disjecta membra. Such a 
process may be a token of deep admiration in the critic, but it has the 
effect of violation. For a creation is an elusive thing, being more than 
the sum of its parts. It is incumbent on the critic, however learnedly 
he may handle his subject, not to destroy that sense of atmosphere 
which hangs like an aroma round a work of art. 

This has been done by Dr Richard Ackermann in his discussion of 
Alastor 1 . His research is no attempt to belittle the poet's individuality; 
rather, he emphasizes its original quality : ' Shelley, rightly called one 
of the most subjective among lyric poets, is fond of starting his poems, 
whether confessedly, whether consciously, or not, from some model 
which gives him the stimulus, often merely the name {Alastor), or the 
idea, the atmosphere, the exterior clothing (Epipsychidion. Adonais, etc.): 
even if he follows his model in the first part, his independence gradually 
increases so that the development receives a purely individual, modern 
and subjective stamp.' 

But the application of his scalpel to Alastor hardly leaves this 
impression. He allows that ' the exposition of the argument (Fabel) is 
completely original. Echoes, models and influences received from his 
masters are found only in details 2 .' After reading Ackermann's analysis, 
however, the poem, as a whole (which is important), seems lost in details 
(which are unimportant). 

The essay begins with a recognition of Brandl's assertion that 
Shelley, Byron and Keats, the ' Post-Romantics,' built on Wordsworth 
and Coleridge. The first exemplification of this follows. Speaking of 
the Romantics (Wordsworth and Coleridge) Ackermann says : ' The two 
most prominent of these ideas (i.e. of the Romantics) are the philosophy 
of nature and the impulse to freedom, in the most varying respects. As 
regards the relation to Nature we find in Wordsworth a loving con- 
templation which extends to its smallest and least apparent parts. 
Coleridge, on the other hand, whose mystic tendency seeks to unravel 
the deepest secrets of Nature, encounters her with a timid reverence. 
Alastor at once gives plain evidence of the way in which these two 

1 Quellen, Vorbilder, Stoffe zu Shelleys poetischen Werken. Erlangen and Leipzig, 1890. 

2 The italics are mine. 



138 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley's 'A lastor ' 

influenced Shelley. The exaggerated sentiment of humanity which 
taught Wordsworth to regard animals as creatures kindred to man, and 
his equals in their rights ; which led Coleridge to compose his poem 
To a Young Ass; and which inspired Southey to write The Pig, a 
colloquial poem... was seized passionately by Shelley 1 , as his introductory 
lines on Nature (1-17) show.' 

The following passages are then compared : 

Alastor, 13-15. The Excursion, n, 41-47. 

If no bright bird, insect, or gentle beast Birds and beasts, 

I consciously have injured, but still loved And the mute fish that glances in the 
And cherished these my kindred... stream, 

• And harmless reptile coiling in the sun, 

And gorgeous insect hovering in the air. 
The fowl domestic, and the household 

dog- 
In his capacious mind, he loved them all : 
Their rights acknowledging he felt for all. 

We must begin by distinguishing between the general and the 
particular. That Shelley was influenced by his age is only to be 
expected. That he was influenced by contemporaries in a general way 
is natural. Mrs Shelley leaves us in no doubt as to the Romantics. 
'The love and knowledge of Nature developed by Wordsworth, the 
lofty melody and mysterious beauty of Coleridge's poetry, and the wild 
fantastic machinery and gorgeous scenery adopted by Southey composed 
his favourite reading 2 .' 

All this in its general, indefinable aspect is granted. But when we 
are told that Shelley ' seized passionately ' a particular thing, a particular 
sentiment, we come to details ; and there is much room for pause. 

Was not the 'sentiment of humanity/ whether exaggerated or not, 

inborn in the man who describes himself as 

a nerve o'er which do creep 
The else unfelt oppressions of the earth, 

who wished ' no living thing to suffer pain,' and who was a vegetarian ? 
If Wordsworth had never lived would not the ' sentiment of humanity ' 
have existed in one who seems to his posterity to have been born to 
utter it ? It is true that Alastor appeared two years after The Excursion, 
that it contains three quotations from Wordsworth ; but does that prove 
that Shelley ' seized passionately ' from Wordsworth what was the very 
core of his being ? If it be true, as Locock observes, that the invocation 
in Alastor is ' Wordsworthian in sentiment,' it is only because Words- 
worth gave something of his colour to what was innate in the younger 

1 The italics are mine. a Introduction to Queen Mab. 



L. H. ALLEN 139 

man. Allow it as an influence, half-conscious, half-unconscious, a subtle 
informing factor. But when we come to the details, to the diction, 
which Locock tells us is also Wordsworthian, do Ackermann's parallels 
carry the slightest conviction ? 

In animadverting on another critic who asserted a resemblance 
between a passage from Shelley and one from Milton, Ackermann says : 
1 It almost borders on mania to brand as plagiarism the presence of these 
commonly used words 1 .' What resemblance is here but that of 'commonly 
used words ' ? I find nothing but ' bird,' ' insect,' and ' beast.' Further, 
if we look again at what is alleged to have been ' seized passionately ' 
by Shelley we find it is sentimentalities on asses and pigs. Now 
Wordsworth mentions ' the fowl domestic and the household dog,' 
precisely what, on this showing, Shelley should have included, and 
precisely what, if he ever remembered Wordsworth's lines, he omitted. 

The resemblance, next noted, between 11. 37-45 and Tintem Abbey, 
94-100, is genuine enough, though, the reminiscence being probably 
unconscious, we find Wordsworth's ' mind of man ' transformed by 
Shelley to ' the deep heart of man.' Here is the contemplative as 
opposed to the emotional, which gives the reason why, in the presence 
of Nature, Shelley is, as Ackermann notes, ' insatiable,' whereas Words- 
worth is ' disturbed ' with the ' joy ' of thoughts.' 

If the instance quoted above is an example of the specific, of influence 
in detail, of verbal similarity, in short, is it at all remarkable that for 
this poem of 720 lines the following ' sources ' have been alleged : Arrian, 
Coleridge, de Lisle, Goethe, Ben Jonson, Landor, Scott, Charlotte Smith, 
Southey, Volney, Wordsworth ? Some of these are undoubtedly genuine, 
but I wish to point out a few that are not, because only what is carefully 
sifted and certainly established should stand. 

Following Brandl 2 who sees a link between Alastor and Coleridge's 

Frost at Midnight, and notices that Coleridge's ear ' catches in the faint 

seldom-observed tones of the elements the weaving of Nature's divine 

life,' Ackermann compares : 

I have watched 
Thy shadow, and the darkness of thy steps, 
And my heart ever gazes on the depth 
Of thy deep mysteries. I have made my bed 
In charnels and on coffins, where black death 
Keeps record of the trophies won from thee, 
Hoping to still these obstinate questionings 
Of thee and thine, by forcing some lone ghost, 
Thy messenger, to render up the tale 
Of what we are, (Alastor, 20-29.) 

1 ' Studien zu Prometheus Unbound,' Englische Studien, xvr, 28 ff. 

2 S. T. Coleridge und die englieche Romantik, p. 201. 



140 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley s 'Alastor 

with Coleridge's poem, and particularly with the final lines : 

Or if the secret ministry of frost 

Shall hang them [the eve-drops] up in silent icicles 

Quietly shining to the quiet Moon. 

If the poems be taken as a whole there is little similarity between 

a man sitting quietly and safely by his fireside on a winter night, moved 

to reflection by his sleeping infant, and a ' desperate alchymist ' sitting 

in charnels. The unapparent motions of Nature come to Coleridge 

insensibly and of themselves, while Shelley is bent to tear them from 

her. If the resemblance lies in details, there is a passage far more closely 

akin to Shelley than that quoted. Does not the line : 

When night makes a weird sound of its own stillness 

chime remarkably with : 

'Tis calm indeed ! so calm, that it disturbs 
And vexes meditation with its strange 
And extreme silentness, 

as though silence were palpable, if not audible ? 

Such things, however, are superficial, and easily manufactured. Thus, 

We could quote from Remorse : 

Or hover round, as he at midnight oft 
, . , Sits on my grave and gazes at the moon. (Act I, Sc. ii.) 

The context, of course, presents no parallel ; nor does that of Frost at 
Midnight. 

In Shelley, no less than in Coleridge, the power of subtle distinction 
was native. This was one of the few things on which Shelley prided 
himself. ' I am framed,' he wrote, ' if for anything not in common with 
the herd of mankind, to apprehend minute and remote distinctions of 
feeling, whether relative to external nature or to the living things about 
me.' In conveying these distinctions he and Coleridge were quite 
opposed. Coleridge, wrapped in his transcendental cloud, touches the 
reader impersonally, as though the impact came straight from beyond 
the ' undiscovered bourne.' Shelley transfers it directly through his own 
feeling. The very line, ' When night makes a weird sound of its own 
stillness 1 ' speaks of tingling nerves, over-excited sensitiveness, of mystery 

1 Even Locock doubts if this is authentic : ' Here perhaps is an imitation of Wordsworth's 
Yew- Trees : 

in the midst 
Of its own darkness.' 
This use of ' own ' is essentially Shelleyan. Cf . ' Fruit suspended in their own green 
haven ' (P. U. in, iii, 140). See also 11. 153 and 175 of this Poem. In his note on 'the wind 
of their own speed ' (P. U. ii, iv, 136) Locock says : ' I have collected nearly 50 examples 
of similar phrases from Shelley's poems, all of them containing the notion of something 
paradoxically automatic.' I do not follow this obscure phrase, but, whatever the examples 
mean, the iteration ought to show that it is a Shelleyan idiom. 



L. H. ALLEN 141 

felt physically. His lines on the Lechlade Churchyard reveal his tem- 
perament in a phrase : 

The dead arc sleeping in their sepulchres, 

And, mouldering as they sleep, a thrilling sound 

Half-sense, half-thought, among the darkness stirs. 

A man who is capable of so native and startling a phrase as 'the blood 

is listening in my frame,' in whom, to use his own words, ' ideas assume 

the force of sensation,' shows little trace, especially in" the intense glow 

of his youth, of Coleridge's dreamy meditation. 

Finally, the man who, as a boy, adored The Monk, who supped full 

with the horrors of German ghost-stories, and showed his psychic 

qualities in strange delusions and visions, gives in this passage a piece 

of literal autobiography. Hogg tells us : 

He even planned how he might get admission to the vault, or charnel house, at 
Warnham Church, and might sit there all night, harrowed by fear, yet trembling 
with expectation, to see one of the spiritualized owners of the bones piled round 
him 1 . 

Ackermann also repeats from Brandl a remark which seems to rest 

on an error in translation. In his comparison of Alastor with Frost at 

Midnight the latter says that Shelley, like Coleridge, ' sees himself in 

lonely conversation with beloved innocence " when night makes a weird 

sound of its own stillness." ' Coleridge's ' beloved innocence ' is, of course, 

his infant child. Is there any parallel situation in Shelley ? Of course 

not. Brandl has obviously read ' love ' as ' beloved ' in translating : 

Have I mixed awful talk and asking looks 
With my most innocent love, 

thereby ruining the transcendental spirit of the words 2 . 

Alastor, 502-514, in which the poet's life is likened to the course of 
a stream, is compared with Excursion ill, 967-991 (p. 9). We are com- 
forted, however, by the admission that it ' may be a coincidence.' So 
common is the simile that there was no need to cull an instance from 
the end of Book in. Almost at the beginning, and quite near the 
passage next to be discussed, we find : 

And hope, or trust, 
That our existence winds her stately course 
Beneath the sun, like Ganges, to make part 
Of a living ocean ; or, to sink engulfed, 
Like Niger, in impenetrable sands 
And utter darkness. (259 ff.) 

Though the similes ' may be a coincidence,' yet, says Ackermann, ' it is 

interesting that both end with the desire for death.' The passage in 

Alastor does not end in the desire for death, but with the pathetic 

1 See Locock, ad loc. 

2 Pace Andrew Lang's Boeotian comment. See Locock, ad loc. 



142 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley's 'Alastor' 

thought that death is a scattering of the soul (the ' living thoughts ') 
back to the elements, just as the river is lost in the ocean or evaporated 
into clouds. It is, in short, a piece of Shelley's well-known ' Atheism,' 
and the passage I have quoted is more in consonance with the thought. 

On page 11 Shelley's descriptions of scenery are discussed. Ackermann 
will not agree with Stopford Brooke who says that Shelley describes 
1 scenery which is not directly studied from anything in heaven or earth.' 
' We must rather observe,' he says, ' the different influences through 
which his landscapes have arisen. The immediate clear result is that 
the poet drew his pictures from personal observation.' He then recalls 
the journeys on the Keuss, Rhine and Thames, the stay in Wales and 
Devonshire, and the environs of Windsor Forest where the poem was 
written. Splendid as some of Shelley's descriptions are, his commentator 
regards them as none the less taken from Nature, and true to her, while 
some may correspond to real landscapes. Still, Shelley does not follow 
Wordsworth's method of bald description. He throws his own soul into 
Nature. Ackermann's remarks do not really refute Stopford Brooke, 
who said that Shelley's scenery is not directly studied from Nature. 
Wordsworth took a pride in localizing his landscapes, whereas, so 
etherealized are Shelley's that geography merely affronts them. Shelley 
may draw his ' airy nothing ' from a ' local habitation,' but only in the 
mood of ' fine frenzy,' not of ' direct study.' Brooke, therefore, is right 
in spirit, whatever truth of the letter there be in Ackermann. 

We learn that the scenery of Thalaba in the main influenced Alastor 
(supplementary, of course, to the original impetus), though in one 
instance Wordsworth leaves his traces. We are thereupon confronted 
with an example so Procrustean as to make criticism, if such principles 
be allowed, neither a tribute nor a judgment, but a Nemesis. We find 
that the 'silent nook' in Alastor (571-601) presents affinities with that 
in The Excursion, in, 50 ff. The reader will remember that the ' silent 
nook' in Alastor is set in a wild and savage scene, perched on the edge 
of a vast mountain amid 'black gulphs and yawning caves,' and the 
1 thunder and the hiss of homeless streams ' that fall into an ' immeasurable 
void.' It was ' upheld by knotty roots and fallen rocks.' It was ivy- 
mantled and littered with leaves borne by the ' children of the autumnal 
whirlwind,' though then the 'haunt of every gentle wind.' This is com- 
pared with Wordsworth's scene of a little nook at the exit of a quiet 
English valley by a silent waterfall in the neighbourhood of some large 
rocks, ' uncouth forms.' Such are the main outlines, obviously without 
affinity. Let us now examine the alleged similarities in the details. 



L. H. ALLEN 143 

The passage quoted from Wordsworth runs : 

Upon a semi-cirque of turf-clad ground 
The hidden nook discovered to our view 
A mass of rock, resembling, as it lay 
Right at the foot of that moist precipice, 
A stranded ship. 

Ackermann tells us that the waters near this nook 'dash over the 

jagged cliff into the bottomless gulf.' As to Shelley's ' silent nook ' 

The children of the autumnal whirlwind bore 
In wanton sport those bright leaves..-., 

and as it is in the 'haunt of every gentle wind,' so Wordsworth's 
' hidden nook ' 

Confines the still-voiced whirlwind round and round 

Eddying within its vast circumference. (Ackermann, p. 12.) 

In the broadest outlines the terrain of the scenes is quite different. 

Wordsworth's travellers pursue an upward path (1. 23), while the poet in 

Alastor descends (1. 542). The nook in Alastor is surrounded by ' black 

and barren ' rocks rising in ' unimaginable shapes.' With these are 

compared rocks by no means gigantic, and far from ' unimaginable,' for 

one of them is illustrated by the very homely image of an upturned 

ship, while others symbolize Pompey's Pillar, a Theban obelisk, and a 

Druid cromlech. As for Wordsworth's waterfall, does it launch itself 

over a 'jagged cliff' into a bottomless gulf? The Excursion reads: 

And saw the water that composed this rill 

Descending, disembodied, and diffused, 

O'er the smooth surface of an ample crag 

Lofty and steep and naked as a tower, (1. 39.) 

and what in common is there between : 

the howl, 
The thunder and the hiss of homeless streams, 

and Wordsworth's mild waterfall ? 

Voiceless the stream descends into the gulf 

With timid lapse. (1. 92.) 

Does it fall into a 'bottomless gulf (unendliche Tiefe, 'immeasurable 
void ') ? The travellers stand at the bottom, and the height of the rock 
is quite eusynoptic. 

Lastly, does Wordsworth's nook ' confine the shrill-voiced whirlwind ' 
in its ' vast circumference ' ? A little reflection might have induced 
suspicion of a nook that had a ' vast circumference.' What Wordsworth 
really says is : 

But no breeze did now 
Find entrance ; high or low appeared no trace 
Of motion save the water that descended. (1. 67.) 



144 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley's 'Alastor' 

The ' shrill- voiced whirlwinds ' have nothing to do with the scene. The 
Wanderer says that the stones suit his • antiquarian humour.' He 
figures, when in reflective mood, this as Pompey's Pillar, that as a 
Theban obelisk ; and when he thinks of human instability these ' freaks 
of Nature ' give him food for melancholy : 

Not less than that huge Pile (from some abyss 

Of mortal power unquestionably sprung) 

Whose hoary diadem of pendent rocks 

Confines the shrill-voiced whirlwind round and round 

Eddying within its vast circumference 

On Sarum's naked plain. (11. 143 ft.) 

To cap this, Sweet 1 finds in Charlotte Smith another 'source' for 
this passage. ' Yet frequently, amidst the wildest horrors of those great 
objects, was seen some little green recess.' 

Charlotte Smith's ' yet ' is repeated, presumably, in 

Yet the grey precipice and solemn pine 

And torrent were not all. (1. 571.) 

What nicety of -reproduction ! It becomes miracle. Did the self- 
inflammable genius of Shelley ever need a Charlotte Smith to kindle 
it ? If an everyday phrase like ' green recess ' is to have a source, there 
will be no end of analogies. Coleridge's Hymn will suggest itself, 
especially as Shelley wrote a poem on Mont Blanc which has a distinct 
echo of Coleridge 2 . Are there not ' wild torrents ' in Coleridge ? And 
does not Shelley in The Woodman and the Nightingale repeat from the 
Hymn the phrase 'struggling with (the) darkness'? Indeed, this passage 
from Alastor has been crushed by a Tarpeian death. 

Another searcher 3 has flung on the pile of similarities the weight 
of Goethe. The analogy is as forced as Ackermann's and not worth 
examining, except to show one of the evils of the German dissertation 
system — the loss of judgment in the pursuit of some diminutive ' theory.' 
In short, there are none so blind as those who will see. 

And because Shelley tells us that the crags seem to ' overhang the 
world,' are we to believe, with Sweet, that he drew from Charlotte 
Smith's ' rocks which seem to overhang the wondering traveller ' ? Did 
he need so obscure a writer to furnish him with so obvious a phrase ? 
Do we judge poets by the cliche"! To establish cause and effect between 

1 ' A source of Shelley's Alastor,' An English Miscellany, Oxford, 1890. 

2 and when I gaze on thee, 
I seem as in a trance sublime and strange 

To muse on my own separate phantasy. {Mont Blanc, 34.) 

3 A. Droop, Die Belesenheit P. B. Shelley s, Dissertation, Jena, 1906, pp 127 ff. Faust, 
1070 ff., compared with Alastor, 550 ff. 



L. H. ALLEN 145 

such trifling resemblances is to regard Shelley as writing, not from his 

soul, but from a dictionary. 

Comfort now sheds one drop of balm. We learn from Ackermann 

that the ' dim and horned moon ' of Alastor (602) is not a borrowed one. 

How do we know this ? There is proof. Mary Shelley's journal for the 

autumn of 1814 contains this passage : 

The evening was most beautiful ! the horned moon hung in the light of sunset 
which threw a glow of unusual depth of redness above the piny mountains and the 
dark deep valleys.... The moon becomes yellow, and hangs close to the woody 
horizon. 

Shelley has narrowly escaped another ' influence ' ! 

The horned moon with one bright star 
Within the nether tip. 

That Shelley did use his own eyes, at least for the 'green recess,' 

seems indicated by a passage in The Revolt of Islam : 

The autumnal winds, as if spellbound, had made 

A natural couch of leaves in that recess. (vi, xxviii.) 

It is true that Shelley had a trick of repeating himself, but he seldom 

did so without having received some strong impression 1 . Some natural 

formation seen on his wanderings must have deeply impressed him. 

Ackermann makes another concession, a kind of palliative. ' That the 

sight of different landscapes,' he says, ' can result in similar descriptions, 

is shown by the majestic cliff-scenery through which the river winds 

{Alastor, 543 ff.) when compared with a passage in Scott's Rokeby (ii, 7). 

One is led to surmise that both poets modelled their composition on the 

same landscape ; and yet Shelley's original is to be sought probably in 

Wales and North Devonshire ' (p. 13). Scott's stanza runs thus : 

The open vale is soon passed o'er : 
Rokeby, though nigh, is seen no more ; 
Sinking 'mid Greta's thickets deep 
A wild and darker course they keep, 
A stern and lone, yet lovely road 
As e'er the foot of minstrel trode ! 
Broad shadows o'er their passage fell, 
Deeper and narrower grew the dell : 
It seemed some mountain, rent and riven, 
A channel for the stream had given, 
So high the cliffs of limestone grey 
Hung beetling o'er the torrent's way, 
Yielding, along their rugged base, 
A flinty footpath's niggard space, 

1 See B. I. Evans, ' The Persistent Image in Shelley,' Nineteenth Century, May, 1922, 
p. 792. In commenting on the comparison of autumn leaves to ghosts in the Ode to the 
West Wind he says: 'The image was not an inversion of a Vergilian reminiscence, but 
a recollection of a definite imaginative experience.' With regard to the persistence of 
images in Shelley, the writer adds: 'There is nothing to indicate that this definite 
associative value was a thing of conscious or formal growth.' 



146 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley s 'Alastor' 

Where he, who winds 'twixt rock and wave, 
, May hear the headlong torrent rave, 

And like a steed in frantic fit 
That flings the froth from curb and bit, 
May view her chafe her waves to spray, 
O'er every rock that bars her way, 
Till foam-globes on her eddies ride, 
Thick as the schemes of human pride, 
That down life's current drive amain, 
As frail, as frothy, and as vain ! 

To offer this as a parallel, even fortuitous, worth comment, is to regard 
as remarkable the fact that the description of similar things involves the 
use of a certain number of common words ; or that Scott and Shelley 
happened to be familiar with mountain scenery. For that which is 
typical #f the creative minds, the atmosphere of each scene, is as 
different as the temperaments of the two poets. Scott, describing an 
actual scene in his photographic style, confines it to earth with his grey 
limestone and his flint ; Shelley, evoking a landscape that might have 
come from the Inferno, is beyond geology. 

Yet the resemblances between some of the passages already quoted 
is no greater than that between these. And does not a mountain torrent 
give Scott food for reflection on human life ? 

Ackermann advances another coincidence of this sort as an evidence 
that different landscapes may produce similar descriptions : 

The oak, Hoary, yet haughty, frowns the oak, 

Expanding its immense and knotty arms, Its boughs by weight of ages broke ; 

Embraces the light beech. The pyramids And towers erect, in sable spire, 

Of the tall cedar overarching, frame The pine-tree scathed by lightning fire ; 

Most solemn domes within, and far be- The drooping ash and birch between 

low. . . Hang their fair tresses o'er the green. 
The ash and the acacia floating hang (Rokeby, iv, 3.) 

Tremulous and pale. (Alastor, 431 ff.) 

It is characteristic that Ackermann should have omitted from the 
quotation that luminous and intensely Shelleyan line 'like clouds 
suspended in an emerald sky.' And if only Alastor had been continued: 

Like restless serpents, clothed 
In rainbow and in fire, the parasites 
Starred with ten thousand blossoms, 

Ackermann might have noted the startling similarity to a Highland 

landscape. One is compelled to think that Chaucer must have been 

looking at the very same scene when he wrote ' The bildere ook and eek 

the hardy asshe ' (Parlement of Foules, 176). Bare words are the only 

common factor. 

Ay, in the catalogue ye go for trees, 
As oak, acacia, cedar, beech, and ash. 



L. H. ALLEN 147 

Sweet, however, finds here a similarity to Charlotte Smith's ' immense 
pines or mountain ash ' ; so that, although Ackermann exculpates the 
poet, he has been at last convicted. Medwin, of course, mentions this 
very passage as inspired by Windsor Forest ; but this does not prevent 
scholastic acumen from discovering that skeletons are more alike than 
people. 

We learn next from Ackermann (p. 13) that Shelley, in the following 
passage, ' approaches the oriental scenery of Southey ' : 

Soft mossy lawns And oh ! what odours the voluptuous vale 

Beneath these canopies extend their Scatters from jasmine bowers, 

swells, From yon rose wilderness, 

Fragrant with perfumed herbs, and eyed From cluster'd henna and from orange 

with blooms groves, 

Minute yet beautiful. One darkest glen That with such perfumes fill the breeze. . . 
Sends from its woods of musk-rose twined {Thalaba, vi, 22.) 

with jasmine... (Alastor, 448 ff.) 

If verbal resemblances are the criterion, Coleridge is as apt : 

I know the place where Lewti lies 
When silent night has closed her eyes : 
It is a breezy jasmine bower. 

The distinctively oriental things in Southey are henna and orange, not 
found in Shelley. What could be more 'English than musk -rose, the 
musk-rose of Keats' Nightingale ? If there is anything exotic (tropical 
rather than oriental), it is the parasites. 

Charlotte Smith, too, is alleged to have contributed to the picture. 
Her rich imagination provides the following bald catalogue : ' And the 
short turf beneath them appeared spangled with the soldinella and 
fringed pink, or blushing with the scented wreaths of the Daphne 
Cneorum.' 

And all this weight of debt for a scene whose elements are very 
simple. Do not the indeterminate components become significant only 
as they meet in the personality ? What is significant is what neither 
Charlotte Smith nor Southey could have said : ' eyed with blooms 
minute yet beautiful.' Is not this one of Shelley's ' remote distinctions,' 
proceeding spontaneously from the man who said of himself: ' I find the 
very blades of grass and boughs of distant trees present themselves to 
me with microscopic distinctness ' ? If he could see a needle, was he 
blind to a haystack ? 

We proceed now to lines which are, according to Ackermann, 
' certainly a reminiscence of Thalaba,' though only as an addition to 
Shelley's own observations of rivers and mountains (p. 14). 



148 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley s 'Alastor' 

Where the mountain, riven, And lo, where raving o'er a hollow course 
Exposed those black depths to the azure The ever flowing flood 

sky, Foams in a thousand whirlpools ! 

Ere yet the flood's enormous volume fell There adown 

Even to the base of Caucasus, with sound The perforated rock 

That shook the everlasting rocks, the Plunge the whole waters so precipitous, 

mass So fathomless a fall, 

Filled with one whirlpool all that ample That their earth-shaking roar came dead- 
chasm. (Alastor, 374 ff.) enedup 

Like subterranean thunders. 

(Thalaba, vn, 6.) 

' Such similarities,' says Ackermaim, ' considering the resemblance in 

the substance of the story (a journey into the depths of the earth) are 

not remarkable. We find them not only in Shelley. Compare... 

Coleridge's... Kubla Khan : 

Five miles meandering with a mazy motion 
Through wood and dale the sacred river ran, 
Then reached the caverns measureless to man, 
And sank in tumult to a lifeless ocean.' 

The comparison of these three passages leads, I imagine, to a different 
conclusion. If something closer than a general resemblance is revealed, 
it would appear more between Sou they 's 'subterranean thunders' and 
Coleridge's ' tumult ' than anything Shelley has written. In any case 
the obligation is too trifling for comment. The main impression is that 
three men working at a similar idea display general resemblances. It is 
not criticism to refine on such meagre data. 

The general influence of Thalaba on Shelley is beyond dispute. We 
have the direct testimony of Medwin that he ' almost knew it by heart/ 
and of Mrs Shelley that it was his ' favourite poem ' : and we know that 
the boat-journey in Alastor took its rise from Thalaba, since Mrs Shelley 
informs us that ' his imagination had been excited by a description of 
such a voyage.' But that does not infer verbal resemblances in passages 
where the poet is evidently flying on a free wing. Moreover it makes us 
look with careful eyes at Ackermann's statement mentioned above (p. 6) 
that Shelley likes to 'start his poems... from some model which gives 
him the stimulus.' Shelley neither started, continued, nor ended his 
poems from anything but his own moods. The stimulus, says Acker- 
mann, was sometimes merely a name, and quotes Alastor. According 
to Peacock, the poem was written before the title was selected 1 . Whenever 
Shelley was ' influenced ' he only received what chimed with a native 
chord. Thus the boat-journey from Thalaba merely harmonized with 
that love for boats which made him, as a child, sail his paper toys on 

1 Peacock's words are: ' At this time Shelley wrote his Alastor. He was at a loss for 
a title, and I proposed that which he adopted.' Surely the inference is as I have stated. 



L. H. ALLEN 149 

the Serpentine and which fascinated him to his death 1 . The poet in 
Alastor is, of course, ultimately Shelley himself, and if we are hunting 
for influences we might assert that of Byron in greater degree. Peacock 
reports : ' He often repeated to me, as applicable to himself... 

But there are wanderers o'er Eternity 
Whose bark drives on and on, and anchored ne'er shall be.' 

(Cf. Adonais, lv, 2.) 

The poet's Vision (Alastor 149-191) is also alleged to have been 
influenced by Thalaba. ' The Vision in Alastor,' says Ackermann, 
'approaches the poet in a deep ecstasy which communicates itself to 
him. This is the attitude of Oneiza to her hero ' (p. 8). 

The passages compared are : 

Soon the solemn mood Till that intense affection 
Of her pure mind kindled through all Kindle its light of life, 

her frame Even in such deep and breathless tender- 

A permeating fire. ness 

{Alastor, 161. See also 179 ff.) Oneiza's soul is centred on the youth. 

(Thalaba, in, 24.) 

If the reader will turn to these passages in their context he will find 

the situations have little affinity. The Vision of Alastor acts the part 

of an ironic Diotima luring the poet with visions which fade into an 

unsubstantial embrace. If Shelley ever thought of Thalaba he reversed 

it, for in Southey it is the hero who inspires the maid. Oneiza directs 

on him 

such a look, as fables say, 
The Mother Ostrich fixes on her egg, 
Till that intense affection ' 

Kindle its light of life. 

This ridiculous simile, an example of the ' exaggerated sentiment of 

humanity,' is paralleled with the ideal beauty of Shelley's passage — 

and for what reason ? I can see none but the occurrence in both of the 

word 'kindle.' The Vision may kindle the poet (though Shelley says 

'kindled through all her frame,' not 'his frame'), but Oneiza does not 

kindle Thalaba. The point of Southey's comparison is merely the 

' breathless tenderness ' of her (and the ostrich's) gaze. 

The details, too, we are told, have analogies : 

And in their branching veins And through the veins and delicate skin 

The eloquent blood told an ineffable tale. The light shone rosy. (Thalaba, in, 25.) 

(Alastor, 167.) * ,.u> 
And saw by the warm light of their own 

life " ! . 

Her glowing limbs. (174.) ,] 

1 See B. I. Evans, op, cit. pp. 793-94. Ackermann mentions this, I admit; but not in' 

such a way as to make Shelley's mind, not Southey's, the most important thing. 

. i ■*. 
M. L. R. XVIII. 10 



150 Plagiarism, Sources, and Influences in Shelley s 'Alastor' 

Southey describes the transparency of Oneiza's fingers when she 

trimmed the lamp. It is an obvious poetic touch, though none the less 

beautiful for that. Tennyson describes the Holy Grail as 

In colour like the fingers of a hand 
Before a burning taper ; 

and, no doubt, that is only one of many other independent instances. 

Still, this is quite possibly a genuine reminiscence of Southey, whether 

conscious or unconscious none can determine. But it appears there for 

exactly the same reason as the boat did, because it appealed to something 

native in Shelley. What was more original in him than his ethereal 

conception of the human body ? Of his Ariel self he said : 

And now alas ! the poor sprite is 
Imprisoned for some fault of his 
In a body like a grave. 

He regarded the flesh with Pauline contempt as a hindrance to the ac- 
tivity of the soul. Perfected man will be like the liberated Prometheus: 

his pale wound-worn limbs 
Fall from Prometheus : and the azure night 
Grew radiant with the glory of that form 
Which lives unchanged within. 

His ideal creations have glorified or rarified bodies, from Queen Mab to 

Cythna, who 

Moved upon this earth a shape of brightness 
A power that from its objects scarcely drew 
One impulse of her being — in her lightness 
Most like some radiant cloud of morning dew. 

The radiance of the Vision's hands and limbs is caused by no exterior 
light, but proceeds from within. With this distinctively Shelleyan superi- 
ority in the image we should regard it as, at least, highly problematical 
whether Newcastle has been borrowing coals. 

We are told also that when the poet wakes from his delusive dream 

the scenery 'shows the same colours as in Gebir, 1 

The cold white light of morning, the blue When at their incantation would the 

moon moon 

Low in the West. (Alastor, 193.) Start back, and shuddering shed blue 

blasted light. (Gebir, 17.) 

The association of the colour blue with death comes from the classics. 
A little further on from this passage Shelley uses it in this connexion — 
'death's blue vault' (216). A glance at Locock's note to this line will 
show that Shelley frequently used the colour in this application. But 
has the blue moon in Alastor anything in common with Landor's, whose 
colour is suggestive, if not of death, at least of the hideous aspect of the 
supernatural ? Is not Shelley's moon part of a scene of natural beauty 



L. H. ALLEN 151 

which contrasts with the poet's mood ? For though Shelley could paint, 
as in this poem, a scene of desolation in keeping with a human mood, 
yet he often drew sharp contrasts between man and nature, as in the 
Stanzas written in dejection near Naples. Shelley's moon is one of beauty, 
a moon of dawn akin to that evening moon of which Ruskin writes 
'those solemn twilights, with the blue moon rising as the western skies 
grow dim 1 .' Shelley is almost too anxious to make us understand that 
the scene of dawn is meant to emphasize by contrast the poet's misery, 

His wan eyes 
Gaze on the empty scene as vacantly 
As ocean's moon looks on the moon in heaven, 

a dead and living moon held before the eye. 

The main sentiment — the avenging 'nostalgia for the Infinite' — is 
so essentially Shelleyan, and has been so definitely explained by the 
poet himself in his introduction, that he does not seem to have been 
loaded by Ackermann with any further debt. There is a superficial 
analogy in the subject with that in Wordsworth's Lines left on a seat in 
a Yew-Tree. On examination the resemblance vanishes as. readily as in 
the cases here discussed. It seems to me that though we have had much 
eager Shelley study we have not yet established a Shelley canon. The 
relations of the rich components of his mind to one another and to the 
Universe should be the first object of our study. We should then under- 
stand, in the broad sweep, his interaction with other minds ; but we 
should avoid harrying him with pedantic minutiae which merely evidence 
the ingenuity or diligence of his critics. 

L. H. Allen. 

Duntroon, Federal Territory, Australia. 

1 Pre-Raphaelitism (Everyman's Library), p. 35. 



10—2 



THE LEGEND OF AMICUS AND AMELIUS. 

The legend of Amicus and Amelius, the two inseparable friends, was 
one of the most widely known during the Middle Ages, and versions are 
found in almost all European languages 1 . Its relationship with a group 
of folkloristic motifs has repeatedly been pointed out 2 , and Oriental in- 
fluences have been held responsible for its rise in Western Europe 3 . 
Bedier's attitude toward all attempts to discover the folkloristic basis of 
the legend was extremely sceptical 4 . He was rather inclined to see in it 
nothing but a feudal and Christian epic. Potter, on the other hand, 
emphasized once more the folkloristic traits contained in all extant 
versions, and called attention to several Oriental parallels 5 . However 
much one may disagree with Bedier's extreme conclusions, his is the 
uncontested merit of having shown the localization of the legend in the 
neighbourhood of Mortara, Lombardy, and its undoubtedly hagiographic 
character 6 . On this basis it will be possible to re-examine the legend 
with some hope of arriving at more definite results than has been the 
case heretofore. 

The heroes of the legend are two friends, conceived at the same 
hour, born the same day, baptized together by the Pope, and resembling 
each other so that it is impossible to distinguish one from the other. 
After a separation of several years, they start out on the same day in 
search of each other ; having met, they contract eternal friendship and 
enter the service of the king. After a glorious career and numerous 
adventures they die on the same day and are buried separately. But by 
a miracle their corpses are united in the same tomb. Leaving aside for 

1 Cf. Amis et Amiles und Jourdains de Blaivies, ed. by Konrad Hofmann, Erlangen, 
1882 ; Amis and Amiloun zugleich mit der altfranzosischen Quelle herausg. von Eugen 
Kolbing (Altenglische Bihliothek, Band n), Heilbronn, 1884; E. Kolbing, Zur Uberliefening 
der Sage von Amicus und Amilius, Paxil und Braune's Beitr., iv, 1877, pp. 271 ff. ; P. 
Schwieger, Die Sage von Amis und Amiles, Progr. Berlin, 1885 ; Beinhold Kohler, Kleine 
Schriften, ed. by J. Bolte, Berlin, 1900, n, pp. 163 ff. and 659 ff. ; Potter, Ami et Amile, 
Publ. of the Mod. Lang. Assoc, xxm, 1908, pp. 471 ff. ; Ph. Aug. Becker, Grundriss der 
altfranzosischen Literatur, Heidelberg, 1907, p. 99 ; C. Voretzsch, EinfUhrung in das 
Stadium der altfranzosischen Literatur, Halle, 1913, p. 245 ; Bolte-Polivka, Anmerkungen 
zu den Kinder- und Hausm'drchen der Brttder Grimm, Berlin, 1913-18, i, p. 56. The recent 
study by G. Huet, Ami et Amile, Moyen Age, xxi, 1919, pp. 162-84, was not accessible to 
me until some time after the MS. had been in the hands of the Editor. 

2 Gf. the works of Kohler, Potter, Bolte-Polivka and Voretzsch. 

3 G. Paris, Romania, xiv, 1885, p. 318; Potter, op. cit. Becker, op. et loc. cit., believes 
that Byzantine motifs were introduced into the legend of the two friends. 

4 Les Legendes epiques, n, Paris, 1908, p. 178. 

5 Op. cit. 

H Op. cit., pp. 170-96 ; cf. also Becker, op. et loc. cit. 



A. H. KRAPPE 1 53 

the present the simultaneous conception and birth of the two, let us 
consider first their marvellous similarity, their friendship and their 
death, and let us look for parallels in hagiographic literature. 

In the Syriac Acta Thomae, Jesus is constantly mistaken for Judas 
Thomas and vice versa. They are so much alike that it is impossible 
for both believers and unbelievers to tell them apart 1 . In the story of 
the martyrdom of Polyeuctes, made famous by Corneille's drama, the 
affectionate relations between Polyeuctes and his friend Nearchus are 
dwelt upon. Both suffer for their faith on the same day 2 . Common 
death at the same time is also the fate of Cantius and Cantianus, 
martyred in Aquileja 3 , of Donatianus and Rogatianus, executed at 
Nantes 4 , of Ferreolus and Ferrutius, the martyrs of Besancon 5 , of Fer- 
rutius and Ferrutio, martyrs of Mainz 6 , and of many other saints 7 . In 
his important works on the influence of the Dioscuri on the Christian 
cult, Harris pointed out that all these pairs of martyrs are Dioscuric in 
character, that is, they were originally twins who replaced pagan twin 
divinities in the cities of their worship 8 . Later on, the twin element 
could safely be dropped, but it left visible traces in the acts of those 
saints 9 . Thus we come to view the simultaneous conception and birth 
of Amicus and Amelius in a new light, and the story of the two friends 
would take rank among the large number of twin legends in hagio- 
graphic garb scattered all over Southern and Western Europe ; for it is 
clear that the two heroes were not conceived and born simultaneously 
because they resembled each other and because they suffered death on 
the same day, but they resembled each other and died together because 
they were conceived and born together, that is, because they were twins. 
What confirms this theory is the similarity of their names. 

Similarity of name as a characteristic of twin children among all 
races was repeatedly pointed out by Harris 10 . Generally speaking, we 
may distinguish four groups of such names : 

1 J. Rendel Harris, The Dioscuri in the Christian Legends, London, 1903, p. 21. 

2 Aube\ Polyeucte dans Vhistoire, Paris, 1882; cf. Harris, op. cit., p. 55. 

3 Acta Sanct. Boll., May 31, vn, p. 428 ; cf. Harris, The Cult of the Heavenly Twins, 
Cambridge, 1906, p. 67. 

4 Euinart, Acta primor. martyrum, Amstelod. , 1713, fol., pp. 279-82; cf. Harris, Cult, 
p. 68. 

6 Harris, Cult, p. 70. 6 Ibid. t ibid. 

8 The works quoted and Boanerges, Cambridge, 1913. 

9 This is absolutely certain in the case of Polyeuctes and Nearchos, of Cosmas and 
Damian, and of Protasius and Gervasius ; cf. Harris, Dioscuri, p. 58 ; Cult, p. 96 ; 
Dioscuri, p. 42. 

10 Cult, pp. 58 ff . It should be noted, however, that this characteristic is not sufficient 
to prove twinship, as similar names were given also to brothers not twins. Cf . on this subject, 
K. Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, Berlin, 1856, pp. 264 ff. ; Die deutschen Frauen im 
Mittelalter, Wien, 1897, pp. 85 ff. 



154 The Legend of Amicus and Amelius 

1. Such as are rhyming: Florus (Flaunts): Laurus ; Huz : Buz; 

Protasius : Gervasius ; 

2. Such as are differentiated through ablaut : Romulus (Romus) : 

Remus ; 

3. Such as have one part in common : Baltram : Sintram ; Try- 

phaina : Tryphosa ; Picumnus : Pilumnus ; 

4. Such as have related meanings: Sarus: Ammius; Hilaira: 

Phoibe; Idas: Lynkeus; Lykos: Nykteus 1 . 

Amicus and Amelius would evidently be ranked in the first group. 
Their miraculous birth at the same time is a trace left of an earlier 
stage of the legend in which the two heroes were twins. This conclusion 
is supported by a few other traits. There is a striking similarity in the 
rank of the parents of both, the father of Amicus being a knight (miles), 
that of Amelius a count. The parents of Amelius play no part whatever, 
and we do not learn what becomes of them, while of Amicus' father we 
at least know that he died, after admonishing his son. Finally, some of 
the miraculous adventures of the heroes recur in a group of folk tales, 
the protagonists of which are twins. 

The close relationship which exists between the story of Amicus and 
Amelius and the tale of the Two Brothers 2 has been recognized from 
the time when the Brothers Grimm first published the latter in their 
Kinder- und Hausmarchen. The traits which they have in common may 
be summarized as follows : 

1. There is a striking resemblance between the two brothers; 

2. The one substitutes himself for the other; 

3. He lays the sword between himself and his brother's wife. 
They differ in that the ingratitude of the second brother who kills his 
saviour in a fit of jealousy, is unknown to the Amicus and Amelius 
legend, while the sacrifice of the children does not occur in the Marchen. 

There is ground for the assumption that the story of Amicus and 
Amelius has not come down to us in its most original and complete 
form. The different versions disagree in the motivation of Amicus' mis- 
fortune. The Old French chanson de geste gives as a reason the fact 
that Amicus married the king's daughter under his friend's name and 
that he was guilty of bigamy. The Vita Amid et Amelii 3 simply says 
that the disease was a test; for ' omnem filium quern Deus recipit, 
corripit, flagellat et castigat.' It is certain, however, that the author of 

1 S. Eitrem, Die gdttlichen Zivillinge bei den Grieclien, Christiania, 1902, p. 45. 

2 Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmarchen, No. 60 ; A. Aarne, Verzeiehnis der Marchentypen, 
Helsinki, 1910, type 303. 

3 E. Kolbing in his edition of the Middle English poem quoted above, p. xcvii. 



A. H. KRAPPE 155 

the Vita had before him another version ; for he makes Amicus say 
before the judicial combat: 'heu mihi, qui mortem huius comitis tam 
fraudulenter cupio, scio namque, quod si ilium interfecero, reus ero ante 
supernum iudicem, si vero vitam meam tulerit, de me semper opprobrium 
narrabitur perpetuum.' The Middle English poem assigns as a reason 
Amicus' false oath before the duel. Radulfus Tortarius 1 , finally, gives 
no reason at all. None of all these motivations is really satisfactory, 
although Bedier goes too far when rejecting Schwieger's theory that 
the leprosy was the punishment for Amicus' having fought Hardre in 
judicial combat, and saying: ' C'est un contresens que personne n'eut 
fait au moyen age 2 .' We have seen above that this theory is indeed 
supported by a reading of the Vita, and if mediaeval law permitted 
judicial combat by hired champions, those champions stood in the shoes 
of the person who hired them, and if his cause was bad, the champion 
succumbed. But it is evident that Amicus is more than a champion of 
Amelius. He passes himself off as Amelius while affirming his own 
innocence by oath. This oath is true, and Hardre is defeated in conse- 
quence ; but Amicus' action is none the less fraudulent. Nevertheless, 
it would be difficult to suppose this motivation which, however correct, 
is based on the casuistry of mediaeval legal procedure, to be primitive. 
Bedier thinks the pious motivation of the Vita to be the original one. 
So far as the hagiographic stage of the legend is concerned, this con- 
clusion is undoubtedly correct. As soon as we trace the story back to an 
ante-Christian stage, this theory naturally breaks down, for it pre- 
supposes a spirit unknown to Graeco-Roman paganism. In that case we 
must seek a different explanation. 

Another fact which arouses our suspicion is the sword episode, which 
in truth has no logical consequences in the course of the legend and 
which might well be omitted altogether without altering the story. For 
it is useless to emphasize Amelius' chastity, if no one doubts it. The 
sword episode occurs in many legends 3 , but wherever it is met with, it 
plays a commensurate part. In the Tristan of Thomas, for example, it 
makes King Mark believe in the chastity of the two lovers. In a narra- 
tive mentioned by Reinhold Kohler 4 , it occurs to bring out the king's 
ascetic mode of life. Saxo Grammaticus 5 mentions the episode in order 

1 K. Hofniann in his edition of the chanson de geste, p. xxiv. 

2 Op. cit., p. 180. 

3 B. Heller, L'Epee symbole et gardienne de chastete, Romania, xxxvi, 1907, pp. 36-49; 
xxxvn, 1908, pp. 162-3. Cf. also K. Simrock, Die Quellen des Shakspeare, Bonn, 1872, 
i, p. 93. 

4 Zum Fabliau vom Stadtrichter von Aquileja, Kleine Sehriften, n, p. 442. 
8 Gesta Danorum, ed. by Holder, p. 319. 



156 The Legend of Amicus and Amelius 

to emphasize King Gorm's unusual self-control. In the Norse Sigurd 

story it serves to show Sigurd's innocence, because the hero's death is 

due to Gunnar's jealousy. In the tale of the Two Brothers the sword 

episode fulfils the same purpose. It is therefore a legitimate conclusion 

to say that the sword episode in the story of Amicus and Amelius owes 

its existence to a second episode which once formed a part of the plot, 

but which dropped out for reasons which will appear later. We suspect 

that the episode in question was similar to that of the Sigurd legend 

and the Marchen. What makes this conjecture almost a certainty is a 

passage in the chanson de geste which reads : 

1950 ' En non deu sire,' li euens Amiles dist, 
' Le mien couvine voz raurai je tost dit. 
Lez ta moillier me couchai je dormir. 
II n'a si bele en seissante pais, 
Moult m'esmerveil, com en poez souffrir.' 

Now these are the very words by which in the tale of the Two Brothers 
the saviour acquaints his brother with the fact that he had lain with* his 
sister-in-law, whereupon he is slain by his jealous brother 1 . 

The Vita and the chanson de geste mention two goblets given the 
two friends by the Pope on the occasion of their baptism. Again we fail 
to see a sufficiently prominent bearing of this episode on the subsequent 
events. The only purpose the goblets serve is to facilitate the recogni- 
tion of the two friends after Amicus has become a leper. In other words, 
the goblet of Amicus plays the role of the ring dropped into a beaker or 
a glass and which occurs in so many other tales containing the motif of 
separation and reunion 2 . It is clear that the episode of the Pope's gift 
is not in proportion to the role of Amicus' goblet in the later part of 
the story, and w r e are driven to the conclusion that another important 
element has been lost. Everything tends to show that the two goblets 
originally belonged to the group of objects indicating a danger that had 
befallen the twin brother 3 , an episode still existing in the Marchen of 
the Two Brothers 4 . 

1 In the Grimm version the one brother says : ' die junge Konigin hielt mich fiir ihren 
Gemahl, und ich musste an ihrer Seite essen und in deinem Bett schlafen ' ; in the story 
of Hahn, Griechische und albanesische Marchen , Berlin, 1918, No. 22, we read: ' erzahlte 
unterwegs der eine Bruder dem andern...wie er zu seinen Schwiegereltern gekommen und 
bei seiner Frau geschlafen habe ' ; the version of Kuhn und Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, 
Marchen und Gebrduche, Leipzig, 1848, pp. 337 ff. makes the one brother narrate : 'wie ihn 
die Prinzessin utnarmt und er mit ihr zu Bett gegangen.' 

2 Von der Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, Stuttgart, 1850, n, p. 615; M. Landau, Die 
Quellen des Dekameron, Stuttgart, 1884, p. 196 ; Kohler, Kleine Schriften, i, pp. 117 
and 584. 

3 Bolte-Pohvka, op. cit., i, p. 545. 

4 This interpretation of the goblets in the story of Amicus and Amelius is also that of 
the Brothers Grimm, Der arme Heinrich von Hartmann von der Aue, Berlin, 1815, pp. 
183 ff. ; cf. Bolte and Polfvka, op. cit., i, p. 556. 



A. H. KRAPPE 157 

One of the most striking and most persistent episodes of the tale 
of the Tivo Brothers, which occurs in practically all versions of this 
Marchen, is that of the dragon fight and the false dragon-killer. The 
hero saves a princess by killing a monster, cuts out the tongues of the 
latter and goes off in quest of new adventures. Meanwhile, an impostor 
cuts off the heads and passes himself off as the saviour of the princess. 
He is found out when the hero returns and produces the tongues. This 
episode left some traces in the chanson de geste. There Hardre is de- 
scribed as cutting off the heads of the knights who had perished under 
the hands of Amicus and Amelius, attaching them to his saddle and 
boasting that it was he who killed them 1 . 

While it thus appears that the legend of Amicus and Amelius has 
not come down in its original form and that the Marchen has preserved 
more archaic features, it is also clear that the tale of the Two Brothers 
has not remained free from alteration in its turn. The episode of the 
water of life seems to be a late introduction ; it is by no means necessary 
for the redemption of the brother who had been transformed into stone, 
because in most variants of this type the stone statue or statues come 
to life by a touch with the witch's magic staff 2 . But it does appear 
necessary for the resurrection of the hero slain by his brother in a fit of 
jealousy, and it is likely that here the water of life came to take the 
place of something else, human blood. 

That the water of life in this group of stories tends to take the place 
of an older bloody sacrifice can be seen in another Marchen, that of 
Faithful John 3 , which has repeatedly been compared with the story of 
Amicus and Amelius 4 . Here the faithful servant, who in some versions 
is the brother of the prince 5 , is redeemed by blood, sometimes by the 
water of life, sometimes by some other remedy 6 . 

From the examination of the divergences of the story of Amicus and 
Amelius and the Marchen of the Two Brothers, and the traces left of an 
earlier stage in the former, it follows that the original bore far greater 
similarity to the tale of the Two Brothers than does any of the extant 
versions. The goblets originally warned Amicus of the danger which 
threatened his friend. He hastens to the rescue, liberates his brother, 
but is killed by him in a fit of jealousy. Amelius repents his rash deed 

1 Lines 391-5. 2 For instance in the versions of Grimm and Hahn. 

3 Grimm, Kinder- und Hammarchen, No. 6; Aarne, type 516. Cf. Kohler, Aufsatze 
ilber Marchen und Volkdieder, Berlin, 1894, p. 24. 

4 Potter, op. cit. ; Voretzsch, op. cit., p. 245; Kohler, Aufsatze, p. 34. 

5 In several Italian versions mentioned by Bolte-Polivka, op. cit., i, p. 47, the oldest of 
which is found in Basile's Pentamerone, iv, 9. 

s By the water of life in a White Russian tale ; cf . Bolte-Polivka, i, p. 52. 



158 The Legend of Amicus and Amelius 

when it is too late. He then resurrects his dead friend by a blood sacri- 
fice. This theory is confirmed by the Marchen of Faithful John, where 
jealousy of the ungrateful friend or brother is likewise coupled with the 
blood sacrifice and often with the twin brother motif. 

The three stories, Amicus and Amelius, the Two Brothers, and Faith- 
ful John undoubtedly belong to one folkloristic group whose origin must 
be sought in the beliefs of primitive man. In all three the protagonists 
were originally or still are twin brothers. Twins in the traditions of all 
races, however, are known to stand in peculiar relationship to each other. 
They are either the ' quarrelling twins,' hating and persecuting each 
other, such as Jacob and Esau, Romulus and Remus, Horus and Set 1 , or 
they are the p\ir of faithful friends and inseparable companions, con- 
stant in their affection for each other, such as they appear in the legends 
of the Greek Dioscuri, in the tale of the Two Brothers and in Faithful 
John. However, even there traces of what was perhaps a former stage 
of the legend are not lacking. On two Roman coins a duel between 
Castor and Pollux was represented 2 . According to an old tradition, the 
two brothers once came to blows in their temple at Sparta 3 . This feature 
also comes out clearly in the two Marchen. 

The origin of the legend of Amicus and Amelius must then be 
sought in an old Dioscuric cult which flourished in Upper Italy from 
veiy early times. There is nothing unlikely in such a hypothesis, since 
it has been shown that Gallia Cisalpina was teeming with twin sanctu- 
aries 4 and that the cult of Castor and Pollux played an important part 
among the Romanized population of that part of the country 5 . Christi- 
anity had to supplant these cults ; it did so by substituting twin saints 
for twin gods, and as in Milan Protasius and Gervasius came into 
prominence, so in the neighbourhood of Mortara Amicus and Amelius 
took over the inheritance of their predecessors. And it was no mean 
inheritance, inasmuch as those pagan twins possessed a very elaborate 
cult legend. As for the latter, it could not be admitted into the Christian 
sanctuary without some modifications. Thus the motif of the fratricide 
was too crude and altogether too bloody for the new age, and so a disease 
was substituted for death. It was natural to choose leprosy, partly on 
account of the many parallels in Biblical narrative and sacred history 8 , 

1 Harris, Boanerges, pp. 86, 92, 159, 179, 180. 
1 De Witte, Revue numismatique, 1839, pp. 92-3. 

3 Lactantius, ad Statium, Thebaid., vn, p. 412. 

4 Harris, Dioscuri, p. 42 ; Cult, pp. 80 and 126. 

* M. Albert, Le Culte de Castor et Pollux en Italie, Paris, 1883, p. 46. 

8 Grimm, Der arme Heinrich von Hartmann von der Aue. Berlin, 1815, p. 198 ; Wacker- 
nagel, Der arme Heinrich Herrn Hartmanns von Aue, Basel, 1885, p. 194 ; H. L. Strack, 
Der Blutaberglaube, Miinchen, 1892. 



A. H. KRAPPE 159 

partly because of the wide-spread belief that blood could cure leprosy, 
and partly because leprosy meant social death 1 . But since Amelius 
could not well inflict leprosy on his brother, the disease had to be 
motivated in some manner. Of the reasons alleged in the different 
versions that of the Vita is after all the most natural ; God sends the 
affliction to Amicus in much the same way in which he sends it to 
Miriam 2 , to Gehazi 3 , to King Uzziah 4 , to Job, and to Constantine 5 . It is 
the natural motivation and which suggested itself most readily to a 
monkish chronicler 6 . The episode of the sword thus became useless. 
The incident of the marvellous goblets was likewise dropped, probably 
because it was not thought to fit quite in the new pious frame ; but it 
left some traces. In the chanson de geste, Amelius is warned by a 
dream of the danger threatening his friend. This is an episode which 
occurs in the legend of Saint Andrew 7 , but also in a version of the 
tale of the Two Brothers 8 . Last of all, the twin character of the heroes 
was no longer insisted on, but the simultaneous conception and birth 
remained. 

Those pagan Dioscuri, whether they were Roman or Celt 9 , were un- 
doubtedly very similar to Castor and Pollux, that is, they were thought 
horsemen and warriors. Only thus can it be explained how they became 
heroes of a feudal epic. As was pointed" out by Bedier 10 , Mortara is 
situated on the pilgrim road to Rome, and this no doubt accounts for 
the favour which the legend found with the French minstrels. In this 
new stage it underwent another modification. The figure of the false 
dragon-killer was remodelled, evidently under the influence of the type 
of the conventional traitor in the chansons de geste. 

It is unnecessary to hold Oriental or Byzantine influences responsible 
for the rise of the legend. The motifs which compose the tale of the 
Two Brothers, of which the legend of Amicus and Amelius is but a 
variant, are partly universal, as that of the marvellous conception of the 

1 Num. xii. 12. 2 Num. xii. 10. 

* 2 Kings v. 27. 4 2 Chron. xxvi. 19. 

5 A. Graf, Roma nella memoria e nelle immaginazioni del medio evo, Torino, 1882-3, 
ii, p. 81. 

6 On the Christian, or rather clerical, spirit which pervades the story, cf. Grimm, Der 
arme Heinrich, p. 156 ; Schwieger, op. cit., p. 15. 

7 G. H. Gerould, Saints' Legend*, Boston and New York, 1916, p. 87. 

8 K. Mullenhoff, Sagen, MSrchen und Lieder der Herzogtiimer Schlesicig Holstein und 
Lauenburg, Kiel, 1845, p. 450. 

9 Of the Celts Diodorus Siculus says that they p.a\i<TTa. twv Oewu rout AioaKotipovs : wapa- 
56ffifJt.ov yap ?x eLP a^Tous ex 7raXcuwe xpbvwv riyv tovtuv twv deuiv ivapovcfiav en tqv 'Q,Kea.vov 
ye"ytvf)fiivr)v. 

10 Op. et loc. cit. Cf. also K. Korner, liber die Ortsangaben in Amis und Amiles, Zeitsch. 
f.franz. Spr. u. Lit., xxxin, 1908, p. 195. 



160 The Legend of Amicus and Amelius 

heroes 1 , that of the object indicating the accident 2 , the grateful animals 
and the transformation into stone, and partly found in classical antiquity, 
as the episode of the dragon fight 3 . Nor is there any ground for a theory 
of a Teutonic origin of the legend such as Schwieger proposed 4 . The 
situation of the sanctuary of Mortara in Lombard territory would 
sufficiently account for the small number of Teutonic features which can 
be distinguished in the legend. 

It is true, in the ancient Dioscuri myths which have come down to 
us we do not find the episode of the blood sacrifice. A trace of it may be 
seen in Pollux's cession of half of his immortality to his brother, if we 
remember that in many instances the sacrifice of the children or the 
eldest son takes the place of the sacrifice of their father 5 . Also it should 
be noted that in a Rumanian tale the two brothers are actually called 
the morning and the evening star 6 . 

The Chevalerie Ogier de Danemarche 1 is the only version which 
records the death of the two inseparable friends at the hands of Ogier. 
This version cannot be due to the author of the chanson de geste, as it 
makes its hero appear in an odious light. Since the locality of the 
murder is again Upper Italy, where both the twins and Ogier were well- 
known legendary characters, we must conclude that the version of the 
Chevalerie goes back to a local tradition current in the neighbourhood 
of Mortara and Novara. What was its origin ? 

In the Dioscuri legends of Roman and mediaeval times we look in 
vain for a situation analogous to that of the Chevalerie, where both 
Dioscuri are killed by a hero and a sympathetic character. But there 
exists a very close parallel in Greek legend. Apollonius Rhodius, in the 
first book of his Argonautica, tells the following story: 

1298 nai vv Ktv a^r oiriaa Mvaav eVi yaiav ikovto 
XaiTfia ftirjirafjifvoi, avefiov t aXknuTOP Icotjv, 
el fir) Qpr/iKioLo Suco, tiles' Bopeao 
Alaicidrjv ^aXeTroicrii' (prjTvecrKOV €7Tf<raiv, 
cr^erXtor ' t) re a(piv tTTvyepr) ricris eVAer otricrcra) 
X(pa\v vdy 'HpaK^rjos. o p.iv 8i^€<rdai i'pvuov. 
ddXcov yap YlrjXiao SeSoviroTos «■*//• aviovras 

1 Bolte-Polfvka, op. cit., i, p. 544. 

2 Ibid., p. 545; E. Andr^e, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, N. F., Leipzig, 
1889, pp. 21 ff. ; W. Mannhardt, Wald-und Feldkidte, Berlin, 1904, 'i, p. 48; J. G. Frazer, 
Balder the Beautiful, London, 1913, n, pp. 61, 102, 118. 

3 Bolte-Polivka, op. cit., i, p. 547. 

4 Op. cit., pp. 35-6. 

5 J. G. Frazer, The Dying God, London, 1914, pp. 160 ff. ; Spirits of the Corn and the 
Wild, London, 1914, pp. 13, 24 ff. 

6 M. Kremnitz, Rumcinische Mdrchen, Leipzig, 1883, p. 204. In many versions the 
children have a star on their forehead ; cf . J. G. von Hahn, Griechisclie und albanesische 
Mdrchen, Miinchen, 1918, n, p. 357. 

7 Ed. Barrois, 11. 5847 ff. ; cf . J. BeMier, op. cit., u, p. 182. 



A. H. KRAPPE 161 

Trjvco iv apfpipvTr) neCppev, nai afirjtraTO yaiav 
dp,(p' avTols } (TTrjXas re 8va> nadinrepdev erev^tv, 
a>v ereprj, ddpfios ireptaaiov dvbpdcri Xevacreiv, 
Kivvrai rj^rjevros viro irvoirj ftopeao. 

The resemblances of this episode with the passage of the Chevalerie 
are quite remarkable. They may be stated as follows : 

1. The victims are two young twin brothers. 

2. They are slain by a national hero and a sympathetic character, 

for no adequate reason. 

S. They encounter their slayer on the road, returning from a pious 
mission, the Boreades from the funeral games of Pelias, Amis 
and Amiles from the Holy Land. 

Does there exist any historical connection between the two episodes ? 
The Greek legends occur besides in Apollodorus' Library 1 and in 
Hyginus 2 . The work of Apollodorus was no more known in the Latin 
middle ages than the Argonautica. Hyginus was known in Western 
monasteries 3 . Yet it seems extremely unlikely that mediaeval monks 
should have picked out this story, replaced Hercules by Ogier and the 
Boreades by Amicus and Amelius. But it would be as hazardous to 
declare the resemblances fortuitous. The most probable hypothesis, 
though it can hardly be more than a hypothesis, would be that the 
story of the death of the Dioscuri formed- a part of the old tradition of 
the pagan sanctuary, that the twin divinities, whatever their origin, 
had in Roman times been identified with the Greek Boreades and that 
the death of Zetes and Calais had been grafted on their legend, which 
was all the easier because the Greek Heracles played a very prominent 
part in Italic cults 4 and because Italy was the scene of a large number 
of his exploits 5 . 

It can be said, then, that the legend of Amicus and Amelius is an 
ancient Dioscuric myth which was preserved in a corner of Italy, thanks 
to the accommodating character of the Church which generously ad- 
mitted pagan twins into its shrines, sanctuaries and martyrologies. 
insisting only upon a few minor changes which are not great enough 
really and effectively to conceal the origin of the story. 

A. H. Krappe. 
Flat River, Mo., U.S.A. 

1 in, 15, 2. 2 Fab. 14. 

:! Cf. Manitius, Itheinisches Museum, xlvii, 1892, Erganzungsheft, p. 40. 

4 Cf. Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. i, 40, 6: 7roXXax?7 Se icai aWy 7-tJs 'IraXias avtirai Tt/jJu-q 
T(p 0e<f> /cat /3w/uo2 /cara 7r6Xeu re Wpvvrai Kal Trap 1 65oi$, /cat <nrai>iws, cLv eiipoi ris 'IraXtas xupov, 
Zvda p.T) rvyxdvei Tip.dop.evos 6 6e6s. 

5 Cf. Dion. Hal. op. cit., i, cap. 34 ff., 38-44; Diod. Sic. iv, cap. 20-2; Prop, iv, 9: 
Virg. Am. vm, 201 ff.; Ovid, Fasti, i, 543 ff. 



THE SEVEN SONGS OF MARTIN CODAX. 

The discovery a few years ago by Don Pedro Vindel, the well-known 
bookseller of Madrid, of a manuscript of the seven songs of Martin Codax 
inside the parchment binding of a 14th century codex of Cicero's De 
Ojjiciis is enough to set scholars ripping up the bindings of all their old 
folios. Blessings on the disdain which could use the lyrics of Galicia to 
stiffen the binding of a classic and has thus brought about this delight- 
fully adventurous survival. Although the songs of Codax were already 
known in the Cancioneiro da Vaticana published by Ernesto Monaci in 
1875, the later discovery was of very great value, since the songs in the 
new text arc accompanied by musical notes, and moreover various dis- 
putes as to text and spelling have been set at rest. It is reproduced in 
facsimile at the end of Las Siete Canciones de Amor, edited by Serior 
Vindel (Madrid, 1915), which was followed by important studies on 
Codax and his lyrics by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos and 
D. Eladio Oviedo y Arce. In the Cancioneiro da Vaticana the seven 
songs are numbered 884-890, but the collector may have been in doubt 
as to whether no. 883 : 

A do mui bon parecer 
Mandou lo adufe tanger 

was not also by Codax, since at the end of no. 882 occurs the following 
line, which has perhaps crept into the text from the margin : 
M' Codaz, esta non acho fechada. 
This raises the question as to the form of the name, the meaning of 
which is also doubtful. Codax was one of the humbler singers, an almost 
anonymous jogral. D. Eladio Oviedo y Arce, indeed, made an un- 
successful attempt to convert him into a segrier, wrongly deriving 
segrier from seguir, ' to follow,' and Codax from Italian codazzo, ' follow- 
ing,' ' series.' If one must go to the Italian codazzo, it is more tempting 
to derive the name of the singer of Vigo's sea from it through codaste, 
' stern-post ' (in Portuguese codaste and cadaste). If Codaz is the correct 
form it might mean 'the large-elbowed,' he of the projecting elbows, 
although one is inclined to think that it might refer to a different 
peculiarity : the resemblance of bandy legs to arms akimbo. On the 
whole the shortening of codaste by time may appear the more probable 
and would explain the variants codax, codaz ; it seems at least certain 



AUBREY F. G. BELL 163 

that the x is due to corrupt pronunciation, and the derivation from 
' Codex ' may be dismissed. Whatever the precise form and meaning of 
their author's name, these charming songs form a delightful section in 
what might be a fascinating anthology, a Galician-Portuguese Cancioneiro 
do Mar. These sea-lyrics would begin with King Alfonso X's beautiful 
poem (C. M. 313) and would include the barcarolas of Admiral Pai 
Gomez Charino, Julian Bolseiro (C. V. 774), Roy Fernandez (C. V. 488) 
and other 13th century Galician poets ; the fragmentary C. M. B. 458 : 
Mens olios van polo rio (mar) Mirando van o navio (Portugal), or in 
line 2, Mirando van men amigo (Professor Henry Lang in C.G.C. pp. 140, 
237), or Buscando van Douro e Minho (Professor Carolina Michaelis de 
Vasconcellos in C. A. M. V. ii, 918) ; the Perdia a vista do mar from the 
Fragmento de um cancioneiro do seculo xvi published by the late 
Epiphanio Dias in the Revista Lusitana, vol. iv (1895-6), pp. 142-79 ; 
Bernardim Ribeiro's Pola ribeira de um rio ; Gil Vicente's Remando vao 
remadores, and so on to Senhor Guerra Junqueiro's Mar tenebroso, mar 
pavoroso, Dr Lopes Vieira's Ilhas de Bruma, and the popular quatrains. 
The text of Roy Fernandez' poem, full of the sea's rhythm, should 
certainly be set to music : 

Quand' eu veo las ondas When I watch the sea 

E las mui altas ribas Round the high cliff swelling 

Logo me veen ondas Ever thoughts of thee 

Al cor pola velida : To my heart come welling : 

Maldito sea '1 mare Ah sorrow on the sea 

Que me faz tanto male. That brings such grief to me. 

Nunca veo las ondas And woe for the high cliffs 

Nin las mui altas rocas And waves that know no quelling 

Que me non vennan ondas Still to thoughts of thee 

Al cor pola fremosa : My sad heart compelling : 

Maldito sea '1 mare Ah sorrow on the sea 

Que me faz tanto male. That brings such grief to me. 

Se eu veo las ondas And I watch the sea 

E veo las costeras About the steep rocks swelling 

Logo me veen ondas The dirge unceasingly 

Al cor pola ben feita : . Of my heart's love knelling : 

Maldito sea '1 mare Ah sorrow on the sea 

Que me faz tanto male. That brings such grief to me. 

Centuries before the sea route to India was discovered, medieval 
Galician poets sang of the sea in lyrics filled with a wistful melancholy 
and music. The Galician Has, the lovely waters of Vigo's bay, are pre- 
eminently worthy to be sung ; and Martin Codax, without the use of 
adjectives or any attempts at description, has the true poet's gift of 
making us feel intimately the beauty, even the colour, the transparent 
depths, the swell and foam of the waters of the ria, and the silent charm 



164 The Seven Song a of Martin Codax 

of the solitary church at the water's edge, where many a prayer went up 
for the safe return of those who went down to the sea in ships from the 
little town of Vigo, now a great city. The very first line of the first 
poem ' Ondas do mar de Vigo ' has in it all the rhythmic swell of the 
noontide ocean. Like the other poems, it is of extreme simplicity of 
form and thought, just a cry of the heart expressed in the parallel 
strophes of the cossante : Waves of Vigo's sea, have you seen my love ? 
In the second poem the lover is coming home, and it may seem strange 
that he is ' del rey privado,' but this proves not that Codax was of high 
rank but that his lyrical gift was appreciated by high-placed ladies (the 
cossantes pretend to be composed by women, as originally and among 
the people they no doubt really were). The third poem is somewhat 
unusual because the speaker addresses not only her sister but her 
mother (the meeting with both her lover and her mother in the church 
at Vigo, obtained by reading madr e instead of madre, would be even 
more unusual). The explanation probably is that the mother here, as 
so often in the early lyrics, is regarded as hostile : the daughter implores 
her sister's support, and, having obtained it, turns triumphantly on her 
mother — they are now two to one — and tells her with defiance that she 
is going to meet her lover. These lyrics, simple as they are in expression 
and structure, are sometimes dramatic. The fourth and seventh are 
lonely cries of soedade for the absent lover. The first line of No. 5, half 
barcarola, half bailada, Quantas sabedes amar amigo, faintly recalls the 
more potent music of the almost contemporary Donne ch' avete intelletto 
a" amove. No. 6 is a fascinating religious dance-song, of which the music 
in the newly-discovered text is unfortunately missing. The text of the 
seven songs here given is based on that of the Vindel manuscript : 

I. 

i i 

Ondas do mar de Uigo flowing waves of Vigo's bay 

se uistes meu amigo. Have you seen my love who is gone away ? 

e ay Deus, se uerra cedo ! Ah God, will he soon come to me ? 

ii ii 

Ondas do mar leuado waves, fair waves of the swelling sea, 

se uistes meu amado, Have you seen my lover, woe is me ? 

e ay Deus, se uerra cedo ! Ah God, will he soon come to me ? 

iii iii 

Se uistes meu amigo, Have you seen my love for whom I sigh 

o por que eu sospiro, And sorrowing weep incessantly ? 

e ay Deus, se uerra cedo ! Ah God, will he soon come to me ? 

iv iv 

Se uistes meu amado, Have you seen my lover for whom alway 

por que ei gran coidado, I sorrowing grieve by night and day I 

e ay Deus, se uerra cedo ! Ah God, will he soon come to me ? 



AUBREY F. G. BELL 



165 



II. 



Mandad' ei comigo 
ca uen raeu amigo, 
e irei, madr', a Uigo. 



My love's coming home, 
For his message has come, 
I will hie me, mother, to Vigo. 



Comig' ei mandado 
ca uen mea amado 
e irei, madi'', a Uigo. 



He is coming to-day, 

As his message doth say, 

I will hie me, mother, to Vigo. 



Ca uen meu amigo 
e uen san' e uiuo, 
e irei, madr', a Uigo. 



Coming home presently, 
Safe and well comes he, 
I will hie me, mother, to Vigo. 



Ca lien meu amado 
e uen uiu' e sano, 
e irei, rnadr', a Uigo. 



My love's on the way, 
Well and safe comes to-day, 
I will hie me, mother, to Vigo. 



Ca uen san' e uiuo 

e del rei amigo, 

e irei, madr', a Uigo. 



Safe and well, I wis, 

The King's friendship is his, 

I will hie me, mother, to Vigo. 



Ca uen uiu' e sano 
e del rei priuado 
e irei, madr', a Uigo. 



Well and safe comes to me, 

The King's favourite he, 

I will hie me, mother, to Vigo. 



III. 



Mia yrmana fremosa, treides comigo 
a la ygreia de Uig' ue,o mar salido 
e miraremos las ondas. 



O sister fair, come haste with me 
To Vigo church the waves to see, 
We will look upon the ocean waves. 



Mia irmana fremosa, treides de grado 
a la ygreia de Uig' ueo mar leuado 
e miraremos las ondas. 



Fair sister mine, be fain to go 

To Vigo church where the waves flow, 

We will look upon the ocean waves. 



A la ygreia de Uig' ueo mar salido 
e uerrd y, mia madre, o meu amigo, 
e miraremos las ondas. 



To Vigo church, where the waves beat, 
There, mother mine, my love to meet, 
We will look upon the ocean waves. 



A la ygreia de Uig' ueo mar leuado 
e uerrd y, mia madre, o meu amado, 
e miraremos las ondas. 



To Vigo church where breaks the foam, 
There, mother mine, my love will come, 
We will look upon the ocean waves. 



IV. 



Ay Deus, se sab' ora meu amigo 
com' eu senneira estou en Uigo, 
e uou namorada. 



M. L. II. xvm. 



Ah God, couldst thou, my lover, know , 
In Vigo I so lonely go, 
And all in love, in love go I. 

11 



166 



The Seven Songs of Martin Codax 



Ay Deus, se sab' ora meu amado 
com' eu en Uigo senneira manno, 
e uou namorada. 



Ah God, my love, I fain would tell 
How lonely I in Vigo dwell, 
And all in love, in love go I. 



Com' eu senneira estou en Uigo 
e nullas gardas non ei comigo 
e uou namorada. 



So solitary in Vigo I, 

None watches o'er my privacy, 

And all in love, in love go I. 



Com' eu en Uigo senneira manno 
e nullas gardas migo non trago 
e uou namorada. 



Lonely in Vigo I remain 

And none to guard goes in my train, 

And all in love, in love go I. 



E nullas gardas non ei comigo, 
ergas rneus olios que choran migo, 
e uou namorada. 



None o'er my ways a watch doth keep 
But my two eyes that weep and weep, 
And all in love, in love go I. 



E nullas gardas migo non trago, 
ergas meus olios que choran ambos, 
e uou namorada. 



And none to guard goes in my train 
But my two eyes that weep amain 
And all in love, in love go I. 



Quantas sabedes amar amigo 
treides comig' a lo mar de Uigo 
e bannar nos emos nas ondas. 



All ye who are of love's fair train, 
To Vigo's sea come haste amain, 
We will bathe us in the ocean waves. 



Quantas sabedes amar amado 
treides comig' a lo mar leuado 
e bannar nos emos nas ondas. 



All ye whose hearts love's secret know 
Hasten with me where the sea- waves flow, 
We will bathe us in the ocean waves. 



Treides comigo a lo mar de Uigo 

e ueeremolo meu amigo, 

e bannar nos emos nas ondas. 



Hasten with me to Vigo's sea 
Thither my love will come to me, 
We will bathe us in the ocean waves. 



Treides comigo a lo mar leuado 
e uereemoflo] meu amado, 
e bannar nos emos nas ondas. 



Hasten to where the sea flows free 
And there my lover shall we see, 
We will bathe us in the ocean waves. 



VI. 



Eno sagrado en Uigo 
baylaua corpo uelido, 
amor ei. 



In Vigo and on holy ground 

A body fair danced round and round, 

All in love am I. 



En Uigo no sagrado 
baylaua corpo delgado, 
amor ei. 



In Vigo, in this holy place, 
Danced so slim and full of grace, 
All in love am I. 



Baylaua corpo uelido 
que nunca ouuer amigo, 
amor ei. 



Danced a fair body round and round 
That never had a lover found, 
All in love am I. 



AUBREY F. G. BELL 



167 



Bailaua corpo delgado 
que nunca ouuer amado, 
amor ei. 



Danced so slim and full of grace 
That ne'er had looked upon love's face, 
All in love am I. 



Que nunca ouuer amigo, 
ergas no sagrad' en Uigo, 
amor ei. 



That never had a lover found 
And danced there on holy ground, 
All in love am I. 



Que nunca ouuer amado 
ergas en Uigo no sagrado, 
amor ei. 



That ne'er had looked upon love's face 
And danced in this holy place, 
All in love am I. 



VII. 



Ay ondas que eu uin ueer, 
se me saberedes dizer 
porque tarda meu amigo 
sen mi ? 



Waves that I came to see, 
Ah waves, say unto me 
Why my lover lingers thus 
Away from me. 



Ay ondas que eu uin mirar, 
se me saberedes contar 
porque tarda meu amado 
sen mi 1 



O waves that ebb and swell, 
Will you not to me tell 
Why my love tarries thus 
Away from me ? 

Aubrey F. G. Bell. 



S. JOAO DO ESTORIL, PORTUGAL. 



11—2 



JUDAS' SUNDAY REST. 
I. 

It is altogether pleasant to find, among the mediaeval traditions 
which betray such an obvious delight in heaping damnation upon 
damnation on the head of the Arch-Traitor, the story of Judas' weekly 
respite from the torments of hell. The conception of a Sunday rest is 
indeed oriental, but its transference to Judas Iscariot and the invention 
of a reason for his relief from torture must be credited to Western 
Europe at the very beginning of the Middle Ages. 

In the Vita Sancti Brendani, chapter xxv, it is related that St Brendan 
and his followers were walking abroad during a severe snow-storm, and 
the brothers asked him if the cold of hell was any worse. ' Nos vidimus 
Judam Domini proditorem,' replied the saint, ' in pelago horribili in 
Dominico die flentem et plangentem supra petram asperam et lubricam 
qui nunc mergebatur fluctibus et nunc altior mari modice extra. Unus 
fluctus igneus ab oriente et alius glaceali frigore ab occidente super 
petram veniebat et intingebat terribiliter Judam et haec pena maxima 
sibi requies videbatur. In dominicis enim diebus pro requie sibi de- 
mentia Dei talis locus datur. Quid est igitur esse in inferno 1 ! ' 

The meeting of Judas and St Brendan, which is here very concisely 
told, is narrated at considerable length in the famous Navigatio Sancti 
Brendani. After sailing to the southward for seven days, the voyagers 
came in sight of the Smoky Mountain, and then there appeared on the 
horizon an indistinct little figure. Some thought it was a bird, others 
a ship. ' Steer thither,' ordered St Brendan. When they came near they 
saw a man seated on a rock in the midst of surging waters : before his 
face hung a bit of cloth suspended from two iron forks {furcillae ferreae), 
and the wind flapped it continually in his eyes. Being questioned, the 
figure answered : ' Ego sum infelicissimus ille Judas, negotiator pessimus. 
Non pro merito habeo istum locum, sed pro misericordia ineffabili Jhesu 

1 P. F. Moran, Acta Sancti Brendani, Dublin, 1872, p. 22. This incident is slightly 
different in detail in the Vita Prima Sancti Brendani printed by Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum 
Hiberniae, Oxford, 1910, vol. I, pp. 98 ff. (Judas, p. 147), from two MSS. which are 
variously dated from the first half of the thirteenth century to the end of the fourteenth 
or beginning of the fifteenth century. The earliest Lives of Brendan apparently do not 
contain the Judas episode ; its presence here being due to conflation with the Navigatio 
(see below). 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 169 

Christi. Non mihi computatur penalis iste locus, sed pro indulgentia 
redemptoris et pro honore resurrectionis sue sancte — Mihi enim videtur, 
quando hie sedeo, quasi in paradiso deliciarum sim propter timorem 
tormentorum que ventura sunt mihi in hac vespera.' The infelicissimus 
tells of his hot and cold torments within the Smoky Mountain, along 
with Herod and Pilate and Annas and Caiaphas; only Sundays has he 
release and on certain feast-days. He then implores respite until the 
following dawn : which St Brendan promises. In answer to further 
queries he explains that the rock whereon he sits he had placed across 
a ditch in a highway for the convenience of pedestrians ; the iron forks 
he had given to the Holy Temple 'ad cacabos sustinendos ' ; the cloth 
hanging from them he had given to a leper, yet it is less a protection 
than a hindrance because it was not his own to give. At sunset come 
the devils to carry Judas back to hell ; but St Brendan forbids them to 
do so, and a long altercation follows, in the course of which they put the 
significant question to St Brendan : ' Quomodo invocas nomen Domini 
super ilium cum ipse sit traditor Domini 1 ?' In the morning, however, 
they return, threaten Judas with redoubled torments (which St Brendan 
forbids), and carry him off 'cum magno impetu et ululatu 2 .' 

A much longer version of this episode occurs in another redaction of 
the Navigatio printed by Plummer (n, pp: 270 ff., Judas 285-9) from a 

1 There is no general survey of the 'scholarship' of the Brendan legend. The most 
important recent discussions, which contain abundant bibliography, are : Ward, Catalogue 
of Romances, London, 1893, n, pp. 516 ff.,Wahlund (see below note 2), and Plummer, op. cit., 
i, pp. xxxvi ff. Cf. also Celtic Review, i (1904), p. 135 and v (1909), p. 273; and Romania, 
xxn (1893) , pp. 578 If. The Kev. Denis O'Donoghue's Brendaniana, Dublin, 1893, 2nd ed. 
1895, contains the Irish Life with translation, and translations of both the Latin Vita and 
the usual version of the Navigatio, together with various notes and data on the historical 
Brendan. Although the following study aims to be complete only in what concerns the Judas 
episode alone, I may add here the following details which are not mentioned in the text 
below. Suchier refers to a redaction of the Brendan story in Latin tetrameters in a manu- 
script of Lincoln College, Oxford. Solovev, K% JiereH&a,Wb o6'l> Iyxfe Ilpeji;aTeJ'fe, 
XapLKOBT>, 1895, p. 122, names a Czech remaniement : 'Kronika o sv. Brandanu,' 
Polivka, Drobne prispevky literarne historicke, 1891, p. 107. Solovev devotes several pages 
to Judas' Sunday Best (Chapter VI, pp. 121-36), but his discussion is repetitious and 
wandering, and dependent almost entirely on the articles of Graf cited below. I am in- 
debted to him, however, for a few suggestions. In Poems, Dublin, 1882, Denis Florence 
MacCarthy has turned the Brendan story into verse. Klapper, Exempla aus Handschriften 
des Mittelalters (Sammhmg mittellateinischer Texte, hrsg. von A. Hilka, ii), no. 47, contains 
under the rubric ' An suffragia damnatis prosint ' the Judas episode taken from the longer 
version of the Navigatio (T. F. Crane, Mod. Phil., x (1913), p. 316). In the Latin poem 
of the mediaeval Life of Judas, printed by Mone, Anzeiger, vn (1838), col. 532 ff., and 
reprinted by Du Meril, Poesies populaires latines du moyen age, Paris, 1847, pp. 326 ff., 
there is a passage referring to the Judas episode in the Brendan voyage (reprinted by 
Du Meril, p. 335, n. 4). The Judas incident occurs separately in Irish in the Book of 
Fermoy. A Spanish translation of the Navigatio is sometimes mentioned, but it has not 
been traced. 

2 Carl Wahlund, Die altfranz. Prosailbersetzung von Brendans Meerfahrt, Upsala, 1900, 
pp. 80, 82, 84, 86. The Latin text is a ' Kompromiss-Text ' ; cf. Einleitung, p. lxxxvi. 



170 Judas Sunday Rest 

Bodleian MS. ' of about the end of the ninth century.' In contrast to 
the simple narrative in the usual pedestrian Latin of mediaeval tales, 
this version is elaborate in manner and in detail, uses a large vocabulary, 
and, in a word, is composed in the humanistic manner. Though it is 
about two and a half times longer than the other, it says nothing of the 
cause or origin of Judas' relief, nor of the ineffable mercy of Jesus Christ, 
nor of the iron hooks which Judas gave to the priests ; and it omits the 
long quarrel between Brendan and the devils over allowing Judas the 
few extra hours on his rock. The chief addition is the detailed account 
of Judas' round of tortures : on Monday, he is whirled through the air ; 
on Tuesday, dragged into a valley and bound to a spiked bed ; on Wed- 
nesday, boiled in tar and then roasted ; on Thursday, subjected to terrible 
cold ; on Friday, flayed and rolled in salt, and given melted lead and 
copper to drink; on Saturday, shut in a damp reeking prison 1 . 

St Brendan himself died in 577 or 583. There are various accounts 
of his career dating from the ninth century onwards, but the Navigatio 
is probably not much earlier than A.D. 1000. This work was exceedingly 
popular in the Middle Ages. Eighty manuscripts of the Latin form are 
known, and there are translations into most of the vernacular languages. 
It is not necessary here to enter into a discussion of the origin of the 
legend or its subsequent history 2 . The translations are for the more part 
fairly faithful. In the following account of the vernacular versions I shall 
note only the important variants so far as they concern the Judas episode. 

The earliest translation is from the longer Latin redaction into 
Anglo-Norman verse 3 . It was made about 1125 by a monk named 

1 There are more fundamental differences between the usual form of the Navigatio and 
this longer recension, but they do not appear in the treatment of the Judas incident. For 
a concise statement of other variations cf. Heinrich Calmud, Prolegomena zu einer kri- 
tischen Ausgabe des altesten franzosischen Brendanlebens, Bonn Diss., 1902, pp. 152 ff. 
(Judas, pp. 191-7). 

2 Ward and Wahlund accept essentially Zimmer's theory (Zs. f. d. deutsche Altertum, 
xxxin (1889), pp. 129-220, 257-338; and Sitzungsberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1891, i, 
pp. 279 ff.) that it is based on the Irish Imram Maelduin (itself suggested by Virgil), and 
contains many items of popular tradition, some perhaps from the Orient. Plummer remarks 
that ' the relation of the Maelduin and Brendan stories requires further investigation.' The 
incident in the Imram Maelduin which 'corresponds' to the Judas incident of the Navigatio 
is §33 of Zimmer's analysis (pp. 171 ff.) : The voyagers see something in the distance like 
a white bird on the waves. As they approach they find it is an old man seated on a rock. 
In answer to their questions he tells his story — how he was a thievish cook of the monastery 
of Torach ; how once when he was burying a dead body a voice from the earth commanded 
him to dig the grave elsewhere and promised him eternal life with God ; how afterwards 
he set sail in a new boat, met a man sitting on the water who urged him to throw over- 
board his stolen treasures, gave him seven loaves and a goblet of whey, and bade him stop 
where his boat brought him ; and how he had for a long time been living here on food 
miraculously provided for him. 

3 Published, diplomatico more, in 1875 by Suchier, Romanische Studien, i, pp. 553 ff. 
(Judas begins 1. 1211, p. 580) ; and in 1878 by Francisque Michel, Les Voyages Merveilleux 
de Saint Brandan (Judas, pp. 59 ff.). The same translation, in the Picard dialect of the 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 171 

Benoit, and was dedicated to the second queen of Henry I of England, 
Adelais de Louvain (to whom also Philippe de Thaon dedicated his 
Bestiary). In MS. Cotton, Vespasian D IX, of the late fourteenth cen- 
tury, occurs a rendering of this version back into Latin, in the 'Mini est 
propositum ' stanza (' in zierlichen Reimen/ says Suchier) 1 . A few stanzas 
will illustrate the versifier's talent. Judas on the rock : 

Rupes ibi cornitur : rupis supra pinnam 
Nudus quidam sorciens : sortem inconcinnam 
Culpam dignis planctibus : prosequens malignam 
Culpam indignissimam : omni planctu dignam. 

Nudus ibi residet : herens columpnelle 
Heret ei firmiter : fretum ob rebelle 
Panno tectis vultibus : hie potatur felle 
Felle jjIus quam felleo : fluctus et procelle. 

Judas explains his good deed, and is attacked by the devils : 

Hie obsistit fluctibus : sed non ibi penis 
Agit sic de sumptibus : sumptus alienis 
Lapis mihi subsidens : tantis trito trenis 
Pons est quern exstruxeram : locis in obscenis. 

Patuit periculis : locus plenus ceui 
Pontern hoc de lapide : construens subveni 
Dixit et prosiliunt : demones milleni 
Arrepturi miserum : et minantes seni. 

Rapitur protrahitur : obstat fides sancti 
Obstat reluctantibus : obstant reluctati 
Usque mane parcere : precipit, obstant hii 
Adjuratos obligat : cedunt adjuranti. 

About 1247 there was made an Old French verse rendering of the usual 
Navigatio 2 ; and this was included bodily (1759 verses) in the second 
redaction of the Image du Monde of Gautier de Metz 3 . In the thirteenth 
century the usual Navigatio was also translated twice into Old French 
prose 4 ; and likewise in the thirteenth century it was given a freer Anglo- 
Norman rendering 5 . In all of these translations the Judas incident offers 
no variants of interest. 

first half of the thirteenth century, was published by Auracher, Zs. f. roman. Philol. n 
(1878), pp. 438 ft*. (Judas begins 1. 1162, p. 451). In Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 
xxxix, p. 807, there is a summary of this poem with verse translations. E. Pfitzner, Das 
angloiwrmannische Gedicht von Brendan alt Quelle einer lateinisehen Prosqfassung, Halle 
Diss. , 1910, argues that the writer of the longer Latin redaction was unacquainted with the 
usual Navigatio, and based his work solely on the Anglo-Norman poem. Thus the many 
differences between the two Latin versions would be due to the Anglo-Norman poet. 

1 Published by Moran, op. cit., pp. 45 ft., and by Martin in Haupt's Zeitschrift, xvi 
(1873), pp. 289 ft'. The Judas episode occupies about forty of the 311 stanzas. 

2 Published by A. Jubinal, La Legende Latine de S. Brandaines, Paris, 1836, p. 105. 

3 Cf. C. Fant, Image du Monde, Upsala, 1886, p. 26, and Du Meril, Poesies popidaires 
latines du moyen age, Paris, 1847, pp. 336 ft. 

4 Published byWahlund, op. cit., pp. 3, 5, 7 ff. (= Jubinal, pp. 57 ff.) and pp. 103, 105, 
107 ff. 

5 In British Museum MS. addit. 6524 (mentioned by Suchier, p. 558). Cf. Ward, n, 
pp. 549, 550, who says it was made by Jean Belet in the early fourteenth century. . 



172 Judas Sunday Rest 

There exists in Provencal, in a manuscript of the middle of the 
fifteenth century, a prose translation (based on a Latin text represented 
by the Legenda in Festo Sancti Brendani, printed by Moran), which con- 
tains excerpts from the Navigatio 1 . The Judas episode here occupies 
nearly one fourth of the whole Legenda 2 . 

In Italian there are four prose translations, extant in several manu- 
scripts. Two of these have been published ; one by Fr. Novati 3 , in which 
the Judas incident follows the usual Latin Navigatio ; the other by 
P. Yillari 4 , in which the translator ' ha siffatamente raffazzonato, alterato 
ed allungato il testo, senza retto giudizio e senza fantasia.' Here when 
Brendan asks the wretched man on the rock who he is, Judas replies 
with a rather full narrative of his earthly life, taken not from the longer 
redaction of the Navigatio, but from the general stock of Judas legend. 
' Know that I am dead,' says he, ' and that I am Judas Iscariot. I killed 
my father with a stone. I married my mother without knowing it was 
she, had several children by her, and also was a prosperous merchant, 
and always cheated and kept all the money that came into my hands, and 
was an usurer and a thief e tutto vizioso. Then I put all these things 
away and became an apostle of Jesus Christ. In order that I might 
bring up my children the better, Jesus permitted me to keep the tithe 
of all that was given me, and I did so. And because Mary Magdalen 
wasted the precious ointment... I betrayed my Lord for thirty pence... 
and when I saw him condemned to death I was sorry and returned the 
money, and was so overcome with grief that I went out into a field 
e apiccdmi per la gola a guisa d' uno ladro. And when I died I came 
here.' The remainder agrees with the usual Navigatio, except that to 
the customary days of respite is added All Saints' 6 . 

English has two renderings of the story, one in verse in the Gloucester 
legendary of the late thirteenth century 8 , the other in prose, 'rather 

1 Moran, op. cit., p. 137. 

2 C. Wahlund, Eine altprovenzalische Prosaiibersetzung von Brendans Meerfahrt, in 
Festgabefilr Wendelin Forster, Halle, 1902, pp. 175 ff. 

3 La ' Navigatio Sancti Brendani' inantico Vencziano, Bergamo, 1892 (Judas, pp. 52 ff.). 
Novati thinks that the Italian texts (which agree in the main with the Latin, except for an 
elaborate expansion at the end) derive from a single translation made in the Venetian 
dialect in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. 

4 Antiche Leggende e Tradizioni che illustrano La Divina Commedia, Pisa, 1865, pp. 82 ff. 
(Judas, pp. 96 ff.) ; also in Annali delle Univers. Tosc, vin (1865), pp. 82 ff. 

B The story of Judas' parricide and incest I have discussed in Publ. Mod. Lang. Assoc, 
xxxi (1916), pp. 481 ff. 

6 Ed. C. Horstman, The Early South-English Legendary, E.E.T.S., lxxxvii (1887), 
Brendan, pp. 220 ff. The life of Brendan was printed separately by T. Wright (Percy 
Society, xiv, 1844) ; by O'Donoghue in an appendix (from Wright) ; and with a collation of 
the MSS. by Martha Balz, Die mittelengluche Brendanlegende den Gloucenterlegendars, 
Berlin, 1909. I quote from the last, in which Judas begins 1. 520. 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 173 

confused,' based upon the poem 1 . The Gloucester translation is adorned 
with several moral observations. For example, when Judas explains 
that the cloth does him more harm than good because he bought it 
with stolen money, he adds : ' Here one may see what it is to give away 
other people's money wrongfully, as many rich men are wont every day 
to take from the poor unrighteously and then give it as alms.' And he 
concludes : 

Vewe gode ded ich abbe ido of warn ich mowe telle, 
Ac non so lute, bat ine fynde her ober in helle. 

A characteristic blunder of the prose version is its mistaking the 
' tongen ' of the poem, the hooks which Judas gave to the priests of the 
Temple, for tongues : ' and also there were two oxe tongues and a grete 
stone that he sate on, which dyd hym full grete ease 2 .' 

The Romance translations and the English do not differ greatly from 
the Latin on which they are based, but the German versions offer some 
interesting peculiarities. Of these versions the principal 3 are (1) a 

1 First printed by Caxton in 1483, who inserted it into the Golden Legend ; then by 
Wynkyn de Worde in the Nova Legenda Angliae, 1516 et seq.; reprinted by Wright from 
the 1527 imprint of Wynkyn de Worde. Graesse, 1'resor, i, p. 519, mentions a separate 
print of the Brendan (Suchier). Cf. Ward, n, p. 555. 

2 These tongues were a real benefit to Judas: 'I bought them with myne owne money,' 
says Judas, 'and therefore they ease me, bycause the fysshes of the sea knawe on them 
and spare me.' The verse rendering of the incident by Sebastian Evans is here rather 
moving: 

For He whom the gates of the hells obey, 
Each winter hath granted me here to stay 
From Christmas Eve for a night and a day. 
And this is my paradise, here alone 
To sit with my cloth and tongues and stone, 
The sole three things in the world mine own. 
The cloth I bought from the Lord's privy purse, 
But gave to a leper. It hath this curse, 
That it beats on my skin, but it saves from worse. 
These tongues I gave to the poor for meat, 
In the name of Christ — and the fish that eat 
Thereon as they list, forbear my feet. 

This stone I found by a road where it lay, 
And set for a step in a miry way ; 
Therefore sit I on stone, not ice, this day ! 

On the mediaeval virtue of road-mending see Skeat's note on Piers Plowman, Oxford, 
1886, ii, p. 119. 

It is interesting to note that these tongues reappear in Lady Gregory's vivid telling of 
the story: 'And there was a cloth tied to his chin and two tongues of oxen with it.' 
(A Book of Saints and Wonders, London, 1907, 'Voyage of Brendan,' pp. 185 ff.) The 
significance of the original furcae ferreae is not very clear, and of course the ox tongues 
do quite as well so far as the story is concerned. Another curious variant appears in the 
account of Brendan given by the Rev. John O'Hanlon, Lives of the Irish Saints, Dublin, 
[n.d.], vol. v, p. 434: 'He had a cloth tied about his head, and holding a javelin in his 
hand, he seemed hanging between two iron forceps, and tossed about by the waves, like a 
vessel labouring in a storm.' This author has a few other similar variants. 

3 To which may be added: a Low German prose version in the Passional, Lubeck, 1488; 
a High German translation of this by Valentin Forster, Magdeburg, 1603 (Keller, 'A Itfranz. 



174 Judas Sunday Rest 

Middle High German poem of the twelfth century, (2) a somewhat con- 
densed and confused rifacimento of this in Low German in a kind of 
rough verse, (3) a Netherlandish poem of the twelfth century, and (4) 
a High German prose redaction of the late fifteenth century frequently 
reprinted as a Volksbuch 1 . The exact interrelations of these four are 
not clear. Suchier argues that (1), (2), and (4) are independent redactions 
of a lost Middle Frankish original; Bonebakker, on the other hand, thinks 
the Netherlandish poem is based on a High German text related to that 
printed by Schroeder. However this may be, the first three and a special 
recension of the Volksbuch represent essentially the same version. Judas 
is discovered seated upon a glowing rock; one side of him is frozen so hard 
the flesh is scaling off, and on the other side he is burned by the rock 2 . 
His only protection is ein wi}e% twehelin. A striking addition to Judas' 
usual complaint is his remorse for having lost faith in God's forgiveness 
— the mediaeval sin of desperatio. 

Het ich gehabet ruwe, 
Got der ist so getruwe, 
Er hette mich entphangen drat 3 . 

After hearing of his sufferings, Brendan wishes to pray for Judas, but 
Judas declares it is useless, for God will never relent. Another notable 
difference of the German versions is the omission of Judas' second and 
third good deeds : only his charity of the garment is mentioned — but 
the Netherlandish poem enhances this with the following bit of edifica- 
tion : t 

Sagen, n, 1, Tubingen, 1840) ; and a translation by the Bavarian, Johann Hartlieb, who 
died in 1471 or 1474 (Paul's Grundriss, n, i 2 , 344) ; and translations also by Eollenhagen, 
Kosegarten, and A. von Keller (Schroeder, pp. xviif.). A Dutch translation of the usual 
Latin Navigatio is found in a manuscript of the second half of the fifteenth century; 
published by H. E. Moltzer, Leven ende Pelgrimadse den, Heiligen Abts Brandanus (Biblio- 
theek van Middelnederlandsche Letterkunde, xlv, Groningen, 1891), Judas, pp. 32 ff. On 
the Dutch versions of Brendan see J. Bergsma, Bijdrage tot de loordingsgeschiedenis en de 
critiek der middelnederlandsche Brandaenteksten, Groningen, 1887. 

1 The first, second, and fourth of these were published by C. Schroeder, Sonet Brandon, 
Ein lateinischer und drei deutsche Texte, Erlangen, 1871. The third has been frequently 
edited, last by E. Bonebakker, Amsterdam, 1894. 

2 Compare the Acta S. Brendani quoted above, p. 169. This form of torture is very 
common. It is found in the hell of the Buddhists, in the Book of Enoch (whence perhaps 
its entrance into western Christian tradition), and in the Visio Paidi (ed. Brandes, pp. 66, 
67 and note). Cf. E. J. Becker, Contributions to the Comparative Study of the Mediaeval 
Visions of Heaven and Hell, Baltimore, 1899. Solovev cites Bautz, Die Holle, Mainz, 1882, 
p. 183. Cf. Job xxiv, 19. 

3 Middle High German poem, 11. 977 ff. Schroeder, in a note, p. 114, quotes from 
Leyser, Pred.,34, 31: 'Da3 dritte ist desperado... da3 du lichte zwiveles an gote...tustu da3 
so tiistu als Cayn und Judas, die da biede ewicliche vertiimet sint und verlorn : wanne 
hetten sie genade gesucht an gote, so hetten sie genade an im vunden.' Wahlund (op. cit., 
p. 255) mentions in this connection an interesting remark by Verlaine: 'Je dis que Judas 
est damn£; mais pas pour avoir livre le Christ; non, pas pour cela. II est damne pour 
s'etre pendu de d^sespoir, pour avoir mis en doute l'inhnie misericorde de Dieu. ' (Revue 
bleue, Aug. 22, 1896.) Compare also the splendid scene between Judas and Desesperance 
in Jehan Michel's Passion, as well as the incident in Huon de Bordeaux (p. 177, below). 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 175 

Al en mach het also vele niet sijn, 

Als oft met rechte mijn hadde ghezijn, 

Nochtan helpet mi, heere, 

Harde vele meere 

Jeghen desen heeten brant, 

Om dat ict selve gaf metter hant, 

Dan mi nu holpe alle die have, 

Al waert dat mense over mi gave, 

Die nu in der weerelt es ;— 

Dies moghedi sijn ghevves. 

So wel helpt dat goet 

Dat die meinsche selve doet 

Ende dat hi selve gheeft 

Al die wijle, dat hi leeft ; 

Want achter weldade 

Com men dicwile spade, 

Ende datmen near dleven doet, 

Dat heeft aermen spoet 

Te helpene, die selve niet en gheeft 

Dor Gode die wijle, dat hi leeft. 

The Low German poem follows its original in the main, but abbre- 
viates and alters the arrangement somewhat. And one of the chapbooks 
(the last in Schroeder's list, p. xvi) belongs to the same tradition in 
omitting Judas' other two acts of kindness. The usual prose recension, 
however, of which Schroeder mentions twelve prints down to 1521, while 
it agrees for the most part with the German versions in contradistinction 
to the other vernacular versions, records With great fullness all three of 
Judas' virtuous deeds : 

Besunder so koment mir dise drei guottat so ich begangen hab, mit sambt den 
genanten tuochlein auch zuo hilf an nieinem leiden, als ich dir sagen und erzelen 
wil. Es was ein tieffe gruob in der stat zn Jherusalem, darein vielen bei der nacht 
die lewt und das vich, und es was niemand so barmhertzig das er die selben gruoben 
zuofiillet, das solicher schade nicht geschah : wann ich nam stein holtz und ertrich 
und machet die selben gruoben zuo. Das ander guot werck das ich tat : man machet 
einen umbhang in den tempel zuo Hierusalem, da zeran tuochs an, das gab ich 
darzuo damit das der umbhang volbracht ward. Es zerunnen auch zweier eifmin 
hacken daran man den selben hencken solt : die liefi ich machen und bracht die zuo 
wegen das der selbig umbhang gehenckt ward *. 

II. 

The marvellous story of St Brendan's voyage, popular as it was in 
the Middle Ages, copied and recopied in the manuscripts, translated 
and retranslated in the vernaculars, has never found favour with the 
more critical members of Holy Church. The Bollandists have of course 
rejected it ; and even Vincent de Beauvais, who set down in his thirteenth- 
century encyclopedia many a tale that staggers the imagination, called 
it ' deliramenta apocrypha.' To the mediaeval story-lovers, however, it 
held a double attraction ; it contained elements of the other-world vision 

1 Schroeder, p. 180. 



176 Judas Sunday Rest 

literature, and it had all the fascination of a wonderful journey through 
strange seas in search of the promised land. Yet of all the miraculous 
adventures that befell St Brendan and his monks, it is the discovery of 
lonely Judas on his wave-swept rock that seems to have made the 
deepest impression on the mind and memory of the readers. Not merely 
is it one of the very few incidents to be borrowed from the Navigatio 
during the Middle Ages ; it is also the only incident that has survived 
into modern literature, when all the other events of the voyage have 
been forgotten. 

If time is a test, certainly the conception of Judas freed for a moment 
from the pangs of everlasting torment was a work of real creative imagi- 
nation. But though the conception itself has lived, the original setting 
has undergone a change. Matthew Arnold writes a very mediocre poem 
on this Judas episode and names it ' Saint Brandan.' Once a year, on 
Christmas night, Judas arises from ' the sinners' lake ' and cools his 
' burning breast ' on a white iceberg. 

That furtive mien, that scowling eye, 
Of hair that red and tufted fell — 
It is — Oh, where shall Brandan fly ? — 
The traitor Judas, out of hell ! 

Palsied with terror, Brandan sate ; 
The moon was bright, the iceberg near. 
He hears a voice sigh humbly : ' Wait ! 
By high permission I am here.' 

There is no need to quote further. Perhaps Arnold was interested in 
the 'moral' of the story ; but 'morals' and poetry dwell on different stars. 
Again Judas appears on an iceberg 1 — most probably a direct reminiscence 
of Arnold — in Mr Kipling's ' The Last Chantey.' And one must confess 
that the later poet comes nearer attaining the artistic effect that the 
situation deserves. When God proposed to fulfil his prophecy of de- 
stroying the sea, Judas was the first to object: 

Then said the soul of Judas that betrayed Him : 
' Lord, hast Thou forgotten Thy covenant with me ? 
How once a year I go 
To cool me on the floe ? 
And Ye take my day of mercy if Ye take away the sea ! ' 

But even in the Middle Ages the picture of Judas on his rock was 
taken from the Brendan frame and made the basis of a separate incident 
in two of the French romances, Baudouin de Sebourc and the continua- 
tion of Huon de Bordeaux known as Esclarmonde. In one of their 

1 The iceberg motif may be an extension of the freezing which Judas suffered in the 
German versions ; or, more probably, it arose from a confusion with Dante's picture of Judas 
in the icy pit of hell. 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 177 

innumerable adventures Baudouin and Poliban come upon an island of 
terrible appearance, which they discover to be the entrance of hell. 
There they hear pitiful cries issuing from a thicket, and Baudouin asks 
who it is. ' My name is Judas,' replies the voice. ' What,' says Poliban, 
' am I now in hell ? ' ' No,' answers Judas : 

Trestous les samedis qui sont de grant valour 

Et le dymenge aussi sui chi trestoute jour. 

Le lundi au matin revois en mon labour 

En enfer, ou deable me boutent en lor four. (15,365 ff.) 

Poliban inquires how this can be. Then Judas explains that the rock is 
granted him in return for a plank which he put across a large stream 
to save the people from loss ; thus he has a respite every Saturday. He 
enjoys the Sunday holiday because he once, out of pity, gave all the 
money he had to a ' ladre de maladie enclos.' Then hell is described, 
with its three divisions, one for unbaptized infants, another for infidels 
and suicides, the third (in which Judas is placed) for murderers and 
other great criminals. Poliban proceeds to pick a quarrel with Judas, 
and when the devils catch sight of him he and Baudouin have difficulty 
in escaping to their ship. Poliban in fact is so frightened that he vows 
to receive baptism as soon as he reaches a Christian land, and in honour 
of this event he takes the name of Brendqn 1 . 

In Esclarmonde 2 the Judas episode is not only a direct borrowing 
from the Brendan legend, but is probably also influenced by the incident 
in Baudouin de Sebourc 3 . After his fight with the Emperor, Huon with- 
draws quietly to Bordeaux, takes ship, and is soon on the open sea. 
Before long, however, the ship is drawn from its course and the steers- 
man confesses he does not know where they are. Looking across the 
ocean in despair Huon perceives 

Vne grant piece de toile sor la mer 
& voit les ondes a la toile hurter 
& redoissier & arrier retourner 
Voient I home cjtre la toile ester 

1 Histoire Litteraire, xxv, pp. 574 ff. That the Brendan story furnished the basis of 
this incident is clear from the author's general acquaintance with Brendan (cf. vol. i, 123, 
302, vol. ii, 54, 61-64, 66, 68, 70-73 of the Valenciennes edition, 1841) as well as from the 
direct mention of the saint in this context. I have not seen Kleinschmidt, Das Verhaltni* 
von 'Baudouin de Sebourc'' zu dem. . .' Brandan,' Gottingen Dissertation, 1908. 

2 Edited by Max Schweigel, Marburg, 1889, in Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem 
(iebiete, der romanischen Philologie, lxxxiii. Of this continuation of Huon de Bordeaux 
there are two redactions in verse and one in prose. Cf. C. Voretzsch, Die Composition des 
Huon von Bordeaux (Epische Studien, i), Halle, 1900, and Fritz Klauber, Characteristik 
unci Quellen des altfranz. Gedichts Esclarmonde, Heidelberg Dissertation, 1913. Lord 
Berner's translation was made from the French edition of 1545. 

3 Klauber argues for this point. There are obvious similarities between these two 
versions of the story in which they differ from the usual tradition. 



178 Judas Sunday Rest 

Dusqua la teste fu en mer affondres 
Les iex auoit de la teste bendes 
Sestoit plus noirs quarremens destepres 
• Tousiours crioit caitis maleures 
Pour coi nasqui je quant tant ai de laste. (996 ff.) 

Huon and the steersman ask who he is, and he answers that he is Judas. 
He had not dared pray God for mercy, and so he was placed here for 
punishment. And here, with all the water of the whirlpool rushing over 
him, he must remain until the end of the world, — but he has some pro- 
tection from the piece of sail : 

Cun poi de bie li mies caitis cors na 

De cele toile que vous vees ila 

h6s mo vizage Jesucris mize la 

De ces grans ondes souuet defiedu ma 

Dendroit la toile nul mal ne me fera. (1038 ff.) 

Then Judas warns them of the Magnetic Mountain, and they depart 1 . 

The Marquis of Bute, in a lecture on Brendan's Fabulous Voyage - 
suggests that such a subject as this of Judas ought not to be treated at 
all. One wishes he had made clear his reasons for such an opinion ; for 
certainly the solitary figure of the great sinner, wave-buffeted and 
remorse-smitten, trying to enjoy his momentary relief from eternal 
punishment, might well move the mind with tragic pity and terror. 
But we may agree with the Marquis — though it is dangerous to com- 
pare a nameless tenth-century monk with Dante — that when we place 
this picture of Judas beside Dante's picture of Judas ground between 
Lucifer's teeth, we must admit that the ' Irish fabulist ' has done better. 

III. 

It is now well known that the belief in a periodic respite for the 
damned souls is of ancient Jewish origin 3 and seems to have sprung from 

1 In the prose version, of which Lord Berner's translation (ed. S. L. Lee, E.E.T.S., 
E.S., xl, xli, xliii, l, 1882-1887) is very close, Chapter CVIII is entitled, 'How Huon 
aryued on the perelous Goulfe, whereas he spake with Iudas, and howe he aryued at the 
porte of the Adamant.' Huon is struck with terror as they approach the gulf, where all 
the waters of the world surge together, for it is one of the entrances of hell. But, as it 
happens, at this moment the gulf is full, and they are able to sail over it without harm. 
Huon and his company kneel and thank God. Huon then sees beside him a great piece of 
canvas, and hears a voice complaining. The pilot asks who he is. No reply. Huon asks. 
Judas answers at great length. He is fluent and talkative, and insists by fourfold repetition 
that ' if he had trusted in God's great mercy all his trespass would have been forgiven him.' 
(This idea, both here and in the verse redaction, echoes the German versions.) Huon urges 
Judas still to ask mercy. Judas answers that he is damned for ever ; and exhorts Huon to 
hasten from the Perilous Gulf. 

2 Scottish Review, xxi (1893), pp. 371 ff. 

3 On this subject see chiefly A. Graf, Giomale storico della lett. ital., xi (1888), pp. 344 ff .; 
A. Graf, Miti, leggende e superstizioni del medio evo, Turin, 1892, i, pp. 241 ff. ; and I. Levi, 
Revue des Etudes Juives, xxv (1892), pp. 1 ff., and xxvi (1893), pp. 131 ff. Cf. also 
Batiouchkof, Romania, xx (1891), pp. 1 ff., 513 ff., especially pp. 44 and 560. There is an 
Irish tradition that all the souls in suffering are released yearly for forty-eight hours com- 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 179 

a feeling that the Sabbath ought to be a day of rest for the dead as well 
as for the living. In the ninth century it was already a popular custom 
to add on Saturday a prayer for the prolongation of the relief which the 
damned were supposed to be enjoying; and the conception itself may 
be traced as far back as the Visio Pauli, composed probably by the end 
of the fourth century 1 . It was certainly through this work that the idea 
became current among the Christians of the West. Among the earliest 
witnesses of this heresy (for it was never sanctioned by Rome) are 
St Augustine and the poet Prudentius (348-408 ?). The former says in 
his Encheiridion, cap. cxii : ' poenas damnatorum, certis temporum inter- 
vallis existiment, si hoc eis placet, aliquatenus mitigari.' And in the 
following chapter : ' Manebit ergo sine fine mors ilia perpetua damna- 
torum, idest alienatio a vita Dei, et omnibus erit ipsa communis, quilibet 
homines de varietate poenarum, de dolorum revelatione vel intermissione 
pro suis humanis motibus suspicientur.' The verses of Prudentius run : 

Sunt et spiritibus saepe nocentibus 
Poenarum celebres sub Styge feriae 
Ilia nocte sacer qua rediit Deus 
Stagnis ad superos ex Acheroutiis... 

Marcent suppliciis tartara mitibus, 
Exultatque sui corporis otio 
Umbrarum populus, liber ab ignibus, 
Nee fervent solito flumifia sulphure 2 . 

Graf notes many instances of the general belief, from the sixth 
century onwards, in a single day's respite for the damned, usually the 
day of Christ's resurrection; and he is right in observing that the respite 
would naturally be extended and transferred in the course of time from 
groups of persons to individuals. For example, Charlemagne saw in a 
vision his father Louis standing in boiling water one day and in clear 

mencing on Holy Eve (Folk-Lore, x (1899), p. 121). For Germany cf. also Fischart, 
Binenkorb, n, viii (ed. 1581, p. 114 a ). For the Orient cf. A. Wiinsche, Der Babylouische 
Talmud, Leipzig, 1886-89, ii, 3, p. 113: Am Sabbath steigt kein Rauch vom Grabe des 
Sunders, denn am Sabbath feiert auch die Holle ' (Zs. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde, n (1892), 
p. 297). For a Slavic account of the Virgin Mary's intercession for the damned, whereby 
their punishment was remitted between Green Thursday and Pentecost, see M. Gaster, 
Greeko-Slavonic Literature, London, 1887, pp. 59-61. On the early history of the Hebrew 
Sabbath cf. Hutton Webster, Rest Days, New York, 1916, chap. VIII. 

1 Cf. II Cor. xii, 2-4. (Nevertheless Paul wrote down his vision, but buried it under 
his house in Tarsus. In the time of the Emperor Theodosius an angel revealed its existence 
to one who dwelt in the house.) The original is supposed to have been in Armenian ; but 
according to Abbe le Hir (cited by Levi) it was the work of a Palestinian monk of the fifth 
century. It is now extant in Greek, Latin, and Syriac; cf. Tischendorf, Apocal. Apocryph., 
Leipzig, 1866, pp. 34-69. Cf. also Ward, Catalogue of Romances, n, pp. 397 ff. There is 
an attempted reconstruction of the original by Hermann Brandes, Halle, 1885. Cf. also 
Brandes, Uber die Quellen der mittelenglischen Versionen der Paulus- Vision, in Eng. Stud., 
vn (1884), pp. 34 ff. 

2 Cathemerinon, v. Cf. Rosier, Der kathol. Dichter Aurelius Prudentius Clemens, 
Freiburg im B., 1886, on the diffusion of this belief. 



180 Judas Sunday Rest 

tepid water the next, all through the prayers of St Peter and 
St Remigius 1 ; and King Comarchus, in Tundal's vision, was tormented 
for only three hours a day 2 . 

We have here then very clearly the ultimate source of Judas' tem- 
porary rest; though Cholevius oddly enough found in the Brendan 
incident a reminiscence of Orpheus, who lightened by his singing the 
pains of Tantalus and Ixion. The express mention of Judas' days of 
relief, from Saturday evening to Sunday evening, corresponds closely, 
mutatis mutandis, to the Hebrew tradition of the Sabbath respite. The 
extension of the period to include certain church holidays was a natural 
elaboration due to Christian influence, and the additional few hours won 
for Judas by Brendan's intercession merely enlarge that tradition 3 . 

What, however, is much more interesting is the fact that Judas 
should be chosen for an example of the divine mercy. The author of 
the Navigatio must have been somehow conscious of this peculiarity: 
witness the question of the devils to St Brendan, 'Why do you invoke the 
name of the Lord in behalf of him who betrayed the Lord ?' Elsewhere in 
mediaeval literature and popular tradition, as indeed in the Gospels, 
Judas is despised and accursed. The Hebrew belief applies to all souls 
who have gone to the doloroso regno, regardless of special merit, and 
the lightening of Judas' punishment is due (as he explains) solely to 
the ineffable indulgence of our Lord. Why is this indulgence shown 
to Judas, and not to ' Herod and Pilate and Annas and Caiaphas,' his 
fellows in hell ? Moreover, the bit of cloth, the iron hooks, and the rock, 
by which Judas is both blessed and tortured, are details without founda- 
tion in the New Testament, and must have been imagined for him in 
accord with the belief that a good deed in this life has its due reward 
in the next, even though the deed is not altogether pure. We return 
then to the problem, why Judas should be singled out among the arch- 
sinners for temporary comfort from the pains of hell, and why the kindly 
acts should have been invented for him. 

1 Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., v, p. 458 (Graf). 

2 Schade, Visio 1'nugdali, Halle, 1869, pp. 18, 27. On Tundal see 0. Mausser, Fine 
Fahrt durch die Reiche des Jenseits, in Walhalla, vi, pp. 200-71 ; and KatuZniacki, Zur 
Litteratur der Visionen in der Art der Visio Tundali, in Arch. f. slav. Phil., xvi (1894), 
pp. 42-6. 

3 The Virgin Mary's intercession with her Son in behalf of sinners is familiar ; and 
there is the particular tale mentioned above. Solovev points to the analogy between such 
tales and the Judas incident, and suggests that the latter was influenced by the former, 
especially inasmuch as Judas is freed ' on all the holidays sacred to the Blessed Virgin ' 
(p. 135). The analogy is clear ; some connection is not improbable; but in view of the facts 
that the Sabbath respite is a very old tradition (which Solovev seems not to have known) , 
and that the earlier texts of the Navigatio do not emphasize the festivals of Mary but 
rather each Sunday as Judas' rest days, it is very unlikely that this incident of Judas was 
inspired or directly suggested by the Virgin's intercession for other sinners. 



PAULL FRANKLIN BAUM 181 

All that can be offered for answer to this question is mere hypothesis. 
Grafs distinction between theology of sentiment and doctrinal theology 
is helpful ; and there is something in the suggestion of P. Douhaire : 
' L'idee d'une damnation a jamais irrevocable affligeait l'imagination tout 
evangelique des hommes du moyen-age ; ils voulaient esperer centre 
toute esperance dans le retour du pecheur; et quand ce retour etait 
impossible, quand la damnation etait consommee, ils faisaient violence 
a la rigidite du dogme th6ologique pour faire descendre dans leternel 
sejour des supplices l'intervention fraternelle des prieres du juste. N'est- 
ce pas ainsi, en effet, qu'ils font suspendre quelque temps les souffrances 
de Judas par les prieres de saint Branden ? Ecoutez la legende du 
traitre et voyez tout ce qu'il y avait de misericord e dans le coeur de ces 
simples chretiens du onzieme et du douzieme siecle 1 .' 

One would like to think that in contrast to the popular imagination 
of the Middle Ages, which regarded Judas as the image and emblem of 
all wickedness, there were some few in whom the Christian spirit of 
mercy and forgiveness was abundant enough to include the sinner 
of sinners, some who would pray : ' Father, forgive him, for he knew not 
what he did,' and who would believe that one whom the Master had 
chosen must be worthy of some sympathetic feeling of charity. If there 
is nothing in the earliest versions of the Brendan legend to suggest a 
meeting with Judas at the Smoky Mountain, why did a tenth-century 
redactor add it unless to register a conviction that the lovingkindness of 
Jesus had embraced Judas ? 

It is of course the custom of scholars to hunt out a source for every 
detail of popular tradition, and it is generally true that ideas can be 
followed back from one context to another until a probable causa causans 
is found. It is even possible to suggest a 'source' for this figure of 
Iscariot freed temporarily from the intense sufferings of the damned. 
But scholars are somewhat prone to overlook the peculiarities of the 
human mind, and to forget that the same notion often comes in- 
dependently to different persons ; and they are sometimes unwilling 
to recognize the importance of the individual fancy or feeling of men 
whose names have not survived. It is therefore entirely possible that 
the innominate monk who produced the present version of the Navigatio 
did himself invent the incident of Judas, having in mind for a point of 
departure merely the tradition that some of the doomed souls were 
allowed moments of respite from the eternal torment. Nowadays he 

1 Cour» de Vhutoire de la poesie chretienne, in L' Universite Catholique, vn (1839), p. 282 
(quoted by Wahlund, pp. 254-5). 

M.L.R.XVIII. 12 



182 Judas Sunday Rest 

would not fail to provide that his name should be preserved with his 
work, but before the Renaissance, although individuals existed as they 
do now, anonymity was the rule in authorship. One may furthermore, 
by the same hypothesis, attribute to the same man the invention of 
Judas' charity to the leper, the gift of the iron hooks, and the laying 
of the stone across the highway. 

If, on the other hand, one wishes to seek historic reasons for this 
Christian attitude toward Judas, one may find it, strangely enough, 
among the early opponents of Christianity. Now it is certain that some 
ideas perilously near heresy itself filtered into the minds of the early 
fathers from their contact with Gnostic teachings; and one of the 
Gnostic sects, the Cainites, is known to have specially reverenced Judas 
Iscariot 1 . The importance of this in the present connection lies in the 
fact that the lost Greek version of the Visio Pauli is mentioned by 
Epiphanius in his Adversus Haereses under the heading ' Adv. Caianos ' 
(38) 2 and Epiphanius is among those who were charitable in their 
judgment of Judas. Moreover, the other Greek version of the Visio 
Pauli, that which is now extant, is mentioned by Augustine (in his 
98th Tract on the Gospel of John), who was himself far from condemning 
Judas utterly 3 . The nexus is admittedly very tenuous, but after all 
proper allowance is made for coincidence and for our fragmentary know- 
ledge of the whole matter, it remains a possibility with some slight show 
of probability that the germ of this conception of Judas' periodic respite 
is to be found among those early fathers who knew both the Jewish 
belief recorded in the Visio Pauli and the Gnostic admiration for Judas 
Iscariot. It is but a single step to combine the two ideas into a notion 
that Judas himself was honoured, through the grace of our Lord, with 
a remission of punishment every Sabbath. And this notion may well 
have persisted, though we have now no documentary evidence, until the 
anonymous author of the complete Navigatio Sancti Brendani gave it 

permanence. 

Paull Franklin Baum. 
Durham, North Carolina, U.S.A. 

1 Cf. Tertullian, Liber de Praescriptione, 47 (ed. Leopold, Leipzig, 1841, in, p. 35). On 
the Cainites, see e.g. Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlicheii Litteratur, Leipzig, 1893, i, i, 
p. 163. 

2 M.S.G., xli, col. 656. 

3 Augustine says that in betraying Jesus Judas did quite the same thing that God and 
Christ did, except that Judas acted from a different motive Judas was but an instrument 
by which God wrought the salvation of mankind — ' nesciente scienter utebatur ' (in Joan. 
Ev. Tract, lv, 4 (ed. Paris-, 1837, in, 1, 2216) ; cf. also iv, 1, 922; iv, 2, 1457; v, 97, etc.). 



THE GERMAN INFLUENCE ON COLERIDGE. 

II 1 . 
Coleridge and Herder. 

Herder's views are so different from those of Kant that one might 
expect to find nothing in common between Herder and the Kantian 
Coleridge. There is, however, a little in common. We have no need to 
hunt for evidence that Coleridge studied Herder 2 . In the British Museum 
there is a copy of the Kalligone which was once in Coleridge's possession 
and contains marginal notes in his handwriting 3 . We may take it for 
granted that Coleridge could not have been long in Gottingen without 
being urged to read Herder. At Gottingen Coleridge went to Heyne 4 
for his reading matter. Heyne was a great friend of Herder's ; much of 
their correspondence is preserved, and from their letters we learn that 
they were interested in and admired each other's work, and exchanged 
their publications. Heyne would naturally highly recommend Herder's 
work to an Englishman interested in literary criticism. 

We should expect Von Deutscher Art und Kunst 5 to appeal to J 
Coleridge. He would welcome the denunciation of those critics who 
were still judging Shakespeare's works by Aristotelian (or pseudo- Aris- 
totelian) rules, and would agree with Herder's proposition, ' Sophokles 
Drama und Shakespears Drama sind zwei Dinge, die in gewissem Be- 
tracht kaum den Namen gemein haben 6 .' 

Herder was the first critic to discuss Greek drama and Shakespearean \ 
drama historically, and to ascribe the differences to the fact that the two 
kinds of drama arose under different conditions. Coleridge treats this 
subject in much the same way. Herder says that the Greeks produced 

1 Continued from Modem Language Review, vol. xvn, p. 281. 

2 In his Biographia Literaria (chap, xi) Coleridge states that Herder ' combined the 
successful pursuit of the Muses... with the highest honours... of an established profession.' 

3 In one passage, dated Malta, Dec. 19, 1804, he expresses disgust at Herder's attacks 
on Kant in the Kalligone and in the Metakritik, and mentions as some of Herder's ' better J 
works the Ideen zur Philosophic der Geschichte der Menschheit, Briefe das Studium der 
Theologie betreffend, and ' Vermischte Bliitter'' (? Zerstreute Blatter). 

4 For Heyne see below. 

5 See below for evidence that Coleridge knew Goethe's contribution to this volume as 
well as Herder's. 

6 Herders Werke (edited Suphan), v, p. 210. Coleridge, comparing Shakespeare's 
dramas with those of Sophocles, says they are ' a different genus, diverse in kind not 
merely different in degree ' (Notes, p. 204). 

12—2 



184 The German Influence on Coleridge 

the manifold from the simple ; Shakespeare united the manifold to a 
whole. Thus in Greek drama we find the unities of time and place 
observed. Coleridge says that the deviation from the simple forms and 
unities of the ancient stage is an ' appropriate excellence ' of modern 
drama, ' for these unities were to a great extent the natural form of that 
which in its elements was homogeneous 1 .' 

The similarity of the following views, especially their similar pre- 
sentation, is striking. Coleridge, dealing with Shakespearean criticism, 
remarks that some critics hold ' after Corneille and Racine, that So- 
phocles is the most perfect model for tragedy and Aristotle its most 
infallible censor. . .that Shakspere was a sort of irregular genius 2 ,' that 
other critics admit ' the splendour of the parts,' which compensates, ' if 
aught can compensate for the barbarous shapelessness. . .of the whole 3 / and 
admit 'islands of fertility' which 'look the greener from the surrounding 
waste 4 .' These other critics, Coleridge says, are ' Shakspere's own com- 
mentators and (so they would tell you) almost idolatrous admirers 5 .' 
herder also contrasts the critics; he says that Shakespeare's boldest 
snemies have mocked him, comparing him unfavourably with Sophocles 
and Corneille, whilst his boldest friends have satisfied themselves with 
excusing him, 'seine Schonheiten nur immer mit Anstoss gegen die 
Regeln zu wagen, zu kompensieren, ihn als Angeklagten das Absolvo 
zu erreden, und denn sein Grosses desto mehr zu vergbttern, je mehr 
sie uber Fehler die Achsel ziehen mussten 6 .' 

Coleridge remarks that ' even whole nations ' are often ' enslaved to 
the habits of their education ' and thus do not judge correctly 'on sub- 
jects of taste and polite literature.' For 'instead of deciding. ..by any 
rule of reason, nothing appears rational, becoming, or beautiful to them, 
but what coincides with the peculiarities of their education 7 .' Thus it 
has happened that 'whole nations have combined' in condemning Shake- 
speare 8 . Herder says that just as children are not governed by reason, 
but by their general training and habits, ' so sind ganze Nationen in 
Allem, was sie lernen, noch weit mehr Kinder,' and thus err in judgment 
of literature 9 . 

1 Notes, p. 204. Herder, in another essay, deals with a common error of critics in not 
recognizing the fact that there are no ' fixed forms.' He says, ' Wer sich an Eine Zeit... 
sklavisch schliesst, das Zeitmassige ihrer Formen fur ewig halt, dem bleibt jene unerreich- 
bare lebendige Idee fern und fremde, das Ideal, das iiber alle Volker und Zeiten reichet ' 
(Werke, xxiii, p. 76). And Coleridge says, ' ! few have there been among critics, who 
have followed with the eye of the imagination the imperishable yet ever wandering spirit 
of poetry through its various metempsychoses, and consequent metamorphoses...' (Notes, 
p. 203). 

2 Notes, p. 51. 3 lb., p. 227. i lb., p. 228. 6 lb., p. 229. 

6 Werke, v, p. 208. 7 Notes, p. 226. 8 lb., p. 228. '■> Werke, v, p. 209. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 185 

Coleridge and Herder have the same charge to bring against French 
drama, it is artificial. Coleridge demands 'language inspired by the 
passion, and the language and the passion modified and differenced by 
the character 1 ,' And Herder, who elsewhere states that 'Ausdruck' and 
' Gedanke ' must be related as soul to body, that the poet ' soil Emp- 
findungen ausdriicken 2 ,' complains of Racine's diction : ' Es sind Gemalde 
der Empfindung von dritter fremder Hand, nie oder selten die unmittel- 
baren, ersten, ungeschminkten Regungen, wie sie Worte suchen und 
endlich finden 3 .' 

Possibly Coleridge adopted from Herder the term ' northern ' to dis- 
tinguish English and German poetry from that of ancient Greece. 

Before leaving Herder's essay one more example might be given. 
Both men are struck by the artistic skill shown in the first scene of 
King Lear. Coleridge says ' these facts, these passions, these moral 
verities, on which the whole tragedy is founded, are all prepared for, 
and will to the retrospect be found implied, in these first four or five 
lines of the play 4 .' Herder says that Lear ' in der ersten Scene der 
Erscheinung tragt schon alien Saamen seiner Schicksale zur Ernte der 
dunkelsten Zukunft in sich 8 .' 

The relations of the poet to nature and to God are the same for 
Coleridge and Herder. To Coleridge Shakespeare is the chosen poet of 
nature ; Shakespeare is not merely a wild irregular genius, for ' does God 
choose idiots by whom to convey divine truths to men 6 ' ? So too Herder, 
' Wie die ganze Natur Gottes, wie alle Geschichte zu uns spricht, so 
spreche auch die Dollmetscherin beider, die gottliche Dichtkunst 7 .' For, 
says Herder, ' Ein Dichter ist Schopfer eines Volkes um sich ; er gibt 
ihnen eine Welt zu sehen und hat ihre Seelen in seiner Hand, sie dahin 
zu fuhren...immer aber und uberall kann nur ein Gott solche Dichter 
geben 8 .' And again Herder tells us that God uses ' erwahlte, grossere 
Menschen' for his work ('sittliche Fortbildung in menschlichen Seelen') 9 . 
In the ancient world Homer dispensed wisdom ; Herder's ' Sittlichkeit, 
Kunst und Weisheit,' which the Greeks derived from Homer, is in 
Coleridge 'wisdom,... writings... ennobling us by grand thoughts and 
images 10 .' 

With regard to the dependence of genius on public taste, Coleridge 

remarks that poets like Milton and Shakespeare are not corrupted by it 11 , 

1 Notes, p. 212. 2 Werke, i, p. 394. 3 lb., v, p. 215. 

4 Notes, p. 329. 5 Werke, v, p. 220. 6 Notes, p. 229. 

7 Werke, vin, p. 362. Compare also ' [Shakespeare] ist Dollmetscher der Natur in all' 
ihren Zungen' (Werke, v, p. 219). 

8 Werke, vm, p. 433. 9 lb., xin, p. 351. 
10 Notes, p. 65, and Werke, vni, p. 371. u Notes, p. 214. 



186 The German Influence on Coleridge 

for 'true poets... write from a principle within 1 .' Herder says, 'Jeder 

Mensch von feinem Gefiihl erfahrt,...dass in halbgebildeten oder irre- 

gefuhrten Volkern nichts so selten sey, als das reine Gefiihl und Wohl- 

gefallen am echten, geschweige am erhabenen Schonen. Der wahre 

Kiinstler arbeitet daher nicht fur den gemeinen Geschmack, ist auf das 

Urtheil des Pobels nie stolz 2 / The artist works under ' die Idee, die in 

ihm liegt, die ihn treibt und beseligt 3 .' 

The following passages in which we find the same thoughts, conve} 7 ed 

in the same way (viz. the relation of outward form and inward idea, 

scorn of the application of the epithet ' barbarian ' to Shakespeare, 

Shakespeare's immense range), make it almost impossible to believe 

that Coleridge is here quite independent of Herder. Coleridge says that 

earnest poetry is like plastic art, ' where the perfection of outward form 

is a symbol of the perfection of an inward idea 4 .' Then, after alluding 

to Voltaire's criticism of Shakespeare (viz. ' la tragedie d'Hamlet, c'est 

une piece grossiere et barbare,...on croirait que cet ouvrage est le fruit 

de l'imagination d'un sauvage ivre '), he proceeds : 

The organic form, on the other hand, is innate ; it shapes, as it developes, itself 
from within, and the fulness of its development is one and the same with the per- 
fection of its outward form. Such as the life is, such is the form. Nature, the prime 
genial artist, inexhaustible in diverse powers, is equally inexhaustible in forms ; each 
exterior is the physiognomy of the being within, its true image reflected and thrown 
out from the concave mirror ; and even such is the appropriate excellence of her 
chosen poet, of our own Shakspere — himself a nature humanized, a genial under- 
standing directing selfconsciously a power and an implicit wisdom deeper even than 
our own consciousness 6 . 

This is expressed, more concisely, by Herder : 

Da alles Aussere nur Abglauz der inneren Seele ist : wie tief ist nicht der barba- 
rische, gothische Shakespear durch Erdlagen und Erdschichten uberall zu den 
Grundzugen gekommen, aus denen ein Mensch wachst 6 . 

The passages quoted above to show the influence of Herder on 
Coleridge are from Coleridge's lectures and notes on English poetry, 
where one would expect to find an application of his general aesthetic 
principles to particular cases 7 . 

1 lb., p. 232. 2 Compare also Notes, p. 55. 3 Werke, xxn, p. 105. 

4 Notes, p. 189. 5 lb., p. 229. 

6 Werke, vni, pp. 183-4 (cp. also below, p. 189). 

7 For further examples see the third section of this paper. The general trend of the 
first section of the ' Lectures of 1818 ' is the same as that of a large section of Herder's 
Ideen zur Philosophic der Geschichte der Menschheit. Coleridge uses the word ' Poesy ' as 
the ' generic or class term, including poetry, music, painting, statuary, and ideal architec- 
ture, as its species ' in the syllabus of his 1818 lectures. Herder says, ' In der Cultur zura 
Schonen, die wir der Kurze halben Poesie nennen wollen ' (Werke, xvin, p. 5). Further, 

"both writers compare Poetry with Science, treat Epic and Drama (Fate as the deciding 
factor) in much the same way. They sum up the question of ' imitation of nature ' 
similarly. Coleridge says, ' art cannot exist without, or apart from, nature ; and what has 
man of his own to give to his fellow-men, but his own thoughts or feelings?' (Notes, 



A. C. DUNSTAN 187 

The formal aesthetical essays of Coleridge bear every mark of Kant's 
influence. Coleridge, like Schiller, found the three Critiques 1 convincing 
(at least within limits), but occasionally doubt seems to have arisen in 
his mind. The essays on Taste and on Beauty are mere fragments, and 
one cannot read them without feeling that the abrupt endings are due 
to indecision. There seems to be a faint echo of Herder in such passages 
as : 'As to lines, the rectilineal are in themselves lifeless, the determined 
ab extra, but still in immediate union with the cycloidal, which are 
expressive of function — These are not arbitrary symbols, but the 
language of nature... 2 .' Herder remarks : ' Wo es anging, hat die Natur 
die Linie der Richtigkeit mit dem Kreise der Vollkommenheit um- 
wunden...so hat sie auch am Korper die Linie der Vestigkeit mit 
Rundheit umkleidet 3 .' 

The distinction between ' refined ' and ' gross pleasures 4 ' reminds the 
reader of Herder's distinction between the agreeable and the beautiful, 
a distinction based on the difference between the ' grbbere ' and the 
1 feinere Sinnesorgane 5 .' Herder says that the lower senses are limited 
' bios auf die thierische Erhaltung unsres Ichs 6 ,' whilst in the case of the 
higher senses one forgets self: ' Vermoge des Wesens, das mich aus mir 
selbst setzt, indem es sich mir aneignet, vergesse ich meiner 7 .' This 
may be the meaning of Coleridge's statement on the lower senses, which 
' appear in part passive, and combine with the perception of the outward 
object a distinct sense of our own life 8 .' Kant postulates a kind of 
' Stimme des Geschmacks ' parallel to the ' Stimme des Gewissens,' 
whilst Herder will not accept ' allgemeingiiltige Geschmacksurteile 9 ,' 
and Coleridge seems to end the essay on Taste with a note of indecision 

p. 227). Herder says, ' Ohne Natur und ohne uns selbst konnten wir uns weder Natur 
noch Empfindung erfinden ' (Werke, xxin, p. 73). In his definition of ' poetry ' Coleridge 
says : we expect ' from each part the greatest immediate pleasure compatible with the 
largest sum of pleasure on the whole... that splendour of particular lines, which would be 
worthy of admiration in an impassioned elegy,... would be a blemish and proof of vile 
taste in a tragedy or an epic poem ' (Notes, p. 184). Herder points out that Milton and 
Klopstock avoid this fault in their epics, and continues : ' Wer beim Drama das Drama 
vergisst,...dagegen aber an Sentenzen, an malerischen Situationen, an einzelnen Charak- 
teren haftet; wie fern ist er vom Erhabnen Sophokles und Shakespears ! ' (Werke, xxu, 
p. 275). 

1 But Kant's influence on Coleridge is not confined to the Critique*; Coleridge read 
Kant's earlier essays. The passage on ' the lax hold which principles have on a woman's 
heart ' (Notes, p. 290) is taken from Kant's essay on the Beautiful and the Sublime. 
Coleridge also takes from Kant the curious comparison between mathematics and philo- 
sophy (cp. Misc., p. 10 and Kant, Werke, Berlin, 1912 etc., n, p. 182). 

2 Misc., p. 40. 

3 Werlce, viii, pp. 64-5. There is also a general likeness between Coleridge's remarks 
on the senses, especially on the sense of ' touch ' and Herder's remarks (cp. Misc., pp. 25, 
36-7 and Werke, xv, p. 534). 

4 Misc., p. 41. 5 Werke, xxu, pp. 34 and 40. • lb., xxu, p. 40. 

7 lb., xxu, p. 96. 8 Misc., p. 37. 9 Werke, xxu, p. 34. 



188 The German Influence on Coleridge 

and admits ' the consciousness of our liability to error 1 .' In the essay on 
Beauty the historical treatment of aesthetic which is just hinted at 2 is 
more akin to Herder than to Kant, whilst the final paragraph seems (for 
it is rather unclear) to tend to unite, with Herder, the agreeable, the 
good and the beautiful, instead of divorcing them ; for Herder protests 
against 'was die Natur in uns zart verschlungen hat, unerbittlich zu 
trennen 3 .' The long essays on The Principles of Genial Criticism owe 
a great deal to Kant 4 ; here the good and the beautiful are rigidly 
separated, but in judgment of the beautiful Kant's 'demand' that all 
other people shall agree is weakened in Coleridge to ' expect 5 .' 

However much Coleridge may owe to Kant in these aesthetical 
essays, one cannot discover much trace of Kant in the application of 
general principles in his lectures and notes on Shakespeare and other 
poets. It is doubtful whether Coleridge as a literary critic derived the 
slightest advantage from a study of Kant's aesthetic. His gain from 
studying Schiller and Herder is obvious, at the very least estimate their 
work justified the faith that was in him. As soon as Coleridge leaves 
the bare formal theory and gets to work on poetry, overboard goes all 
' Zweckmassigkeit ohne Vorstellung eines Zweckes,' all formal distinc- 
tions between the agreeable, the beautiful and the good ; the atmosphere 
is entirely that of Herder, for to Herder there is no firm dividing line 
between the agreeable, the beautiful and the good : ' unsre Natur in 
alien ihren Begriffen und Gefuhlen ' is ' Eine Natur ' ; ' Moge die Kritik 
ihre drei specifisch verschiedne Vorstellungsarten siebenfach unter- 
scheiden ; bose fur sie, wenn ihr Schones nicht angenehm, und ihr Gutes 
nicht schon ist 6 .' And Coleridge can find no application for such definite 
distinctions in his concrete literary criticism. In his lectures Coleridge 
has little to say about ' the beautiful ' and ' taste,' and what he does say 
is more akin to Herder than to Kant. To Herder experience is a great 
factor in forming taste 7 , and Coleridge says: 'Taste is an attainment 

1 Misc., p. 38. 2 lb., p. 40. 3 Werke, xxn, p. 9. 

4 See Biographia Literaria and Aesthetical Essays, edited by J. Shawcross, n, 
pp. 304-15. ' 5 lb., ii, p. 314. 

6 Werke, xxn, p. 35. With Herder the question is ' wie sie zu scheiden oder zu ver- 
binden seyn ' (Werke, xxn, p. 36). 

7 Herder says: ' Jede Kunst...erfodert Fleiss, Miihe, Ubung ' (Werke, xxx, p. 76). 
' Wahrer Geschmack...lasst sich.nur durch stilles Nachdenken, durch ausharrenden Fleiss, 
durch fortgesetzte, wiederholte Ubung erlangen ' (Werke, xxx, p. 279). Herder says also: 
' Was das schnelle Erfassen des Wahren dem Verstande, was die Eegung des moralischen 
Gefiihls dem Willen, ist zwischen beiden in Ansehung des Schonen und Angenehmen 
sowohl in Empfindung als Ubung der Geschmack, d. i. die leichte und siehre# Compre- 
hension desseloen im feinsten Punkt seines Keizes ' (Werke, xxn, p. 219). Although 
Herder says ' Ein Tyrann des Geschmacks ist. ..die albernste Figur ' (Werke, xxn, p. 105), 
yet he admits that we can feel our taste is right, ' sobald wir unsres Geschmacks sicher 
sind,' but we must not try to force this taste on others (Werke, xxn, p. 106). 



A. C. DUNSTAN 189 

after the poet has been disciplined by experience/ it is attained only 'by 
painful study ' ; when attained the poet ' knows what part of his genius 
he can make acceptable and intelligible to the portion of mankind for 
which he writes.' ' In my mind it would be a hopeless symptom, as 
regards genius, if I found a young man with anything like perfect taste 1 .' 
Discussing the beautiful, Coleridge says : 

We call, for we see and feel, the swan and the dove both transcendently beautiful. 
As absurd as it would be to institute a comparison between their separate claims to 
beauty from any abstract rule common to both, without reference to the life and 
being of the animals themselves,... not less absurd is it to pass judgment on the 
works of a poet on the mere ground that they have been called by the same class- 
name with the works of other poets in other times and circumstances, or on any 
ground, indeed, save that of their inappropriateness to their own end and being, 
their want of significance, as symbols or physiognomy 2 . 

This is all in Herder's style : ' Selbst den schonen Schwan mogen wir 
am liebsten schwimmen sehen,...so sehen wir jeden Vogel des Himmels 
am liebsten in seiner Luft, auf seinen Zweigen 3 '; we see in the bird an 
* Inbegriff von Eigenschaften und Vollkommenheiten seines Elements, 
eine Darstellung seiner Virtualitat als eines Licht-, Schall- und Luftge- 
schopfs, dem in jeder Gattung sein Habitus zustimmt 4 ' : ' Wenn jedes 
lebendige Geschopf, seiner Gestalt nach, ein Maximum seiner Bedeut- 
samkeit an sich tragt, dessen Anerkennung, verstandig oder sinnlich, uns 
den Begriff seiner Schonheit, d. i. des Wohlseyns in seinem Element 
gewahret, wird dem Menschen dieser Ausdruck seiner Virtualitat 
fehlen 5 ? ' ' Nur die Bedeutung innerer Vollkommenheit ist Schonheit' — 
'Schonheit ist...sinnlicher Ausdruck der Vollkommenheit zum Zwecke ' 
— Innere Vollkommenheit = ' Gesundheit, Leben, Kraft, Wohlseyn in 
jedem Gliede [des] kunstvollen Geschopfes 6 .' 

It has already been pointed out that Coleridge, like Schiller 7 , lays 
stress on the powerful attraction which the Beautiful exerts in relation 

1 Notes, p. 81. Compare also : ' the merits which taste and judgment can confer are of 
slow growth' (Notes, p. 101). Kant (Kritik der Urteilskraft, § 50) says that taste must be 
combined with genius to produce fine art : ' Der Geschmack ist so wie die Urtheilskraft 
iiberhaupt die Disciplin (oder Zucht) des Genies.' 

2 Notes, pp. 202-3. Reynolds also, in the Idler, No. 82, compares the swan and the 
dove. He and Coleridge partly agree and partly disagree. Kant (Kritik der Urteilskraft, 
§ 48) says that to estimate a beauty of nature it is not necessary to know the material 
finality (the end). The mere form pleases on its own account. Contrast with the above 
Coleridge's remarks on the sense of Beauty in the appendix to his essays on the Fine Arts 
(Misc., p. 33). In his formal essays on general principles he follows Kant closely. The 
above passage from Coleridge together with its continuation (Notes, p. 203) contains matter 
which is treated in more detail in Herder's essay on ' veste Formen des Schonen ' (Werke, 
xxiii, pp. 73-6). 

3 Werke, xxn, p. 82. 4 lb., xxn, p. 83. 5 lb., xxn, p. 85. 

6 lb., vin, p. 56. 

7 ' Schon der Zweck der Natur bringt es mit sich, dass wir der Schonheit zuerst ent- 
gegeneilen...' (Schiller's Werke, xn, p. 273). 



190 The German Influence on Coleridge 

to man, but it is just possible that Coleridge's curious etymological 
adventure, ' Hence the Greeks called a beautiful object kcCKov, quasi 
KaXovv, i.e. calling on the soul 1 ,' was suggested by Herder's ' Bei den 
Griechen...bezeichnete das Schone (ro koXov) was hervorscheint und 
gleichsam hervorruft an Glanz und Ansehen... 2 .' 

Finally, in his essay on ' Life 3 ,' Coleridge discusses ' unity in multeity ' 
and defends the use of ' analogy ' from physical science to explain life ; 
so, too, Herder states that ' Bildworter ' and the use of ' Analogie ' are 
necessary in speaking of our whole ' Psychologie,' and mentions ' das 
Gefiihl von dem Einen, der in aller Mannichfaltigkeit herrschet 4 .' 

III. 

The Charge of Plagiarism. 

Coleridge definitely repudiates the charge of plagiarism in the case 
of Schelling and Schlegel : 

In this instance, as in the dramatic lectures of Schlegel, to which I have before 
alluded, from the same motive of self-defence against the charge of plagiarism, many 
of the most striking resemblances, indeed all the main and fundamental ideas, were 
born and matured in my mind before I had ever seen a single page of the German 
Philosopher ; and 1 might indeed affirm with truth, before the more important 
works of Schelling had been written, or at least made publick 5 . 

And Coleridge claims to have put forward his views of Hamlet before he 
knew a word of German, and before Schlegel had delivered his lectures 6 . 
Writing to Poole (March 16, 1801), Coleridge says, 'I have not 
formed opinions without an attentive perusal of my predecessors from 
Aristotle to Kant,' and in a letter to Davy (Sept. 11, 1807), Coleridge 
states that he is writing out lectures on poetry ; his scheme includes : 
(1) general principles, (2) Shakspere, his genius, relatively to prede- 
cessors and contemporaries, his merits and defects, which of them belong 
to his age, (3) Spenser, (4) Milton, (5) Dryden and Pope. This will give 
the ' whole result of many years' continued reflection on the subjects of 
taste, imagination, fancy, passion, the source of our pleasures in the fine 
arts ' And in a letter to Davy in 1801 Coleridge states that he in- 
tends to write 'an essay concerning poetry, and the pleasures to be derived 
from it, which would supersede all the books of morals, and all the books 
of metaphysics too 7 .' These statements of intentions support the hy- 

1 Misc., p. 31. 2 Werke, xxn, pp. 92-3. 

3 Theory of Life (Misc., pp. 386-7, and 404). 

4 Werke, vm, pp. 169-71. 

8 Biographia Literaria, chap. ix. See also letter to Green (Letters, ii, p. 6831. 
6 Notes, pp. 342-3. 7 Letters, i, p. 353. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 191 

po thesis that Coleridge had collected practically all the material for his 
lectures, even for those of 1818, before Schlegel delivered his lectures 1 . 

A. W. Schlegel. 

It is possible to make out a formidable list of parallel passages in 
Coleridge and Schlegel 2 ; in some cases there is even a striking verbal 
similarity, and the problem is to reconcile these similar passages with 
Coleridge's denial of plagiarism 3 . A few of these parallel passages are 
examined below. 

There is a general likeness between Schlegel's strictures on Kotzebue 4 
and those of Coleridge 5 , a likeness that might be mistaken for a bor- 
rowing on Coleridge's part — but there is no borrowing. Coleridge knew 
Kotzebue (through translations) before he went to Germany, and the 
passage in the lecture referred to above was based on a letter which 
Coleridge wrote in Germany in 1798 6 . This passage serves a double 
purpose of showing that a similarity need not imply a borrowing, and 
that Coleridge in his lectures of 1813-14 was using material at least 
fifteen years old. 

The next example will serve the same double purpose. In speaking 
of Shakespeare's characters Coleridge says : 

And it is well worth remarking that Shakspere's characters, like those in real 
life, are very commonly misunderstood, and almost always understood by different 
persons in different ways. The causes are the same in either case. If you take only 

1 This hypothesis gains further support from a little book, thirty copies of which were 
printed for private circulation in 1913, containing Coleridge's Letters Hitherto Uncollected, 
edited by W. F. Prideaux. In a letter dated Sept. 1800 (p. 11), Coleridge speaks of giving 
up poetry altogether, and devoting himself to interpretative literary criticism. In another 
letter (undated, but the fact that he mentions his age fixes the date 1818) to Mudford he 
states (p. 35), ' My next Friday's lecture will. ..be interesting, and the points of view not 
only original, but new to the audience,' and refers to his lectures on Shakespeare of ' 16 or 
rather 17 years ago.' This passage clearly implies that he was using in 1818 matter which, 
though ' new to the audience,' had been used in far earlier lectures and was original. 

There are also several passages in his lectures which show that Coleridge used matter 
collected early for his later lectures. Thus, for example, in 1818 he speaks of having been 
at Helmstadt ' a few years ago ' (Notes, p. 198). Coleridge left Germany in 1799. His 
remarks on the diction of Catullus in 1811 (Notes, p. 46) might well have been written in 
the Lyrical Ballads period, viz. before he went to Germany. 

2 Such a list has been made by A. A. Helmholtz, The Indebtedness of S. T. Coleridge 
to A. W. v. Schlegel, Madison, Wisconsin, 1907. 

3 Views on this question are extreme. Traill, in his life of Coleridge (p. 165), denies 
that Coleridge owed anything to Schlegel; but he entirely ignores the many similar pas- 
sages, and is rather too contemptuous of German critics. Brandl, on the other hand, too 
readily assumes that these similar passages are definite proof of wholesale borrowings. 
Pizzo, in his article in Anglia (Band xxviii), takes a middle course; he assumes consider- 
able influence, but says that Coleridge ' entdeckte mehr Schonheiten als Schlegel.' 

4 Lectures, trans. Black, p. 459. 6 Notes, p. 485. 

6 Coleridge read to the audience a portion of Satyrane's Letters, n. These letters from 
Germany provided material for other lectures ; e.g. the absence of ' sentimental rat- 
catchers ' in Shakespeare's dramas is noted both in Sktfyrane's Letters and in one of the 
lectures (cp. Notes, p. 239). 



192 The German Influence on Coleridge 

what the friends of the character say you may he deceived, and still more so, if that 
which his enemies say ; nay, even the character himself sees himself through the 
medium of his character and not exactly as he is. Take all together, not omitting 
a shrewd hint from the clown or the fool and perhaps your impression will be right, 
and you may know whether you have in fact discovered the poet's own idea, by all 
the speeches receiving light from it, and attesting its reality by reflecting it 1 . 

And Schlegel says : 

[Shakespeare's characters] serve to bring out each other's peculiarities... for we 
can never estimate a man's true worth if we consider him altogether abstractedly by 
himself ; we must see him in his relations with others ; and it is here that most 
dramatic poets are deficient. Shakspeare makes each of his principal characters the 
glass in which the others are reflected, and by like means enables us to discover 
what could not be immediately revealed to us.... Iliad vised should we be were we 
always to take men's declarations respecting themselves and others for sterling coin 
....Nobody ever painted so truthfully as he has done the facility of self-deception, 
the half self-conscious hypocrisy towards ourselves 2 . 

The likeness of the above passages is striking. Coleridge, however, 
did not borrow this thought from Schlegel. We find it partially stated 
and fully implied in a note in Coleridge's handwriting on his translation 
of the Piccolomini and the Death of Wallenstein in the library of Rugby 
School. This note was first published in 1912 s . Coleridge translated 
Wallenstein, Dec. 1799 — Apr. 1800. In his preface he remarks that it 
is ' more decorous to point out excellencies than defects.' 

The following passage is taken from this note : 

The defects of these dramas are all of an instructive character, for tho' not 
the products of genius, like those of Shakspere, they result from an energetic and 
thinking mind. (1) The speeches are seldom suited to characters — the characters are 
truly diversified and distinctly conceived — but we learn them from the descriptions 
given by other characters, or from particular speeches. The brutal Illo repeatedly 
talks language which belongs to the Countess etc. 4 

It is clear that Coleridge is not indebted to Schlegel for this view T of 

Shakespeare's characters. Another passage in this note is repeated by 

Coleridge in his criticism of Macbeth. The note reads : 

The assassins talk ludicrously. This is a most egregious misimitation of Shak- 
spere.... It is wonderful, however, that Schiller, who had studied Shakspere, should 
not have perceived his divine judgment 5 in the management of his assassins, as in 
Macbeth. They are fearful and almost pitiable Beings — not loathsome, ludicrous 
miscreants. 

In his criticism of Macbeth Coleridge says : 

Compare Macbeth's mode of working on the murderers in this place with Schiller's 
mistaken scene between Butler, Devereux and Macdonald in ' Wallenstein.' The 

1 Notes, p. 241. » Lectures, pp. 368-9. 

8 See Coleridge's Poems, edited by E. H. Coleridge, n, p. 598. 

4 This is Coleridge's opinion at the time of translation; see letter to Sotheby (Oct. 10, 
1802). 

5 Compare with this early note Coleridge's statement: ' In all the successive courses of 
lectures delivered by me. . .it has been . . .my object, to prove that. . .the judgment of Shakspere 
is commensurate with his genius' (Notes, p. 226). It supplies further evidence that 
Coleridge had his material ready long before Schlegel delivered his lectures. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 193 

comic was wholly out of season. Shakspere never introduces it, but when it may 
react on the tragedy by harmonious contrast 1 . 

Coleridge 2 and Schiegel 3 agree that Shakespeare's characters are 
'. genera ' and yet ' individualized,' and that his characters ' supply 
materials for a profound theory of their most prominent and distinguishing 
property.' But all this again occurs in Satyrane's Letters ; and in other 
passages 4 we find Coleridge comparing poetry and geometry, which he 
had done in this connection in Satyranes Letters. 

One of the most striking parallels between Coleridge and Schiegel is 
found in the comparison of ancient and modern drama with ancient and 
modern architecture. In his first lecture Schiegel says : ' The Pantheon 
is not more different from Westminster Abbey or the church of St 
Stephen at Vienna than the structure of a tragedy of Sophocles from a 
drama of Shakespeare 5 .' And Coleridge says: 'And as the Pantheon is 
to York Minster or Westminster Abbey, so is Sophocles compared with 
Shakspere 6 .' 

If the passages from which these extracts are taken are compared, 

the reader may too readily assume that Coleridge has borrowed the ideas 

(and, to some extent, the mode of expressing the ideas) from Schiegel. 

This is, however, not the case. Schlegel's contrast between ancient and 

modern architecture is based largely on Goethe's Deutsche Baukunst. 

This we recognize in the following quotation : 

A style of architecture, which has been called Gothic, but ought really to have 
been termed old German. When, on the general revival of classical antiquity the 
imitation of Grecian architecture became prevalent, and but too frequently without 
a due regard to the difference of climate and manners or to the purpose of the build- 
ing, the zealots of this new taste, passing a sweeping sentence of condemnation on 
the Gothic, reprobated it as tasteless, gloomy and barbarous. 

The above quotation condenses a part of Goethe's essay. Schiegel 
then mentions ' the powerful, solemn impressions which seize upon the 
mind at entering a Gothic cathedral ' ; on investigating the source of 
this impression we recognize the ' profound significance ' of Gothic archi- 
tecture 7 . Schiegel is clearly basing his remarks on Goethe's essay. 

Now in Coleridge we have two other versions of this comparison 
between architecture and drama of the ancient and modern world 8 . Of 
the three versions the most complete is found in the lecture on Dante, 
which has been fully quoted 9 . It was pointed out that much was sug- 
gested by Schiller's Uber naive und sentimentalische Dichtung, but some 

1 Notes, p. 377. - Notes, p. 282. 3 Lectures, pp. 363-4. 

4 Notes, pp. 11, 68. 8 Lectures, pp. 22-3. 8 Notes, p. 234. 

7 Lectures, pp. 22-3. 

v Xotes, p. 461, and Misc., p. 142 (cp. also p. 92). 

9 In the first part of this paper (Modern Language Revieiv, July, 1922, pp. 275, 278). 



194 The German Influence on Coleridge 

parts seem to have been suggested by Goethe's essay. We find in it 
matter which is in Goethe's essay, but does not occur in Schlegel 1 . This 
fact shows that Coleridge was working directly on Goethe's essay, and did 
not make use of Goethe through Schlegel. Thus the similarity of the 
passages is due simply to the fact that both writers used a common 
source. Schlegel's sole contribution to Coleridge is the illustration of the 
likeness between the Pantheon and the ancient drama on the one hand 
and that of Westminster Abbey and modern drama on the other, viz. 
examples to illustrate a principle, a very slight contribution indeed 2 . 

The parallel passages are to be found not so much in detailed criti- 
cism of Shakespeare's work as in the more general discussion of the fine 
arts, and in descriptions of Greek sculpture and literature. Both Coleridge 
and Schlegel had read the same German critics, both had heard the 
lectures of Heyne 3 . Thus they had common sources. 

No doubt a good deal that Schlegel writes on ancient art was based 
on what he learnt from Heyne. A few examples must suffice. Schlegel 
says : ' both costume and mythology were handled by dramatic poetry 
with the same independence and conscious liberty 4 .' This recalls Heyne's 
' Die Dichterfabel ist aber die erste Mythologie nicht mehr 5 .' Another 
example is found in Schlegel's : ' for the Grecian gods are mere powers 
of nature, and although immeasurably higher than mortal man, yet, 
compared with infinitude, they are on an equal footing with himself 6 / 
and Heyne's : ' die Gottheit in menschlicher Gestalt, als Mensch, aber 
in allem iiber den vollkommensten der Menschen erhaben 7 .' Schlegel's 

1 Coleridge's distinction between 'simple beauty or beauty simply' and 'majestic 
beauty or majesty ' corresponds to Goetbe's distinction between ' scbdne Kunst ' and 
>grosse Kunst.' Coleridge's statement: 'Hence in a Gothic cathedral, as in a prospect 
from a mountain's top, tbere is, indeed, a unity, an awful oneness, but it is, because all 
distinction evades the eye ' corresponds to Goethe's : ' Wie oft hat die Abenddammerung 
mein durch forschendes Schauen ermattetes Aug', mit freundlicher Euhe geletzt, wenn 
durch sie die unzahligen Theile, zu ganzen Massen schmolzen, und nun diese, einfach und 
gross, vor meiner Seele standen, und meine Kraft sich wonnevoll entfaltete, zugleich zu 
geniessen und zu erkennen.' Helene Eichter seems to be hardly justified in saying (in her 
article in Anglia, referred to above) : • Vollig unberiihrt scheint Coleridge von Goethes 
Kunstansichten. ' 

2 The Pantheon and York Cathedral are favourite examples with Coleridge, see Essay 
on the Fine Arts. 

3 C. G. Hejne, Professor in Gottingen, lectured on Greek Art and Poetry, and was 
especially interested in Greek Mythology. He was a polyvoluminous writer, but he did not 
publish his lectures. Our sources of information as to the matter and manner of his 
lectures are. the traditions on which his biographers worked, and a small volume, based on 
(rather inadequate) notes taken by one of his students, and published with the title 
Vorlesungeii iiber die Archdologie der Kunst des Altertums, Braunschweig, 1822. In his 
lectures Heyne spoke about the fine arts generally, and treated several ancient works of art 
in detail. He referred his students to Winckelmann and Lessing. He appears to have 
spoken rapidly, so that note-taking was no easy matter. 

* Lectures, p. 70. s Heyne's Vorlesungen, p. 89. 6 Lectures, p. 67. 

7 Vorlesungen, p. 17. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 195 

doctrine : ' The Grecian Mythology was a web of national and local 
traditions 1 ' was taught by Heyne. 

We find Coleridge emphasizing in his lectures certain facts that 
Heyne emphasized. Coleridge says : 

The Greek stage had its origin in the ceremonies of a sacrifice, such as of the 
goat to Bacchus, whom we most erroneously regard as merely the jolly god of wine, — 
for among the ancients he was venerable, as the symbol of that power which acts 
without our consciousness in the vital energies of nature,— the vinum mundi — as 
Apollo was that of the conscious agency of our intellectual being. The heroes of 
old under the influence of this Bacchic enthusiasm performed more than human 
actions ; — hence tales of the favourite champions soon passed into dialogue 2 . 

And Heyne taught : 

Der thebaische Bakchus...ist der Erfinder des Weinbaues, daher auch der Gott 
der Freude, und zwar sowohl der gesitteten, als auch der ausgelassenen Freude und 
Frohlichkeit. Gemeiniglich wurden bei den Bakchusfesten Chortanze gehalten, und 
des Bakchus Begebenheiten pantomimisch vorgetragen. Hieraus ist die Dramatic, 
Tragodie und Comodie hervorgegangen 3 . 

Schlegel puts it in this way : 

For Bacchus, and not Apollo, was the tutelary deity of tragic poets, which, on a 
first view of the matter, appears somewhat singular, but then we must remember 
that Bacchus was not merely the god of wine and joy, but also the god of all higher 
kinds of inspiration 4 . 

Examples of further parallels between Coleridge and Heyne are the 
following. Of poetry Coleridge says : ' pleasurable excitement is its 
origin and object/ it ' produces delight, the parent of so many virtues 5 .' 
Heyne too connects the moral influence of art with the pleasure it 
affords : ' Die Frage, welches der Zweck des Schonen sey, hat man ofbers 
gehort. Ohnstreitig das Vergnligen, so heisst dieses nicht anders, als, 
sie streben unsern sittlichen und moralischen Zustand zu veredeln und 
zu verfeinern. Durch die Sinne wird am kraftigsten zur Seele geredet 6 .' 
Again Coleridge says : ' the condition of the stage, and the character of 
the times in which our great poet flourished, must first of all be taken 
into account, in considering the question as to his (Shakespeare's) 
judgment 7 .' This Heyne expresses: ' Wer ein Kunstwerk vollkommen 
gerecht betrachten will, muss sich zuvor, um es ganz zu verstehen, auf 
den Standpunkt des Kiinstlers erheben, und die Zeiten, in welchen der 
Kunstler lebte, beachten 8 .' Schlegel says much the same 9 . 

Coleridge's distinction between poetry and sculpture (or painting) 
is expressed : ' The term " poetry " is rightly applied by eminence to 

1 Lectures, p. 72. 2 Notes, p. 234 (also p. 462). 

3 Vorlesungen, p. 115. * Lectures, p. 80. 

8 Notes, p. 49. 6 Vorlesungen, p. 21. 7 Notes, p. 52. 

8 Vorlesungen, p. 5. 9 Lectures, pp. 18 and 47. 



196 The German Influence on Coleridge 

measured words, only because the sphere of their action is far wider... 1 / 
' the narrow limit of painting, as compared with the boundless power of 
poetry : painting cannot go beyond a certain point ; poetry rejects all 
control, all confinement 2 .' And Heyne says : ' Die Kunst kann immer 
nur einen Gegenstand...vorfiihren. Der Dichter hat ein tieferes Feld 3 .' 
Of course Heyne is following Lessing, who speaks of the ' nothwendige 
Schranken und Bediirfnisse ' of sculpture, and says : ' schwerlich durfte 
sich also wohl eine derselben auf die Poesie anwenden lassen 4 ,' and 
remarks that Spence has not thought of the fact ' dass die Poesie die 
weitere Kunst ist, dass ihr Schonheiten zu Gebote stehen, welche die 
Malerei nicht zu erreichen vermag 5 .' 

Whether Heyne taught Coleridge anything that he did not know before 
he went to Germany may be considered doubtful. It is, however, possible 
that Coleridge, when he had to select the material for his lectures and to 
decide what he should include, may have been influenced to some extent 
in his decision by the courses given by Heyne. That Coleridge's syllabus 
was not influenced by Schlegel is clear from the fact that Coleridge was 
planning such a course of lectures long before Schlegel had delivered his. 

Schlegel and Coleridge compare the German and Greek languages 
in the same way 6 . But their comparison is similar to Lessing's 7 . They 
also remark on the adverse influence of pageants and gladiators on the 
development of drama in Rome 8 . Again this is a repetition of what 
Lessing had already said 9 . 

Other parallel passages in Coleridge and Schlegel which are 

strikingly similar will also be found to be based on a common source. 

Coleridge, discussing the artificial language of French drama, says : 

It is a very inferior kind of poetry, in which, as in the French tragedies, men are 
made to talk in a style which few indeed even of the wittiest can be supposed to 
converse in, and which both is, and on a moment's reflection appears to be, the 
natural produce of the hot-bed of vanity, namely, the closet of an author, who is 
actuated originally by a desire to excite surprise and wonderment at his own 
superiority to other men, — instead of having felt so deeply on certain subjects, or in 
consequence of certain imaginations, as to make it almost a necessity of his nature 
to seek for sympathy, — no doubt, with that honourable desire of permanent action 
which distinguishes genius 10 . 

Schlegel, discussing the same matter, says : 

It has often been remarked, that in French Tragedy the poet is always too easily 
seen through the discourses of the different personages, that he communicates to 
them his own presence of mind, his cool reflections on their situation, and his desire 

1 Notes, p. 209. 2 lb., p. 92. 3 Vorlesungen, p. 8. 

4 Laokoon, ch. iv. 5 lb., ch. vni. 

6 Notes, p. 70; Lectures, p. 47. 7 Laokoon, ch. xvni. 

8 Notes, p. 196; Lectures, pp. 209-10. 9 I^aokooti, ch. iv. 

10 Notes, pp. 212-13. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 197 

to shine on all occasions. When most of their tragical speeches are closely examined, 
they are seldom found to be such as the persons speaking or acting by themselves 
without restraint would deliver ; something or other is generally discovered in them 
which betrays a reference to the spectator more or less perceptible. Before, however, 
our compassion can be powerfully excited, we must be familiar with the persons ; 
but how is this possible if we are always to see them under the yoke of their designs 
and endeavours, or, what is worse, of an unnatural and assumed grandeur of 
character * 1 

These passages are alike, not because Coleridge borrowed from 

Schlegel, but because both borrowed from Schiller, who says : 

Dies Letztere ist der Fall bei dem Trauerspiel der ehemaligen Franzosen, wo wir 
hochst selten oder nie die leidende Natur zu Gesicht bekommen, sondern meistens 
mir den kalten, deklamatorischen Poeten oder auch den auf Stelzen gehenden Komo- 
dianten sehen. Der frostige Ton der Deklamation erstickt alle wahre Natur, undt 
den franzosischen Tragikern macht es ihre arigebetete Dezenz vollends ganz unmog- 
lich, die Menschheit in ihrer Wahrheit zu zeichnen. Kaum konnen wir es einem 
franzosischen Trauerspielhelden glauben, dass er leidet, denn er lasst sich iiber seinen 
Gemutszustand heraus wie der ruhigste Mensch, und die unaufhorliche Rucksicht 
auf den Eindruck, den er auf andere macht, erlaubt ihm nie, der Natur in sich ihre 
Frciheit zu lassen 2 . 

The passage in Coleridge also contains thoughts found in Herder, 
who, contrasting Greek and French drama, says : 

Die wahre Kunst ist nicht eitel. Nicht der aussern Wirkung wegen stehet sie 
da, vielweniger zu einer fliichtigen Parasiten-Wirkiing 3 . 

Speaking of 'Ausdruok,' Herder says that in French drama (as con- 
trasted with Greek drama) it 'fast immer zu sehr auf aussere augen- 
blickliche Wirkung gestellt ist, selten also der Eitelkeit ganz entsaget 3 .' 
Another close parallel is interesting. Coleridge says that stage- 
illusion may be compared ' to our mental state when dreaming. In both 
cases we simply do not judge the imagery to be unreal; there is a 
negative reality, and no more 4 .' The production of this effect 'will 
depend on the degree of excitement in which the mind is supposed to 
be 5 .' Further ' the principal and only genuine excitement ought to come 
from within, — from the moved and sympathetic imagination 6 ,' and not 
to depend on stage scenery. The parallel passage in Schlegel is : 

No, the theatrical as well as every other poetical illusion, is a waking dream, to 
which we voluntarily surrender ourselves. To produce it the poet and actors must 
powerfully agitate the mind, and the probabilities of calculation do not in the least 
contribute towards it 7 . 

Here again we find all this in Herder and Schiller. Further, we 
find, on examining other remarks of Coleridge on this subject, that 
Coleridge repeats remarks made by Herder and Schiller which Schlegel 
floes not reproduce. If parallel passages are evidence of borrowing, then 

1 Lectures, pp. 266-7. 2 Werlce, xi, p. 247. 

:i Werke, xxm, p. 69. 4 Notes, p. 274. 

5 lb., p. 275. « lb., p. 276. 7 Lectures, p. 246. 

M.L.R.XVIII. 13 



198 The German Influence on Coleridge 

we must conclude that Coleridge borrowed his matter, not from Schlegel, 

but from Herder and Schiller 1 . This can be made clear by quoting the 

passages. Coleridge says : ' The true stage-illusion in this and in all 

other things consists — not in the mind's judging it to be a forest, but in 

the remission of the judgment that it is not a forest.' He then rejects 

the theory of ' actual delusion (the strange notion, on which... the French 

poets justify the construction of their tragedies)' and Dr Johnson's 

denial of any illusion, and proceeds : 

For not only are we never absolutely deluded — or anything like it, but the 
attempt to cause the highest delusion possible to beings in their senses sitting in a 
theatre, is a gross fault, incident only to low minds, which, feeling that they cannot 
affect the heart or head permanently, endeavour to call forth the momentary 
affections. There ought never to be more pain than is compatible with co-existing 
pleasure, and to be amply repaid by thought 2 . 

Herder's remarks on stage-illusion are as follows : 

Vergessen soil ich mich selbst, vergessen sogar meine Zeit und meinen Raum, 
auf den Fliigeln der Dichtkunst in die dramatische Handlung, in ihre Zeit, ihren 
Raum getragen. Von Decorationen hangt dieser Tausch nicht ab : denn historisch 
vergesse ich nicht, dass ich vor einem Brettergeriist stehe, und es wird lacherlich, 
wenn mich das franzosische Trauerspiel durch Kunstgriff'e und Worte selbst daran 
erinnert, dass ich nicht davor stehe, sondern hie oder dort zu seyn belieben werde. 
A us Macht der Handlung, geistig also muss ich daseyn, wo der Dichter mich seyn 
lasst, meine Einbildungskraft, meine Empfindung, nicht meine Person steht ihm zu 
Dienst 3 . 

In his preface to Die Braut von Messina Schiller says that the 

spectator at the theatre knows 

dass er im eigentlichen Sinn nur an Traumen weidet, und wenn er von dem Schau- 
platz wieder in die wirkliche Welt zuriickkehrt, so umgibt ihn diese wieder mit 
ihrer ganzen driickenden Enge, er ist ihr Raub wie vorher, denn sie selbst ist 
geblieben, was sie war, und an ihm ist nichts verandert worden. Dadurch ist also 
nichts gewonnen als ein gefalliger Wahn des Augenblicks, der beim Erwachen ver- 
schwindet.... 

Die wahre Kunst aber hat es nicht bloss auf ein voriibergehendes Spiel abgesehen ; 
es ist ihr ernst damit, den Menschen nicht bloss in einen augenblicklichen Traum 
von Freiheit zu versetzen, sondern ihn wirklich und in der Tat frei zu rnachen. 

People who believe that Coleridge was very materially influenced in 
his lectures on Shakespeare by Schlegel's lectures must be puzzled to 
account for the fact that the two critics hold directly opposite views on 
matters which both regard as of great importance 4 . Illustrations of such 

1 Viz. from Kalligone and Die Braut von Messina (preface), which, we know, Coleridge 
had read. 

2 Notes, p. 207. 

3 Werke, xxn, p. 155. Compare also : ' Shaksperian drama appealed to the imagination 
rather than to the senses, and to the reason as contemplating our inward nature.... The 
reason is aloof from time and space ; the imagination is an arbitrary controller over both ; 
and if only the poet have such power of exciting our internal emotions as to make us 
present to the scene in imagination chiefly, he acquires the right and privilege of using 
time and space as they exist in imagination, and obedient only to the laws by which the 
imagination itself acts ' (Notes, pp. 204-5). Compare, further, Herder, Werke, xxm, p. 383. 

4 Compare E. Pizzo, Anglia, Bd. xxvin, p. 221. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 199 

divergent views are the following. Coleridge denies that Shakespeare 

intended to represent Othello as a negro and confused 'Moor' and 

' Negro.' He quotes the term ' thick-lips,' and speaks of it as ' one if not 

the only seeming justification' for assuming that Othello is a negro. 

Schlegel regards it as 'a fortunate mistake ' that Shakespeare made 

Othello ' in every respect a negro.' Coleridge states that Othello kills 

Desdemona not in jealousy, which term does not describe ' the solemn 

agony of the noble Moor 1 .' Schlegel says Othello's jealousy 'is not the 

jealousy of the heart,' but it is of a 'sensual kind.' The Moor only 

seems noble 2 . Both Coleridge and Schlegel allude to Theobald's note on 

the ' contradiction ' in Hamlet : 

That undiscover'd country, from whose bourne 
No traveller returns... 

but they offer very different explanations of this seeming contradiction 3 . 
They differ, too, in their remarks on the weird sisters in Macbeth*. 

We may sum up the relationship of Coleridge to Schlegel as follows. 
Where they say much the same about Greek drama, with its unities and 
chorus, and where they compare poetry with sculpture and painting, 
they are repeating what had been said by Lessing ; where they compare 
ancient and modern poetry, they follow Herder and Schiller. 

We have seen that it can be shown that Coleridge used for his 
lectures of 1.811, 1813 and 1818 material which was collected long 
before those lectures were given ; and, no doubt, much of the essay on 
poetry he was planning in 1800, and the lectures he was writing out in 
1807 supplied material for all his lectures, and contained the matter he 
was accused of taking from Schlegel. The extent of his ' borrowings ' 
seems to be limited to the possibility that he adopted in some cases a 
few phrases which expressed what he had to say more happily than he 
himself had expressed it. 

An examination of the parallels shows that Coleridge's express denial 
of plagiarism can be reconciled with some at least of these many simi- 
larities. Whatever Coleridge may owe to his German contemporaries, 
there is nothing to show that his debt to Schlegel is material. 

SCHELLING. 

Coleridge's debt to Schelling, like his debt to Schlegel, has been 
exaggerated. In the latter half of the nineteenth century this was due 
mainly to Sara Coleridge's edition of the Notes and Lectures on Shake- 



1 Notes, pp. 393, 385-6. 

2 Lectures, p. 401. 3 Notes, p. 361 and Lectures, p. 
4 Notes, p. 370 and Lectures, p. 407. 



406. 
13—2 



200 The German Influence on Coleridge 

speare in 1849. In the preface to his edition of the Biographia 
Literaria, Shawcross has shown that Coleridge's claim to have arrived 
at his views independently of Schelling, can, to some extent, be sub- 
stantiated 1 . Shawcross also shows that Coleridge does not, in fact, agree 
with Schelling so entirely as had been assumed ; that there are matters 
on which they differ fundamentally. 

It remains only to make a few observations on the parallel passages 
from Schelling quoted by Sara Coleridge ; the following are examples : 

Has not every theory of later times even set out from the principle, that Art 
should be the imitatress of Nature ? It has so ; but what did this broad general 
principle avail the artist, amid the various significations (Vieldeutigkeit) of the 
conception of Nature, and when there were almost as many representations of this 
Nature as different modes of existence ? 

How comes it that, to every cultivated sense, imitations of the so-named real, 
carried even to illusion, appear in the highest degree untruthful, — even convey the 
impression of spectres ; whereas a work, in which the idea is dominant, seizes us 
with the full force of truth, — nay transports us for the first time into the genuine 
world of reality ? Whence does this arise, save from the more or less obscure per- 
ception, which proclaims that the idea is that alone which lives (das allein Lebendige) 
in things : — that all else is beingless and empty shadow 2 ? 

The science, through which Nature works, is indeed like to no human science, 
which is united with self-reflection. In it conception is not distinct from Art, nor 
design separate from execution. 

It has long been perceived that, in Art, not every thing is performed with con- 
sciousness ; that with the conscious activity an unconscious power must be united,.... 
The attitude of the Artist toward Nature should frequently be explained by the 
maxim, that Art in order to be such, must, in the first instance, depart from Nature, 
and only return to her in the last fulfilment... he must remove himself from the 
product or creature, but only for the sake of raising himself up to the creative power 
and seizing that intellectually or spiritually. Hereby he rises into the domain of 
pure ideas ; he forsakes the creature in order to win it back again with a thousand- 
fold profit, and in this way he will come back to Nature indeed. 

Now the passages in Coleridge with which these passages from 
Schelling are compared have been quoted, and it has been shown that 
these thoughts are found in Schiller 3 . The fact is again simply that 
Schelling was himself deeply indebted to Kant and Schiller. Practically 
all that Schelling has to say in these particular passages had been said 
by Kant and Schiller. Coleridge's study of Kant and Schiller preceded 
his study of Schelling. Much that he found in Schelling he was, there- 
fore, already familiar with. 

Thus Coleridge found in Schelling (1) material already familiar to 
him, because Schelling had been influenced by Kant and Schiller, 
(2) thoughts at which he had arrived, he tells us, independently, in 

1 With this conclusion Max Deutschbein agrees. See Das Wesen des Romantisehen, 
Cothen, 1921, p. 11. 

2 All this was obviously suggested by the first few pages of Schiller's Uber naive mid 
sentimentalische Dichtung ; see also preface to Die Braut von Messina on 'die Kunst des 
Ideals.' 

3 See the first part of this article, Modem Language Review, July, 1922, pp. 276-7. 



A. C. DUNSTAN 201 

support of which claim there is some evidence, (3) thoughts with which 
he immediately, or on further reflection, disagreed 1 . So that in view of 
Coleridge's repudiation of plagiarism we must put forward the hypo- 
thesis that the actual borrowing is limited to the manner of expressing 
the thought, and that Schelling had far less material influence on 
Coleridge than was once assumed. 

The German influence on Coleridge's literary criticism may be 
summed up as follows. Lessing attracted Coleridge for a short time on 
his arrival in Germany. But Coleridge soon found that Lessing had 
little to teach him, and Lessing's influence is a question of method 
rather than of matter 2 . Coleridge speaks of Lessing as 'a model of 
acute, spirited, sometimes stinging, but always argumentative and 
honourable criticism 3 .' Kant influenced Coleridge as far as his formal 
essays on general principles are concerned, but it is impossible to trace 
much definite influence of Kant in Coleridge's detailed literary criticism 4 . 
Herder and Schiller were, like Coleridge, poet-philosophers. All three 
approached poetry in. much the same way. Schiller's essay on ' naive ' 
and 'sentimental' poetry exerted a great influence on Coleridge, but 
in style Coleridge's lectures on Shakespeare have the rhetorical form of 
Herder's essays. There are fundamental ideas common to both, which 
have been pointed out above. These ideas admit of no proof. They are 
based on faith, on so strong a faith that they have all the validity of 
established facts for Herder and Coleridge ; and the ideas are presented 
to their audiences with the same kind of passionate rhetoric. 

Coleridge began to study Schelling after he had already worked out 
for himself what Schelling elaborated from the same sources. The verbal 
similarities between Coleridge and Schelling are due to the fact that 
Coleridge, in these cases, elected to state his views in the words of 
Schelling. 

From Schlegel Coleridge learnt nothing. Where he agrees with 
Schlegel, he is stating views he held long before Schlegel's lectures 
were delivered. His whole debt, if debt it can be called, is found in the 
adoption of a phrase here and there. Schlegel suggested no fundamental 
principle, and no application of fundamental principles. 

London. A. C. DUNSTAN. 

1 See Biographia Literaria, ed. Shawcross (Introduction). 

■ The most striking example of Lessing's teaching is found in the Essay on Poesy or 
Art, ' the subjects chosen for works of art. ..should be such as really are capable of being 
expressed and conveyed within the limits of those arts ' (Misc., p. 49). 

3 Biographia Literaria, ch. xxi. 

4 It has been shown that the application of any such general principles was more 
probably due to Schiller's influence. 



MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 

Grendel's Glove and his Immunity from Weapons. 

The Glove. 
The connexion which has recently been established between the 
main theme of the Grendel Fight and folk-lore originals explains the 
significance, not before understood, of Grendel's curious glove described in 
Beowulf, 11. 2085-92. Stopford Brooke says that the glove was probably 
' a kind of pouch,' and Chambers, following ten Brink, translates glof as 
' pouch, bag.' The glove may have been used as a bag — there is no 
definite evidence of its use as such, — but a large glove was a charac- 
teristic property of trolls. The feature was probably inherited from the 
glove episode of Thor and the giant Skrymir as told by the Edda. This 
glove was so large that Thor and his party lodged in a part of it. Thorpe, 
in his Northern Mythology, II, p. 149, relates the story of a troll whose 
glove could hold a barrel of rye. In every case where the mention of a 
glove has been introduced into a troll-story, the reason for its introduc- 
tion has been to emphasise the gigantic stature and terrible nature of 
the fiend, and this was also the scop's intention in Beowulf. From what 
is known of trolls and their gloves, it is not impossible that Grendel 
used his glove as a game-bag. But nevertheless its significance as the 
special mark of a troll remains. 

The Immunity from Weapons. 

Grendel's immunity from weapons is another of his characteristics 
which has not hitherto been sufficiently explained. The facts as given 
in Beowulf are related in an allusive and obscure manner and are widely 
scattered over several passages. The first mention of this attribute in 
the monster occurs in 11. 433-40, where Beowulf says he has heard that 
Grendel cares not for weapons by reason of his rashness. This does not 
sound like magic. It gives the idea that Grendel in the presence of his 
foe is seized with a blind fit of courage and rage, like a berserker or a 
wild beast, and hurls himself fiercely on his adversary without thought 
of the weapons which that enemy might possess. Beowulf scorns to have 
the advantage of arms over an enemy ignorant of their very use, so at 
11. 671-87 he is found disarming himself in preparation for the struggle. 
So far the description is consistent. 



Miscellaneous Notes 203 

But at 11. 794-805, where the fight begins, it is said that Beowulf's 
followers try to assist him by striking at Grendel with their swords, but 
that no war-bill, not even the best of blades, could touch the accursed 
foe. Why not ? Now, the next sentence has usually been taken as the 
explanation : 'because he used enchantment against conquering weapons, 
every sort of blades ' (Clark Hall). But there is a possibility that this is 
a mistranslation. He, the subject of forsworen, could according to the 
rules of modern English syntax refer only to Grendel, in which case 
Clark Hall's rendering would be correct. But O.E. syntax allows of such 
rapid changes of subject that he quite possibly refers to Beowulf, and in 
that case the passage merely repeats Beowulf's resolve to trust to his 
hand-grip alone. Such an explanation does not require the invention of 
a forced meaning for forswor en. Nor would the sentence be an irrelevant 
reminder of Beowulf's resolve, for it would be a hint, in the scop's typical 
manner, that the hero had been wise in rejecting the use of weapons. 
Moreover, this explanation fits in with what has been said of the monster's 
recklessness, whereas, if he had laid a spell on all cutting weapons, his 
disregard for their blows could hardly have been termed reckless. 

What then is the explanation of the monster's immunity from the 
retainers' swords? This is given at 11. 985-90: 'Everyone said that' no 
excellent blade (even) of the harder sort would touch him or sever the 
blood-stained battle-hand of that monster.' It was therefore this tough- 
ness of skin, in keeping with the steel-like claws, of the monster which 
protected him against the weapons of the Geats. Such a characteristic 
would be highly appropriate to a monster, especially to one who seems 
in early versions of the tale (e.g. Saxo) to have had some connexion 
with a bear. Nor would mere toughness of skin be incompatible with the 
recklessness of Grendel, for presumably there was always the possibility 
of his skin being pierced, just as his mother's was pierced later. 

Besides, there is corroboration in 11. 1518-28 and 1557-69. Here it 
is said that even the well-tried blade of Hunferth failed to penetrate 
the mere-wife's skin, and in consequence the hero's life was in serious 
danger. But presently he saw hanging on the wall a mighty sword with 
which he was able to cut off his adversary's head. If the immunity of 
Grendel and his dam had been due to magic, this sword must have 
possessed superior magic power. But the sword is described at length 
at 11. 1557-62 and again at 11. 1688-98, and in neither passage is there 
any mention of magic properties. What is emphasised is its great size 
and its excellence. It was so big that no other man than Beowulf could 
wield it in battle, and it was said to have been the work of giants, those 



204 Miscellaneous Notes 

legendary smiths to whose skill all excellent swords were attributed. 
Hence, it would seem that the success of the blade was due to material, 
and not to magical, properties. 

To sum up then, one of the characteristics of Grendel was a tough- 
ness of skin which protected him against weapons. Beowulf realised the 
futility of attacking him with his sword and preferred to trust to his 
muscular strength. When the monster's arm and shoulder were dis- 
played, the Danes understood why all their efforts to rid themselves of 
their foe had been in vain. The same protective toughness of skin — 
though possibly in a less degree — was also an attribute of Grendel's 
mother, but, by the fortunate acquisition of a sword of special excellence, 
the hero was able to overcome her. 

E. D. Laborde. 
London. 

Blake's Indebtedness to the 'Eddas.' 

In Ellis and Yeats' The Works of William Blake, I, p. 336, we read, 
'Vala, a Scandinavian prophetess, may have given her name to Albion's 
wife.' Even in this over-elaborate edition of Blake I find only the above 
rather tentative statement bearing on Blake's probable indebtedness to 
the Eddas. Other critics have, however, been reminded of Norse mytho- 
logy in reading the Prophetic Books. In Irene Langridge's William 
Blake, p. 129, we find, ' Looking through the pages of " Jerusalem," vague 
memories of Norse sagas... come to one and cause a delightful and yet 
fearful shudder.' In P. Berger's William Blake (London edition of 1914), 
p. 157, ' From this first great labour we get the myth of Los the Black- 
smith, a sort of Thor, standing hammer in hand...'; and p. 347, 'We 
must not compare it (Vala) with the Iliad or the Divine Comedy, but 
rather read it as we should read some northern Saga.... He (the 
student) must regard Urizen, Los, Enitharmon, Tharmas, and all the 
rest as demigods, of protean shapes and subject to no logical rules ; as 
gigantic heroes of a prehistoric age ; as beings like Odin, Balder or 
Siegfried.' But all of this is rather vague. Can it be made more definite ? 

It is of some interest to note that Blake refers to Odin three times, 
to Frigga four times, and to Thor five times. One of the references 
to Odin is to Wodan; and Frigga's name is spelled Friga in all four 
instances. The contexts in which these three names occur do not, how- 
ever, make it evident that Blake had more than a very general knowledge 
of Norse mythology. 

Of more importance is the fact that Blake seems to adopt several 



Miscellaneous Notes 205 

names that occur in the Eddas, and uses several others that may have 
been suggested by names, more or less similar, in Eddie material. The 
names Vala, Har, and Hela are well known to the reader of Blake's 
Prophetic Books ; but they are still better known to the reader of the 
Eddas. The name Mam-Tor occurs three times in Jerusalem ; this he 
may of course have got from the Derbyshire hill of that name, but Tor 
and Torus are both found in the part of the Latin version of the Younger 
Edda appended to Mallet's Northern Antiquities (Bishop Percy's trans- 
lation, 1770). Since Mallet's two volumes were very well known and 
were considered the principal source of the matters in question, I shall 
assume for the moment that Blake was acquainted with them. The two 
following columns of names will then appear significant. 



From Blake : 


From Mallet : 


Vala. 


Vala, Valascialf, Vale, Vali, Vola, 


Har. 


Har. 


Hela. 


Hela. 


Mam-Tor. 


Tor, Torus. 


Ona. 


Onar. 


Belin. 


Belen, Belenus, Bel, Bil. 


Rintrah. 


Rinda. 


Estrild. 


Estridsen. 


Heva. 


Havamaal. 



I am aware that the last five names in the column from Blake are not 
necessarily derived from the last five in the column from Mallet (Blake 
might have found ' Estrild ' for example in Faerie Queene, Book n); but 
the evident similarities between the two groups are at least suggestive 
of a probable influence. Several editors of Blake have called attention 
to the fact that he seems to have borrowed several names from Ossian ; 
but it should be recalled, in this connexion, that not in a single case 
does Blake use exactly the same spelling as Macpherson. It has already 
been pointed out above that he chose the form Friga in preference to 
the common and accepted form Frigga. 

Cottle's Edda appeared in 1797, and Blake's three long Prophetic 
Books, in which most of the above names occur, were written after this 
date. Cottle translated only the Elder Edda ; but the following names, 
important for our purpose, appear also in his book : Hela, Harr, 
Valaskialf, Vali, Belenus, Rinda. The name Harr, it will be noted, is 
not spelled as in Mallet and in Blake. 

There were of course many other possible sources of Norse material 
accessible in the time of Blake, though most of them were of lesser 
value. Of considerable importance was the publication of the Copen- 
hagen Edda, in 1787. This critical edition contained thirteen poems 



206 Miscellaneous Notes 

from the Elder Edda, in Norse and in Latin. This book must have 
created considerable stir in England, since it was reviewed in the 
Critical Review, the Gentleman s Magazine, and the Analytical Review 
— in the last two at great length. A fairly exhaustive study of Scandi- 
navian sources accessible during this period may be found in F. E. 
Farley's Scandinavian Influences in the English Romantic Movement, 
Boston, 1903. Mr Farley does not, however, give us any information as 
to Eddie influences on Blake. 

Blake's perverse and mystical originality in dealing with his material 
makes it exceedingly difficult to determine whether he borrowed any 
subject-matter from the Eddas. Perhaps it may be worth while to point 
out that Vala, the first of Blake's long Prophetic Books, is somewhat 
analogous to the first and most important poem of the Elder Edda, 
generally called in translations The Prophecy of Vala. The very names 
are significant. Again, both poems are prophecies ; and both poems deal, 
in a general way, with the creation, the development, the degeneration, 
the destruction, and the regeneration of the world. Both women bearing 
the name Vala are pagan in spirit and rather heartless. Blake's Vala 
represents (among other things) natural religion ; the Norse Vala is the 
prophetess of a kind of natural religion. 

A few other matters may be worthy of mention. Blake's giant Tree 

of Mystery reminds one of the giant ash Yggdrasil ; and gigantic 

animals figure largely both in Blake and in the Eddas. In Jerusalem 

Los's hammer is referred to as his ' thunderous hammer ' three times ; 

this is suggestive, in view of the fact that Thor also thunders with his 

hammer. It is perhaps unnecessary to add that both Blake's Prophetic 

Books and the Eddas are mythical and mystical. 

Theodore T. Stenberg. 
Austin, Texas, U.S.A. 



A Note on Fernan Perez de Guzman, ' Mar de Historias,' 

cap. xevi (' Del sto grial'). 

Del imperio de leon ano d'l sefior de deexxx (MS. ' seyscientos treynta ') fue en 
bretana avn hermitano fecha vna marauillosa reuelacion segun se dize : la qual diz 
que le reuelo vn angel d' vn grial o escndilla que tenia josep abarimatia en que ceno 
nuestro senor jfiu xpo el jueues dela cena. Dela qual reuelacion el dicho hermitano 
escriuio vna estoria q - es dicha del sancto grial : eata historia no se halla en latin sino 
en frances : & dizese que algunos nobles la escriuieron. La qual quanto quier q sea 
deletable de leer & dulce : enpero por muchas cosas estraiias que enella se cuenta 
asaz deuele ser dada poca fe. 

Madrid, BibL Nac. lib. Raros 597 fol. xliiii; cf. MS. 9564 fol. 134. 
Commenting on this passage, Amador de los Bios remarked (Hist 



Miscellaneous Notes 207 

Crit. de la Lit. Esp., v, p. 76) : ' Fernan Perez de Guzman daba no 
obstante a entender en su Mar de Historias citada, que al escribirlo, no 
se habia puesto aim en castellano la Demanda del Santo Grial, por estas 
palabras : " Esta historia non se falla en latin, sinon en frances, e dizese 
que algunos nobles la escriuieron ".' To this inference O. Klob assents 
(Zeitschrift fur roman. Phil., xxvi, 1902, p. 180), developing it a propos 
of the Joseph of Joao Samchez mestre escolla dastorga : ' Die Annahme 
eines spanischen Originals ist jedoch unmoglich, und zwar aus zweierlei 
Griinden. Aus der Art und Weise, wie Alvarez in der Einleitung das 
beim Ubertragen eingehaltene Verfahren schildert, geht ohne jeden 
Zweifel hervor, dass die Vorlage nur altportugiesische abgefasste sein 
konnte. Dasselbe erhellt aus einer — spater noch naher zu erorternden — 
Bemerkung Perez de Guzmans im Mar de Historias (cap. 96), worin der 
Verfasser ausdriicklich betont, dass zur Zeit, wo er dieses Werk ge- 
schrieben habe (2. Halfte des xv. Jhdts.) eine kastilianische tlbersetzung 
des Joseph von Arimathia noch nicht bestanden habe ' and he holds 
that ' diese altere Vorlage direkt auf ein franzosisches Original zurtick- 
gehe' (p. 173). 

The whole statement goes back, however, to Helinandus, and its 
bibliographical value should be restricted to the earlier years of the 
thirteenth century and the Beauvaisis. This traditional comment on the 
opening of the Grand St Graal reached Perez de Guzman by way of the 
Speculum historiale, probably in an excerpt by Giovanni Colonna, author 
of the Mare Historiarum. As given by P. Paris, Romans de la Table 
Ronde, I, p. 91, it reads: 'Anno 717. Hoc tempore, cuidam eremitse 
monstrata est mirabilis qusedam visio per Angelum, de sancto Josepho, 
decurione nobili, cui corpus Domini deposuit de cruce ; et de patino illo 
vel paropside in quo Dominus coenavit cum discipulis suis ; de qua ab 
eodem eremita descripta est historia quae dicitur Gradal. Gradalis autem 
vel Gradale dicitur gallice scutella lata et aliquantulum profunda in qua 
pretiosoe dapes, cum suo jure, divitibus solent apponi, et dicitur nomine 
Graal... Hanc historiam latine scriptam invenire non potui : sed tantum 
gallice scripta habetur a quibusdam proceribus ; nee facile, ut aiunt, tota 
inveniri potest. Hanc autem nondum potui ad legendum sedulo ab 
aliquo impetrare.' To these remarks, which already formed part of the 
common stock of Arthurian criticism, Perez de Guzman adds no more 
than his final caustic phrase ; but Helinandus implies as much when he 
proceeds, ' Quod mox ut potuero, verisimiliora et utiliora succincte 
transferam in Latinum 1 ' : and, so far as it goes, the passage would rather 
1 Migne, Patrologice Cursus, t. 212, p. 815. 



208 Miscellaneous Notes 

prove that he had read the History of the Graal — and why not in 
Castilian ? It may be worth while to mention in this connexion that 
Nicolas de Valencia (Cane, de Baena No. 485), when compelled to make 
the distinction that the Blessed Virgin was wed 

con santo Joseph non de Abazimatia, 

suggests that the Spanish popularity of the first Part of the Cycle was 
sufficient to challenge the vernacular Gospels! That the second Part 
enjoyed just such a vogue is a permissible deduction from the Conde de 
Benavente's Brivia complida en romance con un poco del libro de Merlin 
(circa 1440). 

W. J. Entwistle. 
Manchester. 



REVIEWS. 

Macbeth, King Lear, and Contemporary History. By Lilian Winstanley. 
Cambridge : University Press. 1922. 228 pp. 15s. 

In this small but compact volume Miss Winstanley attempts to carry 
further the line of research and speculation exemplified in her Hamlet 
and the Scottish Succession a year or two previously. It is a second ap- 
plication of what she describes as ' the new method,' and we are invited 
to expect a series of other illustrations of its validity, since few, if any, of 
Shakespeare's plays appear to be beyond its scope. The preliminary ex- 
position of the new method is somewhat needlessly provocative, and 
tends to prejudice the reader's reception of what is really fresh and 
important in the chapters which follow. The belief that Shakespeare, 
like other great men, was of his age and must be interpreted by its 
conditions and mentality is in itself a commonplace, accepted by many 
who have not, like our critic, ' read Bergson,' and are still in the toils of 
' the Cartesian idea of time.' And it certainly has not remained a mere 
pious belief. Even the special notion, which Miss Winstanley champions, 
that contemporary history and personages are reflected in the plays, has 
itself a history in the Shakespearean research of the last generation. 
Hamlet, in the hands of Fleay and others, had been James I, or Essex, 
or Sidney, or all three, years before she began to write, and when she 
benignly dismisses Mr Bradley and his school as representatives of a 
method henceforth obsolete, an unkind critic might suggest that she 
too, setting out to plough this virgin acre, has harnessed some pretty 
well-worn horses to her yoke. 

This criticism would, however, be incomplete, and so far unfair. 
Though her method is not strictly 'new,' she has applied the notion that 
contemporary history and historical interest are reflected in Shakespeare 
with a thoroughness of research and an acuteness of combination to 
which no predecessor, so far as we know, could lay claim. Historians 
had ransacked the state archives and the correspondence of Venetian 
and Spanish ambassadors for light upon the obscure politics of the early 
Jacobean time ; literary antiquarians had immersed themselves in the 
records of stage legislation and the vicissitudes of theatrical companies. 
But Miss Winstanley has reaped the reward of those who explore the 
unfrequented borderland which lies between the beaten highways. 
Thanks to her laborious researches in the Record Office and elsewhere, 
she has been able to paint with extraordinary energy and fulness of 
detail the ' complexes ' of emotions and ideas which gathered about 
certain storm-centres of criminal event — the murder of Darnley, the 
massacre on St Bartholomew's Eve — for the contemporary world. The 
purport of the book, put shortly, is that Macbeth and King Lear are 



210 ' Reviews 

figurative transcripts, in varying combinations and proportions, of these 
two sensational events. And not merely by way of casual or distant 
allusion. They are the real 'subject' of the plays, for which their 
apparent subjects serve as ' symbolic ' or ' mystic ' disguise. 

Before discussing this hypothesis itself, a word may be said about the 
ascription to Shakespeare of the systematic use of hieroglyphics on the 
stage, — and of hieroglyphics that had to wait three centuries for their 
decipherer. Shakespeare does, no doubt, occasionally allude to current 
events, even when the allusions are dramatically irrelevant. But then 
the allusions are transparent. There has never been any question about 
those in Macbeth's second interview with the witches, or in Henry V. 
But, Miss Winstanley urges, it was dangerous to present current or 
recent history, and yet it was just these topics that the audience was 
burning to hear discussed. How could it be done except by ' symbolic 
mythology ' ? I shall say something later of Miss Winstanley 's use of 
this specious phrase. She claims that mystic symbolism of this kind was 
not merely a means of evading the perils of direct speech, but was 
peculiarly congenial to the ' mentality ' of Elizabethan audiences and 
playwrights. For this belief, which was evidently vital to her argument, 
since the 'new method' consisted precisely in taking due account of that 
mentality, she offers surprisingly little evidence. She points again and 
again to the Faerie Queene, as if that were drama, as if Spenser had not 
publicly explained his own allegory, and as if he were in all points to be 
counted a typical Elizabethan. She is very confident that the 'mentality' 
of the Elizabethans was quite unlike our own. But in one point it can- 
not have been very different : if they were addressed in symbols they 
wanted to know what the symbols meant. They did, of course, sometimes 
write and witness symbolic drama. But Lyly's Endymion was assuredly 
understood by the whole court ; and everyone but the government 
fathomed instantly the pretty transparent symbolism of Middleton's 
Game of Chess. She swells her meagre list of examples, which so far 
make against her, by adducing Eastward Ho ; but it is well known that 
Jonson and Chapman were arrested for disrespectful allusions, a totally 
different matter. And, on the other hand, we find Chapman in a whole 
series of plays representing quite without disguise contemporary French 
history, and Marlowe no less openly dramatizing that very ' Massacre of 
Paris' which Shakespeare, it seems, a dozen years later, preferred to 
envelop in the integument (never pierced till now) of the sufferings of 
Lear or Gloucester. The well-known readiness of the government, under 
both Elizabeth and James, to resent and punish political allusions on 
the stage, and the suppression of the deposition scene in Richard II 
where such an allusion was, quite gratuitously, suspected, only tells 
against her argument, for why did the political ' symbolism ' of Hamlet, 
nay of Lear and Macbeth themselves, escape suspicion ? Or if the sym- 
bolism was only flattering, why was it so obscure ? And as for the 
audience, did they, after all, come to the theatre thirsting to decipher 
political allusions, or did they come to see a play? 

To all this, so far as Macbeth and King Lear are concerned, Miss 



Reviews 2 1 1 

Winstanley replies with a suggestion of which we quite admit the im- 
portance and the force. Both plays were pretty certainly written in the 
months following the abortive but terrifying plot of Guy Fawkes. The plot 
is known to have been compared to the successful catholic conspiracy 
of St Bartholomew, and also to the murder (likewise by gunpowder) of 
Darnley, — both events being then a full generation old. She thinks 
that Shakespeare deliberately played upon these parallels. Taking 
Macbeth first, she points to the well-known fact that the drama largely 
follows the Donwald-Duff instead of the Macbeth-Duncan story, and in- 
geniously argues that this makes it accord better with the facts of the 
Darnley murder. And in a number of details, as in the- two servants 
killed in the king's room, the two others lodged apart, and the introduc- 
tion of Lennox (a namesake of Darnley's father), she points out corre- 
spondences between the play and accessible accounts of the murder. 
So again, the younger Bothwell, a deadly enemy of James, had intimate 
relations with the witches. Miss Winstanley here makes a real con- 
tribution to our data. Shakespeare constructed his colossal tragedy from 
an imagination charged with remembered experience, and may well have 
drawn, for a nominally Scottish drama, upon the records of the most 
sensational royal crime in recent Scottish history. But as to a reflexion 
of it ? There was surely one fatal difficulty : if Darnley was Duncan, and 
Bothwell Macbeth, then Mary, James's mother, was Lady Macbeth ! 
Was Shakespeare, whatever his turn for ' symbolic mythology,' likely to 
adopt, for the king's entertainment, symbols which could only mean that 
his mother had been the chief agent in her husband's murder ? It is true 
that further meanings for these symbols are adduced. Lady Macbeth is 
also Catherine de Medici urging the reluctant Charles to consent to the 
Massacre, and this on the ground of a former agreement, like that hinted 
at in Macb. I, 7. And symbols from the Massacre frequently float in 
among those drawn from the native tragedy. When the bell rings, for 
instance, which sounds Duncan's knell, it is the chimes of Saint Auxerre, 
summoning the faithful of Paris to the Massacre. Such a parallel has 
poetry in it ; it might have flashed across the mind of some imaginative 
old man, who remembered the horror of that August night, as he looked 
on at the first performance of Macbeth ; but it does not belong to the 
scientific interpretation of what Shakespeare meant. And if it be sug- 
gested that Shakespeare too had some imagination, and may have been 
conscious of these analogues in an alien and far off past, what shall be 
said of the huge mass of thought and passion-fraught poetry, vocal and 
responsive to the universal experience of men, which the tales of Macbeth 
and Lear generated in that Shakespearean imagination, and for which 
Miss Winstanley herself claims no relevance to her supposed historic 
origins ? 

It is in King Lear, however, that the Massacre comes into the fore- 
ground of interest. The comparison is prepared for, as in Macbeth, by an 
acute analysis of the story as Shakespeare found it. It was not a tragedy 
at all, and the division of the kingdom was a mere 'baby-tale.' Why 
then should he choose such a subject except to use it as symbolic ex- 



212 Reviews 

pression for momentous real events ? There is a strange ignoratio 
elenchi in this question ; a teacher of literature so distinguished as Miss 
Winstanley knows very well that the ' subject ' of King Lear is not the 
story that Shakespeare found but the story that he made. But the story 
that he made must, for her, be ' found ' too. So Darnley, outcast and 
despised by his next of kin, is Lear, without prejudice to his being 
reflected also (more plausibly) in Albany. So Bothwell is Edmund, 
Mary is Goneril or Regan as occasion demands. But it is very properly 
felt that Darnley, though capable of furnishing the 'pathetic and helpless' 
phase of Lear, will not quite serve for the Titanic Lear of the first two 
acts. What was Shakespeare to do ? Fortunately there was an example 
to his hand of a grand heroic figure, who had met a yet more tragically 
horrible doom, — Coligny, the Huguenot chief, ' second king of France,' 
and chief victim of the Massacre. Of more interest than this guess-work 
is Miss Winstanley's attempt to interpret the Gloucester-story so 
daringly yet effectively interwoven with that of Lear. Her discovery — 
that an allegory of a father with two sons, one of whom betrays and the 
other saves him, was actually used in Shakespeare's time to describe the 
relation of Guise (Edmund) and Henry IV (Edgar) to France, their 
' father ' — is of real importance, whatever we may think of her conclusion 
that Pere Mathieu, the author of the allegory, took it from King Lear, 
or of such comic developments of the theme as the suggestion that 
Edgar's assumption of rustic dialects alludes to the alleged traces of 
Beam dialect in Henry's French. 

It will be seen that we recognize solid value in this book, but not 
precisely of the kind the writer claims. Her attempt to show that Lear 
and Macbeth were ' symbolic mythology ' in her sense breaks down, in 
our judgment, altogether. What she has done, and done with a degree 
of enterprise, originality, industry, and scholarship rarely surpassed in 
this field, is to throw a vivid light upon some elements of the mass of 
floating tradition, knowledge and belief, which entered into and coloured 
all Elizabethan experience, and provided the living tissue of Elizabethan 
art. Macbeth and King Lear are assuredly, as Miss Winstanley insists 
Elizabethans in this sense, if they are of any age at all. But not because 
they are ' symbolic mythology ' to which any given Elizabethan event 
provides the key. 

One last word upon this phrase, which is fundamental with her, for 
she uses it on her title-page to define the aim of her book. It is a 
complex and ambiguous phrase, and its ambiguity lends a certain 
plausibility to her contentions. There is a noble and there is a mean 
symbolism. All great poetry is in some sense symbolic. So is a riddle, or 
a pun. The Prometheus Vinctus and the Divina Commedia are, she 
tells us justly enough, 'pieces of symbolic mythology.' And she imagines 
that these great examples support the contention that Macbeth and Lear 
are ' symbolic mythology ' reflecting the murder of Darnley and the 
Bartholomew massacre ! Suppose they are ; these great examples are 
only damaging to her case. To confirm it, vEschylus ought to have been 
disguising, in Prometheus, the features of some Attic rebel of the pre- 



Reviews 213 

vious generation. But is not Beatrice a 'symbolic myth' in her sense? 
No, for though the Beatrice of the Comedy have her ultimate origin in 
the real woman Beatrice Portinari, and though she be herself symbolic, 
no one (certainly not Miss Winstanley) imagines that what she sym- 
bolizes — what Dante is actually relating — is the life of the Florentine 
lady who died in 1290. Perhaps this example may suggest that, in the 
'noble' symbolism, the purely personal, local, and temporal matter is the 
starting point and not the goal, the element by which we step into 
universal experience, not the ' answer ' to a riddle. 

Manchester. C. H. HERFORD. ; 

Shakespeare -Worterbuch. Von Leon Kellner. (Englische Bibliothek r 
herausgegeben von Max Forster, I.) Leipzig: Tauchnitz. 1922. 8°, 
viii + 358pp. 576 M. 

While the latest Shakespeare glossary is primarily designed for 
German readers, it will be found of no small interest by students of 
Shakespeare of whatever nationality, and while it is necessarily in the 
main a compilation from previous works, from Schmidt to Onions, the 
material has all passed through a fresh mind and not a little that is 
original has been added, while the author claims to have provided, 
throughout a more definite and critical analysis of the meanings and 
uses of words than those hitherto available. In the course of a most 
interesting preface he remarks, after enumerating the sources he has 
used : ' Dass trotz dieser vortrefflichen Arbeiten die Worterklarung, die 
Grundlage aller Interpretation, noch sehr ltickenhaft ist, wissen alle 
ernsten Leser Shakespeares ; nur wollen sich's wenige eingestehen, wie 
vieles noch dunkel geblieben ist.' His view of Shakespeare's vocabulary 
he sets forth as follows : ' Ich habe dunklen Stellen gegeniiber vor allem 
an der Ansicht festgehalten, dass hinter Shakespeares Wortern stets 
eine klare Vorstellung, hinter seinen Satzen immer ein klarer Gedanke. 
vorhanden ist.' Shakespeare's mintage is always, he holds, clear-cut and 
sharp. ' Gibt eine Metapher, wenn man die landlaufige Worterklarung 
anwendet, kein scharfes, greifbares Bild, so ist die Erklarung sicher 
falsch.' These are excellent principles for a lexicographer to hold. 
Another interesting suggestion is this: ' Konnte man eine Anzahl 
Anglisten so schulen, dass sie ohne jede Kenntnis des Neuenglischen 
vom Altenglischen her iiber Langland, Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate zu 
Shakespeare gelangten, sie wiirden sicher Hunderte von Stellen zu- 
treffender erklaren, als es bis jetzt geschah.' It is true that on examining 
the references given to illustrate these principles I by no means always 
find myself able to agree with the proposed interpretation of particular 
passages, but this merely bears out what Dr Kellner says about the 
uncertainty of our knowledge of- Shakespearian vocabulary, and though 
such works as his will undoubtedly tend to lessen that uncertainty, 
opinions must always to some extent differ as to the interpretation of 
such a rich language as Shakespeare's and a language moreover that 
was the instrument of so rapid a mind. 

London. W. W. Greg. 

M.L.R.XVIII. 14 



214 B,eviews 

Charlemagne {The Distracted Emperor). Edition critique avec introduc- 
tion et notes. Par Franck L. Schoell. Princeton : University 
Press ; London : H. Milford. 1920. Roy. 8vo. 157 pp. 12s. Qd. 

The anonymous Elizabethan drama here called Charlemagne re- 
mained unpublished till 1884, when it was printed — 'assez fautivement,' 
says Professor Schoell — by the late A. H. Bullen (A Collection of Old 
English Plays, Vol. in) under the title of The Distracted Emperor. 

Professor Schoell gives us, what Bullen did not profess to give, a text 
as faithful as possible to the manuscript (British Museum MS. Egerton, 
1994), reproducing, not only the orthography, but the errors' of the 
scribe, even to the prefacing of the first act with the words ' [Actus] 2. 
Scena 2.' 

The new editor properly takes credit for the superiority of his text, 
though it is as well to bear in mind that in 1884 accuracy so meticulous 
in the reproduction of Elizabethan texts was less highly esteemed than 
nowadays. And to Bullen is due something more than the credit of 
having introduced Charlemagne to students of the drama. It was he 
who first attributed it to Chapman, noting, as justification for this 
attribution, its author's 'trick of moralizing at every opportunity/ his 
' abundant use of similes more proper to epic than dramatic language,' 
and ' the absence of all womanly grace in the female characters.' 

To produce a text more accurate than Bullen's was not a difficult 
matter, nor was it the main object Professor Schoell had in view in 
putting forth a new edition. His chief object was, as he says, to settle 
the question of authorship — ' a prouver, s'il est possible, que Charlemagne 
est l'ceuvre de George Chapman ; s'il n'est pas possible, a accumuler les 
pre'somptions en faveur de notre these et favoriser la decouverte de la 
preuve d6finitive qui rendra retrospectivement vain tout le laborieux 
appareil de notre argumentation' That he has succeeded in proving 
that Chapman wrote the play we think there can be no question ; 
though the task, as his notes show, was no easy one. So far as phraseo- 
logy is concerned Chapman shows little tendency to repeat himself, and 
though he uses certain metaphors with unusual frequency, few of these 
are of a distinctive kind. At the most but half-a-dozen noteworthy 
parallels with Chapman's acknowledged works have been detected by 
Professor Schoell, and, buried as they are in a forest of comment upon 
small points of resemblance to the dramatist's style and vocabulary, 
their significance as evidence of Chapman's authorship is rather ob- 
scured. But, though few in number, they exhibit the kind of resemblance 
that one finds between passages in Chapman's acknowledged plays, and 
when taken in conjunction with the evidence of the vocabulary, the 
lavish use of simile and metaphor, the constant moralizing, the numerous 
apophthegms, the occurrence in I, i, and V, iii, of images borrowed from 
the Semaines of Du Bartas (as in Bussy d'Ambois, Chabot and at least 
two of Chapman's poems) and such minor points as the occasional 
mocking repetition of the words of one speaker by another (noted by 
Professor Parrott as a common feature in Chapman's plays), the proof 



Reviews 215 

may be said to be complete. Professor Schoell seems, by the way, to be 
ignorant that Professor Parrott, to whom is due the vindication of 
Chapman's claim to Sir Giles Goosecap, also assigns this play to him 
(see Modern Philology, Vol. xm, 1915-16), for he makes no mention of 
this in his introduction. This introduction is a careful piece of work and 
the notes also are well done, the only adverse criticism of these that 
suggests itself being that they are too exclusively concerned with the 
problem of authorship. The play contains many unusual expressions and 
one or two obscure passages which have been passed over without com- 
ment. Apart from this, Professor Schoell has given us as good an edition 
of Charlemagne as could be desired. He favours 1598-9 as the date, 
agreeing with Bullen in declining to accept the allusion to ' King 
Charlimayne ' in Peele's Farewell to Norris and Drake of 1589 (where 
the name occurs in conjunction with ' Mahomet's Poo and mighty 
Tamburlaine') as a reference to this play. 

Enfield. H. DUGDALE SYKES. 

A Pepysian Garland. Black-letter Broadside Ballads of... 1595-1639, 
chiefly from the collection of Samuel Pepys. Edited by Hyder E. 
Rollins. Cambridge: University Press. 1922. 8vo. xxxi + 491pp. 
21s. 

Having recently returned from a visit to Cambridge and a renewed 
study of Pepys's collection of broadside ballads, I was very agreeably 
surprized by the receipt of this volume, which gives to those who are not 
acquainted with the original ballads a very good impression of what 
they are like, minus the black-letter, which is retained only in the titles, 
and reminds those who have pored over the diarist's wonderful collection, 
of hours pleasantly and instructively spent in the study of this engrossing 
subject within the hospitable walls of the University Library. Those 
who have experienced the courtesy of Mr O. F. Morshead, the librarian 
of Magdalene College, will be gratified to see that the Garland is dedi- 
cated to him. 

The volume marks a rapid progress after Professor Rollins's first 
publication, especially noticeable in the copious introductory notes. In 
the preface the author gives a concise history of the ballad, and discusses 
its merits and demerits. 'To judge the ballads as poetry is altogether 
unfair.... Ballads were not written for poetry.' This is, of course, a per- 
fectly just and correct statement, but one is pleased to read that ' From 
the point of view of sheer melody and rhythm, ballads often answer more 
than fairly to the test,' for it is a very remarkable fact, too often neglected 
by writers on the subject, that although the balladists are inferior poets, 
they frequently have a fine ear for rhythm and rime. Take for example 
the stanza of No. 19, The pedlar opening his pack : 

Who is it will repaire, 

or come and see my packet : 
Where there's store of Ware, 

if any of you lacke it, 
view the Fayre. 

14—2 



216 Reviews 

It is written to the tune of Last Christmas 'twas my chance, which Pro- 
fessor Rollins says he has not met with elsewhere, but which he will 
find in Pills to purge Melancholy, vol. v, p. 25. The tune is so named 
from the first line of The Dance of the Usurer and the Devil : 

Last Christmas 'twas my chance, 

To be in Paris city ; 
Where I did see a Dance, 

In my conceit was very pretty — By men of France. 

Or, take the four-line stanza, brisk in movement, running on the same 
rime and crowned by a twice -repeated refrain, of No. 41, The Wiving Age : 

The Maidens of London are now in despaire, 
How they shall get husbands, it is all their care, 
Though maidens be neuer so vertuous and faire, 
Yet old wealthy widowes, are yong mens chiefe ware. 

Oh this is a wiuing age. 

Oh this is a wining age. 

Or, for a last example, the metrically interesting stanza of No. 11, The 
history of Jonas, with its artistic rime-scheme, and its relieving short 
couplet connecting a long-lined quatrain and tercet : 

Vnto the Prophet lonas I read, 
The word of the Lord secretly came, 
Saying to Niniuy passe thou with speed, 
To that mightie Citie of wondrous fame. 

Against it quoth he 

cry out and be free. 
Their wickednesse great is come vp to me. 
Sinne is the cause of great sorrow and care, 
But God through repentance his vengeance doth spare. 

The most important part of the preface is undoubtedly Professor Rollins's 
disquisition on the jig. I believe he is the first to have thrown clear light 
upon the real nature of this interesting miniature drama, which 'was 
sung and danced on the stage to ballad-tunes.' Jigs have suffered from 
erroneous definition, partly owing to the fact, no doubt, that very few 
genuine jigs were known when the definition was given. The editor prints 
a most interesting specimen, which worthily opens the Garland. It is 
entitled ' Frauncis new Jigge, betweene Frauncis a Gentleman, and 
Richard a Farmer.' The title is not quite correct, for there is a very 
important third personage, viz. Besse, Richard's wife, while the second 
part introduces a fourth dramatis persona, Master Frauncis' ' owne wife, 
having a maske before her face, supposing her to be Besse.' It is a 
dramatic sketch, sung to various tunes. Evidently there was a dance at 
the end of the first part, for after the last line there is the stage direc- 
tion: 'Enter Mistris Frauncis with Richard. To the tune of Bugle Boe.' 
That is to say, they danced upon entering, after which came their dia- 
logue, to the tune of As I went to Walsingham, opening the second part. 
Students of the Shirburn Ballads will remember a somewhat different 
version of this jig under the title of ' Mr Attowel's Jigge.' It is so called 
from George Atto well (Atvvell), the actor, who, no doubt, danced in this 
jig and whose name is under the printed copy, which need not imply that 



Reviews 217 

he is the author. Professor Rollins does more than to define the character 
of the jig; he also gives its history and traces its influence, adding a 
valuable page to the history of the English drama. 

Although the volume is mainly what the title calls it, a Pepysian 
Garland, yet a small number of ballads is added from other sources, viz. 
six from the Wood and Rawlinson collections at the Bodleian Library, 
and one from the Manchester Free Reference Library. Among these is 
the spirited, musical ' Round boyes indeed. Or The Shoomakers Holy-day.' 
It is what it calls itself ' a very pleasant new Ditty. . . To a pleasant new 
Tune.' 

Here we are good fellowes all, 

round Boyes round : 
Attendance giue when we doe call, 

round boyes indeed. 
Since we are here good fellowes all, 

drinke we must and worke we shall. 
And worke we will what ere befall, 
for money to serue our need. 

Professor Rollins has been particularly happy in the choice of the 
seventy-three ballads from the first of the five stout volumes of the Pepys 
collection. Fortunately ' no attempt has been made to smooth away or 
omit the three or four objectionable words that occur. Bowdlerizing is 
out of the question in a work of this kind.' Occasionally more is meant 
than meets the eye, but the specialist does not mind and the general 
reader will not be harmed. The Garland is representative and forms 
with its instructive preface and notes an excellent introduction to the 
study of a subject which is gradually being recognized as indispensable 
to those who wish to understand ' the lives and thoughts, the hopes and 
fears, the beliefs and amusements, of sixteenth and seventeenth century 
Englishmen.' Ballads were, ' in the main, the equivalent of modern news- 
papers, and it cannot well be denied that customarily they performed 
their function as creditably in verse as the average newspaper does in 
prose. Journalistic ballads outnumbered all other types. Others were 
sermons, or romances, or ditties of love and jealousy, of tricks and 
"jests," comparable to the ragtime, or music hall, songs of the present 
time.' In this collection a variety of subjects is represented. Local, 
English and continental history (Nos. 9 ; 15 ; 4, 7, 52); customs, social 
conditions, trades (Nos. 2, 5. 10, 12, 34, 70; 47; 72, 3, 64); marriage 
(Nos. 41, 58, 62; 40); didactic and moral lessons (Nos. 64, 65; 27, 
31, 66); biblical history (Nos. 11, 61); repentant sinners (Nos. 14, 15, 
49, 63, 75); murder and cruelty (Nos. 39, 14, 49, 50, 51); events of the 
day (Nos. 14, 22, 24, 39, 68) ; prognostications and wonders (Nos. 24, 25, 
26, 78, 79); witches (No. 16), and a voracious eater (No. 60), are a few 
of the multifarious subjects dealt with in this Garland. 

Ballad-readers were kept well-informed of what happened on the 
continent. The execution of Johan van Oldenbarneveldt is commemo- 
rated in Murther unmasked, Or Barneviles base Conspiracie against his 
owne Country, discouered. The portrait which adorns the broadside is 
most decidedly not van Oldenbarneveldt's. We do not now speak of his 



218 Reviews 

'base conspiracy,' but such was the view then held in England. The 
play by Massinger and Fletcher, a new edition of" which has lately ap- 
peared 1 , represents the great patriot in a slightly less unfavourable light. 
The struggle between Spain and the United Provinces attracted a good 
deal of attention as is evident from No. 80, A new Spanish Tragedy 2 . 
Many readers will be interested in No. 20, The Lamenting Lady, which 
narrates the famous legend of the Countess Margareta van Henneberg, 
of Loosduinen near the Hague, who, as the result of a curse, produced 
365 boys and girls at one birth. The story is preceded by a detailed note 
in which the editor adduces a number of interesting facts connected with 
this legend, which owes its origin to the unfortunate circumstance that 
the lady, an historical personage, was confined on Good Friday of as 
many children as the days the year had yet to run, viz. two, the New 
Year falling on Easterday. There is a slight mistake in the note :' the 
marvel did not happen at Dordrecht or Dort, but at Loosduinen 3 . 

If one compares Professor Rollins's notes with those of Ebsworth and 
Chappell in the publications of the Ballad Society the advance is 
immense. Ebsworth was deeply read in ballads and songs, but his vagaries 
are apt to irritate the reader. Mr Rollins is very accurate and deals with 
his subject scientifically. There is one unfortunate printer's error in the 
note on p. 248, preceding The life and death of M. Geo: Sands. The 
ballad describes how Sandys was hanged for robbery. In the note the 
editor says that 'Mr George Sandys, his father Sir George, and his 
mother Lady Susanna were notorious rotters, inveterate criminals.' I sup- 
pose we should read ' robbers ' for the slangy ' rotters.' Prof. Rollins has 
paid greater attention to the tunes than in his previous volume. No. 13 
offers a very rare instance, as the editor duly notes, of the second part of 
a ballad being written to a tune different from that of the first part. 
The first example in the note is only apparent, for Philliday (Phillida 
flouts me) is written to the tune of Dainty come thou to me, vide Shirburn 
Ballads, No. lxxiii. Another example is the famous ballad of The 
Widow of Wailing Street and her three daughters, the first part of which 
is written to the tune of Bragandary, the second to that of The wanton 
wife 4 . ' Bragandary ' is also represented in the Garland, and it is in- 
teresting to find that No. 76, Murder upon Murder, is written to the tune 
of Bragandary downe, &c, which I have not found elsewhere. There is 
a variant Braggendarty, the tune of A netoe songe of the triumphs of the 
Tilt, Stationers' Registers, 28 March 1604 (cp. No. 49). 

One would be inclined to identify In Slumbring Sleepe, the tune of 
No. 45, with the first line of Death's uncontrollable Summons in J. P. 
Collier's A Book of Roxburghe Ballads, p. 328, which runs : 

In slumber and sleep my senses fall, 

1 The Tragedy of Sir John Van Olden Barnavelt. Ed. by W. P. Frijlinck, Amsterdam, 
1922. 

2 Trump in the introduction to this ballad (p. 455) should be Tromp. 

3 Prof. Rollins has published interesting details in Notes and Queries 12th S., xi, 
p. 351. 

4 Shirburn Ballads, No. 1. 



Reviews 219 

but the following 

hey ho, hey ho ! then slept I 
seems to forbid this. 

I think Prof. Rollins has, on the whole, struck le juste milieu in the 
case of the tunes; too little information irritates, too much confuses. 
There is enough here for the general reader and sufficient indication for 
those who are interested in the subject to find further information. 

Some of the refrains are very interesting. There is, for example, that 
of No. 28, which we might term incremental, and that of No. 42, which 
we might call repetitional. 

I heare say y'are married since I saw you last ; 
this is a hasty Age, 
this is a hasty Age 

must have been very effective if sung with proper emphasis and with 
the requisite gesture. 

The Glossarial Index is very full. On the whole the language of 
black-letter ballads is not difficult, but naturally here and there a rare or 
obsolete word will crop up. I do not think there is a single case in which 
the reader will turn to the glossary in vain. It is curious to find, now 
and then, a learned word in these popular songs, as when, for instance, 
one balladist refers to a competitor as 

The hetroclite Singer, that goes' vpon Crutches. 

Prof. Rollins does not tell us if Martin Parker was meant. 

The editor has been particularly happy in his choice of woodcuts ; 
the porters on p. 12, the fool shooting his bolt -on p. 317, the ratcatcher 
on p. 61 are fine specimens, and the illustration representing a man in 
the stocks contentedly playing his fiddle (p. 193) is by no means devoid 
of humour. A treatise on the woodcuts of these broadside ballads would 
be interesting and instructive reading. 

The book is very carefully printed on good paper. The fine exterior 
covers an excellent interior, and both publishers and author deserve our 
full praise. Let us hope that Prof. Rollins will dive into the other volumes 
of Pepys and confer the boon of a sequel to this Garland upon all who 
have enjoyed the perusal of this volume. 



A. E. H. Swaen. 



Amsterdam. 



The Place-names of Lancashire. By Eilert Ekwall. Manchester : 
University Press. 8vo. xvi + 280 pp. 25s. 

There is no field of English linguistic studies in which we are not 
heavily indebted to Scandinavian scholars, but this is true in a peculiar 
degree of the study of place and personal names. Our debt to Zachrisson 
and Bjorkman has long since been recognized and we have owed much 
to the work of their pupils, and here it may suffice to mention the 
names of Lindkvist, Ekblom and Redin. Dr Ekwall has in one book and 
in many articles, notes and reviews, given us a foretaste of his own 
excellence as a student of place-names, and now in the volume which 



220 Reviews 

lies before us we have the full measure of his strength. It is no exaggera- 
tion to say that there is no book since the days of Dr Skeat's little 
volume on Cambridgeshire which has marked so great an advance in 
the methods of place-name study and that there is no book on the place- 
names of any single English county which approaches it in scholarship, 
fulness of detail, or breadth of outlook. 

It shows an advance in method in many different ways. The material 
is arranged topographically and not alphabetically or under suffixes, 
and before each Hundred with its various place-names denoting human 
habitation we have the names of its natural features. This has the 
double advantage that it serves readily to bring out any connexion 
which may exist between the name of a place and its topography and 
at the same time brings into close relation those places which may owe 
their names to some common cause, e.g. Wuerdle and Wardle, where the 
first seems to be O.E. weorodhyll ' troop-hill ' and the second weardhyll 
' look-out hill.' They stand close together, and both alike are seen to be 
of military significance. With the full treatment of river and hill names 
Ekwall is led on to a much fuller and more successful attempt to deal 
with the Celtic element in our place-names than has been hitherto 
made. Lastly, under the head of method we may note that Ekwall is 
not content unless his explanation of a place-name satisfies linguistic, 
historical and topographical conditions alike. 

Of Dr Ekwall's scholarship it is superfluous to speak. Of the fulness 
of his book it suffices to say that he has attempted to deal with all those 
names found in earlier documents, which can be identified on the modern 
map. This is what is needed in each county and very few of his pre- 
decessors have attempted it. But perhaps the most stimulating feature 
of the book, for the student as well as for the educated layman, is its 
breadth of historical outlook. Not only have we the usual distinction of 
the Celtic, Anglian, and Scandinavian elements in the place-names of 
the county but also a searching discussion of the vital problems arising out 
of them, e.g.. the survival of a Celtic-speaking population in Lancashire, 
the respective parts played by Northumbria and Mercia in the settle- 
ment of this area, the Norse or Danish provenance of the Scandinavian 
settlers, the relative age of the various types of place-name which appear 
on the present-day map. In other words, we have the beginnings of the 
use of place-names as an effective auxiliary in the cause of historical 
research. 

In a work of such detail and in a subject where the range of com- 
parative material is so vast that each scholar must contribute his own little 
quota of knowledge there are of course many small points in which one 
must disagree with Dr Ekwall's interpretation or, as one is often in- 
clined to do, suspend judgment. A few notes upon such points may be 
given here, not so much by way of criticism as in the hope that they 
may lead to fresh discussion and inquiry. 

p. 27. The change from lake (O.E. lacu) to lock in Medlock would 
seem to be the normal development. Cf. Matlock. D. B. Meslach (sic), 
where we have clear local evidence that there was a lacu in earlier times. 



Reviews 221 

p. 42. Shoresworth, ' enclosure of the shore,' «eems impossible for 
many reasons. Such genitival compounds are very rare, worth is a suffix 
which early passed out of use, while shore is unknown till the fourteenth 
century, there is a Shoreswood in Norham, earlier Shoresworth, which is 
nowhere near water. Both names alike probably contain the Old English 
personal name Scorra, which may be assumed from scorranstan (Birch, 
no. 574). Dr Ekwall himself postulates this for Shorrock (Green). 

p. 44. Wingates. This is a fairly common place-name and like its 
etymologically equivalent Winnats (for wind-yats), the name of the 
famous gorge near Castleton, is used of a place where the wind sweeps 
down with great force. It is not to be connected with wind, the verb. 

p. 45. Royton. ton here and elsewhere would be more happily 
rendered 'farm.' Similarly Moreton (p. 77) is 'farm by the swamp' 
rather than ' moor-town.' It is doubtful if mor was used in O.E. in the 
sense ' moor.' Ashton (p. 100) is ' ash-farm.' 

p. 67. It is suggested here and elsewhere that the Lancashire hill- 
name Billinge is derived from O.E. bill, ' sword,' and was so called from 
its shape. One w r ould like to know how in that case Dr Ekw r all explains 
the suffix. 

p. 69. For once Dr Ekwall's knowledge of O.E. charter material has 
failed him. Semington, Wilts., takes its name from the stream semnit 
mentioned in Birch, no. 1127, while Semley in the same county is so 
named from the semene, a stream mentioned in Kemble, no. 641. Neither 
name will therefore help us wdth the Lancashire Samlesbury. 

p. 70. Madgell Bank, earlier Maggeldes meduclif about whose inter- 
pretation Dr Ekwall is very doubtful, should probably be considered 
together with the equally difficult Maggleburn, a stream-name in North- 
umberland (1261 Macgild, 1308 Maggild). 

p. 83. Hey sand forth, earlier Feasandford, i.e. a pheasant-ford. Change 
of initial f to h is not necessarily due to dissimilation. Other examples 
are given in Place Names of Northumberland and Durham, p. 85, and 
since that was written a fresh example has been noted in Hobb's Well 
in Charford in Wilts, which probably represents the fobban wylle of 
Birch, no. 27. 

p. 84. Towneley (c. 1200 Tunleia) is rendered as 'the lea belonging 
to the town (of Burnley),' but surely tun at that date could not mean 
anything more than a village at the very utmost. 

p. 85. Rowley. We must accept Dr Ekwall's second alternative of 
■ rough lea,' with a modern spelling pronunciation [rofo'J. O.E. raw, 'row' 
is unknown as the first element in a place-name, and such a compound 
seems unlikely. 

p. 92. Rawtenstall is derived by Dr Ekwall from M.E. routande stall, 
'roaring pool,' but the uniform ronton, routun of the M.E. forms for this 
place and the similar Yorkshire one of Rawtonstall forbid this. In 
Rowton Brook, where Dr Ekwall similarly finds M.E. routande, the 
medieval forms uniformly preserve the and ; ' rough-tun-stall ' seems 
a more probable etymology, tunstall being a well recognized place-name 
element. 



222 Reviews 

p. 104. Hawkley *with alternative forms in cliff, for which further 
earlier evidence is needed, is probably a case of the comparatively 
common loss of final f in an unstressed syllable ; cf. Harkley for Horn- 
cliffe, Nthb. and Keisley, Wm. (thirteenth century Kesclif), though it 
may be due on the other hand to the development of alternative forms 
from the nora. leah, giving a final f and from the oblique form leage 
giving ley. 

p. 127. Wymott Brook. The uniform o vowel of the suffix in the 
M.E. forms suggest O.E. mot, ' meeting, confluence,' rather than O.E. 
mupa, ' mouth,' as in Dr Ekwall's own Emmott from O.E. ea-mot. 

p. 128. Worthington. Derivation from O.E. wor®ign-tun, does not 
seem very probable from the point of view of meaning (' enclosure- 
enclosure ') or form, for the form wording for worfiign is very rare in O.E. 
There is the further difficulty that there is no evidence for the use of 
this element, later English wardine, either as the first element in a 
compound or so far north as Lancashire. This last criticism applies to 
one of the explanations offered for Faldworthings, p. 138. 

p. 130. Hunger Hill may well mean what it says, but there is an 
equal possibility that hunger here is a well recognized alternative form 
of hanger, ' a wooded slope.' 

p. 139. Loud. The suggestion is made that this river-name means 
the ' loud ' stream. If so it is a case of irony, for a quieter or more 
sluggish stream could not be found. 

p. 150. Freckleton. Dr Ekwall is bothered by spellings with q, e.g. 
Frequinton, Frequelton, which suggest the presence of aw not found in 
the eleventh and twelfth century forms. This is probably one of those 
cases, which are not uncommon, of a Norman-French spelling in qu for 
English k; cf. Aquilate, Staffs., with alternative forms Akilote etc., Laques 
in Carmarthenshire, which seems to be a rendering of M.E. lakes, 
' streams,' and the form Aquelie found in the Calendar of Documents 
preserved in France for Oakley, Ess. 

p. 154. Singleton in Sussex probably gives no help with Singleton, 
La., with its alternative M.E. forms with initial s and sh. There is a 
Sussex charter (Birch, no. 144), unfortunately in damaged condition, 
from the topography of which it is clear that Singleton must be 
associated with the scengelpicos (sic) of the charter, and this agrees with 
the later phonology of the name, where we have almost uniformly an e 
as the vowel and not an i as in the Lancashire name. 

p. 158. Dr Ekwall's assumption of an English trundle, ' a rounded 
hill,' is happily borne out by the well-known ' Trundle ' at Goodwood. 

p. 181. Old Wennington is not necessarily older than Wennington. 
Old Durham is much younger than Durham. 

p. 182. Stauvin, earlier Stouvin, Stowing, is probably the O.N. stofn, 
stufn, ' stump,' quoted by Ekwall himself later on (p. 207). The alterna- 
tion between final in and ing is of course common in colloquial English. 

The book is remarkably free from misprints of any kind considering 
the vast mass of detail involved. Not more than some half dozen 
have been noted in two or three readings of the book. One can only 



Reviews 223 

hope that it will be read and studied by .all who are interested in place- 
name study and that it will give a real stimulus to work on fresh and 
fruitful lines. 

Allen Mawer. 
Liverpool. 

Sainte-Beuve et le Sillage de Napoleon. Par Jules Dechamps. (Biblio- 
theque de la Faculte de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Universite 
de Liege, Fascicule xxx.) Liege: Vaillant-Carmanne; Paris: H. 
Champion. 1922. 8vo. 117 pp. 7 fr. 50. 

En une premiere partie l'auteur donne un tableau des manifestations 
d'enthousiasme que provoqua le genie de Napoleon dans presque toutes les 
classes de la society, dans presque tous les partis pendant les annees qui 
suivirent la chute du grand empereur; une etude de l'influence exercee 
par l'ere napoleonienne sur ' les philosophes, les historiens, les sociologues, 
les reformateurs et les purs ecrivains,' notamment sur ces derniers parmi 
lesquels Napoleon 'n'a guere eu moins d'eleves que Byron et Chateau- 
briand,' a tel point que le romantisme de 1830 'apparait comme le 
prolongement ou la transcription litteraire de l'epoque imperiale'; et il 
s'attache surtout a marquer la part qui revient a Napoleon dans le 
developpement du hero-worship ou doctrine du surhomme. 

Cela pose, M. Dechamps analyse, dans la seconde partie de son ouvrage, 
les motifs pour lesquels Sainte-Beuve resista a cette doctrine du sur- 
homme, a laquelle il adhera d'ailleurs pendant sa phase romantique 
comme pendant sa phase saint-si monienne; a laquelle il revient plus 
tard des 1839 — 1840, lorsqu'il semble deja se rallier au c^sarisme, pre- 
parant ainsi sa conversion au regime imperial, ce qui ne l'empeche pas 
de pr£tendre, en 1869, alors qu'il se separe nettement de la politique de 
Napoleon III, 'avoir en 1836 ete si peu chaud pour les souvenirs du 
premier Empire.' Pourquoi en 1834 et a d'autres moments Sainte-Beuve 
montre-t-il de la malveillance pour Napoleon? Pourquoi se laisse-t-il 
aller a l'indignation contre ceux qui celebrent l'eclat des triomphes 
militaires du Consulat et de l'Empire ? Pourquoi fait-il allusion a 'cette 
pourpre mensongere qu'on jette a la statue de Napoleon qui va s'elargis- 
sant chaque jour et qui couvre deja pour beaucoup de spectateurs eblouis 
ces hideux aspects mais ne les derobe pas entierement a qui sait regarder 
et se souvenir?' Les raisons de cette attitude l'auteur les attribue a la 
nature egoi'ste, mesquine et ondoyante de Sainte-Beuve, a son inapti- 
tude a Taction, a son insuffisance de temperament, a son besoin de 
denigrer et de rapetisser les grands hommes; a son gout pour les esprits 
moyens qu'il prlfeYait aux 'genies a pic,' enfin a ses reactions contre 
Victor Hugo qu'il visa plus d'une fois par rancune et par jalousie sous 
couleur d'attaquer le ge'ant corse. 

Ecrite d'un style brillant, pittoresque, plein de mouvement, qui sait 
de la facon la plus heureuse s'adapter aux nuances les plus variees de la 
pens6e, cette etude est un modele de composition souple et originale, 
ou l'auteur n'hesite pas a rompre avec les pratiques qui, pour etre con- 



224 Reviews 

sacrees et de tradition, ne lui apparaissent pas devoir etre forcement 
admises partout et pour tout. II faut, entre autres choses, le louer d'avoir 
renverse l'ordre chronologique adopte en general pour ce genre de tra- 
vaux: en exarainant d'abord Sainte-Beuve a partir de 1834, puis Sainte- 
Beuve dans sa jeunesse, il a mis en un relief saisissant l'une des idees 
maitresses de sa these. L'erudition de l'auteur est aussi digne de tous 
eloges: elle est abondante sans etre jamais excessive; elle est sou vent 
aussi d'une concision voulue, soit qu'il examine les sentiments de Sainte- 
Beuve pour l'Angleterre; soit qu'il mentionne 1'influence du Memorial 
de Sainte-Helene; soit qu'il signale le cas specialement interessant de 
Stendhal (a propos duquel il vient de faire paraitre un article des plus 
piquants dans le N° de Novembre — Decembre 1922 de la Revue des 
Etudes Napoleoniennes) : tous points sur lesquels l'auteur, on le sent bien, 
aurait pu se livrer a de copieux d6veloppements; elle est humaine et 
fait fi de ce fameux masque 'd'objectivite' qui ne sert si souvent qua 
dissimuler l'indigence des idees et des sentiments; elle fournit enfin 
un solide aliment a 1'independance d'esprit, au sens critique et a la 
logique de l'auteur qui ne manque jamais de combattre, d'ou qu'elles 
viennent, les opinions natives et les interpretations erronees, comme on 
pourra s'en rendre compte en lisant les discussions qui se trouvent, 
pp. 62, 74, 82, et 104-108, et qui ajoutent un attrait de plus a cette con- 
tribution a la fois si precise, si cornplexe et si suggestive. 

Louis Brandin. 
London. 

Etudes sur la Divine Comedie. La composition du poeme et son rayonne- 
ment. Par Henri Hauvette. Paris : H. Champion. 1922. 8vo. 
xv + 239 pp. 10 fr. 

In this volume, the latest in the Bibliotheque litteraire de la Renais- 
sance, M. Hauvette has brought together a series of essays for the most 
part published between 1899 and 1921, some of them here in great part 
re- written. The first three chapters deal with the composition of the 
sacred poem. Then follow Realisme et fantasmagorie dans la vision de 
Dante ; Dante et la pensee moderne, an admirable sexcentenary discourse 
including a critique of the episode of Ulysses regarded as 'le glorificateur 
de l'energie virile et de l'esprit de sacrifice, mis au service de la science ' 
(p. 141); Dante dans la poesie frangaise de la Renaissance, mainly con- 
cerned with the influence of Dante on Marguerite de Navarre ; Dante et 
la France. In two appendices, the author controverts the theory of 
M. Asin Palacios concerning the alleged Mussulman sources of the 
Commedia, and urges the identification of Dante's 'Era' (Par. vi, 59) 
with the Loire rather than with the Saone. 

The opening essay is unquestionably the most important. Taking as 
his text the beginning of Inf. Vlii, 'Io dico seguitando,' M. Hauvette 
offers a series of Notes sur la composition des sept premiers chants de 
I'Enfer. He accepts the theory of Parodi, which, based mainly upon the 
political doctrines contained in the three parts and a comparison with 



Reviews 225 

the minor works, maintains that the Inferno was finished before 1308, 
the Purgatorio before 1313, while the composition of the Paradiso 
occupied the last seven or eight years of the poet's life. But he would 
go back further. Regarding Boccaccio's story of the recovery of the first 
seven cantos as a historical fact (with which, though with considerable 
reservation, we are prepared to agree), he argues that they represent a 
primitive plan of the poem on a smaller scale, upon which Dante was 
working in the years immediately preceding his exile. The theory is by 
no means new ; but M. Hauvette develops it with abundant arguments, 
based, not merely upon the more obvious aspect of the apparent altera- 
tion in the classification of sins, but also upon the difference of propor- 
tion, the lack of co-ordination, the comparative vagueness of representa- 
tion and relative immaturity of these earlier cantos, their occasional 
inconsistences with what is to follow. For instance, Ciacco in Canto vi 
is apparently not subject to the law as to vision of the immediate future 
which Farinata enunciates in Canto x. We may add that Virgil's 
description of the souls in Purgatory {Inf. I, 118-119) : 

e vederai color che son contenti 

nel foco, 

might seem to anticipate a far simpler, more conventional presentation 
of the second realm than the Purgatorio was ultimately to afford. 

While admitting the force of much of what M. Hauvette says, we 
consider that he presses his argument too far. He even supposes that 
the prediction uttered by Ciacco (Inf. vi, 64-72) may actually have 
been written before the anticipated victory of the Neri had driven 
Dante into exile: 'Certes, la prevision pouvait etre dementie par les 
faits ; Dante en aurait ete quitte pour la supprimer par la suite, — mais 
elle pouvait aussi se trouver justified, et il suffisait peut-etre d'un sens 
politique a peine au-dessus du mediocre pour la risquer' (p. 50). He 
seems to us sometimes to overstate the artistic inferiority and the 
inconsistences of these cantos. The view that Dante did not envisage 
the subsequent developments of the poem is carried to excess in the two 
following essays, united as A travers le Purgatoire et le Paradis. In the 
first, discussing why the poet destined certain pagan souls to beatitude 
while excluding Virgil, M. Hauvette passes somewhat lightly over the 
special reasons (which unquestionably exist and can be clearly shown in 
each case) for the salvation of Cato, Statius, and Rhipeus, and ventures 
upon the hypothesis that the initial conception, set forth from the first 
cantos of the Inferno, placed Virgil without hope of salvation in Limbo, 
and, when the idea of calling certain chosen pagans to eternal bliss 
came subsequently to Dante, it was too late (p. 73). Certainly, when 
Dante wrote the Monarchia (n, vii), he was not aware of the solution, 
suggested by Aquinas, of the problem of the salvation of the virtuous 
man who never heard 'aliquid de Christo,' a solution similar to that 
afterwards adopted in the Paradiso (xix-xx); but it is difficult to 
believe that the position of Virgil, as one who saved others but himself 
could not save, had not been in his mind from the beginning of the 
poem. Similarly, in the second, dealing with the difficulty — more 



226 Reviews 

apparent than real — of reconciling the references to 'Principi/ 'Troni,' 
and 'Serafini' in the sphere of Venus {Par. vnr, 27, 34 ; ix, 61, 78) with 
the arrangement of the angelic orders and their correspondence with the 
heavens as enunciated afterwards in Canto xxviii, M. Hauvette main- 
tains that the Dionysian system of the celestial hierarchies only became 
known to Dante while writing the later cantos of the Paradiso : ' La fin 
du chant xxviii porte clairement la trace d'une recente lecture sur ce 
sujet' (p. 82). There are, on the contrary, strong arguments for the 
view that the Dionysian structure is fundamental throughout the third 
cantica. But, though disagreeing with the author on this and other 
points, we welcome his studies as a valuable contribution to one of 
the more difficult problems which confront the student of the Divina 
Commedia. 

Edmund G. Gardner. 
Manchester. 

La Versification irregidar en la Poesia castellana. Por Pedro Henriquez 
Urena. (Publicaciones de la Revista de Filologia espanola, iv.) 
Madrid: Rev. de Filologia espanola. 1920. 8vo. 338 pp. 7 pes. 

Like Mr Saintsbury's English Prosody., this may be taken as a guide 
to many delightful regions of poetry, with no disparagement of its 
scientific value. It is full of quotations, from the poem of the Cid to 
Ruben Dario ; more particularly, it illustrates, in different centuries, the 
fashions of popular poetry. 

What is ' irregular versification ' in Spanish poetry ? The author 
marks out as his field all the verse which does not keep to a strict 
number of syllables : ' las manifestaciones de la poesia castellana fuera 
de los moldes del isosilabismo.' 

But what is ' isosilabismo ' in verse ? Does not the name concede too 
much to a doctrine of verse which ignores both rhythm and metre ? 
which makes the French Alexandrine simply a line of twelve syllables, 
and the favourite Spanish measure of romance and redondilla simply 
eight ? Taking this for an example, and comparing ' Rio verde, rio 
verde ' with ' Mafianas de Abril y Mayo/ we might ask, first, whether 
' Rio verde ' is not the original type of trochaic metre, and whether the 
rhythm and metre of the second quotation can be treated justly under 
any head of ' isosilabismo.' A full treatment of irregular verse requires 
a study of variations within the regular. Possibly this may be more 
requisite for students not born to Spanish speech ; it may be a want 
less felt by those who understand through natural instinct that the same 
rule is kept in the two lines 

No consiste en otra cosa 
Que haber 6 no haber dinero. 

But no harm would be done by explaining that both lines are trochaic 
dimeter: and irregular Spanish verse might be more clearly defined if 
the enquirer started with the fact that 

Si oir lo que quieres no quiero 



Reviews 227 

is regular, octosyllabic, trochaic, equal to ' Rio verde, rio verde ' or ' Que 
tu pundonor padece.' 

Sr Henriquez Urena does not deal closely with the problem of early 
epic verse in Castilian : that is a question by itself, and it may be passed 
over without prejudice to the history of lyrical rhythms from the 
thirteenth century onward. Or perhaps it would be better to say that 
a full, lively discriminating essay like the present may be used with the 
greatest advantage in the study of the earlier verse, particularly of the 
Cid : the earlier verse can wait, shall we say ? till the later has been 
comprehended. 

Between regular verse, of equal number of syllables, and irregular, 
following the rhythm of a dance, freely, there comes the verse of arte 
mayor : ' to the Greeks foolishness,' or, rather, to the patrons of exact 
syllables a monstrous barbarous device. It is very like English verse, as 
I showed in a paper for the Philological Society in 1898 {Analogies of 
English and Spanish verse : arte mayor) which appears to have escaped 
the attention of Spanish scholars. ' Isosyllabism ' is what the arte mayor 
refuses absolutely. What is remarkable in this affair is that the old 
Spanish prosodists of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, from Juan 
del Encina (1496) to Salinas (1577) and Rengifo, recognize, understand 
and explain the freedom : which to English readers is easy enough ; 
dropping a syllable without any risk. 

Cordova madre tu hijo perdona 
is not worse measure than 

Tus casos fallaces Fortuna cantamos. 
Equal also are the lines : 

Pregunto que" fue d'aquellos que fueron 
Sojudgadores del siglo mundano. 

Verse of arte mayor is familiar in English : it is our old triple cadence, 
to the tune of Packington's Pound. It was never heroic in English as it 
was in Spain (Lopez Pinciano, witness) ; as it now after long disqualifi- 
cation is again regarded by some of the best wits of that country. But 
the English measure, though hardly treated by the Elizabethans, never 
died out, and many a song, as well as Lochiel's Warning and The Destruc- 
tion of Sennacherib, makes it easier for English than for French ears 
(though they too have the same sort of musical tunes) to understand 
the Spanish arte mayor and its varieties : ' twelve syllables, or their 
equivalence,' as Juan del Encina puts it. He uses the same formula for 
arte real, ' eight syllables, or their equivalence ' : and an examination of 
what is meant by ' equivalencia ' in the two cases would be a good 
introduction to the study of irregular verse. ' Equivalence ' in the 
Spanish octosyllable, as in Italian verse generally, produces the exact 
number by process of conventional elision. Equivalence in the arte 
mayor allows a blank space to count for a syllable : thus 

Cordova madre tu hijo perdona 
wants a syllable at the beginning, but the rule makes its eleven equal 
to twelve syllables. Or to put it otherwise, in the octosyllable there are 



228 . Reviews 

often (almost always) more syllables apparently than eight ; in the 
arte mayor there are often fewer than twelve. The octosyllable is 
regular according to Italian and French theories ; the arte mayor 
irregular. English theory, like Spanish, ought to be able to endure both, 
and English metricians will find themselves, not indeed comfortably at 
home, but not unhappily adventurous, in following the present story of 
irregular Spanish verse. 

Galician, Portuguese, Castilian, Catalan poets from the earliest times 
have been in favour of popular verse. Kings have been nursing fathers 
of ballad poetry. What is more curious is that the Spanish writers on 
prosody, in spite of all temptations to look down on their fellow creatures, 
show the greatest liking for popular songs and the most extensive 
knowledge of the same : Cantilenae vulgares are repeatedly quoted by 
Salinas in his great work Be Musicd. 

Tu la tienes Pedro : Juro a tal no tengo. 

Mai aya quien a vos caso La de Pedro borreguero. 

Ante me beseys que me destoqueys, 

Que me toco mi tia. 

Ay amor como soys puntoso (la darga dandeta). 
There appears to be room for further study of the tunes given by 
Salinas ; and also of the tunes published in Asenjo Barbieri's often 
quoted Cancionero musical. One general proposition is suggested, though 
not explicitly stated by our author (pp. 134 ff.), viz. that sometimes the 
musical tune is followed simply with no straining of stress, ' tampatantam, 
que las figas son verdas ' (Mila y Fontanals, Romancerillo Catalan, No. 45): 
sometimes, on the other hand, the tune warps the natural accent : 

El naipe y el dado Es mi galera. 
Whereby it comes about that sometimes the exact rhythm and metre of 
songs may be misjudged, if the music happen not to be given along with 
the words. Obviously the line just quoted will not be rightly scanned if 
' galera ' be taken with its natural paroxytone, and (we may say, in spite 
of some Spanish philologists) its natural quantity, galera. It is not 
always easy to distinguish the effect of the tune. The ' triple cadence ' 
in English, Spanish, German, Italian verse is derived, we may venture 
to say, from dance measures in triple time, originally. The common 
type of tune, which is international, without words, makes a common 
type of verse in languages that are little related. No Spanish ancestry 
is required for Dr Watts : ' But Thomas, and William, and such pretty 
names ' : he writes versos de arte mayor, in virtue of a wordless ancestor, 
a dance. But when verse of this sort is established it may be turned to 
different tunes. E.g. Cancionero musical, No. 402, So ell encina : 

Yo me iba, mi madre, 
A la romeria 
Por ir mas devota 
Fui sin compaiiia 
So ell encina. 

The rhythm seems obvious : but the tune makes it otherwise : romSria, 
mas deVota. What is a poor prosodist to do ? 



Reviews 229 

Great part of the good cheer in this treatise comes to English readers 
from the echoes of familiar verse. May we scan ' I enter thy garden of 
roses' as ' anfibraquico, tres clausulas trisilabicas con acento en la 
segunda silaba ' ? 

Al alba venid, buen amigo... 

Est' es el camino del cielo... 

Aquella morica garrida.... 
Autre guitar e: 

Cuando tano y repico al alba 

no repico ni tafio al albor 

sino tano y repico 

a que saiga mi lindo amor. 

The old Spanish grammarians and the new have no scruples about 
using the terms dactyl and anapaest. Here are dance tunes : 

Valdivielso introduce el curioso metro del baile de Tdrraga que pertenece a la misma 
familia, en el auto El peregrino : 

\ Tarraga, por aquf van a Malaga ! 

i Tarraga, por aquf van alia ! 

This might be sung to an Irish melody. The family, la misma familia, 
in the quotation above is the family of the pipes of Galicia, la gaita 
gallega, which is hard to distinguish, in verse, from 

Pibroch of Donuil Dhu, pibroch of Donuil, 
or 

Down by the Tummel and banks of the Garry. 

Muinheira is another name for it : the measure is indistinguishable, in 
print, from that variety of arte mayor which drpps the first syllable and 
runs dactylic ; thus (p. 50) 

Tanto bailei que me namoricara. 
If this Galician pipe tune pleases through its claiming kindred with 
songs of the North, on the other hand the seguidilla, the short lyric of 
(normally) 7's and 5's, has its own fascination, recalling only in a vague 
way the tunes of English poetry. It is traced here in the works of 
famous poets, Lope and Calderdn and others, and this is again something 
gained for the art of poetry. The references here will not be too soon 
exhausted and done with. The book may be read over and over again : 
it will be kept at hand by every lover of Spanish verse. 

Like so much of Spanish prosody, it comes from America ; following 
Bello and Hanssen the author, a native, as he tells us, of Santo Domingo, 
and at present, as we learn from other evidence, Professor in Mexico, has 
shown how much may be gained for the enjoyment of poetry from strict 
and technical study of syllables. W. P. Ker. 

London. 

Antologia Castellana. Bloemlezing, met aanteekeningen, uit heden- 
daagsche prozaisten van Spanje en Spaansch-Amerika. Door G. J. 
Geers. Deel I. Wassenaar : G. Delwel. 1921. 8vo. 255 pp. 4 fl. 

Dr Geers' contributions to Hispanic studies in Neophilologus have 
already introduced him to Hispanic scholars ; in the present Anthology 

m.l.r. xvih. 15 



230 Reviews 

he addresses practical teachers. The selections are from living Spanish 
and Spanish-American prose-writers, together with a few extracts of a 
general or commercial nature from contemporary journalism, and are 
intended to illustrate as precisely as possible reputable spoken Spanish ; 
they are of sufficient length to justify the formation of tentative judg- 
ments; and the full bibliography attached to the name of each author 
enables the reader to convert, if he will, his tentative opinions into 
permanent criticism. A few of the more difficult expressions are trans- 
lated at the foot of each page into Dutch. The author is to be congratu- 
lated on the scrupulous fairness of his collection: which he has achieved, 
on the one hand, by the objective criterion of including only such 
authors as are still alive, and on the other, by showing all possible 
deference to native opinion. Unfortunately, death deprived the antho- 
logist, during the compilation of this volume, of two such eminently 
' living ' stylists as Galdos and Dona Emilia Pardo Bazan. Included in 
this selection are ' Azorin,' Baroja,Ibanez, Camba, Jose Frances, Ghiraldo, 
Jimenez, Miro, Ortega Gasset, Palacio Valdes, Perez de Ayala, Pedro de 
R6pide, Unamuno, Valle Inclan, Vargas Vila. One may express the 
hope that Dr Geers will be able to include in a Second Part specimens 
of types of prose omitted here : prose of the Theatre (Benavente, 
Quinteros, Linares Rivas), of Politics (D. Antonio Maura, Romanones), 
of Science (Ramdn y Cajal),, and of Criticism (Menendez Pidal, Bonilla, 
Diez Canedo, and others). Of the first name in the last group perhaps 
a foreigner may be permitted to hazard the opinion that Sr Menendez 
Pidal seems to be moulding the Castilian tongue to a precision and 
subtlety of argument and exposition that are hardly of its tradition 
hitherto. 

Amid the scarcity of reliable textbooks and the difficulty of self- 
information as to literary tendencies of present-day Spain, the Antho- 
logy of Dr Geers is a boon not only to his compatriots, but to teachers 
of Spanish anywhere. Let us hope that he may achieve and pass his 
immediate objective, 'dat er meer en beter Spaansch hier te lande 
gelezen worde, dan dat van den eeuwigen Blasco Ibafiez.' 

Manchester. W. J. Entwistle. 

Altsdchsisches Elementarbuch. Von F. Holthausen. Zweite verbesserte 
Auflage. (Germanische Bibliothek, I, v.) Heidelberg : C. Winter. 
1921. 8vo. 260 pp. 

Mittelniederdeutsches Lesebuch. Von Wolfgang Stammler. Hamburg : 
F. Hartung. 1921. 8vo. 148 pp. 

Das Gothaer mittelniederdeutsche Arzneibuch und seine Sippe. Heraus- 
gegeben von Sven Norrbom. (Mittelniederdeutsche Arzneibucher, 
I.) Hamburg : F. Hartung. 1921. 8vo. 240 pp. 

The fact that these three publications have all appeared within the 
same year may be regarded as proof of intensive and methodical research 
in the relatively neglected field of Low German language and literature. 



Reviews 231 

It is right and proper that the German Seminar of the young university 
of Hamburg, under the energetic leadership of Professor C. Borchling, 
should take a goodly share in this activity. 

In Holthausen's Altsdchsisches Elementarbuch we meet with an old 
friend whose good counsel and help many a student of the Heliand has 
sought since 1899, when the first edition appeared. Externally the new 
edition bears the imprint of the present hard times; the paper is 
inferior, the type smaller throughout, so that the former distinction 
between the paragraphs and the notes has disappeared and the number 
of pages has fallen from 283 to 260. But the old arrangement has 
remained, viz. Introduction (Literaturangaben, Stellung und Einteilung 
des Altsachsischen, Quellen der altsachsischen Schrift), Lautlehre (where 
the altered notation e < P.G. e 2 ; e < ai ; o < 6 ; 6 < au, and a = O. Fris. 
a < P.G. au for e, e ; 6, o ; a of the first edition is to be noted), For- 
menlehre, Syntaktisches, Lesestiicke (increased by the Trierer Segen- 
spriiche, 2, A and B, and the Bruchstilcke eines Glaubensbekenntnisses, 6). 
The Old Saxon glossary at the end (pp. 225-60) has been enlarged and, 
in some respects, rearranged, while the Fremdsprachliche Index has been 
cut out, presumably to save space. The numerous monographs and 
articles on Old Saxon since the appearance of the first edition have 
swelled the Literaturangaben to more than double the original size ; 
their results, criticisms of the first edition (especially that by M. Jellinek 
in the Zeitschrift filr deutsche Philologie, xxxii, pp. 520 ff.) and Holt- 
hausen's own untiring research have occasioned, a number of changes, 
particularly in the chapters on Laut- and Formenlehre. These are fewer 
iu the chapter on Syntax (§§ 480-560), which is based, for the most 
part, on O. Behaghel's Die Syntax des Heliand, Vienna, 1897. This work 
is by a slip omitted in the Literaturangaben under Syntax. 

I append the following remarks. In §§ 8, 10, 28, 29 Holthausen has 
substituted ' friesische Stamme ' for ' ingwaonische Stamme.' Why ? 
§ 86, 2 : reference might have been made to Paul und Braunes Beitrdge, 
xv, pp. 304 f. § 106 : in the Berichtigungen, p. xiv, the form sinu ecce 
is added to the examples given in this paragraph of the lengthening of 
short vowels after the disappearance of h ; but cp. Gothic sai and the 
note to §97. The note to §197 lacks scientific precision; reference 
should also have been made to § 257, note 2, Zeit.f. deut. Alt, 47, p. 42 and 
Paul und Braunes Beitr., xxxii, pp. 544 ff. § 291 : the form gibodscip, ace. 
(C, 1. 8) should be added. § 325, note 5 : middilgardun I take to be a 
weak dat. sing. fem. § 364, 2 : the forms mikilo (M 4354) and berahto 
{Gen. 20) should be noted. § 373 : V shows once the ending u (1317). 
§ 381, note : add sehsi (Hel. 2037) before sesse. § 438, note : the form 
gisprekan (C 5568) should be added, and to § 450, note, perhaps bikne- 
gan (MC 1310) : cp. Schluter in F. Dieter, Laut- und Formenlehre der 
altgerm. Dialekte, ii, § 275, note 1. § 488, note 1 : for wi&'arstandan, 
c. ace. there is hardly sufficient evidence ; on C 28 cp. the emendation 
in Piper's edition. §512: to undar 2 (p. 188, 1. 4) add: thesun folcu 
(V 1317). § 516, last sentence : this example, where M as well as C 
shows the verb in the plural, should not have been added, for it is not to 

15—2 



232 Reviews 

the same point as the others. § 524 : it should have been made clear 
that that can also be used with reference to a masc. noun. Cp. HeL, 5685, 
5008 and perhaps 26. Some misprints have remained uncorrected. 
§ 14, 4 : read AfdA for ZfdA. § 75a, 3 (first words of p. 30): als o. 
§ 162a, 4 and 5 : X for *>- § 323, 1. 2 : D for P. § 355, p. 127, 1. 4 : oder. 
§ 461, note, p. 163, 1. 5 : gebildet. 

The Middle Low German period is much richer in literary remains 
than the Old Saxon, although there is nothing to rival the Heliand in 
beauty. There has been hitherto no Reader to provide students with an 
easy introduction to Middle Low German literature ; thus W. Stammler's 
book, which fills up the gap, is to be welcomed. Stammler is also the 
author of a brief but sound history of Low German Literature (Aus 
Natur und Geisteswelt, No. 815, Leipzig, 1920), which his Reader now 
supplements with well-selected specimens down to the seventeenth 
century. The book, however, is mainly intended for the use of university 
teachers in their Seminar courses. The texts consequently follow the 
MSS. closely, only scribal errors being corrected, in which cases the MS. 
reading is given at the foot of the page ; for the same reason explana- 
tions of words and realien in the notes are sparing (pp. 132-147). 
While agreeing with this principle, we cannot help thinking that an 
ample Glossary should have been provided to assist students in their 
preparation. They can hardly be expected to possess a Middle Low 
German dictionary, and without such, many of the texts will remain 
more or less unintelligible to them. The Lesebuch comprises 75 pieces 
of which Nos. 1-44 are in prose. These may be subdivided as follows : 
Nos. 1-10, law; 11-20, chronicles, travels and memoirs; 21-39, religious 
prose ; 40-41 didactic and commercial writings ; 42-43, private letters ; 
44, medical prescriptions from about 1500. Under the last heading an 
extract might have been given from one of the large medical treatises ; 
also a few charms in prose and verse, for the folklore element does not 
seem to be represented at all. Nos. 45-75 are poetry, 45, 46 being 
historical, 47-51 religious, 52, 53 romantic epic poetry, 54-57 satire, 
58-71 religious and secular lyrics and didactic verse. Along with Simon 
Dach's repeatedly reprinted Anke von Tharaw, his dialect cantilena 
rustica, the Grethken Lied, might have been given, or perhaps in place 
of it. The book closes with four specimens of dramatic poetry (72-75). 

Sven Norrbom's book is an important contribution to the rich 
mediaeval medical literature of Low Germany, which, with the excep- 
tion of the Utrechter Arzneibuch, published by J. H. Gallee in 1889, and 
some occasional extracts, still lies buried in numerous and often rather 
extensive manuscripts. These treatises are of considerable interest, not 
only to the student of the history of medicine, but also of language ; 
for he will find here many words and phrases which naturally do not 
occur in purely literary productions. Norrbom gives us a complete and 
critical text of two works contained in the so-called Gothaer Arzneibuch 
(Codex Chart. Goth. 980), namely the Diidesche Arstedie (DA) and the 
Practica Bartholomaei (B), which latter F. von Oefele had already (1894) 
reprinted from the same MS., but without using any other; of the 



Reviews 233 

Diidesche Arstedie only some extracts have hitherto been printed. 
These works are representative of two different kinds of medical treatises, 
the first popular, that is to say, containing remedies, but few descriptions 
of the diseases ; the other learned, including such descriptions, often in- 
troduced by the Latin names of the diseases, as well as remedies. The 
Low German Bartholomaeus is, however, only a free and enlarged 
adaptation of a widespread Middle German version 1 , the exact Latin 
source of which is still unknown. The Diidesche Arstedie, on the other 
hand, Norrbom characterises as a composite work, a compilation from at 
least two sources. Chapters 1-181 are a collection of medical prescrip- 
tions arranged according to the parts of the body ; while chapters 
186-198 are principally astrological, dealing with the letter of the 
pseudo- Aristotle, the seasons, months, days of the month, the signs of 
the zodiac and their influence on men's characters, blood-letting. 
Besides the Gotha MS. (G), Norrbom knows three others, two at Copen- 
hagen (Ka, Kt), and one at Rostock (R), and all, except the last, include 
the Bartholomaeus as well. A detailed description of these MSS. is given 
in chapter I (pp. 3-12) of the Introduction, while chapter n (pp. 12-44) is 
devoted to an examination of their relations, the original form and scope 
of the Arstedie, and its sources. In chapter in (pp. 44-46) the Bartho- 
lomaeus is discussed, and in an appendix (pp. 47-57) smaller medical 
treatises contained in G and Ka. Then follows the text of the two works, 
rightly based on G (cp. p. 32), though the readings of Ka and R have 
often to be substituted, where either the ' Vorlage ' of G or its scribe 
is at fault. Finally the editor provides a most serviceable glossary with 
careful explanations of rare pharmaceutical terms. 

To return for a moment to the question of the sources of the Arstedie 
(chapter II, pp. 34-44) : after referring to the difficulty of discovering 
the sources of such medical books, Norrbom points out some corre- 
spondences in the purely medical part of the Arstedie with the High 
German Bartholomaeus and some more important, although indirect 
relations to the Utrechter Arzneibuch, and to the so-called Wolfenbuttler 
Arzneibuch (cp. K. Regel, Niederd. Jahrbuch, v, 1878, pp. 5-26). For the 
astrological part he draws attention to similar High German treatises, 
but whether the author of the Arstedie used them directly or in a Low 
German version, remains uncertain. The question of the source of the 
Arstedie may, however, be brought to a more conclusive stage. In 
chapter 190 (p. 169, 1. 18) the compiler introduces a 'mester Albracht' 
(G ; the other MSS. have ' Albrecht ') who relates that he himself saw a 
man die suddenly, without any apparent disease, on the seventh day 
after having his arm cupped when the moon stood in the sign of the 
twins. Now MS. Sloane 3002 of the British Museum 2 is a medical- 
astrological treatise attributed to Meester Albrecht van Bergumen in 
Flanders and written by a Low German scribe of the fifteenth century. 
Here we find on fol. 114 r -ll5 r in the article de XII tekene VII ere 

1 For the oldest fragments of the High German translation, now in the Bodleian, see 
Modern Language Review, xi, pp. 321 ff. 

2 Cp. R. Priebsch, Deutsche Handschriften in England, n, Erlangen, 1901, p. 31. 



234 Reviews 

crafften, the very statement referred to above. What is still more 
interesting is that Albrecht's treatise shows the same arrangement 
throughout as the Diidesche Arstedie — an arrangement regarded by 
Norrbom (p. 44) as a particular merit of the compiler. I add one or two 
examples, taken at random, which show the critical importance of 
Albrecht's work for the text of the Arstedie. Chapter 140 (p. 133, 1. 16) 
G reads : ' Wedder de worme nym wintworpe ' ; but Kt has ' varne ' for 
' worme/ and Albrecht, fol. 69 r : ' wedder den varnen,' which proves the 
reading of G to be wrong. Norrbom is reasonably astonished (p. 19) 
that among the prescriptions for the eye there is one which refers to a 
mole on the eye of an animal (chapter 10, p. 79, 1. 32 : ' Heft eyn grot 
deer eyn mael vp den ogen,' etc.) ; but a glance into Albrecht's treatise 
puts this right, fol. 34 v : ' De en groff mall heft vppe de oghen,' etc. But 
this is not the place to enter into a detailed examination of the relations 
between Albrecht's work and the Diidesche Arstedie. Suffice it to say 
that we regard the former as the chief source for the construction of the 
Low German treatise, although there is rarely verbal agreement, and the 
Arstedie has a number of additions, e.g. chapters 1, 7 (the Latin charm, 
p. 76, 11. 20 ff.), 8 (again a Latin charm 1 ), 9, 36 (letter of the pseudo- 
Aristotle). These come, no doubt, from secondary sources, probably 
those adduced by Norrbom), or from the particular copy of Albrecht 
used by the compiler. Whether he is known to the history of medicine 
I cannot say ; he is not mentioned in A. Hirsch, Biographisches Lexikon 
der hervorragenden Arzte alter Zeiten und V other, 1884-88. In any case, 
his work and his influence would provide scope for an interesting study. 

In taking leave of these three publications, we would express the 
hope that more encouragement will be given to the study of Old Saxon 
and Middle Low German at British universities. The Heliand and 
Genesis fragments must impress every serious student with their beauty 
and their echoes of the old heroic poetry (cp. the fine appreciation in 
W. P. Ker's The Dark Ages, pp. 246 ff., 256 ff.). Without the Anglo- 
Saxon religious epics and missionary activity these poems might never 
have come into existence, and when we turn to the Anglo-Saxon Genesis 
B and Heliand C (Cotton Caligula A VII of the British Museum), 
which was certainly written by an Anglo-Saxon scribe, we see how the 
debt was partly repaid. Considerable interest for Old Saxon poetry 
must have existed in the south of England (Winchester, Canterbury?); 
and in Middle Low German poetry, again, one often discerns a note akin 
to that of Middle English poetry. R. Pmebsch. 

London. 

Ludwig Tieck und das alte englische Theater. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte 
der Romantik. Von H. Ludeke. {Deutsche Forschungen, vi.) Frank- 
fort on Main : M. Diesterweg. 1922. 8vo. viii + 373pp. 420 M. 

It has been difficult to keep pace with the ' Beitrage zur Geschichte 
der Romantik ' which have been appearing in Germany in recent years. 

1 On the other hand, there are two charms in Low German verse elsewhere in Albrecht's 
work, which do not appear in the Arstedie. 



Reviews 235 

They fall, generally speaking, into two groups, speculative interpretations 
of the romantic doctrine, and investigations into the facts of literary 
history. Amongst the latter Dr Liideke's volume takes an important 
place ; he has chosen a field which has hitherto received . inadequate 
treatment, and he comes to his task with a remarkably thorough know- 
ledge of the English drama. 

After two introductory chapters on ' Tiecks Vorlaufer in Deutschland ' 
— which seems to me to err occasionally in exaggerating the first-hand 
knowledge of the English drama in German eighteenth-century writers — 
and on ' Tiecks Studien im Rahmen seines Lebens,' Dr Ludeke divides 
Tieck's Shakespeare studies into three periods, ' Die Jugendkritik (1789- 
95),' 'Die romantische Kritik (1795-1820)' and 'Die spatere Kritik 
(1820-40).' Further chapters deal with ' Shakespeares Zeitgenossen,' 
Tieck's translations, and his Shakespeare novel, Dichterleben. The 
general impression which Tieck's studies in the English drama leave 
upon us is their surprising extent and thoroughness and — their futility. 
Tieck's Buck uber Shakespeare, which Dr Ludeke recently rescued from 
the oblivion of a manuscript existence (reviewed in these pages, Vol. 
xvn, p. 103), has not dispelled this impression. That book was, as Dr 
Ludeke says, 'der grosste Entwurf,aber auch die klaglichste Enttauschung 
seiner schriftstellerischen Laufbahn.' It would be difficult, indeed — 
even making all allowance for the state of Shakespeare exegesis at the 
beginning of the nineteenth century — to claim importance for Tieck's 
intuitive insight or critical acumen. The fascination which Shakespeare's 
' doubtful plays ' had for his mind is characteristic of his whole attitude 
to our English poet ; his contribution to the understanding in Germany 
of the Elizabethan drama outside of Shakespeare was his greater 
merit. 

Particularly suggestive are the two chapters in which Dr Ludeke 
traces the influence of the English drama on Tieck's own work. This is 
a very real ' Beitrag zur Geschichte der Romantik.' Occasionally he 
seems to me to seek suggestions from English plays unnecessarily; but 
he has shown convincingly how permeated Tieck's imagination was 
by the older English drama. He reserves his chief consideration for 
Dichterleben, and gives a much more helpful and critical estimate of 
this novel in its relation to Tieck's English studies than the study by 
A. Eichler which appeared a few months ago in Englische Studien (lvi, 
pp. 254 ff.). ' Das Dichterleben,' Dr Ludeke says, ' ist der Grabstein des 
Shakespeare-Buches ' ; in a sense we might say it was the Shakespeare- 
Buch, in so far as it offered Tieck a better opportunity for his romantic 
interpretation of Shakespeare than the prosaic business of literary 
criticism. But this is far from saying that Dichterleben is a good novel. 
After reading Dr Liideke's careful analysis, I felt that I had possibly 
underestimated the book. I have re-read it, but still think that there 
is no more lifeless novel of the German Romantic movement than 
this. Its fundamental defect is the lack of — or rather its entirely false 
— atmosphere; Shakespeare lives and moves here in a purely German- 
conceived milieu, when it is not merely the pasteboard of the Romantic 



236 Reviews 

theatre. All the antiquarian lore in the world cannot efface this flaw. 
Tieck's only visit to England was one of some four weeks, most of which 
was passed in the British Museum. Consequently he knew little about 
England or the English temperament except what he distilled from 
books ; and the atmosphere of Dichterleben, written in the twenties, is 
as impossible as that of William Lovell, written more than thirty years 
earlier. 

Of the early German romanticists, Tieck is in these days in the 
worst case. We have realized that Novalis is a great poet who still can 
appeal to the twentieth-century mind ; we have, in the course of the 
last twenty years, learned to see in Friedrich Schlegel a master of 
dialectic and a spiritual pioneer; and I believe the day will come when 
his brother August Wilhelm will undergo a much needed rehabilitation. 
But it is difficult to see that Tieck can ever again be accepted other than 
as a writer and critic of a very secondary order. His real significance 
for Romanticism lay in the sympathetic friendship and encouragement 
he extended to the real men of genius of the movement, Wackenroder 
and Novalis. 

London. J. G. ROBERTSON. 

MINOR NOTICES. 

In a very full and sympathetic review of Professor L. L. Schiicking's 
Charakterprobleme bei Shakespeare {Modem Language Review, Vol. xvi, 
p. 78), Mr H. V. Routh declared that the work was the first manifesto 
of a new movement in Shakespearean criticism and was indispensable 
to any scholar. The book has now appeared in English dress as 
Character Problems in Shakespeare's Plays. A Guide to the better 
Understanding of the Dramatist (London : G. G. Harrap, 10s. Qd.), and 
Mr Routh's words still hold good. Professor Schiicking, like Professor 
E. E. Stoll, who has done much work on the same lines, which perhaps 
is here hardly sufficiently acknowledged 1 , puts the reader of Shakespeare 
at a new point of view, sweeps away many cobweb theories of former 
critics, and, whether or not we entirely accept his own conclusions, at 
least stimulates discussion and further inquiry. We may ask when the 
author dismisses the theory of Ophelia's suicide (p. 86), what he makes 
of the ' marred rites,' and again, in reply to his argument that Shake- 
speare need not have known Jews in order to draw Shylock, because he 
had Marlowe's Barabas before him (p. 92), we may ask did Marlowe 
come across Jews ? And if he did, why may not Shakespeare have done 
the same ? We may disagree with the characterization of Mercutio as a 
' bully ' (p. 99), and the favourable view taken of Laertes, and we may 
ask Professor Schiicking if, when the Queen says that Hamlet ' weeps 
for what is done,' she is not obeying Hamlet's direction not to let the 
king know that he is not essentially mad ? But the importance of the 
work is not lessened by such queries. The translation is made with 

1 Mr W. H. Hudson's Introduction to The Merchant of Venice {Elizabethan Shake- 
speare) also represents the same attitude. 



Minor Notices 237 

freedom and vigour and reads as good English. Occasionally the matter 
of the original is abbreviated ; but for this, though we are not informed 
of it, the translator probably had the author's approval. On p. 159 
' with veiled lids ' should surely be ' with vailed lids,' and on p 239 ' the 
fabulous happenings ' (in the Sea Venture) implies rather more than 
'die fabelhaften Erlebnisse.' At this point Professor Schlicking's pre- 
sentation has been largely recast. 

G. C. M. S. 

Dr Walther Fischer's monograph, Die Briefe Richard Monckton 
Milnes' an Varnhagen von Ense (1844-54) (Anglistische Forschungen, lvii. 
Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1922) is a valuable contribution to our know- 
ledge both of Lord Houghton and of the relations of England and 
Prussia in the middle of the nineteenth century. The first part consists 
of a dissertation on Milnes' life, especially in connexion with his interest 
in Germans and Germany ; in the second the author publishes for the 
first time twenty-three letters addressed by him to Varnhagen, and 
appends very illuminating notes on the allusions contained in them. 
The work is so thorough and so scholarly and so objective that it might 
be considered an almost perfect piece of editing, were it not for a certain 
number of little slips natural enough in even a learned foreigner. The 
name Pontefract appears invariably as ' Pontrefact ' (pp. 1, 3, 136, 153), 
the famous Lord John is often ' Russell,' but perhaps oftener ' Russel.' 
He appears once prematurely as ' Lord Russell ' and his rival as ' Viscount 
of Palmerston.' The author thinks himself free to insert a Christian 
name before a title, and gives us ' Lady Sidney Morgan,' ' Lady Harriet 
Galway,' ' Lord Bulwer-Lytton,' ' Lord Henry Grey.' He speaks of Chief 
Justice Lord Denman in 1845 as ' Sir Thomas Denman,' but as being at 
the same time a peer (p. 137). The use of ' M.' for ' Mr' seems to be a 
peculiarity of Milnes himself. Here and there one has doubts if the 
sense of the letters has not suffered from misreading. Thus, p. 115: 
' Miss Wynn is at Bath, the most desolate of Spas — she has however her 
mind [? maid] to keep company with ' ; p. 122 : ' I suppose that the 
Prince of Leiningen, like the monkey who lost his tart [? tail], is anxious 
that other Princes should be mediatised like himself'; p. 126: 'the 
governments have taken the heart of [? out of] the German movement.' 
Occasionally the sense is misunderstood. When Milnes writes (p. 108) 
that Carlyle's Cromwell ' from the excessive severity of its democracy 
is ' almost worthy of " the great Incorruptible," ' he clearly means ' of 
Robespierre,' and he has Carlyle's French Revolution in mind. The editor 
refers one to Tacitus. In a note (p. 171) the editor remarks: ' Bei 
Emerson, English Traits, Kap. 3, erscheint " shopkeeping nation " bereits 
als " shop-word." ' Emerson's words (on the fortunate geographical 
situation of London) are : ' The shopkeeping nation, to use a shop word, 
has a good stand.' It is the italicised phrase ' good stand ' which is the 
' shop word.' Pius IX did not make Cardinal Wiseman Archbishop of 
Canterbury (p. 167), but Archbishop of Westminster. 

G. C. M. S. 



238 Minor Notices 

Without doubt, A Dictionary of English Phrases by A. M. Hyamson 
(London: G. Routledge, 1922, 12s. Qd.) will be a useful book of refer- 
ence. It is easy, of course, to mention phrases which one misses here, 
e.g., 'conscientious objector'; on the other hand, one finds hundreds 
that one never heard of, American usage being represented as well as 
English. An interesting feature of the book is the frequent addition of 
the date of an early use of the phrase. The explanations leave little to 
desire. Under 'Pam.' Lord Palmerston's name is misspelt; it is odd to 
hear that Anacreon wrote in the style of Tom Moore ; the date of the 
vogue of the 'Grecian Bend' should perhaps be put rather 'c. 1869' 
than 'c. 1875.' But these are trifling flaws in a book of 14,000 entries. 

G. C. M. S. 

In his little book, Pickpocket, Turnkey, Wrap-rascal, and similar 
Formations in English (Stockholm : M. Bergvall, n.d.), Dr W. Uhrstrom 
has grouped these formations under their application to persons, animals, 
plants, etc. The material has been taken chiefly from the N.E.D., and 
one wonders if the work was worth the trouble. On p. 19 the name of 
the mass-priest was presumably not 'John O. Glosseter,' but 'John 
o'Glosseter.' G. C. M. S. 

We have received from the Clarendon Press two additions to the 
Oxford series of Italian texts : Renato Serra, Esame di coscienza di un 
letterato, edited by Piero Rebora (2s. 6c?.), and Ardengo Soffici, Sei saggi 
di critica d'arte, edited by E. R. Vincent (3s.). Serra ranks in some 
respects as the Rupert Brooke of Italy, and his brilliant piece of psy- 
chological analysis, written in March 1915, is one of the most significant 
Italian literary products of the war. Soffici, as his editor suggests, 
invites comparison with Bernard Shaw. His somewhat revolutionary 
essays in art-criticism belong to that contemporary literary movement 
among Italians of which Papini is the representative best known to 
English readers. These two little volumes are very welcome. From the 
same publishers come two Annual Italian Lectures of the British 
Academy: Dante, the Poet, by Cesare Foligno, and Some Aspects of the 
Genius of Giovanni Boccaccio, by Edward Hutton (Is. 6d. each). Professor 
Foligno considers Dante's own attitude towards the art of poetry, 
elucidating the function assigned by him to poets and poetry in theory 
and in practice, tracing the development of his artistic creed, showing 
how far the writer of the Divina Commedia transcended both the 
doctrines of his times and the limits of his own aesthetic theories. He 
acutely remarks : ' The De Vulgari Eloquentia itself is an attempt to 
bring the classical spirit to bear upon the formalist teaching of the 
Middle Ages.' The somewhat stiff medievalism of Canto IV of the 
Inferno is shown to be humanised and completed by the scenes between 
Virgil and Statius in the Purgatorio. The whole discourse is fresh and 
stimulating. Mr Hutton writes with his wonted enthusiasm upon a 
theme that he has made his own, skilfully indicating the essential 
elements in the personality as well as in the work of his hero. Particu- 
larly charming are the pages devoted to the latter years of Boccaccio's 



Minor Notices 239 

life, when, if the creative artist seems to have finished his task, the man 
himself makes so irresistible and pathetic an appeal to our sympathies. 
There are points here and there on which we do not agree with 
Mr Hutton, but the lecture as a whole is an ideal one of its kind. 

E. G. G. 

Dr Foster Watson has added to his many works on education a 
monograph in the series of the Hispanic Society of America, on Luis 
Vives (London : H. Milford, 1922, *7s. (id.). The plan of the series is by 
now familiar, in spite of the short time that has elapsed since its incep- 
tion, and it is needless to say that the biography is a sound and con- 
scientious piece of work, and at the same time an eminently readable 
one. To the elegant format of the Notes and Monographs this volume 
adds the further attraction of several excellent illustrations. A par- 
ticularly good one is that of the seats of the Tribunal de Aguas in 
Valencia, and the suggestive connexion of the tribunal with Vives' 
ideas is a striking commentary on the usefulness of photographs in such 
a book. E. A. P. 

Professor Albert Koster sets out in Die Meistersingerhuhne des sech- 
zehnten Jahrhunderts (Halle : M. Niemeyer, 1921) to prove the instability 
of Hermann's reconstruction of the Hans Sachs stage : by sifting the 
available evidence, mainly stage-directions, he succeeds in giving us a 
most acute, critical analysis which no student of sixteenth-century drama 
can neglect. He works out the dimensions of the stage, the position of 
the three doors, the two flights of steps, the curtains and trap-door — 
there was no gallery or tower — which were necessitated by the longer 
plays of the Meistersinger in Nuremberg, and which point, on the whole, 
to a more advanced dramatic technique than is generally recognized. 
What the guilds lacked, when the city fathers relaxed their antagonism, 
was dramatic poetry. L. A. T. 

The title of Dr J. A. Kelly's book, England and the Englishman in 
German Literature of the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia 
University Press, 1921, 1 dol. 25), is somewhat misleading. What the 
author actually offers is a series of excerpts, nearly all taken from 
German travellers' descriptions of England and from descriptive articles 
in German periodicals. These are loosely connected by passing com- 
ments and grouped in chapters under the headings : Physical Charac- 
teristics of England, Politics and Religion, Economic Conditions, English 
Culture, Customs and Manners, the British Character, Individual British 
Types. Imaginative literature is represented only by a summary of the 
influence of English writers on German letters (pp. 39-47), and about a 
score of quotations illustrating the appearance in imaginative literature 
of some of the current conceptions noticed. A short Introduction and 
Conclusion round off the whole, to which is appended a bibliography of 
fifty of the sources most frequently drawn upon. The material collected 
is not without general interest and might be of value to the social 
historian. For the student of German literature its usefulness is limited 



240 Minor Notices 

to facilitating any investigation into the reasons for the colours in which 
British life and characters are depicted in German poetry, fiction and 
drama. F. E. S. 

Mr Basil Willey's Tendencies in Renaissance Literary Theory (Cam- 
bridge : Bowes and Bowes, 2s. 6d.) is more substantial, if less well 
written, than the examiners for the Le Bas Prize could have expected. 
With engaging modesty, Mr Willey realizes how much he is hampered 
by ignorance of Italian and by dealing largely with secondary sources. 
He nevertheless shows a sense of the proportion of the various problems 
involved, which promises well for any deeper study of the subject he 
may embark on. H. B. C. 

The pleasant custom of offering a distinguished scholar a 'Festschrift' 
consisting of contributions to learning by his disciples and friends, has 
spread from Germany to France, Italy and America, and is not unknown 
among ourselves. But it results in the production of volumes which are 
the despair of bibliographers as well as of reviewers. In the course of 
the past year we have received several such publications. The Univer- 
sity of California Press has issued The Charles Mills Gayley Anniversary 
Papers (University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 
Vol. xi, Berkeley, Cal. 292 pp. $3.00). The eightieth birthday of 
Hugo Schuchardt has been celebrated by a. Hugo S chuchardt- Brevier : 
Ein Vademekum der allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft, edited by Leo 
Spitzer (Halle : M. Niemeyer. 375 pp.). This volume, which has been 
published with the help of a number of Swiss philologists, takes the 
form not of contributions by friends, but of an anthology of Schuchardt's 
own work in linguistic science. Two ' Festschriften,' one dedicated 
to Philipp August Becker (Hauptfragen der Romanistik, 322 pp., 
Grundpreis, 11 M.), the other to Karl Vossler (Idealistische Neuphilologie. 
Edited by V. Klemperer and E. Lerch. 288 pp. 10 M.), are published by 
Carl Winter in Heidelberg in the series Sammlung romanischer Ele- 
tnentar- und Handbilcher (v, 4 and 5). Each of the four volumes gives 
a list of the publications of the scholar to whom it is dedicated. 

J. G. R. 

Mr Foster E. Guyer writes to us from Dartmouth College, Hanover, 
N.H., U.S.A.: 

Professor Orr, in reviewing my study, The Influence of Ovid on 
Crestien de Troyes, in Modern Language Review for October, 1922, states 
that some of the verbal comparisons are strained or incorrect. 

In support of his claim Professor Orr makes three incomplete cita- 
tions from my work. All three of these citations are unintelligible, as 
Professor Orr uses them, because they fail to give an accurate impression 
of the way in which they are used in my study. I shall take up these 
citations in order. (1) Professor Orr cites Ovid : 

Verbera plura ferunt, quam quos juvat usus aratri, 
Detractant pressi dum juga prima boves ; 



Minor Notices 241 

and Cliges, 1032 : 'Or an sai plus que bues d'arer.' He states that 
Ovid uses the figure of the ox as ' an argument for not struggling 
against love ' and that Soredamors who is in love uses the figure of an 
ox ' in speaking of love.' He implies that such a coincidence is of no 
importance although my study makes it clear that Crestien used the 
second elegy of Ovid's Amoves over and over again as a source of 
inspiration. I state {Romanic Review, xn, p. 222) that Crestien is fond 
of turning his source about and often has his characters act or speak in 
a manner exactly contrary to that in the source : Soredamors resisting 
love instead of yielding, as did Ovid in Amoves I, 2 and thereby incurring 
the punishment that Ovid escapes. Now if a reader is to judge these 
passages as verbal parallels, he should have at least all the lines that 
I cite. It would be better to have the text of Cliges and Ovid's text 
before him ; and the critic should read the whole of Soredamors' two 
monologues (444-529 and 873-1046) and all of Ovid's elegy. He would 
then see that Ovid furnishes the plot for these two monologues and also 
that both Ovid and Crestien use the figure of the ox that is taught to 
plough with the goad ; and both connect this figure with a lover who 
has been taught or might have been taught to yield to love as the ox is 
painfully taught to obey his master. Ovid implies that a lover who 
resists would be thus taught and Soredamors gives us to understand 
that she has been through the painful training. To be sure, the picture 
of the suffering of the ox before he has learned to plough is not given 
by Crestien. This fact is of no consequence. The interesting point is 
that the figure of the ox has been retained (though the expression is 
different) along with so many other points of similarity. 
(2) Professor Orr cites Cliges 488-9 : 

Que iauz ne voit, ne cuers ne diaut ; 
Se je nel voi, riens m'an iert, 

and Met. Ill, 430-1 : 

Quid videat, nescit ; sed quod videt, uritur illo, 
Atque oculos idem, qui decipit, incitat error. 

Soredamors says that her pain comes to her through her eyes and that 
she has only to turn them away to avoid the pain of love. Ovid says 
the same of Narcissus who is mentioned in Cliges (2767 ff.), where the 
story of his death is summarized (add to Professor Orr's citation line 433 : 
'...Quod amas, avertere, perdes!'). The lines cited by Professor Orr 
explain the rest of my quotation, which includes Met. ill, 440 ' Perque 
oculos perit ipse suos,' in which Ovid says that Narcissus' eyes are the 
cause of his ruin. I also cite lines 474-5 of Cliges along with those 
cited by Professor Orr : 

Ses iauz de traison ancuse 

Et dit : ' Oel ! vos m'avez tra'ie ! ' 

which state that Soredamors' eyes have betrayed her. Alixandre takes 
up the line of thought and says of his eyes, 759: '...de moi sont, et si 
m'oc'ient?' (see Romanic Review, XII, pp. 222-3). 

The two lines which Professor Orr cites from Cliges explain the two 



242 Minor Notices 

essential lines (omitted by Professor Orr) of my citation just as in the 
case of the mutilated citation from Ovid. 

(3) Professor Orr's third and last citation has to do with one of 
eleven elements taken from monologues in Ovid, Met. vii and Gliges. 
Professor Orr cites a portion of the lines included under the element B. 
I explain B as including the lines that show that Soredamors (or Medea) 
refuses to be influenced by the beauty of Alixandre (or Jason). The 
lines in question are Gliges 991 : 

Et de sa biaute moi que chaut ? 
Sa biautez avuec lui s'an aut ! etc. 

and Met. vii, 23 : 

Haec quoque terra potest, quod ames, dare, vivat an ille 
Occidat in dis est, etc. 

The lines that follow show that Medea is attracted by the beauty of 
Jason. 

I am trying to show that the monologue in Gliges was imitated from 
Medea's monologue and I include the passages in question under the 
heading ' Passages that show direct borrowing by similarity of ideas and 
language.' The lines which Professor Orr has cited do not show similarity 
of language, but of idea. There are some verbal similarities in the two 
monologues, however, of which the lines cited by Professor Orr form 
parts. 

[My review of Mr Guyer's dissertation stated that he had made 
Chretien's familiarity with Ovid abundantly clear, and urged him to 
continue his researches. This praise was tempered by a little criticism. 
But Mr Guyer will have nothing but undiluted praise. 

(1) Mr Guyer has misquoted me. I did not 'state that Soredamors, 
who is in love, uses the figure of an ox in speaking of love.' For my 
whole point is that when Soredamors says : ' I now know more about 
love than an ox about ploughing,' it is 'strained' and even 'incorrect' to 
assert, as Mr Guyer does, that Chretien has 'taken over' Ovid's elaborate 
figure of the 'ox compared to a lover who has struggled against the 
yoke of love at first, but later has learnt to like it.' This is what I called, 
and still call 'weakening an argument intrinsically unassailable.' To 
represent the facts accurately, Mr Guyer's last sentence should read : 
'The interesting point is that the word "ox" has been retained'! 

(2) Mr Guyer misquotes Chretien. Soredamors does not say, with 
Ovidian subtlety, that 'her pain comes to her through her eyes.' She 
says in mediaeval language : ' What the eye does not see, the heart does 
not yearn for.' Literally, the line means, as the variants (cui, qui for que) 
show : 'To whom the eye sees not, the heart aches not.' If Mr Guyer 
does not appreciate the difference between this proverbial expression 
and the quite irrelevant subtleties of the distich he places parallel to it, 
there is no insisting further. 

(3) I make bold to think that here also I shall not be alone in fail- 
ing to appreciate the 'similarity of idea.' 

J. Orr.] 
Manchester. 



NEW PUBLICATIONS. 

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Bottini, G, Breve prologo e postille alia Divina Commedia. Florence, Perrella. 

Cassuto, U., Dante e Manoello. Florence, Soc. tip. ed Israel. L. 7. 

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Wagner, M. L., Los elementos espanol y Catalan en los dialectos sardos 
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Heidelberg, C. Winter. 12 M. 50. 

Kaus, O., Dostojewski und sein Schicksal. Berlin, E. Laub. 5 M. 

Lunacharski, A. V., Vasilisa the Wise. A Dramatic Fairy Tale. Transl. by 
L. Magnus. London, Kegan Paul. 3s. 6d. 

Meter, K. H., Historische Grammatik der russischen Sprache. i. Bonn, 
F. Cohen. 7 M. 

Mosvid, M., Die altesten litauischen Sprachdenkmaler bis zum Jahr 1570. 
Herausg. von G. Gerullis. (Indogermanische Bibliothek, v, 2.) Heidel- 
berg, C. Winter. 10 M. 



BULLETIN OF THE 

^Modern Humanities "Research ^Association 

April 1923 Number 18 



€J The annual subscription for 1922-3 (with Modern Lan- 
guage Review, 22s. 6c?., separately 7s. 6c?.) became due on 
October 1st, 1922, and should be sent to the Hon. Treasurer 
without delay. 

The Annual Meeting of the Association will be held at Columbia University, 
New York City, U.S.A., next June, as one of the meetings in the Conference 
of British and American Professors of English. The President, Professor John 
Matthews Manly, will deliver his address at that meeting and it will afterwards 
be« circulated to members. As the Hon. Secretary is unable to be present, 
Mr A. W. Reed, of King's College, London, W.C., has been nominated as 
the official representative of the Association at the Conference. 



The Modern Language Review for January appears in a greatly enlarged 
form, consisting of one hundred and thirty-two pages in addition to its supple- 
ment, the Bulletin. This is partly due to the assistance of the Tiarks Fund 
for the publication of research work in German, and partly to the fact that 
the Review is steadily increasing its circulation, and becoming, in fact as well 
as in name, the journal of the Modern Humanities Research Association. Nor 
is this surprising, for there are few societies which supply to their members 
journals of the quality and standing of the Review at the rate of fifteen shillings 
for a volume of some four hundred and fifty to five hundred pages. We urge 
all members to contribute to the further success of the Review by sending in 
their order at once. 



Capital Fund. We have to acknowledge with many thanks the receipt of 
the undermentioned contributions to this fund, established to enable us to 
carry into effect some of our more ambitious schemes: 

H. F. Eggeling, Esq., 12s. 6d.\ Miss G. D. Willcock, 12s. 6d.; A. C. 
Dunstan, Esq., ys. 6d.; Miss H. A. C Green, 55.; W. S. Vines, Esq., 45. yd. 
Other small sums amount to £1. 45. yd. Grand total, £3. 6s. lod. 



New members frequently order complete sets of the Bulletin from the 
foundation of the Modern Humanities Research Association in 1918. At 
present we have very few of these, and are in particular need of copies of 



2 MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 

Numbers 2, 7 and 12. May we ask any members who would present or sell 
their copies of these or other early numbers to the Association to send them 
to the Hon. Secretary. 

# 

Professor Allison Peers will be abroad during the month of April, but 
letters will be dealt with in his absence if they are addressed to 'the Hon. 
Secretary' and not to him by name. He hopes to meet members in Paris, 
Madrid and Lisbon, and would be glad to hear from any such as early as 
possible. 



We hope shortly to make an interesting announcement regarding the 
further development of the Association's work in the coming session. 



Students of Browning will, no doubt, be pleased to learn that the 
Browning Concordance, to the manuscript of which attention was called 
some time ago in these columns, and which has been edited and prepared 
by Professors L. N. Broughton of Cornell University and B. F. Stelter of 
Occidental College, is now in the process of publication by G. E. Stechert 
& Co. of New York. 



BRANCH COMMUNICATIONS 

The French sub-secretary sends the following list of manuscript theses 
(Diplomes d'lZtudes Superieures) submitted to provincial French Universities 
in 1922. A large list of such theses submitted to the Sorbonne appeared in 
our January issue : 

A LIST OF MANUSCRIPT THESES (DIPLdMES D'fiTUDES 
SUPERIEURES) DEFENDED BEFORE FRENCH 
PROVINCIAL UNIVERSITIES IN 1922 

University of Bordeaux 
1 . English Literature 

M. Bardet: Kingsley romancier. 

M. Ducere: La societe anglaise d'apres les romans de Fielding. 

M elle Aumeunier: Platonism in the English Renaissance. 

M elle Mieille: George Gissing: a study in temperament. 

M. Chamaillard: Quelques Utopies anglaises: More, Morris, Wells. 

M clle Joubert: Borrow and the Gipsies. 

2. German Literature 

M. Bonneric: Les relations de H. Heine et de L. Borne. 
M. Gaillard: Jean-Jacques Rousseau et le jeune Goethe. 
M. Macquaire: L'humour de Heine. 

3. Spanish Literature 

M elle Banizette: Le paysan dans Lope de Vega. 
M eUe Salembien: Le style de Lope de Vega. 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 3 

University of Lille 

1. English Literature 

M. Boulan: Kingsley's religious feeling. 
M. Poulet: Stevenson as a word artist. 

2. German Literature 

M. Moret: Les idees politiques de Heine. 

M. Dupont: Les femmes dans l'oeuvre de Gottfried Keller. 

M. Leclercq: Les caracteres dans la nouvelle Le Saint de C. F. Meyer. 

University of Grenoble 

1 . English Literature 

M f ' llp Feutrier: L Alaska et les conquistadors de l'Eldorado moderne d'apres 

les romans de Jack London. 
M. Tourret: L'education anglaise, ses tendances actuelles d'apres le roman et 

la critique contemporaines. 
M' 11, Martinet: La morale de Fielding dans Tom Jones. 

2. Italian Literature 

M. Charreton: La part de l'influence francaise dans le theatre de Paolo 
Ferrari. 

University of Lyon 

1 . English Literature 

Les Chansons de la Princesse et des Idylles du Roi. 

A new form of dramatic poetry (Remarks on Browning's Dramatis Personae). 

2. German Literature 

Borne et Heine : leur querelle. 
Klopstock et l'antiquite germanique. 

3. Russian Literature 
Rousseau et Tolstoi". 

University of Rennes 

English Literature 
M f "'' Rosier: L'imagination poetique de Coleridge. 

University of Strasbourg 

1 . English Literature 

M. Bresch: L'Inspiration religieuse dans le "Crist" de Cynewulf. 

2. German Literature 

M pllc Crussaire: Le sentiment de la Nature dans les poesies de Heine et de 

Lenau. 
M. Meyer: Les satires de Liscow. 

M. Martz : Un drame du Sturm und Drang : " Die falschen Spieler" de Klinger. 
M. Beaufils: Plutarque et son influence sur le Sturm und Drang et le jeune 

Schiller. 
M elIe Kiffer: La vie et l'oeuvre de Ludwig Pfau. 
M. Cornil: La querelle Borne-Heine. 
M. Ricci : Etude du Vase d'Or de E. T. A. Hoffmann. 
M. Delobel: Les aspects du verbe dans le poeme moyen haut-allemand de 

Kudrun. 
M. Weiss: La Thesmophagia de S^bastien Brant. 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 



CORRESPONDENTS 

Correspondents have been appointed at the following centres. Their names 
and addresses are given below : 

Bordeaux: Professor V. Saurat, 56 rue Elisee-Reclus, Talence (Gironde), 
France. 

Lyon: M clle Villard, Faculte des Lettres, Lyon, France. 

Besanfon: M. Pierre Legouis, 92 Boulevard de Beiges, Lyon, France. 

South Africa: Professor H. C. Notcutt, University of Stellenbosch, 
Stellenbosch, S. Africa. 

Sweden: F. J. Fielden, Esq., M.A., Bytaregatan 19, Lund, Sweden. 

GROUP NOTES 

EARLY ENGLISH SUBJECT GROUP 
(Organiser: Miss A. C. Paues, Ph.D., Newnham College, Cambridge.) 

It may interest members to learn that the 1921 Bibliography of English 
Language and Literature has been well noticed in the Press and is getting 
widely known and used. But unable as we are to advertise, we are still depen- 
dent for its sale on the support of individual members and beg them not to 
relax their efforts in this direction. For libraries as well as for individual 
researchers it may be looked upon as indispensable as it is the only existing 
English Bibliography aiming at completeness. We hope to publish the 1922 
volume in the spring and if funds permit add an 'Authors' Index' and a 'List 
of Periodicals Searched.' 

It is a pleasure to report that several members of the Early English Group 
have volunteered their services as record-searchers for the Survey of English 
Place-names. This has especially been the case in Cambridge, and we hope 
that Oxford will soon follow suit. Workers skilled in the reading of mediaeval 
records, whether English, Latin or Anglo-French, are particularly wanted, 
more especially for dealing with the vast material in the Record Office and in 
the Libraries of the two older Universities. Others may give valuable help 
by collecting forms from reliable printed editions of early documents. Much 
can be accomplished in odd half-hours. Anyone willing to help should com- 
municate with the Organiser. 

The following information has come to hand about members' work: 
Professor W. A. Craigie of Oxford has written a paper on "Omissions and 
Interpolations in Anglo-Saxon Poetical Texts," soon to be published by 
the Philological Society. He has also nearly finished the first volume of 
the Asloan MS. for the Early Scottish Text Society. Much progress has 
also been made in collecting material for his projected Dictionary of Older 
Scottish. 

Professor O. F. Emerson has published lately several papers on Middle 
English subjects: "Imperfect Lines in Pearl and the Rimed Parts of Sir 
Gawain and the Green Knight," Modern Philology, xix. 131-41, 1921 ; "Some 
Notes on the Pearl," Publ. Mod. Lang. Assn. Am. xxxvu. 52-93, 1922; 
"Chaucer and Medieval Hunting," Romanic Review, xm. 115-50, 1922; 
"Notes on Sir Gawain and the Green Knight," Journ. E. Germ. Phil. xxi. 
363-410, 1922; further an article on "Beguiling Words," in Dialect Notes 



MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 5 

(America), v. 93-6, and some notes on " Milton's Comus 93-4," in Mod. Lang. 
Notes, xxxvii. 118-20, 1922. 

Mrs Chadwick (Nora Kershaw) has written the second part of the article 
on "Teutonic Religion," in the volume of Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion 
and Ethics, published some time last year. 

Members are asked to keep the Organiser informed of work in hand, as 
it frequently prevents overlapping and duplication of effort. 

Literary Tendencies in the Later Eighteenth Century. Shortly after 
our January number went to press we received the second Bulletin of this 
interesting American Group, with details of a meeting to be held in December, 
1922, and some notes on work in progress. We learn that Professor Hans 
Hecht (formerly of Basel, now of Gottingen), whose recent studies of Burns 
and of Daniel Webb are well known to our members, is preparing a general 
history of English romanticism; and Professor J. L. Lowes (Harvard) 
is at work on a volume, now nearing completion, which he describes as 
"a study, based on a mass of new materials bearing on the genesis of 
The Ancient Mariner and Kubla Khan, of the ways of the creative 
imagination." 

Of studies of a more limited scope, either in preparation or recently com- 
pleted, the following have come to the notice of the editor since the first 
Bulletin was issued : 

L. Cazamian (Sorbonne) : Mrs Radcliffe's influence on the English Romantic 
poets. J. Champenois (New York): Literary criticism in the periodicals of the 
XVIIIth century. Willis L. Fisher (Ph.D., Princeton, 1922): The unfortunate 
female: a study of the penitent prostitute in English Literature of the third quarter 
of the XVIIIth century. Garland Greever (Agricultural College of Utah): 
William Lisle Bowles. R. D. Jameson (Chicago): English versification, 1660- 
1800, with special reference to the morphology of the English stanza, theories 
of free verse, higher rhythm in the heroic couplet, the " revolt against rhyme " 
before 1800, and theories of the relations between poetry, music, and painting 
in the XVIIIth century. Helen M. Scurr (Ph.D., Minnesota, 1922): Henry 
Brooke. A. Lytton Sells (Cambridge, England) : A Bibliography of Goldsmith. 
H. O. White (Sheffield, England): William Collins. A. S. P. Woodhouse 
(Harvard): William Collins: biography; literary antecedents and relations to 
contemporaries; reputation and influence; bibliography. Paul Yvon (Rennes, 
France) : Horace Walpole. 

The Secretary of this Group is Professor J. W. Draper, University of 
Maine, Orono, U.S.A. 

Summer School of Greek. It is believed that many who have not studied 
classics, some who are Latin scholars but know no Greek, and others who have 
little opportunity of keeping alive their knowledge of Greek would welcome 
an opportunity of renewing their acquaintance with Greek Literature and 
Language and extending their knowledge of Greek thought, or of starting 
the study of Greek for the first time under expert guidance. To meet these 
varying needs a Summer School of Greek, open to both men and women, 
has been arranged by Westfield College in consultation with the Classical 
Association to be held at Westfield College, London, N.W., from August 1st 
to 15th. Applications should be sent, as soon as possible, to Miss C. Parker, 
Westfield College, Kidderpore Avenue, London, N.W. 3, who will also give 
further information. 



6 MODERN HUMANITIES RESEARCH ASSOCIATION 

CORRESPONDENCE 

A LOST DIALECT TREATISE 

Sir, 

Some little time before the war a young Upsala graduate, Dr Sigurd 
Ransen, was engaged on an investigation of a certain Norfolk dialect when 
death interrupted his labours. The treatise was completed by the well-known 
English scholar, Professor Erik Bjorkman of Upsala who sent it to England 
to be printed. In 19 19 Professor Bjorkman also passed away, and his literary 
executors are now unable to find any information as to the person or place 
to whom the manuscript was sent. It is known that it must have reached this 
country some time between 19 10 and 191 5. 

As the treatise is of considerable merit, and its recovery a matter of 
importance both to English and Swedish scholarship, we appeal to members 
of the Modern Humanities Research Association for assistance in our search. 

Any information will be gratefully received by 

A. C. Paues, 

Newnham College, 
Cambridge. 
26 Jan. 1923. 



PUBLICATIONS OF THE M.H.R.A. 

Bibliography of English Language and Literature. This Bibliography 
appeared for the first time in 1921. The current issue may be ordered 
through any bookseller, or from the publishers, Messrs Bowes and Bowes, 
Trinity Street, Cambridge (4s. 6d. net). Members, by ordering through the 
Hon. Treasurer, may obtain copies at 3s. The 1921 Bibliography may still 
be obtained (Members is. 6d., non-members 3s.). It contains a select list of 
over one thousand titles of books and articles published in eighteen different 
countries during 1920. 

Pamphlets. The following pamphlets may be ordered from the publishers, 
or through any bookseller, at is. per copy, postage extra : 

1. Inaugural Address, by Sir Sidney Lee (President, 1918-19). 

2. The Promotion of Modern Language Research among Teachers, by 

Professor F. S. Boas. 

3. Un point de vue francais sur le hut de la M.H.R.A., by Professor 

Gustave Lanson (President, 1919-20). 

4. Our Title and its Import, by Professor Otto Jespersen (President, 

1 920-1). 

5. Joseph Ritson, by Professor W. P. Ker (President, 192 1-2). 



CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY THE SYNDICS OF THE PRESS AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 



Volume XVIII JULY, 1923 Number 3 



AN OLD ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF A LETTER 
FROM WYNFRITH TO EADBURGA (a.d. 716-7} 
IN COTTON MS. OTHO C. 1. 

In the April 1922 number of this review, p. 166, Professor Toller quotes 
three words excerpted by Cockayne from an Old English tract named 
Wynfrith, and refers to Wanley's Catalogue (1705) p. 212, where the 
opening and closing sentences are quoted from the Cotton MS. Otho C. 1. 

This MS. suffered in the fire of 1731, especially at the beginning, 
which was most exposed because the book stood first on its shelf. The 
bulk of the text is fairly well preserved, although towards the end the 
leaves are increasingly shrivelled, split, or holed. All that survive are 
skilfully mounted on card-board frames, and bound up in two volumes. 

The first volume of 110 folios contains a copy of the West-Saxon 
Gospels, written in one bold, rough hand which may be dated about the 
middle of the eleventh century. At the end of the Gospel of St John the 
scribe gives his name: — Wulfwi 1 me wrdt (f. 110a). The folios con- 
taining the text up to Matthew xxvii, 6 were lost when Wanley saw the 

1 The identification of this Wulfwi with Wulfwinus, the scribe of the Paris Psalter 
(Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 8824), by Bruce (Publ. Mod. Lang. Assoc, of America, ix, pp. 47-50), 
Hummer {Life and Times of Alfred the Great, p. 150), Bright (Gospel of St John, Boston 
1904, p. xix n.) and, on their authority, by Wildhagen (Festschrift fiir Lorenz Morsbach, 
Halle 1913, p. 471), shows how the survival of error is favoured by indirect methods. Wulfwi 
can hardly be miswritten for Widfioi=Wulficine, as Wildhagen suggests, because the contrac- 
tion mark in O.E. represents -ne only in words like pon = J?onne : it is not added directly 
to a vowel. And although the Latinised forms of Wulfwi(g) and Wulfwine occasionally 
cross in late texts, the names are usually well distinguished ; and both are so common that 
there is no prima facie case for connecting two MSS. because one is signed Widfxoi and one 
Wulfwinus. Bright finds corroboration of the identity in the likeness of the scribal errors, 
in both texts, but he quotes no examples, and they are not obvious. The real test, which 
none of these writers appears to have made, is a comparison of the hands, and it would be 
hard to find two more unlike in the first half of the eleventh century : that of Wulfwi is 
large and rough, with the tops of the high letters deeply cloven ; that of the Paris Psalter 
is earlier in style, and is as smooth and regular as can be found in the records of Old English 
penmanship. The direct test should be decisive ; but even against this emergency Plummer 
(loc. cit.) has prepared a life-line for the hypothesis by reviving the suggestion that the 
colophon of the Paris Psalter may be a copy — that Wulfwinus may be the scribe not of the 
book itself but of its archetype. This suggestion was advanced by Thorpe (Libri Psalmorum, 
etc. , Oxford 1835, p. vi n.) who was misled into thinking that the Paris MS. was a copy made 
by a French monk ; and fortunately it can be disposed of. For, as if anticipating the 
modern taste for identifications, a contemporary hand has added above Wulfwinus in 
different ink his distinguishing name— cognomento Cada. I have little doubt that Wulfwine 
himself wrote these words, — cognomento in his Latin, Cada in his English script ; but in 
any event, here is clear evidence that Wulfwine was a known person when the entry was 
made in the Paris MS. ; and the ascription of such a book as the Psalter to a known and 
obscure, copyist who did not actually write it, is a piece of motiveless falsification that 
should not be assumed. The identification fails, and with it must go any support it affords, 
to the Malmesbury provenance of both books. 

M.L.E. XVIII. 17 



254 Wy n frith' s Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

book ; and since then fire has completely destroyed another 25 leaves, as 
far as Mark vii, 22, and reduced those that immediately follow to charred 
fragments 1 . This volume is free from glosses or other extraneous matter, 
save for an Old English rendering of a letter from Pope Sergius to 
St Aldhelm, which is added at the end of St Luke's Gospel (ff. 68 a 1. 5 
to 69 b foot) in a smaller and smoother hand, nearly contemporary with 
Wulfwi's 2 . As the letter gives privileges to Malmesbury, it has been 
inferred that this copy of the Gospels belonged to Malmesbury Abbey 
in the eleventh century. 

The second volume appears to be a single manuscript of distinct 
origin, which was fortuitously bound up with the Gospel MS. in Cotton's 
time. Scattered through it are many Latin and a few English glosses 
by hands of the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth 
century ; and as the method of glossing agrees in some minute points 
with that found in manuscripts which certainly come from Worcester 3 , it 
may be taken that the whole of our second volume belonged to Worcester 
about the year 1200. It consists of 155 mounted leaves, containing as 
principal text (ff. 1-137 a) WaerferS's Old English version of Gregory's 
Dialogues*, which for some reason was left incomplete. 

I. The First and Second Books (ff. 1-61 b) are written in a hand that 

preserves many features of the old national script, and may be dated — 

if normal conditions be assumed — in the first quarter of the eleventh 

Century. They are preceded in the same hand by a metrical preface 

which is preserved only in this MS., and contains the puzzling lines : — 

Me awritan het ■ Wulfstan bisceop, 

peow ond ]?earfa • ]>ses pe alne ]>rjm a<h>of... 

Bide/y pe se bisceop, ■ se pe d~as hoc begeat 

pe pu on pinum handnm nu ■ hufast ond sceawast, 

paet jm him to t>eossum halgiim • helpe bidde 

J)e heora gemynd her on ■ gemearcude siendon ; 

Ond >aet him God sellmihtig • forgyue J>a gyltas 

pe he geworhte, 

Ond eac resfte mid him • se 8e ah ealles rices geweald ; 

Ond eac swa his beahgifan, ■ pe him &as bysene forgeaf, 

poet is se selestSa ■ sinces brytta, 

JElfryd mid Englum, • ealra cyninga 

para )>e he sis oSSe ser ■ foresecgan hyrde, 

0$Se he hiorScyninga 6 ser- senigne gefrugne. 

1 See the description in The Holy Gospels in Anglo-Saxon, etc. ed. Skeat (Cambridge 
1871-87), Preface to Luke, pp. viii ff." 

2 Printed by Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum, No. 106 (vol. i, pp. 154 ff.), and by Hamilton, 
Willelmi Malmesbiriensis de Gestis Pontificum (Eolls Series, 1870), pp. 370 ff. footnote. 

3 I have not relied on identification of the Worcester gloss-hands, because the point 
deserves a lengthy and difficult palaeographical study. 

4 See Hecht's edition, Bibliothek der ags. Prosa vol. v, especially Pt. i (Leipzig 1900), 
pp. vii f . 

5 z^iorS-, eorff-cyninga. 



K. SIS AM 255 

Since Krebs 1 first printed the passage in 1880, the association of the 
names of Bishop Wulfstan and King Alfred has been much debated, with 
the result that later critics are at one with Keller 2 in the conclusion that 
the preface is by the translator, Bishop WserferS ; that bysen means the 
King's ' command ' or ' commission ' to translate the Dialogues ; and that 
the copyist of MS. Otho C. 1 has substituted for W&rferft of the original 
preface the name of Wulfstan, which was more famous at Worcester in 
the eleventh century. Yet the manuscript itself discloses a much more 
interesting scrap of literary history. In Wulfstan, the last three letters 
-tan stand on an erasure, and are, I should think, not earlier than the 
time of the second Wulfstan, who was bishop of Worcester from 1062 till 
his death in 1095 3 . It is pretty clear that the name Wulfsig stood here 
originally, and any doubt is removed by the trace of the erasing tool 
below the line, where the tail of 3 would fall. The preface then is by a 
Bishop Wulfsig ; and who can doubt that this was King Alfred's friend, 
Wulfsig, bishop of Sherborne 4 ? To him Alfred sent a copy of his trans- 
lation of Gregory's Cura Pastoralis, which was the archetype of two 
extant MSS. at Cambridge — MS. I i. 11. 4 (1737) in the University Library, 
MS. R. 5. 22 (717) at Trinity College 5 ; and evidently the King dis- 
tributed copies of Gregory's Dialogues among his bishops in the same 
way. On the model (bysen) s of this gift-book, Wulfsig ordered another 
copy to be made, and wrote for the occasion the rhythmical Preface, 
which is the only surviving piece of his composition. Perhaps because 
their own good texts had been lost or depraved, the Worcester com- 
munity subsequently obtained a transcript of the copy that had been 
made by Wulfsig's instructions, and with it his preface reached Worcester. 

1 Anglia in, pp. 70 ff. He used Cockayne's transcript. 

2 Die literarischen Bestrebungen von Worcester in ags. Zeit (Strassburg 1900), pp. 6ff. ; 
and also Holthausen, Archiv cv (1900), pp. 367 f.; Cook, Mod. Lang. Notes xvn (1902), 
coll. 14ff.; Hecht in his edition, Pt. ii (1907), p. 36, etc.; Brandl, Geschichte der alten- 
glischen Literatur (Strassburg 1908), pp. 1063 f. 

3 The substitution was probably made during the bishopric of Wulfstan 11, for the prayer 
would be more appropriate in his lifetime. Keller (p. 66) apparently assumes that the first 
scribe of MS. Otho C. 1 wrote during his bishopric, which is untenable. Hecht (Pt. ii, 
p. 27) and Cook accept Keller's view; but it is hard to see how they square it with the 
date 1025-1050 which they assign to the MS. Cook's further suggestion that the scribe was 
Wulfgeat (loc. cit. col. 18) is far astray. 

4 The dates of his consecration and death are unknown ; cp. Asser's Life of King 
Alfred, ed. W. H. Stevenson (Oxford 1904), p. lxvi. In fact his memory is preserved chiefly 
by doubtful or spurious charters, and by the inscriptions in books. 

5 See Wanley's Catalogue, pp. 153, 169 ; he concludes that the Trinity MS. was the one 
sent by Bishop Jewell to Parker from the Salisbury Library, where one would expect to 
find Sherborne books. The same history is claimed for the University Library copy. 

6 Wulker's objection to this interpretation (Grundriss zur Geschichte der ags. Litteratur, 
p. 439, n. 2) is invalid ; cp. iElfric's preface to the second series of his Catholic Homilies : 
' Nu bidde ic.gif hwa ffas boc awritan wille, fimt he hi geornlice gerihte be Ssere bysne, 
etc' (ed. Thorpe ii, p. 2) ; and particularly the metrical preface to Pastoral Care, 11. 11-16. 

17—2 



256 Wynfrittis Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

Later still, some reader to whom the name of Wulfsig was meaningless 
substituted the great Worcester name of Wulfstan in our MS. To broach 
all the questions of textual history that arise would lead me too far from 
my present purpose. But here at least is the reason why the rhythmical 
preface is absent from MS. C.C.C.C. 322 of the Dialogues, which belongs 
to a tradition independent of Wulfsig's copy. And the Mercian forms of 
Books I and II of MS. Otho C. 1 may be traced back to WaerferS's original 
with more certainty now that it is established that this manuscript does 
not represent the continuous tradition of Worcester or any other Mercian 
centre. 

II. With the Third Book (f. 62 a) begins a hand formed in the tra- 
dition of the Carolingian minuscule, and distinctly later in appearance 
than the first. It is not uncommon to find two hands of the same date 
differing in the stage of script development attained : but in this instance 
I am not satisfied that the second hand is strictly contemporary with the 
first. The ruling is for 30 lines as compared with 27 lines of the first 
part ; the colouring of sentence initials is not carried into Books III and 
IV ; and it may well be that the original MS. was divided for practical 
use into two halves each containing two books (a division which would 
be easy because Book II ends with a quire) ; and that the second scribe 
was employed a generation or two later than the first to supply Books III 
and IV, which had become defective, or had gone astray in the meantime 1 . 
Leaving the Dialogues incomplete at the end of 1. 10 on f. 137 a, this 
scribe goes on to fill ff. 137 b to 139 b, 1. 4, with two Lives translated 
from the Vitae Patrum 2 , Bk. V. 

III. On f. 139 b, 1. 5, Malchus, which has the same source (Bk. I), 
begins in a new hand, weaker at times, and later in appearance than the 
preceding, yet perhaps not very much later in fact. This hand runs to 
f. 148 b and so includes the text called Wynfrith (ff. 143 b, 1. 7 to 146 a, 
1. 21). Ff. 146 a, 1. 22 to 148 b are very much damaged, and contain a 
sermon on the text Domine, libera animam meam a labiis iniquis et a 
lingua dolosa 3 , which I shall call Evil Tongues. It has not been printed, 
and there seems to be no other copy. 

1 The first scribe clearly did not intend that the copy should end with Book II, for on 
f. 61 b he writes : ond after Jrisse ongynneff seo pridde [sc. hoc], etc. There is some confir- 
mation for the division into sets of two books in the other Worcester MS. of the Dialogues, 
now Bodleian MS. Hatton 76 (circa 1075), which contains only the first two books of the 
late revision of WserferS's text. 

2 Migne, Patrologia Latina,vol. 73. The Old English renderings are printed, v/ith Malchus, 
by B. Assmann, Bibliothek der ags. Prosa, vol. m (Kassel 1889), pp. 195 ff. Malchus was 
first edited by Cockayne, The Shrine (London 1864-9), pp. 35 ff . ; and Cockayne's notes of 
words from the following tract, which came into Professor Toller's possession, were pre- 
sumably made when he was preparing his text. He also transcribed the Dialogues in 1863. 

3 Ps. cxix, 2. 



K. SISAM 257 

IV. Then follows a group of seven leaves, before and after which 
there were lacunae already in Wanley's time. The first page (149 a) is 
very much blackened, and at a glance appears to contain twelfth century 
writing ; but closer examination shows that many letters had been un- 
skilfully freshened up before the fire of 1731 1 , and probably the text was 
originally in the same clear hand of the second half of the eleventh cen- 
tury that appears on the verso of f. 149 and on the following leaves to 
the end. It is not probable that these leaves were originally written to 
form part of the volume. They are ruled for 32 lines as against 30 lines 
of the two preceding hands; the name of each sermon is entered in 
capitals as a running title at the head of the pages it occupies — an un- 
usual feature ; and though the Worcester style of glossing is continued, 
a twelfth-century English reader, whose hand appears nowhere else in 
the volume, has made several corrections in this part. Ff. 153 and 154 
have been transposed by the binder, and in detailing the component 
pieces I shall therefore use f. 153* = the present f. 154 and f. 154* = the 
present f. 153 : — 

Ff. 149 a-151 b, 1. 27 contain a sermon De Creator e et Creatura, im- 
perfect at the beginning. Very little of the first page (149 a) is legible. 
From the top of f. 149 b the text is made up chiefly of passages from 
iElfric's Hexameron 2 , viz. 11. 73-80 + ; 85b-95f + ; 103-106 + ; 306- 
319 + ; 324 a; 325-326 a +; 344-355 + ; 360-375 + ; 376-404; 413- 
542 (end). The addition of the sign + indicates that the passage is 
followed by a few lines of matter not in the Hexameron, or by a junction 
in which matter suggested by the Hexameron is differently expressed. 
If now we turn back to the difficult page 149 a, we shall find no legible 
word from the Hexameron, though the subject is clearly the nature of 
the Creator. Apparently then, the second part of the sermon (de Creatura) 
was formed by excerpting the framework passages of the Hexameron ; 
and the first part (de Creatore) was newly composed, or drawn from some 
other source which I have not identified. The existence of this MS. for 
nearly half of the text seems to have escaped the notice of editors and 
critics of the Hexameron. 

Ff. 151 b, 1. 29 to 153* b, 1. 14 contain a sermon De sex etatibus huius 
seculi ; as far as I know it is the only copy extant, and is unprinted. 

1 The letter 3 is usually changed to g. At the foot of this page a hand of saec. xii-xiii 
has entered a list of books which is now imperfect owing to crumbling of the burnt 
margins:— Liber dialogorum Gre<gori> ... Vitas Patrum. Item Beda de gestis Anglorum 

anglice. Item Vita Item Synonima Ysydori. Item Beda...De consola < ticme > ...(i.e. 

Boethius). 

2 The line numbers quoted are those in S. J. Crawford's edition : Bibliothek der ags. 
Prosa, Hamburg 1921. 

/ 



258 Wynfrith' s Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

Ff. 153* b, 1. 16 to 155 b contain the sermon Depopulo Israhel (quando 
volueris), wanting the end 1 : but the whole text occurs at ff. 101 b ff. of 
Bodleian MS. Hatton 115 (olim Junius 23), a contemporary Worcester 
MS. It also appears to be unprinted. 

From Wanley's report of the closing words, it is plain that Wynfrith 
is a misnomer for the piece beginning on f. 143 b, which is a version of 
the extant Latin letter written by Boniface (Wynfrith) to Eadburga 
about the year 717. For the historian of Old English literature this 
version has interest as an early vernacular example of a vision of the 
other world 2 ; and it would be more important still if it could be claimed 
as witness to a late appreciation of the familiar letters of eighth-century 
Englishmen, or as a tribute to the memory of the greatest of English 
missionaries. But there is little doubt that the letter was translated and 
preserved chiefly for the sake of its theme. Perhaps because his great 
work was done abroad, and no influential religious house at home was 
interested in the glory of his name by reason of local associations or the 
possession of relics, Boniface was not ranked among the chief saints of 
England in the tenth and eleventh centuries : his feast on June 5th 
is never of the highest grade ; he is commemorated neither in the Old 
English Martyrology nor in the poetical Menology ; no other letter of his 
circle is extant in an Old English rendering ; and little would be known 
of his Latin correspondence had we to depend on the surviving copies 
from English scriptoria 3 . 

So by curtailing the beginning and the end, the translator has 
removed the personal touches and the exact notes of time and place that 
are proper to the letter form. He omits even the paragraph on Ceolred 

1 The last words on f. 155 b and peer set<eowde> correspond to f. 105 b , 1. 18 of MS. 
Hatton 115. The two texts are closely related, but the Cotton MS. sometimes has the 
better reading, e.g. mid anrsedum mode, where the Hatton MS. (f. 102* 1. 22) has mid 
rsedum mode; and to his geferum, where the Hatton MS. (f. 105 a 1. 12) has gerefum. 

2 From the reference to Ceolred in the Latin text (§ 15), the vision itself must be dated 
just before that king's death in 716. Tbe slightly earlier vision of Drihthelm comes into 
Old English in the translation of Bede's History (Bk. V, c. xii), and in jElfric's sermon 
(ed. Thorpe ii, 345). The vision of Fursey is also the subject of a sermon by iElfric (ed. 
Thorpe ii, 348). 

3 The translation gives slight indications that the lost MS. from which it was made 
was independent of the four Continental MSS. used by the Monumenta editors to 
establish the text of this letter. At § 10, 1. 7 usque ad medium is M. Tangl's emendation 
for usque ad genua medium (-a) of the MSS.; and the O.E. off ffone middel reflects an 
uncorrupted text. At 1. 12 only one of the three best Latin MSS. has the accepted reading 
castigatione (variants correctione, cogitatione), which the O.E. clsensunge fortifies. In § 16, 
1. 7, Begga of the Latin MSS. seems to be unexampled among Anglo-Saxon men's names, 
but the O.E. Bogia = Boia is well established. From the errors made by the late glossators, 
e.g. videndo for 1. 43 heapiende (confused with hawiende) ; muscas for 1. 92fleogan v. ; and 
persecutus es for 1. 61 eahtodest (confused with ehtan), it may be inferred that about the year 
1200 these diligent readers did not know where to find a Latin text of Boniface's letter in 
the rich library of Worcester. 



K. SISAM 259 

(f 716), whether because it had no longer a living interest, or because 
it was felt that there was some indelicacy in recalling the misdeeds of 
that scandalous king of the Mercian line 1 . He concentrates attention on 
the vision, and the name of Wynfrith is hardly more important for his 
purpose than the name of Bogia, which is also preserved by a casual 
reference. For the rest the rendering is close : — the omission of the last 
of the Vices after 1. 64 unnytnys (itself a strange rendering of iter otiosum), 
and of the first of the Virtues at the middle of 1. 80, must be accidental ; 
and the only noteworthy addition — the bracketed words at 1. 61 — is of 
the nature of a gloss. Barbarisms are not infrequent, e.g. 1. 16 under 
dure gesih&e = sub uno aspectu ; constructions of the Latin are often con- 
fused, as at 11. 8-13 ; 46-9 ; 65-8 ; 86-7 ; the words et diversorum. . .com- 
morantium at the beginning of § 13 have been wrongly joined to the end 
of § 12 ; and there are several verbal faults : — for instance at 1. 15 lichaman 
gesihfie seems to arise from construing carnis with conspectum instead of 
velamine ; 1. 33 pmre beorhtan gesih&e an engel = splendidae visionis an- 
gelus could hardly have been written if the translator saw that splendidae 
visionis = splendidus aspectu; 1. 109 sweg = fraglantia (i.e. fragrantia) is 
due to a rather common confusion with fragor ; 1.119 fotes deopnesse 
may follow from misreading of pene as pede; and at 1. 120 helan trans-^ 
lates ascellas ' armpits.' 

That the extant copy is not the translator's original is clear from the 
scribal errors mentioned in the footnotes ; and consequently the linguistic 
forms cannot be relied on to prove the place of composition, There are 
well marked deviations from standard Late West-Saxon : — tealode 76, 
with w-umlaut, for normal talode, and nio&eran 90, 100, 103 are strictly 
Anglian. So are p. p. gesegen 12, 40, 136 and pa. t. subj. 3 sg. gesege 125, 
173 beside geseage 90, 167, though such forms of (ge)seon seem to occur 
in the South in very late Old English. The same remark applies to 
Anglian (or Kentish) nedbade (normal nyd-) 7 ; ungehersumnes 58 beside 
normal ungehyrsum 58 ; stemende (normal stym-) 74 ; leg (normal tig) 
25, 30, 35, 92, 105 ; cegan 49, 74, 85 ; and awerged 39, 144 beside normal 
awyr(i)gd- 41. Next comes a group of forms that are usually associated 
with South-Eastern dialects : — (a) common io for Bo as in the pronouns 
hiom 103 etc., sio 73 etc. ; with siocum 83; friode 176; feorpiode 186; 
hiofigende 93, 101; triowe 'tree' 118; ungetriowan 180; diofol 197; 
and (be)jiollan 96, 118 ; niorxnawang 111 ; biorht- 121, 126. (6) occasional 

1 That such visions could be turned into instruments of scandal is shown by a slightly 
later English example in Mon. Germ. Hist. : Epist. vol. in, pp. 404-5. It seems to have 
been suggested by Boniface's letter. 



260 Wynfrith's Letter in -MS. Otho C. 1 

ia for ea, ea in hiaf 148, hiardran 196. (c) rare io for ea in gesioh 
(pa. t. sg.) 168. 

It is often assumed that the provenance of an eleventh century copy 
can be determined from its linguistic forms; and since in our second 
volume we have specimens of the work of four scribes, of whom the first 
three at least were pretty certainly engaged in one place (probably Wor- 
cester) and on a single book, it is worth following these abnormalities 
through the volume : — 

Hand I (ff. 1-61 b = Dialogues, Bks. I and II) has common gesege, 
gesegen ; common ned etc. for normal nled, riyd etc. ; frequent io for eo. 

Hand II (ff. 62 a-1 37 a = Dialogues Bk. Ill-) has common gesege 
(-seage) etc. ; common ned etc. ; but not io for eo. When however the 
same scribe comes to copy the first two Lives (ff. 137 b-139 b) he writes 
regularly gesege (-seage) ; no ned etc. ; no io for eo ; and these two Lives 
have usually se for umlaut # before a covered nasal (e.g. lotwrmncas), 
though the number of such forms in the Dialogues is inconsiderable. 

Hand III (ff. 139 b-148 a = Malchus, Wynfrifts Letter, Evil Tongues) 
is in language fairly uniform ; for instance Malchus has frequent io for 
£0 ; occasional ia for ea in hiafde 1 , and probably once io for 8a in nior- 
wedon 2 ; but no significant use of se, for £ + covered nasal 3 . 

Hand IV (ff. 149 a-155 b = Hexameron etc.) has none of the abnor- 
malities of Wynfriffs Letter. 

It seems that the applied theory of eleventh century English dialects 
is much simpler than the reality : — there is no necessary uniformity of 
language in the copies produced by a single scriptorium ; and in the MS. 
before us, the forms gesege (geseage)*, gesegen are the only abnormalities 
that run through the three hands, and so may fairly be used as evidence 
for the provenance of the MS. Even here there is a difficulty : for since 
our volume was at Worcester about the year 1200, and almost certainly 
at Worcester a century earlier in Bishop Wulfstan's day 5 , there is good 
reason for believing that it was produced at Worcester; and yet its 

1 For Evil Tongues, cp. f. 147b ...gif us abelgap ure efenhiafden. 

2 Presumably for nearwedon rather than for early nierwedon : cp. nioroglice as variant 
to nearidice in Dialogues (ed. Hecht), p. 29, 1. 21. 

3 Mmnnen, 1. 177, is the only example in Wynfriff's Letter. 

4 The forms geseage, -seagon are perhaps to be explained as mere spellings for gesege, 
-segon, reflecting the reduction of historical -lag- to -eg-. It is true the late glossator by super- 
scription converts gesege i. 140 a into iseje, and geseage f . 139 a into iseawe = isawe ; but this 
is not good evidence that the vowel in geseage differed from that in gesege. 

6 It is tempting but hardly safe to identify MSS. Otho C. 1 and Hatton 76 with the 
• II Englissce Diatogus ' mentioned in the brief catalogue at f. 101 b of the Worcester book 
C.C.C.C. MS. 367 (late 11th century) ; see James, Sources of Archbishop Parker's Collection 
of MSS. and Hecht's edition, Pt. ii, p. 29. 



K. SIS AM 261 

characteristic forms gesege, gesegen are by no means typical of the many 
Worcester books that have come down from the second half of the eleventh 
century. I shall not attempt to unravel these perplexities, which might 
be fewer if we knew more about the literary language of Worcester in 
the time of Oswald (f 992). But it is possible to reach some conclusions 
on the history of the texts. It may be inferred that forms like tied in 
the Dialogues from Bk. Ill onward are not due to the latest scribe, since 
they are absent from the two Lives in his handwriting ; that in previous 
textual history these two Lives are dissociated from the Dialogues, and 
that their characteristic se for £ + covered nasal is also not due to the 
latest scribe. Again, while at first sight Malchus (M) must be associated 
closely with the two Lives that immediately precede it, because they 
have the same source, on its linguistic forms it must be grouped with 
Wyn/riffs Letter ( W) and Evil Tongues (E. T.) : either then these charac- 
teristic forms are due to the latest scribe, or the three pieces have an 
earlier history in common distinct from that of the other Lives from the 
Vitae Patrum. 

The vocabulary supports the second alternative. Jordan 1 has listed 
a number of words that are rarely found in Late West Saxon texts, and 
though it would not be safe to rely on any single example, in texts so 
short the cumulative weight of the following is considerable : — Pure Late 
West Saxon has clipian ' cry out ' where early texts, or late texts with an 
Anglian colouring, have cegan {clgan) : the two Lives have only cleopian ; 
M, W have only cegan {clgan), and so has E. T., e.g. f. 146 a ponne ic cige 
ane si&e, ponne gehyretS he me se/ter psere gecigednesse. Semninga ' sud- 
denly' in pure Late West Saxon is replaced by /seringa etc., but it occurs 
in W 8, 10, 165; M 218. Of midnes = L&t. medium, Toller has only four 
examples, all from M; but there are two more in W 52, 157. Another 
word uncommon in pure West Saxon texts is (ge)fir(e)nian : there are 
three examples in W 55, 57, 157 and it occurs more than once in E. T., 
e.g. in a passage on f. 146 b that gives three examples of y/elsian, another 
Anglian symptom : — and pset is ponne swi&e micel y/el pset se man onsace 
Drihtne hselendum Criste, and hine y/elsige, and his halgum teonan do... 
Hwset bi& mare synn ponne man y/elsige his Drihten ? Forpan se y/elsa<5 
his Drihten se pe his gescea/te tsvletS oft&e his gescea/te wyrge<5, peah hine 
hwa abelige ; and, purh pyllicu ping gefirenaft seo tunge o/t. The word 
godwrecnis ' crime ' pretty certainly lies behind godwyrcnis at 1. 45 ; the 
only other recorded example is from the translation of Bede's History, a 

1 Eigentiimlichkeiten des anglischen Wortschatzes, Heidelberg 1906. See also Klaeber, 
Zur altenglisehen Bedaiibersetzung, Anglia xxvand xxvur; Hecht, loc. cit., Pt. ii, pp. 134 ft'. 



262 Wynfrith's Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

text with well marked Anglian features, and the substantive godwreca, 
which is also uncommon, occurs in M 389 gangatS ut, ge godwrecan. It 
is a fair inference that the three texts — Malchus, Wynfri&'s Letter and 
Evil Tongues — were composed in territory once Mercian ; and when the 
opening words — M : Saga& her on pissum bocum, W : Her sagaft on pis- 
sum bocum — are added to the list of similarities, it seems likely that the 
translator of Malchus was also the translator of Wynfri&'s Letter. The 
vocabulary does not warrant the conclusion that Evil Tongues, which is 
probably based on Latin materials, is also the work of this translator ; 
but it is possible ; and the possibility is strengthened if the exceptional 
phonological forms that the sermon shares with M and W go back to the 
translator's draft. If common authorship could be established, we should 
have a useful clue to the date of the translations ; for the sermon con- 
tains many references to the monastic life : e.g. f. 146 b And forpan ne 
tsden pa munucas 1 sefre, ne ne cwe&an ' We wzeron nu prdge on mynstre 
and we on pamftece micclum ne gefirnodan ; forpan hig lioga& gif hig 
twlaff, forpan Mora tunga gefirenad 1 d&ghwamlice ; or f. 147 b ...and gif 
we hit gewrecan ne magon, p<o>nne biotia&we to him : ' Hwtet, we syndon 
munucas gecweden,' peh we pone munuchad rihte ne <he>aldon. We us 
sceolon gebiddan to Drihtne, gif we pone munuchad rihte healden wil- 
la<&, on> eerne morgen and on underne, and on midne d&g, and on pa 
nontid, and on sefenne, and set <n>iht, and set honan sange, etc. Such a 
sermon is not likely to have been composed in English, or translated 
for English use, before the Benedictine reform in the latter part of the 
tenth century. 

Wynf riffs Letter contains other matter of lexicographical interest. 
There are two examples of the unrecorded verb oftlengan (to) = pertinere 
(ad) 11. 49, 68. One clear instance of the simplex blmstan = ' anhelare,' 
' erumpere ' (of fire) occurs at 1. 28 ; another at 1. 91, which is better not 
taken as a compound with up ; and a third at 1. 25 favouring the com- 
pound forpblsestan, which is probably to be assumed for Toller's first 
example of blsestan (Suppl. p. 96). Feorpiod = ' longinqua regio,' 1. 186, 
and scea&dignes = ' laesio' 1. 35, are also new. Lihtian, 1. 44, in the literal 
sense ' to reduce the weight of is not elsewhere recorded for Old English ; 
nor does Toller give examples of ormMlic adj., 11. 148, 170, though the 
adverb is not uncommon. The sense of nydbdd in purh nedbdde at 1. 7 
is not easy to determine; while pund = pondus, 1. 43, and geswege = con- 

1 Note pa munucas here, and yet the preacher identifies himself with the monks in the 
next passage. If the original wording has been correctly preserved, it would indicate that 
the preacher of the English sermon was placed in charge of monks, as bishop or abbot. 



K. SISAM 263 

sonantes, 1. 68 (cp. 1. 20), owe their unusual meanings to bad translation. 
Other words of interest because they are comparatively rare are : — 
dreceleasian 66; domne 1; forstynted 32, 132; gegltsian 53; gemdnes 
(from gemah) 57; gylpllce 54 ; Utopian 43, 76 ; lorh 168 ; picen adj. 122 ; 
unar&fnedlice adv. 30 ; and the contexts are now available for bewrigen- 
nys 10, 13, drupung 59, ciuealrnlic 149, which Toller has already quoted 
from Cockayne's notes. Perhaps none of these is so interesting as a sen- 
tence from Evil Tongues that the fire has spared, f. 147a: — Ac he 
ymbgwft hus and sse,g<5 oJ?rum men ofbres synne, and cwi& ' Ic eomfyren- 
full 7 pes man is fyrenfuW 'Ac hwset belangatS pees /bonne to eowV 
cwteft se Godes lareow. The verb belong is not recorded in the Oxford 
Dictionary till the fourteenth century, and here it has exactly the sense 
{quid interest) that one would expect in an Old English example. 

The print of the Latin original, which I am able to reproduce from 
the Monumenta Germaniae Historical by the courtesy of the directing 
authority, will provide what more is necessary to explain the text. Con- 
siderable passages or phrases which are not represented in the translation 
are italicised. In the Old English, contractions are expanded without 
notice ; and to avoid descriptive footnotes, any letter of which an 
identifiable trace remains is treated as if it were preserved intact. 
Letters of which no identifiable traces remain are printed in italics 
within brackets < >. Where the Latin source, the style or the context 
give sufficient indications of the reading of the MS. in its perfect 
state, I have tried to fill gaps due to crumbling. It is not easy; for 
the vellum is so much distorted in the worst places that the number of 
missing letters can be determined only by the crude method of averaging 
several whole lines ; but the attempt may serve a useful purpose so 
long as it is clear that italicised words within brackets have no better 
authority than mere conjecture. 

f. 143 b § 1- Her sagaS on bissum bocum j>aet domne WynfriS sende bis 

gewrit serost to Jnssum leodum, bi sumum preoste se wees brage forS- 

fered and gehwyrfde ba eft to his lichaman. He ssede baet he bicome to 

bisse beode, and bget he spsece wis Sone preost, ' and he me ba rehte ba 

1. Rogahas me, soror carissima, ut admirandas visiones de illo redivivo, qui nuper 
in monasterio Milburge abbatissae mortuus est et revixit, quae ei ostensae sunt, scri- 
bendo intimare et transmittere curarem, quemadmodum istas veneranda abbatissa 
Hildelida referenti didici. Modo siquidem gratias. omnipotenti Deo refero, quia in hoc 

3 he bicome] so Wanley: now only the last two strokes of to. and the final e remain. 

1 Epistolae, vol. m, pp. 252 ff.; see also Epistolae Selectae, vol. i, ed. M. Tangl, Berlin 
1916. There is a modern English rendering in E. Kylie's English Correspondence of 
St Boniface (King's Classics), London 1911, pp. 78 ff. 



264 Wynfrith's Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

5 <wundorlica>n gesihSe J?a pe he geseah J>a he waes buton lichaman, and 
Jrts he me rehte eall his agene worde. 

§ 2. 'He cwaeo" J?aet him geeode Jmrh nedbade J>aet his lichama wsere 
seoc geworden, and he wses semninga pj gaste bensemed. And him 
Jmhte J>aet hit wsere on J?aere onlicnysse pe him man J?a eagan weccende 

ro mid Jncce hraegle forbrugde ; and J?a semninga wses seo bewrigennys 
onweg anumen, and ba waes him aetywed on gesihSe ealle pa ping pe him 
naefre aer gesegen naeron ne onwrigen ; and him W8es aeghwaet swiSe uncuS 
baes pe he geseah. And pa, set nyxtan waes eall seo swearte bewrigennis 
aworpen fram his eagum : ba Jmhte him pset eall bes middaneard waere 

15 gesamnod biforan his lichaman gesihSe; and he sceawode eall folc, and 
ealle eorSan daelas and saestreamas, under anre gesihSe. And him Jmhte 
baet pa englas waeron swilce hig byrnende waeron, pa pe hine laeddon ut 
of J?am lichaman, and he ne mihte naenig Jnnga locian on hig for baere 
micclan beorhtnesse pe hig mid ymbseted waeron ; and hig sungon swiSe 

•20 wynsumum stefnum and swiSe geswegum, and hig cwaedon " Domine, ne 

in ira tua arguas me, neque in furore tuo corripias me" : pset is : " Drihten, 

ne prea pu us in Jrinum yrre, ne |?u us ne steor in ]?inre hatheortnysse." 

§ 3. ' And he saede pset hig hine abrudon up in pone lyft ; and he j>a 

geseah fyr beornan ymb ealles ]?yses middaneardes ymbhwyrfte, and se 

25 leg waes forSblaestende mid swiSe unmaetre micelnysse, and he waes swiSe 

egeslic upastigende ; " and naes eall j?es middaneard, J?a ic hine sceawode, 

buton swilc he waere on anes fcleowenf onlicnysse, and eall his weorc ; and 

ic geseah pset pset fyr wolde blaestan ofer ealne middaneard, gif se engel 

ne sette Cristes rode tacen ongean J»am fy<r"e : and> ponne gestilde hit, 

dilectionis tuae voluntatem eoplenius liquidiusque, Deo patrocinium praestante, implere 
valeo, quia ipse cum supra dicto fratre redivivo — -dum nuper de transmarinis partibus 
ad istas pervenit regiones — locutus sum ; et ille mihi stupendas visiones, quas extra 
corpus suum raptus in spiritu vidit, proprio exposuit sermone. 

2. Dicebat quippe, se per violentis egritudinis dolorem corporis gravidine subito 
exutum fuisse. Et simillimum esse collatione, Veluti si videntis et vigilantis hominis 
oculi densissimo tegmine velentur ; et subito auferatur velamen, et tunc perspicua 
sint omnia, quae antea non visa et velata et ignota fuerunt. Sic sibi, abiecto terrenae 
velamine carnis, ante conspectum universum collectum fuisse mundum, ut cunctas 
terrarum partes et populos et maria sub uno aspectu contueretur. Et tam magnae 
claritatis et splendoris angelos eum egressum de corpore suscepisse, ut nullatenus 
pro nimio splendore in eos aspicere potuisset. Qui iucundis et consonis vocibus cane- 
bant : ' Domine, ne in ira tua arguas me, neque in furore tuo corripias me.' 

3. 'Et sublevabant me — dixit — in aera sursum. Et in circuitu totius mundi 
ignem ardentem videbam et flammam inmensae magnitudinis anhelantem et terri- 
biliter ad superiora ascendentem, non aliter pene quam ut sub uno globo totius 
mundi machinam conplectentem, nisi earn sanctus angelus inpresso signo sanctae 
crucis Christi conpesceret. Quando enim in obviam minacis flammae signum crucis 
Christi expresserat, tunc fiamma magna ex parte decrescens resedit. Et istius 

5 wundorlican] Lot. stupendas ; cp. -wundorlicre =stupendae, 1. 126. 
20-1 Psalm xxxvii, 2. 27 cleowen] read cleowenes. 



K. SISAM 265 

f. 144a 30 and se leg swiSrode on micclum dsele. And ic wses swioe unareefnedlice 
gebrsested on minum eagum for biss<es> micclan brynes ege ; and me 
wses ealra swiSost seo gesihS f forstynded f for bara scinendra gasta 
beorhtnesse; and ba sethran bgere beorhtan gesihSe an engel minum 
heafde, and ic wearS burn bget gescyld and gesund gehealden fram bara 

35 lega sceaSSignesse." 

§ 4. ' And he saede, on bgere tide be he waes of his lich<a>man, bget 
byder waere gesamnod of lichamum swa micel menego forSferedra sawla 
swa he ne wende baet ealles mennisces cynnes naere swylc unrim menego 
swilce baet waes. And he saede eac baet bger wsere micel meniu set awer- 

4 o gedra gasta, fand eac bam beorhtum englum pe peer gesegene wseron : 
hig haefdon micel geflit wis Sa awyrigdan gastas bi <pam sody>aestan 
sawlum be pser waeron utgongende of lichaman : and pa, deoflu wse<ron 
ivregende pa s>awle, and hig waeron heapiende hiora synna pund on hio ; 
ba <englas wseron> ladiende and lihtigende hiora synna. 

45 § 5. ' And se man saede past he sylf gehyrde ealle his f godwyrcnissef 
and his agene synna — ba pe he of his giogoSe gefremede, oSSe baet he on 
receleaste gefremode, bget he nolde his synna andettan, and baet he 
on ofergitolness gefremode, o5Se past he eallunga nyste b*t hit to 
synna oSlengde : and aelc bara synna cegde his agenre stefne wis hine, 

50 and hio hine f hig f ardlice breadon ; and anra gehwilc bara synna pe he 

flammae terribili ardore intollerabiliter torquebar, oculis maxime ardentibus et 
splendore fulgentium spirituum vehementissime reverberatis ; donee splendidae 
visionis angelus manus suae inpositione caput meum quasi protegens tangebat et me 
a lesione flammarum tutum reddidit.' 

4. Praeterea referebat : illo in temporis spatio, quo extra corpus fuit, tarn magnam 
animarum migrantium de corpore multitudinem illuc, ubi ipse fuit, convenisse, quarn 
totius humani generis in terris non fuisse antea existimaret. Innumerabilem quoque 
malignorum spirituum turbam nee non et clarissimum chorum supernorum ange- 
lorum adfuisse narravit. Et maximam inter se miserrimos spiritus et sanctos angelos 
de animabus egredientibus de corpore disputationem habuisse, daemones accussando 
et peccatorum pondus gravando, angelos vero relevando et excussando. 

5. Et se ipsum audisse, omnia flagitiorum suorum propria peccamina — quae fecit 
a iuventute sua et ad confitendum aut neglexit aut oblivioni tradidit vel ad peccatum 
pertinere omnino nesciebat — ipsius propria voce contra ilium clamitasse et eum 

Pdirissime accussasse et specialiter unumquodque vitium quasi ex sua persona in 
medium se obtulisse dicendo quoddam : ' Ego sum cupiditas tua, qua inlicita fre- 
quentissime et contraria preceptis Dei concupisti' ; quoddam vero : ' Ego sum vana 

30 unarsefnedlice] second n added above line. 

32 forstynded] read forstynted ; cp. 1. 132. 

40 and] delete (?). 

41 soSfsestan] only the e part of se survives. Nothing equivalent in the Latin. 
43 on hio] o uncertain : but the letter is not g ; for hio cp. U. 52, 104- 

45 godwyrcnisse] conceivable as a barbarous rendering of i beneficia' : but in fact 
there is nothing in the Latin to suggest it. Read godwrecnisse, a wwd which occurs 
once in the O.E. Bede = l facinus' : cp. godwnec adj. ' impious.' 

50 hig] delete (?). 



266 Wynfrith's Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

of his iugoSe gefremede, on f aenigum f hade )?ser waes forSgeboren on 
hiora midnesse ; and hio waeron bus sprecende : — Sum cwaeS : " Ic eom 
bin gitsung pe pu unalyfedlice gegitsodest wis Godes bebodu." Sum 
cwaeS : " Ic eom idel gilp pe pw mid mannum gylpliceahofe." Sum cwaeft : 

55 " Ic eom leasung in baere Jm gefirenadest J?aer Jm waere ligende." Sum 
cwaeS : " Ic eom unnyt word pe bu idelice gespraece." Sum cwaeS : " Ic 
eom gesihS burh ]?a Jm gefirenadest." Sum cwaeS : " Ic eom gemanes and 
ungehersumnes, baer Jm ealdum gastlicum mannum ungehyrsum waere." 
Sum cwseS : " Ic eom drupung and sleacnis pe Jm waere receleas in haligra 

6o gewrita geornesse." Sum cwaeS : " Ic eom swiciende geboht and unnyt 
•f gamenf (be Jm oSra manna lif eahtodest and bin agen lif forlete), and 
ic pe ofer gemet on cyrican and buton cirican gebisgode." Sum cwaeS : 
" Ic eom slapolnis mid bam pu wa3re ge|?ricced, pset J?u late arise Gode to 
andettenne." Sum cwaeS : " Ic eom unnytnys " — and hig him on saedon 

65 manega Jnng |?issum gelic. And ealle pa, pe he on his lifes dagum 

f. 144 b lifigende gefremod<e>, pe he areceleasode to andettenne, j and manige 

synna J>ser cirmdon swiSe egeslice wis hine pa, pe he naefre ne wende ]?33t 

hio to synnum oSlengdon; and pa awyrigdan gastas wseron geswege 

eallum J?am synnum ; and hig waeron hine swiSe heardlice wregende, 

70 and hig waeron secgende ealle J?a stowe and ealle J>a tide pe hig pa 
mandaede on gedydon. And he J?aer geseah eac sumne J?ara manna pe 
he ser gewund< od>e pa, hwile pe he lifigende waes ; — and se man lifde 
)?agyt — , and to gewitnesse his yfela he waes ]?ider gelaeded ; and sio wund 
waes open, and }>set blod waes stemende, and he waes cegende his agenre 

75 stefne and he</i>estu edwit cweSende, and he s<tselde> J>aes blodes 

gloria, qua te apud homines iactanter exaltasti ' ; aliud : ' Ego sum mendacium, in 
quo mentiendo peccasti ' ; aliud : ' Ego sum otiosum verbum, quod inaniter locutus 
fuisti' ; aliud : 'Ego visus, quo videndo inlicita peccasti' ; aliud : ' Ego contumacia 
et inoboedientia, qua senioribus spiritalibus inoboediens fuisti ' ; aliud : ' Ego torpor 
et desidia in sanctorum studiorum neglectu ' ; aliud : ' Ego vaga cogitatio et inutilis 
cura, qua te supra modum sive in ecclesia sive extra ecclesiam occupabas ' ; aliud : 
' Ego somnolentia, qua oppressus tarde ad confitendum Deo surrexisti ' ; aliud : ' Ego 
iter otiosum ' ; aliud: ' Ego sum neglegentia et incuria, qua detentus erga studium 
divinae lectionis incuriosus fuisti ' ; et cetera his similia. Omnia, quae in diebus 
vitae suae in carne conversatus peregit et confiteri neglexit, multa quoque, quae ad 
peccatum pertinere omnino ignorabat, contra eum cuncta terribiliter vociferabant. 

51 senigum] read seg(e)num : Latin ' quasi ex sua persona? 

61 gamenj read gymen or gemen : Latin ' cura.' 

75 hefiestu] distorted by burning: a pocket in the vellum now closed by the special 
mounting of the burnt leaves, covers what 1 conjecture to be the upper part of f and the 
whole of i. Note that the reading assumes the ligature ft, which occurs nowhere else in 
the tract. 

stselde] s certain from the remains of the top : but unless there is unusual distortion 
of the burnt edges, stselde, which suits the Latin ' inputabat,' and may be construed 
with the following (conjectural) on hine, does not fit the remains very xoell. 



K. SISAM 267 

gyte swiSe wselhreowlice, and he tealode and heapode micel m<eniu 
synna on hine> ; and pa ealdan feond trymedon and ssedon pset he wsere 
hira gew<ealdes and hira hlytes>. 

§ 6. ' " <pa> ladedon me min bset lyttla msegen pa, pe ic earma and 

So \mm<eodumlic>e ...re gedyde : — Sum cwseS : 'Ic eom fsesten pe he his 
lichaman on aclsensode wis Sam yfelan geornissum.' Sum cwseS : ' Ic eom 
hluttor gebed bset he geat in Drihtnes gesihSe.' Sum cwseS: 'Ic eom 
untrumra begnung, ba he mildelice siocum gedyde.' Sum cwseS : ' Ic 
eom sealmsang bone he Gode gedyde to bote his unnyttra worda ' " : and 

«5 swa him cegde anra gehwilc bsera msegna, and wses hine beladigende 
wis his synnum ; f and pas pe pe wseron eac miccligende pa. engellican 
gastas, "and me wseron J?as msegnu bescyldigende pa pe her trymedon ;f 
and me wseron ba msegnu miccle maran gebuht bonne ic sefre wende 
bset ic hig on minum msegne gefremman mihte." 

90 | 7. ' And he ssede eac j?set he geseage on bissum nioSeran mid- 
danearde fyrene seaSas, and ba waaron swiSe egeslice up blasstende ; and 
he geseah fleogan ingemang |?am fyrenan lege J?a earman gastas, J>a 
wseron on sweartra fugela onlicnissum ; and hig waeron hiofigende and 

Similiter et maligni spiritvis in omnibus consonantes vitiis accussando et duriter 
testificando et loca et tempora nefandorum actuum memorantes eadem, quae peccata 
dixerunt, conclamantes probabant. Vidit quoque ibi hominem quendam, cui iam in 
seculari habitu degens vulnus inflixit — quern adhuc in hac vita superesse referebat — , 
ad testimonium malorum suorum adductum ; cuius cruentatum et patens vulnus et 
sanguis ipse propria voce clamans inproperabat et inputabat ei crudele effusi san- 
guinis crimen. Et sic cumulatis et conputatis sceleribus, antiqui hostes adfirmabant : 
«um, reum peccatorem, iuris eorum et condicionis indubitanter fuisse. 

6. ' E contra autem — dixit— excussantes me, clamitabant parve virtutes animae, 
quas ego miser indigne et inperfecte peregi. Quaedam dixit : " Ego sum oboedientia, 
quam senioribus spiritalibus exhibuit" ; quaedam: "Ego sum ieiunium, quo corpus 
suum contra desiderium carnis pugnans castigavit" ; alia : " Ego oratio pura, quam 
■effundebat in conspectu Domini"; alia : "Ego sum obsequium infirmorum, quod cle- 
menter egrotantibus exhibuit"; quaedam: "Ego sum psalmus, quern pro otioso 
sermone satisfaciens Deo cecinit." Et sic unaqueque virtus contra emulum suum 
peccatum excussando me clamitabat. Et has illi inmensae claritatis angelici spiritus 
magnificando defendeDtes me adfirmabant. Et istae virtutes universae valde mactae 
et mul to maiores et excellentiores esse mihi videbantur, quam umquam viribus meis 
•digne perpetrate fuissent.' 

7. Inter ea referebat, se quasi in inferioribus, in hoc mundo vidisse igneos puteos 
horrendam eructantes flammam plurimos ; et, erumpente tetra terribilis flamma 
ignis, volitasse et miserorum hominum spiritus in similitudine nigrarum avium per 
flammam plorantes et ululantes et verbis et voce humana stridentes et lugentes pro- 

76 meniu synna on hine] for the restoration cp. 1. Ifi above, and I. 39. 

78 hira gewealdes and hira hlytes]/or the restoration cp. II. 137 f. below. 

79 and... gedyde] after unm indistinct remains of two letters; then a hole, after 
which e is clear and two more letters unclear ; then a further gap, at the end of which 
stands re (possibly ne), with traces of an accent above indicating a preceding long vowel. 
Between unm and gedyde the space would be enough for 20 to 25 letters in all. 

11. 86, 87. The MS. is clear, and the corruption appears to be deep-rooted. 



268 WynfritKs Letter in. MS. Otho C. 1 

wepende and gristbitigende mid menniscre stefne hiora agene f fyrhtu f, 

95 and J?set andwearde wite ; and hig gesseton hwilum lythwon on )?8era 
seaSa ofrum, and hig fiollon eft sefre heofigende in ba seaSas. pa cwseS 
him an to of bam halgan englum : " peos lyttle rest getacnatS j?set 
selmihtig Drihten syleS bissum sawlum celnisse and reste sefter bam 
toweardan domes dsege." 

ioo §8. 'And se man gehyrde under bam seaSum, in bsere niooeran 

helle, swiSe egeslic granung and swiSe micelne wop bara hiofigendra 

145 a sawla. pa <vw&ft hi>m to an bsera engla: "peos granung and bes wop 

be bu her gehyrest in bisse niooeran helle, bset syndon ba sawla be hiom 

nsefre to ne cymtS Godes seo arfseste miltse ; ac hio sceall cwylmian se 

105 eca leg." 

§ 9. ' And he bser geseah eac on sume stowe swiSe wundorlicre 
fsegernisse, and bser blissode swiSe fsegera sawla menigu : pa, latSedon hig 
hine j?set he come to hiora gefean, gif him alyfed wsere. pa com J>anon 
swiSe micel sweg, and se wses on swiSe micelre swetnysse : }>is )?onne 

nowses J?a3ra eadigra gasta oroS. peos stow }?onne wses be J?an pa, englas 
him ssedan ]?set hit wses se msera niorxnawang. 

§ 10. ' And he peer geseah fyren ea, sio wses gefylled mid weallende 
fwitef, and hio wses eall inneweard byrnende, and hio wses on wunder- 
licre fyrhtu ; and p<ser wse>% an treow ofer }?a ea on brycge onlicnysse. 

115 ponne efstan J?a halgan sawla t<o ptere> bricge fram )?am gemote pe 
hig set wseron, and hig gyrndon ps&t hig oferforen J?a ea. ponne ferdon 

pria merita et praesens supplicium : consedisse paululum herentes in marginibus 
puteorum ; et iterum heiulantes cecidisse in puteos. Et unus ex angelis dixit : 
' Parvissima haec requies indicat, quia omnipotens Deus in die futuri iudicii his. 
animabus refrigerium supplicii et requiem perpetuarn praestiturus est.' 

8. Sub illis autem puteis, ctdkuc in inferioribus et in into profundo, quasi in 
inferno inferiori, audivit horrendum et tremendum et dictu di]ficile?n gemitum et 
fietum lugentium animarum. Et dixit ei angelus : ' Murmur et fletus, quern in 
inferioribus audis, illarum est animarum, ad quas numquam pia miseratio Domini 
perveniet ; sed aeterna illas flamma sine fine cruciabit.' 

9. Vidit quoque mire amoenitatis locum, in quo pulcherrimorum hominum 
gloriosa multitudo miro laetabatur gaudio ; qui eum invitabant, ut ad eorum gaudia, 
si ei licitum fuisset, cum eis gavisurus veniret. Et inde mirae dulcedinis fraglantia 
veniebat ; quia beatorum alitus fuit ibi congaudentium spirituum. Quern locum 
sancti angeli adfirmabant famosum esse Dei paradisum. 

10. Nee non et igneum piceumque flumen, bulliens et ardens, mirae formidinis 
et teterrimae visionis cernebat. Super quod lignum pontis vice positum erat. Ad 
quod sanctae gloriosaeque animae ab illo secedentes con ventupropera bant, desiderio 
alterius ripae transire cupientes. Et quaedam non titubantes constanter transiebant. 
Quaedam vero labefactae de ligno cadebant in Tartareum flumen ; et aliae tingue- 
bantur pene, quasi toto corpore mersae ; aliae autem ex parte quadam, veluti quedain 

94 fyrhtu] read wyrhtu. 
113 wite] read pice. 



) 



K. SISAM 269 

hig sume swiSe anrsedlice ofer pa, bricge. And sume hig wurdon aslidene 
of )>am triowe, baet hig befeollan in ba tintregan ea : sume hig befiollan 
in fotes deopnesse; sume mid ealne lichaman; sume oS Sa cneowu; 

1 20 sume oS Sone middel; sume oS Sa helan: bonne symble wses bara sawla 
a?ghwilc biorhtre bonne hio aer wses, sySSan hio eft coman up of bsere 
picenan ea. pa cwaeS an engel to him bi bam feallendum sawlum : 
" pis syndon ba sawla pe sefter hinsiSe sumere arfsestre clsensunge 
bihofiaS, and Godes miltsunge, bset hig syn him wyrSe to bringenne." 

125 § 11. ' And he ssede bset he padr gesege scinende weallas, ba wseron 
on micelre biorhtnesse and on wundorlicre lengu and on drmsettre 
heannesse. pa cwsedon pa halgan englas : " pis is sio halige and sio 
mserlice ceaster Hierusalem, in bgere gefsegniaS symble pa, eadigan sawla 
and ba halgan gastas." And bonne ba sawla coman ofer pa, ea, pe ic ser 

130 big ssede, bonne efstan hig eallum msegne wis Sissa wealla. He bonne 
ssede past hig wasron swiSe beorhte scinende, and he ssede bset him wurde 
for pisse micclan beorhtnesse his eagena gesihS forstynted, bset he neenig 
binga locian ne mihte on ba beorhnesse. 

§ 12. 'Ssede eac bset bser cumen waere sumes mannes sawul to J>am 

135 gemote se wearS dead in abboddomes pegnunge, and sio wses swiSe 

wlitig gesegen. pa gegripon )?a deoflu pa, sawle, and hig ssedon pset hio 

waere hiora hlytes and hiora anwealdes. pa andswarode him an of J?am 

halgan englum and cwaeS : " Ic eow nu gecySe hraSe, ge earman gastas, 

f. 145 b past ]?ios sawul <ne bi& eow>res gewealdes." pa mid py pe pis | gecweden 

i 4 o wses, pa, com paer fa3rlice micel heap swiSe hwittra sawla, and pus wseron 
cweSende : — " pes abbod wses ure ealdor, and us ealle he gestrynde Gode 

usque ad genua, quaedam usque ad medium, quaedam vero usque ad ascellas. 
Et tamen unaquaeque cadentium multo clarior speciosiorque de flumine in alteram 
ascendebat ripam, quam prius in piceum bulliens cecidisset flumen. Et unus ex 
beatis angelis de illis cadentibus animabus dixit : ' Hae sunt animae, quae post exitum 
mortalis vitae, quibusdam levibus vitiis non omnino ad purum abolitis, aliqua pia 
miserentis Dei castigatione indigebant, ut Deo dignae offerantur.' 

11. Et citra illud flumen speculatur muros fulgentes clarissimi splendoris, 
stupendae longitudinis et altitudinis inmensae. Et sanctos angelos dixisse : ' Haec 
est enim ilia sancta et inclita civitas, caelestis Hierusalem, in qua istae perpetualiter 
sanctae gaudebunt animae.' Illas itaque animas et istius gloriosae civitatis muros, 
ad quam post transitum fluminis festinabant, tarn magna inmensi luminis claritate 
et fulgore splendentes esse dixit, ut, reverberatis oculorum pupillis, pro nimio splen- 
dore in eos nullatenus aspicere potuisset. 

12. Narravit quoque, ad ilium conventum inter alias venisse cuiusdam hominis 
animam, qui in abbatis officio defunctus est ; quae speciosa nimis et formosa esse 
visa est. Quam maligni spiritus rapientes contendebant sortis eorum et condicionis 
fuisse. Respondit ergo unus ex choro angelorum dicens : ' Ostendam vobis cito, 
miserrimi spiritus, quia vestrae potestatis anima ilia probatur non esse.' Et his 
dictis, repente intervenit magna choors candidarum aniniarum, quae dicebant : 
' Senior et doctor noster fuit iste, et nos omnes suo magisterio lucratus est Deo ; et 
hoc pretio redemptus est, et vestri iuris non esse dinoscitur,' et quasi cum angelis 

M.L.R. xviii. 18 



270 WynfritKs Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

mid his lare, and he biS alysed for pissum weorSe, and he ne biS eowres 
anwealdes." pa gefuhton pa englas wis Sam deoflum, and pa englas pa 
geeoden on pa deoflu past hig generedon pa sawle of para <a>werigdra 

X45 gasta anwealde. pa preade se halga engel pa deoflu, and cwaeS : " Wite 
ge nu paet ge genamon pas sawle buton rihte : gewitatS ge nu, earman 
gastas, f nu f in psefc ece fyr." And pa se engel pis gecweden haefde, pa 
ahofan pa awyrigdan deoflu swiSe ormaetlicne hiaf, and hig wurpon hig 
sylfe mid cwealmlicre flihte on pa byrne<ncfe> s<ea>Sas, and hig 

150 coman eft aefter lyttlum faece in paet gemot, and hig flito<n bi> manna 
sawla gewyrhtum. 

§ 13. ' And hig fliton eac bi para manna gewyrhtum pe in pissum 
life mislice lifiaS. And he saede eac, on pa tid pe he waes buton lichaman, 
paet he mihte sceawian pa men pa pe waeron mid synnum besmitene, and 

155 eac pa pe waeron mid halgum maegnum Gode peowigende and mid arfaest- 
nyssum haefdon aelmihtigne God -f-. And he geseah paet pa Godes men 
waeron symble f biscyldende f fram pam englum, and pa englas waeron 
to him gepeodde mid sibbe and mid lufu. And he saede bi pam mannum 
pe waeron gefylde mid manfullum synnum, paet paer waeron symble 

160 deoflu to pam gepeodde ; and he saegde ponne se man syngode, oS5e on 
worde o'SSe on daede, paet pa deoflu paet singallice saedon pam wyrrestan 
deoflum, and paet hig hit brohtan mid hleahtre in hira midnesse. And 
he saede ponne se man firnode paet pa deoflu brohtan aelce synne onsun- 
dran pam oSrum deoflum to gewitnesse; and he saede paet se diofol 

contra daemones pugnam inirent. Et adminiculo angeloruru eripientes illam aniniam 
de potestate malignorum spirituvun liberaveruut. Et turn increpans angelus dae- 
mones dixit : ' Scitote modo et intellegite, quod animam istam sine iure rapuistis : 
et discedite, miserrimi spiritus, in ignein aetei'num ' — cum vero hoc dixisset angelus, 
ilico maligni spiritus levaverunt fletum et ululatum magnum ; in momento et quasi in 
ictu oculi pernici volatu iactabant se in supra dictos puteos ignis ardentis : et post 
modicum intervallum emersi certantes in illo conventu iterum de animarum meritis 
disputabant. 

13. Et diversorum merita hominum in hac vita commorantium dicebat se illo in 
tempore speculari potuisse. Et illos, qui sceleribus obnoxii non fuerunt et qui Sanctis 
virtutibus freti propitium omnipotentem Deum habuisse noscebautur, ab angelis 
semper tutos ac defensos et eis caritate et propinquitate coniunctos fuisse. Illis 
vero, qui nefandis criminibus et maculate vitae sordibus polluti fuerunt, adversarium 
spiritum adsidue sociatum et semper ad scelera suadentem fuisse ; et, quandocumque 
verbo vel facto peccaverint, hoc iugiter quasi ad laetitiam et gaudium aliis nequissi- 
mis spiritibus in medium proferens manifestavit. Et quando homo peccavit, nequa- 
quam malignus spiritus sustinuit moram faciens expectando, donee iterum peccaret ; 

144 awerigdra] initial a added much later above the line. 
147 nu] delete, unless it is an error for inn adv. 

156 God] a following word =' propitium' omitted in MS.: (?) gemiltsod(ne). 

157 biscyldende] read biscyldede. 



K. SIS AM 271 

165 semninga ba synne gelaerde bone man, and baet he hig eft semninga 
gecydde bam deoflum. 

§ 14. 'And he saede baet he geseage grindan her on worulde an 
maegden on anre cweorne. pa gesioh hio licgan obres maegdnes lorh wi5 
hig, swiSe faegre awrittenne, mid fagum flese. pa forstael hio hine. pa 

170 waeron ba deoflu sona gefylled mid swiSe ormaetlice gefean, and baer 
urnon sona fif ba wyrrestan deofla and saedon ba stalu to scylde in bara 
oSra deofla gemote, and hig wregdon ba stale to scylde, and saedon baet 
baet maeden waere fyrenfull. And saede eac baet he baer gesege sumes 

174 ealdes preostes sawle on micelre unrotnesse se waes lyttle aer dead, and 
f. 146 a bam he begnade <ponne he> laeg on his feorhadle, " and he me | ba baed 
ba he waes sweltende baet ic baede his <broftor fiset he> friode <sum> 
maennen for hine baet waes hiom baem g<emmne." pa abead> he hit 
him; ac his lices broSor for his gitsunge a,gse<lde pa be>ne and nolde 
hig gefyllen. pa waes his sawul on bsere hextan sworetunge, <and wee>s 

180 wregende hire bone ungetriowan broSer, and hio hefiglice hine <firea>de. 

§ 15 (= 16). ' And ba bis waes eall buss gespecen and gesceawod, ]?a 

bibudon pa, eadigan englas ]?aet his sawul ahwyrfde eft buton yldinge to 

his lichaman ; and he \a, gecydde eall J>aet him ]?aer aeteawed waes gely- 

fedum mannum ; and j?am ]>e hit bismorodan, ]?onne forwyrnde he )?am 

185 ]?aere segene. And sumum wife he gerehte hire synne, sio waes eardi- 
gende in feorjnode ; and he hire gecydde J?aet hio mihte geearnian, gif 
hio sylf wolde, past hire waere aelmihtig God miltsiend. And sumum 
maessepreoste he gerehte ealle J>as gastlican gesihSe. paes maessepreostes 

sed singillatira unumquodque vitium ad notitiam aliorum spirituum offerebat. Et 
subito apud hominem peccata suasit et ilico apud daemones perpetrata demonstravit. 

14. Inter ea narravit, se vidisse puellam quandam in hac terrena vita molantem 
in mola. Quae vidit iuxta se iacentem alterius novam colum sculptura variatam ; 
et pulchra ei visa fuit, et furata est illam. Tunc, quasi ingenti gaudio repleti, quin- 
que teterrimi spiritus hoc furtum aliis in illo referebant conventu testificantes, illam 
furti ream et peccatricem fuisse. Intulit quoque : ' Fratris cuiusdam, qui paulo ante 
defunctus est, animam tristem ibi videbam. Cui antea ipse in infirmitate exitus sui 
ministravi et exsequia prebui ; qui mihi moriens precepit, ut fratri illius germano 
verbis illius testificans demandarem, ut ancillam quandam, quam in potestate com- 
muniter possederunt, pro anima eius manu mitteret. Sed germanus eius, avaritia 
impediente, petitionem eius non implevit. Et de hoc supra dicta anima per alta 
suspiria accussans fratrem infidelem et increpans graviter querebatur.' 

15. El similiter testatus est de Ceolredo rege Mercionwn, quern illo tamen tempore, 
quo haec visa sunt, in corpore fuisse non dubium est. Quern, ut dixit, videbat angelico 
quodam umbraculo contra impetum daemoniorum, quasi libri alicuius magni exten- 
sione et superpositione, defensum. lpsi autem daemones anhelando rogabant angelos, 
ut, ablata defensione ilia, ipsi permitterentur crudelitatis eorum voluntatem in eo 
exercere. Et inputabant ei horribilem ac nefandam multitudinem flagitiorum; et 
minantes dicebant, ilium sub durissimis infer orum claustris claudendum et ibi, peccatis 

177 abead] remains of last letter favour d. 

18—2 






272 Wynfrith's Letter in MS. Otho C. 1 

nama wses Bogia, and se hine gelserde )?set he J>a gesihSe mannum cydde. 

190 And he gecydde ]?am preoste J?set he wses iii for manegum wintrum 
bigyrded for Godes lufan mid iserne gyrdelse, and nses him J?aes nsenig 
man gewita. 

§ 16 (=17). 'And he ssede ]>a he eft sceolde to his lichaman, bset he 
ba nsenigre oSru wiht swa swiSe onscunode on ealre bsere gesihSe be he 

195 geseah swa his agenne lichaman, ne him nan bing swa ladlic Jmhte ne 
swa forsewenlic : and he nsefre gestanc hiardran fulnes bonne him Jmhte 
J>set se lichama stunce, buton bam deoflum and J>am byrnendum fyre ]?e 
he J^ser geseah. And him ba wa3s biboden bset he hwyrfde to his lichaman 
in dsegred, and ser he eode of his lichaman set bam forman hancrede.' 

promerentibus, aeternis tormentis cruciandum esse. Tunc angeli solito tristiores facti 
dicebant : l Pro dolor, quod homo peccator iste semet ipsum plus defendere non per- 
mittit ; et ob ipsius propria merita nullum ei adiutorium possumus prebere.' Et aufe- 
rebant superpositi tutaminis defensionem. Tunc daemones gaudentes et exultantes, de 
universis mundi partibus congregati maiori multitudine, quam omnium animantium 
in saeculo fieri aestimaret, diversis eum tormentis inaestimabiliter fatigantes lacerabant. 

16. Turn demum beati angeli praecipiebant ei, qui haec omnia extra corpus suum 
raptus spiritali contemplatione vidit et audivit, ut sine mora ad proprium rediret 
corpus et universa, quae illi ostensa fuerunt, credentibus et intentione divina interro- 
gantibus manifestare non dubitaret, insultantibus autem narrare denegaret ; et ut 
cuidam mulieri, quae inde in longinqua regione habitabat, eius perpetrata peccata per 
ordinem exponeret et ei intimaret, quod omnipotentem Deum potuisset per satisfacti- 
onem repropitiari sibi, si voluisset; et ut cuidam presbitero nomine Beggan istas 
spiritales visiones cunctas exponeret, et postea, quemadmodum ab illo instructus 
fieret, hominibus pronuntiaret : propria quippe peccata, quae illi ab spiritibus in- 
mundis inputata fuerunt, confessa supra dicti presbiteri iudicio emendaret ; et ad 
indicium angelici praecepti presbitero testificari, quia iam per plurimos annos zonam 
ferream circa lumbos, nullo hominum conscio, amore Domini cogente, habuerat. 

1 7. Proprium corpus dicebat se, dum extra fuerat, tarn valde perhorruisse, ut in 
omnibus illis visionibus nihil tarn odibile, nihil tarn despectum, nihil tarn durum 
foetorem evaporans, exceptis daemonibus et igne flagrante, videret, quam proprium 
corpus. Et fratres eius conservos, quos intuitus est exsequias corporis sui clementer 
exhibere, ideo perhorruit, quia invisi corporis curam egerunt. Iussus tamen ab angelis 
primo diluculo redit ad corpus, qui primo gallicinio exiebat de corpore. Redivivo 
autem in corpore plena septimana nihil omnino corporalibus oculis videre potuit, sed 
oculi Jisicis pleni, frequenter sanguine stillaverunt. 

18. Et postea de presbitero relegioso et peccatrice muliere, sicut ei ab angelis mani- 
festatum est, ita illis proftentibus, verum esse probavit. Subsequens autem et citus 
scelerati regis exitus, quae de illo visa fuerunt vera esse, procul dubio probavit. 

19. Multa alia et his similia referebat sibi ostensa fuisse, quae de memoria 
labefacta per ordinem recordari nullatenus potuisset. Et dicebat se post istas mirabiles 
visiones tarn tenacem memoriae non fuisse, ut ante fuerat. 

20. Haec autem te diligenter flagitante scripsi, quae tribus mecum relegiosis et 
valde venerabilibus fratribus in commune audientibus exposuit; qui mihi in hoc scripto 
adstipidatores fideles testes esse dinoscuntur. 

Vale; verae virgo vitae ut et vivas angelicae, 
Recto rite et rumore regnes semper in aethere 
Christum. 

K. SlSAM. 
Oxford. 



A NEW COLLATION OF THE GLOSS OF THE 
DURHAM RITUAL. 

My dissertation on the language of the Old Northumbrian Gloss of 
the Rituale Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, published more than thirty years 
ago (Die Sprache des Rituals von Durham, Helsingfors, 1890), and my 
Glossary to the same text ( Worterbuch zur Interlinearglosse des Rituale 
Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, Bonn, 1901), were both founded on Stevenson's 
edition of the Ritual (Publications of the Surtees Society, 1840), corrected 
in accordance with the collation published by the late Professor Skeat 
in the Transactions of the Philological Society (London, 1879). Some 
years ago I came across Professor Skeat's popular sketch of the English 
Dialects, from the Eighth Century to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1911), 
and found there, on page 21, the following statement as to the text of 
the Ritual : ' Mr Stevenson's edition exhibits a rather large number of 
misreadings, most of which (I fear not quite all) are noted in my " Colla- 
tion of the Durham Ritual." When in the summer of 1922 circumstances 
made it possible for me to spend a few days at Durham, I took the 
opportunity of collating the Gloss in the MS. of the Ritual with 
Stevenson's text, and am able to add a considerable number of correc- 
tions to those printed in Skeat's collation. The following is a list of my 
new readings, with the exception of a few cases where the printed text 
differs from the MS. only in the use of the letter u or v for u or w\ 
In order to facilitate the comparison with my previous works on the 
Ritual, I refer to the number of the pages and the lines of the Gloss in 
Stevenson's edition. The Latin word of the text and Stevenson's read- 
ing are given within marks of parenthesis. 

1, 2 (electus, Stevenson gecoren') read gicoren*. 1, 9 (solitudines, 
vnbyergo) should perhaps be read vnbyengo, r and n being sometimes 
very similar to each other 2 . 

2, 1 (epiphania, baed dseg) looks rather like bseS daeg 3 . 

1 And perhaps in a few cases referring to the use of se or ae. 

2 Cf. byencgv (habitaculis) 123, 4 ; and see Bosworth-Toller and Hall. 

3 The meaning of this gloss is quite clear ; ' bseS dseg ' (bath day) is ' baptism day ' ; on 
the connexion of Epiphany with celebrations of the baptism of Christ cf. the article 
1 Epiphany ' in the Encyclopedia Britannica. 



274 A New Collation of the Gloss of the Durham Ritual 

3, 1 (salvatoris, second gloss: hielendes) read haelendes, ae in the 
Gloss being often very similar to ie. 3, 5 (manifestata, giyredo) probably 
giypedo; the fourth letter is certainly not an r 1 . 

4, 6 (nzea, min) the gloss min occurs twice (min min). 

5, 5 (misericordise, miltheart) miltheart'. 5, 9 (etenim, f'Son) 7 f Son. 
5, 12 (afflictam, first gloss : awoerSedo) awoerdedo. 5, 17 (guidem, wuted) 
wuted'. 

6, 8 (loquebar, ic spraeco) ic spraec. 6, 13 (quicquam, aenigv) aengv. 
6, 19 (exaudi, geher) giher. 

7, 9 {ineffabilem, vnasacegendlic') vnasaecgendlic'. 7, 14 (reparations, 
eftnivuwn'ges Stev., eftnivuwunges Skeat) Stevenson's reading appears 
to be the correct one, yet the curl is rather above the w. 

8, 1 (infirmitatem, vntrymnise Stev., vntrumnise Skeat) Stevenson 
gives the correct reading. 8, 14 (adversitas, viSerworSnise) viServordnise. 

10, 5 (ambulaverit, gigieS) gigaeS. 10, 6 (vivet, gilefeS) gilifeS. 10, 8 
(patris, faSores) fadores. 

11, 1 (furor, waelm Stev., walm' Skeat) waelm'. 

12, 4 (gratias, Sancvnco) Soncvnco. 12, 17 (die, dseg) dsegi. 

13, 16 (et, 1) 7. 13, 18 (vobismetipsis, ivh soelfv) ivh seolfv. 

14, 4 (quadragesimali, faestn'lic' Stev., fsesternlic Skeat) fsest'nlic'. 
14, 12 (jejunium, fsestn' Stev., fsestern Skeat) fsest'n. 14, 19 (adversaria, 
wiSerwordnis') wiSirwordnis'. 

15, 2 (macerantur, awonaS bi?5on) awonad biSon. 15, 4 (claritatis, 
brihtnises) brehtnises. 

17, 20 (jejunemus, ve gefsestae) ve gifaesta?. 

18, 2 (nobis, vs) vs. 18, 9 (mitigatis, gimengadv) gimetgadv 2 . 

19, 1 (deleo, gidilga) ic gidilga. 19, 3 (recordabor, eft gimyndga) eft 
ic gimyndga. 

20, 5 (expectabo, ic bid'o) ic bido. 

21, 4 (tabernaculum, hvs) hvs. 21, 11 (similitudinem, anlicnisse) 
onlicnisse. 21, 20 (desiit, first gloss : Hasten) f'leten. 

22, 2 (seternam, eco...) ecnisse altered to eco. 22, 4 (secula, worulda 
Stev., worulde alt. to -a Skeat) worlde alt. to worlda. 

23, 16 (affligimur, we biSon awoendedo) we biSon awoerdedo. 

24, 8 (fideliter, gitrowalice) gitriwalice 3 . 24, 16 (incontaminatam, 
vnawidlad Stev., vnwidlad Skeat) Stevenson gives the correct reading. 

25, 6 (ipso, Sem) 5aem. 25, 9 (epulemur, girordiga ve Stev., gihror- 

1 giyPP 8, (inanifestare) is found four times in the Ritual ; cf. my Glossary. 

2 gimetgia (temperare, mitigare) four times in Bit. , cf. Glossary. 

8 A form 'gitrowalice,' mentioned in BT (s.v. getreowlice, in the Suppl.) and in 
Bvilbring, Elementarb. § 329, does not exist in Bit. 



U. LINDELOF 275 

diga ve Skeat) giriordiga ve. 25, 12 (malitiam, yfelgiorn'is) the curl is 
here, as is usually the case, placed above the word, and certainly stands 
for an omitted ending. 25, 22 (mortificatos, gideSod) gideSed 1 . 

26, 10 (vetus, se aldra) se alda. 

27, 9 (secundum, eft') sefV. 27, 15 (certamen, gifeht') gifeht. 

28, 5 (patre, fseder) seems corrected to feder. 28, 6 (nee vicissitudinis, 
ne sethvoerflvnges Stev. ; ' looks like echvoerflvnges ' Skeat) the gloss is 
unmistakably ne sec hvoerfl vnges (nee being glossed * ne sec ') 2 . 28, 13 
(sumus, sindon) sindon ve. 28, 14 (ceteri, o&ro) oSoro. 

29, 4 (obliviosus, of'geatvl) of geotvl. 

30, 5 (gratiam, gife) second letter illegible. 30, 10 (perceperunt, 
onfaengon) onfengon. 30, 11 (haec, Sses) Sas. 

31, 19 (tribue, girae'e Stev., raec Skeat) girsec. 

32, 2 (adunasti, gigei. . . .adest Stev., gige...r..dest Skeat) legible is 
only gige adest. 

34, 2 (csdesti, heafne) heofne. 34, 9 (dignanter, ginieodvmlicej 
gimeodvmlice. 34, 10 (terrena, eardlico) earSlico. 34, 14 (facias, Sv 
doast Stev., Sv dost Skeat) Sv doe. 

36, 1 (sinas, f'lset Sv) f'let Sv. 36, 15 (vivamus, ve lifa) ve lifia. 
36, 18 (dignatus, gimoedvmad) gimeodvmad. 

37, 5 (clarificare, gigibrehtan) gi- (new line) gibrehta. 37, 13 
(omnipotent, sellm') allm'. 

38, 14 (digneris, gimetdomia Sv) gimeodomia Sv. 38, 15 (luminis, 
lihtes) gloss faded, but probably lehtes. 38, 18 (se, ina? Skeat) hia. 

40, 14 (miser orum) ...mra) gloss faded, probably earmra. 40, 15 
(verberum, 1st gloss: Serlincgra Stev., Sersincgra Skeat) Serscincgra; 
(remediorum, lecedome) lecedoma. 40, 17 (irasceris, giiorses) giiorsas ; 
(ajflicti) gloss indistinct, probably gisvoenctes. 

42, 2 (percepta, Ser ondfoendv) Serhonfoendv. 42, 3 (serviamus, 
giherse ve) gihere ve. 42, 18 (consolatione, frofra) frofre. 

43, 1 (moveat, ...oen) ...oer. 43, 2 (affectus, to...gvng), indistinct, 
looks like tohigvng. 

44, 2 (loquebatur, wses sprycend') gloss indistinct, yet probably wses 
spreccende. 

45, 2 (capere, ginoma) ginioma. 

47, 3 (venerandam, arwyrSre) arwyrSne. 

1 Cf. correction to 48, 7 (gideada). The Old Northumbrian texts seem generally (though 
with a couple of exceptions, perhaps caused by confusion) to distinguish between the verbs 
deadia, to die (weak class n), and gide&a, to kill (weak class i). 

2 hvoerflvng correctly given in Bosworth-Toller, Suppl., s.v. hwirflung; see also Napier, 
Old English Glosses 1992. 



276 A New Collation of the Gloss of the Durham Ritual 

48, 7 (mortifica, gideaSa Sv) gideada tSv 1 . 

50, 2 (passione, Srovenge) corrected to Srovnge. 50, 14 (iniquitate, 
vnrehtvisse') curl above the word, evidently to be read vnrehtvisnisse. 
50, 16 (qui, Sv Se) ffa Se (!). 

51, 3 (sexu, giscsef) more like giscsep. 51, 4 (ejus, Sees) Sasr. 

52, 5 (donatione, gefe giselenise) gefe seems erased. 

55, 6 (mandavero, bibeade) ic bibeade; (facie, onsiene) onsione. 
55, 16 (formans, 1st gloss : bisnide) gloss indistinct, looks rather like 
bisinde. 55, 20 (tuum, Sinre) Sinne. 

56, 17 (preconis, merseris) merseres. 

58, 3 (angelus, angel) engel. 58, 4 (dicens, cvoedende) cvoeSende. 
58, 11 (manu, honde Stev., hondte Skeat) hondv altered to honde. 

59, 14 (gubernetur, sie gisteored) sie gistiored. 

60, 3 (minimus, laesest Stev., lasest Skeat) Stevenson gives the correct 
reading. 60, 4 (apostolus, erendwraca) erendwracca. 

61, 5 (quanto, svse fealo) svse feolo. 61, 6 (validioribus, strongrvm 
Stev., stronglrvm (!) Skeat) stronglicvm. 61, 12 (narrabunt, 2nd gloss : 
secgaS) ssecgaS. 

62, 13 (cognovimus, ve ongetton) ve ongeton. 
65, 16 (2nd quasi, svselce) svoelce. 

66, 13 (tamen, sva Seah) svae Seah. 66, 15 (delictis, gvltingv) gyltingv; 
(ignosce, f egifi Stev., f'gif Skeat) P gef. 

68, 18 (2nd una, min) an. 

69, 3 (servorum, Segna) Seana. 

70, 5 (experiatur, sie ar Stev., sie aynsped (?) Skeat) gloss difficult 

to read, perhaps sie aypped. 70, 7 (patrociniis, faSorlicv Singv) fadorlicv 
ftingv. 70, 10 (dracone, Saem drsecce) Ssem drsecca. 

74, 6 (largiente, gifende) gefende. 74, 9 (offendimus, ve ondspyrnatS) 
ve ondspvrnaiS. 

75, 4 (cotidie, dseghvemlice) dseghveemlice. 

77, 13 (tribue, gife) gise, perhaps for gisel. 77, 19 (micantium, 
lexendra) probably lixendra. 

79, 7 (credit, gilefeS) gelefeS. 79, 11 (reatibus, gescyldv) giscyldv. 

81, 12 (abyssi, niolnisso) niolniso. 

82, 3 (supplicatione, boed') boen'. 82, 7 (possibilitas, 1st gloss : ve 
mseg) ve msegi. 

83, 1 (ascendens, astigend) astigende. 83, 2 (altum, heahnisse) 
heanisse. 

84, 18 (hereditabit, gierfevarSeS) gierfevardeS. 

1 Cf. note to 25, 22. 



U. LINDELOF 277 

85, 4 (voluerit, ville Stev., v. He (?) Skeat) probably vselle. 85, 8 
(recedet, eft fareS) gloss faded, more like eft faereS. 85, 21 (qui, Sa 5e) 
<5v Se. 

86, 5 (conciliet, gifoege) more like gifoega. 86, 9 (exterminii, woestes 
Stev., woesternes Skeat) woest'es. 86, 18 (cito, hreS') probably hreSe ; 
(discurrent, giiorniaS) giiornaS. 

87, 6 (preimus, 1st gloss: icge ve Stev., ycge ve Skeat) gloss 

■difficidt to read, looks like gibrycge ve 1 . 

88, 8 (cognovit, onget') ongaet. 

89, 3 (adjuvemur, ve sie aholpen) ve sie holpen. 89, 17 (indulgentiam, 
f'egefnise) f'gefhise. 

90, 14 (eo quod, f'e Son) f'Son. 

92, 9 (inexpugnabile, vnafashtendlic) vnafehtendlic (?). 92, 12 (red- 
didit, gigelde) probably agelde. 

93, 9 (fiducia, haeldo) bseldo. 93, 12 (frequentibus, eftgimose... 
Stev., oft giriosede(?) Skeat) gloss faded, looks like oft giniosende 2 . 

94, 18 (societatis, gifoenscipes) gifoerscipes. 

95, 11 (presta, gion) gionn. 

97, 12 (fabricata, gihrinado) h expunged. 

104, 5 (famulam, Sioenne Skeat) Sioen'. 104, 12 (respice, eft bisih) 
eft besih. 

107, 7 (regi, cynig) cynig'. 107, 10 (tauri, farra) farras ; (omnia, 
alia) alio. 

108, 7 (connubii, gesinig') gisinig'. 108, 13 (generatio, cnevreso 
Stev., cneoreso Skeat) Stevenson gives the correct reading. 

109, 8 (institui, p we vere asended (?)■ Stev. ; Skeat : read asetted) 
gloss indistinct, probably asetted. 109, 9 (conligaveris, gis...scipla 

Stev., gis scipli (?) Skeat) gloss faded, looks like gis gscipa, 

probably to be read gisinigscipa ; (copulam, geaorvng) geadrvng. 109, 13 
(diluvii, floedes) flodes. 

110, 1 (permaneat, Serhwvnie) Serhwvnia ; (thoro, bryd scean' ?) bryd- 
sceam' 3 . 110, 6 (tertiam, SriSa Stev., Sirdan Skeat) SirSan (!). 110, 15 
(celo, heafone) heofne. 

111, 6 (digneris, gimoedvma 5v) gimeodvma 5 v. Ill, 9 (creator, 
sceppend) scgppend. 

113, 1 (assidue, giwvnlice) givvnvlice. 113, 2 (cxl, hvnd feortig 
Stev., hvnd feor... Skeat) hvnd feort'. 

1 Cf. gibrycgende (utenda) 97, 15. The obscure Latin text has evidently caused the 
Glossator great difficulties. Cf. also lifbrycgvng 7, 15. 

2 Cf. oftginiosa'5 (frequentant) 15, 9. 

3 Probably brydsceamol, see BT, Suppl., and cf. Schlutter, Anglia 45, p. 187 f. 



278 A New Collation of the Gloss of the Durham Ritual 

114, 1 (creaturi, giscefte) gisc§fte (?). 114, 4 (patiaris, giSolaSes) 
giSola Sv. 114, 9 (Jordanis, jord' Stev. ; gloss illegible Skeat) iorda'. 

115, 13 (sanasti, Sv gihaeledest) Sv gihaeldest. 

116, 8 (sanctificate, gihalgado) gihaelgado. 116, 19 (hydrias, fato 
Stev., faeto Skeat) fato is the correct reading. 

117, 4 {mereamur, vegiearniaS) vegiearnia. 117, 7 (aptas, giscroepo 
Stev., giscroero (?) Skeat) gloss partly faded, yet Stevenson's reading 
probably correct. 

118, 2 (omnes, ale) selc. 118, 4 (remissionem, eftf'gifnis) eftf'gefnis. 

119, 5 (digneris, gimoedv') gimeodv'. 119, 11 (ac, &) 7. 

120, 11 (exorcizo, ic gihaelsiga) ic gihalsiga. 

123, 3 (benignitas, boedsvng) bloedsvng. 

124, 21 (remissionem, f'egefnise) f'gefnise. 

125, 3 (respice, bisih) besih. 125, 14 (vipera, sio hatt'ne) sio haett'ne. 
125, 19 (vires, att'no) aett'no 1 ; (evacua, gild...Sia) gloss illegible. 

126, 9 (dignetur, gimvod' Stev., gimeood' Skeat) gimeod'. 126, 14 
(natus, acenn') accenn' (!). 

145, 2 (omnipotentem, allmaehtigne) allmaehtigne. 145, 4 (adjuro, 
ic halsigo) ic gehalsigo. 145, 10 (creator, scieppend) scaeppend, cf 3, 1. 
145, 11 (seiernsR, aeces) above the word is written an r, probably indicating 
a correction to aecre. 

146, 1 (sancte, hselge Stev., halga Skeat) hselge corr. to -a. 146, 7 
(pater, feder) faeder. 

162, 2 (supplices, boensendo) boensando. 162, 7 (gisihde) gisihSe. 

163, 15 (patris, faeder' Stev., faedor' Skeat) fador. 163, 21 (accendat, 
giled... Stev., gilehto Skeat) gilehta (?). 

164, 2 (unice, an...) ancend (indistinct). 164, 7 (instruis, Sv gibaeres) 

Sv gilaeres. 164, 8 (ignibus , fyr licv) ignibus m 2 , 

fyr.. midd..licv (evidently fyrum middaeglicum). 

165, 18 (principalis, aldorlic) aldorlic'. 

168, 11 (mundum, clene) claene. 

169, 1 (viris, vervm) vaervm. 169, 14 (r i.e. retributiones, eftselnisses 
Stev., eftselenises Skeat) eftselenise (?). 169, 19 (te, Sec) no gloss. 

170, 9 (1st te) glossed Sec. 170, 19 (respice, eftbisih) efbbesih. 

171, 9 (quia, f'eSon) f'Son ; (peccavi, ic synde Stev., ic synde' Skeat) 
ic syn'de. 171, 17 (semper, symble) symle; (justitiam, soSfaestnis') 
soSfaestnis'. 

175, 7 (fecit, Syde) dyde. 175, 21 (qua, Saem) Saem. 

1 The Glossator has mistaken vires for a plural of virus. 

2 The illegible word in this Ambrosian hymn is meridiem. 



U. LINDELOF 279 

176, 4 (benedic, gibloedsa) gebloedsa. 176, 7 (habundantia, gihyht- 
svmnisse Stev., ginyhtsvmnise Skeat) ginyhtsvmnisse. 

177, 13 {multse, msenigo) menigo. 

178, 16 (inmittit, onsende Stev., onsette ? Skeat) onseade (! prob. 
miswritten for onsende). 

179, 17 {incongruum, vngebyredlic) vngibyredlic. 

180, 2 (stecula, vorvldo) vorvlda. 

181, 1 (noctem, neht) nseht. 181, 13 (benedictus, gibloedsad) ge- 
bloedsad. 181, 18 {sanctum, halga) hselga. 

182, 6 (possimus, ve msego) ve maegi. 182, 17 (caliginem, strvng) 

gloss hardly legible, looks like heolstrvng 1 . 

183, 2 {remisse, f'egefeno) f gefeno. 
187, 18 (bellum, gefeht) gifeht. 

189, 16 {kaduca, 3a geheno) gloss almost illegible. 

190, 7 {potest, maehge) corrected to maege. 190, 11 {pater, fader) 
feeder. 

191, 10 {ruit, gefselea Stev., gefael Skeat) gefsel, above the line corrected 
to gefeal. 191, 20 {sors, geslytte) gehlytte. 

192, 14 (1st alia, oSer) oSor. 192, 16 {spiritus, gastes) prob. gastas. 

193, 4 {licet, Seh sie) 5aeh sie. 193, 8 {tribunus, landhsebbende) 

londhsebbende. 193, 14 {Mei. , seghvoelcvm) eghvoelc cyn\ 193, 16 

{Exodo, exodos boc) exodes boc. 

194, 2 (we, Sv lses) Sy lses. 194, 3 {exorcista, halsere) hselsere. 

195, 3 {nominantur, genomaS biS) genomad bi3. 195, 16 {requiescit, 
geresteS) girgste'. 

197, 8 {I II I, fover) gloss faded : f.. ver ; the distance between f and v 
makes it almost certain that the gloss was feover. 197, 8 {litteris, staefnv) 
stafv ; the gloss to ' litera ' in the same line (Stev. staefne) is absolutely 
illegible. 197, 11 {suis) gloss prob. sinvm. 

198, 7 {opifex, doere creftig) doere crseftig. 198, 9 (2nd sunt, woere) 

woero. 198, 14 {tenuit, geheald) giheald. 198, 16 {divina, godecvn ) 

godcvn.... 198, 17 {expulsi, f'edrifeno) f'drifeno. 

199, 3 (///, Sreo) Srio (?). 

I add some short remarks on the new readings. They do not of 
course materially alter our general conception of the language of 
the Ritual Gloss. Some corrections are no doubt of small import- 
ance, but many of them possess a certain interest from the point of 
view of the phonology and morphology of our text. A few impossible 

1 Cf. heolstor, subst. and adj., and the adj. heolstrig. 



280 A New Collation of the Gloss of the Durham Ritual 

or evidently erroneous words or forms in the printed text have no 
foundation in the manuscript, and a considerable number of irregulari- 
ties and deviations from the general linguistic and dialectal type of the 
Gloss, some of which are even mentioned in standard works on Old 
English Grammar, have proved to be simply misreadings or misprints. 

Correct MS. readings instead of evidently erroneous forms of the 
printed text are e.g. found in the following places : 2, 1 ; 3, 5 ; 7, 9 ; 
23, 16; 34, 9; 38, 14; 38, 18; 42, 2; 51, 3; 61, 6; 70, 5; 82, 3; 93, 9; 
94, 18; 114, 4; 118, 2; 123, 3; 164, 7; 175, 7; 191, 20; 197, 8 (stafv). 
Add to this the deciphering of some glosses, faded and hard to read, 
which appear incomplete in the printed text: 40, 14; 40, 17; 85, 4; 
164,2; 164,8; 182, 17; 197, 11. 

Readings which are of interest from the point of view of the phono- 
logy of the Gloss are e.g. (phonology of the vowels) : 3, 1 ; 10, 5; 10, 6 ; 

II, 1; 12, 4; 13, 18; 15, 4; 21, 11; 21, 20; 25, 9; 27, 9; 28, 5; 29,4 
(cf. Bulbring, Elementarb. § 236) ; 30, 10; 30, 11 ; 34, 2 (cf. Bulbring, loc. 
cit.) ; 36, 1 ; 36, 18 ; 37, 13 ; 38, 15 ; 44, 2 ; 45, 2 ; 55, 6 ; 59, 14 ; 60, 3 
(lsesest for lasest, cf. Sievers, Ags. Gramm. § 312, Anm. 1) ; 61,5; 61, 12 
66, 15 ; 74, 6 (there are no forms with i in the verb 'to give' in Rit. ; cf. 
Bulbring, §155, Anm. 2; Luick, Hist. Gramm. §173, Anm. 3); 75, 4 
77, 19; 85, 8; 86, 18; 88, 8; 110, 15 (cf. Bulbring, loc. cit); 111, 6 

III, 9; 114, 1; 116, 19; 118,4; 119, 5; 125, 14; 126, 9; 145, 10 
146, 7 ; 163, 15 ; 168, 11 (clsene for clene ; cf. Bulbring, § 167, Anm.) 
177, 13; 181, 1; 190, 11; 191, 10; 193, 8; 193, 14; 197, 8 (feover for 
fover; cf. Sievers, § 325 ; Bulbring, §331); 198, 7; 199, 3; (phonology 
of the consonants) 5, 12 ; 8, 14 ; 10, 8 ; 34, 10 ; 40, 15 ; 58, 4 ; 58, 11 ; 
62, 13 ; 70, 7 ; 83, 2 ; 84, 18 ; 109, 9 ; 162, 7 ; 171, 17 ; 190, 7. 

Not a few of the readings enumerated have at the same time a 
morphological interest. Other corrections relating to the morphology 
of the Gloss are to be found e.g. 6, 8 ; 15, 2 ; 26, 10; 34, 14; 36, 15; 
37,5; 40, 15; 40, 17; 42, 18; 56, 17; 82, 7; 83, 1; 107, 10; 115, 13; 
117,4; 182,6; 192, 16; 195,3. 

U. LindelOf. 

Helsingfors. 



ON EDITING EARLY ENGLISH TEXTS. 

SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AND PAL^EOGRAPHICAL 
CONSIDERATIONS. 

The object of the following notes is to plead for stricter attention 
to certain bibliographical and pal geographical details on the part of 
editors of early English texts. The occasion is a perusal of Professor 
J. W. H. Atkins' elaborate edition of The Owl and the Nightingale 
recently published by the Cambridge University Press. On the merits 
of the work as a whole I am in no way competent to pronounce : I can 
only say that the full commentary seems to me of the greatest value 
and that the ninety pages of introduction are unquestionably of first-rate 
interest. Indeed it is just because, so far as I can judge, the edition 
has been so admirably prepared that I venture to make use of a few 
minor defects as pegs on which to hang certain criticisms that seem to 
me to apply very generally to current editorial methods in that part of 
English literature for which we depend on manuscript originals. 

In the first place I suggest the desirability of greater precision and 
care in the use of bibliographical terms, in which I include what would 
more generally be called the terms of textual criticism. Words are 
always slippery things, and in a field where precise thought is above all 
necessary (and rare), a critic cannot give too great attention to deter- 
mining the exact bearing of the evidence and presenting it to his 
readers in unequivocal language. 

Discussing ' the two texts ' in which the poem he edits is preserved 
(Cotton, Calig. A ix, and Jesus Coll. Oxford, 29) Mr Atkins propounds 
four propositions, the essence of which he indicates by italics as follows : 
(i) ' J. represents a later version than C.,' 
(ii) ' the texts are independent copies,' 
(iii) ' both texts were copied from a common original,' 
(iv) * this common original was not the author's text but an inter- 
mediate copy.' 

The context, of course, to some extent amplifies these propositions, 
but they are apparently intended to stand by themselves as precise and 
accurate statements of fact. Now, as regards (i) the evidence adduced 
seems to show that all the writer means is ' J. is later than C As the 



282 On Editing Early English Texts 

term ' version ' is often used, and as Mr Atkins elsewhere uses it, the 
later of two manuscripts may, of course, preserve the earlier version. 
In (ii) ' independent ' is a very ambiguous term. The further statement 
that ' J. is not based on C makes it at once clear that Mr Atkins 
would define two manuscripts as ' independent ' when neither is a copy 
(mediate or immediate) of the other. This is quite legitimate, but 
various other uses are possible and indeed current. It is, however, with 
respect to (iii) that the chief difficulty arises, and I must confess that 
I am not at all certain that I know what Mr Atkins means by the 
statement. It will, I think, be found that among critics such a phrase 
is used in one of three senses, (a) By 'copied' may be meant 'ultimately 
copied.' In that case (if we exclude the possibility of oral transmission, 
which does not here arise) the statement is a truism, since it follows 
from the fact that the texts are texts of the same work. (6) By ' common 
original ' is sometimes meant an archetype short of the author's manu- 
script. This cannot be Mr Atkins' sense, since it would render proposition 
(iv) superfluous, (c) The strictest meaning can be given to the phrase 
by taking 'copied' in the sense of 'immediately copied.' And this, 
I think, is what Mr Atkins must mean, since he adds that certain 
evidence 'seems to suggest that the scribes had before them one and 
the same MS.' But if this is so, I can only say, with all due respect, 
that the evidence on which he relies seems to me not only inconclusive 
but hardly even relevant. The proposition is not in itself unreasonable, 
for the evidence does make it unlikely that the extant texts are many 
steps removed from their latest common ancestor, but it is difficult even 
to imagine the evidence that would warrant the assertion that 'it is 
clear that ' they are immediate copies of it. 

Reconsideration might likewise suggest some change in the following 
statement: 'J. supplies a few lines that are missing from C....and the 
fact that these lines formed part of the original poem and are no mere 
scribal insertions, is proved by the rhymes.' There may be — there 
probably are — excellent reasons for regarding the lines in question as 
original, but how is their nature ' proved by the rhymes ' ? Is M r Atkins 
prepared to argue that the linguistic forms required were obsolete by 
the time J. was written ? I imagine not ; at least he makes no such 
assertion in the course of his commentary. What is in fact ' proved by 
the rhymes ' is merely the presence of lacunae in C, not the originality 
of the lines preserved in J. 

One last instance of bibliographical inexactitude may be quoted. 
We read: 'The Jesus MS. consists of two quarto MSS. partly paper, 



W. W. GEEG 283 

partly parchment, bound together.' I need not here raise the perhaps 
controversial question whether the term ' quarto ' has any significance 
as applied to manuscripts : what I wish to point out is that Mr Atkins 
does not mean what he says. It is not true (according to his subsequent 
description) that the two manuscripts are * partly paper, partly parch- 
ment ' ; one is paper and the other is parchment. 

Secondly, as regards palaeography, I submit that in what aims at 
being, if not a ' definitive,' at least a standard edition, it is the business 
of an editor to present to his readers the full textual evidence that it 
is possible to extract from the originals. Mr Atkins seems inclined to 
claim credit for having examined the manuscripts at all ; at least that 
is the impression left on my mind when he writes : ' the accurate work 
of Wells has been of considerable assistance, though, it must also be 
added, both MSS. have been carefully and independently examined.' 
It is possible that in some departments of literature such an attitude 
on an editor's part may be excusable ; I am quite certain it is not so in 
Middle-English. However, perhaps Mr Atkins has again not said exactly 
what he meant ; anyhow the main thing is that he has examined the 
originals for himself, and claims that ' the texts are represented sub- 
stantially as they stand.' But why, then, has he followed Wells in 
capitalizing J. while beginning most of the lines of C. with a small 
letter ? The capitalization of C. seems if anything more consistent than 
that of J., and in both is clearly the intention of the scribe. 

Certain statements respecting the graphic peculiarities of C. challenge 
remark. Thus we are told that there are ' two symbols for s (long and 
short).' That might be said of most manuscripts and printed books 
between 1100 and 1700: what is to some extent peculiar is that in C. 
and J. the long s sometimes occurs finally and (in J. at least) the short 
8 initially. The distinction is not retained in the printed texts. Again 
we are told that ' u and v occur indiscriminately ' : this is true, but it 
happens that in the examples cited in support they are distinguished 
according to the old convention. As a rule w is represented by the Old- 
English letter p, but ' Occasionally the French w is employed : and while 
this iv might also stand for vu sometimes a single v (u) is used to denote 
O.E. w.' Since, then, w may have a meaning that p cannot have, I think 
it would have been well to distinguish the two in the text. As a 
matter of fact w for vu seems to be treated as an error ; thus in 1. 657 
' i[vu]rne ' is printed where C. has ' iwrne.' In J. w very frequently 
stands for vu = wu, and it seems rather uncritical to treat it as a scribal 
error every time it occurs. Moreover C. occasionally uses p in the same 



284 On Editing Early English Texts 

manner in a parallel passage, a fact that seems to point to the spelling 
being derived from the archetype, if not from the author's manuscript. 
Once at least (C. 534) we find v — W = wu. The statement that 'the only 
distinction between' p and p in C. 'was the dot placed above the' latter, 
is quite incorrect. The two letters tend to approximate in shape when 
at all carelessly formed, but as a rule the scribal intention is perfectly 
clear apart from the dot. 

Turning to the text of C. by far the most important criticism I have 
to make concerns certain corrections or alterations that were introduced 
into the manuscript as the scribe originally wrote it. These corrections 
were sometimes accepted by Wells, with some hesitation, as ' original,' but 
were mostly discarded as ' later.' Mr Atkins accepts the former into his 
text without comment ; of the latter he records only a few, apparently 
at random. Now, of course, ' later ' these corrections necessarily are in 
the sense that they were written apres coup, but there does not appear 
any sufficient reason for regarding them as ' later ' in any other sense, 
or for dividing them into two classes. The ink seems to be in every case 
the same as that used by the original scribe, and although there are 
certain obvious differences it by no means follows that the hand is not 
also the same. After a fairly careful examination I am myself inclined 
to think that, while sometimes an alteration was perhaps made imme- 
diately after the original reading was inscribed, the bulk are probably 
due to revision after the whole poem had been completed, but that this 
revision was executed by the original scribe. This is, of course, no more 
than a private opinion, but although it may be possible to take different 
views as to the authority of the corrections, there can surely be no 
question that they deserve careful record. And I feel bound to point 
out that Wells' notes are by no means always to be trusted. For in- 
stance, on 1. 555 he remarks, ' pu on erasure ; ansuare, second a deleted, 
e above in different ink.' There is here no erasure, only a flaw in the 
vellum, and the ink of the ' e ' is identical. Again his note on 1. 680, 
' her very like het ', can only be due to some strange confusion, for the 
' r ' has not the remotest resemblance to a ' t.' 

I will give the result of a comparison of a hundred lines of Mr Atkins' 
text of C. with the manuscript. 

1. 619. 'an ', C. 'an d '. The 'd ' is clearly visible even in Mr Atkins' facsimile, but 
he makes no mention of it. Wells has the note 'an, later d'. (See above.) 

1. 637. 'uorbisne'. The 'r' is interlined in the same way as the 'd' in 619. 
Wells notes ' %orig. r inserted'. (See above.) 

1. 660. ' ne3 ut\ There is an erasure of one letter in the space between the words 
(noted by Wells). J. has ' neyh ' and the erasure may point to this having been the 
spelling of the archetype. 



W. W. GREG 285 

1. 667. ' o>er ' (and so Wells), read ' o]>er '. 

1. 679. ' noj>eles 3ut '. Wells notes ' }>, 3, smudged '. This is not correct. The scribe 
originally wrote 'no3eles' and then altered the '3', possibly to ']>' (it is by no means 
clear). The second word was perhaps originally written ' Jut ' ; the first letter has 
been altered to ' 3 '. 

1. 697. ' Alur[e]d ' (' Alurd '), Wells ' Alrud '. In C. there are three minims merely 
between ' 1 ' and ' d ', and no ' r ' at all. Perhaps we should read ' alu[r]id ' (there is 
no capital). 

1. 707. ' [H]ule ', noting ' Nule, rubric N ' (and so Wells). It should have been 
remarked that the guide-letter is ' H ' correctly, but that not being very clearly 
formed it was misread by the rubricator. 

I have not seen J. but add one or two notes from an inspection of 

Mr Atkins' facsimile. 

1. 1440. 'misfonge'. The last two or three letters are not in the original, which 
is cropped (according to Wells). 

1. 1450. 'kmge' (and so Wells), read 'kmge'. 

1. 1454. 'brej>', J. 'bred, y (a correction, duly noted by Wells). 

It seems evident from this that Mr Atkins, relying on the generally- 
very accurate work of his predecessor, thought himself justified in 
passing over the minor palaeographical evidence which had been already 
recorded. In this, I think, he did less than justice to the position which 
his work is likely to occupy for many years to come. The few notes 
collected above suggest that what Professor Wells' apparatus needed 
was not pruning but correction and expansion. 

I see that yet another parallel-text edition of The Owl and the 
Nightingale, by the late G. F. H. Sykes and Mr J. H. G. Grattan, is at 
press for the Early English Text Society. It will be interesting to observe 
how it compares with its rival. 

W. W. Greg. 

London. 



m.l.r. xviii. 19 



CHAUCER'S KNOWLEDGE OF HORACE. 

In 1892, Professor Lounsbury, in his Studies in Chaucer (vol. II, 
pp. 261-4), argued at some length the question of Chaucer's alleged 
knowledge of Horace. He there very definitely rejected any hypothesis 
of even the merest acquaintance of Chaucer with the writings of Horace. 
Since then, the question has received comparatively slight attention 
from scholars. It seems worth while, therefore, to review once more 
Professor Lounsbury 's arguments, in the light of some fresh evidence 
that has since come to hand. 

Professor Lounsbury 's arguments may be summarized as follows : 

(a) The evidence of allusion or reminiscence from Horace that is 
generally brought forward is too slight to warrant serious consideration, 
since the alleged imitations are utterly indefinite, and can be explained 
away without the hypothesis of any acquaintance with Horace. More- 
over, even if imitation is admitted, all the passages can prove only 
acquaintance with Horace's Epistola ad Pisones de Arte Poetica. No 
evidence has been adduced for Chaucer's acquaintance with any other 
writing of Horace. 

(b) If Chaucer had known the work of Horace, he would certainly 
have mentioned the Roman poet by name at least once. But he nowhere 
does anything of the kind ; and therefore could not have had any know- 
ledge of him. 

(c) Chaucer and Horace had much intellectually in common, and 
resembled one another in genius and character and in their attitude 
towards life and the world. Chaucer would have found a congenial 
spirit in Horace, would have taken pains to become intimately familiar 
with his works, and would have taken him as one of his favourite 
authors. But, had this been so, he would have quoted or echoed Horace 
and his ideas with the greatest frequency — as was his practice, for 
instance, with Le Roman de la Rose or Boethius' De Consolatione 
Philosophiae. Chaucer does not do anything like this. Therefore he 
did not know Horace at all. 

I shall now attempt to answer the above objections in order. Though 
I must admit that these answers are not all equally complete, and are 
sometimes of a merely negative character, I hope to be able to show 



C. L. WRENN 287 

that they do amount in their cumulative effect to a proof that 
(a) Chaucer did know Horace's De Arte Poetica at first hand : and 
that (b) there is strong probability that he had some first-hand acquaint- 
ance with parts of Horace's other writings also. 

(a) Let us examine again, one by one, all those passages in Chaucer 
which have at various times been regarded as indicating a knowledge 
(direct or indirect) of Horace. 

At the beginning of the Tale of the Manciple {Cant Tales, H. 116-7), 
Chaucer mentions as a type of supreme excellence in singing : 

the kyng of Thebes, Amphioun, 
That with his syngyng walled that citee. 

This has been thought to be reminiscent of Horace's description of 
Amphion (Ars Poet. 394-6) : 

Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor arcis, 
Saxa movere sono testudinis, et prece blanda 
Ducere quo vellet. 

Professor Lounsbury thinks that Chaucer may well have read of Amphion 
in Ovid or elsewhere, and that — as the two passages do not resemble 
one another very closely — there is no need to drag in the name of 
Horace. Now while it is quite possible that the story of Amphion was 
the common property of 14th century writers who did not get it from 
any particular Latin original, it must be pointed out that Gower — who 
is a fair specimen of the non-ecclesiastical scholarship of the period — 
was by no means so accurate in his knowledge of the classical myth of 
Amphion. For, in his Gonfessio Amantis (Book VI, 2160) — his only 
allusion — he speaks of Amphion as 'a clerc,' notable for his skill in 
the interpretation of dreams. Furthermore, in Ovid's Metamorphoses 
(cf. Book vi, 270 sqq.), the emphasis is laid rather on the relations of 
Amphion with his wife Niobe than on his skill as a musician : and it is 
just with this very point of musical pre-eminence, that the references 
in both Chaucer and Horace are concerned. In the Merchant's Tale 
(Cant. Tales, E. 1716), Chaucer — in his only other reference to Amphion — 
again quotes him as the type of a great musician ; and Horace (Odes, 
Book in, 11, 11. 1-2), again refers to him in the same connexion : 

Docilis 

Movit Amphion lapides canendo. 

Lastly, it is significant that Chaucer, like Horace in the two 
passages quoted above, refers definitely to Amphion's feat of causing 
the stones to form themselves into city walls by singing — a point less 
emphasized in Ovid. We are, therefore, perhaps justified in concluding 

19—2 
/ 



288 Chaucer s Knowledge of Horace 

that this reference to Amphion in the Manciple's Tale, does, in fact, owe 

its existence directly to Horace. 

At the beginning of the second book of Troilus and Criseyde (11. 22-5), 

we read : 

Ye knowe eek that in forme of speche is chaunge 
With-inne a thousand yeer, and wordes tho 
That hadden prys, now wonder nyce and straunge 
Us thinketh hem. 

It has often been pointed out — though Lounsbury does not discuss this 

passage — that here is an echo in idea of the famous words of Horace 

(Ars Poet. 70-2) : 

Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cadentque 
Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus, 
Quern penes arbitrium est, et jus, et norma loquendi. 

Now however vague or indefinite this resemblance may be, it has, as a 

matter of fact, been my own experience (and I believe it must also have 

been the experience of everyone acquainted with Latin literature), that 

the above lines of Horace jump, as it were, spontaneously into the mind 

the moment the passage in Chaucer is read. Here, however, I do not 

wish to press a claim that Chaucer is directly and consciously echoing 

Horace — though this seems by no means improbable. 

But perhaps the best known apparent borrowing of Chaucer from 

Horace is the 149th stanza of the second book of Troilus and Criseyde 

(11. 1037-43) : 

Ne Iompre eek no discordaunt thing y-fere, 
As thus, to usen termes of phisyk ; 
In loves termes, hold of thy matere 
The forme alwey, and do that it be lyk ; 
For if a peyntour wolde peynte a pyk 
With asses feet, and hede it as an ape, 
It cordeth nought ; so nere it but a Iape. 

Everyone is agreed, I believe, that the advice here given manifestly 
resembles the opening lines of Horace's Ars Poet. (11. 1-5) : 

Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam 
Jungere si velit, et varias inducere plumas 
Undique collatis membris, ut turpiter atrum 
Desinat in piscem mulier formosa superne, 
Spectatum admissi, risum teneatis, amici 1 

Professor Lounsbury holds that this idea of Horace, and his manner of 
expressing it, had become practically proverbial in the Middle Ages ; 
so that Chaucer's use of it implies absolutely nothing — not even any 
indirect acquaintance with Horace. 

Quite apart from the fact that the evidence for the extreme 
familiarity of the Middle Ages with this idea of Horace is not available — 



C. L. WRENN 289 

the theory is indeed far more of a mere conjecture than is Chaucer's 
knowledge of Horace — there are very striking verbal resemblances 
between these two passages, which seem to me to make it hard to avoid 
a conclusion of Horace's direct influence here. Looking at the English 
and Latin passages side by side, one is impressed with their general 
similarity, both in thought and expression. But further, two of the 
leading words here used by Chaucer point to two corresponding words 
in Horace with such a close equivalence, that direct echoing is the only 
fully satisfying explanation. For Horace's 'pictor' is Chaucer's ' peyntour,' 
and (far more significantly) Chaucer's ' pyk ' must have been the direct 
result of a half-conscious memory of Horace's ' piscem.' I therefore am 
inclined to the view that this too is evidence of the acquaintance of 
Chaucer with Horace. 

I shall not here discuss the possible and plausible connexion of 
Chaucer's mysterious ' Lollius ' with the recipient of the second epistle 
of Horace's first book, as the question is too complex and conjectural to 
be used as evidence here. If ' Lollius ' could be proved to have originated 
from the line (Horace's Epistles, I, 2,-1. 1) 

Trojani belli scriptorem, maxime Lolli, 

it would merely show that Chaucer had seen that one line only: for 

such a theory would be absurd if he were supposed to have read further 

into the epistle. 

I come now to a piece of evidence for Chaucer's direct acquaintance 

with Horace, which, I believe, has not hitherto been pointed out by 

anyone. In the second book of Troilus and Criseyde are these lines 

(484-89) : 

and here I make a protestacioun, 
That in this process if ye depper go, 
That certaynly, for no savacioun 
Of yow, though that ye sterve bothe two, 
Though al the tvorld on o day be my fo, 
Ne shal I never on him han other routhe. 

Whenever I read this passage, the following lines of Horace always 
come spontaneously into my mind (Odes, Book in, 3, 1-8): 

Justum et tenacem propositi virum 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vultus instantis tyranni 
Mente quatit solida, neque Auster 
Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae, 
Nee fulminantis magna Jovis manus : 
Sifractus illabatur orbis, 
Impavidum ferient ruinae. 



290 Chaucer s Knowledge of Horace 

There is, of course, a general resemblance between these two passages 
in so far as Criseyde — in face of the danger to her virtue and honour 
from Pandarus and Troilus — wishes us to regard her as the ' Justum et 
tenacem propositi virum ' of Horace's Ode. But the real direct resem- 
blance, as it appears to me, lies in the italicized words. To me, Criseyde's 
line ' Though al the world on o day be my fo ' infallibly suggests — and 
must as infallibly have been suggested by — the last two lines from 
Horace quoted above, and especially by the words ' Si fractus illabatur 
orbis.' 

To return to Professor Lounsbury's first contention, we are now in 
a position to reply that the evidence for Chaucer's direct acquaintance 
with Horace as shown in apparent borrowings or reminiscences, is indeed 
worth serious consideration, and amounts in its cumulative effect to 
decided probability. Secondly, it is clear that these alleged echoes of 
Horace are not strictly confined to the Epistola ad Pisones de Arte 
Poetica. 

(b) The argument against Chaucer's direct acquaintance with Horace 
based on the circumstance of the entire absence of the Roman poet's 
name from Chaucer's extant writings, is in the nature of a non sequitur. 
For the proposition that Chaucer always mentioned the authors with 
whose work he was familiar by name, is simply not proven. It is enough 
to demonstrate its fallibility to point out that Boccaccio — with whose 
chief poetical works, at any rate, Chaucer was palpably exceedingly 
intimate — is nowhere even once named by him. As to the theory that 
in Chaucer's writings ' Lollius ' stands for Boccaccio (in Troil. I, 394 it 
seems clearly to denote Petrarch), it has at present little substance and 
no evidence ; and it should therefore not be treated seriously. It would 
be almost as reasonable to take some other unexplained proper name in 
Chaucer, and argue that it probably represented Horace. 

I am not, of course, suggesting for a moment that Chaucer was 
demonstrably intimate with the works of Horace — the comparative 
fewness of the apparent references preclude the proving of that — but 
negatively, I do contend that this argument from the absence of Horace's 
name from Chaucer's writings, cannot in itself disprove such an ac- 
quaintance. 

(c) It is beyond doubt that Chaucer and Horace had much in 
common in their mentality, and that, had the whole of Horace's work 
been accessible to him, Chaucer would have taken Horace as a favourite, 
and made himself familiar with his writings. But it must be remem- 
bered that, from what is known of 14th century classical scholarship in 



C. L. WRENN 291 

England, it is not at all likely that Horace could have been read in 
extenso at that time by a person in Chaucer's position. Even in the 
libraries of Oxford and Cambridge colleges, copies of Horace appear to 
have been comparatively rare. In the library of Peterhouse, Cambridge — 
as we gather from the catalogue compiled in the year 1418 — there was 
then no copy of Horace. And Gower — Chaucer's contemporary, and 
near his equal in Latin learning — only mentions Horace (as ' Orace ') 
twice (Confessio, VII, 3581, and Mirour, 23371): and then only to 
attribute to him a misunderstood passage from Juvenal. It must there- 
fore be admitted at once that Chaucer could scarcely have read anything 
like the whole of Horace. But we have seen that there is evidence that 
he had read the Epistola de Arte Poetica (perhaps the whole of it), 
the third ode of Horace's third book, and also, possibly, the eleventh of 
the third book (dealing with Amphion) : and there is the possibility, 
too, that he had seen the beginning of the second epistle (addressed to 
Lollius) of Horace's first book. How is this curiously fragmentary know- 
ledge to be accounted for ? 

I would suggest that Chaucer had seen the Ars Poetica entire, either 
as a separate MS., (it was more likely to be popular than Horace's other 
works, because rhetoric was one of the courses in the Trivium of the 
medieval universities and included poetry,) or bound up with other 
similar works. I would derive the rest of Chaucer's knowledge of Horace 
from one of those MS. collections of classical quotations and favourite 
pieces, which were certainly current in his time. 

Before quitting this part of the argument, it may be well to point 
out that Horace was not the only Latin author whom Chaucer knew, 
but scarcely quoted at all. Chaucer's Franklin (Cant. Tales, F. 721), 
excuses his ignorance of rhetoric, etc., in a line which everyone has 
recognized as having been directly taken from Persius. Chaucer here 
makes his Franklin say : 

I sleep never on the mount of Pernaso ; 

thus almost literally reproducing the second line of the prologue to 
Persius' Satires : 

Neque in bicipiti somniasse Parnasso 
Memini, ut repente sic poeta prodirem. 

Now it is clear from this that Chaucer knew something of Persius, and 
it is almost equally certain that he would have appreciated the work of 
the Latin satirist : yet he never once names him, nor does he ever again 
refer to him or his writings outside this one particular passage. Surely 



292 Chaucer s Knowledge of Horace 

this circumstance goes some way to weaken the argument against 
Chaucer's direct acquaintance with the work of Horace. 

From all the evidence and argument adduced above, I would conclude 
that Chaucer — though he cannot be said to have been familiar with 
Horace, or to have known him at all completely — was directly acquainted 
with his Epistola ad Pisones de Arte Poetica, and with at least one 
(perhaps two) of his Odes. 

C. L. Wrenn. 

Dacca, Bengal. 



VOULTE'S EUPTURE WITH RABELAIS. 

In the few facts that research has hitherto established it is impossible 
to trace adequately what happened to Rabelais during a long period of 
eleven years (1535-46). Yet uncertainty upon this point renders the 
student's enquiries vain at the outset, for, to make mention of what may 
prove to be an important consideration, Rabelais, whom Dolet hailed as 
'the glory of the healing art' in 1537, became later famous above all as 
the philosophical author of Pantagruel 1 . The significance of this change 
may, it is true, be over-stressed, but when we compare the work done 
before and after this lapse in time, and when we note that in the interval 
the author's style had been transformed : that a definite purpose had been 
adopted, and that discussion rather than narration came to demand his 
closest attention ; we are driven to the conclusion that some enquiry into 
those obscure years is necessary to our comprehension of the mature 
worker, and therefore of the early work itself. In the absence of other 
sources of certain knowledge, what was in fact a mere episode, Jean 
Voulte's brief and intimate friendship and his violent quarrel with 
Rabelais, may throw a very valuable light upon this question. 

What is ascertainable of Rabelais' life, as far as directly concerns 
us, can be briefly summarized here. He passed his early years in the 
monastery of Fontenay-le-Comte 2 busy with Pierre Amy in the study of 
Greek. Forced to quit this seclusion in 1524 by his fellows' persecutions, 
he may well have carried with him feelings of resentment against those 
who had thwarted his congenial pursuits, and ten years later he appears 
still to have had aspirations to a monastic life of cultured indolence 
without the irksome duties imposed by monastery rules 3 . In consequence 
of this hatred of monks he would naturally fall into line with reformers, 
but, though much must be inferred from his writings, evidence of his life 
from 1524 to 1530 is lacking. 'Then, however, he matriculated at Mont- 
pellier and thenceforward for five years the traces discovered 4 show him 
busy in the study of medicine, in hospital practice, and in preparing 

1 Petit de Julleville, Histoire de la langue et de la litt. franqaise. Vol. iv. 

2 In 1522 and 1524 he was described as a young man, in 1519 as ' frere mineur ' of this 
monastery. See A. Tilley, Frangois Rabelais. 

:i See the Abbey of Thelema in Gargantua. 

4 In the University records, Lyons printing records, his publications etc. 



294 Voulte's Rupture with Rabelais 

medical publications at Lyons. His enthusiasm and skill were building 
up a splendid reputation. Notwithstanding this, in 1535, for the second 
time, he suddenly abandoned his post without leave of absence and after 
a short delay, he having accompanied Jean du Bellay to Rome 1 , the 
hospital authorities appointed a successor. That he sought at Rome the 
Pope's letter of absolution for irregularities, that he returned successful 
and entered the Abbey of Saint Maur-les-Fosses and so could be present 
at the dinner in honour of Dolet's pardon (1537), and that he was present 
at Court in 1538, all this we know; but, apart from the dates of his 
Licentiate and Doctorate and his indisputable presence with Guillaume 
du Bellay in Piedmont, we know practically nothing further of him until, 
in 1545, he obtained the royal privilege for his Third Book. Nevertheless 
even this protection seems to have been insufficient, since shortly after- 
wards he had fled to Metz, whence he appealed for assistance to Jean 
(Cardinal) du Bellay. For this hurried flight various causes have been 
advanced. His greatest patron dead and that patron's brother temporarily 
powerless, it is probable that Rabelais' enemies had seized upon the 
occasion for persecuting him. Upon what grounds they did so only the 
inner history of the time could reveal, but judging from one mention of 
him in Cardinal de Tournon's letters and another in John Sturm's, critics 
have considered that he was in close touch with exiled reformers and 
therefore Protestant in sympathy. However the notorious Cardinal failed 
to convict him, and the traces of such sympathy, which we might expect 
in his later work, are less numerous than those of Gargantua even in his 
posthumous work. The adoption of such an explanation involves the 
question of his beliefs in yet deeper difficulties. 

Let us then briefly enquire what his contemporaries considered to 
be Rabelais' religious views. At a much later date (1550) Jean Calvin 
claimed that both Desperiers and Rabelais had belonged to the reforming 
party until jests which blasphemed 'the sacred pledge of eternal life 2 ' 
had brought down upon them spiritual blindness. There can be no doubt 
that the Cymbalum Mundi abounds in matter that justifies a charge 
from which Rabelais' work appears almost wholly free 3 and, were not 
confirmation available that the charge lies equally well with Rabelais, 
the denunciation might provoke our question. At the same time in 

1 See Letters to the Bishop of Maillezais and his preface to Marliani, Topographia 
Romae. 

2 Cf. De Scandalis : 'Alii (ut Rabelaesus, Desperius et Goveanus) gustato Euangeiio, 
eadem caecitate sunt percussi. Cur istud? nisi quia sacrum illud vitae eternae pignus, 
sacrilega ludendi aut ridendi audacia ante profanarant.' 

3 Pantagruel,c. 19, p. 95 (Edition by Babeau, Patry and Boulenger) contains 'Alors fut 
ouye une voix du ciel.' 



A. F. CHAPPELL 295 

forming our judgment we must not forget that Cop's famous speech 
and the ' Affaire des placards ' had early rent the reforming movement 
in twain, that from 1534 Calvinism had dissociated itself from the more 
moderate reformers whom Calvin was to denounce, and that a tendency 
to return to the bosom of Holy Church had appeared in the Third Party 1 . 
It becomes probable therefore that Rabelais, as a moderate reformer, was 
rather abandoned by advancing Calvinism than that he was an apostate 
from that creed. Besides, although up to 1540 he seems to have been a 
Platonist, after that date he certainly toyed with Platonist beliefs in a 
contemptuous manner, and therefore he is not to be lightly classed with 
those reformers who deserted their cause and relapsed into orthodoxy. 
Indeed, if we may judge by repeated utterances in his later work, he 
became almost as unreconciled with Church teaching as he was the 
avowed critic and enemy of Calvinism. We may believe that he remarked 
the tendency to reaction which culminated in the Truce of Nice, but, if 
that is true, he did not hesitate to continue on his course with notable 
tenacity of purpose, and that would sufficiently explain the frequent 
dangers into which he ran. Whether the views to which he obstinately 
adhered partook of a religious nature, nothing but close enquiry can 
reveal, but Voulte's life and the causes of his quarrel with Rabelais do 
provide a starting point from which we may make the search. 

A student and lecturer in the College of Guyenne and, from 1534 to 
1536, in the Faculty of Toulouse, Jean Voulte 2 became a close associate 
of Dolet's friend, the liberal Jean de la Boyssone, and of Gripaldi, the 
jurist whose championship of free enquiry brought upon him persecution 
from Calvinist and Catholic. The law school of Toulouse being then a 
stronghold of reaction, it is significant that under Boyssone's persuasions 
the young lecturer renounced his legal career in favour of letters, and 
furthermore that, having visited Lyons in 1536, he formed sincere friend- 
ships with Dolet and Rabelais. These facts point to a certain measure 
of liberalism in the young poet, which, even if it were the enthusiasm of 
a youth, appears strange when we consider that, within two years and 
at a time when reaction was in the ascendant, Voulte suddenly quarrelled 
with his friends, returned to the practice of the law in Paris and was to 
find favour in reactionary Court circles. His few remaining years — he 

1 Calvin adds an explanation, Excusatio ad Nicodemitas (1545): 'Tertius ordo ex iis 
constat qui religionem quodammodo in philosophiam convertunt...sed quieti ac securi 
expectant donee Ecclesia in tolerabilem statum reformetur : ut autem in earn rem incum- 
bunt, quia periculosum est, adduci nequeunt ; quidam etiam eorum ideas Platonicas con- 
cipiunt: de modo colendi Dei. Itaque bonam partem Papisticarum superstitionum excusant 
Hie ordo fere constat ex literatis.' 

2 See R. C. Christie, Etienne Dolet, a Martyr of the Renaissance, for further details. 



296 Voulte s Rupture with Rabelais 

was assassinated by a private enemy in 1542 — are obscure, but does not 
that fact too seem to suggest that he had abjured his former errors ? 

Inspired with eager admiration, Voulte had hastened to defend the 
author of Pantagruel and Gargantua, whom he had heard stigmatized as 
a madman. Indignantly he repels the attack, 

Qui rabie asseruit laesum, Rabelaese, tuum cor, 

adjunxit vero cum tua Musa sales : 
hunc puto mentitum, rabiem tua scripta sonare 

qui dixit ; rabiem, die Rabelaese, canis ? 
Zoilus ille fuit rabidis armatus iambis ; 

non spirant rabiem, sed tua scripta jocos 1 . 

This view, probably shared by many contemporaries, would confirm our 
theory of Voulte's liberal tendencies, for there can be no doubt that 
Rabelais' satire of the representatives of the past and his laughter sug- 
gested no deeper meaning than the free jests of Erasmus, Marot and 
Desperiers. It was the author himself who later constantly read profound 
wisdom into his early merriment, and who therefore has somewhat ob- 
scured his readers' vision of him. At that period, contempt for the older 
age bound together reformers and men of letters, and it drew the young 
liberal to the side of the founder of Pantagruelism. Very soon, however, 
when such sympathy and other circumstances had brought them into 
intimacy, Voulte had detected and denounced what is Rabelais' dis- 
tinction, differentiating clearly between him and other reformers. In a 
semi-jocular poem his friend's possession by an insatiate desire for know- 
ledge, and that knowledge of a seriously dangerous kind, was picked out 
for emphatic disapproval. 'Ad Rabellam 2 ' opens thus : 

Scire cupis qui sim, qui vivam, quoque parente 

sim natus, quae sit patria, quique lares, 
scire cupis nomenque meum, nomenque puellae. 

Scire cupis vitae quod genus ipse sequar ; 

and it ends with : 

Nil non scire cupis ; sed dum cupis omnia scire, 
non satis et nimium scire, Rabella, cupis. • 

We picture Rabelais with an appeal for information ever on his lips, 
maybe of a nature trivial in the extreme in so far as the poet gives 
instances, but probably of a much more serious kind according to the 
hint in the last two verses. ' Thou desirest to know too much and not 
enough ' cannot have implied medical or linguistic learning, for these 
were still honoured in France. ' Thou desirest to be ignorant of nothing ' 

1 'Ad Rabelaesum,' Joanni Vultei Epigrammatum lib. iv, Lyons, 1537. 

2 The change of spelling may be perhaps pregnant with meaning, though the full change 
to Rabulam (rabula) was made by others. Joannis Vultei Inscriptionum libri duo, Paris, 
1538. 



A. F. CHAPPELL 297 

implies knowledge and the search for certainty in matters in which 

the poet approved of no enquiry and at which the friend dared only to 

hint. 

His later poems are even more definite, although Rabelais' name is 

not mentioned. Still, bearing in mind Rabelais' manifest indebtedness 

to Lucian in Pantagruel, his frequent denomination as the ' disciple of 

Lucian ' and the ponderous learned jokes of his early books, we are driven 

to the conclusion that ' In quendam irreligiosum Luciani sectatorem ' may 

contain carefully veiled references to some episode in their intercourse 1 . 

In libris quoteis meis loquor de 

Christo, hoc sit quasi nomen haud receptum. 

Rides, displiceo auribus tuisque 

dicis nee Latio fuisse in ore 

nomen, nomine quo beatius non 

ullum est 2 . 

We cannot doubt that the earlier Rabelais was capable of such jokes, 

but an intimate experience of his conversation would be necessary to 

decide whether they imply positive irreverence. The poet, however, goes 

on to hint at speculations, which in that age could find utterance only 

in closest intimacy and which indeed indicate infidelity in the utterer. 

The poem continues : 

Vah, adhuc dubitas scelus parentum 
tractum mortifero asperoque morsu 
esse victima amabili expiatum ? 

Relying upon the undoubted sincerity of the poet, we may conclude that 
the desire for knowledge had led Rabelais into deep speculation, and we 
must admit that his confidence in the goodness of human nature would 
early or late drive him to religious scepticism. For a much smaller matter 
Dolet was to give his life, and, with rumours of these meditations reaching 
the ears of the authorities, we cannot wonder that Rabelais should take 
refuge in flight. What is more remarkable is that the gross ribaldry of 
Pantagruel had not revealed to Voulte and his contemporaries a lack of 
religious conviction, as it does to modern readers. Against the lower moral 
earnestness of that day such a conclusion had not stood forth prominent, 
and the author's scepticism was therefore revealed, unlike Dolet's, only 
in less guarded relationships. Voulte's horror at this discovery impelled 
him again and again to make fruitless attempts to dissuade the poor 
' Lucianique ' from a course that brought dangers to body and soul. In 

1 We may add that, applicable to Eabelais, this poem cannot refer to other known 
friends of the poet. 

2 Joannis Vultei Hendecasyllaborum libri quattuor, Paris, 1538. Cf. Calvin's charge 
against Eabelais in De Scandalis. 



298 Voulte s Rupture with Rabelais 

vain will his friend postpone the evil day when pretence and legality 

will fail him. That day will arrive and then, 

Belle te simulasse Christianum. 
Rides, has rogo, pone, pone technas 
et subterfugia omnia ; invidere 
hanc noli tibi quam impetrare possis 
criminis veniain, fatere mentem 
insani hactenus esse Luciani, 
vitam denique te impie secutum 1 . 

Only by fully comprehending the peculiar trend of thought belonging to 
those days could we hope to realize the import of such a passionate plea. 
When we consider that men held tenaciously to the slightest revealed 
word and that matters of faith were productive of the most violent dis- 
ruptions of society, even to massacres of men of different beliefs, we are 
forced to admit that, in rejecting his friend's pleadings, Rabelais was 
either harder of heart than his readers will trace in his works, or more 
boldly resolved on his speculations than many present-day .views will 
easily allow. Still more inexplicable, as Voulte' doubtless thought, was 
his not shrinking from the picture of the Last Day that follows. On that 

solemn occasion, 

Dices : hei mini, jam miser miser sum. 
Erravi, fateor, Deum esse nosco. 
Vixi, non homo, sed canis ; poeta 
Vulteius mihi providus, poeta 
verax, hanc mihi centies ruinam 
hanc praedixerat. 

It will perhaps be apparent that Voulte must not be lightly considered 
as a moderate reformer, who turned back before threatened persecution 
and who therefore quarrelled with his friend. His quarrel with Rabelais 
took place only when his dissuasive powers had failed, and when he feared 
to be involved in the eternal consequences of daring speculations at which 
he hinted and to which Rabelais was much inclined. His poems are cries 
of alarm uttered by a singularly devout man, who recoiled and tried to 
call back his friend from the abyss of infidelity that lay before him. As 
for Rabelais, his position may perhaps be best explained with reference 
to his new philosophy of Pantagruelism, the boldness and courage of 
which lie hidden within his famous descriptions and definitions 2 of it, 
and which may have been exerting a powerful influence upon its dis- 
coverer even at that time. 

From the facts of his career we may see that Rabelais' nature was 
largely moulded by life in a provincial monastery into which the most 

1 ' In Luciani simium' (Hendecasyllaborum libri quattuor, Paris, 1538). 

2 During his saddest years he defined it as ' certaine gayete d'esprit conficte en mespris 
de choses fortuites.' Bk iv, Prol. de l'Auteur. 



A. F. CHAPPELL 299 

liberal views available to him penetrated necessarily through classical 
literature. We can therefore in part appreciate his obstinate prosecution 
of studies which gave him a sense of living, but, this occupation apart, 
he probably spent his life with no greater purpose than did a number 
of his fellows 1 . Having entered the world, he had been attached to two 
of the least prejudiced nobles of his time, he had prosecuted various 
practical studies, and he had travelled extensively when opinions were 
in a ferment. We may be sure that, when he had seen the actual state 
of the Church in Rome at that time, a considered and steadfast judgment 
took the place of his traditional and fluctuating views 2 , and this fact 
prompts the question, how widely must his opinions on other matters 
have changed ? He had been forced from the cavern, in which he had 
beheld the mere shadows of the world, to look upon reality in the broad 
light of day. So far-reaching a change from secluded idleness to personal 
and public activity cannot but have influenced him. Perhaps, indeed, it 
transformed him, at first no doubt throwing his thoughts into confusion. 
The change was certainly painful. And here it must be recalled that 
the most potent influences were brought to bear upon him after the 
publication of his first two books. Pantagruel and Gargantua are there- 
fore the utterances of the monk and student, his later works are those 
of the man of the world. 

During the first stage, his thought had of necessity followed the 
beaten tracks of Renaissance learning, and in consequence of his rever- 
ence for Erasmus, for whom he felt as a son for his father — nay for his 
mother 3 , he had dreamed of a new world, reformed by its absorption of 
that learning. He was of the opinion that students needed but to expound 
Ancient philosophy, nay merely to amass Ancient knowledge, in order to 
equip a prince for government. Such influences and such enthusiasm, 
common to many of his contemporaries 4 , are therefore deeply imprinted 
upon his two early books. In the world, however, nothing but disillusion- 
ment fell to his lot : he beheld in Italy a moribund Renaissance move- 
ment which was closely fettered to the foolish ' birds ' of the Isle Sonante ; 
he saw the great and powerful dictating their will to the weak; he must 
have realized that reform by peaceful means was becoming more and more 
difficult; and he probably discovered that humanity's strength or weak- 
ness lay in an irrational objection to his reasonable reforms. Within a 

1 That he was not always in advance of his age was not therefore surprising. See 
Millet, Fraiupis Rabelais (Les Grands Ecrivains). 

2 L'Isle Sonante. The futile lives of the 'birds' seem to have impressed him deeply. 

3 Epistola ad B. Salignacum. 

4 Cf. Dolet's Prefaces quoted in R. C. Christie, Etienne Dolet. 



300 Voultes Rupture ivith Rabelais 

very few years the author of Gargantua saw one ideal after another 
crushed by triumphant reaction, and it is not surprising that his discon- 
certed mind should strive to understand the nature of his fellows, and 
his own. With his dream-world shattered Rabelais was driven to seek a 
firm footing even in the most dangerous places. With such a man, prone 
to discouragement as Rabelais certainly was, a life of activity and 
acquaintance with other men would be of the highest importance in 
re-establishing calmness of mind, and Voulte knew him just when he 
probably most needed calm, and before he underwent the powerful in- 
fluence of Guillaume du Bellay. 

Yet he had not merely the example of his great patron as a cor- 
rective to his despair. Whenever in his early books he recalls home 
scenes and homely or personal adventures, his style becomes richly 
coloured and powerfully effective, while, when he treats of the abstractions 
of Thelema or of his educational schemes, we feel in his diminished force 
a lack of conviction and a hesitancy that come of his limited vision. The 
artificial mode of life, into which he had been forced possibly when very 
young 1 , had not weakened, and had probably reinforced, his longing for 
fact and experience, and it appears almost self-evident that he must have 
been endowed with an exuberant interest in all aspects of life. Now 
realism alone remains constant through the whole romance, and no other 
quality of mind could have been more valuable to him in this period of 
upheaval. No other power than that of interesting himself in the 
physical world could have carried him through to the time when ' he saw 
life steadily and saw it whole.' He would take his stand on the certainties 
that remained and thence push his researches into the unknown. Thus 
the ' Tiers Livre ' must be accepted as in part a resume of Rabelais' own 
enquiries, and in the same way under cover of the contemporaneous 
interest in geographical discovery, which suggested Pantagruel's voyage 2 , 
he would seem himself to have anticipated his hero in a quest of truth. 
Voulte's poems contain obscure references to some of Rabelais' enquiries. 

Surely, when the later Pantagruel says : 

Nature me semble, non sans cause, nous avoir forme oreilles ouvertes, n'y ap- 
posant porte ne clousture aucune, comme a faict es yeulx, langue et aultres issues 
du corps. La cause je cuide estre, afin que tousjours toutes nuitz, continuellement 
puissions ouir, et, par ouye, perpetuellement apprendre (in, 16), 

this retort, made to Epistemon's fear of consultation with witches, is no 
less the response that Rabelais would give to a Voulte*. And, the 
Tourangeau might add, 

1 Cf. VIsle Sonante, p. 11 (Lefrane and Boulenger's edition). 

2 Cf . Les Navigations de Pantagruel. 



A. F. CHAPPELL 301 

Que nuist scavoir tousjours et tousjours apprendre, fust ce 
D'un sot, d'un pot, d'une guedoufle, 
D'une moufle, d'une pantoufle 1 {ibid.) 

Calvin preferred that all knowledge should vanish from the earth rather 
than that it should be a cause of stumbling 1 ; Voulte would certainly 
have established strict limits to enquiry; and Rabelais' great quality, as 
a result of which consistency was to be given to his mature work, was 
apparently precisely what horrified his friend and had dissolved their 
friendship. Rabelais was prepared to thrust aside the most cherished 
beliefs of his day in the interest of his speculations. Voulte had noted 
the change that had come over his friend, but naturally he could not 
decide how fundamental it was. Indeed only a careful comparison of the 
books produced before and after this period will reveal a most extra- 
ordinary interruption of Rabelais' development. His acquaintance with 
Voulte appears to indicate that a definite breach with the past had 
been made. 

A. F. Chappell. 
Manchester. 



1 De Scandalis : 'ego enim mallem, et certe praestaret, scientias omnes exterminatas e 
mundo esse, quam ut studio gloriae Dei Christianos alienent.' 



M. L. R. XVIII. 20 



THE EARLY EDITIONS OF GOMBERVILLE'S 
'POLEX ANDRE. ' 

' I READ scores of times the Polexandre ! ' exclaimed La Fontaine with 
joyful remembrance, when he enumerated the fiction which had appealed 
to him most 1 ; and, considering the complicated evolution of this novel, 
the several editions, the successive modifications in the story and the 
very length of the book in its final shape, La Fontaine's ' scores of times ' 
would indeed be needed for anyone now to acquire an adequate idea of 
Gomberville's famous novel. Other seventeenth century authors joined 
La Fontaine in his praise. Guez de Balzac expressed all his admiration 
in these few words : ' Le Polexandre est a mon avis un ouvrage parfait 
en son genre 2 .' Even Boileau, an enemy of lofty and adventurous fiction, 
read it with delight in his youth: 'Comme j'etais fort jeune,...je les 
lus, ainsi que les lisait tout le monde, avec beaucoup d'admiration et je 
regardais ces romans comme des chefs d'ceuvre de notre langue 3 .' 

Although Browne's translation (1647) seems to have enjoyed some 
popularity in England, the novel soon fell into oblivion. During the 
eighteenth century several abridged and revised editions of the novels 
of D'Urfe, La Calprenede, Mile de Scudery and others, were published ; 
but Polexandre, more celebrated once than any of them, had to forego 
this honour. La Harpe 4 treats it with disdain and Sainte-Beuve simply 
states that ' Gomberville aujourd'hui n'est plus lisible' {Port-Royal, II, 
p. 267). 

These opinions contrast with a modern reaction which is far more 
favourable to Polexandre. In his book Marin Le Roy de Gomberville, 
1876, Kerviler devotes a chapter to it; Korting in his Geschichte des 
franzosischen Romans im 17 'ten Jahrhundert acclaimed the work, the 
earliest example of a new category of ' heroic-gallant ' novels, which was 
imitated for several decades (p. 216); and, lastly, Professor Chinard 
stresses its significance as the master-piece of the stories of exotic adven- 
ture in the early seventeenth century 5 . One would expect a work of 

1 La Fontaine, (Euvres, Ed. Grands Ecrivains, ix, p. 25. 

2 (Euvres, 1665, n, p. 634. 

3 Discours sur les Heros de Roman, (Euvres, Ed. Lemerre, 1875, n, p. 24. 

4 Lycie ou Cours de Literature, 1799, vn, p. 225. 

6 L'Amerique et le Eeve Exotique dans la Litt. frangaise, 1913, p. 66. 



ANTONY CONST ANS AND GUST. L. VAN ROOSBROECK 303 

such importance to have been sufficiently studied, and it is with astonish- 
ment that one notices the great number of errors about its earliest 
appearance, its editions and its text. All bibliographies and studies 
disagree as to the dates of the first and the following editions, and also 
in regard to the number of volumes of each edition. The same confusion 
exists about the text which Gomberville altered profoundly in each 
successive edition. The historical and contemporary allusions which 
abound in this ' roman a clef have not been entirely explained 1 ; and its 
sources in the voyage literature of the times have not been altogether 
identified. 

To elucidate at least one problem to which Polexandre gives rise, it 
will be attempted here to prove that the first edition of this novel dates 
from 1619 and was published under the pseudonym of 'Orile.' The 
errors about its earliest appearance are numerous and contradictory. 
Niceron (Memoires, xxxviii, p. 263) gives 1632 and states that it was 
made up of two volumes ; La Valliere 2 and Brunet's Manuel indicate 
the year 1629 and one volume; the Biographies Universelles Michaud 
and Firmin-Didot both contend for the year 1632, but increase the 
number of volumes to four; Graesse (Tresor des Livres Rares) lists only 
an edition of 1637 in five volumes, which he apparently considers as the 
first. More recent works dealing especially with Gomberville do not 
solve the problem. Kerviler (op. cit.) maintains that the first edition 
appeared in 1629 and was composed of two volumes, which places him 
in contradiction with all preceding bibliographers. Korting (op. cit.) over- 
looks the existence of Kerviler's work and copies Lenglet du Fresnoy 's 
date 3 without specifying the number of volumes. 

For all this confusion there was little excuse : already Querard (Les 
Supercheries litteraires devoilees, II, p. 1310) had cautiously suggested 
that the earliest edition probably dated from 1619. His only proof, 
however, is that a volume of that edition, which he had seen, was attri- 
buted to Gomberville by a manuscript note of Lenglet du Fresnoy 4 . 
Lanson's Manual follows Querard and states: 'Polexandre 1619 (in- 
complet), 1637, 5 vol.' This is quite misleading because it mentions 
only two of the editions ; and the word ' incomplet ' implies that the 

1 Drujon, Les Livres a Clef, does not mention it. Some interesting material about the 
allusions can be found in Gustave Charlier's article, Un Amour de Ronsard (Revue du 
XVI e siecle, 1920, vn, p. 123). 

2 Catalogue de la Bibl. de M. de la Valliere, m, p. 167. 

3 Lenglet du Fresnoy (Gordon du Percel), De V Usage des Romans; avec une Biblio- 
tkeque des Romans, 1734, n, p. 63. 

4 It must be noted that in Lenglet du Fresnoy's De V Usage des Romans (n, p. 63) no 
mention is made of this 1619 edition. 

20—2 



304 The Early Editions of Gomberville s ' Polexandre ' 

edition of 1619 was completed in 1637, whereas Gomberville rewrote 
his book entirely for each issue, transported its hero to another country, 
changed the names of the secondary personages as well as their station 
in life. 

Several proofs can be grouped to demonstrate that the earliest 
edition, or rather the earliest form, of Polexandre is the volume of 1619, 
entitled L'Exil de Polexandre et d'Ericlee, Paris. Toussainct du Bray. 

(a) The Epitre is signed ' oeile.' It has not been noticed heretofore 
that this pseudonym is the anagram of Gomberville's name Le Roi 
(Le Roy). In 1619 he was still called Marin Le Roy. His father's name 
was Louis Le Roy, sieur de la Croix le Chapitre : it is only later that 
his son added • de Gomberville 1 ' and we recall how fond the latter was of 
substituting for his own name such queer forms as ' Thalassius Basilides 
a Gombervilla.' In 1614 his Tableau du bonheur de la Vieillesse gives 
his name as Marin Le Roy, without the addition of de Gomberville. 

(b) The edition of 1619 ends with an Advertissement au Lecteur in 
which Orile complains about the great number of mistakes the printer 
allowed to slip into his novel, and says : ' Mais quoy qu'il arrive, je te 
promets que si ces malheureuses reliques ne te sont point desagreables 
...j 'essay eray de les receuillir un peu mieux qu'elles ne sont, et de te 
les faire voir pour la seconde fois, avec plus de purete et de politesse.' 
A second and modified edition of L'Exil de Polexandre et d'Ericlee was 
thus promised. And, in fact, the edition of 1629 was a rewritten book, 
as can be seen by the Privilege (dated September 28, 1629): 'II est 
permis a M. le Roy, Escuyer, sieur de Gomberville. de faire imprimer... 
un petit essay de son esprit, sous le tiltre de L'Exil de Polexandre, qu'il 
a depuis peu corrige, change, finy, et desire le faire voir tout autre et 
en meilleur ordre qu'il n'a paru jusqu'a present.' This very explicit 
Privilege proves that the edition of 1629 cannot be the earliest, and, as 
will be pointed out further on, the changes and corrections in which it 
claims to differ from the preceding edition are found to exist between 
the issues of 1619 and 1629. 

(c) Moreover, in the Preface of a later work, his Memoires du Due 
de Nevers (1665), Gomberville told at length the events of his life a few 
years before 1630 and marked the influence they had upon his literary 
career. He states clearly that, before 1630, the Duchess of Lorraine 
encouraged him to rewrite his ' first Polexandre,' and that to her he 
dedicated the changed work. He begins with informing us that he had 
planned to compile a long history of the French religious wars in the 

1 Cf. Jal, Diet, de Biographic et d'Histoire, p. 646. 



ANTONY CONSTANS AND GUST. L. VAN ROOSBROECK 305 

sixteenth century, of which only the Preface and the first book were 
finished : ' Avant que Davila eust fait imprimer a Venise l'histoire de 
nos guerres civiles, j'avois forme le dessein d'escrire celle des derniers 
rois de la Maison des Valois et d'y enfermer tous les evenements extra- 
ordinaires...dont la France a este le theatre depuis la mort de Louis XII 
jusqua celle de Henri III.' The date of these historical activities can 
be determined by his statement that they preceded the appearance of 
Davila's History of the French Civil Wars: this was published in 1630 *. 
He narrates then how, before this date, he rewrote his Polexandre to 
please a lady of very high rank : ' II arriva cependant par une advanture 
que je n'avois pas pre venue, que je retombay dans la maladie des romans, 
et que je fus engage par une dame de premiere condition de me souvenir 
de mon premier Polexandre. Je le revys pour luy plaire, et, ne luy 
trouvant ny la qualite ny le merite que je luy aurois souhaite, je voulus 
me rendre le maistre de sa fortune et de sa condition ; et, puisque son 
elevation ne me coustoit que quelques momens de reveries, le porter 
aussi haut que mon imagination pouvoit aller. La princesse pour le 
divertissement de qui j'avois entrepris ce roman l'ayant trouve tres 
agreable comme il etoit, je le publiay sous son nom et voulus voir si la 
fable me seroit un peu plus favorable que l'histoire.' There can be no 
doubt that this transformation of his 'early Polexandre' happened in 
1629, for Gomberville relates that his rewritten novel was a great success 
at the Court and put him in touch with many influential noblemen. 
Soon after, he says, ' a big storm ' burst out at the Court, and destroyed 
the power of some of his friends; he refers, certainly, to the famous 
' Journee des Dupes' of November 11, 1630, for he states that, at that 
very time, a friend brought him from Italy the Historia of Davila 
' nouvellement imprimee,' and, as we said above, this volume appeared 
in 1630. Now, if, in 1629, Gomberville rewrote an earlier Polexandre, 
it can only have been his Exil de Polexandre et d'Ericlee of 1619. This 
is confirmed once more by the fact that Gomberville, in the passage 
previously quoted, says that in the new edition (1629) he bettered 
the hero's position in life, since this cost him nothing but ' quelques 
momens de reveries': in 1619 Polexandre is an ordinary nobleman, in 
1629 a Prince. Besides, the edition of 1629 is dedicated to the Duchesse 
de Lorraine, and Gomberville declares that it appeared ' under the name ' 
of the lady of high rank who had asked him to write the book over again. 
(d) Gomberville himself furnishes another argument to establish 
that It Exil de Polexandre et d'Ericlee of 1619 is the early form of his 
1 Enrico Caterino Davila, Historia delle Guerre di Francia, Venice, 1630. 



306 The Early Editions of Gombervitte' s 'Polexandre' 

successive Polexandre novels : in the Avertissement aux Honnestes Gens 
at the end of vol. V of the last edition of the novel (pp. 611-18 of the 
edition of 1641), he explains, in rather cryptic language, the successive 
changes he introduced in his labyrinth. This passage has been quoted, 
among others, by Kerviler (op. cit. p. 45) and Korting (op. cit. p. 219), 
but it can be correctly interpreted only when the 1619 edition is taken 
into account : ' La premiere fois que Polexandre vit le jour, il le vit par 
la puissance d'Eolinde, et le perdit aussitost qu'elle eut cesse de lui 
prester sa lumiere. Neuf ans apres, il sortit des te'nebres et eut l'obliga- 
tion de ce nouveau jour a Zelmatide et a Yzatide, car il ne fut que le 
pretexte de mon travail. Les deux autres en furent la cause. Incontinent 
apres, Yzatide estant morte pour Zelmatide et pour elle-mesme, je laissay 
Polexandre comme mort dans la grande place de Coppenhague. Deux 
ans apres, je luy fis changer de condition par pure maxime d'Estat. Mais 
cette maxime se trouvant fausse, je le laissay avec toutes ses pretentions 
ensevely dans les desordres d'AUemagne. Maintenant, si je ne me flatte 
un peu trop, je vous le donne tel que vous l'avez desire....' The first 
part of this explanation, ' La premiere fois que Polexandre vit le jour, 
il le vit par la puissance d'Eolinde,' manifestly refers to the Exil de 
Polexandre et d'Ericlee of 1619, for this novel is almost entirely made 
up of the story of the love-affairs of Alig&nor and Eolinde (especially 
pp. 96 to 325), whereas in the Exil de Polexandre of 1629 no mention 
is made of Eolinde. The next statement, ' Neuf ans apres, il sortit des 
tenebres/ is again confirmed by fact, for nine years after 1619 take us 
to 1628, the year Gomberville must have written his transformed Exil 
de Polexandre, which appeared in 1629. Besides, he goes on : ' (Le livre) 
eut l'obligation de ce nouveau jour a Zelmatide et a Yzatide'; and 
the Histoire de Zelmatide, Prince du Perou, et d'lzatide, Princesse de 
Mexique, forms the greater part of the edition of 1629. In the last place, 
the sentence ' Incontinent Yzatide estant morte ' refers to the death, in 
prison, of this Mexican Princess, beloved of Prince Zelmatide (ed. of 
1629, p. 454); and 'je laissay Polexandre comme mort dans la grande 
place de Coppenhague ' alludes of course to the duel, in Copenhagen, of 
Polexandre with his rival Phelismond, at the end of which, in Polexandre's 
own words : 'La teste me tourna, je perdis la veue, demeuray sans me- 
moire, et tombay comme mort a dix pas de Phelismond' (ed. of 1629, 
p. 881 *). Korting (op. cit. p. 219), who evidently has never seen the 

1 With the later changed editions of Polexandre we are not directly concerned here. 
However, we may point out that Gomberville 's explanation makes it clear that he wrote 
four different versions of the novel : 1619, 1629, 1632, and 1637-41. 



ANTONY CONSTANS AND GUST. L. VAN ROOSBROECK 307 

several editions, misinterprets strangely the meaning of the French 
novelist's passage. He gives the date of the first edition as 1632, and 
believes the action to be centred around Polexandre : ' Hier ist die 
Handlung noch eine leidlich konzentrierte ; der Eine Held, um den 
sich samtliche Figuren gruppieren, ist Polexandre.' Just the opposite is 
true. In both earliest editions the action is concentrated, not around 
Polexandre, who appears only at the very end of the novels, but around 
two pairs of lovers : Alig6nor and Eolinde in 1619 ; Yzatide and Zelma- 
tide in 1629. Korting then mentions a ' second ' version of the novel — 
written, he imagines, in 1634 — into which Gomberville introduced for 
the first time a pair of Mexican lovers (Zelmatide and Yzatide), breaking 
the unity of the earlier form of his work. But, this Mexican story occurs 
already in the edition of 1629 ! 

(e) Another fact which pleads strongly in favour of the authorship 
of Gomberville for the Exil de Polexandre et d'Ericlee of 1619 is that 
an episode of this work, which he did not use in the edition of 1629, 
occurs in a later novel: his Cytheree of 1640-42. Polexandre meets his 
mother, who was believed dead. After telling her adventures, she dies 
in his arms (ed. of 1619, pp. 564-640) ; in the same way, in the Cytheree 
(Book II), Araxes finds his mother, Tenesis, who expires soon after. 

(/) Moreover there exist between the editions of 1619 and 1629 
certain unmistakable similitudes, which clearly designate them as works 
of the same hand. Without going into minute detail, the principal 
incidents which are common to both books may be pointed out. The 
opening scene is very similar in both volumes : an unknown man jumps 
into the sea from a high rock. In the 1619 edition he cannot be saved, 
but in 1629 he is rescued by some sailors. In both a beautiful Turk 
appears, whom his Christian enemies instinctively feel to be a French- 
man of distinction (1619, p. 37 ; 1629, p. 25). Another personage, the 
surgeon Dicee, is found in 1619, 1629 and the following forms of the 
novel. In both early versions, Polexandre is educated at the Court and 
becomes a friend of the Dauphin. The period in which his adventures 
happen is the same : he is a French knight living at the time of Henri II, 
Francois II and Charles IX (pp. 200 ff. of 1619 ; pp. 642-63 of 1629). 

(g) Finally, a long description of a tournament which is found in the 
Exil de Polexandre et d'Ericlee of 1619 (pp. 530-60) has been trans- 
posed into the Exil de Polexandre of 1629 (pp. 658-700). Some pages 
have been entirely copied, others have been altered and paraphrased, 
although the heroes of the tournament are different in each case. 

These transpositions of text and incidents illustrate Gomberville's 






308 The Early Editions of Gomberville's 'Polexandre' 

literary methods, which are far from being as slipshod and as varied as 
literary historians have stated. He recasts his text and makes use of 
former inventions much after the fashion of a good tradesman in litera- 
ture. Korting indicates that he inserted in his Gytheree whole scenes 
and motives from his Polexandre and thus became his own imitator. 
His boasted abundance appears then as rather sterile, and it would be 
interesting to study from this point of view the later editions of his 
principal work, considered as entirely different from one another. 

The existence of the 1619 edition of Polexandre shows, too, that 
Gomberville has been occupied with the varied adventures of his hero for 
eighteen or twenty years, and that his novel was only a kind of flexible 
framework into which he successively gathered the deeds of several fine- 
mannered and high-spirited adventurers, who are images both of the 
traditional Amadis and of the ' honneste homme ' of the period. 

Antony Constans. 
Gust. L. van Roosbroeck. 

Minneapolis, Minnesota, U.S.A. 



A FORGOTTEN NOVEL OF MANNERS OF THE 
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY : ' LA PAYSANNE PAR- 
VENUE' BY LE CHEVALIER DE MOUHY. 

Despite the researches of MM. Texte and Le Breton and Mr Saints- 
bury, the novel in French literature remains one of the few genres to 
which La Bruyere's famous ' Tout est dit ' cannot be applied. This rich 
lode is far from exhausted, and occasionally even the most dilettante of 
• fureteurs ' unearths a forgotten work which amply recompenses him 
for his labours. La Paysanne parvenue, ou les Memoires de Madame la 
Marquise de L. V. by Monsieur le Chevalier de Mouhy is such a work 1 . 
Histories of literature ignore de Mouhy, and even the omniscient Sainte- 
Beuve is silent on his count. Lanson, in his Bibliographie, mentions him, 
but not at all as a novelist 2 . Le Nouveau Larousse gives the following 
information about him : 

Mouhy (Charles de Fieux), romancier fraiigais ne a Metz en 1701, mort a Paris 
en 1784, neveu du baron de Longepierre. Sans fortune mais exempt de scrupules il 
se met aux gages de Voltaire comme sollieiteur de ses proces et ' chef de meute ' au 
parterre, puis du Marechal de Belle-Isle pour des services peu avouables. Ecrivain 
mediocre il cherche surtout les succes dans l'actualite imitant les ouvrages en vogue. 
C'est ainsi qu'il ecrivit La Paysanne parvenue 1735 pour faire pendant au Paysan 
parvenu de Marivaux. Dans l'abondant mais mediocre bagage litteraire de cet auteur 
nous citerons seulement Les Memoires posthumes du Comte de XXX avant son retour 
a Dieu, 1735 ; Memoires oVunefille de qualite qui ne s' 'est pas retiree du monde, 1747. 

The notice is short, but ample for our purpose, which is not to give 
a biography of de Mouhy. By the way, the classic Life of Voltaire, by 
Desnoiresterres, sheds a ray of light on de Mouhy's activities as 'sol- 
lieiteur' in the well-known quarrel between Arouet and Desfontaines 3 . 
The incident is not entirely to the Chevalier's discredit. 

1 La Paysanne parvenue ou les Memoires de la Comtesse de L. V. Par Le Chevalier de 
Mouhy. A Amsterdam. Aux depens de la Compagnie. 1741. All references are to this 
edition. 

a Gustave Lanson, Manuel bibliographique de la litterature francaise moderne, Paris, 
1911. The following are the works of de Mouhy cited here: p. 52, § 496: Voyages 
imaginaires, songes, visions et romans merveilleux, recueillis par Gamier, 1787-9 ; p. 656, 
§ 8993-5: De Mouhy (se defier de cet auteur), Tablettes dramatiques contenant Vabrege du 
Theatre francais, 1752; Abrege de VHistoire du Theatre francais (jusqu'au ler juin 1780), 
3 vols, in-8 ; Journal manuscrit du Theatre francais, 6 vols, in-fol. Bib. Nat. f. fr, 9229- 
9235; p. 709, § 9738: De Mouhy, Les Mille et une Folies, Conte francais, 1771 ; p. 757, 
§ 10419 : De Mouhy is mentioned in Les Huit philosophes aventuriers de ce siecle, 1752, 
in-8, ed. mod. 1754; p. 791, § 10930: Le Chevalier de Mouhy, Justification de la musique 
fram;aise, 1754. 

3 Gustave Desnoiresterres, Voltaire et la societe francaise au XVIIIe siecle: Voltaire 
au Chateau de Cirey. Paris, 1868. 



310 A Forgotten Novel: 'La Paysanne Parvenue' 

The Chevalier de Mouhy dedicates his novel to l'Abbe d'Opede, 
' aumdnier de chez le roi.' The dedication is spirited, grateful and un- 
usually sincere. 

Voici une occasion de vous marquer ma reconnaissance ; j'en profite, et j'avoue 
publiquement les obligations que je vous ai. Sans me connoltre, vous m'avez prevenu 
par des politesses infinies. Je cours la poste, je suis blesse" ; vous etes en chaise, et 
vous vous genez pour m'y recevoir : votre bourse m'est ouverte ; il faut absolument 
m'en servir, ou vous ddsobliger. Oh trouve-t-on des coeurs semblables?... 

The preface serves as a vehicle for the usual affectedly sincere 
explanation of the origin and purpose of the novel. As the sub-title 
implies, the novel is the ' veracious ' account of the life and adventures 
of the Marquise de L. V. But de Mouhy betrays a certain originality 
even here. For three months, we learn, he has been a confirmed hater 
of the sex. A charming lady, it is hinted, is the cause of his access of 
misogyny. ' Une des plus amiables femmes de Paris nee en Provence et 
que j'ai aim^e a la folie a beaucoup de part au chagrin que j'ai contre le 
sexe.' It is now that the Marquise de L. V. makes her untimely request. 
Will M. de Mouhy call and see her ? M. de Mouhy will not. Follows a 
letter from the Marquise : she is surprised at the ungallant reply. 
She does not know whether M. le Chevalier de Mouhy is ' un homme k 
bonnes fortunes,' but if he thinks that she is throwing herself at his head 
he is very much mistaken ! She has a favour to ask of him. This 
vivacious lady continues : 

Vous devez connoitre les femmes, puisque vous les evitez, et savoir que lorsqu'elles 
se sont mises quelque chose dans la tete il est difficile de les faire changer : cela doit 
vous faire comprendre que si vous n'etes point chez moi deux heures apres ma lettre, 
je viendrai vous en demander la raison chez vous. Je suis, Monsieur, malgre mon 
depit votre tres-humble et tres-ob&ssante, La Marquise de L. V. 

The favour, as the reader guesses, is that de Mouhy will write up the 
Marquise's life from her manuscripts. De Mouhy gravely assures us 
then: 

Ce sont done ces Memoires que je donne aujourd'hui au public ; les parties qui 
suivent celle-ci seront tres-interessantes, elles paroitront de mois en mois. Je n'ai 
que faire d'annoncer que le but de Madame la Marquise de L. V. dans cet Ouvrage, 
est d'instruire son sexe en l'amusant, de mettre la vertu dans son jour et de porter 
ceux qui ecrivent a orner leurs Ouvrages de ses beautez. 

De Mouhy, like Richardson, seeks his heroine in the humblest walk 
of peasant life. Jeannette B. is the daughter of a woodcutter. Her 
mother, however, though of peasant stock, was for some time lady's 
maid to the local ' grande dame,' la Comtesse de N. She has seen some- 
thing of society, if only from the coulisses, and it is from her that 
Jeannette receives her gentle manners and delicate feelings. The girl 



F. C. GREEN 311 

shrinks instinctively from the boisterous village lads, and rejects the 
advances of Colin, an eminently eligible parti in the eyes of her parents. 

It is while the king and his hunting train are passing through the 
woods near Jeannette's village that she makes the acquaintance of the 
young Marquis de L. V., who falls a victim to the charms of the lovely 
peasant girl. Luckily for the Marquis, his friend the Comtesse de N. is 
Jeannette's godmother, and he thus arranges to have the girl educated 
at the chateau. Here Jeannette sees her lover frequently and falls in love 
with him, hopelessly too, it appears, because marriage seems impossible, 
and for Jeannette there is no compromise thinkable. She is badly 
treated by the venomous young lady of the house and pestered by the 
passionate advances of the son, a haughty and vicious youth called the 
Chevalier Delbieu. This impetuous gentleman swears to have her, and 
attempts violence in a secluded part of the grounds. Jeannette is saved 
in the nick of time by the arrival of her lover and rushes blindly into 
the wood. 

She makes up her mind to go back to the cottage, and gets a lift from 
a friendly waggoner. To her dismay, she notices the relentless Delbieu 
and a friend riding behind the cart. Taking advantage of a moment 
when her pursuers have to make a slight detour to avoid some low 
hanging trees, our heroine seizes a drooping bough and takes refuge in 
a tree. The two scoundrels search everywhere for her, and it seems as 
if she is to be discovered, when a carriage passes by. The girl, at her 
wits' end, drops from the tree and throws herself on the mercy of the 
occupant of the carriage, a certain Mme de G. This good lady, who 
happens to know Delbieu's parents, rates that gentleman soundly and 
sends him off discomfited. 

The next stage of Jeannette's life is her stay with Mme de G. and 
the attempts of that lady's husband, an old but amorous receveur de 
finances, to seduce his guest by presents. That little lady, however, 
turns the incident to her advantage by informing Mme de G. A match 
is now arranged between Jeannette and a nauseous type of ' financier ' 
called Gripart. The Marquis, in despair, pleads with Mme de G. and 
Jeannette to break off the match ; meanwhile the ceremony all but 
takes place, but unfortunately for Gripart, a lady to whom he had once 
proposed marriage forbids the banns. Delbieu appears again, attacks 
Gripart's carriage and nearly kills the financier in an attempt to carry 
off Jeannette. There is a fight between the Marquis and Delbieu in 
which the latter is severely wounded. Jeannette meanwhile takes refuge 
in a convent, the superior of which is an old friend of Mme de G.'s. 



312 A Forgotten Novel: 'La Paysanne Parvenue' 

The Marquis pere now enters the story. Lettres de cachet are out 
against Jeannette and Delbieu, and the young Marquis has to go for a 
time to Lorraine. Saint-Fal, a nephew of the old Marquis, is commis- 
sioned by the old man to seize Jeannette. He takes her away from 
Mme de G.'s. He falls in love with his fair prisoner but realises the 
hopelessness of his suit ; he thereupon proves a loyal friend and outwits 
the old Marquis by hiding Jeannette in rooms at Versailles. En route, 
there is a chance meeting between the old gentleman and his son's 
sweetheart, though he does not, of course, recognise that lady. 

Life at Versailles is very pleasant and novel for the provincial girl, 
who for safety's sake masquerades as the Comtesse des Roches, an 
officer's widow. Saint-Fal, a discreet and gallant gentleman, does all 
he can to further the love-affair of the hero and heroine. The young 
Marquis back from Lorraine is more in love than ever. The course of 

true love is disturbed by a certain Due de , who is infatuated with 

the ' Comtesse,' and takes her to the play. The young Marquis is in the 
audience and is furiously jealous of the attentions of the Due. He rejoins 
his regiment and rushes off to the German front, leaving a bitter note 
for Jeannette. The real Comtesse des Roches suddenly makes her ap- 
pearance, and Jeannette is obliged to move to Paris. 

During this time the old Marquis has been paying marked attention 
to the bogus countess. He shadows her to Paris and asks her to become 
the Marquise, even after a full confession by Jeannette as to her identity 
and origin. The girl accepts joyfully : it seems as if her dream is at last 
realised. To her horror it dawns on her that the old gentleman has been 
proposing not his son, but himself. Accompanied by Barbe, her faithful 
servant, she sadly takes refuge in her native hamlet. No one, not even 
her parents, recognise the little Jeannette of long ago in this beautifully 
dressed and distinguished lady. Old Mme B., however, is struck by her 
resemblance to her erring daughter. 

The young Marquis, who had been wrongly reported killed at the 
front, seeks forgiveness and proposes a secret marriage, but Jeannette 
remains obdurate. The old Marquis, prostrated by grief and fury at 
Jeannette's departure, falls seriously ill. His son hastens to him, only 
to be told that nothing can save the old man but the sight of Jeannette. 
The old Marquis conjures his son to persuade her to come back and 
keep her promise of marriage. Otherwise he will die. Torn between 
love and filial affection, the young man pleads for his father. Sick with 
loathing at the idea, Jeannette yet consents to sacrifice her life's happi- 
ness at her lover's request. She signs a marriage contract and is prepared 



F. C. GREEN 313 

to go on with the ceremony. The denoument comes as a surprise to the 
reader as to the lovers. The old Marquis casts aside his rdle of sick man 
and tells them that he was only testing the quality of Jeannette's love 
for his boy. They are happily married. 

Such is the plot of La Paysanne parvenue. De Mouhy's theme is 
very vaguely that of Marivaux in his Paysan parvenu, but the treat- 
ment is quite original. There is no other point of contact between these 
two novels, and it can only have been the similarity of title which led 
the writer of the article in Larousse to speak of La Paysanne parvenue 
as a 'pendant' to Le Paysan parvenu. The same writer gives 1735 as 
the date of de Mouhy's novel. Assuming this to be correct, de Mouhy's 
Paysanne must have been published before the five parts of Marivaux's 
Paysan parvenu (1735-1736). It is worth remarking that de Mouhy is 
extraordinarily frank as to his debt to Marivaux's Marianne, a debt which 
is, in my opinion, exaggerated, but which he naively and generously 
acknowledges 1 . 

De Mouhy's work, like Marivaux's, represents the reaction against 
the romance of the seventeenth century, in particular the artificial type 
of novel of 'passion' with its impossible coincidences and factitious local 
colour, as popularised by Madame d'Aulnoy. Indeed he makes one of 
his minor characters owe her ruin to the influence of Hy polite, 'lecture 
dangereuse pour la jeunesse et qui prepare le coeur a recevoir de tendres 
impressions.' His merit as a novelist lies in his natural presentation of 
contemporary manners, his gift for portraiture and a feeling for nature 
quite remarkable for his time. 

The social picture offered by Marivaux in Marianne and Le Paysan 
parvenu is admittedly excellent, but it is vague and blurred because of 
the author's predilection for a psychological analysis bordering on the 
metaphysical. There is more incident in Le Sage, but his magnificent 
observational powers are too much at the service of satire. De Mouhy 
appeals rather to the curiosity of the average reader, and his mirror 
reflects an average, probable sort of life ; which is, after all, the cachet of 
the novelist of manners. His peasant girl goes to Versailles and is agog 
with excitement. She stops her carriage to feast her eyes on these new 
sights and naively asks Saint-Fal, her cicerone, if this, pointing to the 
palace, is the house he has chosen for her. Her apartments, though not 
quite so magnificent, fill her with delight, and with the eager curiosity 
of a child, she peeps into every drawer and cabinet, gloating over the 
contents. 

1 Tome ii, pp. 195-6. 



314 A Forgotten Novel: 'La Paysanne Parvenue' 

Jeannette lives in the house of a certain family called de Geneval, 
and de Mouhy's handling of this Geneval manage is in most happy, 
Dickensian vein. Madame de Geneval is handsome, though not in her 
first bloom, vain, affected, and possessed of a most slanderous tongue 1 . 
There is a dinner party where Madame de Geneval quarrels alternately 
with her guest, an incredibly obstinate officer, and her husband, an 
indulgent little court official. I emphasise this aspect of de Mouhy's 
work, the beginning of the domestic novel of manners of the type so 
familiar to us in the nineteenth century and first introduced into France 
by Marivaux. The train of everyday life under Louis XV is presented 
as it appeared to the people of Versailles in 1735. The king and his 
court return slowly to the palace after a day's hunting. There is a 
sound of drum and fife, and Jeannette leans from her balcony, eager to 
catch a glimpse of the young idol. She accompanies Madame de Geneval 
to the park, and they join the fashionable throng who have come to see 
the king fishing. 

The art of literary portraiture, borrowed from the novel, was brought 
to a high pitch of perfection by La Bruyere. In his Gil Bias Le Sage 
practised it with what success the whole world knows. Marivaux with 
his delicate but sure touch produced that happy blend of the physical 
and moral which made the success of his Climal, Jacob and Marianne. 
De Mouhy proves himself a worthy successor. His method is to present 
first a vivid physical portrait, the traits of which are so strongly accen- 
tuated as to savour of caricature : he then allows the moral character of 
his subject to evolve gradually through the media of conversation and 
action. This scrupulous attention to minutiae, the photographic method 
as applied to the novel, is characteristic. We seek it in vain elsewhere 
in the French novel of the eighteenth century. Marivaux, Prevost, 
Crebillon fils, Tencin, Graffigny and Laclos do not possess it, and in 
Rousseau's Nouvelle Heloise it is used almost entirely to produce nature 
effects, the one place, I venture to say, where it is least appropriate. 
De Mouhy's novel gains in vraisemblance by the author's passion for 
detailed description 2 . This is a new note in the novel of the period. 
How far we are already from the romance of the seventeenth century 
and the filibusters and corsairs of Courtilz de Sandras and Le Sage ! Yet 
La Paysanne parvenue was written only in 1735. 

Before touching on the question of de Mouhy's attitude towards 
nature, and lest I seem to insist unduly on a factor which might seem 

1 Cp. especially, Tome n, pp. 7 f . 

2 See especially Jeannette's description of her room, Tome n, pp. 1 ff. 



F. C. GREEN 315 

unimportant to students of the English novel, let me quote from M. Le 
Breton's Le roman au XVI lie siecle. Speaking of the remarkable 
absence in the eighteenth-century French novel of any feeling for 
external nature, he says : 

Dans le Cyrus, dans la Clelie, dans la Cleopatre et le Pharamond, le paysage tient 
encore moins de place : il y est egalement fictif et convenu. II y a une allde de saules 
dans la Princesse de Clews et un petit ruisseau : la ligne, la seule ligne du livre ou il 
y soit fait allusion n'est a aucun degre descriptive. Des romans de Lesage, de 
Marivaux, de PreVost meme, sauf quelques touches rapides dans la derniere partie 
de Manon Lescaut ou dans les premiers tomes de Cleveland, la nature est absente. 
Pour Richardson, son indifference a cet egard depasse ce qui se pent imaginer 
(p. 295). 

Turn now to this description of our heroine lost in a wood : 

II etoit bien avant dans la nuit lorsque je revins de ma foiblesse ; une sueur 
froide me couvroit le front, et je ne me relevai qu'avec peine : le silence de la nuit, 
joint a l'obscurite, me saisissoient d'une secrette horreur : le sinistre cri des chats- 
huans, le hurlement des bdtes fauves, et le sillonnement imprevA des etoiles, faisoient 
tout a la fois des impressions funestes dans mon ame allarmee, que vais-je devenir, 
me disois-je en moi-meme ? ou suis-je 1 et ou dois-je aller 1 comment echapper au 
sort qui me poursuif? Tremblante, incertaine de la route que je devois prendre 
j'errois sans scavoir ou je porterois mes timides pas ; le moindre zephir agitant les 
feuilles, m'arretoit et me faisoit tressaillir : il semble que lorsqu'on a peur, on s'excite 
soi-mSme a augmenter les sujets de sa crainte ; je me faisois des fantomes des moindres 
objets que j'entrevoyois ; tantot je demeurois, tantot je fuyois, et puis au moindre 
bruit, je me couvrois le visage, croyant par la echapper a ma frayeur. En passant, 
un hibou me frappe de son atle, je me crois perdue, je double le pas, la racine d'un 
arbre acroche ma robe, il me semble etre arrete par quelqu'un, je jette un cri, je me 
retourne : mais connoissant le principe de mon effroi, je me baisse pour me degager : 
le terrain s'effondre sous moi, et je suis precipitee dans une fosse, (n, pp. 76 f.) 

One feels de Mouhy's sympathy for nature throughout this novel, a 
sympathy which finds expression in the words of Barbe on hearing that 
she is to return to that ' hameau qu'elle aimoit a la folie.' 'Quoi! je 
pourrai voir les champs, le lever du soleil, entendre chanter le rossignol 
et l'alouette et filer a la porte, quelle benediction ! ' And were it only 
for this innovation de Mouhy deserves consideration in any serious study 
of the evolution of the French novel. 

It was Marivaux who first discovered that rich store of ' matieres a 
roman ' which exists in the lower strata of society. The immortal quarrel 
between Dutour and the cab-driver, like de Vigny's notorious 'mouchoir,' 
created quite a scandal among the lettered. De Mouhy boldly follows in 
his lead, save that he seeks his ' peuple ' among the peasants. His 
vignettes of village life are dainty studies. Jeannette's parents might 
have been Pamela's, the same gratitude, nay, servility, towards the lady 
of the manor, the same pious warnings to their daughter to preserve 
her virtue and not aspire above her station. Mme B., however, is an 
ex-lady's maid and has been to Paris, so we cease to wonder at her 



316 A Forgotten Novel: 'La Paysanne Parvenue' 

daughter's shrewdness. There are village lads like Colin, rough wooers 
and quick to suspect and hate the ' fine gentlemen.' The smouldering 
animosity against the Griparts of the day, the accursed tax farmers, 
finds vent in violence as well as in words. Barbe, the old peasant cook, 
is a delightful creation, because de Mouhy lets her gossip on naturally, 
interlarding her conversation with many a pious invocation and garbled 
truism. 

To class de Mouhy as a mere imitator of popular contemporary fiction, 
and to speak of his mediocre literary baggage, is to confess complete 
ignorance of the history of the evolution of the French novel. He has 
certainly borrowed from his predecessors : it is obvious he knows his 
Le Sage and Marivaux. But were not these novelists also imitators ? 
Unfortunately the similarity of title of two of his works to novels by 
Prevost and Marivaux has exposed de Mouhy inevitably to that superficial 
sort of criticism which scarcely penetrates beyond the outside covers. 
We have undoubtedly in this man a novelist who has rendered a very 
considerable service to the novel of manners. His plot — the heroine 
who rose from a humble station and gets on — is not original. Marivaux 
works on the same theme, as also does Richardson. Yet, as M. Le Breton 
points out, so did Le Sage before them. De Mouhy 's originality lies in 
his naturalness and wider sympathy: his mirror reflects the cottage as 
well as the chateau. His character portraiture lacks the glittering per- 
fection of a Le Sage, but, though he has not Le Sage's satiric brilliancy, 
he is vastly more human. His is a greater fidelity to nature. 

Jeannette is not better drawn than Marianne, yet she is more 
natural, more lovable. Unlike Marianne and Pamela, Jeannette is at 
least capable of thinking of other people and talking of other people, 
without that tiresome mental ricochet back to herself. She does not 
pass all her actions in review beneath a microscope, nor does she, like 
Pamela, spend her time shuffling after her lover on her knees. De Mouhy 
had the difficult task of striking the happy mean between the calcu- 
lating little adventuress and the snivelling, servile servant girl. It is 
a marvel that he does steer a clear passage and gives us a heroine who 
is simple and lovable, and it is another that La Paysanne parvenue 
has remained so long ignored. ' Give a dog a bad name ' is apparently 
also true of books and critics. 

F. C. Green. 

Winnipeg, Canada. 



AN EARLY GERMAN ACCOUNT OF ST PATRICK'S 

PURGATORY. 

The Librarian of Trinity College, Dublin, Dr Smyly, has brought to 
ray notice an early German contribution to the literature dealing with 
St Patrick's Purgatory 1 , which tradition associates with an island in 
Lough Derg 2 , Co. Donegal. The text {Catalogue: Press A. 7. 19) is 
printed on two leaves, as reproduced below, and is followed by a woodcut 
depicting what appears to be the appropriate punishment for the seven 
deadly sins. Abbott 3 gives the following description : 

Patricius (S.), Hiberniae apostolus. Uo de fegfeiier sancti patricy in ybernia 
// s.l.a.t.D. Char. goth. 29, 32 1 1. 2 ff. 

F. la (after title as above), (D)As ma aber griintliehen un on alle zweyf- 
// Ends : f. 2a, hett vnd hat innerhalb zwelff jar gelebt. •:• // F. 2 b, picture of souk 
in torment. 

' Franciscanorum Friburgi Brisgaui, 1648.' 

• Sale of imported books by Evans : Feb. 1832.' 

In pencil, ' £1. Is., cost Mr Heber £2. 15s.' 

Covered with a fragment of a vellum MS. containing part of a psalm set to music. 

The two leaves of text have no watermark, and they are bound up 
with covering leaves of a much later date. One of these precedes the 
text and twelve follow. The former has a large watermark — a large 
crown over a coat of arms. The centre of the shield contains a small 
crown and crossed sword and baton. The leaves that follow the text are 
blank, except the twelfth, which shows a watermark consisting of the 
capital letters K R in a large ornamental hand. As these marks do not 
appear in Briquet 4 , this new paper is probably later than 1600. I have 
failed to trace the source of either paper, nor can I connect the type with 
any particular press. It appears to be of the variety known as Schwabach 
and the capital letters suggest a mixed fount, as there are two forms of 
S and D. As in other early printed books, there is an extra character 

1 See, for example, St John D. Seymour, St Patrick's Purgatory, Dundalk, 1918. 

2 Baddeley and Ward, Ireland, Part I, London, 1897, p. 177: 'Five miles north of 
Pettigo and in County Donegal is Lough Derg, an outlandish sheet of water containing an 
island to which from the middle of June to the middle of August pilgrims throng in their 
hundreds. It is called " Station Island" or " St Patrick's Purgatory," and is entirely occupied 
by buildings for the accommodation of the penitents, who are conveyed to it in a ferry- 
boat for (kl. St Patrick, says one account, was here miraculously favoured with an ex- 
hibition of the pains of purgatory — hence the name.' 

3 T. K. Abbott, Catalogue of Fifteenth Century Books in the Library of Trinity College, 
Dublin, and in Marsh's Library, Dublin, 1905. 

4 C. M. Briquet, Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier, 1282- 
1600, Paris, 1907. 

M. L. R. XVIII. 21 



318 An Early German Account of St Patrick's Purgatory 

for r, shaped like a comma with a final hook to the right. It is repre- 
sented below by r. 

The language suggests the second half of the fifteenth century as the 
period of composition and anywhere between Bamberg and Augsburg as 
the place of origin. There is no reason to disagree with Abbott's inclu- 
sion of the work in his catalogue of incunabula. 

Von de fegfeiier sancti patricy in ybernia 

[D]As ma aber griintlichen vfi on alle zweyf? 
lung wissen vfi mercke mug dz ey fegfeiier 
sey vfi eyn helle als dan dye gancz heylig 
geschrifft bezetigt So ist zewissen dz solichs gar tref 
5 fenliche geoffenbaret ist worde jn dem land ybernia 
durch dz gebet Sacti patrici d' dan durch die Schick 
ung gottes in daz selb land cristenliche gelauben da 
zebredigen vfi an zeheben geschickt ward dz er dan 
gar mit grossem vleyB tag vfi nacht volbracht * vfi 

10 thet auch grosse wund'werck in de namen jh'u cristi 
Er sagt in auch von der grossen pein vfi marter die 
man in d' helle vn in de fegfeiier fur die siind leyden 
muB Er verhieB in auch die ubermaBlichen grossen 
frewd des paradeyB ob sy de heylige cristelichen ge 

15 lauben empfienge vfi de genug teten * aber dye gros/ 
sen wund'werck die trewiig d' grossen pein so in vo 
irer siind wegen kiinftig wer Auch die verheissung 
d' grossen frewde mocht dz grob hurt volck von irer 
irrung nit weysen vfi sprach also zu sancto patricio 

20 Du sagst vo grosser marter vfi pein so man fur die 
siind leyde muB ■> auch vo grosser frewd die wir en/ 
pfahen wurde ob wir an xrm gelaubte Nun zeyge 
vnd [read vns] die selben pein vfi freiid dauon du sagst dz wir 
gruntlich vnd'richt werde dz deine wort war seind 

25 so wellen wir dir volge vfi an xrm gelaube Do san 
ctus patricius daz horet was er vor andechtig vnd 
fleissig gewesen * do ward er vil andechtiger mit be/ 
ten/mit wache/mit vaste vfi mit and'n gute wercke 
f. 1 b. darub dz er die vngelaubige meschen durch ein sol* 

30 chen weg als sie begertfi durch die genad gottes zu 
cristeliche gelauben brigen mocht * do got d' almach 
tig seine fle)'ssige ernst also sahe vfi erket do erschin 



G. WATERHOUSE 319 

er im sichtberlichen ? vn gab im de text d' vier ewage 
listen vo einem stecken de man noch hetit auf disen 

35 tag in ybernia hatt vn in eret fur loblich vn wirdig 
hailtumb als billich ist * vn den selben stecken od' stab 
tregt ein erczbischof des selben lads vfi man nent in 
de stab jh'u Darnach ward sanctus patricius durch 
de herren gefurt in ein wilde wustin vn zeiget im da 

4 o ein schetiblete grausenliche grub * vnd sprach also zu 
im Welcher rew vn leyd vmb sein siind hat vn mit 
eine vesten cristelichen gelaube dise grub durch get 
in einem tag vn in einer nacht * der sol wid' dar auB 
kume gereyniget vo alien seinen stinde * aber er mftB 

45 groB pein vn marter sehen so man fur die stind ley/ 
de mufi auch die grossen frewd die de ausserwelte be 
reyt ist * aber er mu6 steet vn vest in de gelauben be/ 
leiben Do sanctus patricius das also sahe vn h§ret 
do bracht er zewege daz ein loblich closter iiber das 

50 loch gebawen ward * dar jiien seid munch Sat Au/ 
gustinus ordes ? vn daz loch ist in de genaten closter 
in de cchor <■ vn dz lyeB Sanctus patricius wol ver/ 
machen vn beschliessen also das nyema freuelich vn 
on erlaubung dar ein geen solt vnd befalhe de prior 

55 den schlussel zft dem loch * Vh zft den selben zeiten als 
Sanctus patricius dannocht lebt do giegen gar vil 
hinein die all gezeiigknuss gaben vo d' grossen peyn 
vnd marter die sie nit allein gesehen * sund' auch em/ 
pfunden hetten * Auch von der grossen frewd der sa,/ 

60 ligen dar durch dan das gancz land ybernia zu cris/ 
f. 2 a. tenlichem gelauben bekert ward * vn darnach wur 

den gar vil menschen hinein schlieffen vnd wie ein/ 
er dauon saget * also saget der ander auch ? vnnd das 
ward also eygentlich geschryben in dem genanten 

65 closter Man findet auch noch lewt die leben od' gar 
kurtzlich gelebt haben die dar jnnen gewesen seind 
Daii es ist ein karthewser czu wirczburg der ist vor 
ein munch zft heilsprunnen gewesen der spricht wie 
er einen Sant Bernharts orden gesehen hab der dar 

70 jnnen gewesen sey dem es dan. der babst der bischof 
vnd sein abt erlaubt hett Vnd der selb munch kam 
eins mals gen heylsprun do hette sie im geren groB 

21—2 



320 An Early German Account of St Patrick's Purgatory 

zucht enbotten * Er wolt aber nitt anders essen dann 
brot vnd salcz Doch zft letst iiberretten sy in das er 

75 ein wenig visch asse die nur in einem wasser gesot/ 
ten waren on alle wurcz vnd ander gemecht vnnd 
wan sie in von dem fegfewer fragten so erschrack er 
alwegen vfi sprach er mocht nit da von rede es thet 
dann grosse not Er mocht auch nye kein frolich ge/ 

80 berde erzeigen vnd sahe alweg als wolt man in von 
stunden totten * Vnd wan sy in fragten warumb er 
alweg so traurig were * So sprach er welcher vnder 
euch nur den zehenden teyl gesehen het das ich gese/ 
hen hab so mocht er sey leptag nit mer frolich wer/ 

85 den Der selb munch ward auch durch gunst seines 
abts ein einsidel in einem wald do er daii ein streng 
hert leben furet * vnnd gedacht alwegen an de gros/ 
sen jamer den er in dem genanten fegfewer gesehen 
hett vnd hat jnnerhalb zwelff jar gelebt* 

The three earliest accounts 1 of St Patrick's Purgatory belong to the 
late twelfth century, viz., 

1. Jocelin of Furness : Vita Sancti Patricii, clxxi and clxxii ; 
written in 1185-6, first published at Antwerp in 1514 (1516?) and 
reprinted in Messingham's Florilegium, 1624, and in Colgan's Trias 
Thaumaturga, 1647. 

2. Giraldus Cambrensis: Topographia Hibernica, Distinctio II, cap. 5 ; 
written 1186-8. 

3. Henry of Saltrey : De Purgatorio Sancti Patricii ', written ca. 
11 86 preprinted in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga,\Q^l '. Henry's text, with 
substantial and unjustifiable alterations, was incorporated by Roger of 
Wendover (d. 1235) in his Flores Historiarum under the year 1153. 
Messingham reprints in his Florilegium a composite account of the 
Purgatory compiled from Henry of Saltrey, Roger of Wendover, and 
David Rothe, bishop of Ossory (1573-1650). This account re-appears in 
Migne's Patrologia, CLXXX, 1855. The only satisfactory reprint is 
therefore that of Colgan. 

Jocelin makes the barest allusion to the Purgatory, locating it on 
a mountain called Cruachan-aigle (now Croaghpatrick, Co. Mayo). 

1 Another De Purgatorio Sancti Patritii is attributed by Trithemius (Chronicon Hir- 
saugiense, 1690, pp. 403-4) to David, an Irish monk who became a famous teacher in 
Wiirzburg and in 1110 chaplain to the Emperor Henry V. This account is lost. 

2 Not ca. 1150, as in the Dictionary of National Biography. See St John D. Seymour, 
op. cit. 



G. WATERHOUSE 321 

Although he resided for a time in Co. Down, probably at Inniscourcy, 
he appears to have been quite ignorant of the traditional association of 
the Purgatory with Lough Derg, Co. Donegal. Giraldus Cambrensis 
fixes it on an island in a lake in Ulster. Having travelled in Ireland in 
1183 and 1185-6, he appears to have been better informed than Jocelin, 
though he had evidently no personal knowledge of the place. 

Neither of these accounts attracted any particular attention. The 
great publicity which St Patrick's Purgatory achieved in the Middle 
Ages is due entirely to an obscure Cistercian monk of Saltrey, Hunt- 
ingdonshire, of whom nothing further is known. 

The fantastic story of the Knight Owen 1 , who is supposed to have 
entered St Patrick's Purgatory in the reign of King Stephen, has been 
translated into various languages. It occupies Chapters iv-xx of 
Henry's work. Chapters I— ill provide a somewhat disconnected intro- 
duction, and the final Chapters xxi-xxv deal with the transmission of 
Owen's story, its credibility and acceptance. The German text under 
discussion is partly a paraphrase and partly a translation of Chapter I, 
which runs as follows : 

Incipit Narratio. 

I. Igitur Magnus S. Patricias, qui a primo est secundus 2 qui dum in Hibernia 
verbum Dei praedicaret, atque miraculis gloriosus coruscaret, studuit infideles homi- 
num illius patriae animos terrore torrnentorum infernalium a malo revocare, et 
paradisi gaudiorum promissione in bono confirmare ; dicebant, ad Christum nunquam 
se conversuros, nee pro miraculis, quae videbant per eum fieri, nee per eius prae- 
dicationem, nisi aliqui eorum, et tormenta ilia malorum, et gaudia bonorum possent 
intueri, quatenus rebus visis certiores fierent, quam promissis. Beatus vero Patri- 
cius Deo devotus, etiam tunc pro salute populi devotior in vigiliis, jeiuniis, et 
orationibus, atque operibus bonis effectus est. Et quidem dum talibus pro salute 
populi intenderet bonis, pius dominus Iesus Christus ei visibiliter apparuit, dans ei 
textum Evangeliorum,' et baculum unum, qui usque hue pro magnis, et pretiosis 
reliquiis in Hibernia, ut dignum est, veneratur. Idem autem baculus, pro eo quod 
Christus Iesus ilium dilecto suo Patricio contulit, Baculus Iesu cognominatus est : 
Quicunque vero in patria ilia fuerit Archiepiscopus, haec habet, scilicet textum, 
et baculum, quasi pro signo summi Praesulatus illius patriae. Sanctum vero 
Patricium Dominus in locum desertum adduxit, et unam fossam rotundam, 
intrinsecus obscuram ibidem ei ostendit, dicens ; Quisquis veraciter poenitens, vera 
fide armatus, fossam eandem ingressus, unius diei, ac noctis moram in ea faceret, ab 
omnibus purgaretur totius vitae suae peccatis sed et per Mam transiiens, non solum 
visurus esset tormenta malorum, verumetiam, si in fide constanter eqisset, gaudia 
beatorum. Sicque ab oculis eius Domino disparente, spirituali iucunditate repletus 

1 For an English version see T. Wright, St Patrick's Purgatory, London, 1844. 

2 Colgan explains that before the great St Patrick (d. 463 ?) there was another St Patrick, 
who died in 457; also that St Palladius (d. 431) was likewise called Patricius. ' Secundus ' 
may therefore be correctly applied to the patron Saint of Ireland. Another explanation 
may be found in the old dispute about the date of St Patrick's death (463 or 493), which 
resulted in the invention of a St Patrick Senior to suit the earlier date. The compiler of a 
Middle Dutch version, Die hijstorie van Sunte Patricius vegevuer (ed. Endepols, Groningen, 
1919) evaded the difficulty by reading Paulo for primo and translated : ' Die grote patricius 
die men seecht den anderen na den apostel Sunte pauwels.' 



322 An Early German Account of St Patrick's Purgatory 

est B. Patricius, tarn pro Domini sui apparitione, quam pro fossae illius ostensione, 
per quam sperabat populum ab errore conversurum : statimque in eodem loco Eccle- 
siam construxit, et B. Patris Augustini Canonicos, vitam Apostolicam sectantes, in ea 
constituit : fossam autem praedictam, quae in caemiterio est extra frontem Ecclesiae 
Orientalem, muro circumdedit, et ianuas, serasque apposuit, ne quis earn ausu teme- 
rario, et sine licentia ingredi praesumeret, clavem vero custodiendam commendavit 
Priori Ecclesiae eiusdem. Ipsius autem B. Patricii tempore, multi poenitentia ad- 
ducti fossam ingressi sunt, qui egredientes et tormenta se perpessos, et gaudia se 
vidisse testati sunt, quorum relationes iussit B. Patricius in eadem Ecclesia notari. 
Eorum ergo attestatione, coeperunt alii Beati praedicationem suscipere ; et quoniam 
homo a peccatis purgatur, locus ille Purgatorium S. Patricii nominatur ; locus autem 
Ecclesiae Reglis 1 dicitur. 

The first twenty-five lines of the German text appear to be an 
expansion of lines 1-7 of the Latin. The next section, lines 25-65 are 
a fairly close rendering of the remainder of the Latin, but the con- 
cluding anecdote of the Bernardine (Cistercian) monk is from an 
independent source, though even here there is a point of contact 
between the two. Henry's second chapter concerns an aged prior : 

Post obitum autem S. Patricii erat Prior quidam in eadem Ecclesia, vir quidem 
sanctae conversationis, ita decrepitus, ut prae senectute non haberet in capite, nisi 
tantummodo dentem unum.... 

Eius enim cibus erat, sal, et panis siccus : potus autem aqua frigida.... 

The German ' Er wolt aber nitt anders essen dann brot vnd salcz ' 
is perhaps only a coincidence. 

There is one striking difference between the Latin and the German 
which suggests that the latter is an indirect, not a direct translation 
from the former. Henry of Saltrey says, ' fossam autem praedictam, 
quae in caemiterio est extra frontem Ecclesiae Orientalem,' whereas the 
German account places the Purgatory in the choir of the monastery. 

G. Waterholtse. 
Dublin. 

1 Probably for Irish redes, a cell. 



Note : Since the above was written, I have been able to examine 
the facsimiles (especially Nos. 205 and 227) in K. Burger's Monumenta 
.Germanice et Italice Typographic!, (Berlin, 1893-1913), and I am satisfied 
that the text under discussion was printed at Augsburg about 1489 by 
either Peter Berger or Johann Schonsperger. 



WILHELM MULLER'S POETRY OF THE SEA. 

The development of sea-poetry in Germany prior to the appearance 
of Muller's Muscheln von der Insel Rurjen (1826) and Heine's Nordsee 
(1826-7) has not been adequately investigated. The lists only include 
the most obvious names ; P. S. Allen, for instance, mentions Brockes, 
F. L. Stolberg, Boie, Goethe, Tieck and Heine ; and to these A. Pache 
adds E. von Kleist and S. Gessner 1 . Gessner, Kleist, Brockes and Boie 
may be excluded at once, for their poetry shows no true appreciation of 
the sea; indeed, one doubts whether three at least of them had ever 
seen it. Tieck's contribution to sea-poetry is one beautiful poem, Livorno, 
which depicts an Italian sea-scape. The inclusion of Goethe's name is 
justified by the two poems Gluckiiche Fahrt and Meeresstille, and by 
some fine passages in the Second Part of Faust. In fact, with the excep- 
tion of Heine and Miiller, F. L. Stolberg is the only poet of those who 
have been mentioned who shows a genuine understanding for the sea. 
Ossianic effects take the place of local colouring and render his presenta- 
tion unrealistic, but he was the first to discern, however inadequately, 
that each sea has its own individuality 2 . But Stolberg is not an 
indispensable link in the development of German sea-poetry. More 
important, are certain later and now forgotten poets associated with the 
Island of Rligen. 

Interest in this Baltic island had been growing since the first half 
of the eighteenth century. The inhabitants gradually awakened to the 
charm of their surroundings, and the island began to attract visitors 
from the German mainland, who were warm in their praise of its beauty. 
This may be partly explained by the general trend of the time: the 
return to nature after the artificiality of the rococo. It was also, no 
doubt, due, as Biese points out, to the improvement of the road from 
Sagard to Stubbenkammer : 

So wurde auch die — damals noch schwedische — Insel Riigen mit ihren blauen 
Buchten und Bodden, mit ihren herrlichen Buchenwaldern und stattlichen Kreide- 
felsen, deren blendendes Weiss mit dem Griin des Laubes und dem Blau des Meeres 
einen hochst malerischen Farbenkontrast bildet, immer mehr das Ziel naturbegeis- 

1 P. S. Allen in Journal of English and Germanic Philology, in (1901), p. 46 ; A. Pache, 
Naturgefuhl und Natursymbolik bei H. Heine, Hamburg, 1904, p. 41. 

2 Cp. Die Meere (C. and F. L. Stolberg, Gesammelte Werke, Hamburg, 1827, i, p. 177). 



324 Wilhelm Mutters Poetry of the Sea 

terter Reisender, besonders nachdem der Weg von Sagard nach dem romantischen 
schonen Stubbenkammer bequemer hergerichtet war 1 . 

Attention was first directed to the geological structure and the 
vegetation of the island, to its quaint old customs and historic remains. 
Histories, geographies and general accounts of Rtigen — which had an 
early predecessor in the Laudes Rugiae of P. Lemnius (1597) — appear 
from 1770 onwards, many of them being only of value in so far as they 
bear witness to the growing interest in the island. The best of these 
works is J. J. Griimbke's Neue und genaue geographisch-statistisch-histo- 
rische Darstellungen von der Insel und dem Furstenthume Riigen, Berlin, 
1819, a book which can still be read with some satisfaction, for, although 
most of the information it gives is statistical and technical, Griimbke's 
descriptions are not without poetic feeling. The work seems to have 
been widely known by contemporary German, and especially Pomeranian 
poets ; Arndt, Kosegarten and Karl Lappe were probably acquainted 
with it, and E. Hoffmann and M tiller certainly were 2 . 

The interest of the scientist in Riigen was soon followed by poetic 
appreciation of its natural beauty and picturesque scenery. Kosegarten 
was the first Pomeranian to sing of the island where he passed the 
greater part of his life ; but his poetry does not convey a very convincing 
impression of his, no doubt, sincere love for Riigen, and we search his 
poems in vain for a more realistic presentation of the sea than that 
contained in the line: 'Wie brtillt das Meer! Wie saust der Wald 3 !' 
However, some passages in his prose works, the style of which is not 
marred by Ossianic influence, show that he was not blind to the beauty 
of his home. Here he writes of Riigen in a simple, straightforward 
way 4 . 

The most gifted member of this group of Pomeranian poets was Karl 

Lappe, whose works are now almost completely forgotten. H. Petrich 

has endeavoured to explain the unmerited oblivion into which he has 

fallen : 

Diesergleich einem gesprengten Granit, deren die norddeutsche Tiefebene rnanche 
hat, ohne Anschluss an einen anderen Dichter, steht auf sich selber. Keine der 
iiblichen Kapiteluberschriften unserer Litteraturgeschichten zwingt, seinen Namen 
zu nennen. Darf man sich wundern, wenn er verschwiegen bleibt 5 ? 

But even Petrich does not realise Lappe's importance as a sea-poet, an 

1 A. Biese, Die Entwicklunq des NaturgefUhls im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit, Leipzig, 
1888, p. 356. 

2 E. M. Arndt, Gedichte, Frankfurt a.M., 1818, i, pp. 12, 46, 71 ; E. Hoffmann, Wan- 
derlieder, herausg. von Fouque, 1827, p. 77; W. Miiller, ed. J. T. Hatfield, Gedichte, p. 285. 

3 Poesien, Leipzig, 1802, p. 200. 

4 Rhapsodien, Leipzig, 1794, n, p. 126. 

5 H. Petrich, Pommersche Lebens- und Landesbilder, Hamburg, 1880, p. 326. 



MARGARET E. A. RICHARDSON 325 

importance which must be emphasised, for he is certainly Muller's most 

distinguished forerunner. 

These Pomeranian poets were nearly all closely connected by ties of 

friendship or family relationship. Lappe passed several years of his 

youth in the house of Kosegarten, who may thus have helped to awaken 

in him a love of the sea. When Kosegarten died, he expressed his 

admiration for him in the lines : 

Der alte Schwan der Lieder, 
Erstummt ist sein Gesang. . 
Doch in sein Grab hiunieder 
Steigt jeder neue Klang, 
Die Asche froh zu regen. — 
Wer Riigens Lob erhebt, 
Soil dem ein Bliimchen legen, 
Der una mit Ruhm urnwebt 1 . 

But, indebted as Lappe may have been to the older poet, his lyrics 
strike a distinctly new note. They are free from the extravagance and 
melancholy of Ossian. His sea-descriptions are descriptions of a par- 
ticular sea, and not merely a vague idea of the sea in general. He 
reproduces the characteristics of the Riigen coast by the introduction 
of local colour and detail. No object of the shore is too minute to 
escape his notice. A piece of amber, a star-fish, or even a sea-fly, has 
its place in his poems. But he was by no means insensitive to the 
grander aspects of the sea ; for the same poet who wrote An ein Marien- 
tvurmchen auf Arkonas hochster Spitze, could also exclaim: 

Dem Staubgebornen beut' das Erdenrund 
Zwei Bilder hoher, tiefer Schonheit dar, 
Den blauen Himmel and das blaue Meer a . 

He loved the bold contrasts of the Riigen coast : the w r hite dunes, the 

blue sea and the green meadow. Like Heine, he tried to interpret the 

language of the waves : 

O, sagt mir, Steine 
Am Meeresrande, 
Mit griinen Locken 
Zierlich gekammt : 
Was spricht die Welle, 
Die urn euch krauselt 3 ? 

In fact, the poem in which these lines occur, Die Rede der Wellen, is a 
forerunner of, and was probably an immediate model for Heine's poetry of 
the North Sea. The picture of the poet, ' der stolze Mensch, der Yiel- 
gewandte, der tiefe Forscher, der Allgelehrte,' listening to the song of 
the waves and trying in vain to understand its meaning, at once recalls 

1 K. Lappe, Sommtliche poetische Werke, Rostock, 1840, i, p. 127. 

1 Lappe, ed. cit., in, pp. 87, 219. 3 Ilrid., p. 197. 



326 



Wilhelm Midlers Poetry of the Sea 



Heine's poem Fragen. A comparison of the following passages seems to 
me to place an indebtedness of Heine's sea-poetry to Lappe almost 
beyond question : 



Lappe. 
Nur wenn am Ufer 
Ein Dichter wandelt... 
In Phantasien 
Der Ahnung sinnend 
Erkennt er staunend 
Bekannte Tone, 
Wie Freundesstimmen, 
Wie einstgehortes 
Verschollnes Wort. 

Heriiber tonen 
Die Wellenstimmen, 
Bald schauertragend, 
Bald sehnsuchtweckend, 
Wie Kriegestone, 
Wie Liebesfliistem, 
Wie Prophezeihung 
Von sel'gen Welten, 
Wie Todesruf. 

O du Wunderreich der Klange, 
Wann der Meersfluth Harfe wallt ! 



Heine. 
Und die weissen, weiten Wellen, 
Von der Fluth gedrangt, 
Schaumt und rauschten naher und 

naher— 
Ein seltsam Gerausch, ein Fliistern und 

Pfeifen... 
Dazwischen ein wiegenliedheimliches 

Singen — 
Mir war, als hort' ich verschollne Sagen 1 . 

Mein Rufen verhallt im tosenden Sturm, 

Im Schlachtlarm der Winde. 

Es braust und pfeift und prasselt und 

heult, 
Wie ein Tollhaus von Tonen ! 
Und zwischendurch hor' ich vernehmbar 
Lockende Harfenlaute, 
Sehnsuchtswilden Gesang, 
Seelenschmelzend und seelenzerreissend, 
Und ich erkenne die Stimme 2 . 



Lappe's prose sketches and essays contain some delicately painted 

pictures of the shore. I quote from Die Begegnungen (Ein Schnellromari) : 

Es war ein schoner Nachmittag im Spatsommer, und die Tromper Wiek lag wie 
ein glatter Spiegel zwischen dem blauen Jasmund und den weissen Kiisten Wittows 
ruhig gebreitet. Kaum krauselte sich auf dem glattgewaschenen Sande, den leise 
schwarze Streifen bezeichneten, ein kurzer Wellenschlag, in dem stelzfiissige Strand- 
laufer nach Meerinsekten herumtrippelten 3 . 

In view of such delicate descriptions of sea and shore in Lappe's verse 

and prose, it would seem as if he might have some share of the distinction 

which Biese claims for Heine : 

Seit der Gudrun rauschte nur selten in der deutschen Dichtung das deutsche 
Meer ; nur wenige, freilich gar schwer wiegende schone Zeilen weiht Goethe im 
zweiten Theile des Faust dem Meer, und so hat Heine das Verdienst, insbesondere 
der Nordseedichtung Eingang in die nationale Poesie verschaft't zu haben 4 . 

As poets of the sea, Kosegarten and Lappe have practically nothing 
in common. The difference between them is far greater than that 
between Lappe and Muller, for both these poets aimed at presenting 
the sea in a realistic way, however varying the measure of their success. 



1 Lappe, in, pp. 197 f. ; Heine, ed. by E. Elster, i, p. 164 (Abenddammerung) ; cp. also 
Der Schiffbriichige (pp. 181 ff.). 

2 Lappe, in, pp. 196 f., i, p. 143; Heine, p. 173 (Sturm). 

3 Poetische Werke, iv, p. 168. 

4 A. Biese, Lyrische Dichtung und neuere deutsche Lyriker, Berlin, 1896, p. 58. 



MARGARET E. A. RICHARDSON 327 

But their poems show wide differences in technique ; Lappe's are typical 
products of the eighteenth century, while Muller's are definitely romantic. 
Lappe was essentially a subjective poet, while Miiller shrank from re- 
vealing his own personality ; he preferred to identify himself with sailors 
and fishers. Faithful to the Volkslied tradition, he reduces the descriptive 
and reflective elements to a minimum, nature being only present as a 
decoration or background : whereas in Lappe's poems nature plays a 
more active role. There are also, as one would expect, marked differences 
in the diction of the two poets. Muller's style is as direct and simple as 
that of his models ; Lappe's is often prolix and rambling. 

Muller's sea-poetry is contained in two collections, Lieder aus dem 
Meerbusen von Salerno and Muscheln von der Insel Rilgen. The latter 
is much the more important ; in fact, his reputation as a poet of the 
sea is largely based on this cycle of poems, which was the literary fruit 
of his short sojourn in Rtigen from July 31 to August 9, 1825 1 . His 
themes are seldom original. Grumbke's work, which Miiller cites in his 
explanatory notes, is the source of several of the poems, and there is 
hardly a fact in them relating to characteristics of the island or its 
people, which that writer does not mention. Griimbke, for instance, 
writes : 

Der Seeadler, oder Fischaar halt sich an den Kiisten auf, der Steinadler horstet 

in den Spalten des Arkonaischen Kreideufers Arkona. Hier ist der ausserste 

Endpunct von Deutschland nach Norden und gross, kiihn und stark, wie einst die 
Altvordern des Landes waren, ist diese Ufergranze 2 . 

And Muller : 

Auf Arkona's Berge 
Ist ein Adlerhorst, 
Wo vom Schlag der Woge 
Seine Spitze borst. 

Spitze deutschen Landes, 
Willst sein Bild du sein ? 
Riss' und Spalten splittern 
Deinen festen Stein 3 . 

Both Griimbke and Muller use Arkona symbolically, the former to 
express the past greatness of Riigen's inhabitants, the latter as the cliff 
on which Germany in her weakness is wrecked 4 . The first verse of Der 
Seehund is a version of the beginning of a popular poem quoted by 
Griimbke 5 . 

1 Miiller travelled in company with Furchau, the author of an epic entitled Arkona, 
which I have been unable to see. 

2 Griimbke, op. cit., i, pp. 126, 50. 

3 Gedichte, bearbeitet von J. T. Hatfield, Berlin, 1906, p. 282. 

4 Griimbke, i, p. 72; Muller's Gedichte, pp. 270 ff. 

5 Griimbke, i, p. 125. 



328 Wilhelm Mutter's Poetry of the Sea 

The poems of Muscheln von der Insel Rugen may be divided into 
three groups: those in which some natural object is used as an illustration 
of a human experience (Die Mewe, Der Feuer stein, Eiersteine, Die Steine 
und das Herz, Himmel und Meer, Der Schiffer auf dem Festlande, Der 
Seehund, Vineta, Der Adler auf Arkona); those modelled on the 
Volkslied (Der Gang von Wittow nach Jasmund, Einkleidung, Brduti- 
gamswahl, Die Braut) ; and a reflective poem (Muscheln). 

There is a marked similarity of form in the poems of the first and 
largest group. Each consists of three parts : the natural phenomenon, 
the human experience and the contrast. Die Mewe may be taken as 
typical. The sailor's mistress tells of the strange comradeship of the seal 
and the gull; how the bird, like a trusty sentinel, watches for signs of 
approaching danger, while the seal sleeps on the soft, damp sand. This 
suggests to the girl her relations to her lover. When he is exposed to 
the perils of the sea, she, like the vigilant bird, would accompany him 
and protect him. Then common sense checks her imagination : she has 
no wings and cannot play the part of the gull. The construction of these 
poems was probably suggested by English models, where the parallelism 
of man and nature, followed by a moral deduction, was equally marked. 
The following lyric of Moore's, which is to be found in a collection of 
English poetry published at Altona, and familiar to Miiller 1 , is typical : 

See how, beneath the moonbeam's smile, 
Yon little billow heaves its breast, 
And foams and sparkles for a while, 
And murmuring then subsides to rest. 

Thus man, the sport of bliss and care, 
Rises on Time's eventful sea ; 
And having swelled a moment there, 
Thus melts into eternity. 

Another of Moore's lyrics, To the Flying-fish*, resembles Muller's still 
more closely in the element of narrative. Here, too, the subject requires 
an introductory note of explanation such as we find in similar cases in 
Miiller. But he avoids the didactic point of Moore's poem, his poems of 
this type being mainly love-lyrics, in which a definite experience is 
associated with a definite person. Miiller felt, too, that, if there is too 
close a correspondence between nature and the human experience, the 
latter fails to hold the reader's interest ; he makes the contrast, rather 
than the similarity, the climax of his poems. The lover's mistress has a 
skin as white as chalk; her flushed cheeks resemble the pale cliffs of 

1 F. J. Jacobsen, Brief e an eine deutsche Edelfran iiber die neuesten englischen Dichter, 
Altona, 1820, p. 59. See p. 329, note. 

2 Ibid., p. 62. 



MARGARET E. A. RICHARDSON 329 

Jasmund bathed in the rosy sunlight. But he remembers that chalk is 
brittle and contains hard flints, whereas the loved one's heart is true 
and kind. 

Miiller was particularly attracted by Moore, whose poems have the 
grace and melodiousness characteristic of his own ; he ranked him with 
the greatest lyric poets 1 . But his literary essays indicate an extensive 
knowledge of English poetry, and although we have no evidence that he 
was familiar with Scott's, it is difficult to believe that the latter's Maid 
of Isla had not some influence on Die Mewe. The Maid's lover is com- 
pared with the frail skiff, battling with wind and waves to reach home, 
and the gull fighting its way to its craggy nest : 

Oh, Maid of Isla, from the cliff, 
That looks on troubled wave and sky, 
Dost thou not see yon little skiff' 
Contend with ocean gallantly ? 

Now beating 'gainst the breeze and surge, 
And steep'd her leeward deck in foam, 
Why does she war unequal urge 1 — 
Oh, Isla's maid, she seeks her home. 

Oh, Isla's maid, yon sea-bird mark, 

Her white wing gleams through mist and spray, 

Against the storm-cloud, lowering dark, 

As to the rock she wheels away ; — 

Where clouds are dark and billows rave, 
Why to the shelter should she come 
Of cliff, exposed to wind and wave ? — 
Oh, maid of Isla, 'tis her home* ! 

Scott's poem lacks the antithetic close which makes Miiller's so effective; 
but it is similarly objective. 

The most beautiful and, as far as form is concerned, the most perfect 
lyric of this group is Vineta. All three poets of the sea, Lappe, Miiller 
and Heine, were attracted by the legend of the submerged city, and each 
interprets it differently. The sad, sweet bells of Vineta rang up to Lappe 
a warning of the futility of human power and splendour; but they 
touched no chord in his own heart. It was his son-in-law Nernst, the 
author of one of the numerous accounts of Riigen, who seems to have 
first read a deeper and more poetic meaning into the saga. For him 
Vineta embodied the rosy fantasies of his youth, which had since been 
obscured by the greyness of reality. 

1 Cp. his Vermischte Schriften, v, pp. 249-261, especially p. 259 : ' Die Irish Melodies 
konnen nur von einem dem lyrischen Geiste des Irlanders verwandten Dichter ubertragen 
werden; und zwar wird diese Ubertragung, wenn sie nicht bloss Worteund Formen wieder- 
geben will, sehr frei sein mussen. Wir machen auf einige Proben einer solchen freien 
tjbersetzung von Schmidt von Liibeck aufmerksam, welche Jacobsen in seinen " Brief en 
liber die neuesten englischen Dichter" mitgetheilt hat.' 



330 Wilhelm Miiller s Poetry of the Sea 

Ach ! es ist untergegangen das Eden der ausschweifenden Knabenfantasie ! 
tJber das bliihende Vineta, das der unerfahrne J tingling so zuversichtlich auf den 
leichten Sand der Zukunft grtindete, schlagt das kalte Gewasser der Wirklichkeit 
zusammen, und begrabt es in seine tiefsten Tiefen. . . . Nur zuweilen siebt er noch, 
wie der Ostseeschiffer bei Vineta, die Strassen der Wonnestadt, stosst auf die Ring- 
mauern derselben, und ist in Gefahr zu scheitern ; bort wobl gar die Glocken der- 
selben, dumpf zusammen weinen, und ihm ist's, als lauteten sie ihm schon zu Grabe 1 . 

To Miiller Vineta brought a different message. The turrets of the 
sunken city, glimmering at sunset with a fatal fascination % under the 
water, were to him memories of a lost love. When he hears the bells of 
Vineta faintly pealing, it is as if angels call to him to leave the world of 
reality and enter the old city of romance. His poem, which dates from 
the happiest period of his life, is suffused with the afterglow of his love 
for Luise Hensel, and has that subtle sweetness which clings to the 
remembrance of a passion from which time has taken the sting of dis- 
appointment. It is one of the few subjective poems Miiller ever wrote ; 
for once he casts off his disguise of sailor or peasant and reveals his true 
self. 

Heine's picture of Vineta in Seegespenst, written during the summer 
of 1825, could not have been suggested by Midler's poem, which first 
appeared in 1826. Although written independently of each other, See- 
gespenst and Vineta are not unlike in their conclusions : both poets all 
but yield to the sweet persuasion of the bells and abandon the world for 
the old wonder-town. Later, Heine quoted a verse of Mliller's poem in 
the following passage, which is clearly written under its influence: 

Man sagt, unfern dieser Insel, wo jetzt nichts als Wasser ist, batten einst die 
schonsten Dorfer und Stadte gestanden, das Meer babe sie plotzlich alle tiber- 
scbwemmt, und bei klarem Wetter sahen die Schiffer noch die leuchtenden Spitzen 
der versunkenen Kirchthurme, und mancber habe dort in der Sonntagsfruhe sogar 
ein frommes Glockengelaute gehort. Die Geschichte ist wahr ; denn das Meer ist 
meine Seele — 

Eine schone Welt ist da versunken, 

Ibre Trummer blieben unten stebn, 

Lassen sich als goldne Himmelfunken 

Oft im Spiegel meiner Traume sehn. 
Erwachend bore icb dann ein verhallendes Glockengelaute und Gesang beiliger 
Stimmen — Evelina 2 ! 

The originality of the Muscheln von der Inseln Rilgen lies in setting 
rather than in theme or technique. Miiller grafted the sea-poem on to 
the German Volkslied, where the sea is rarely mentioned ; he introduced 
the sea as background into poems modelled on the popular lyric, the 
shore taking the place of the green meadow, the white dunes of the 
mountains, the gull of the nightingale. 

1 K. Nernst, Wanderungen durch Rilgen, herausg. von L. T. Kosegarten, Dusseldorf , 
1800, p. 69. 

2 Die Nordsee, in (Samtliche Werke, ed. E. Elster, in, p. 102). 



MARGARET E. A. RICHARDSON 331 

True to the spirit of the Volkslied is Der Gang von Wittow nach 

Jasmund. As the landscape in the former, so here the sea-scape is 

depicted in a few pregnant, suggestive words : 

Verdammte lange schmale Heide !- 
Zu beiden Seiten brummt das Meer, 
Versteckt in einem Aschenkleide, 
Senkt sich der Himmel tief und schwer. 

Nature and man are in harmony. The contrast between the barren, 

desolate heath of Jasmund, where the good-for-nothing lover is obliged 

to hew stones, and fruitful, smiling Wittow, where his mistress awaits 

him, may be easily paralleled in the German Volkslieder. 

The two ' Maskenlieder,' Brautigamswahl and Die Braut, differ in 

theme and technique from the other poems of this group. The subject 

is the same as that of Miiller's earlier cycles, Die schone Mullerin and 

Die Winterreise, the despair of an unfortunate lover; but conception and 

treatment are now more original. Formerly the girl's inconstancy was 

the cause of the catastrophe ; in these poems the merciless sea brings 

about the final calamity. Brautigamswahl tells how the sailor's mistress 

awaits the return of her lover ; Die Braut, how, after her lover's death, 

she is forced by her mother to accept another suitor 1 . The motive of the 

sailor drowned at sea may possibly have been suggested by English 

poems such as Black-eyed Susan 2 , a ballad that had been frequently 

translated, by Boie and others, into German. Few of Miiller's lyrics 

have the emotional depth of these two poems; the bitterness of the 

closing verse of Die Braut almost recalls Heine : 

In die Kirche soil ich — nun, ich will ja kommen, 
Will mich fromm gesellen zu den andern Frommen. 
Lasst mich am Altare still voriiberzieben, 
Denn dort ist mein Platzchen, wo die Witwen knieen. 

The Muscheln von der Inset Riigen takes its name from the intro- 
ductory poem : Muscheln, which strikes the keynote of the cycle. 
Miiller's muse is a shy fisher-maiden who is overawed by the wonders 
of the sea. As long as the storm rages she cowers in a fisherman's hut, 
exciting the mirth of her companions, who make light of her terror and 
continue plaiting their baskets unperturbed. But after the storm has 
abated and the sea is smooth again, she ventures barefoot over the damp, 
soft sands, and gathers dainty shells for a wreath. As the fisher-girl her 

1 In this poem Miiller repeats a motive he had used in Die schone MUllerin, namely, 
that, when the lover is drowned, and the waves flow over him, the girl's kerchief shall 
cover his face. The same motive was used later by J. Mosen in his Halund der Junge 
(Gedichte, Leipzig, 1843, p. 231). 

2 The influence of this ballad is plainly discernible on Miiller's poem, Liebchen iiberall 
[Gedichte, p. 170). 



332 Wilhelm Mutter's Poetry of the Sea 

shells, so the poet loved the tiniest objects of the shore; he was, like 

Lappe, more often inspired by these than by the sea itself. Like this 

fisher-maid, who comes from inland, Mliller preferred the sea in its 

calmer moods. His genius was not of a bold, daring kind, and the wilder, 

more daemonic aspects of nature did not attract him. He was too happy 

and contented to detect the note of tragedy in the song of the waves ; 

that could only be heard by a Heine who himself had been wrecked by 

the storms of life. At the same time, Muscheln is one of the few poems 

in which there is a suggestion of the freedom and the vastness of the 

ocean. Its breadth and grandiosity dwarf the other lyrics of this group. 

Nature is not, as in the poems modelled on the Volkslied, introduced 

merely as background or illustration ; the poet aims at presenting the 

sea itself, and the human element is of secondary importance. The poem 

is symmetrically constructed, each strophe depicting a contrasting mood 

of the sea. It has much, too, in common with Heine's Nordsee : the 

masterly personification of the waves, the contrast between storm and 

calm, and the similar staffage, ship, fisher-girls and hut. The opening 

picture of the ship fighting with wind and waves well bears comparison 

with a poem like Heine's Gewitter : 

Es braust das Meer, die Wogenhaupter schaumen, 
Die Brandling stiirmt die Burg des Felsenstrandes, 
Und mit dem grossen Orlogschiffe treiben 
Die Wind' und Wellen ihre wilden Spiele, 
Wie Kinder mit dem leichten Federballe 1 . 

Mliller's interpretation of the sea in these poems is fresh and breezy as 
the sea itself; in its essential realism it is totally unlike that of the 
earlier Romantic poets. They preferred to see it in the subdued melan- 
choly of a misty Turneresque sea-scape, or it was for them a treasure- 
house of fantastic things, the abode of nixies and mermaids; a refuge 
from the philistinism of the world, it was always beckoning them to 
descend into its cool depths. 

The Lieder cms dem Meerbusen von Salerno, which belong to an 
earlier date than the Muscheln von der Insel Riigen, have much less 
originality and do not call for much comment. They present a complete 
contrast to the Muscheln in tone and colouring. Instead of the cold, 
grey-blue scenery of the north we have here the glowing colours of the 
South Italian sea-scape; the almost excessive realistic detail of the 

1 Cp. Goethe's Seefahrt : 

Vor seinem starren Wiithen 
Streckt der Schiffer klug die Segel nieder, 
Mit dem angsterfiillten Balle spielen 
Wind und Wellen. 



MARGARET E. A. RICHARDSON 333 

northern poems gives place to a background altogether lacking in indi- 
viduality and definition. Compared with the Rugen songs, those of the 
Italian collection are trivial and superficial ; there is no probing into the 
emotions. Their leit-motif is the trifling dalliance of fisher-lad and fisher- 
maiden, who, with a levity unknown to the stolid, naive characters of 
Des Knaben Wunderhorn, regard love as a pastime, an opportunity for 
the display of wit and repartee. 

The southern atmosphere of the Lieder aus dem Meerbusen von 
Salerno is created rather by the introduction of motives drawn from 
Italian folk-song than by local colour. Particularly characteristic of the 
canto popolare is, for instance, the close association of the sea with love. 
The heart sails over the waters like a skiff: 

E in' hai lassato e 1' hai fatto il dovere. 
Di te non mi dovevo innamorare : 
Ero nel mare, e vedevo le vele ; 
Vedevo lo mio amore navigare ; 
Ero nel mare, e vedevo lo foco ! 
II nostro amore era per durar poco. 
Ero nel mare e vedevo la fiamma. 
Vedevo il nostro amor, fuoco di paglia 1 . 

The same idea recurs in M tiller's poems : 

Nur mein Herz will nimmer 
Mit zur Ruhe gehn. 

In der Liebe Fluthen 
Treibt es her und hin, 
Wo die Stiirme nicht ruhen, 
Bis der Nachen sinkt 2 . 

Es schwimmen auf den Wogen 
Viel Schiffe gross und klein : 
Ich kann nicht mit euch fahren, 
Mein Nachen sank mir ein 3 . 

Auf diesem Liebesmeere 
Wo wird die Ruhstatt seiu 1 
Entweder an deinem Herzen, 
Ach, oder im Grabe mein 4 ? 

In keeping with the spirit of the Italian folk-song is the motive that 
the heart leaves the lover's body in order to reach the object of its 
affections : 

Giro e rigiro, e non posso trovare, 

Misero ! quel cor mio, che 1' ho perduto. 

N ho dimandato a certi marinari 

Se mai per sorte 1' avesser veduto 5 . 

1 Canti popolari, raccolti e illustrati da N. Tommaseo, Venice, 1841, i, p. 328. 

2 Die Meere (Gedichte, p. 239). 

3 Schifferreigen (Ibid., p. 242). * Doppelte Gefahr (p. 243). 
5 Canti popolari, i, p. 111. 

M.L.R.XVIII. 22 



334 Wilhelm Midler's Poetry of the Sea 

Similarly, in Das ftotte Herz the fisher-boy describes his heart as 

following his mistress's skiff through the waves : 

Fischerin, du kleine, 

Schiffe nicht alleine 

In das grosse Meer ! 

Hinter dir hergezogen 

Kommt schon mein Herz durch die Wogen 1 . 

A recurrent motive of this group, which is possibly also of Italian 

'origin, is the reflection of rosy cheeks in water or wine ; and we find it 

again in a later cycle, Die schone Kellnerin von Bacharach 2 . On the 

other hand, the idea in Die glilckiiche Fischerin of the fish striving to be 

»caught when the fisher-maid is near, which might well have come from 

some Italian folk-song, occurs in a German Volkslied in Hagen and 

Biisching's collection : 

Wenn Hannchen sanft am Ufer runt, 
Da fischt's sich noch einmal so gut ; 
Da drangt ins Netz sich gross und klein, 
Als wollt'n sie alle gefangen sein 3 . 

On the whole, the Italian influence on Mtiller — and it was probably 
more extensive than is generally recognised 4 — was not favourable to 
Miiller's development as a lyric poet ; it tempted him to substitute for 
his own sincere and unvarnished emotion, an insincere artificiality, 
which often reminds us unpleasantly of the anacreontic poetry of the 
previous century. 

Margaret E. A. Richardson. 

Swansea. 



1 Gedichte, p. 239. Mtiller repeats this motive in two poems in the Muscheln von der 
Insel Riigen, namely, Die Mewe and Die Steine und das Herz. 

2 The motive also appears in Rtickert's Sicilianen (Gesammelte Gedichte, Erlangen, 
1836-38, ii, p. 314), which supports the view that it may be of Italian origin. 

3 Sammlung deutscher Volkslieder, Berlin, 1807, p. 137. 

4 P. S. Allen, in the article already quoted, suggests some Italian borrowings in poems 
outside the present cycle. 



MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 

Notes on Chaucer. 
I. 

Ne of phisyk, ne termes queinte of lawe. 

(Shipman's Prologue, B. 1189.) 
In his Oxford edition of Chaucer Professor Skeat prints this line : 
Ne phy sices, ne termes queinte of lawe, and his note (p. 731) is as follows: 
'Most MSS. phislyas) Sloane, phillyas ; Ln. [Lansdowne 851] fisleas; 
read physices, i.e. physices liber.' But in his edition of Chaucer, The 
Prioresses Tale etc. (Clarendon Press, 1906), apparently for metrical 
reasons, he adopts the reading : Ne of phisyk, and appends two notes, as 
under: (1) 'Tyrwhitt reads of phisike; the MSS. have the unmeaning 
word phislyas ; Sloane MS. phillyas.' (2) 'I do not know that Tyrwhitt 
had any authority for reading of phisike here, but it recommends itself 
to one's common sense at once, as nothing can be made of the readings 
of the MSS.' Skeat's proposal to read ne of phisyk seems to have been 
generally accepted; see, e.g. the Globe edition of the Works, and 
Pollard's edition of the Tales (Macmillan, 1907). 

I write this from a mofussil station in India, with but a scanty 
library of authorities at hand. Nevertheless may I be permitted to 
suggest that the MSS. readings here may be retained as not meaning- 
less after all ? May they not represent the Anglo-French filaz = files or 
cases ? 

The meaning fits well the context. The Sergeant of the Lawe was 

an official, not to say an officious, person — 

In termes hadde he caas and domes alle 

That from the tyme of King William were falle 

— one who, we may infer, had been boring the company with the legal 

jargon of his 'files.' The Host, when asking him for his tale, seems to 

hint as much in his rallying way : the ' forward ' is a legal affair, a 

' cas'; the Host himself is delivering the 'jugement.' Then, after the 

tale (from the Anglo-Norman French) is duly told, occurs, in The 

Shipman's Prologue, the interruption of the Persone. But the Shipman 

will have none of his ' predicacioun ' — his tale will be on different lines, 

and something startling. 

22—2 

/ 



336 Miscellaneous Notes 

But it shal nat ben of philosophye, 

Ne (of ?) phillyas, ne termes queinte of lawe ; 

Ther is but litel Latin in my mawe. 

He is neither preacher nor lawyer. Skeat himself glosses, in the Oxford 

edition, phisyk as = Latin physice = natural philosophy. But this is not 

the usual Chaucerian meaning. Cf. e.g. Knightes Tale, A. 2759-60 : 

And certeinly, ther nature wol nat wirche, 
Far-wel, phisyk ! go ber the man to chirche ! 

As for the possibility of retaining the MSS. forms, see N.E.D. under 
Jilace, an obsolete law term, from A.F. fllaz. Other early forms are 
filas, fylas. An example is given of filas (= file) under date 1434. See 
also under filacer, with variants filazer, felyssour, philaser = a former 
officer of the courts of Westminster, who filed original writs, etc., and 
issued processes thereon. The y in the suffix -yas may be taken as 
marking the length of the syllable ; ya to represent A.F. a is found (see 
e.g. N.E.D. under haras, A.F. haraz). And as for the forms phislyas,fisleas, 
may we not consider the first s in each case as inserted to mark length 
also, on the analogy of words like isle, disner, where the s, though grown 
silent, was sometimes retained in spelling as a sign of length ? 

II. 

In termes. 

(Prologue, 1. 323.) 

If the interpretation of ' phislyas ' suggested in my previous note be 

accepted, may we not thereby establish the right rendering of this 

phrase also, as = ' in legal jargon/ i.e. in Anglo-French or Latin law 

phraseology ? The emphasis is surely on the pedantry or ' quaintness ' 

of the records, on their preciousness ; their preciseness and finish are 

gathered from the rest of the couplet. The latter sense would have been 

better given by the use of the singular, 'In terme,' — as in the words of 

the Host (C. 311) : 

Seyde I nat wel ? I can nat speke in terme ; 

whereas the plural use in Chaucer always suggests clerkly jargon of 

some sort. There are many instances of this : I quote only one {The 

Romaunt of the Rose, A, of Coveityse) : 

[that] maketh false pledoures, 
That with hir termes and hir domes 
Doon maydens, children, and eek gromes 
Hir heritage to forgo. 

That there still seems to be uncertainty in translating 

In termes hadde he caas and domes alle 



Miscellaneous Notes 337 

has been suggested to me by reading Mr A. W. Pollard's note in his 
edition of The Prologue (Macmillan, 1920), where he cites the usual 
interpretation of ' exactly, precisely ' ; he also prints an alternative 
rendering. Neither of these appears to me to bring out the obvious 
meaning. Nor does Professor Skeat's ' He was well acquainted with all 
the legal cases,' etc. 

R. C. Goffin. 
Gauhati, Assam. 

The Word 'Abloy' in 'Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight.' 

Mrs Wright, in her Note under the above heading on p. 86 above, 
has, I think, found the true meaning of the word abloy. I should like to 
suggest that it is not adapted directly from the French past participle, 
but is an example of the poet's habit of occasionally omitting -ed in the 
pret. and p.p. of weak verbs (see a Note on this point in M.L.R., vol. XIV, 
p. 413). The p.p. outfleme (rhyming with queme, etc.), Pearl 1177, is 
perhaps the most striking example of this peculiarity. Another instance 
in rhyme may, I think, be found in Pearl 1061, 'Kyrk J>er-inne wat} 
non 3ete,' referring to the Heavenly Jerusalem. This is glossed by 
Professor Osgood and Sir Israel Gollancz as ' yet,' but the sense is not 
good, and %et is found four lines later rhyming with e, while %ete rhymes 
with e. I should therefore translate it as 'granted, bestowed'; from 
O.E. geatan, getan, with omission of -ed. This would give the required 
rhyme, and a better sense. 

Mabel Day. 

London. 

' The Owl and the Nightingale,' 11. 385, 389-90. 

j>ar a3te men (bo)>) in worre, 



ich fol3i }>an a}te manne, 

an flo bi ni3te in hore banne. (C text.) 

Professor Atkins in his recent edition of the poem makes the following 
comment : ' The idea is possibly reminiscent of that O.E. epic convention 
according to which the raven, the wolf and the eagle are represented as 
hovering around the scenes of battle.' The only passage adduced in sup- 
port of this suggestion consists of some ambiguous lines in the Old 
Norse Sigrdrifumdl. 

A clearer parallel is furnished by the following stanzas from the 
Danish Folkevise ' Kong Sverker den unge.' The quotation is from 
Grundtvig's Danmarks gamle Folkeviser, Tredje Del. Nr. 136. 



338 Miscellaneous Notes 

Stanzas 9, 10 (Version A). 

De vor vel xvin m mendt, 
der de aff Danmarck foer hen : 
der kam icke till-bage igien 
uden tree oc tryssuer fern. 

Emellem bierge oc dale 
der gielder baade ugle oc 0rn : 
der grseder saa mangen encke, 
oc halff flere faderl0sse b0rn. 

Versions B and C repeat the first two lines of this second stanza, sub- 
stituting the word ' raven ' for ' eagle.' 

Here then, in an unequivocal passage, the owl is found in the com- 
pany of the eagle and the raven, hovering over the field of battle. Only 
the wolf is needed to complete the epic group. 

Margaret Ashdown. 
London. 

' The Knight of the Burning Pestle,' Act v, 11. 193-5. 

One of the few unidentified snatches of song in The Knight of the 

Burning Pestle is : 

Come no more there boyes, come no more there : 

For we shall neuer whilst we hue, come any more there, 

sung by old Merri-thought in the fifth act, p. 93, 11. 193-195 of H. S. 
Murch's edition (Waller's edition, VI, p. 226 ; Mermaid Series, p. 405). 

In Pepys's Collection of Ballads, Vol. IV, p. 213, there is a song 
entitled ' The Seaman s Frolick : or, A Cooler for the Captain. To a new 
Tune ; or, Come no more there, etc' The opening lines are : ' Captain 
Robert is gone to sea | and I lov'd him well, and I lov'd him well, | With 
all his merry, merry company ther's them can sing and say.' There is, 
moreover, a refrain from which the tune is taken : 

And shall we never, never while we live 

Come no more there, (?) 
We'l come no more there brave boys, 

We'l come no more there : 
And we shall never, never, while we live 

Come no more there. 

Presumably the refrain belongs to an older ballad, and was simply 
annexed by the writer of The Seaman's Frolick. The ballad is com- 
paratively recent, being No. 226 of Thackeray's list, and should probably 
be dated circa 1665. There is also a copy in the Dance Collection, n, 
p. 197. Ebsworth printed it as an extra on p. xciii of Vol. vni of the 

Roxburghe Ballads. 

A. E. H. Swaen. 
Amsterdam. 



REVIEWS. 

On the History of the English Present Inflections, particularly -th and -s. 
By Erik Holmq vist. Heidelberg: Carl Winter. 1922. xvi+194pp. 

The object of this able dissertation, by a pupil of Prof. Ekwall of 
Lund, is, in the first place, to determine the origin of the substitution 
of -s for the primitive -J? 1 wherever it occurred in verbal inflexions, which 
was in progress in the Northumbrian English of the late tenth century, 
and was fully carried out in the northern dialect before a.d. 1300 ; and, 
secondly, to trace the history of -th and -s as verbal endings in other 
than northern dialects. 

With regard to the origin of the Northumbrian substitution of -s for 
-5, Mr Holmqvist summarily rejects the view of Sweet, that ' the change 
seems to be organic, as there do not seem to be any analogical influences 
at work.' His objection is that the supposed sound-change is without 
parallel in the recorded history of English, and that the tenth-century 
writings in which -s alternates with -S in verbs have always -S in nouns 
such as fostreS, innaft, monaS. I am not sure that this argument is quite 
conclusive ; but the sole evidence for Sweet's theory lies in the difficulty 
of accepting the only possible alternative explanation, which is that the 
-s is due to the analogy of the second singular ; and if this difficulty can 
be removed the analogical explanation will be entitled to preference. In 
the form which this explanation has hitherto assumed, it is open to 
obviously strong objections. It has been usual to suppose that the -s 
first passed from the second singular to the third singular, and thence 
to the plural. The author rightly maintains that it is psychologically 
very unlikely that the third singular should have been assimilated to the 
second singular, which was so much less frequent in use ; and he dis- 
poses conclusively of the supposed parallel that has been found in the 
history of the Scandinavian languages. His own hypothesis is certainly 
much more attractive. He believes that the ending of the second sin- 
gular first influenced the second plural, just as in Latin the prehistoric 
indicative *agite (= ayere) became agitis through the analogy of agis ; 
and that the -s afterwards superseded the -3 in the plural generally, and 
last of all in the third singular. He proposes to test the truth of this 
hypothesis by a statistical examination of the three sets of glosses — the 
Lindisfarne and the Rushworth glosses on the gospels, and the glosses 
on the Durham Ritual — which are the sources of our knowledge of the 
Northumbrian of the late tenth century. In each of these texts we find 
a curious vacillation between -5 and -s, such that from simple inspection 
of any one of them, without actual counting of instances, we could not 

] In Northumbrian MSS. of the tenth century written -$ ; in M.E. often -th. 



340 Reviews 

say whether the writer has more frequently followed the older or the 
newer fashion. Mr Holmqvist assumes as a self-evident proposition that 
the relative frequency of -s will be greatest in its oldest function, next 
greatest in the next oldest, and least in the newest. To me this pro- 
position does not seem at all self-evident. However, it may have better 
justification than I have been able to perceive ; at any rate there is no 
doubt that, if the author's principle be valid, his statistics do afford a 
brilliant confirmation of his (intrinsically very probable) theory. In each 
of the Lindisfarne gospels the percentage of -s is markedly greater for 
the plural than for the third singular, and also greater for the second 
plural than for the third plural. Further (except in Mark, where the 
balance is slightly on the other side), the percentage is smaller for the 
third singular than for the third plural. These are striking results, and 
the actual figures are even more telling than the summary, for the differ- 
ences of percentage are nearly all very considerable. The statistics of 
the Northumbrian part of Rushworth, and of the Rushworth Luke 
separately, tell the same story. If Mr Holmqvist's method be sound, he 
has proved his case ; and even if it be not so, his new theory appears much 
more satisfactory than those which have hitherto been propounded. 

The author's statistics reveal the curious fact that in the Lindisfarne 
Matthew the ending -s is four times as common as -5, while in Luke the 
proportion is precisely reversed ; in John the proportion of -s to -5 is 
twice as great as in Luke, and in Mark a little more than twice. This 
inequality leads Mr Holmqvist to doubt the truth of the common opinion 
that the whole of the Lindisfarne gloss is by one hand. He may be right ; 
the question certainly calls for investigation. But diversity of authorship 
is not the only conceivable explanation of the phenomenon. We might 
suppose that the gospels were glossed in the order Luke, John, Mark, 
Matthew ; the increasing frequency of -s would then reflect the growing 
currency of the innovation. Or, again, it is possible that the glossator, 
being familiar with both the flexional forms, may in the course of his 
work have changed his mind more than once — owing to change in his 
surroundings — on the question which of them was more suitable for use 
in writing. Moreover, it is not absolutely certain that the Lindisfarne 
glosses were not copied from some earlier glossed MS., or even from 
more than one. Perhaps the results of future inquiry on this point may 
alter the complexion of the whole problem. 

The discussion of the origin of the ending -s in tenth-century Nor- 
thumbrian occupies only the first of the ten chapters of which the 
dissertation consists. The interest of this first chapter has seemed to 
me to justify an extended notice. Of the remainder of the work, treating 
of the later history of -s and -th in the present indicative, it may be 
sufficient to say that it is careful and methodical, and contains much 
that will be useful to students of historical grammar. If Mr Holmqvist's 
inquiries have not been very fruitful of positive general conclusions, that 
is due mainly to the imperfection of the accessible evidence; though it 
might have been better if he had not omitted to deal with the history 
of the plural in -en (and the modern uninflected plural), with which the 



Reviews 341 

history of the other plural endings is intimately involved. It is worth 
mention that the author incidentally gives good reasons for rejecting the 
current opinion that The Earliest English Prose Psalter is in the West 
Midland dialect. 

Henry Bradley. 
Oxford. 

Zum Nebenakzent beim altenglischen Nominalkoynpositum. Von Bruno 
Borowski. Halle : M. Nieineyer. 1921. 162 pp. 

The general rule for the accentuation of noun-compounds in Old 
English is that the principal accent falls on the stressed syllable of the 
first component word, and the secondary accent on that of the second. It 
is generally recognised that this rule has important exceptions, and that 
when a binominal compound receives the addition of a third element its 
accentual rhythm usually undergoes change. The conditions of incidence 
of the secondary accent in noun-compounds, however, have not hitherto 
been fully investigated. Dr Borowski's discussion of the subject is ex- 
traordinarily complete, and extends to various related problems of morpho- 
logy. His inquiry is based almost wholly on the phenomena observable 
in the prose texts, such, e.g., as change of vowel-quality in unstressed 
syllables, presence or absence of thematic or connecting vowels, contrac- 
tions, and the like ; metrical evidence being appealed to only in the 
second place. Perhaps few of his conclusions, so far as they are new, are 
quite indisputable ; but he shows a commendable sense of the insecurity 
of most of the accessible evidence ; and, in any case, the careful collec- 
tion and analysis of the data has its value. One of the most ingenious, 
but at the same time least convincing of his suggestions is that in pre- 
historic O.E. the compounds of those i stems that were oxytone in 
pre-Germanic may have had a ' Nebenton ' on the i of the first element, 
as well as a stronger ' Nebenakzent ' on the second element. The facts 
seem to admit of a simpler explanation. Another point that invites 
question is that the author assumes, without argument or answer to 
objections, that -an must be classed with -or and -um as a heavy ending, 
capable of attracting the secondary accent to itself. As Dr Borowski is an 
alumnus of Leipzig, it is not surprising that he has something (though 
in fact very little) to say about results of ' Schallanalyse,' vouched for 
by the usual avrbs e</>a. The attitude of the Leipzig school on this 
matter is disquieting to many who have no lack of reverence for one of 
the greatest of living scholars. Considering the great difficulties of the 
investigation, this essay contains a surprising number of new results 
that are at least entitled to respectful consideration. The ability which 
it displays justifies very high expectations with regard to the author's 
future work. 

There is an odd slip in the list of ' Corrections and Additions.' The 
reader is bidden to correct ' Plantinus-Gloss ' into ' Plautinus-Gloss.' 
Second thoughts are not always best ! 

Henry Bradley. 

Oxford. 



342 Revieivs 

The Owl and the Nightingale. Edited with Introduction, Texts, Notes, 
Translation and a Glossary, by J. W. H. Atkins. Cambridge : 
University Press. 1922. xc + 231pp. 16s. 

This volume is likely long to hold the field as the most elaborate 
edition of a remarkable poem, and therefore as a landmark in English 
literary history. With the more strictly philological side of Professor 
Atkins's work I am frankly unable to deal as it deserves ; I can only here 
record an impression of the same minute and conscientious care which is 
traceable in the rest of the volume, and of occasional notes which are 
enlightening even to the unphilological mind ; e.g. that on the rhyme 
Rome — dome (11. 745-6). The majority of readers will probably be most 
interested in that which has most interested me — the elaborate intro- 
duction of 89 pages, the vocabulary, and the translation which, for the 
first time, enables even the man in the street to judge of the general 
effect of this poem and its place in medieval literature. 

Here I am not ashamed to confess a strong sense of personal en- 
lightenment. Never having read the poem easily and fluently before, 
I had never done it justice; and I have met others, eager students of 
medieval English in general, who found it difficult to accept the poem 
at the valuation current among better-equipped critics, but who (let us 
hope) may now follow a similar line of conversion. Yet, even now, that 
conversion may not be complete. Professor Ker has indeed described this 
poem as 'the most miraculous piece of writing... among the medieval 
English books.' Professor Atkins himself, on pp. lxxiii, lxxiv and lxxxix 
of his introduction, speaks of it as 'one of the finest achievements in 
English medieval literature. . .a piece of art amazingly put together,' 'the 
expression of a unique personality... that the work gives proof of genius 
as well as the highest art is a fact that will be conceded by all who know 
the poem.' But we may ask ourselves : Will these judgments hold their 
ground fifty years hence, or do they still smack of the enthusiasm of a 
comparatively new discovery ? We would suggest one simple test ; Pro- 
fessor Atkins says, coming to details : ' The arguments are marshalled 
in effective fashion, and the reader need never be in doubt as to where 
the main issue lies.' But is this praise consistent with the fact, so em- 
barrassing to the generality of students, that no two editors have yet 
agreed as to what exactly either Owl or Nightingale is driving at ? 
Many readers may look upon it as one of Professor Atkins's best titles to 
our gratitude that he has gone far more fully into this subject than his 
predecessors, and formulated a more detailed and intelligible theory of 
the author's drift; but we should not here be so grateful if we had not 
a good deal to be thankful for. Is it hypercritical to suggest that, even 
when we are dealing with 1200 a.d., we must deduct a good deal from 
the literary value of a poem which tells its own tale, in many ways, so 
obscurely ? For there is no question here of inherent metaphysical diffi- 
culties or heights of mystic speculation ; if Professor Atkins is right 
(and I think he is) it was a comparatively simple thesis that each bird 
had to develope. Personally, I rise even from this present edition with 



Reviews 343 

the feeling that we have here an author writing under the domination 
of literary conventions which were often false and wearisome — that a 
great deal of what is best in him, though admirable under the circum- 
stances, does not really take a very remarkable place in the general 
pageant of world-literature — in other words, that he is a far more 
interesting figure to the literary historian than to the reader in search 
of good and stimulating poetry. If a modern peasant gave us to-morrow 
the modern equivalent of the cuckoo-song or Blow, Northern Wind, we 
should be charmed; if he gave us another Owl and Nightingale in 
modern English, would he secure anything like the same success ? 

Again, is the poem really comparable to another of its own time, 
Reynard the Fox ? When the editor writes that the author of The Owl 
and the Nightingale ' has made use of popular material, out of which was 
subsequently to emerge the great animal epic of the Middle Ages,' have 
We not here a serious anachronism ? We have evidence that the Reynard 
cycle was popular at least as early as 1112 ; it was probably familiar 
even to the grandfather or great-grandfather of our English poet ; and 
I cannot but think, even after the great help which Professor Atkins has 
given us, that the greater popularity of Reynard is in rough proportion 
to its greater literary merit. 

G. G. Coulton. 

Cambridge. 



The Tragedy of Sir John Van Olden Bamavelt. Edited by Wilhelmina 
P. Frijlinck. Amsterdam : H. G. van Dorssen; London: H. Milford. 
8vo. 1922. clx + 119pp. 7s. 6d. 

This valuable edition of a fine play first brought to light by Mr A. 
H. Bullen is a doctoral dissertation of the University of Amsterdam. It 
aims at giving an exact reproduction of the MS. (B.M. Add. 18,653) and 
includes the many passages which Sir George Buc caused to be deleted. 
These were not given in Mr Bullen's edition. In a very full Introduction 
the editor discusses the date and stage-history of the play, its sources 
(including some now pointed out for the first time), the distribution of 
the scenes between Fletcher and Massinger to whom the authorship has 
been given by pretty general agreement, the play's place in dramatic 
history, its value from an aesthetic and an historical point of view, the 
translations which have been made of it, etc. 

Miss Frijlinck gives to Massinger Act I, Scs. 1, 2, Act II, Sc. 1, Act in, 
Scs. 2, 5, Act iv, Scs. 4, 5, Act v, Sc. 1 (except 11. 2659-2699), the rest 
to Fletcher, except Act ill, Sc. 3, which she thinks may be by a third 
hand. This distribution agrees in the main with that arrived at by other 
critics. 

Some observations of my own, so far as they go, also confirm it. I 
made a list of lines with a heavy hypermetrical syllable (e.g. 1. 490 : ' I 
dare not terme them equall and but waigh well '). Such examples are 
also found in 11. 1047, 1081, 1111, 1136, 1561, 1813, 2004, 2907. All 
these lines fall into scenes assigned to Fletcher. I also noted cases in 



344 Reviews 

which a word in -tion has this termination a dissyllable in a medial 
position (e.g. 1. 115: 'what action of his renownd in which'). Such 
examples are also found in 11. 646, 2102, 2223, 2246, 2613. All these 
lines fall into scenes assigned to Massinger. The word ' turnop ' is used 
in 11. 848, 1472, 2844, 'man' (verb) in 11. 456, 1850, the word 'shot' 
= 'aimed' in 11. 365, 1009. All these lines are assigned to Fletcher. 

Miss Frijlinck's Notes are too much devoted to illustrating common 
Elizabethan expressions, and often ignore real difficulties of the text. I 
add notes on a few lines. 

1. 162. 'as I vse this, I waigh you.' Query, 'as I vse, thus' etc. 

1. 212. ' Pagan ' = ' whore.' The N.E.D. quotes two examples of this use, one from 
Shakespeare and one from Massinger. The present line is assigned to Massinger. 

1. 343. This line seems to require the addition of the word ' sencibly,' whatever 
becomes of the next. 

1. 607. The form ' Shellains ' = ' shellums ' ('schema') prepares us to find other 
misreadings in the MS. 

1. 725. 'vnto this [g...t] height.' The missing word seems to be 'giant.' 

I. 727. ' this popular S[ar]ke.' The word is probably ' Snake,' not ' Sharke.' 

II. 807, 808. 'theis new Arminians theis hissing tosts.' I doubt if the word 
' tosts ' contains any imputation of drunkenness. I think it only suggests heat. The 
Arminians are firebrands. Cp. 1. 1010, and ' Hotte as a toste' quoted in the N.E.D. 
from Heywood's Proverbs. 

1. 821. The reference in ' long tayles' is probably to the dress of English ladies, 
not to their talk. Cp. N.E.D. ' tail ' i, 3. 

1. 849. To the English gentlewoman 'conjure up' suggests conjuring up the 
devil. 

I. 957. ' heavy Marches.' Query, ' heavy Marchers.' 

II. 1017-1020. The sense of these lines is not made any clearer by Miss Frijlinck's 
paraphrase. 

1.1200. 'but would.' Query, ' but t'would.' 

1. 1260. 'prepard.' Query, 'prepare.' 

1. 1476. 'from.' Query, 'for.' 

1. 1540. 'ere I turne Slave to stick their gawdy triumphes.' Query, 'slick.' The 
passages quoted in favour of ' stick ' are not convincing, nor do 1 find any better 
support for 'stick' in the N.E.D. 

1. 1603. Miss Frijlinck's explanation of 'fry' is clearly right. In the light of 
1. 1603 one may even wonder if it is not a corruption of ' fire,' and was first written 
' frie.' One would expect Grotius' words to be quoted unchanged. 

1. 1667. 'a gowne man' surely='a civilian.' See N.E.D. under 'gownsman.' 
The note explains 'gowne' as = ' gone.' 

1.1777. 'Cast.' Obviously, ' Cart.' 

1. 1796. 'has mett his preist' = 'has met his deathsman,' 'has only a minute or 
two to live.' The N.E.D. quotes Kyd, Span. Trag.: ' Who first laies hand on me He 
be his Priest.' 

1. 1835. 'goes.' Query, 'saies.' 

1.1847. 'nor.' Obviously, ' not.' 

1. 1856. ' broke the beds of Mutenies.' Query, ' the bands.' 

1. 2278. ' freely to be dischargd.' Perhaps not ' to be paid ' but ' to be remitted 
or excused.' 

1. 2324. Miss Frijlinck means apparently to say that ' to' (not 'of') ought to be 
' by.' Perhaps 'to ' may stand if it is taken with ' warranted.' 

1. 2452. It seems as if a line was missing after this line and another after 2454. 

I. 2683. The word ' Sir ' seems to belong to the next speech. 

II. 2686, 2687. 'more I beseech yo 1 ' hono 1 ' 8 . Or. take yo r pleasure.' Query, 'now I 
beseech yo r hono™ take yo r pleasure.' 

11. 2726, 2727. ' whip your Edipoll as clenly of and set it on againe ' — ' Edipoll ' 



Reviews 345 

is a humorous substitution for 'poll.' I see no reason for altering it to ' Dodipoll.' 
1 Edipol ' was familiar to all who knew Plautus. 

11. 2738, 2739. ' Pompeis head. Har. the head of a Pumpion.' There is the same 
play on words in Love's Labours Lost, v, 2, 503, 507. 

1. 2750. ' a hanging cause,' 'a cause long pendent.' 

Miss Frijlinck makes a slip in the Introduction, p. Ixxii, when, com- 
menting on 11. 655, 656 : ' when the hot Lyons breath burnes vp the 
feildes,' she calls it ' a striking metaphor taken from animal life.' The 
Lion in question is of course the constellation Leo which the sun enters 
about July 22. 

The Introduction, as is natural in an English book produced abroad, 
has a certain number of misprints or misspellings. This need not, how- 
ever, shake our faith in the accuracy of the text, especially as in this the 
editor has had the invaluable co-operation of Dr W. W. Greg. 

G. C. Moore Smith. 

Sheffield. 



The Influence of Milton on English Poetry. By Raymond Dexter 
Havens. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press ; London : 
H. Milford. 1922. 8vo. xii+722pp. 37s. 

One can well believe that Professor Havens has spent fifteen years 
of his life, even with the help of a skilled assistant for six years of the 
time, over this monumental work. The book extends to 722 pp. and 
implies an amount of reading that is quite prodigious. The author 
speaks of his work with a rare modesty, but it is a most valuable con- 
tribution to the history of our literature in the eighteenth century. 
Part I deals with the attitude of the eighteenth century towards 
Milton : Parts II and III to the influence exerted on poetry by Paradise 
Lost and the shorter poems. More than a hundred closely-printed pages 
are then given to Appendices (A : Parallel passages in Pope, Thomson, 
Young, T. Warton, Cowper, Wordsworth, Keats, which suggest borrow- 
ing from Milton; B: Poems in Non-Miltonic blank verse 1667-1750; 
C : Poems descriptive of places, not known to be Miltonic ; D : Rimed 
technical treatises) and Bibliographies (I — III of poems influenced by 
Milton's various works, IV of eighteenth century sonnets). These 
Appendices and Bibliographies are extraordinarily valuable. The main 
part of the book is not exactly light reading : too many works of small 
value are introduced to us as having some echoes of Milton's language : 
it is however characterised by sound judgment and is in excellent 
English (if we can tolerate an occasional Americanism such as ' aside 
from,' ' back of,' 'almost none,' 'back and forth,' 'belongs with,' 'rooming 
together,' ' a college youth '). The tone is curiously cool : if Dr Havens 
was ever fired with enthusiasm for his author, the feeling seems to have 
passed : ' The wide-spread enthusiasm for Milton's early productions 
and the frequent use made of them seem strange to most of us who 
enjoy the poems, but without rapture' (p. 436). But those literary 
students who make their way through this great volume will be well 



346 B,eviews 

rewarded. It will probably be a surprise to them to find that Pope 
shows a knowledge of every one of Milton's poetical works which is not 
to be paralleled in his age : that the early eighteenth century which 
read and imitated Paradise Lost was strangely ignorant and unapprecia- 
tive of the minor poems : that Paradise Lost owed much of its vogue to 
its religious and biblical character : that the Graveyard School of Poetry 
sprang into existence with no debt to II Penseroso : that Sonnets were 
produced in vast numbers between the time of T. Warton and that of 
Bowles. Dr Havens' analysis of the late eighteenth century schools of 
sonneteering, and especially of the sonnets of Bowles, Coleridge, Lamb 
and Wordsworth, is perhaps the strongest part of his book. He shows 
most strikingly how Wordsworth's Sonnets of Liberty and Independence 
stood out from all that had gone before them. 

It will thus be seen that while Dr Havens treats his set subject ex- 
haustively, he goes far outside it and illuminates many places that have 
lain in darkness. One may regret that on p. 546 he prints a modern 
sonnet, the only such sonnet that he does print, which if it could ever 
have been excused as war-propaganda, ought by this time to have been 
consigned to oblivion. 

G. C. Moore Smith. 

Sheffield. 



L'CEuvre de Swinburne. Par Paul de Reul. Brussels: Robert Sand; 
London: H. Milford. 1922. Svo. 502 pp. 15s. 

The early fame of Swinburne was followed, as is well known, by a 
period of steadily declining public interest. This is the probable ex- 
planation of the rarity and general slightness of the critical studies 
hitherto devoted to one of the most astonishing literary apparitions of 
our time. Swinburne, among the most precocious of modern poets, 
comparatively early in his career gave the impression that he had no 
more to say, and that the significance of what he had said already was 
exhausted; even his unfailingly eloquent music went to a tune which 
everyone imagined he knew by heart. It made little difference that 
most of the old grounds of offence had disappeared. From 1870 he left 
behind him, as Mazzini bade him, the love-frenzy of the first Poems and 
Ballads; in poetic method Tristram of Lyonesse is poles apart from 
Anactoria or Laus Veneris. If he remained a republican, and was con- 
fident that his Arthurian Story of Balen had ' licked the Mort a" Albert,' 
he no longer chastised his country; and the stern reproaches of Perinde 
ac Cadaver had given place to the rabid quasi-patriotism of his Boer 
War Sonnets. In spite of all this, while Meredith, his contemporary, 
and Browning, his senior by a quarter of a century, continued to chal- 
lenge keen comment and discussion, Swinburne's position was that of 
one who no longer presented any critical problem, a man of genius 
certainly, but one whose formula had long