THE MONIST
A QUARTERLY MAGAZINE
DEVOTED TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE
VOLUME XIX.
CHICAGO
THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANV
LONDON AGENTS
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER ft CO., LTD.
1909
B
i
m
COPYRIGHT BY
THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING Co.
1908-1909
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIX.
ARTICLES AND AUTHORS.
PAGE
Abnormal Psychology, A Study in. By Paul Carus 148
Akbar, Emperor of India. By Richard Garbe 161
Amazing Mazes, Some. A Second Curiosity. By C. S. S. Peirce 36
Archimedes, A Commentary on the Heiberg Manuscript of. By D. E. Smith 225
Archimedes, A Newly Discovered Treatise of. By J. L. Heiberg 202
Bagpipe Not a Hebrew Instrument, The. By Phillips Barry 459
Barry, Phillips. The Bagpipe Not a Hebrew Instrument 459
Bel the Christ of Ancient Times, In How Far Was ? By Alan S. Hawkes-
worth 309
Billia, Lorenzo Michelangelo. Has the Psychological Laboratory Proved
Helpful? 35i
Biochemical Conception of the Phenomena of Memory and Sensation, A.
By T. B. Robertson 367
Bussey, W. H. Some Remarks on Mr. Russell's Article, "A Modern
Zeno" 407
Carus, Paul.
Construction of the Straight Line 402
Dr. Edmund Montgomery 631
Esperanto, Ilo and Malay 430
A German Critic of Pragmatism 136
James on Pluralism and Religion 317
A Letter from Professor James 156
The Old and the New (In Reply to Mr. W. E. Ay ton Wilkinson) . . 468
The Philosophy of Personal Equation 78
A Postscript on Pragmatism 85
Prof. John Hibben on "The Test of Pragmatism" 319
Psychology a Domain of Its Own 387
A Study in Abnormal Psychology 148
Choice of Facts, The. By H. Poincare 231
Cornill, C. H. Music in the Old Testament 240
Couturat, L. Experience de double traduction en langue Internationale.. . 432
Credulity, Incredulity, and Immortality. By W. E. Ayton Wilkinson .... 461
De Vries, Hugo. Fertilization and Hybridization 514
Esperanto, Ilo and Malay. By Paul Carus 430
Fertilization and Hybridization. By Hugo de Vries 514
IV THE MONIST.
PAGE
Frierson, L. S. A New Method for Making Magic Squares of an Odd
Degree 441
Garbe, Richard von. Akbar, Emperor of India 161
Greenwood, G. W. A Twentieth Century Zeno 615
Halsted, G. B. Easy Non-Euclid 399
Harvey, Basil C. H. The Nature of Vital Processes According to Rig-
nano 321, 556
Hawkesworth, Alan S. In How Far Was Bel the Christ of Ancient
Times ? 309
Heiberg, J. L. A Newly Discovered Treatise of Archimedes 202
Heiberg Manuscript of Archimedes, A Commentary on the. By D. E.
Smith 225
Heracleitus's Doctrine, Some Current Beliefs in the Light of. By Percy
Hughes 265
Hughes, Percy. Some Current Beliefs in the Light of Heracleitus's Doc-
trine 265
Hume's Natural History of Religion. By Anton Thomsen 269
Hybridization, Fertilization and. By Hugo de Vries 514
Idealist and a Naturalist, Dialogue Between an. By Edmund Montgomery 46
International Language, A Defense of. By O. H. Mayer 425
International Languages, The Future of Artificial. By A. H. Mackinnon. 420
Internationale, Experience de double traduction en langue. By L. Cou-
turat 432
James, Professor, A Letter from 156
James, William, the Pragmatist. By Edwin Tausch I
Kingery, H. M. A Magic Cube of Six 434
Lane, Charles Alva. Montgomery's Philosophy of Vital Organization 582
Leuba, James H. The Psychological Origin of Religion 27
Logan, J. D. Self-Realization and the Way Out 609
Lovejoy, Professor, on "Der vorchristliche Jesus." By W. B. Smith 409
Mackinnon, A. H. The Future of Artificial Languages 420
Magic Cube of Six, A. By H. M. Kingery 434
Magic Squares of an Odd Degree, A New Method for Making. By L. S.
Frierson 441
Magic Squares, Overlapping. By D. F. Savage 450
Malay Not Acceptable (With Editorial Reply). By O. H. Mayer ....... 633
Mayer, O. H. A Defense of International Language, 425 ; Malay Not
Acceptable 633
Memory and Sensation, A Biochemical Conception of the Phenomena of
By T. B. Robertson 367
Montgomery, Edmund. A Dialogue Between an Idealist and a Naturalist 46
Montgomery, Dr. Edmund. By Paul Cams 160, 631
Montgomery's Philosophy of Vital Organization. By C. A. Lane 582
Music in the Old Testament. By C. H. Cornill 240
Nature of Vital Processes According to Rignano, The. By Basil C. H.
Harvey 321
Non-Euclid, Easy. By G. B. Halsted 399
Old and the New, The (In Reply to Mr. W. E. Ayton Wilkinson). By
Paul Carus 468
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIX. V
PAGE
Old Testament, Music in the. By C. H. Cornill 240
Peirce, Charles S. S. Some Amazing Mazes 36
Personal Equation, The Philosophy of. By Paul Carus 78
Poincare, H. The Choice of Facts 231
Pragmatism, A German Critic of. By Paul Carus 136
Pragmatism, Jean Jacques Rousseau a Forerunner of. By Albert Schinz. . 481
Pragmatism, A Postscript on. By Paul Carus 85
Pragmatism, the Philosophy of Personal Equation. By Paul Carus 78
Pragmatist, Wm. James the. By Edwin Tausch I
Psychological Laboratory Proved Helpful, Has the? By L. M. Billia ... 351
Psychological Origin of Religion, The. By James H. Leuba 27
Psychology a Domain of Its Own. By Paul Carus 387
Psychology, A Study in Abnormal. By Paul Carus 148
Religion, David Hume's Natural History of. By Anton Thomsen 269
Religion, The Psychological Origin of. By James H. Leuba 27
Religions, The Classification of. By Duren J. H. Ward 95
Rignano, The Nature of Vital Processes According to. By Basil C. H.
Harvey 321, 556
Robertson, T. Brailsford. A Biochemical Conception of the Phenomena
of Memory and Sensation, 367 ; An Open Letter, 627.
Rousseau, Jean Jacques, a Forerunner of Pragmatism. By Albert Schinz 481
Russell, Francis C. A Modern Zeno, 289; Mr. F. C. Russell Still Demurs 620
Russell's Article "A Modern Zeno," Some Remarks on Mr. By W. H.
Bussey T 407
Savage, D. F. Overlapping Magic Squares 450
Schinz, Albert. Jean Jacques Rousseau, a Forerunner of Pragmatism .... 481
Self-Realization and the Way Out. By J. D. Logan 609
Sensation, A Biochemical Conception of the Phenomena of Memory and.
By T. B. Robertson 367
Smith, David Eugene. A Commentary on the Heiberg Manuscript of
Archimedes 225
Smith, W. B. Professor Lovejoy on "Der vorchristliche Jesus" 409
Straight Line, Construction of the. By Paul Carus 402
Tausch, Edwin. William James, the Pragmatist I
Thomsen, Anton. David Hume's Natural History of Religion 269
Ward, Duren J. H. The Classification of Religions 95
Wilkinson, W. E. Ayton. Credulity, Incredulity, and Immortality 461
Wilkinson, W. E. Ayton, In Reply to. Paul Carus 468
Zeno, A Modern. By Francis C. Russell 289
Zeno, A Twentieth Century. By G. W. Greenwood 615
BOOK REVIEWS.
Annee Biologique, 477, 639
Anthropological Museum of Berlin, Report of 160
Baeumker, C. Witelo, ein Philosoph und Naturforscher des XIII. Jahr-
hunderts 478
Ball, C. J. The Accadian Affinities of Chinese 479
Ball, W. Rouse. Recreations mathematiques 475
VI THE MONIST.
PAGE
Books received 640
Butler, Nicholas Murray, Philosophy 157
Calkins, Mary W. The Persistent Problems of Philosophy 158
Cesaresco, E. M. The Place of Animals in Human Thought 476
Claparede-Spir, Helene. Collected Works of A. Spir 640
Clemen, Carl. Religionsgeschichtliche Erklarung des Neuen Testaments. 319
Cohn, Jonas. Voraussetzungen and Ziele des Erkennens 480
Cook, O. F. Aspects of Kinetic Evolution 315
Deussen, Dr. Paul. Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophic 475
Duhem, Pierre. Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci 639
Gibson, W. R. Boyce. Rudolf Eucken's Philosophy of Life 3*7
Hastings, James, (Ed.) Dictionary of the Bible 320
Hibbcrt Journal 3*7
Irwin, A. M. B. The Burmese and Arakanese Calendars 638
James, William, (In Honor of). Essays Philosophical and Psychological. 159
Kaplan, Jacob H. Psychology of Prophecy 480
Keyser, Cassius J. Mathematics 157
Locy, William A. Biology and Its Makers 639
Mentre, F. Cournot et la renaissance du probabilisme au XIX. siecle . . . 479
Meyer, John Jacob. Hindu Tales 638
Miiller, Dr. Eugen. Abriss der Algebra der Logik 475
Palhories, F. Rosmini 316
Philosophical Review 319
Picard, Roger. La philosophic sociale de Renouvier 316
Pick, Rev. Bernhard. Paralipomena 311
Quin, Malcolm. Aids to Worship 477
Radau, Hugo. Bel the Christ of Ancient Times, 309; Letters to Cassite
Kings from the Temple Archives at Nippur, 635.
Rand, Benjamin. Modern Classical Philosophers 312
Richter, R. Der Skeptizismus in der Philosophic und seine Ueberwindung 478
Roberty, Eugene de. Sociologie de 1'action 478
Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, The New .... 476, 640
Schinz, Albert. Anti-Pragmatisme 474
Schmidt, Jakob. Zur Wiedergeburt des Idealismus 478
Schultz, Julius. Die drei Welten der Erkenntnistheorie 637
Shinn, Milicent Washburn. Notes on the Development of a Child 480
Staudinger, Franz. Wirthschaftliche Grundlagen der Moral 317
Strack, Hermann. Einleitung in den Talmud 319
Thompson, R. Campbell. Semitic Magic 638
Vial, L. C. E. Les Erreurs de la science 479
Vidari, Giovanni. L'Individualismo nelle dottrine morali del secolo XIX. 317
Vidyabhusana, Satis Chandra. History of the Mediaeval School of Indian
Logic 637
Wenzel, Dr. Phil. Alfred. Die Weltanschauung Spinoza's 314
Worsley, A. Concepts of Monism 313
Wulf, M. de. Scholasticism, Old and New , . 159
VOL. XIX. JANUARY, 1909. NO. i
THE MONIST
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST — A PSY-
CHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS.
THE DISCOVERER OF METAPHYSICS AS REFLEX ACTION,
I MUST preface my article by saying that I do not intend
to pour another bucketful of criticisms into the ocean
that is now surging about the rock of pragmatism ; I feel
no call to improve the philosophy of any one. But I shall
be glad if I succeed in understanding Mr. James or any
other philosopher for that matter. For me the only way
to understand a metaphysical system or theory lies in trans-
lating it as far as possible into terms of genetic psychology.
As Mr. James has not yet published his autobiography, the
task is not very easy, and the interpretations offered are,
it is true, largely tentative, but I hope they will help to lay
bare the pragmatist secret.
When I first approached the domain of English phi-
losophy I was struck with two facts.
On the one hand I searched in vain for a single philos-
opher who was counted among the great systembuilders
of international renown. Of course H. Spencer at first
glance seems quite an exception to the rule; but I am not
sure whether he is after all an exception. Anyway the
exception proves the rule.
On the other hand I was surprised to find so many bold
and successful discoverers in the land of darkest phi-
losophy, called metaphysics. It is true, part of these dis-
coveries are still lying about like unused blocks of marble
2 THE MONIST.
—only waiting to be reared in place by the hand of the
great architect. Taking my cue from the dedicatory lines
of James's volume on Pragmatism, I will illustrate by the
discovery of the principle of utility. Although John Mill
was never able to prove the truth of his discovery, and had
to wait for Charles Darwin to furnish the necessary prem-
ises, it is to my mind the one hypothesis which made pos-
sible the scientific treatment of ethics and thus rescued it
from further futile speculation.
Likewise it is an English-speaking thinker who has
discovered the personal equation in all our thought, our
most pretentious critical and empiricist philosophies not
excepted. Mr. James insisted more than twenty years
ago that the difference between the believer in an invisible
universe and the agnostic was a matter of "private per-
sonal appetite" ( Will to Believe, p. 56) ; that "as a rule we
disbelieve all facts and theories for which we have no
use" ( Will, p. 10) ; that "our non-intellectual nature does
influence our conviction" (Will, p. 10) ; or that "pretend
what we may, the whole man within us is at work when
we form our philosophical opinions" (Will, p. 92). Even
as early as the note attached to "Some Hegelisms," he be-
gan abundantly to scatter hints which if followed up would
go to prove the truth of his hypothesis. He traces, for
instance, Hegel's antithetical and synthetical reasoning
to a peculiar kind of abstraction-trance. But although Mr.
James has never elaborated his great discovery into a
psychology of metaphysics, yet we find in his latest book
the hypothesis now to have grown into a theory about our
method of knowing — pragmatism. In the present stage
of its development he is now ready to charge the profes-
sional philosophers with "a certain insincerity in our phil-
osophical discussions" inasmuch as "the potentest of all our
premises is never mentioned," temperament being no con-
ventionally recognized reason (Pragm. pp. 6, 7).
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 3
Now Mr. James distinguishes two kinds of mental tem-
per and accordingly two types of philosophers : the tough-
minded or the empiricist and the tender-minded or the
intellectualist. In which of the two classes shall we place
the pragmatist? Since the tough-minded are "the men
whose Alpha and Omega are facts'' (Pragm., p. 262) the
pragmatist appears to be one of them because "pragmatism
is uncomfortable away from the facts" unlike intellectual-
ism which "is comfortable only in the presence of ab-
stractions" (Pragm., p. 76). Accordingly pragmatism
must be a metaphysical attitude closely akin to empiricism.
If a metaphysical attitude is "our individual way of just
seeing and feeling the total push and pressure of the
cosmos" (Pragm., p. 4) Mr. James appears to consider
it the preference of each one of us in reacting upon ex-
perience as a whole, in short, our private affair.
But it is well to be cautious in dealing with prag-
matism because besides being a metaphysical attitude prag-
matism is still something else. It is also a theory of knowl-
edge newly discovered within physiological psychology,
from which there has been evolved a method to judge
about ideas and hypotheses in a scientific impersonal way.
"On pragmatic principles" or to differentiate more sharply,
as pragmatic scientists in contrast with the pragmatic meta-
physicians, "we cannot reject any hypothesis if conse-
quences useful to life flow from it. Universal conceptions
as things to be taken account of may be as real for prag-
matism as particular sensations" (p. 273). "We cannot,
therefore, methodically," i. e., as pragmatic scientists, "join
the tough minds in their rejection of the whole notion of a
world beyond our finite experience." Thus the absolute
edition of the world is "indispensable at least to certain
minds, for it determines them religiously, being often a
thing to change their lives by" (Pragm., p. 266). Or,
since there are people who interpret Walt Whitman's poem
4 THE MONIST.
"To You" monistically, "pragmatism" let me again differ-
entiate by the definition, as a scientific attitude "must re-
spect this way, for it has massive historic vindication.
But pragmatism" — let me modify again, — as a scientific
attitude "sees another way to be respected also, the plural-
istic way" (Pragm., p. 276). The pragmatic scientist,
then, is not only tolerant, but also a defender of metaphys-
ical hypotheses, even if rationalistic, "so far as these re-
direct you fruitfully into experience." From this point of
view Mr. James may justly object to identifying prag-
matism with positivistic tough-mindedness, to supposing
that "it scorns every rationalistic notion as so much jabber
and gesticulation" (Pragm., p. 266).
This tolerance of the pragmatic scientist, then, allows
two provisional formulations of ultimate truth, the one
excluding the other as its contrary, and thus doing away
with the logician's law of identity. This cannot be Mr.
James's meaning. It smacks too much of Kenan's phan-
tasmagoria of the Absolute who makes us live by illusions.
The Varieties of Religious Experience suggest rather that
there may be several relative truths of equal validity
(though exclusive of each other) because there are several
types of mental constitution among men varying according
to race, environment and temperament. I would like to
call them emotional-volitional truths in distinction from the
intellectual truths of physics or chemistry; and I would
define them as teleological or spiritual truths in distinction
from the mechancal truths which fit the outer aspect of
our experience.
These teleological truths are expressed in the imagina-
tive language of the personal will and, it is true, are valid
only for the individual. They turn from relative into
ultimate truths only by act of the individual will, or to
give Kant some credit in this matter of scientific prag-
matism, by act of "the practical reason." As pragmatic
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 5
scientists we may thus affirm what Bagehot denies, that the
intensity of the emotion is a sign of truth although it is
precisely strongest in those points in which men differ most
from each other. John Knox, for instance, was just as
right in his anti-catholicism as Ignatius Loyola in his
anti-protestantism (James, Psych., Vol. II, p. 308).
But Mr. James may insist that Kant, staking out the
boundary line between metaphysics and scientific philos-
ophy, is "ein iiberwundener Standpunkt" for the prag-
matist. Well, even if the pragmatist is out of harmony
with Kant — even if the former sees in experience but a
universal flux, even if truth is caught only in the verifica-
tion process, I cannot understand why he does not differ-
entiate between the verification process of general mech-
anical truths and of individual teleological truths. The
feeling of conviction attending the former differs from
that of the latter. The former are based on the stable or-
ganization of our senses ; the latter on the changing mood
of our emotional-volitional nature. Their origin, then,
being different, they constitute for me different classes of
psychic phenomena. For even if I appreciate the great
psychological discovery that Kant's practical reason sways
even the function of conceiving, of fixing, holding fast to
meanings — even if I admit that the "conceiving or theoriz-
ing faculty functions exclusively for the sake of ends that
are set by our emotional and practical subjectivity"
(Will, p. 117), I cannot yet see why we should not differ-
entiate between truths when the one class has as its father
the outer or space aspect of things and the other, the inner
or teleological aspect; that they are children of the same
mother "the powers of will" (Will, p. 140), that does not
make them alike.
And it is for this difference in psychic origin and char-
acter that I have here introduced into my interpretation of
pragmatism the distinction between the pragmatist as a
6 THE MONIST.
metaphysician who deals with his own individual teleo-
logical truths, and the pragmatist as a man of science
who attends to the intellectual truths abstracted from the
outer aspect, be it man or atom.
THE UTILITARIAN.
If Mr. James does not admit this distinction to be valid
for him or anybody else that wants to understand him, I
will appeal to the tolerance behooving a pragmatic scientist
that he allow me for once the use of this hypothetical dis-
tinction; I should like to try whether the distinction will
not "work" in probing deeper the psychic origins of prag-
matism.
First, then, the pragmatic metaphysician avows himself
to "agree with utilitarianism in emphasizing practical as-
pects" (Pragm., p. 53). He is a creature of likes and dis-
likes, of abilities and inabilities which finally produce a
number of postulates regarding God, freedom and immor-
tality. He is more precocious than the scientist. The
metaphysician tells us he has always had "a great mistrust
of the pretensions of the gnostic faith." Not only does
he "utterly fail to understand what a cognitive faculty,
erected into the absolute, of being with itself as its object,
can mean" (Will. p. 140) ; but neither can he fathom why
we in our speculation, which the intellectualist demands
of us, ought to "agree" with, or to "copy" the highest reality
without that any good would accrue to us (Prag., p. 234;
Journal of Phil., IV, 5, p. 130).
* # #
I do not know how early in life he began to mistrust
the speculation of those who think they may conquer the
Absolute by reasoning. I should not wonder, however, if
we will be told in the autobiography which the discoverer
of metaphysics as reflex action owes us, that in his boyhood
the question cuibono was the one and all criterion of truth,
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 7
—a fan by which he sifted the wheat of his boyhood phi-
losophy from the chaff of what the boy considered nonsense
or fallacies urged upon him by home, church or school.
It is safe to say that in his boyhood days he must have
been a utilitarian, just as most of us were utilitarians
when boys. Even John Mill, reading Bentham in Du-
mont's Traite discovered his principle of utility when he
was scarcely more than a boy.
But it is not a boy's business to tackle the Absolute.
All I have been able to learn about the Absolute inclines
me to assume that it is a psychic experience which comes
after the emotional storm and stress of puberty during
the first critical half of adolescence. Under the influence
of the Absolute a great many new ideas for a still sub-
conscious system are acquired, and some old ones not with-
out qualms pruned or entirely cut out. All this prepares
the productive second half of adolescence in which youth
struts about as a reformer (MH1, Tolstoy) or delivers him-
self of his World as Will and Idea, his Phenomenology, his
New Theory of Vision, his Sartor Resartus and his Will
to Believe.
For our present purpose it is not indispensable to de-
termine which half of adolescence it was when Mr. James
for the first time asked the question what use there would
be for a God who is an absolute cognitive faculty. It is
enough to see him testify ( Will, p. 140) that the utilitarian
attitude was ready made when later as a student of phys-
iology and psychology he found the only lesson he could
learn from these sciences to be one that corroborated the
convictions acquired before. "From its first dawn," he
continues in the passage referred to, "to its highest actual
attainment we find that the cognitive faculty. . . .appears
but as one element in an organic whole and as a minister
to higher mental powers — the powers of Will." As evo-
lution has saved John Mill's principle of utility from being
8 THE MONIST.
a mere metaphysical idiosyncracy, so "the theory of evolu-
tion is beginning to do very good service by its reduction
of all mentality to the type of reflex action" (Will, p. 84).
THE EVOLUTIONIST.
It is true, however, the one sort of mentality which
concerns us here most, metaphysics, is still awaiting its
reduction to that type; but, suppose it had been done, we
still would have to admit that the theory of evolution itself
is nothing but a working hypothesis — a fact to which the
pragmatic scientist will agree more readily than anybody
else; for according to him "all our theories are instrumen-
tal, are mental modes of adaptation to reality" (Pragm.,
p. 194). Moreover the theory of evolution seems to
"work" with some people better than with others. There is
apparently a type of mind which easily takes to the theory.
Men like G. Bruno, Thomas Browne, J. Bohme, Lamarck,
Hegel and Darwin are beautiful specimens of that type.
Indeed there are evolutionists that are born so. But there
are also other minds with whom the idea of evolution or
becoming as ultimate truth does not agree. Witness Plato
and his helpless struggle with the hypostatized concept of
becoming. Witness Schopenhauer, Cuvier, Saint Meunier,
Virchow and a great many other thinkers of modern times,
especially Frenchmen. It is indeed a rare case to have a
thinker combine in himself, as Goethe did, the plastic imag-
ery of the artist and the dynamic type of thought of the
evolutionist.
However, what is the dynamic type of thought ? What
is a born evolutionist? While studying the mental devel-
opment of Darwin and A. R. Wallace, I found the dis-
covery of the theory of evolution closely connected with a
certain kind of the regressus ad infinitum in the temporal
succession of similar animals. During his voyage on the
"Beagle" Darwin at the adolescent stage, so rife with dis-
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 9
coveries, was "deeply impressed by discovering" this suc-
cession and could not explain it but "on the supposition
that species gradually became modified." The subject was
so "touched with emotion," as Mr. James would say ( Va-
rieties of Rel. Exp., p. 422), that it "haunted" Darwin;
and still at forty-nine he writes : "There is a grandeur in
this view of life with its several powers having been orig-
inally breathed in a few forms, or into one, and that ....
from so simple a beginning endless forms . . . have been and
are being evolved" (Origin of Species, p. 370). I would
like to call such an elated retrospect a time-trance in con-
tradistinction to a space-trance such as Kant experienced
on looking out into the endless expanse of the heavens.
Both trances are fits of abstraction in which the difference
of mental imagination disappears and the images fuse
into unity.
In cases of the time-trance, the emotion of unity has the
intellectual after-effect of a "supposition" of evolution. Dar-
win apparently testifies to this fusion of images when he
writes at 35 : "If we choose to let conjecture run wild, then
animals. . . .may partake of our origin in one common an-
cestor. . . . we may be all melted together" (Darwin's Life,
p. 368). At the same time he speaks of "the tree of life"
or "coral of life" as a figure for the unity of all organic
beings. And the haunting "supposition" was so "touched
with emotion," so powerful a postulate, that Darwin spent
a life-time to raise it from a working hypothesis to the rank
of a scientific law.
If it were not for Goethe's Urpftanze and primal verte-
bra I would not know what more to say about the evolu-
tionist type of mind. But the zootropic or cinematographic
fusion of similar mental images as in Goethe, Henslow,
in dreams and dreamy states (Binet, Psychol. of Reason-
ing, chap. IV) of mind have suggested to me further details
concerning the matter.
IO THE MONIST.
We have to distinguish two kinds of fusion of similar
images, the one a real, lasting fusion, the other a momen-
tary, seeming one, probably.
First, there is going on within us a subconscious pro-
cess, more or less automatic, similar to composite photog-
raphy which stocks our memory with generic images. For
these images man has invented names and in place of these
images many a mind lacking them altogether uses the
names as thought-symbols for reasoning.
Individuals further differ in two respects, first, in the
extent of possible fusion. On the negative end of the series
you may place Professor Wundt with hisAllgemeinbegriffe
which will not fuse at all ; about the middle, Plato with his
ideal generic images or some other artist with his types
of abstract concepts; and at the positive end, Goethe.
Individuals differ, secondly, in the orderly coordination
of the generic images. Goethe's primal plant seems to be
an instance of unusual fusion as well as of thorough sys-
tematic coordinatidh by resemblance. In minds of the
type preeminently fitted to systematize, the products of
fusion seem to become so well coordinated according to
resemblance that Darwin's tree of life as mental coordina-
tion of generic images functions better than a perfect pedi-
gree of genera and species arranged in temporal succession.
Attention may easily run along its branches and, if shifting
fast enough, melt together even the opposite species in their
genus. It functions better than a pedigree because it is
a net-work of pedigrees. Not only the pedigree of the
whole animal or the plant has a place in this system, but
also its parts, the leaves, or the bones have theirs, and that
part which has the longest pedigree fuses later than the
rest and includes the fusion of the rest. It produces not
only the primal leaf but also the primal plant because the
pedigrees of the remaining parts are finally fused in the
longest pedigree which is that of the leaf.
WILLIAM JAMES,, THE PRAGMATIST. 1 1
But with the material at hand I am not so very sure
that even in regard to Goethe's case I am not already dis-
cussing the momentary and seeming fusion, the second
kind as we differentiated above. In some evolutionists,
probably the larger number, the fusion is not permanent;
it does not produce generic images which are so individual-
ized as to constitute a new species. Usually when generic
images rise into waking consciousness, they appear im-
movable, seemingly unchangeable, static composite photo-
graphs, however much they are subject to subconscious
changes that follow upon new sense-experiences. But in
some minds they seem to appear in the field of attention
with such rapidity that the onlooking subject perceives
naught but the continuous change of the kinematograph.
Witness Goethe seeing his primal plant grow while walking
in the botanical garden of Padua. Most evolutionists,
however, have no such command over their subliminal
mind as genius has. And if we venture an explanation of
dynamic thought along the line of fusion of images, we
will have to assume that the process of momentary fusion
is wholly subconscious in the average evolutionist. Then
the subject would receive only conscious information that
the fusion of a simple pedigree has been subconsciously
accomplished ; this information would come in a few word-
symbols expressing the evolution of the whole genus and
the origin of all species of that genus from out of one
primal specimen. Witness Goethe at Venice realizing the
evolution of the genus "bone" out of one primal vertebra.
Although fully aware of the tentative character of the
details of the explanation here offered, yet, until further
biographical analyses say otherwise, I will hold that it
takes two things to make a born evolutionist : ( I ) the
time-trance, and (2) the highly developed faculty of sys-
tematizing which coordinates generic images by resem-
blance into a net-work of temporal succession.
12 THE MONIST.
That we are on the right track, at least regarding the
time-trance and its momentary fusion of images, appears
to me the more certain when we consider the trance in
which Gotama Buddha discovered the "chain of causation/'
Dante the "eternal wheels" of creation, Jacob Bohme the
"principia" and Goethe the "chain of buckets." In Faust' s
vision of the macrocosm we read:
"Here all things live and work and ever blending
Weave one vast whole from Being's ample range
Here powers celestial rising and descending,
Their golden buckets ceaseless interchange;
Their flight on rapture-breathing pinions winging,
From heaven to earth their genial influence bringing,
Through the wide whole their chimes melodious ringing."
(Act I, Scene I. Miss Swanwick's translation.)
The very incoherency of these different images testifies
to the fact that the poet saw them at least for moments
fuse in his inner vision and that he does not accurately
describe the psychic phenomenon when he compares the
content of the vision with a drama. The dramatis personae
play their several parts without ever changing or fusing
into one another. In like manner one has inaccurately
spoken of Hegel's Punch and Judy Show of concepts.
Hegel's dialectics is not a drama if we understand by it
a succession of interactions by personalities of a static
character ; but it is a drama if drama means the evolution
and involution of moral or immoral forces. Although hy-
postatized, Hegel's concepts fuse with one another and
with the rapidity of the kinematograph or kaleidoscope
change like the zoological or botanical species in the evo-
lutionist's mind.
Hegel has a natural liking for things that move and
change, and a dislike for things static. That his mental
imagery worked that way, is to my mind most clearly laid
bare in his lines written on a tour through the Bernese
Oberland in 1796. Delighted with the sight of the water-
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 13
falls, he says that the onlooker, not able to fix his eyes on
the ever changing, ever flooded out form of the waves,
constantly perceives the same image and at the same time
realizes that it is not the same (Rosenkranz's Hegel, p.
478). On the other hand, the glaciers and the rocks called
forth no rapture, rather the reverse. These masses gave
him nothing but the monotonous and at last tedious idea
"Es ist so." Although he cannot help calling them "eter-
nally dead," they do not call forth the time-trance in which
he may look at things sub specie aeternitatis.
This delight in the fusion of things, in the Heraclitean
universal flux seems most natural also to Mr. James; and
most probably constitutes a metaphysical need or "craving"
of his. It is only from this point of view that I am able
to see a meaning in some appreciative lines on the Hegelian
principle of negation, which is claimed to bring a propul-
sive force into our logic, and on-the metaphysical program
involved (Varieties, p. 459). "The objects of our thought
now act within our thought, act as objects act when given
in experience. They change and develop. They introduce
something other than themselves along with them, and this
other proves itself also to be actual .... The universe is a
place where things are followed by other things that both
correct and fulfil them." This program executed would
give us a system of generalizations which would not differ
from the Hegelian in its dynamic form.
THE EMPIRICIST WITH A SPIRITUAL VISION.
But such a system of experience would indeed differ
from the Hegelian in its content, that is, the experience
which the pragmatic metaphysician brings to his task.
Mr. James knows two kinds of experience: sense ex-
perience on the one side and emotional-volitional or spirit-
ual experience on the other. His volume on Varieties of
Religious Experience is devoted to a scientific description
14 THE MONIST.
of the way people have emotionally and volitionally ex-
perienced the world as a whole. The pragmatic scientist
there demonstrates (i) that there are moments of emo-
tional and volitional experience in which we realize more
deeply than at other times the purpose and meaning of
life; (2) that there are various degrees of intensity of this
experience which we may call the spiritual or teleological
vision: and (3) that the after-effect of the spiritual vision
is often a lasting conviction or philosophy of life.
Years before the publication of the Gifford Lectures,
Mr. James testified to having himself had some experience
of the kind. Stating his belief that in cooperation with
God's purposes must lie the real meaning of our destiny,
and generalizing from what is true with him individually,
he argues in his Will to Believe : "All men know it at those
rare moments when the soul sobers down and leaves off
.... insisting about this formula or that. In the silence
of our theories we then seem to listen and to hear something
like the pulse of Being beat" (p. 140). Or we read in his
Talks to Teachers (p. 242) : "The higher vision of an
inner significance in what, until then, we had realized only
in the dead external way, often comes over a person sud-
denly; and when it does so, it makes an epoch in his his-
tory!"
When the higher vision came over Mr. James I am not
able to tell. But that it made an epoch in his mental
history, or if that is overstating the case — (some like the
Rev. E. E. Hale never had a break in their inner develop-
ment)— that the vision had a lasting after-effect upon our
pragmatic metaphysician, we may infer from another state-
ment about the value of the ontological vision, as he some-
times calls that experience. He says (Will, p. 74): "At
such moments of energetic living we feel as if there were
something diseased and contemptible, yea, vile, in theoretic
grubbing and brooding."
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 1 5
But, Mr. James still believes in theoretic grubbing and
brooding; he is still a philosopher, and, what is more as-
tonishing, he is still a pluralist although he himself admits
that ''mystical states of mind in every degree are shown
by history, usually though not always, to make for the
monistic view" (Pragni. p. 151).
He accounts for the Hindu and Buddhist belief in
monism by the supposition that they are "afraid of more
experience, afraid of life" (Pragni., p. 292). The very
tenor of this statement shows him altogether out of sym-
pathy with the monistic after-effect of the spiritual vision.
To justify his own hostile attitude toward Hegel the monist
par excellence, he quotes Baron Bunsen writing to his wife.
"Nothing is near but the far; nothing true but the
highest ; nothing credible but the inconceivable ; nothing so
real as the impossible ; nothing clear but the deepest, noth-
ing so visible as the invisible, .and no life is there but
through death" (Will, p. 274).
To gain a broad historical basis and shed light upon a
whole class of thinkers, Mr. James adds: "Of these ecstatic
moments the credo quia impossibile is the classical ex-
pression."
Then he goes on to say that "Hegel's originality lies in
his making their mood permanent .... and authorized to
supersede all others — not as a mystical bath and refuge
for feeling when tired reason sickens of her intellectual
responsibilities (Thank heaven! that bath is always ready)
but as the very form of intellectual responsibility." He
scolds Hegel for reasoning as the mystical or spiritual
experience dictates and seems to insist that we are in duty
bound to use our intellect according to the second kind of
experience, which we said he distinguishes from the emo-
tional one, that is sense-experience. Now, sense-experience
is nothing but the experience of mechanical things moving
in space. Thus the pragmatic scientist will tell us that
l6 THE MONIST.
ascribing an inner life to our dearest ones is not sense-
experience, but a conclusion from analogy and thus a
belief. As belief it belongs wholly to the emotional expe-
rience.
Like ordinary people, then, the pragmatic metaphysi-
cian is not a materialist who believes the world to be ex-
ternal motion of dead matter; neither is he satisfied with
the mental reserve of men like Lotze, Renouvier and Hodg-
son. They, at an earlier stage of their development
"promptly say that of experience as a whole no account
can be given, but neither seek to soften the abruptness of
the confession nor to reconcile us with our impotence"
(Will, p. 74). On the contrary, he believes the world to
be "an indefinitely numerous lot of caches" (Pragm., p.
264) and calls himself a pluralist. His view of life is
based on the belief in the truth of the emotional experience
as the inner aspect of things. And most naturally so ( i )
because he is aware that "the peace of rationality may be
sought through ecstacy when logic fails" to give account
of experience as a whole, and (2) because he constitu-
tionally likes higher visions, ecstatic moments, ontological
emotions "as a mystical bath and refuge for feeling."
Since he does not reject this kind of experience and since
no ecstatic moment is without its noetic quality, some of the
fundamental postulates of his philosophy must have had
their origin in the higher vision. To return to a passage
( Will, p. 140) which I have referred to before, "at those
rare moments when the soul sobers down," when "we
seem .... to hear something like the pulse of Being beat" it
was borne in upon Mr. James, the metaphysician, at thirty-
nine or earlier (i) that the dumb willingness to suffer
and to serve this universe is more than all theories about
it put together, (2) that God's being is external to, and
sacred from ours, (3) that in cooperation with his pur-
poses lies the real meaning of our destiny.
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 17
This spiritual experience implies the following meta-
physical postulates as their automatic insight or after-
effect.
1. Mr. James, the pragmatic metaphysician, believes in
the reality of the inner aspect ; the world is mental experi-
ence; Mr. James is an idealist so far at least, as the su-
premacy of the inner or psychic over the outer or mechan-
ical aspect implies, or if you like a less indefinite or abstract
term, he is a pan-psychist.
2. Mr. James believes that the essential root of human
personality lies in a resolute moral energy. Personality
is, therefore, first of all will, and Mr. James is accordingly
a voluntarist.
3. He demands in the universe "a character for which
our emotions and active propensities shall be a match"
(Psych., II, 313, 1882). He believes in a God who is also
will, a will sacred from our own, who is in a way authority
over us and wants our cooperation, — another personality
adding his part to make up the universe. The phrase
about "the dumb willingness to suffer and to serve this
universe/' betrays to my mind that the vision itself had
identified God with the universe, that Mr. James knows
from experience the emotion of unity with the universe
which is monistic. However that may be, the after-effect
is not monistic. Although Mr. James believes in one God
for himself, one moral authority over himself, we cannot
say he is a monotheist, we may rather apply the term
"henotheist" which the historians of Semitic religions have
fashioned to describe the religious status of the tribes of
Israel before their various tribal Yahvehs were fused into
the one national and world-god. Such conception of a
limited God would leave room for other spiritual or non-
spiritual organizations in which other personalities feel
obliged to cooperate with their gods. It may even be that
like two star-systems these different organizations pass
l8 THE MONIST.
through each other and so cause all the trouble there is in
this world of ours.
4. There being now two wills, the one sacred from the
other, two willing entities which are only for short mo-
ments if ever allowed to fuse into one whole world, the
possibility arises that Mr. James may, on account of addi-
tional experience of the outer aspect turn out to be either
a dualist or a pluralist. He turned pluralist. In this sense
we will have to anticipate future speculative results in
which his liking for the hypothesis of a world-consciousness
and his appreciation of Mr. Prince's Dissociation of a Per-
sonality may issue (/. of Phil., vol. Ill, p. 657). So far
he has expressed only his firm belief that our human ex-
perience is not the highest form of experience and that
higher powers exist.
5. and last, these two wills, in a way sacred from each
other, are in the spiritual vision experienced as moral wills,
as personalities. This moral character makes the meta-
physician an ethical voluntarist or personalist like Rudolph
Eucken of Jena, B. P. Browne of Boston, L. W. Stern of
Breslau.
THE EMPIRICIST AFTER AND IN SPITE OF THE SPIRITUAL
VISION.
These, then, are the five fundamental postulates which
James, the metaphysician, adheres to in spite of his "in-
tellectual responsibilities." We will remember that "in-
tellectual responsibilities" concern exclusively the external
aspect of things which is reducible to mathematical equa-
tions and as such the object of science. But, beside being
an empiricist in the new psychological sense, an empiricist
listening to the spiritual vision, he claims to be empiricist
of the old English school, after the vision is gone.
The empiricist, we are told, belongs to the tough-minded
"whose Alpha and Omega are facts. Behind the bare
WILLIAM JAMES,, THE PRAGMATIST. IQ
phenomenal facts. . . .there is nothing" (Pragm., p. 262).
The tough-minded accuse the tender-minded of taking the
mere name of a fact and clapping it behind the fact as the
ground of the fact (Pragm., p. 262) ; they reject the notion
of an "absolute edition of the world" or "eternal edition
of the universe" (Pragm., p. 273). So far as James, the
empiricist, objects to a static, ready made ideal world be-
yond our finite experience, he is plainly an evolutionist and
cannot help looking at the world as a dynamic flux. So
far, however, as he insists on facts, he must mean both
sense-experience and spiritual experience ; the latter as the
ultimate interpretation he imposes on sense-experience,
allowing even the mystical bath some authority for this
interpretation. * * *
Now, the ultimate interpretation of the universe, author-
ized by the rare moments of ecstasy, and sustained as an
after-effect of them, is with Mr. James (i) voluntaristic
and ethical, or personal. This metaphysical attitude is
so enthusiastically taken by Mr. James that he cannot
sympathize with the intellectualists who think they may
know it all; and, in a kind of antipathy, he qualifies them
as "guileless thorough-fed thinkers," as "well-fed philos-
ophy-professors who have nothing to do but to speculate
because a safe institution has taken care of them and looks
out for their future welfare." To account for such an-
tipathy one must assume that pragmatist and intellectualist
differ in some of their instinctive reactions, in their likes
and dislikes. James, the pragmatist, is so much in love
with the volitional aspect of life that the only reason he
can think of why anything should ever come into our
world is that some one wishes it to be here (Pragm. p. 288) .
Says he: "It is demanded — demanded, it may be, to give
relief to no matter how small a fraction of the world's
mass. This is living reason and compared with it material
causes and logical necessities are spectral things."
2O THE MONIST.
Mr. James endorses Carlyle's teaching who said : "Hang
your sensibilities .... and get to work like men" ( Will, p.
173). Conduct and not sensibility is the ultimate fact for
his recognition. He cannot understand the willingness
to act, no matter how we feel without the belief that acts
are really good and bad. He cannot understand the belief
that an act is bad without regret at its happening. He
cannot understand regret without the admission of real
genuine possibilities in the world (Will, p. 175). Con-
vinced that the moral world is ultimate reality, he rejects
a deterministic view of life ( Will, p. 177).
I find it hard to understand Mr. James here, for I
am myself rather inclined like Hegel and Renan to take
the strictly dramatic point of view and treat the whole
thing as a great unending romance which the spirit
of the universe, striving to realize its own content, is eter-
nally thinking out and representing to itself ( Will, p. 170) .
But two lines of thought suggest themselves to me as
likely to be helpful in getting at the secret of such mental
constitution as that of the ethical voluntarist, — boyhood
philosophy and tribal ethics.
In coming across the strange demand for the revival of
a dualistic religion in James Mill and the final dualistic
attitude of John Stuart Mill, it occurred to me that I had
noticed the same reasoning in boys. The boy unconsciously
interprets by his tribal ethics the behavior of the universe
toward him. His ethics like the ethics of the primitive
tribe which he onto-genetically repeats, demands justice
— justice meaning that each party to the contract give the
equivalent for value received.
The prophets of Israel are an example for such philos-
ophizing in so far as they judge Yahveh's behavior towards
Israel from their tribal ethics. A boy may still reason that
way. But how is it possible that adult Anglo-Saxon think-
ers of to-day should make the same postulate after phi-
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 21
losophy has flourished for so many centuries? Maybe it
was because of tribal ethics again or because of the polit-
ical conditions and ideals of their democratic surroundings
that these men turned dualists.
We philosophers of continental Europe are descendants
of people who have lived for ever so long under an aristo-
cratic regime. We are used to autocratic, patriarchal,
more or less arbitrary rule, and for that reason, it may be
that we somehow outgrow boyhood-postulates when life
teaches us better, and easily admit that we may not under-
stand the wisdom of God's conduct towards us ; we calmly
conclude, it may be right after all or ecstatically proclaim
the rationality of all being ; we do not use at all the term
justice in our dealings with the supreme ruler. Even in
my "rare moments" I have never realized God except as
the arbitrary master of my life whom I had better obey;
but I would infer that in the "rare moments" of some
Anglo-Saxon thinkers like the two Mills, S. S. Laurie, or
Mr. James, God, however great his resources, is realized
as their fellow-citizen, rather than their autocratic supe-
rior. He is like the chosen king of early Germanic society,
or the official representative and leader of modern democ-
racy.
* * *
If thus the tribal or democratic interpretation of the
universe is made ultimate, it is only natural (2) that the
empiricist turns dualistic pluralist as soon as he emotionally
experiences human sufferings. Emotionally to experience
human sufferings means for me that, when the animating
mood comes over a man, he will reason from analogy to
suffering personality by way of emotions closely coordi-
nated with generic images of his own suffering body. Now
every one who knows Mr. James will easily admit that his
coordination of sympathetic reactions works more readily
than that of many another professor or "philister" for that
22 THE MONIST.
matter. He scoffs at Leibnitz's feeble grasp of reality,
and the optimism of present-day rationalism sounds just
as shallow to his mind (Pragm., p. 27). He sides rather
with the anarchistic writer Morrison F. Swift who paints
a dark picture of our civilized regime in Hitman Submis-
sion. And from his strenuous point of view, life "feels like
a real fight — as if there were something really wild in the
universe" (Will, p. 61) ; he cannot help taking "the uni-
verse to be really dangerous and adventurous" (Pragm.,
P- 295).
* * #
It is well in keeping with the same point of view that
James, the empiricist, reveals himself (3) to be an active
optimist. The idea of God being "in difficulty" to use S. S.
Laurie's phrase, challenges all that is chivalrous and noble
in man to cooperation. Not being able to see why the very
existence of an invisible world may not depend on the
personal response which any one of us may make to the
religious appeal; not knowing what the sweat and blood
and tragedy of this life mean, unless they mean that God
himself may draw vital strength and increase of very being
from our fidelity; he feels that we, with all our idealities
and faithfulnesses, are needed to redeem the universe
( Will, p. 6 1 ). With the fighting spirit of the crusader and
the adventurous Norseman, he likes the call and feels like
"a happy-go-lucky anarchistic sort of creature" (Pragm.,
p. 259). He violently dislikes anything like the consum-
mation of progress. The white-robed, harp-playing heaven
of our Sabbath-schools, the ladylike tea-table elysium repre-
sented in Spencer's Data of Ethics (Will, p. 167) awaken
in him yearnings for Nirvana and escape. On emerging
from the spiritual Chautauqua into the dark and wicked
world, he feels relieved. He is glad to take his chances
again in the big outside worldly wilderness with all its
sins and sufferings. The element of precipitousness, of
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 23
strength and strenuousness attracts him (Talks, p. 270).
He not only likes the fight but is also sure of victory, con-
ceiving as the ideal human state "not the absence of vice,
but vice there, and virtue holding her by the throat" ( Will,
p. 167).
THE ANTMNTELLECTUALIST.
A metaphysician who is thus seen to be ethical volun-
tarist, dualistic pluralist and active optimist, — who is all
this by emotional- volitional or spiritual experience both
of the mystical and the self-conscious kind, — such a meta-
physician may be expected to be set heart and soul against
the intellect claiming that it is able to find ultimate truth
by brooding over sense-experience.
And, indeed, Mr. James is an anti-intellectualist and
passionately so because his insight into the limitation of
our intellect is "touched with emotion." In his spiritual
moments of energetic living he" has felt not only that "in
cooperation with God's purposes. . .must lie the real mean-
ing of our destiny," but also that it does not lie "in any
chimerical speculative conquest of him, in any theoretic
drinking of him up." He has felt "as if there were some-
thing diseased and contemptible, yea, vile, in theoretic
grubbing and brooding." Therefore he takes very little
stock in any kind of metaphysical speculation and thinks
it "more than probable that our power of moral and voli-
tional response to the nature of things will be the deepest
organ of communication therewith we shall ever possess"
(Will, pp. 74, 140).
Having so far traced his anti-intellectual empiricism
back to the teleological vision, we might try to go farther
back to the peculiarities of his psycho-physical constitu-
tion. Taking, then, the vision as the conscious com-
pletion of his mental constitution, we may seek the key
to the secret in such a hypertrophy of his sensory-
24 THE MONIST.
motor area which we might expect to find in the Cru-
sader, the Norman conqueror, the reformer, the great
soldier, the administrator, the engineer, and in all people
who think in terms of motion.* Going still further we may
finally see a causal connection between his evolutionistic
tendencies and the special structure of that brain area.
That would account for the pragmatist's dislike of any
static philosophy as expressive of the "inward remediless-
ness" of life's tragedies, for his dislike of verbal solutions,
useless questions, and metaphysical abstractions; for his
attitude of looking away from first things, principles, meta-
physical categories, supposed necessities. It would account
for his inability to understand "why from Plato and Aris-
totle downward philosophers should have vied with each
other in scorn of the knowledge of the particular and in
adoration of the general" (Psych., I, p. 479).
These anti-intellectual tendencies pure and simple will,
I suppose, not be difficult to interpret, as soon as experi-
mental psychology is in a position to find out more about
the psycho-physical make-up of an individual pragmatist
than Edouard Toulouse established regarding the intel-
lectualist Zola ( Emile Zola, Enquete niedico-psychologique,
I, Paris, 1896).
But it is more difficult to account for a certain bitter-
ness of feeling that pervades many of the statements
against the believer in metaphysical speculation. If the
pragmatic scientist recognizes the existence of the tender-
minded type of philosophers and accounts for their favorite
intellectual view of life by the hypothesis that all mentality,
including every philosophy, is reflex-action, would one ex-
pect the pragmatic metaphysician to turn dogmatist and
refuse his opponents the right of existence? Instead of
showing pragmatic tolerance, Mr. James represents Renan
* I wonder whether the percentage of infinitive nouns used is not far
greater with the dynamic philosopher than with the static type !
WILLIAM JAMES, THE PRAGMATIST. 25
as "playing the coquette between the craven unmanliness
of his Philosophic Dialogues and the butterfly optimism
of his Souvenirs de jeunesse" (Will, p. 171). He con-
siders the theologian's deduction of God's attributes but a
"shuffling and matching of pedantic dictionary adjectives,
aloof from morals, aloof from human needs" (Far., p.
446). Even if "from the point of view of practical religion
the metaphysical monster which they (the theologians)
offer to our worship is an absolutely worthless invention
of the scholarly mind" (Far., p. 477), even if to know that
"his (God's) happiness is anyhow absolutely complete"
does not "assist me to plan my behavior," (Far. p. 445), —
why may not such theology be "touched with emotion,"
be, as he admits in the very flagrant case of Cardinal New-
man, worth something to minds of a type different from
the pragmatisms? And, since we as pragmatic scientists
must respect any philosophy as. necessary reflex-action of
the individual author, even the philosophy of the well-fed
professor, we have no longer any right to complain of the
verbal and empty character of philosophy (Pragm., p. 100) ,
because it is not verbal and empty for the individual author
and his sympathizers.
Thus the bitter feeling and the intolerance displayed
against the intellectualist will be a puzzle to me as long-
as we are not allowed a detailed account of the mental
development of Mr. James, the metaphysician. Or does
the solution lie in our pragmatist's refusal to distinguish
between the scientific treatment and the teleological treat-
ment of the world about us? Take for instance his rejec-
tion of modern sociology as causing the most pernicious
and immoral fatalism because it talks about laws and pre-
determined tendencies without giving credit to the free
moral individuality ! But is it not a fact that the universe
behaves according to certain unchanging rules ? And does
not man do well to discern these iron-bound rules and
26 THE MONIST.
regulations and to govern his life accordingly? I expect
that this is true pragmatism, but that does not mean, that
there may not be possible a wider outlook and another
interpretation of life, comprising the world about us and
within us: the emotional-volitional or spiritual interpreta-
tion!
Therefore 1 repeat my petition addressed above to Mr.
James, the pragma tist, that he consider,
i. whether one had not better, for justice's sake, keep
the business of the pragmatic scientist, who reduces all
systems of experience to reflex-action, apart from that of
the pragmatic metaphysician, who evolves a system of
ethical voluntarism for himself and his sympathizers;
and 2. whether he had not better distinguish between
intellectual truths of the outer aspect and spiritual truths
imposed upon both the outer and inner aspect of life. Sci-
ence would then uphold her old claim of being true for all;
and metaphysics, being a private affair, would rank with
belles letters and theology and be held fit for the few that
sympathize, or can make Lipps's Einiuhlung with the
author.
EDWIN TAUSCH.
WILLAMETTE UNIVERSITY, SALEM, ORE.
P. S. I am not one of Professor James's pupils. Nevertheless I have
sufficient reason not only to respect but also to admire the man, the writer
and the scientist. I hope, however, that the article shows me unwilling "to
rest in admiration" like an intellectualist before his Absolute, — an attitude
which would be anathema with the pragmatist. Or to be plain, this small con-
tribution to the history of philosophy is meant to help along the scientific
treatment of matters philosophic.
Now every one of my readers is in the lucky position to further the same
cause. All I have been able to suggest for the interpretation of Mr. James's
philosophy has come to me from the analysis of many autobiographical docu-
ments. To understand a hundred thinkers of the past takes the intimate
knowledge of a thousand living ones who are willing to use a little intro-
spection and to jot down a few fragmentary statements. The reader will
therefore greatly oblige me if he writes about those periods in his past life
when he was perplexed over the meaning of his own life and the world about
him; likewise about the times and occasions, if any, in which a former view
of his relation to God and fellowmen was confirmed, or a new prospect opened
before his inner vision. It would be important to add the age at the time of
the experience, to state the circumstances that may have brought it on, and
to describe the peculiar feelings that accompanied it.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF RELIGION.
I. THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEAS OF GHOSTS, NATURE-BEINGS
AND CREATORS.
IT has been the habit of most students of the origin of
religion to concern themselves exclusively with the
origin of the god-idea, as if belief in the existence of gods
was identical with religion. They have ignored its other
essential components, the motives and the feelings. But
the limitation of the problem of "origin to that of the god-
idea is not entirely amiss. For there are neither specifically
religious motives, nor specifically religious feelings. Any
and every human need and longing may, at some stage or
other, become a spring of religion, and conversely the
feelings and emotions met with in any form of religion
appear also in non-religious experience. As to the prac-
tical means of securing the favor of the gods, it is agreed
that they were at the beginning essentially the same as
those men were already in the habit of using in their rela-
tions with their fellow-men. It is the power with which
man thinks himself in relation, and through whom he en-
deavors to secure the gratification of his desires, which
alone is distinctive of religious life. And so the origin of
the idea of gods, though not identical with the origin of
religion, is at any rate its central problem.
All living savages known to us believe in ghosts, in
spirits, and, perhaps, also in particular beings risen to the
28 THE MONIST
dignity of gods. Whence these ideas of unseen personal
beings ? They may be traced to four independent sources.
1 i ) States of temporary loss of consciousness — trances,
swoons, sleep, — seem in themselves sufficient to suggest
to ignorant observers the existence of "doubles," i. e.,
of beings dwelling within the body, animating it, and able
to absent themselves from it for a time or permanently.
These alleged beings have been called "ghosts" or "souls."
(2) Apparitions in sleep, in the hallucinations of fever,
of insanity, or otherwise, of persons still living or dead,
seem also sufficient to lead to a belief in ghosts and in
survival after death.
These two distinct classes of facts have no doubt coope-
rated in the production of the belief in ghosts, so that I shall
refer to them in the sequel as the double origin of the
ghost-belief.
Echoes and reflections in water and polished surfaces
may have played a subsidiary role in the establishment
or confirmation of the belief in ghosts and in spirits.
(3) The personification of striking natural phenomena,
tornadoes, thunder, sudden spring-vegetation. The report
of Tanner that one night Picheto (a North American
chief), becoming much alarmed at the violence of a storm,
got up, offered some tobacco to the thunder and entreated
it to stop, should not excite surprise even though it should
refer to the lowest savage. There is, of course, a long way
between the sudden, temporary, and isolated personifica-
tion of a natural phenomenon and the stable and general-
ized belief in the existence of personal agents behind vis-
ible nature. What we mean to assert here is merely that
the systematized belief can have arisen out of the impulsive
and occasional personification of awe-striking and fright-
ening spectacles.
(4) Many persons have observed with surprise the
apparition in young children of the problem of creation.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF RELIGION. 29
A child notices a curiously shaped stone and asks who
made it. He is told that it was formed in the stream by
the water. Then, suddenly, he throws out in quick succes-
sion, questions that are as much exclamations of astonish-
ment as queries, "Who made the stream, who the mountain,
who the earth?'' The necessity of a Maker is no doubt
borne in upon the savage at a very early time, not upon
every member of a tribe, but upon some peculiarly gifted
individual who imparts to his fellows the awe-striking idea
of a mysterious, all-powerful, Creator. The form under
which the Creator is imagined is, of course, derived from
the beings with which his senses have made the savage
familiar.
In what chronological order did the three kinds of
unseen beings appear ? Which came first, ghosts, nature-
beings or creators ? Our present knowledge does not pro-
vide an answer to this query. But this one may venture
to affirm, they need not have appeared in the same order
everywhere. It is conceivable that among certain groups
of men the idea of a creator first attained clearness and
influence, while elsewhere the idea of ghosts implanted itself
before the others.
A question of greater importance to the student of the
origin of religion is that of the lineage of the first god or
gods, i. e., of the first unseen, personal, agents with whom
men entered into relations definite and influential enough
to deserve the name religion. Are they descended from
ghosts, or are they nature-beings, or creators ? I say "de-
scended'' from ghosts, for ghosts have not originally, all
the qualities required of a divinity. They are at first
hardly greater than men, though somewhat different. They
must be magnified and differentiated from human beings
if they are to generate the religious attitude. A compari-
son of the double-source of the ghost-belief with the source
of the belief in nature-beings suggests the following re-
3O THE MONIST.
marks. Phenomena belonging to classes one and two ne-
cessarily lead to a belief in unseen manlike beings. The
familiar relation of ghosts with the tribe, and also the
great number of them, offer a definite resistance to the
process of deification. It is otherwise with the personified
nature-powers, for they are not necessarily, like ghosts,
mere dead men in another life. In conceiving of an agent
animating nature, the imagination is not limited to the
thought of a particular human being, not even of a human
being at all. The thunder might be the voice of some mon-
strous animal. The surpassing variety, the magnitude and
magnificence of nature, stimulate the imagination into
more original activity than the apparitions of men and
women in dreams or in trances. For these reasons, if the
choice was between ghosts and nature-beings, it would be
advisable to favor the hypothesis that the first gods were
derived from the spontaneous personification of striking
natural events. But the idea of a creator probably takes pre-
cedence from ghosts and nature-beings in the making of
religion, for a World-Creator possesses from the first the
greatness necessary to the object of a cult, and the creature
who recognizes a creator can hardly fail to feel his rela-
tionship to him. A Maker cannot, moreover, be an enemy
to those who issue from him, but must, it seems, appear
as the Great Ancestor, benevolently inclined towards his
offspring. Incomparable greatness, creative power, benev-
olence, are as many attributes favorable to the appearance
of a religion in the high sense which, as we shall see, W.
Robertson Smith gives to the word.
The order in which appeared the three kinds of unseen
agents is of considerable importance, for if, for instance,
the ghost-belief was first, it seems unavoidable that ghosts
should have been projected into natural objects and used
to explain natural phenomena. It is a task for the historian
of religion to trace the rise of the idea of God in its several
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF RELIGION. 3!
possible sources and to indicate in each particular case the
contribution of each source to the making of the earliest
gods.
II. THE ORIGINAL EMOTION OF PRIMITIVE RELIGIOUS LIFE.
The failure to recognize in religion three functionally
related constituents — conation, feeling, and thought — is
responsible for a confusing use of the term "origin." Some
have said that religion began with the belief in super-
human, mysterious beings ; others that it had its origin in
the emotional life, and these usually specify fear; while
a third group have declared that its genesis is to be found
in the will-to-live. At this stage of our inquiry the reader
realizes no doubt that these three utterances are incomplete,
inasmuch as each one of them expresses either the origin,
or the original form, of only one of the constituents of re-
ligion.
I have in the preceding section dealt with the origin of
the god-idea. The space at my disposal does not allow me
to say anything regarding the rise of the methods by which
man entered in relation with the divine beings in whom he
believes. For the same reason, I shall have to be very brief
in dealing with the original emotional form of religion.
Two opposed opinions divide the field. The more widely
held is that fear is the beginning of religion; the other,
accepted by a small but weighty minority, finds its starting
point in a "loving reverence for known gods/' We shall
have little difficulty in arriving at an understanding of the
matter in which these two views, instead of opposing,
supplement each other. The origin of the two emotions
mentioned, fear and love, fall, of course, outside the limits
of this essay, since they both existed before religion.
Hume's conclusion, that "the first ideas of religion
arose. . . .from a concern with regard to the events of life
and fears which actuate the human mind," is maintained
32 THE MONIST.
by most of our contemporaries. Among psychologists,
Ribot, for instance, affirms that "the religious sentiment is
composed first of all of the emotion of fear in its different
degrees, from profound terror to vague uneasiness, due to
faith in an unknown, mysterious, impalpable Power."2
The fear-theory is well supported by two classes of inter-
dependent facts observed, we are told, in every uncivilized
people: (i) Evil spirits are the first to attain a certain
degree of definiteness; (2) man enters into definite rela-
tions first with these evil spirits. If the reader will refer
to The Origin of Civilisation by Lord Avebury (Sir John
Lubbock), 3d ed., pp. 212-215, he will see there how widely
true is the opinion expressed by Schweinfurth, "Among
the Bongos of Central Africa good spirits are quite un-
recognized, and, according to the general negro idea, no
benefit can ever come from a spirit." In many other tribes
good spirits are known, but the savage always ''pays
more attention to deprecating the wrath of the evil than
securing the favor of the good beings." The tendency
is to let the good spirits alone, because, being good, they
will do us good of themselves, just as evil spirits do us harm
unsolicited.
Shall we, then, admit the fear-origin of religion ? Yes,
provided it be understood ( i ) that fear represents only one
of the three constituents of religion, (2) that is is not in vir-
tue of a particular quality or property that fear is the primi-
tive emotional form of religion, and (3) that this admission
is not intended to imply the impossibility of religion having
ever anywhere begun with aggressive or tender emotions
Regarding the second reservation, it should be understood
that the making of religion requires nothing found in fear
that is not also present in other emotions. If tender
emotions are not conspicuous at the dawn of religion, it is
only because it so happens that the circumstances in which
* The Psychology of the Emotions, p. 309.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF RELIGION. 33
the least cultured peoples known to us live, are such as to
keep fear in the foreground of consciousness. Fear was
the first of the well-organized emotional reactions. It
antedates the human species, and appears to this day first
in the young animal, as well as in the infant. No doubt,
before the protective fear-reaction could have been estab-
lished, the lust of life had worked itself out into aggressive
habits, those for the securing of food, for instance. But
these desires did not, as early as in the case of fear, give
rise to any emotional reaction possessing the constancy,
definiteness, and poignancy of fear. The place of fear in
primitive religion is, then, due not to its intrinsic qualities,
but simply to circumstances which made it appear first as
a well-organized instinct-emotion vitally connected with the
maintainance of life. It is for exactly the same reason that
the dominant emotion in the relations of uncivilized men
with each other and, still more evidently so, of wild animals
with each other, is usually that of fear.
When I say that fear need not have been the original
religious emotion, I have in mind the possibility of groups
of primitive men having lived in circumstances so favor-
able to peace and safety that fear was not very often pres-
ent with them. This is not a preposterous supposition.
Wild men need not, any more than wild animals, have
found themselves so situated as to be kept in a constant
state of fright. If the African antelope runs for its life
on an average twice a day, as Sir Galton supposes, the wild
horse on the South American plains, before the hunter ap-
peared on his pastures, ran chiefly for his pleasure. Trav-
elers have borne testimony to the absence of fear in birds
inhabiting certain regions. But, it may be asked, would
religion have come into existence under these peaceful
circumstances? A life of relative ease, comfort, and se-
curity is not precisely conducive to the establishment of
practical relations with gods. Why should happy and self-
34 THE MONIST.
sufficient men look to unseen, mysterious beings for an
assistance not really required? Under these circumstances
the unmixed type of fear-religion would never have come
into existence. Religion would have appeared relatively late
and, from the first, in a nobler form. In such peoples a feel-
ing of dependence upon benevolent gocls, regarded probably
as creators and all-fathers, eliciting admiration rather
than fear or selfish desire, would have characterized its
beginnings. This possibility should not be rejected a priori.
The other theory is well represented by W. Robertson
Smith. He denies that the attempt to appease evil beings
is the foundation of religion. I quote: "From the earliest
times religion, as distinct from magic and sorcery, ad-
dresses itself to kindred and frendly beings, who may in-
deed be angry with their people for a time, but are always
placable except to the enemies of their worshipers or to
renegade members of the community. It is not with a
vague fear of unknown powers, but with a loving reverence
for known gods who are knit to their worshipers by strong
bonds of kinship, that religion, in the only sense of the
word, begins."3
One may agree with Robertson Smith without denying
that practices intended to protect oneself against evil spir-
its preceded the establishment of affectionate relations
with benevolent powers. As a matter of fact, our author
admits this fully. What he denies is that the attempt to
propitiate, in dread, evil spirits, is religion. It cannot be
doubted that the inner experience as well as the outer
attitude and behavior of a person are substantially different
when he seeks to conciliate a radically evil being than when
he communes with a fundamentally benevolent one. Yet
in both cases an anthropopathic relation with a personal
being is established. In this respect, both stand opposed
to magical behavior. This common element is so funda-
3 The Religion of the Semites, p. 55.
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF RELIGION. 35
mental that it seems to us advisable to make the name
religion include both types of relation. And since they
differ, nevertheless, in important respects, the phrases
"negative religion" may be used to designate man's deal-
ings with radically bad spirits, and "positive religion" his
relations with fundamentally benevolent ones.
Positive religion is at first not at all free from fear.
The benevolent gods are prompt to wrath, and cruelly
avenge their broken laws. The more striking development
of religious life is the gradual substitution of love for fear
in worship. This is one more reason for not completely
dissociating the propitiation of evil spirits from the wor-
ship of kindly gods.
JAMES H. LEUBA.
BRYN MAWR, PA.
A
SOME AMAZING MAZES.
A SECOND CURIOSITY.
phenomenon easier to understand depends on the fact
that, in counting round and round a cycle of 53 num-
bers, y— i = =*= 30- ( For 302 = 900 = 1 7 • 53 — i . ) This,
likewise, may be exhibited in the form of a "trick." You
begin with a pack of 52 playing-cards arranged in regular
order. For this purpose, it is necessary to assign ordinal
numbers to the four suits. It seems appropriate to number
the spade-suit as i, because its ace carries the maker's
trade-mark. I would number the heart-suit 2, because the
pips are partially cleft in two; the club-suit 3, because a
"club," as the French term trefle reminds us, is a trefoil;
and the diamond-suit as 4 or o, because the pips are quadri-
laterals, and counting round and round a cycle of 4, 4 = o.
But it is convenient, in numbering the cards, to employ
the system of arithmetical notation whose base is 13. It
will follow that if the cards of each suit are to follow the
order I23456789XJQK, the king of each
suit must be numbered as if it were a zero-card of the
following suit. The inconvenience of this is very trifling
compared with the convenience of directly availing oneself
of a regular system of notation; for the exhibitor of the
"trick" will have many a "long multiplication" to perform
in his head, as will shortly appear. Another slight incon-
venience is that the cycle of numeration must be fifty-three,
or 44 , which, or its highest possible multiple, must be sub-
SOME AMAZING MAZES.
37
tracted from every product that exceeds 4*. It is to be
remembered that o , 4 ,<?,*, are used as nothing but other
shaped characters for o, i, 2, 3, respectively. Thirteen is
the base of numeration, but fifty-three, or 4 * , is the
cycle of numeration. I adopt o , rather then K, as the
zero-sign in order to avoid denoting the king of diamonds
by 4 K, etc. In order to exhibit the trick in the highest
style, the performer should have this multiplication table
0 4
0 9
0 *
0 4
0 5
0 6
0 7
0 8
0 9
010
0 J
0 Q
Oca
OPI
V
*
O
s
%4
0 4
0 6
0 9
0 Q
4 V
4 5
4 8
4 J
V 4
V 4
9? 7
910
0 4
0 8
OQ
* 4
* 7
4 J
9? V
<? 6
SMO
4 4
4 5
4 9
0 5
010
4 V
4 7
4 Q
9 4
V 9
A 4
4 6
4 J
44
0 <?
4 8
0 7
0 6
OQ
4 5
* J
9 4
91O
4~3
4 9
4 V
0 4
4 8
0 7
5 4
4 0
5 7
4 6
0 7
4 4
4 8
V V
V 9
4 4
*10
4 4
0 *
4 J
010
5 5
4 4
5 Q
4 J
6 6
9 5
0 8
4 *
* J
9 6
4 *
* 9
4 4
0 *
4Q
0 J
5 7
4 6
6 V
<9 4
61O
<9 9
7 5
4 4
0 9
4 5
V 4
9? 10
* 6
4 9?
0 *
4 J
010
5 7
4 6
6 4
V V
6Q
V J
7 8
4 7
8 4
0 9
010
4 7
9 4
* 4
* J
4 8
07
5 5
4 4
6 <3
<9 *
6 Q
V J
7 9
4 8
8 6
0 4
94
4 4
0 J
4 9
9 7
* 5
44
0 9
5 4
* O
5Q
* J
610
<? 9
7 8
4 7
8 6
0 4
9 4
4 V
109
9 0
OQ
4 J
910
4 9
4 8
0 7
5 7
4 6
6 6
<? 5
7 5
4 4
8 4
0 <9
94
4 4
10<?
V 0
J 4
9Q
by heart in which I have been forced to put 10 in place of x
most incongruously simply because I am informed that
the latter would transcend the resources of the printing-
office.
Yet I do it quite passably without possessing that ac-
complishment. In those squares of the multiplication-
table where two lines are occupied, the upper gives the
simple product in tridecimal notation, and the lower the
38 THE MONIST.
remainder of this after subtracting the highest less mul-
tiple of fifty-three, i. e., of 4 * .
In order to exhibit the trick, while you are arranging
the cards in regular order, you may tell some anecdote
which involves some mention of the numbers 5 and 6.
For instance, you may illustrate the natural inaptitude of
the human animal for mathematics, by saying how all
peoples use some multiple of 5 as the base of numeration,
because they have 5 fingers on a hand, although any person
with any turn for mathematics would see that it would be
much simpler, in counting on the fingers, to use 6 as the
base of numeration. For having counted 5 on the fingers
of one hand, one would simply fold a finger of the other
hand for 6, and then make the first finger of the first hand
to continue the count. The object of telling this anecdote
would be to cause the numbers 5 and 6 to be uppermost in
the minds of the company. But you must be very careful
not at all to emphasize them ; for if you do, you will cause
their avoidance. The pack being arranged in regular se-
quence, you ask the company into how many piles you shall
deal them, and if anybody says 5 or 6, deal into that number
of piles. If they give some other number, manifest not the
slightest shade of preference for one number of piles over
another; but have the cards dealt again and again, until
you can get for the last card either + x, that is, the ten
of the second suit, (i. e., suit number one; since the first suit
is numbered o , or zero) , or <? 4 , the four of the third suit, or
+ e , or v s . If you cannot influence the company to give
you any of the right numbers, after they have ordered
several deals, you can say, "Now let me choose a couple of
numbers," and by looking through the pack, you will prob-
ably find that one or other of those can be brought to the
face of the pack in two or three deals. For every deal
multiplies the ordinal place of each card by a certain num-
ber, counting round and round a cycle of 53. And this
SOME AMAZING MAZES.
39
multiplier is that number which multiplied by the number
of piles in the deal gives +i or — i in counting round and
round the cycle of 53. For it makes no difference to which
end of the pack the card is drawn. After each deal the
piles are to be gathered up according to the same rule as
in the first "trick," except that the first pile taken must not
be the one on which the 52nd card fell, but the one on
which the 53rd would have fallen if there had been 53 cards
in the pile. The last deal having been made, you lay all the
cards now, backs up, in 4 rows of 13 cards in each row,
leaving small gaps between the 3rd and 4th and 6th and
7th cards counting from each end, thus:
po
5 4
K
The object of these gaps is to facilitate the counting
of the places from each end, both by yourself and by the
company of onlookers. If the first or last card is either
+ x or <? 4 , the first card of the pack will form the left-
hand end of the top row, and each successive card will be
next to the right of the previously laid card, until you come
to the end of a row, when the next card will be the extreme
left-hand card of the row next below that last formed.
But if the first or last card is either + e or <s & , you begin
at the top of the extreme right-hand column, and lay down
the following three cards each under the last, the fifth card
forming the head of the column next to the left, and so on,
the cards being laid down in successive columns, passing
downward in each column, and the successive columns
toward the right being formed in regular order.
You now explain to the company, very fully and clearly,
that the upper row consists of the places of the diamonds ;
and you count the places, pointing to each, thus "Ace of
diamonds, two of diamonds, three; four, five, six; the
4O THE MONIST.
seven, a little separated, the eight, nine, and ten, together ;
then a little gap, and the knave, queen, king of diamonds
together. The next row is for the spades in the same
regular order, from that end to this,'' (you will not say
"right" and "left," because the spectators will probably
be at different sides of the table,) "next the hearts, and
last the clubs. Please remember the order of the suits,
diamond," (you sweep your finger over the different rows
successively) "spades, hearts, and clubs. But," you con-
tinue, "those are the places beginning at that" (the up-
per left-hand) "corner. In addition, every card has a
second place, beginning at this opposite corner," (the lower
right-hand corner.) "The order is the same; only you
count backwards, toward the right in each row; and the
order of the suits is the same, diamonds, spades, hearts,
clubs; only the places of the diamonds are in the bottom
row, the places of the spades next above them, the places
of the hearts next above them, and the clubs at the top.
These are the regular places for the cards. But owing to
their having been dealt out so many times, they are now,
of course, all out of both their places." You now request
one of the company (not the least intelligent of them,)
simply to turn over any card in its place. Suppose he turns
up the fifth card in the third row. It will be either the <? 3
or 4 J . Suppose it is the former. Then you say, "Since
the three of hearts is in the place of the five of hearts,
counting from that corner, it follows of course" (don't
omit this phrase, nor emphasize it; but say it as if what
follows were quite a syllogistically evident conclusion,)
"that the five of hearts will be in the place of the three
of hearts counting from the opposite corner." Thereupon,
you count "Spades, hearts : one, two, three," and turn up
the card, which, sure enough, will be v 5 . "But," you
continue, "counting from the first corner, the five of hearts
is in the place of the knave of spades, and accordingly, the
SOME AMAZING MAZES. 41
knave of spades will, of course, be in the place of the five
of hearts, counting from the opposite corner." You count,
first, to show that v s is in the place of * j , and then, al-
ways pointing- as you count, and counting, first the rows,
by giving successively the names of the suits, "diamonds,
spades, hearts," and then the places in the row, "one, two,
three, four, five," and turning up the card you find it to be,
as predicted, the * j . "Now," you continue, "the knave
of spades is in the place of the nine of spades counting
from the first corner, so that we shall necessarily find the
nine of spades in the place of the knave of spades counting
from the opposite corner." You count as before, and find
your prediction verified. [I will here interrupt the descrip-
tion of the "trick" to remark that the number of different
arrangements of the fifty-two cards all possessing this
same property is thirty-eight thousand three hundred and
eighty-two billions (or millions squared), three hundred
and seventy-six thousand two hundred and sixtv-six mil-
lions, two hundred and forty thousand, = 6 X 10 X 14 X
18 X 22 X 26 X 30 X 34 X 38 X 42 X 46 X 50, not count-
ing a turning over of the block as altering the arrangement.
But of these only one arrangement can be produced by deal-
ing the cards according to our general rule. Either of
the four simplest arrangements having the property in
question will be obtained by first laying out the diamonds
in a row so that the values of the cards increase regularly
in passing along the row in either direction, then laying
out the spades in a parallel row either above or below
the diamonds, but leaving space for another row between
the diamonds and spades, their values increasing in the
counter-direction to the diamonds, then laying out the
hearts in a parallel row close upon the other side of the
diamonds, their values increasing in the same direction
as the spades, and finally laying out the clubs between the
42 THE MONIST.
diamond-row and the spade-row, their values increasing
in the same direction as the former.
Not to let slip an opportunity for a logical remark,
let me note that, in itself considered, i. e., regardless of
their sequence of values, any one arrangement of the cards
is as simple as any other ; just as any continuous line that
returns into itself, without crossing or touching itself, or
branching, is just as simple, in itself, as any other; and
relatively to the sequence of values of the cards, only, the
arrangement produced in "trick," in which the value of
each card is i times the ordinal number of its place, where
i== ±V — x> is ^ar simpler than the arrangement just de-
scribed. But in calling the latter arrangement the "sim-
pler," I use this word in the sense that is most important
in logical methodeutic; namely, to mean more facile of
human imagination. We form a detailed icon of it in our
minds more readily.]
You now promptly turn down again the four cards
that have been turned up (for some of the company may
have the impression that the proceeding might continue
indefinitely; and you do not wish to shatter their pleas-
ing illusions,) and ask how many piles they would like
to have the cards dealt in next. If they mention 5 or 6,
you say, "Well we will deal them into 5 and 6. Or shall we
deal them into 4, 5, 6? Or into 2 and 7? Take your
choice." Which ever they choose, you say, "Now in what
order shall I make the dealings ?" It makes no difference.
But how the cards are to be taken up will be described be-
low. After gathering the cards in the mode described in the
next paragraph, deal them out, without turning the cards up.
[I have never tried what I am now describing; but for fear
of error, I shall do so before my article goes to press.]
After that, you say, "Oh, I don't believe they are suffi-
ciently shuffled. I will milk them." You proceed to do
so. That is, holding the pack backs up, you take off the
SOME AMAZING MAZES. 43
cards now at the top and bottom, and lay them backs up,
the card from the bottom remaining at the bottom; and
this you repeat 25 times more, thus exhausting the pack.
Many persons insist that the proper way of milking the
cards is to begin by putting the card that is at the back
of the pack at its face; but when I speak of "milking," I
mean this not to be done. Having milked the pack three
times, you count off the four top cards (i. e., the cards
that are at the top as you hold the pack with the faces
down,) one by one from one hand to the other, putting
each card above the last, so as to reverse their positions.
You then count the next four into the same receiving hand,
under the four just taken, so that their relative positions
remain the same. The next four are to be counted, one by
one, upon the first four, so that their relative positions are
reversed, and the next four are to be counted into the
receiving hand under those it already holds. So you pro-
ceed alternately counting four to the top and four to the
bottom of those already in the receiving hand, until the
pack is exhausted. You then say, "Now we will play a hand
of whist/' You allow somebody to cut the cards and deal
the pack, as in whist, one by one into four "hands," or
packets, turning up the last card for the trump. It will be
found that you hold all the trumps, and each of the other
players the whole of a plain suit.
I now go back to explain how the cards are to be taken
up. If it is decided that the cards are to be dealt into 5
and into 6 piles, (the order of the dealing always being
immaterial,) you take them up row by row, in consecutive
order, from the upper left-hand to the lower right-hand cor-
ner. If they are to be dealt into 4, 5 and 6 piles, or into 2 and
7 piles, in any order, you take them up column by column,
from the upper right-hand to the lower left-hand corner. The
exact reversal of all the cards in the pack will make no differ-
ence in the final result. They may also be taken up in columns
44 THE MONIST.
and dealt into piles whose product is 14 or 39 (as, for ex-
ample, into 2 piles and 7 piles, or into 3 piles and 13 piles).
They may be taken up in rows and dealt into any number
of piles whose product is thirty, or, by the multiplication
table is s? 4 . The following are some of the sets of numbers
whose products, counted round a cycle of 53, equal 30:
6-5; 17-8; 7-5-4-4; 97-3; 9-877; 9'6-6-S; 9'9'5'4; X-8-7;
X-9 87-6; J-J-2; J-8-4'4; J'5'5'31 Q-X-X-4; Q-X-8-5;
Q-77-6;K-K-3; + X-*X-4( decimally, 23 -13 -4) ; *6-*4-6;
*5-o9'oX.
The products of the following sets count round a cycle
of 53 to -30 = 23; 4-«6; 27^; K Q X; 8-6-6; 9-8-4;
X-X-s; Q-J-7; Q Q 2; S'5'5-4; 6-4-4-3; X-97-5; J7-6-2;
11-7-4-3; I3-X-6-2; 13-8-5-3; 7-6-5-5'3; 777'5'4; 97'S'
5-2; n-6-5-4-3; 9-8-8-5-4-4; 8-S-7-7-4-4; 11-877-2-2;
I2-H-9-8-7-6.
The products required to prepare the cards for being
laid down column by column are * 6, decimally expressed,
19; and <?8, decimally expressed, 34.
The following are some of the sets of numbers whose
continued products are 19: 9-8; Q-6; 5-5-5; 6-4-3; J7'35
13-6-5; 13-10-3; 8-7-6-4; 9-9-8-6; J-9-5-4; 11-10-9-2; 12
8-7-7; 13-10-8-7; 9-8-8-S-4; 10-7-7-6-5; io-io-io-io-2:
I277-5-5; 7'4-4-4-S; i3'7-4-4-4-4-4-4; 4' A' A' 4' 4' 4' A' A' 4
43. The following are sets of numbers whose continued
product is 34: 44-2; *X-K; 29-3; 7-5-4; 9-3-* <?; 9'9'S*
X-7-2-; J8-4;Q-X-X; 17-11-5; 17-12-9; 19-13-4; 23-11-6:
23-13; 23-17-7; 41-3-2; S'5-4-4-3; 977-6-3; 8-6-5-5; 9-9-
7-7-2; 13-13-7-2; I7-I2-9; S-4-4-4-4; 2-2-2-2-2-2-2-2-2-2-2-
11-107-5; 13-12-9; 23-13.
This "trick may be varied in endless ways. For ex-
ample, you may introduce the derangement that is the in-
verse of milking. That is, you may pass the cards, one
by one, from one hand to the other, placing them alter-
nately att he top and the bottom of the cards held by the
SOME AMAZING MAZES. 45
receiving hand. Twelve such operations will bring the
cards back to their original order. But a pack of 72 cards
would be requisite to show all the curious effects of this
mode of derangement.
CHARLES SANTIAGO SANDERS PEIRCE.
MILFORD, PA.
A DIALOGUE BETWEEN AN IDEALIST AND A
NATURALIST.
XT ATURALIST : So you think that if I had paid suf-
l\l ficient attention to the teachings of pure idealism I
would have gladly adopted it as my philosophical creed.
You say that most professional philosophers, and many
prominent scientific thinkers, physicists and even biologists,
have found idealism to afford the most satisfactory inter-
pretation of nature. I readily admit that materialistic and
mechanistic views, so long in the ascendant among natural-
ists, are superficial and fictitious, and have definitely proved
to be untenable. Nevertheless the duality of body and
mind, under the name of psycho-physical parallelism, is still
widely maintained by thoughtful psychical as well as phys-
ical investigators. This proves that no kind of scientific
monism has yet decisively triumphed, and that the mo-
mentous contention between realistic idealism and realistic
naturalism is far from being settled.
The vexed question, I think, turns upon whether body
is rightly conceived as a mere appearance in mind, or
whether, on the contrary, mind itself is an outcome of
bodily activity. Are we, all in all, products of mind; or
the reverse, are we, all in all, products of bodily organi-
zation? This seems to me the decisive question, whose
correct answer will disclose for good our true position in
this world, of which we are as yet by no means certain,
and will serve us as supreme guidance for rational con-
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST, 47
duct in life, at present in some respects still irrationally
erratic.
Idealist. It seems to me almost impossible not to rec-
ognize, when once clearly pointed out, that the content
of consciousness, composed, as it is, exclusively of mental
phenomena, is all we are actually aware of. It is obviously
our only source of information. Moreover we move and
act entirely within its purely mental sphere among its
mental representations, urged thereto by mental feelings.
We get to know ourselves, and what is called the external
world solely through conscious or mental manifestation,
through feelings, sensations, perceptions, conceptions and
emotions. Cherished memories, exalted imaginings, all man-
ner of ideals, consist altogether of modes of consciousness.
Nature, in fact, has her whole being in consciousness. Is not
the nature you seem outwardly to perceive the very iden-
tical nature you are inwardly. aware of? Her densest
bodies, her so-called material constituents, are one and all
of purely conscious or mental consistency. They are all
composed of sensations or percepts, of nothing but feelings
of resistance and visions of shaded and colored forms,
outcomes of mind's activity. Howsoever solid-seeming,
however much outspread in space, and conceived as en-
during in time, all we are conscious of as nature melts
impalpably into that universal spiritual solvent known as
mind. Nature, its bodily appearances all included, is then
clearly out and out a product of mental activity.
Nat. It must be conceded that what you say of our
vision of nature is true to a great extent, so far as such
vision is concerned, and it is also deeply significant. How-
ever, as a complete view of nature, it is contrary to what
mankind in general has at all times believed, and contrary
also to what you and all idealists are relying upon as
guidance for conduct in life. Idealism offers itself as a
consistent, all-comprising conception of nature. Wholly
48 THE MONIST.
mind-woven as it is, it entices its votaries to spurn the
firm ground of actual experience, and to soar on wings
of fancy to an empyrean filled with visions of all manner
of ideal perfections. Such idealistic speculations encounter
in their transcendent flight no imperatively resisting ob-
stacles that force them profitably into definite salutary
channels. They create for themselves an all but resistless
medium by taking uncertain conceptual shadows for the
realities which cast them, enabled thereby to roam at will
in a chimerical world of thought-engendered fictions.
As to the directly perceptible world, idealism entirely
volatilizes it into intangible mental phenomena, or into com-
plete vacuity. Its most eminent champion, the good and
great Bishop Berkeley, was consistently led by his logical
bent to the startling conclusion, that each time the world
is perceived, each time it appears pictured in an individual
mind or spirit, it is newly created, and each time the eyes
are shut it is again annihilated. Such a stupendous marvel
presupposes an ever reiterated divine fiat; in fact a crea-
tion and myriadfold recreation of perceptible nature out
of nothing. This would, indeed be necessarily the case,
if perceptible nature had no other existence, save in the
mind of the percipient actually aware of it; this means
if perceptions, as Berkeley believed, were indeed identical
with real being. And taking for granted an omnipotent
creator, as Berkeley, the theologian, was bound to do,
why could not such almighty power create ever anew the
vision of nature in each of us whenever we open our eyes ?
But quite apart from theological speculations it may be
safely asserted that our vision of nature is actually annihi-
lated whenever we shut our eyes, and recreated whenever
we reopen them.
Contemplate this most familiar and undeniable occur-
rence and you will find it whenever and in whomsoever it
occurs to be a creative marvel more wonderful bv far
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 49
than anything currently taught about creation. Here a
most subtile, light-woven influence works its secret charm
upon our open eyes, and lo! instantly, magically we are
conscious of the whole wide form-filled expanse of the
great outside world. Idealism hardly touches upon the
secret of this ever renewed creation of the visible world,
providentially ready to meet and satisfy our needs and
desires. And how pitiously dependent are we from mo-
ment to moment on what is offered by sense-revealed na-
ture, wherewith to gratify our wants, and to realize our
aspirations.
Id. Is it not quite obvious here, that pre-existing mental
endowment underlies the sudden appearance of what is
called the external world? If it did not pre-exist in mind
it could not possibly come into existence by so trifling an
action on our part as the opening of our eyes, an action
moreover entirely subject to capricious volition. It would
indeed be nothing short of a myriadfold most stupendous
miracle if an intangible momentary influence affecting
our eyes from outside were to carry with it the entire ex-
ternal world ready-made. Instead of having recourse with
Berkeley to the miraculous intervention of an ubiquitous
theological agency, in order to explain the ever renewed
creation of the percipient's vision of an external world,
it is far more simple and convincing to conclude that on
opening our eyes this vision is flashed into awareness by
the activity of the percipient's own mind, in which it has
its permanent dwelling-place. This conclusion is rendered
quite certain by the fact that the objects and occurrences
of the so-called external world appear most vividly also
in dreams while our eyes are closed to outside influences.
You cannot but acknowledge that nature, as we know it,
is altogether inherent in mind, and that it consequently
receives its true interpretation in pure idealism.
Nat. You will never succeed in convincing unsophisti-
50 THE MONIST.
cated mankind, that no influence from outside man's own
circumscribed individuality is here operative. If normal
human beings open their eyes in complete darkness no
external world becomes at all visible. Not the least change
takes place in their own constitution and attitude between
the opening of their eyes in darkness, and their opening
them in illuminated surroundings. Yet what an all-im-
portant difference it makes to them! In the latter case
there flashes into awareness the visible world with all its
objects of more or less vital interest to us; in the former
instance our vision remains empty of all content. It is
very evident here, that this thoroughgoing difference is
not brought about by any influence emanating from our
own mind. The inevitable conclusion is then, that the in-
fluence which has wrought this revealing change must
have reached us from outside, and that empty darkness
can be only due to the exclusion of this external influence.
Luminous space is our fundamental visual sensation in-
cited by the influence of what are called etherial vibra-
tions upon our open eyes, and the shaded and colored forms
which appear therein are definite determinations of such
luminous space corresponding to definite specifications of
the inciting vibrations. Without reference to outside in-
fluences no sense can be made of the all-revealing conscious
content.
In further elucidation of the insufficiency of pure ideal-
ism try yourself to believe that, for instance, no dead body
is left behind when consciousness, mind, spirit, soul, life
have ceased to animate it. Will it ever sincerely satisfy the
sound and sober sense of any person to have speculatively
demonstrated to him, that after death there remains ex-
tant no such thing as the dead body of his friend, save as
it exists in his mind as his own percept; nay as it exists
in the mind of anv number of beholders as each one's own
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 5!
percept, and therefore as ever so many bodies of the same
friend ?
Of course a consistent idealist will at once object, will
have to object, that there exist in reality no other persons
anywhere outside the mind that is actually aware of them
as forming part of its own all-containing conscious content.
And it is quite true that persons as mentally perceived have
no other existence save in the conscious content in which
they appear. This specious idealistic half-truth, besides
leading to solipsistic nihilism, has seduced many a thinker
to conclude that there exists in reality no individual mind,
neither a mind exclusively belonging to you nor to any
other human being, but solely one indivisible, eternal Mind
or Spirit, in whose all-comprising Being everything per-
ceived and conceived in reality exists.
Id. Well, and why not ? Have not thinkers of highest
repute reached this very conclusion? Is not this the essen-
tial teaching of panlogism, and indeed of all pantheistic
creeds of idealistic cast? Have not many foremost phi-
losophers, and also great poets, mystics and theologians,
found intellectual and emotional satisfaction in just such
a creed? Since Anaxagoras and the divine Plato attrib-
uted supreme reality to reason, have not most lofty-minded
thinkers thought to recognize beyond all limitations of
time and space pure reason as the norm of truth, and as
essence of eternal being ; while to them the sense-apparent
world seemed a mere illusive play of phenomenal appear-
ances ?
Nat. Quite so, but only because these eminent thinkers
and dreamers failed to realize the utter insubstantiality
and evanescence of all mental modes, the fleeting phenom-
enality of our entire actual awareness, wherein everything
of ideal or mental consistency has its transitory being.
Rightly considered there is no such perduring substance
or entity as consciousness or mind is supposed to be. We
52 THE MONIST.
are actually aware only of arising, dwindling and vanish-
ing conscious phenomena, bearing a distinctly specific char-
acter and significant practical meaning. But we are no-
wise aware of such a collective enduring entity as self-
rounded consciousness or mind would have to be as com-
prising and issuing matrix of them all. Our moment of
actual awareness constitutes what we know as the present
in radical contradistinction of what we know as the past
and the future. The past has vanished for evermore; the
future has not yet come to be. In present awareness is
revealed all that belongs to ourselves, and all that belongs
to the world at large. It needs but a moment's considera-
tion to realize this momentous fact of conscious revelation.
Our present moment of awareness, our actual conscious
content, is therefore, as indeed generally admitted by phi-
losophers, our only source of information. Notwithstand-
ing it is evidently as transitory and lapsing as time itself,
whose perpetual flux it fills with a medley of ever renewed
mental phenomena. Or rather its own perpetual flux on
a -steadfast background of memorized experience and of
physical regularities gives rise to our conception of time.
The seeming endurance of some of these mental phenom-
ena is altogether illusive. They are without exception fleet-
ing and evanescent, and form only for the time being the
appearances that make up the transitory conscious content,
passing through awareness in a continuous stream, emerg-
ing into it and seeming to endure therein only by being
uninterruptedly replaced by a new influx of more or less
similar modes. In no two moments of time is the conscious
content identically the same. No modicum of self-endur-
ing consistency attaches to anything of conscious or mental
consistency. All mental phenomena are as such but rain-
bowlike appearances. The seeming steadfastness of the
world figured in visual perception rests in phenomenal
repose on a foil of ceaseless change.
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 53
Id. The considerations you are bringing forward
against pure idealism are only common sense apprehensions
that are effectively dispelled by thought proving that the
perceptual appearances which in random and fragmentary
glimpses are projecting into awareness the semblance of
an external world are but an illusive mirage distortedly
reflected from the eternal plenary space of the intelligible
world, where genuine reality is constituted by reason alone.
Is not the conception of what we hold to be true reality
the recognition of an eternal normative realm of spiritual
existence, where veritable being consists in a rationally
all-inclusive idea, in an eternal mine stans of reason's
unified archetypal concepts? Is not our own intuition
of universally valid truth, our ideal of justice, love, beauty,
inspired by a transcendent forecast and longing for perfec-
tion, for reunion beyond all vicissitudes of this temporal
existence with ever unchangeable all-sufficient Being?
Nat. Yes! that which constitutes genuine truth can-
not be but out and out rational. The random, fragmentary
appearances which arise within awareness have to be
synthetically worked up into rational consistency, into har-
monious agreement with previous experience, before they
can afford any reliable information or inspiration. When
and by what means does such an enduring synthetical
unification take place? "How are synthetical propositions
possible?" It is but a poor account that pure idealism can
give of this momentous occurrence. Deprive its spiritual
idea of sense-derived experience, or its perceptual phe-
nomena of reference to extra-conscious existence, and you
empty it of all objective reality, reduce it, in fact, to a
senseless, meaningless nothing. This sweeping assertion
cannot be refuted by ever so ingenious argumentation. It
is all too positively evidenced by direct experience.
Kant after life-long profound contemplation declared
emphatically in opposition to all modes of pure idealism,
54 THE MONIST.
that concepts remain empty of content if not supplied by
outside influences with sense-material, supplied with the
vivid appearances which arise in time and space as given
raw-material of knowledge. Kant labored most assidu-
ously to unify the seemingly disparate worlds of sense and
intellect, the mundus sensibilis with the mundus intelli-
gibilis. Influenced by Hume he made another most labo-
rious attempt to accomplish this perennial task. He sought
to restore the sensible world to its rightful share in the
makeup of knowledge, a share of which it had been com-
pletely deprived by Leibnitz, whose philosophy was then
dominant in Germany. But by admitting the existence
of a causative intelligible world, where we human indi-
viduals were held to have our real being as "intelligible
egos," and where a universal consciousness was believed
to be the bearer and apperceiver of the synthetical unity
of all that is empirically experienced; by admitting these
transcendent intelligible potencies Kant became, contrary
to his intention, the founder of pure intellectual or spiritual
idealism. And by admitting a power of free moral causa-
tion as endowment of the intelligible ego he became also
the founder of pure volitional idealism.
However, in order to prove irrefutably the essential
part sense-imparted experience really plays in the con-
stitution of knowledge, and the utter impotence of thought
without having been first informed by it, we are not de-
pendent on mere reasoning from psychological data. Posi-
tive demonstration that sense-derived experience furnishes
the material which makes up the content of conceptual
thought is unmistakably afforded by the blind, the deaf
and preeminently so by the blind and deaf. It cannot be
denied that the congenitally blind have no knowledge, no
cognizance whatever of the world normally revealed in
vision ; the congenitally deaf no cognizance of that revealed
in sound. All that fills our moment of awareness with the
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 55
rich content of visible and audible information regarding
the means of satisfying life's needful requirements, and
regarding its objects of delight and terror, all this sen-
sorially accruing knowledge is wholly non-existent to beings
devoid of sight and hearing. Not only this plain evidence
of the dependence of concepts for their content upon sen-
sorial experience, but further decisive proof of the indis-
pensableness of sense-derived experience in the develop-
ment and manifestation of intelligence in each separate
human individual is afforded by language.
Deaf persons, linguistically untaught remain in con-
sequence all through life in a state of imbecility. Being
shut out from the world of sound, no linguistic vocal signs
can convey to them the discriminative distinctions and ap-
prehended significance of such experience as is not merely
subservient to animal needs and desires. It is certain that
without the knowledge and use of linguistic signs of some
sort there can be no thinking, and consequently no intelli-
gence of the conceptual kind. Thought and language are
inseparably bound up with each other, are wholly inter-
dependent. Here, then, is another fundamental fact of
actual experience for philosophical contemplation to probe,
in order to penetrate more deeply and truthfully into the
secret of the relation of conception to perception, of that
of mind to body, of the dependence of intelligence on a
social medium. No human being becomes intelligent be-
fore having been first taught the linguistic vocal signs, or
some equivalent for them, current in the social community
to which he belongs. This is as much as to say, there
exists no human being, no thinking and talking biped, no
intelligent creature whatever, outside the social circle into
which he is born, or in which he has been brought up.
With such positive experience, with such irrefutable foun-
dation to reason from, it is surely egregiously misleading
and fanciful to assume any kind of intelligence or reason
56 THE MONIST.
that can exist outside a definite social community, and ig-
norant of linguistic signs socially inculcated. A human
being becomes human as radically distinguished from other
living creatures chiefly, nay almost exclusively, by the
acquisition of linguistic signs, which invest him with the
power of thinking. No thought, no intelligence without
socially acquired speech. This obvious truth is daily taught
by direct experience. And candidly attending to it, what
venerable philosophical aircastles dissolve into nonentity!
Id. It is surely contrary to all reason to maintain
that by learning some kind of linguistic signs socially
agreed upon one develops from a state of mere unthinking,
instinctive animality into an intelligent human being. Who
can believe that intelligence or reason can possibly be en-
gendered by so slight and casual a cause? If our mental
nature failed to be rational in itself, to be innately en-
dowed with intelligence before we get to learn linguistic
signs, we should certainly remain all through life as
thoughtless as other animals. A parrot does not become
a thoughtful animal by learning to utter linguistic signs.
Nat. What you contend for is quite true. Without
innate endowment of potential intelligence no actual in-
telligence could possibly be developed by learning linguistic
signs. But, on the other hand, all potential endowment
of intelligence remains sterile without being fertilized and
actualized by language.
It has to be insisted upon that idealism furnishes but
a superficial interpretation of such marvelous manifesta-
tions as the sudden vision of an external world on opening
our eyes, or the development of actual intelligence by means
of linguistic signs. Intelligence is nowise an a priori at-
tribute belonging to mind, as a "thinking substance/' On
scientific investigation those marvelous manifestations are
found to be achieved results of endless vital toil leading
to progressive organization. In the light of biological
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 57
knowledge mental phenomena are final outcomes of this
organizing process. They are supreme resultants of aeons
of vital travail, perceptively evinced in the phyletically or-
ganized structures underlying them.
Mental phenomena can rightly be called mental only
when they appear as consciously present. When they are not
present as conscious they have ceased to be mental, and
are wrongly conceived to be still mentally subsisting in
latency by puzzled idealists in search of something sub-
stantially enduring to build their systems with. It is ob-
vious, on the other hand, that mental phenomena after
having vanished out of conscious awareness are somehow
reproduced from an extra-conscious matrix. The flow in
time of arising and vanishing mental phenomena as con-
sciously manifest must evidently issue from some perma-
nent source. And as mental phenomena carry with them
former experience now memorized, it follows that such
former experience must have been potentially preserved
in some retaining mould, much as the voice is latently re-
tained in a phonograph. Only here the organic mould is
a vitally active retainer that assimilates newly acquired
experience with such as had been previously revealed, deep-
ening and amplifying former information. What is so
glibly called "memory/' wherein is consciously resusci-
tated in momentary awareness the latently retained ex-
perience of our lifetime must necessarily dwell in some
perduring extra-conscious matrix potentially harboring
it. Such a matrix has consequently to possess the attri-
butes universally ascribed to what is philosophically called
"substance." It has namely to remain itself identically
intact and functionally efficient, while nevertheless emitting
the sundry manifestations that appear in conscious aware-
ness. This substance being the inexhaustible source of
conscious phenomena has to combine in itself the logically
contradictory and yet logically desiderated attributes of
58 THE MONIST.
unchangeableness and change; has, in fact, to consist of
an underlying entity which remains itself identically un-
changed, being nevertheless the source of the flow of end-
less changing modes. It cannot be denied that it is lo-
gically incomprehensible how anything can be the source
of the flow of manifold occurrences without changing and
spending itself in so doing.
The conception of such an identically abiding substance
which is nevertheless the source of the changeful manifold,
lies at the root of all metaphysics. All attempts at inter-
preting nature have assumed as foundation to reason from
some such identically enduring substance. Not to mention
the many ingenious devices resorted to by ancient sages of
all civilized lands and times in order plausibly to evolve
the many from the one, modern philosophy to the present
day has been mainly concerned with this logically and dia-
lectically insoluble problem. In their perplexity at not be-
ing able to discover the desiderated substance in nature,
thinkers were led to assume some kind of fictitious entity
to do service for it. The outright dogmatism of such an
arbitrary procedure becomes evident in Kant's a priori
definition of substance, "In allem Wcchsel der Erschei-
nungen beharret die Substanz," Amid all change of what
appears the substance endures. And he significantly added :
"Its quantity in nature neither diminishes nor augments."
This addition was evidently formulated in order to state
a priori that the desiderated substance must not itself be
spent in giving rise to what successively appears as the
content of time and space. Kant tells us plainly what a
genuine substance ought to combine in itself; namely: "die
entgegengesetztcn Bestimniungen" the contradictory de-
terminations of preserved identity amid change.
It may well be asked if any of the assumed underlying
substances of philosophers really combine in themselves
logically contradictory determinations. They generally as-
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 59
sume as underlying substance some identically abiding
First Cause, causa sui, as Spinoza expresses this cutting
of the Gordian knot of philosophy. The assumption is,
however, something unthinkable, for under "causation"
is rightly understood a sequence of effected events without
conceivable beginning or end. Here our human under-
standing stands bafflled by losing itself into infinity both
ways. Such a fictitiously posited First Cause is then con-
ceived, either as an omnipotent personality, or as eternal
intelligence, reason, absolute idea or substance, or as the
Absolute outright, as the mystic Nothing from which
everything proceeds, as psychical actus pur us, Urgrund,
indestructible matter eternally driven into changeful forms
by indestructible motion, and lately also as all-efficient pro-
tean energy. These are the principal first causes that have
been hypothetically substantialized into permanency to
serve in turn as identically enduring matrix, whence the
experienced phenomena may be made plausibly to issue
into manifest existence.
After all these vain attempts to discover the genuine
substance, which in reality combines in itself the logically
contradictory attributes of unchangeableness and change,
philosophers will have to apply to biology for solution of
this eminently momentous puzzle. Then only will they
receive the real experiential groundwork, which will enable
them effectively and validly to reason regarding the evo-
lution of the problem of the many from the one, of the
changeful manifold from an identically abiding matrix,
of the succession of mental phenomena from a vitally active
source. It has to be emphatically declared that solely in
the perceptible living organism, — not in its mentally per-
ceptual representation — is to be found in our world the
veritable substance that remains itself identical, while emit-
ting all the changeful phenomena of the conscious content.
Id. So after all you side with the materialists who be-
6O THE MONIST.
lieve that it is our body that thinks, that certain molecular
agitations of brain-substance give rise to mental phenom-
ena, and are thus their efficient cause. From what you
previously admitted it seemed that you accepted Berkeley's
idealism, in so far at least as it proved the non-existence
of such an entity as a material body. Surely what is per-
ceived as our body or organism consists in verity altogether
of a group of sensations, principally tactual and visual.
Nat. Quite so, but how does it happen that the body
or organism of this dog, for instance, forms at the same
time part of your conscious content as well as of mine?
You will hardly deny what is universally acknowledged,
namely that one and the same thing or individuated object
cannot be in two places at the same time. Moreover, it is
certain that I cannot touch or see the perceptual dog form-
ing part of your conscious content, nor can you that form-
ing part of my conscious content. Evidently then your
percept of the dog or mine cannot possibly be operative in
causing either of us to perceive the real dog, which neither
you nor I can well deny that we distinctly perceive. Nor
could each of any number of beholders deny that he like-
wise perceives pictured in his conscious content the percept
of the same dog. Should you, however, nevertheless deny
the existence of such numerous percepts of the same dog
in numerous percipients, and that any real dog exists save
the one appearing in your own conscious content, it would
consistently force you also to deny my existence outside
your conscious content, a preposterous and untenable posi-
tion, although necessarily held by pure idealism. For with-
out touching, seeing, and hearing me you would be wholly
unaware of my existence, and could therefore not perceive
me as forming part rf your conscious content. It is a
positive fact that the conscious phenomena arising in the
conscious content of any individual cannot be perceived by
any other individual; while, on the contrary many other
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 6 1
individuals can simultaneously perceive the same real body
in the same objective place. This proves that the nature
of the real body differs in consistency and actuating power
entirely from anything mental. The irresistible conclusion
here is, that the body, thus perceptible to many beholders,
forms part of an extra-conscious, non-mental world which
possesses the power to compel its perceptual representation
to arise in the conscious content of whomever is in a position
to behold it. That the real extra-conscious world is sense-
revealed, and not a mere mental product is unmistakably
demonstrated, as previously shown, by the congenitally
blind and deaf.
The apparently mysterious fact, that the extra- con-
scious, but perceptible world is found to correspond to its
perceptual representation, constitutes another problem that
no conceptual reasoning can in the least degree elucidate,
while biology is in a position to furnish at least a proxi-
mately satisfactory and scientifically valid explanation of it.
Id. It is indeed obvious that mental phenomena are not
sensorially perceptible, that one cannot touch with hands
or see with eyes any feeling, sensation, percept, thought,
or conscious emotion. Transcendental idealism will un-
hesitatingly agree to this, as it can consistently admit only
one single, all-comprising mental content as sole reality.
It has to be confessed, however, that it seems to have
been made good in this discussion, that externally incited,
sense-derived experience, memorized and symbolically syn-
thetized, goes to make up the content of concepts. This
experientially demonstrated fact, I am afraid cannot be
argued away. If so, it seals with thinkers, who candidly
ponder it, the fate of pure idealism, as pretending to be a
sufficient interpretation of nature.
But admitting the bare existence of a real extra-con-
scious world, we evidently do not know its real nature,
but only its perceptual representation in the conscious con-
62 THE MONIST.
tent. And therewith the real nature of what underlies
our sensorial susceptibilities remains unknown. We only
become aware of their organized embodiment perceptually
revealed as our organs of sense. The real nature of the
extra-conscious wrorld, whose intrinsic powers compel defi-
nite percepts to arise in our conscious content, remains as
enigmatic as that of Kant's things-in-themselves, or Ber-
keley's divine Hat.
Nat. It must, indeed, be quite incomprehensible to
thinkers unacquainted with biological results, how the per-
ceptual world arising in conscious awareness has come to
symbolically represent, and significantly to correspond to
an incommensurable extra-conscious world vicariously re-
vealed mainly through an etherial influence affecting our
vision. Here a plain remark may serve to disentangle
incongruent problems, the mixing up of which has sorely
confused philosophers of all times. The problem of the
inner and vital conditions that underlie the arising of men-
tal phenomena is of an entirely different order from the
problem of the real nature of the extra-conscious, sense-
compelling world, and its conative and cognitive signifi-
cance to our individual needs and desires; and this again
is of a different order from the weighty problem of mem-
orizing, by which process inner and outer impressions,
carrying with them unconscious and conscious experience
vitally and emotionally needful to our existence, become
organically blended and latently retained.
As our real perceptible organism forms itself part of
the great extra-conscious, power-endowed world, and also
underlies functionally our vital and purposive activities, and
is besides the bearer of the significantly memorized and
synthetically unified mental phenomena, the three other-
wise separate incongruent conditions and influences com-
bine here to give rise to the all-revealing conscious content.
Biological research is a laborious pursuit requiring
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 63
close observation and persevering application ; moreover a
single-minded, unbiased desire to correctly interpret com-
pulsory sense-phenomena directly given or experimentally
made to appear. In contrast with such scrupulously as-
certained truth regarding natural facts and occurrences to
reason from, the general method of philosophizing has es-
sentially consisted in reasoning from randomly gathered
and intuitively generalized experience, or even from mere
imaginary conceptions arbitrarily postulated. The many
philosophical failures to rightly account for natural occur-
rences are principally due to the ascribing of substantiality
and efficiency to mental phenomena, which are, in verity,
all forceless and evanescent. Nothing mental, it has again
to be insisted upon, possesses as such any modicum of sub-
stantiality, or causative efficiency. And here we have
above all to recognize that what we call our intelligence,
pre-eminently a manifestation of mentality, is powerless to
add the least efficacy or to impart any kind of new property
to nature and its perceptible constituents. It can, how-
ever, designedly devise for them new opportunities, by which
they are placed through the volitional activity of our extra-
conscious being in positions to display properties and pow-
ers hitherto latent and potential only. Intelligence can
furthermore inventively render natural properties and effi-
ciencies subservient to our lower and higher needs and de-
sires.
Having in mind the three essential problems, whose
correct solution alone can furnish the true foundation for
a valid interpretation of nature, let us test in this respect
the thought of recognized leaders of the two different
idealistic ways of interpreting it.
Kant, perhaps the most circumspect and painstaking of
modern thinkers, as regards the first problem completely
ignored the part vital organization plays in the synthesis
of sensorial, and in fact of all experience. He held all syn-
64 THE MONIST.
thesis to be the function of what he called a priori cate-
gories of the understanding. These categories are, how-
ever, in verity, mere abstract generalizations of expe-
rienced connections between succeeding and coexisting
natural phenomena. Being mere concepts, they are them-
selves entirely impotent, and have in Kant's system to
borrow their alleged functional efficiency from an imagined
supernatural, power-endowed realm of noumenal existents,
of which our own real being under the name of "intelligible
ego" is believed to form part, and to exert moreover a
power of free moral causation, enabling it to initiate from
its timeless and spaceless dwelling-place effective changes
in our time-and-space world.
With regard to the second problem, by not recognizing
the manner by which existents of the extra-conscious world
— called by Kant "things-in-themselves" — are and have
become empowered to cause definite sensorial appearances
to arise in the conscious content, — in his language to fill
time and space, our empty forms of intuitive receptivity,
with unsynthetized sensorial raw material — he left this
all-important occurrence wholly unexplained, taking no
further notice of this unremitting effective connection be-
tween the extra-conscious world and the world of conscious
awareness. Therewith he entirely shut himself up in the
magic circle of mere subjective consciousness, a position
which consistently thought out leads inevasibly to pure
solipsistic idealism. Or admitting, inconsistently however,
a plurality of other subjective consciousnesses, it leads to
Leibnitzean monadology. From this hopeless and helpless
imprisonment in his own solitary phantom-peopled self,
Kant sought to extricate himself by evoking assistance
from his imagined intelligible world, calling upon it to im-
part objectifying efficiency to his otherwise impotent sub-
jective categories.
The third problem Kant circumvented by leaving un-
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 65
explained how newly acquired experience really happens
to become latently preserved and memorized, potentially
ready on occasion to issue as consciously resuscitated into
actual awareness. He recognized that the perpetual flux
of time carries away with it its entire freight of conscious
phenomena. This being so, this transitoriness and evan-
escence can obviously not be arrested and permanently
fixed, nor its content registered, by any purely mental
process. Consequently without some non-mental preserv-
ing matrix there could exist for us no past and no future.
The whole world we are now consciously aware of would
have never come into existence. All accruing experience,
if such could take place, would instantly vanish into com-
plete oblivion. Of such paramount importance is the bio-
logical fact of memorizing.
Hume, and with him all nominalistic or subjective ideal-
ists and associationists make the interpretation of nature
an easy task for themselves. They simply ignore the ex-
istence of an extra-conscious, power-endowed world, and
invent, to begin with, the building material wherewith to
erect their philosophical air-castles, working with nothing
but transitory feelings of more than doubtful individual
existence. These they arbitrarily substantialize into per-
during existence, and set about mentally to construct with
them what they declare to be the real world. The real
world they in all seriousness believe to have been put to-
gether by combination or rather aggregation of the flimsy,
fleeting mental atoms called by them "sensations" or "im-
pressions." Such vivid sensations or impressions are thus
held to arise in actual individual awareness as given in an
entirely mysterious way. Thereupon they are believed to
be retained as memorized in extra-conscious latency event-
ually to be summoned into consciousness as faintly repro-
duced "ideas" that have become by habitual experience
associated in definite ways with their vivid prototypes.
66 THE MONIST.
To postulate "memory" unexplained as an abiding,
extra-conscious matrix, which receives, latently preserves,
and on occasion emits into conscious awareness all accrued
and all accruing experience is an eminently unscientific
procedure which amounts to virtually begging the entire
question of mind and its knowledge. The problem of mind,
and therewith of memory, can be solved only biologically
by recognizing that the world of consciousness is an out-
come of vital activity emanating from the perceptible, phy-
letically elaborated entity, revealed in perceptual aware-
ness as the living organism.
Id. After all your lengthy exposition it remains still
unclear to me how from data of the conscious content,
arising subjectively in an individuated being, and admitted
to be the only directly given source of information, how
from such exclusively subjective mental phenomena, it can
be legitimately inferred that an external world really exists
independent of that which perceptually appears as such,
and that, moreover, our organism and its environment,
with all their alleged efficient interactions, consciously
forming part of one and the same conscious content, can
in an extra-conscious world exist as separate entities.
Mind, according to this naturalistic view would then be
merely a gradually developed functional outcome of toil-
somely elaborated structural organization, and not as ideal-
ism, and indeed most philosophers contend, an original,
power-endowed, all-comprising entity, having its true home
in a purely intelligible sphere.
Nat. I thought you had become convinced of the inde-
pendent existence of an extra-conscious, non-mental world,
and that you consequently agreed that idealism is a mis-
taken position. Possibly your revived doubts as to the
correctness of naturalistic views are caused by the fact,
that in my defense of them I have mostly presupposed,
mav be without sufficient demonstration, the existence in
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 67
non-mental nature of a plurality of human beings, while
it is of the essence of pure idealism not to admit such a
plurality. In consequence of it nominalistic idealism, as
already stated, leads inevasibly to solipsistic phenomenal-
ism; and transcendental idealism has to postulate as sole
reality a universal absolute Intelligence or Reason.
The all important contention between the belief of ideal-
ism in all-efficient, all-comprising mind, and the belief of
naturalism in the independent existence of a non-mental
world of power-endowed interacting existents hinges —
paradoxically enough — on the demonstration of the real
bodily existence of other human beings outside the con-
scious content in which they perceptually appear. Philo-
sophically speaking such demonstration draws with it the
proof of the existence of an "objective/' extra-mental
world. It is undeniable that if other human beings con-
sisted really altogether of such mind-stuff as constitutes
the conscious content, their appearance in perceptual aware-
ness would be wholly unaccountable. And besides, the
vision of perceptual human beings and their movements,
when they appear, amounts in any case only to a panto-
mimic play of insentient phantoms, much as that of human
phantoms and their actions projected intangibly into mid-
air by means of reflecting mirrors. The significance of
the actions of such phantasmal beings, unwilled, unknown
and unfelt by themselves, has to be interpreted by the
memorized experience of a feeling and understanding spec-
tator. What, then, is the real nature of such a spectator,
who cannot be himself a mere perceptual phantom? And
where do these phantasmal scenes really take place? Are
they perchance mere reflections in individual awareness
•of what really exists and takes place in a universal con-
sciousness? Such was the reasoned conclusion arrived
at by Malebranche, by Kant in early days, as witnessed in
the following sentence: "nempe nos omnia intueri in Deo,"
68 THE MONIST.
and virtually also the conclusion of Berkeley and other
thinkers. Transfer speculatively all substantiality and ac-
tuating power in nature to a purely intelligible sphere,
and this is the necessary logical outcome of the assump-
tion.
But if no human beings really existed save those dis-
playing themselves in universal consciousness, mind or
spirit, whence the momentous, multifold significance of all
that visually appears to the bearer of the revealing con-
sciousness, who can hardly be denied to be an individual
being?
If it can be shown that the perception of other human
beings is sense-compelled by outside non-mental influences,
then pure idealism has lost its vantage-ground. For its
chief contention is to deny all non-mental existence. If
a solitary individual percipient neither sees, nor touches,
nor hears other human beings, they remain wholly un-
revealed to him. He becomes aware of their existence
and presence solely by means of sense-compelled percepts.
Consequently, without such directly compelled sensorial
experience perceptual bodies of other human beings would
not arise in his conscious content. When they nevertheless
appear independent of any sense-compulsion, as in dreams
and hallucinations, they are evidently the outcome of his
memorized fund of previous sensorial experience. As no
kind of mental phenomena, and certainly no percept, can
be seen by means of our visual organs or touched with our
tactual organs, or heard with our auditory organs ; as they
have in fact not the least power to affect our sensorial
susceptibilities, we could, as has been repeatedly said, never
become aware of other human beings, in case they really
consisted of nothing but mind-stuff. We become, however,
most distinctly aware of the body of other human beings
by means of sense-compulsion. Consequently this their
body must necessarily consist of something differing totally
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 69
from mind-stuff, which has no power whatever to affect
our sensorial susceptibilities. The presence and meaning
of the imperceptible mental phenomena arising in the con-
scious content of sense-revealed human beings we outside
observers get, on the other hand, to know only indirectly
by means of symbolical physical signs emanating from
them, and being interpreted by our own conatural mental
experience.
When we consider by what indirect means the real
extra-conscious body or organism becomes perceptually
revealed : by touch through feelings of resistance, by sight
through the vicarious agency of what are called ethereal
vibrations, by hearing through the influence of "waves of
air," by smell through wafted influences, by taste through
chemical affinities; when we consider these indirect sen-
sorial modes by which the existence and characteristics of
the extra-conscious world are made to arise in the wholly
incommensurable medium of our conscious content, we can
form some remote idea how profoundly the sensorially
revealed, power-endowed bodily organism, belonging to
the extra-conscious world, must differ in its real nature
from its forceless, evanescent perceptual representation.
This real nature evinces its intrinsic powers in the effects
it produces in our world of conscious awareness. The
extra-conscious entity perceptually revealed as the living
organism is in all reality the substantial being that per-
forms all vital functions, psychical as well as physical.
The real existence of the bodies of other human beings,
independent of their perceptual appearance, having, I
think, been sufficiently demonstrated, weighty naturalistic
conclusions follow therefrom. It is evident, for instance,
that the perceptual awareness of my organism and its
functions by an outside observer, being a mental phenom-
enon appearing exclusively in himself, cannot possibly have
the least effective influence on what takes place exclusively
7O THE MONIST.
in myself. Hence the hypothesis of psychophysical paral-
lelism. The physical aspect is the aspect of the outside
observer, the aspect of the physiologist. The correspond-
ing psychical occurrence — imperceptible to the outside ob-
server— takes place in the observed subject. No wonder,
then, that the two entirely different experiences, though
both mental, respectively occurring in two different beings,
run their parallel course without in the least affecting each
other. The physiologist perceives as functions of the per-
ceptual organism, which appears in his conscious content,
perceptual motions. These he has hitherto interpreted
mechanically by wrongly attributing to them forcible ac-
tuation, falsely taking motion t6 be a force-endowed entity,
while it is a mere forceless perceptual sign of real activity
astir in the real extra-conscious, power-endowed world of
creative becoming. And so are all perceived motions in
nature mere perceptual signs. Essentially the same sense-
compelled percepts, revealing the presence, characteristics,
and activities of the real extra-conscious world, make their
appearance simultaneously in ever so many beholders, en-
forcing thus our belief and confidence in their objective
significance. The conscious content of the individual, on
the other hand, reveals to him the world as it has become
synthetically memorized in his own being, and is as such
wholly imperceptible to the outsider. In the unitary con-
scious content of the individual the structurally organized
and memorized effects of the two different modes of aware-
ness, the outer and the inner, appear significantly blended
as "subject-object/' as subjectively assimilated experience
of the perceptible, extra-conscious world and the individ-
ual's own conscious relation to it.
Id. It is true that if other human beings consisted
bodily — as pure idealism has to maintain — of the percepts
which appear in the conscious content of the percipient,
there would be consciously extant only the self-knowledge
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 71
of the one single monadic or solipsistic percipient, in whose
conscious content all other human beings, together with the
entire so-called external world, would then miraculously
arise as his own perceptual phantom. To posit specula-
tively a multitude of such monadic percipients as Leibnitz
and others have done, in order, I suppose, to hide the mon-
strosity of denying the existence of other human beings
and things is logically absurd. No single monad, not even
the central monad of the illustrious Leibnitz, could possibly
become aware of the the existence of other monads, unless
miraculously informed. By positively demonstrating the
extra-conscious, bodily existence of other human beings,
revealed by means of sense-compelled percepts, and by
recognizing the imperceptibility and forceless phenomenal-
ity of such percepts, and indeed of all mental experience,
pure idealism would seem to be effectively refuted, at least
as regards the interpretation of the individual conscious
content, which it must be confessed is the only one we
directly know. But conceding all this for the present, it
seems you have not clearly shown that an extra-conscious
organism alleged to correspond to the one perceptually re-
vealed, has to be legitimately recognized as the acting,
feeling and thinking individual. And by reducing mind
to a mere transitory forceless emanation, inferred to issue
from an extra-conscious living organism as its functional
outcome, you fail, I think, to recognize the supremely im-
portant and exalted part mind actually plays in our world.
Nat. The perceptually revealed structure of the or-
ganism, and its functions as interpreted in terms of motion,
are found, as has been epistemologically shown, to be mere
transitory symbolical representations of the real extra-
conscious organism and its vital activities. A genuine
force-endowed substantial entity is necessarily desiderated
as permanent matrix of the fleeting conscious content. This
has been recognized by foremost idealistic philosophers.
72 THE MONIST.
Leibnitz asserts that "a correct view of substance is the
key to philosophy." Kant, with his usual penetrating in-
sight, expresses this truth in the following terms: "Sub-
stantiality is the supreme and first principle of nature,
which alone secures unity of experience. For without
something permanently abiding amid the Hux of temporal
changes there could be no synthetical connection and ap-
prehension of natural phenomena/'
The search after the entity which combines in itself
the logically contradictory characteristics of this "supreme
and first principle of nature/' namely permanency and a
flux of "temporal changes," was at all times considered
the principal task of philosophy. Well, then, just such an
entity — the only one in our world — as remains identical,
while emanating all through life the changeful and fleeting
mental content; an entity that maintains intact its own
integrity and efficiency, while emitting in ever renewed
sequence the flowing mental phenomena ; such a substance
as is necessarily assumed by philosophy, is experientially
found to be actually given in the living substance, of which
all organisms are composed.
What must seem a miracle to pure idealism, and what
is logically contradictory to conceptual thinking — namely
identity and change combined in one and the same entity —
is brought about demonstrably by the natural work of per-
ceptible nature wrought in the living substance. The seem-
ing miracle consists in its structural and functional reinte-
gration to essential identity and efficiency on having suf-
fered the functional disintegration and waste which neces-
sarily accompanies all vital activity. Physically speaking,
what is called the life of organic beings is due to this func-
tional reintegration from within repairing functional dis-
integration induced from without. Such see-saw play of
disintegration and reintegration in interaction with the
medium is the process which underlies all modes of vital
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 73
activity. Hunger and nutrition, fatigue and sleep are sub-
servient to it.
Without such maintenance of identity amid constant
change the living substance would irreparably consume
itself, and in no two moments could the content of conscious
awareness remain identical. There could be no abiding
representative view of the perceptually appearing external
world, and no sense of personal identity. Past experience
could not become structurally organized and memorized
so as to appear on future occasions resuscitated in present
awareness as remembered. Here we find the valid natural
solution of momentous riddles, that have baffled the in-
genuity of conceptual thinkers, and to which biology alone
has the key.
Memory of acquired experience very evidently depends
on modification of what perceptually appears as organic
structure. It is the outcome of reiterated function modi-
fying underlying structure, and such specific modification
being identically retained so as to issue on incitement into
actual awareness as resuscitated past experience. Both
physical and psychical education are wholly based on the
modifying of structural organization in definite directions.
The aim of education is to render new functional acquisi-
tions secondarily automatic, which means to render them
capable of being performed without conscious assistance
as reaction upon definite actual or remembered inciting in-
fluences. The entire organization of the extoderm, sensory,
neural, and muscular, is in fact the perceptible result of
such vital interaction of the living substance with its en-
vironment. Hence reflex-action ; instinctive performances,
such as are most strikingly displayed by insects; our own
confirmed habits; and educationally inculcated abilities.
Structurally retained, latently memorized experience was
attributed to organic structure by Ewald Hering* as early
*On Memory, by Ewald Hering. Chicago : The Open Court Pub. Co.
74 THE MONIST.
as 1870. This was a great step towards a monistic inter-
pretation of the relation of mind and body. But believing
the process to occur in the perceptually appearing structure
itself, wrongly held to be of material consistency, valid
epistemological objections prevented a more general rec-
ognition of this profound insight into the true significance
of structural organization. It may be safely asserted of
all organization of the living substance that it perceptibly
represents memorized experience of vital interaction with
its environment, by means of which it has been creatively
elaborated. Specific organization of the living substance
wrought in the sphere of non-mental existence is clearly
the work of creative activity operating in depths of being
beyond the reach of what we call consciousness. Mind is
a final result of such creative activity. After endless phy-
letic elaboration a microscopic germ, under favorable con-
ditions, develops in unconscious darkness into a faithful
reproduction of the parent organism. It issues then into
the open w7orld innately provided with the specific struc-
tures that underlie its vital functions, physical and psy-
chical. What stronger proof can be needed to render cer-
tain to unbiased contemplation that mind is an outcome of
vital organization.
The fact that vital activity is instrumental in elaborat-
ing organic structure is most obviously demonstrated in
the gradual mastering by practice of new feats of physical
and psychical skill. The elaboration of the organic struc-
ture forms part of the inscrutable creative process to which
all elaboration of the multitudinous formations of the uni-
verse is due. It is brought about by means of specific
modes of combination and interaction among existents that
help to constitute the power - endowed, extra - conscious
world. The strict dependence of physical and psychical
function on the specific vital organization of the perceptible
living substance is being more and more precisely ascer-
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 75
tained by comparative anatomy and physiology, aided by
psycho-physical investigation. Most instructive in this con-
nection is the anatomical, physiological, and especially the
pathological study of the neural structures that underlie
speech and its manifold defects. Upon the normal organi-
zation and function of these structures the rationality of
us thinking human beings absolutely depends.
Now, finally, with regard to the "all-important and
exalted" part mind is playing in our human world, I think
it is recognized rather more profoundly from the natural-
istic standpoint than from the idealistic point of view.
Naturalism and idealism acknowledge in common that the
conscious content is our sole medium of world-revelation.
Consistent idealism maintains that this world of conscious-
ness is the only real world. Its revelation means conse-
quently to the idealist its own intrinsic self-significance,
without reference to anything outside. Naturalism, on the
other hand, maintains that it is a revelation of the presence
and practically significant characteristics of an extra-con-
scious, power-endowed world of interacting real existents,
of which our own real being forms part. To naturalism
multifold powers of nature conspire to elaborate on our
planet all-revealing mind, as the crowning outcome.
The revelation of the extra-conscious world in present
awareness is for us human beings of paramount conative
as well as cognitive significance. Our entire organism
being the result of organically memorized phyletic inter-
action with the environment, its present conscious memory
wells up from unfathomable depths of structurally organ-
ized experience. Such experience evinces itself consciously
first as organic needs with impulsions to instinctive activ-
ities structurally organized to satisfy them in relation to
the special environment, to which the organism has become
phyletically adapted. In higher structural regions it mani-
fests itself in harmonized experience that imparts order,
76 THE MONIST.
unity and beauty to the revelation of the conscious content ;
further in what Plato called anamnesis, and in transcen-
dent intuitions, emotions and aspirations. Hence reveren-
tial awe in presence of the inscrutable might that creatively
labors with birth-throes of progressive attainments ; hence
our superindividual worth as bearers of the achieved re-
sults of endless vital travail; hence the emotive thrills of
soul-stirring music, the faculty of artistic creation, and
of all manner of exalted performances by those among us
who deserve the name of genius ; hence the inspiring swell
of symphonious cosmic and social consciousness ; and hence
the sacred import of family ties, and the ever widening
range of altruistic sentiments.
The structures underlying conscious manifestation—
our conative propensities included — are so organized as to
focus in our present moment of awareness a whole world of
gradually accumulated and systematically organized ex-
perience. This is accomplished by the issuing in practically
simultaneous awareness of a more or less rationalized sys-
tem of representative mental signs. By recognizing their
inner and outer significance there is offered to the per-
cipient for free choice of volitional activity a manifoldness
of possible directions, and therefore an opening for over-
ruling mere instinctive impulsions. The deliberate choice
among these different possibilities presented to purposive
actuation determines our more or less rational and ethical
conduct in life.
By means of socially gathered experience, consciously
concentrated in present awareness, and the volitional choice
of a rational and ethical course of action in relation to
our physical and social surroundings, progressive organic
elaboration towards higher fulfilment becomes inwrought
into the structures that underlie the conscious content. The
creative process is the same as that by which has been
developed the hitherto attained humanization of our orig-
DIALOGUE BETWEEN IDEALIST AND NATURALIST. 77
inal animal nature, while concomitantly it has resulted in
enriching and enhancing the source, whence our world-
revelation issues now into present awareness magically
outspread before our glorified vision, the familiar play-
ground of ineffable joys and griefs deeply astir in the
warp and woof of our emotional nature. Living structure,
as perceptually revealed in the exquisitely minute and sig-
nificant organization of the human brain, is the veritable
embodiment of the perennial, phyletically developed, soul-
life, of which we now here are the transitory bearers and
beneficiaries.
Id. Granting that an extra-conscious world, peopled
by extraconscious human beings really exists, as is the
conviction of unsophisticated persons, your epistemological
and biological interpretation of nature seems plausible.
Philosophers, however, unused to give due weight to bio-
logical facts, and who have come firmly to believe in mind,
intelligence or reason as the veritable power-endowed cos-
mical entity, will be impressed by it as all too mundane,
and its account of laborious world-creation, with mind as
the crowning outcome, all too irksomely accomplished to be
brought into harmony with divine might, and its free ex-
ercise.
EDMUND MONTGOMERY.
LIENDO PLANTATION, HEMPSTEAD, TEXAS.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF PERSONAL EQUATION.
"Of whatever temperament a professional philosopher is, he
tries, when philosophizing, to sink the fact of his temperament.
Temperament is no conventionally recognized reason, so he
urges impersonal reasons only for his conclusions. Yet his
temperament really gives him a stronger bias than any of his
more strictly objective premises. It loads the evidence for
him one way or the other, making for a more sentimental or
a more hard-hearted view of the universe, just as this fact or
that principle would. He trusts his temperament. Wanting a
universe that suits it, he believes in any representation of the
universe that does suit it" — Wm. James.
PRAGMATISM may be characterized as a philosophy
which insists upon the significance of the personal
equation in thinking. There is no doubt that the theory
works well in explaining how certain thinkers arrive at
definite results. It fails only — but in this it fails most sig-
nificantly— in establishing a true philosophy ; yea we might
say that pragmatism (if it is to be taken seriously) actually
denies the possibility of philosophy as an objective science.
It deems the personal equation to be the essential feature
of all philosophies, whereby philosophy changes to a mere
expression of temperament, of mood, subjective disposi-
tion or the like ; in this case philosophy ought to be classed
with belles lettres and be judged as poetry. This is the
opinion expressed in the editorial criticism of Pragmatism
in The Monist (Vol. XVIII, pp.32 1 fL), and we are glad
to notice that Prof. Edwin Tausch at the end of his article
on Professor James expresses a similar verdict.
It is true enough that the personal equation is an im-
THE PHILOSOPHY OF PERSONAL EQUATION. 79
portant element in all mental activity ; even the most mech-
anical transactions of observers exhibit a certain regularity
of definite fluctuations due to the makeup of the observer's
mental organism. When the astronomer makes his ob-
servations he discovers that they are vitiated by certain ir-
regularities which in the same person keep within certain
boundaries. They are due to the limit of exactness within
which the observer's nervous system, the eye, the ear and
the hand perform their functions. The personal equation
is a factor which has to be taken into consideration. Dur-
ing the development of science it has been more and more
reduced, but it appears that it can never be absolutely ob-
literated, because organisms as well as machines are never
absolutely perfect but work with accuracy only according
to the nicety of their adjustment.
The factor of the personal equation is less important
where the facts are plain and where the observations con-
sist (as, e. g., in astronomy) of mere measuring or count-
ing, but it grows with the complication of the problem.
In the domain of philosophy, religion, ethics, sociology,
political economy, and generally in the interpretation of all
spiritual aspirations of man, more personal interests are
at stake than in astronomy; and since a general belief in
a certain doctrine is an important factor in actual life,
man's judgment is much more easily influenced by his
desires than in natural sciences. Hence a widened scope
of the personal equation. In political economy the per-
sonal equation asserts itself so vigorously that it tries to
overrule the facts and is usually in readiness to twist them
to suit its own convenience. We know but too well that
business interests, not scientific arguments, are the deci-
sive factors that shape man's views concerning the tariff,
and conditions are similar when our favorite ideals are
under discussion, our notions of God, the soul, of immor-
tality and ethics.
8O THE MONIST.
Men who allow their views in politics to be shaped by
private interests lack breadth of mind and fairness towards
others, while sentimentalists who are incapable of logical
reasoning whenever their feelings are engaged are patho-
logical. It is true that very few people can boast of a
perfect mental health, but we need not for that reason sur-
render our aspiration for objectivity in thought and leave
the decision as to what should be recognized as truth to
the prejudices of subjective preferences.
The mistake of the pragmatist consists in regarding the
part which the personal equation plays as the essential
feature of cognition. What is a mere shortcoming of
thought is raised to the dignity of the main principle. In
the pre-scientific age almost all practical problems of life
were settled more in accord with the dictates of the will
than of the intellect. Nevertheless the intellect was not in-
active. The intellect has gradually asserted itself more and
more and from the domain of the will it has wrested the
formulation of one doctrine after another. Sometimes it
upset old cherished errors, and sometimes it modified the
traditional view by adapting it to new conditions.
During the present age the influence of science on re-
ligion has grown more and more and the will to believe
has become less and less the ultimate determinant of re-
ligious convictions. We are fully convinced that there are
not two domains of truth, one the noetic, the other the
teleological or spiritual. The so-called spiritual sciences,
psychology, the history of religion, philosophy, ethics, are
based on a condition of objective facts just as much as is
the knowledge of the purely mechanical processes of na-
ture. There is only this difference, that men of a senti-
mental temperament are more easily influenced in their
judgments in the so-called spiritual domain of the sciences,
philosophy, psychology, ethics, etc., while the scope for
difference in the domain of the intellectual truth, logic,
THE PHILOSOPHY OF PERSONAL EQUATION. 8l
physics, chemistry, astronomy, etc., is scarcely any longer
possible.
To the pre-scientific man conviction is truth, and the
intensity of his conviction is naively accepted as the meas-
ure of the reliability of truth. The pragmatist is really
naive enough to continue, or rather to fall back upon this
pre-scientific stage of thought. So he looks upon science
as an assumption and has no use for the work of those
philosophers who have laid a foundation for philosophy as
an objective science. In this sense pragmatists declare
Kant to be antiquated, ein uberwundener Standpunkt.
Think what would become of the reliability of astron-
omy if we had to look upon the theories of Copernicus,
Kepler and Newton as the products of personal equations
simply because an element of personal equation is to be
taken into account in the astronomical calculations.
Pragmatism has taken a strong hold upon the present
generation, but it remains to be hoped that this is more due
to the attractive personality of Professor James than to any
intrinsic power in its leading ideas. If pragmatism were
right the only scientific treatment of a philosophy would
be the one which Professor Tausch administers to Pro-
fessor James. He abstains from critically investigating
the latter's views but analyzes his doctrines and explains
them in terms of genetic psychology. It looks more like
a physician's diagnosis than a philosophical inquiry, the
more so when we notice that even in his methods Professor
Tausch is inclined to imitate Dr. Morton Prince when he
deals with disintegrated personalities.
I agree with Professor James in the recognition of the
personal element that enters into the makeup of our philos-
ophies, but while I propose to eliminate it and build upon
the assured conclusions of our thought a philosophy of
objective significance, he, being a man of strong sentiment,
is so overwhelmed by the paramount part which the per-
82 THE MONIST.
sonal equation plays that he proclaims a doctrine called
pragmatism which however would be more correctly de-
scribed as a philosophy of the personal equation.
It is true that in philosophy, and in still higher degree in
religion, it is very difficult for any man to discriminate be-
tween objectively assured arguments and his own personal
equation, nevertheless it is not impossible to do so, and wre
take the progress of science, especially the obvious influence
of science upon religion, as an evidence of our statement.
We grant further that those philosophers in whom the
personal equation is greatest, are most emphatic in the
defence of their very errors, for when men of intense con-
victions are unable to prove their belief, they make up for
the lack of logic by a display of the vigor of their faith. This
is but natural and Professor James goes too far when he
accuses philosophers of dishonesty declaring that they pass
over in silence the most important arguments of their
views. It is merely the character of a pre-scientific state
of culture.
When I consider my own case, I must grant that the
power of sentiment should not be underrated. Having
freqently been obliged to let very intense convictions based
upon inherited and early acquired habits be overruled by
a calm consideration of the truth, I know very well that
the personal equation exists, but I know also that it can be
reduced to considerably lower terms, and I deem it the
duty of every thinker to eliminate as much as possible in
his search for truth the vitiating factor of his personal
preferences.
But is not perhaps the entire fabric of all philosophies
made up of strands that can be resolved into the fibers of
our personal equation ? The thoughts of many people are
indeed so interlaced with their sentimental natures that if
we consider their cases individually it would seem hopeless
to let them establish a conception of the universe that would
THE PHILOSOPHY OF PERSONAL EQUATION. 83
possess any objective reliability. Nevertheless there are
scientific minds who can formulate statements with ob-
jective exactness. The multitudes of people are unscien-
tific, but science is not for that reason impossible.
Science is not only possible, science is a fact. And if
it be granted that science is a fact, we can make bold to
say that scientific method must be reliable. Here is the
basis of the philosophy of science.
The philosophy of science is first the science of science,
or methodology; then the synthesis of all the sciences in
their unison, or ontology, including their systematized re-
sult, or a scientific world-conception ; and thirdly the appli
cation of this world-conception to practical life; we may
call it pragmatology which includes ethics, sociology, the
crafts, inventions, art, etc. This domain of philosophy
is as solid ground as any field of the natural sciences and
the personal equation of the philosopher, far from being
the dominant factor, is here as in astronomical calculations
only a source of error.
A philosopher's personal equation lies mostly in his
sentiments and it would seem that a rigorously scientific
thought would leave no room for sentiment, but such is
not, or at any rate need not be, the case. Science does not
antagonize sentiment ; it would only protest that sentiment
should perform the function of thought. Let the mind think
and the heart feel, but when the heart governs the head,
the mentality of man is apt to lose its strength.
I grant most emphatically that the noetic function of
man's soul is not the only feature that needs cultivation;
the domain of sentiment and will with all that they imply,
enthusiasm, sympathy, emotional yearnings, devotion, re-
ligion, the love of art, music, etc., have their due place in
our lives and should not be neglected. But the intellect
should after all remain the supreme court of all final de-
cisions. The intellect should not be degraded into an an-
84 THE MONIST.
cilia voluntatis, a handmaid of either the will or sentiment,
but should be as independent as is the judiciary in a well-
governed state.
Sentiment, religion and artistic tastes are indispensable
attainments, but even these need the guiding hand of in-
tellectual comprehension. The intellect is the organ of rea-
son, of logic, of inquiry, of grasping the truth, of com-
prehending the objective order of the world, of solving the
problems of existence, and of a redemption from the many
unnecessary evils of life. The intellect is truly the organ
in which God, the authority of moral conduct, the standard
of truth, the norm of the laws of nature, reveals himself.
The intellect distinguishes humanity from the brute crea-
tion, for the beast is possessed of sentiment and joy of life
(sometimes even of noble sentiments) just as much as man,
and the intellect alone can pave the way of progress. Even
in the field of sentiment and ethics, it is the guidance of the
intellect that can improve the will and ennoble man's feel-
ings and purify his religion. Neglect to cultivate the in-
tellect and man will return to the savage state.
In the etymological meaning of the term the philosophy
of science is the true pragmatism. It is pragmatic, if prag-
matism means that the truth must be tested by practical
experience. But pragmatism as propounded by Professor
James antagonizes rationalism, monism and the philosophy
of science.
Being opposed to theory, to the principle of consistency,
to monism and to any unity or systematization, pragmatism
drifts into pluralism as surely as a disintegrated soul will
develop a multiple personality. The result will be a real-
ism, a clinging to the facts — not objectively assured facts,
but facts of an uncritical experience, facts, as mirrored in
a purely subjective interpretation of sentiment. Such is
pragmatism, the philosophy of personal equation !
EDITOR.
A POSTSCRIPT ON PRAGMATISM.
IN COMMENT ON PROFESSOR JAMES'S REVIEW OF MARCEL
HEBERT'S BOOK.*
WHILE reading the proofs of the article "The Phi-
losophy of Personal Equation," and preparing
the present number for the press, I received from Pro-
fessor James his reply to Marcel Hebert who he thinks suf-
fers from "the usual fatal misapprehension" of the critics
of pragmatism. It is strange that all his critics agree in
misinterpreting Professor James's conception of truth. He
says :
"How comes it, then, that our critics so uniformly accuse us of
subjectivism, of denying the reality's existence? It comes, I think,
from the necessary predominance of subjective language in our anal-
ysis."
In my critique of pragmatism (Monist, XVIII, 320)
I have anticipated Professor James's complaint and have
therefore avoided recapitulating his views, but always
quoted him in his ipsissima verba, and if words mean
what they say, Professor James is decidedly to be blamed
if he has been uniformly misunderstood. I request our
readers to go over the definitions given by Professor
James himself, and look them up either in my quotations
or, better still, in his own book. Pragmatism. He says:
*Le pragmatisme et ses dnerses formes anglo-ame'ricaines. Reviewed in
The Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods, Dec. 3, 1908.
86 THE MONIST.
"The true is the name of whatever proves itself to be gooa in
the way of belief, and good, too, for definite, assignable reasons."
— Pragm. p. 76.
" 'What would be better for us to believe' \ This sounds very
like a definition of truth." — Pragm., p. 77.
"You can say of it then either that 'it is useful because it is
true' or that 'it is true because it is useful.' ' —Pragm., p. 204.
"A new opinion counts as 'true' just in proportion as it gratifies
the individual's desire to assimilate the novel in his experience to
his beliefs in stock." — Pragm., p. 201.
"An idea is 'true' so long as to believe it is profitable to our
lives." — Pragm., p. 75.
I could continue quotations from all the chapters of
Professor James to prove that the language he uses must
actually induce his critics to believe that his conception
of truth is subjective. But, in his reply to Professor He-
bert he says:
"This subjectivist interpretation of our position seems to follow
from my having happened to write (without supposing it necessary
to explain that I was treating of cognition solely on its subjective
side) that in the long run the true is the expedient in the way of
our thinking much as the good is the expedient in the way of
our behavior! Having previously written that truth means 'agree-
ment with reality,' and insisted that the chief part of the expediency
of any one opinion is its agreement with the rest of acknowledged
truth, I apprehended no exclusively subjectivistic reading of my
meaning."
Judging from this explanation of Professor James,
pragmatism agrees after all with the time-worn definition
of truth as an idea in agreement with reality. And yet
Professor James has declared again and again that prag-
matism proposes a new definition of truth. Yea he denies
that there is any explanation of truth except in prag-
matism. He says in the present review :
"Ours is the only articulate attempt in the field to say positively
what truth actually consists of."
A POSTSCRIPT ON PRAGMATISM. 87
He italicizes "consists of" to distinguish it from his
former definition of truth as "agreement with reality."
If we trust him, no one before the appearance of prag-
matism had ever a clear idea of what is meant by truth.
Especially are his "denouncers" rebuked. He says of them :
"For them, when an idea is true, it is true, and there the matter
terminates, the word 'true' being indefinable. The relation of the
true idea to its object, being, as they think, unique, it can be ex-
pressed in terms of nothing else, and needs only to be named for
any one to recognize and understand it. Moreover it is invariable
and universal, the same in every single instance of truth, however
diverse the ideas, the realities, and the other relations between them
may be."
The denouncers of Professor James must have strange
ideas of truth, for to them, even if "the ideas, realities and
other relations" are different, truth remains the same "in-
variable and universal." I am unfortunate enough never to
have seen such use of the word truth, but let us hear what
the truth "consists of" according to Professor James. He
continues :
"Our pragmatist view, on the contrary, is that the truth-relation
is a definitely experienceable relation, and therefore describable as
well as namable ; that it is not unique in kind, and neither invariable
nor universal. The relation to its object that makes an idea true
in any given instance, is, we say, embodied in intermediate details
of reality which lead towards the object, which vary in every instance,
and which in every instance can be concretely traced. The chain of
workings which an opinion sets up is the opinion's truth, falsehood,
or irrelevancy, as the case may be. Every idea that a man has works
some consequences in him, in the shape either of bodily actions or
of other ideas. Through these consequences the man's relations to
surrounding realities are modified. He is carried nearer to some of
them and farther from others, and gets now the feeling that the
idea has worked satisfactorily, now that it has not. The idea has
put him into touch with something that fulfils its intent, or it has
not."
88 THE MONIST.
I have quoted this passage in full lest there be any mis-
understanding, and here Professor James says explicitly,
"The chain of workings the opinion sets up is the opinion's
truth, falsehood, or irrelevancy." And then the man "gets
now the feeling that the idea has worked satisfactorily,
now that it has not."
Here we have two definitions of truth side by side, one
is agreement with reality, the other, specifically called "what
truth actually consists of," is "the chain of workings
which an opinion sets up." It must be noticed that an
opinion is not truth and that the application of an opinion
to practical life is still less the truth, whether or not it
works satisfactorily.
In fact sometimes a positive lie works decidedly satis-
factorily. We must remember that ideas are potent factors
in the history of mankind. If certain errors are helpful
to me it may be to my own profit to spread them and make
people believe in them. When by special couriers Roth-
schild learned of Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo in 1815,
he spread the report through his agents that the French
had gained a decisive victory over the allied troops. His
own bank began ostentatiously to buy French and sell
Prussian consols, but secretly was performing the reverse
transactions to a much greater extent. He succeeded in
spreading the untruth and it worked satisfactorily and
yet we cannot say that thereby it became a truth. Un-
doubtedly "the idea had put them into touch with some-
thing that fulfilled its intent." There was a chain of work-
ings set up, and to the man who pressed the button it
worked as calculated.
The idea and the action which it starts (at least so it
appears to me) are two different things which in all circum-
stances have to be kept asunder. I know very well that
Professor James has in mind other chains of workings,
but any impartial reader will grant — perhaps he himself
A POSTSCRIPT ON PRAGMATISM. 89
will concede — that he uses his words very indiscriminately
and in his definition he follows the impulse of the moment.
Some of Professor James's critics seem to have confused
the ideas truth and reality, and when noticing the sub-
jective trend in his definition of truth have thought that
he had denied the existence of reality outside. He ex-
pressly states that he believes in realities and so there
need be no quarrel about it, although to him realities are
only "objects believed in." Professor James says:
" Since the only realities we can talk about are such objects-
believed-in, the pragmatist, whenever he says 'reality/ means in the
first instance what may count for the man himself as a reality, what
he believes at the moment to be such/'
According to this definition, the vision of a dreamer
if it is only believed in, is a reality, — of course we must
add, "to him," and "at the moment." It may not be a
reality to others or to him at another time. Under these
circumstances had we not better avoid the phrase "reality
to him" and offer in its stead a definition of reality without
any qualification, and in contrast to such realities as are
mere objects believed in?
Professor James is a pluralist, and everywhere he sees
the many where scientific method requires us to single
out those features which are typical and universal. He
further demands the verification of truth by the senses,
the reality must be "felt" to be verified.
Mr. Charles S. Peirce showed in articles published
about thirty years ago, that there is a certain stage in man's
development in which he has not yet an adequate concep-
tion of truth, nor does he care to discover the truth. What
he cares for is merely a settlement of doubt. Doubt is a
state of disturbed equilibrium which causes uneasiness.
Doubt must be removed in one way or another and Mr.
Peirce calls the settlement of doubt very appropriately,
"the fixation of belief." Professor James has confessed
90 THE MONIST
that this same article of Mr. Peirce has influenced him in
the formation of his philosophy of pragmatism, and we
cannot help thinking that Professor James calls truth what
in Mr. Peirce's language is merely "the fixation of belief."
Lest we are accused of misrepresenting Professor James's
position we will without any further comments quote the
following passage in which he answers his critics:
"Sometimes the reality is a concrete sensible presence. The idea,
for example, may be that a certain door opens into a room where
a glass of beer may be bought. If opening the door leads to the
actual sight and taste of the beer, the man calls the idea true. Or
his idea may be that of an abstract relation, say of that between the
sides and the hypothenuse of a triangle, such a relation being, of
course, a reality quite as much as a glass of beer is. If the thought
of such a relation leads him to draw auxiliary lines and to compare
the figures they make, he may at last, perceiving one equality after
another, see the relation thought of, by a vision quite as particular
and direct as was the taste of the beer. If he does so, he calls that
idea, also, true. His idea has, in each case, brought him into closer
touch with a reality felt at the moment to verify just that idea. Each
reality verifies and validates its own idea exclusively ; and in each
case the verification consists in the satisfactorily-ending conse-
quences, mental or physical, which the idea was able to set up. These
'workings' differ in every single instance, they never transcend ex-
perience, they consist of particulars, mental or sensible, and they
admit of concrete description in every individual case. Pragmatists
are unable to see what you can possibly mean by calling an idea true,
unless you mean that between it as a terminus a quo in some one's
mind and some particular reality as a terminus ad quern, such con-
crete workings do or may intervene. Their direction constitutes the
idea's reference to that reality, their satisfactoriness constitutes its
adaptation thereto, and the two things together constitute the 'truth'
of the idea for its possessor. Without such intermediating portions
of concretely real experience the pragmatist sees no materials out
of which the adaptive relation called truth can be built up."
Professor James speaks also of Professor Schiller of
Oxford endorsing his views. He says : "Schiller's doctrine
and mine are identical, only our expositions follow different
A POSTSCRIPT ON PRAGMATISM. QI
directions." Of Schiller's conception of truth, Professor
James says:
"To be true, it appears, means, for that individual, to work
satisfactorily for him ; and the working and the satisfaction, since
they vary from case to case, admit of no universal description. What
works is true and represents a reality, for the individual for whom it
works. If he is infallible, the reality is 'really' there; if mistaken
it is not there, or not there as he thinks it. We all believe, when our
ideas work satisfactorily ; but we don't yet know who of us is in-
fallible. Schiller, remaining with the fallible individual, and treating
only of reality-for-him, seems to many of his readers to ignore
reality-in-itself altogether. But that is because he seeks only to tell
us how truths are attained, not what the content of those truths,
when attained, shall be. It may be that the truest of all beliefs shall
be that in transsubjective realities. It certainly seems the truest, for
no rival belief is as voluminously satisfactory, and it is probably Dr.
Schiller's own belief ; but he is not required, for his immediate pur-
pose to profess it. Still less is he obliged to assume it in advance as
the basis of his discussion."
It is astonishing how Professor James ignores the most
obtrusive facts of the history of philosophy. To him the
pragmatic "is the only articulate attempt in the field to
say positively what truth actually consists of," and he as-
sumes that the opponents of pragmatism never thought
about truth. In his opinion they simply claim that "when
an idea is true, it is true, and there the matter terminates."
And with this blank in his information concerning all that
has been done in the determination of the nature of truth,
he starts the world over again and repeats the errors of
the sophists which characterize the pre-Socratic period,
the very beginning of the history of philosophy. Note at
the same time in the pragmatism of Professor James the
exaggerated significance of the part which the senses play
in the determination of truth. In a passage just quoted,
Professor James emphasizes the word "felt" as if a feeling
of fitness were the essential element in the constitution of
92 THE MONIST.
truth. He describes the process of discovering truth by
saying that "his idea has in each case brought him into
closer touch with a reality felt at the moment to verify
just that idea." Note here how he clings to the particular,
"in each case," and "felt at the moment," and it must be
"just that idea." Nor is it enough to use the word "felt";
he also speaks of "touch." So much is he afraid to trust
the mental process which would lead him to the universal.
Truth is not of the senses but of the mind. The senses
never produce either truth or untruth ; it is our faculty of
the purely formal (commonly called reason) that works
out judgments that are either true or untrue, and we verify
these judgments by exactness in the application of logic,
arithmetic, geometry, etc. The senses only furnish the
data ; and if the senses are not sufficiently guided they yield
very unreliable results, in evidence of which we refer to
so-called sense illusions.
To the pragmatist, truth is always particular, and in
the statement endorsed by Professor James, Professor
Schiller even goes so far as to say that truths "admit of
no universal description." There are many indications
that pragmatism cannot distinguish between facts and
truths, and this is one of them. We must remember that
a statement of fact may be true, but it is not a truth. A
truth is always a formulation of the essential features of
a set of facts. Truths are not concrete realities, but ideas
that appropriately describe certain characteristics of real-
ities, so as to make our anticipations tally with experience
in the past and present and even in the future. While
facts are always particular, truths are always general;
facts are verified by the senses, truths by the mind; facts
change, truths (if they were ever real truths and not
errors) remain true forever.
We grant that the way to truth is mostly by approxima-
tion, and frequently passes through errors. Yea, these
A POSTSCRIPT ON PRAGMATISM. 93
errors are sometimes stoutly believed in with great tenac-
ity and are even forced upon unbelievers by such drastic
arguments as dungeon and fagots, but this vigor of con-
viction never changes them into real truths.
Since Professor James endorses the old definition of
truth, apparently forgetful of other utterances he has made,
we might come to the conclusion that pragmatism (for-
merly vaunted as a novel theory of truth) is nothing new
after all, and that its sole claim to originality consists in the
emphasis laid on the practical application of truth, with-
out which truth is not yet truth were it not for the fact that
philosophers and educators from the time of Socrates to the
present day have insisted on this point almost ad nauseam,
so as to make the doctrine that truths must be verified by
experience and applied to practical life, trite.
It appears that pragmatism is still in a plastic state,
its doctrines are not yet matured and cannot be expected
to be consistent ; they are developing under our eyes. There
is reason to hope that when it has attained years of dis-
cretion its conception of truth will look very much like that
of the old philosophers, now so ostentatiously decried by
our pragmatist friends.
We oppose pragmatism as a philosophy and we criti-
cize its conception of truth. But for all that, we find the
movement very interesting and instructive. If pragmatism
would not lay claim to being a new philosophy, but if it
would merely be a psychological method of determining
the establishment of truth in the several philosophies by
evaluating the purposes and tendencies under which a phi-
losophy has been formed and taking into consideration the
personal equation of the several thinkers, we would recom-
mend it as an extremely practical and useful method. The
public at large is too apt to overlook that the purpose of
science is its practical application. Man is not a purely
intellectual animal. His intellect, including all the truths
94 THE MONIST.
he can establish, serves the purpose of enhancing his life.
Accordingly the most important part of every philosophy
will always be its pragmatical aspect, and this is a truth
which has been recognized since time immemorial, except
that now and then it is forgotten. The easiest way to
reconstruct the several philosophies of past ages will be to
point out the needs of the generation, the duties with which
it was confronted, the tasks which had to be performed,
and if we bear these practical points in mind we are not
likely to misunderstand if in one period emphasis is placed
on one special aspect of the truth, while at another the
very opposite may come to the fore-ground. And this
is true mainly in those branches of philosophy which are of
a practical nature, ethics, pedagogy, religion, the policy
of the churches, political economy, etc. Pragmatism as
a philosophy is an evidence of this. In emphasizing the
practical significance of truth, it goes so far as even to
deny the value of theory, of consistency, systematization,
etc., and when taken to task, Professor James naively de-
clares that the old definition of truth has to be taken for
granted.
EDITOR.
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS.
[CONCLUDED.]
IV. According to their Usual Names, Locations, and Num-
bers of Adherents — Geographical and
Statistical Method.
THE last was the method of time. This is that of space.
In this, religions are measured and compared accord-
ing to extent or quantity. At first thought, this is an ab-
surdity; yet like all the others it may teach its lesson.
Coupled with careful ethnological study, it is likely to be-
come of great importance. Its virtues do not lie in the way
of teaching the quality or superiority of religions, as the
argument of number is so often used. Numbers are never
a mark of right and goodness, nor can they tell us the
right way in the higher things of morals and religion.
Notwithstanding this, they are always interesting, and they
may be of inestimable use in showing how tendencies have
carried themselves out, how principles have affected men,
by what sort of principles they have been moved, and to
what extent; and these teachings coupled with a knowl-
edge of the circumstances in which the given peoples were
placed and of the stage of their mental development when
the principles became operative, may teach much concern-
ing the methods and laws of human progress. Moreover,
maps and figures may show us the strength of principles,
doctrines, and tendencies whose nature we already know;
and if we can procure good charts and fairly well authen-
96 THE MONIST.
ticated enumerations of our own and former ages, we mjiy
obtain a vastly clearer and better impression of the march
of these principles and doctrines through the world both
in reference to space and time. To see plainly the con-
dition of things at various periods in time, is to grasp the
process of the evolution and transformation of human
ideas. Finally, I must say that such an attempt is in accord
with the spirit and aim of the most advanced methods of
teaching in history and physical science. It falls into line
with those ideals which in these modern times have filled
huge buildings with specimens of every sort ranging
through the three kingdoms of nature — animal, vegetable,
and mineral; which equip great institutions with every
conceivable sort of mechanical device for illustrating the
laws of the physical world; which spare no expense to
establish bureaus of statistics and to report everything sup-
posed in any way to have a bearing in illustrating the con-
ditions and tendencies of nations; and which establish
signal service stations and geographical institutes in which
the changes in the kingdoms of the heavens above and the
earth beneath may be accurately observed and duly repre-
sented by chart and statistics.
i. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. — To completely pre-
sent to the eye the religious condition of the world through
geographical relations one would need a series of "dis-
solving maps" representing the changes, transformations,
and extensions of religions from the earliest dawn of the
sentiment in human minds down to the present day. From
lack of such a desideratum we shall have to extemporize
what illustration is possible by means of maps of this and
other periods. The means are exceedingly scarce and the
periods chosen for illustration must consequently be few.
(i) About 1880. For the geographical extension of
the various principal religions at the present time I will
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 97
refer to maps and tables in Meyer's Hand-Lexikon, II, p.
1611; Berghaus's Phys. Atlas, Abt. VII, iii, No. 63; and
Droysen, Historischer Hand- At las (last map). Accord-
ing to these best and latest reliable authorities which I
am able to find, the extent of the various faiths may, with
some limitations and modifications, be stated as follows:
Shamanism, the highest development of the so-called
savage religions, has chief possession of the mind in Africa
between 10 degrees north and 20 degrees south of the
Equator, in Northern Asia, Northern North America, and
Central South America.
Brahmanism (or better Hinduism) is now limited to
the Aryans in Eastern and Southern Hindustan.
Buddhism, in variously modified forms, extends from
the middle of the Malacca Peninsula northward including
Siam, Anam, Birmah, Nepal, Thibet, Kashmire, China,
Mongolia, Corea, into many islands of the Pacific, espe-
cially Japan, Formosa, and the Philippine group, parts of
other East India islands, the whole of Ceylon, a numerous
following in Bactria, scattered representatives in Siberia,
and some 107,500 votaries in South-Eastern Europe.
Mohammedanism is territorially very wide spread and
shows evidence of great vitality and activity at the pres-
ent time. Its control is well-nigh complete from Arabia
eastward over Persia, Belloochistan, Afghanistan, East
and West Turkestan, the Kirgis Steppe; and westward
over Syria, Asia Minor, Turkey; the whole of Northern
Africa including Egypt, Nubia, Tripoli, Fezzan, Tunis,
Algeria, Morocco, the Sahara and Sudan regions; the East
Coast including Somali, Galla, and Zanzibar; in the East
Indies, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Celebes, and the south half
of Malacca ; and a considerable representation in Hindus-
tan and Birmah.
Christianity has three great divisions: Greek (or Ori-
ental), Roman Catholic, and Protestant.
98 THE MONIST.
Greek Christianity prevails almost entirely in Russia,
Roumania, Montenegro, Servia, and Greece; to a consid-
erable extent also in Turkey, Hungary, Caucasia, Armenia,
Siberia, and Abyssinia.
Roman Catholicism has yet by far the widest sway.
It is the all prevalent form in Austria, Italy, Spain, Portu-
gal, France, Bavaria, Baden, Alsace-Lorraine, Belgium;
numbers about two-fifths in Holland and the German Em-
pire ; about one-half in Switzerland ; prevails again in Mex-
ico, Central America, Columbia, Equador, Venezuela,
Guiana, Peru, Bolivia, Chili, Argentina, Uruguay, Para-
guay, Brazil, Hayti, the Spanish and French West Indies,
the African islands in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans;
numbers from 150 to 400 in every thousand inhabitants
of Great Britain and Ireland, British America, United
States, Australia, New Zealand, and Polynesia; and has
scattering missions elsewhere.
Protestantism, in some of its many varieties, is the chief
faith in Great Britain, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Fin-
land; enumerates three-fifths in Germany and Holland;
a little more than one-half in Switzerland, British Amer-
ica, Dutch and Danish West Indies; four-fifths in British
West Indies, United States, and Greenland; more than
half in British South Africa, Transvaal and Orange River
Republic ; nearly one-third in Madagascar and Polynesia ;
nearly seven-tenths in Australia; and very scantily suc-
cessful missions in parts of Asia and Africa (the most
numerous not exceeding 7 converts to every 1000 inhabi-
tants of the region).
(2) About 7500 A. D* For this and other past pe-
riods I have not been able to find published maps. Hence
there was no choice but to extemporize the study. To
do this roughly from historic data is not a very difficult
* See also historic maps of the period.
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 99
task. I have therefore made this sketch to show the re-
ligious condition of the world at some of the great epochs
in religious history. We may say in general that at the
year 1500 there was no Protestantism, America was un-
known to Europeans and belonged to the Indians, Moham-
medanism had reached its arm into South-Eastern Europe
but had not pushed far southward into Africa nor far
eastward into Asia, while the Orient was scarcely known,
though its conditions were then nearly what they are now.
We may sum up the distribution in general thus:
Romish Christianity occupied Europe west of Russia,
Turkey and Greece.
Greek Christianity covered South-western Russia, parts
of Turkey, Greece, Asia Minor, Northern Egypt, and
Abyssinia.
Mohammedanism had just been expelled from Spain,
and now ruled the north coast of Africa, Arabia, Persia,
Asia Minor, parts of Turkey, scattering peoples to the east
of the Caspian Sea, and to a considerable extent into North-
ern India.
A Modified Brahmanism took the place of the ancient
faith in the unsubjugated parts of Aryan India, while Bud-
dhism had for a couple of centuries been expelled.
Buddhism itself had spread everywhere east and north
into Farther India, Thibet, China, Corea, and Japan.
Of the rest of the world, — America, Africa, Australia,
and Polynesia, — we can only conjecture from their later
character and the fact that their ideas in all the fields of
civilization were very slow to move.
(3) About A. D. This marks another of those great
epochs in which transformations begin. We have a verv
different religious world to picture to ourselves. There
was as yet no Christianity, no Mohammedanism, and Bud-
IOO THE MONIST.
dhism had not traveled to Thibet, China, or Japan. Then
too, many of the old faiths were still living.
Judaism was limited to the little Roman colony of Pal-
estine.
Zeus and Jupiter were yet reigning, but with enfeebled
power in Greece and Italy.
Odin and Thor inspired and checked the fierce hordes
of Teutons north of the Alps.
The Celtic Druids managed the faith of the Britons.
Osiris and Isis were sinking into oblivion in Egypt.
Ahura Mazda, although temporarily weakened by as-
saults from the West, yet commanded the reverence of most
Persian hearts.
Buddhism had won the ascendency in India from Pun-
jab to Ceylon.
Confucianism held well-nigh unmolested sway in China.
Of the rest of the world we know nothing, except what
archaeology is beginning to reveal.
(4) About 400-500 B. C. Here we stand on the thresh-
old of one of the greatest epochs in history. Mighty
changes were soon to be effected in various parts of the
world. New tendencies of mind and morals are being
born, and the political face of the world is putting on new
aspects. The center of political power is in the Medo-
Persian Empire, which is now at its height. Greece too
has reached the acme of its glory and receives an irre-
coverable blow from the monarch of the East. The Roman
Republic (yet very small) has just started on its stormy
and brilliant career. The Jews have been carried into
captivity. Babylon and Nineveh are falling. Socrates
(470-399), Buddha (560-480), and Confucius (550-478)
are now living and have begun to turn out the past and
usher in the future. Surely change on a great scale was
taking place in men's spirits when in three such widely
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 1OI
sundered regions as China, India, and Greece, the con-
ditions had become such that minds like these could and
must be developed. Two things are suggested. First, the
religious notions of the past were so old as to be worn
out. Then again, the nature conditions of the past had
reached a stage where higher moral ground was possible,
was necessary. In these great personalities we have the
mouth-pieces of the higher things ready to be spoken in
those lands. Here were crises of opportunities which
floated men into eternal fame. In other lands, before and
since, has the like occurred. In Persia, ages before this
the old religion died and the new was spoken by Zara-
thustra. In Palestine ages later the old formalistic Juda-
ism was to be set away into obscurity by the living prac-
tical moral gospel of Jesus. In Arabia, after still farther
ages, the old nature worship and animism was to be re-
placed through Mohammed by the call to Islam (Salva-
tion) and the worship of Allah alone.
2. Statistics. — The enumeration or estimate of the num-
ber of adherents to the various religions is a work as yet
beset with insuperable difficulties. In the first place, there
is no reliable census taken among more than half the peo-
ples of the globe. Of the 1540 millions estimated to be
living at present, only 700 millions may be considered as
counted fairly well. A people must have reached a very
high social stage of civilization before the census sense
becomes operative, and some of those who would be sup-
posed from their development otherwise to have an interest
in knowing their numbers, etc., seem to have none. When
besides the so-called savage and barbarous world, which
includes the natives of America, Polynesia, Australia, most
of Africa, and Northern Asia, is added the indifference of
many of the civilized nations, the difficulty begins to show
its greatness. As an illustration or two of the latter, I
might remark that the population of Constantinople is
IO2 THE MONIST.
not known, and the census of Cuba has never been carefully
taken.
Then as to the question of making estimates, there are
double and triple uncertainties. First, in many of these
uncounted regions the population is so changeable from
time to time as to defy even respectable estimates. The
nomadic and emigrating tendencies of many peoples are
things hard to take into consideration. They are in this
way liable to be counted twice or not to be counted at all.
This is further increased by the wide-spread practice of
kidnapping slaves and wives. Other factors, are the great
variations of populations produced by unequal birth rates.
Professor Ratzel of Leipsic cites the case of a single small
village in Bavaria of which he examined the baptismal
records for a period covering some 250 years, and found
variations in the number of births from 170 to 38 for dif-
ferent decades with an almost invariable village popula-
tion. Many examinations of this kind go to show that
increase of populations, among other things, depends much
on the outlook of the people. Besides this to-a-large-
extent-unconsciously sterile or prolific tendency, there are
the facts of infanticide and suicide, both of which prevail
at times to an unbelievable extent among some nations.
Again, there are various races, which through contact
with higher civilizations and from other causes, are in a
state of constant decline in numbers. Some have already
died out entirely (Tasmanians, etc.) ; others are fast de-
creasing (Indians, Maori, etc.). And lastly, three of the
mightiest factors having to do with this uncertainty and
variation in the world's population, are famine, pestilence,
and war. In some lands and at some times the proportion
is very greatly disturbed by these. Happer, an English
writer on the Chinese, tells of 63,000,000 having perished
by hunger since 1812. And some one (Meadows I think)
says that 30,000,000 Chinese perished in a single rebellion.
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. IO3
In India the populations of certain regions are occasionally
terribly reduced by either famine or cholera. War not
infrequently decimates the male population and seriously
disturbs the naturally balanced numerical relations of the
sexes. These factors put together go to show that there
might be such a science as the pathology of population.
When to all these difficulties in the formation of esti-
mates of the numbers living either now or in the past, is
added the variations in the actual estimates made by trav-
elers and investigators, the case begins to look like a hope-
less one. How great this confusion may threaten to be,
may be better appreciated if I state, that the population of
China has during recent years been variously calculated
from 150 to 450 millions. The most reliable figures, how-
ever, range between 370 and 420 millions, the latter being
the sum given by Tseng, a Chinese statistician. (In A. D.
57 China had 21 millions.)
But to come closer to the question of calculating the
votaries of the different faiths of the world, it must be
observed that the problem would be far from solved even
if we could count the peoples of the various lands, though
enumeration on the best approximation of these is the only
result yet or perhaps ever possible. Statistics of religion
in general can do no more than collect the aggregates of
population in various lands and divide the sums among
the faiths supposed to predominate in those various re-
gions. But this is almost the loosest sort of generaliza-
tion, and has no solider basis than the assumption that
peoples living under the same general environment and in
the regions where certain doctrines have been extensively
preached, must have the same religious outlook. The as-
sumption has some truth on its side. Such peoples must
necessarily have more in common and possess a greater
similarity of theory and practice than those who are widely
separated and who are surrounded by very different cir-
IO4 THE MONIST.
cumstances of life. Yet this assumption and method, with-
out qualification, leave no room for the play of individual-
ity. Though the intelligent thinking Chinaman is far nearer
the religious point of view of Buddhism than he is of
Protestant Christianity, and though the scientifically in-
clined European or American is probably more in sympathy
with the latter than he is with the former, yet it is straining
the category of either name to class such men with the
mass of their countrymen who subscribe to these confes-
sions and their ordinances. And this class of non-con-
formists in all civilized countries, though never conspicuous
or exactly ascertainable, must be somewhat numerous, the
more so in proportion to the liberty and intelligence of the
people. Hence when it is stated that the number of Chris-
tians or Buddhists is so and so, we perceive the necessity of
discounting the estimate to a considerable extent from this
reason alone. I should remark in passing, that the in-
accuracy of religious statistics inx failing to represent the
individualism and independence of many, may be and is in
part remedied in what we term sectarian statistics. Yet
this can never appear in those general estimates of the
religions of the world, and consequently our cautions re-
main in full force. We must further make the perhaps
yet greater deduction of that multitude of indifferent per-
sons to be found everywhere. Almost every neighborhood
numbers its scores who give little or no attention to the
question of religion in any of the usual senses. These two
classes in the aggregate seriously diminish the accuracy
of our customary estimates. Nevertheless we must make
them as best we can, and learn from them what we may.
The most remarkable interest in the scientific study of
religions and of religion was manifest in the period between
the later 70*8 and the early 90*5 of the nineteenth century.
The labors accomplished by Max Miiller, Rhys Davids,
Tiele, Sayce, Bournouf, Kuenen, Whitney, Spencer, Pflei-
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS.
105
derer, Brinton, Reville, Johnson, Carus, and their many co-
workers, began another epoch in religious history. The
influence of this work brought about the World's Congress
of Religions at Chicago in 1893; and its continuation in a
hundred ways is steadily modifying the religious outlook,
not only of Christendom but of the peoples who have for
centuries held to the other historic faiths.
( i ) T. W. Rhys Davids, the eminent English Oriental
scholar and authority on Buddhism, gives the population
of the world and of the various religions as follows. (See
his Buddhism, etc.)
RELIGIONS
NUMBERS
Jews
7,000,000
155,000,000
75,000,000^
152,000,000
100,000,000
160,000,000
500,000,000
150,000
1,200,000
100,000,000
> 327,000,000
Mohammedans
Greek Christian
Roman Catholic Christian
Protestant Christian
Brahmanism
Buddhism
Parsees
Sikhs
Heathen
1,250,350,000
(2) The Justus Perthes Geographische Anstalt of Go-
tha, one of the highest statistical authorities in the world,
RELIGIONS
MILLIONS
PER CENT
Christians
AAC
-JQ 2
Catholics
20O
n 6
Protestants
TfiO
IO °
Greek Orthodox
87
e Q
Others
8
O ^
Mohammedans
I7O
II. q
Israelites
7
O ^
Heathen
852
57 8
1474
100.
io6
THE MONIST.
gives the preceding figures. (See Taschen- Atlas, 22. Aufl.
von Hermann Habenicht. Mit geogr.-stat. Notizen [by
H. Wichmann], 1886.)
In this connection I will give for future reference the
same authority's figures on the numbers of the principal
races of the world.
RACES
MILLION
PERCENT
African and Semites
176
II. Q
Oceanic .... .
w
2.2
American
IO
O.7
Dravidian . . . .... ...
40
2.7
Mongolian
586
TO. 7
Indo-European . .
631
42 8
1476
100.
(3) From G. Droy sen's Historischer Hand- Atlas, 1886,
a most excellent outline work, I take the following esti-
mates (p. 92).
RELIGIONS
NUMBERS
Christians . .
442,35 1 000
Mohammedans
186,356,000
Buddhists
Brahmanists
l87 CL17.J.^O
Heathen .
02. l82.TdO
I,356,8o6,570
(4) Meyers Hand-Lexikon (3. Aufl., 1885) gives a
careful statistical analysis of the general religious con-
dition of the world drawn from the most recent enumera-
tions and estimates. In the following summary I have
divided the 687 millions set down there as the "worshipers
of Brahma and Buddha" into four groups, viz., Hinduism,
Parseeism, Sikhism, and Buddhism, leaving the total the
same, while putting for the three latter the numbers given
by Rhys Davids (II, p. 1611).
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS.
107
RELIGIONS
MILLIONS
I3i
210
92
6"/2/
196
i«5u/»
Y«
1%
500
I28"/*
• 433
; loisv*
Roman Catholic Christianity .
Greek Christianity
Judaism . . . .
Mohammedanism .
Parseeism
Buddhism . . . ...
Others
I45IV.O
(5) A later estimate (culled from various sources, but
not so carefully discriminated) is found in a Beilage to the
Allgemeine Zeitung for January, 1901. Some of the re-
sults of this estimate are given in Appleton's American
(Annual) Cyclopedia, 3d Ser., Vol. VI, (for 1901).
RELIGIONS.
ADHERENTS.
Christians 501,600,000
Roman Catholics 240,000,000
Protestants 163,300,000
Greek Catholics 98,300,000
Mohammedans 167,200,000
Jews 7,100,000
Pagans (largely Buddhist and Brahmin) 667,800,000
Heathen (Savage) 95400,000
1439,100,000
The same authority gives the world's population as
i, 544,509,00x3.
The figures for the adherents of Roman Catholicism
are given by Mulhall in 1898 as 200,450,000.
The Jewish Year Book for 1902 gives the total number
of Jews in the world as 10,378,530.
The official estimate of the Turkish government gives
the total number of Mohammedans in the world as 176-
IO8 THE MONIST.
000,000 for about the year 1900; while Mr. Mann in the
North American Review, 1900, increases the sum to 200-
313,845.
This result I have used in another way to make an
object lesson. If a surface be laid out with 38%o units on
each side, it will contain 145^0 square units. By using
different colors and coloring as many squares as each
religion has millions of adherents, their comparative fol-
lowings may be strikingly perceived at a glance.
C. CLASSIFICATIONS BASED ON PHILOSOPHIES OF RELIGION.
SUBJECTIVE.
i. Professor Pfleiderer of Berlin, in a work entitled:
Die Religion, ihr Wesen und Hire Geschichte (2 Bande,
1869), developed a division of which he said: "Wir hoffen,
dass diese Einleitung der Religionen uberhaupt und der
heidnischen insbesondere sich durch die Verbindung ge-
schichtlicher Treue mit begrifflicher Scharfe von selbst
empfehlen, und dass sie auch vor der strengsten Kritik
jener Empiriker, welche gegen jedwede begriffliche Sche-
matisirung stets misstrauisch sind, standhalten werde."
(II, p. 60.) He bases it on an attempted psychological
analysis of the fundamental principles of religion, the
ground basis of piety. Here is to be sought the one un-
derived reality to which all else is accidental. The reason
that previous divisions have proved untenable is, according
to Pfleiderer's mind, that they have been based on secon-
dary phenomena instead of being founded in the essence
of religion itself. In such divisions there are always cer-
tain points which will not stand the pressure of the facts.
But he says : "Die Leichtigkeit hingegen, mit welcher hier
der geschichtliche Stoff sich subsumirt unter den begriff-
lichen Schematismus, ist ein Beweis fur die Richtigkeit
des Eintheilungsprinzips, also schliesslich noch ein Beweis
fur die richtige Fassung des Begriffs der Religion, wel-
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. ICX)
chem das Eintheilungsprinzip entnommen wurde." Here
is confidence enough. It should indeed be an excellent
theory to warrant so much. We will look at it and hear its
later fate. (See Chart.)
In the first place, its geneology must be observed. It
will be remembered from the discussion upon the psycho-
logical origin of the religious nature,* that Schleiermacher
founded it in feeling and made its essence to consist of a
sense of absolute dependence, and that Hegel laid its basis
wholly in thought and found its essence to be sense of free-
dom, the more unlimited and the higher it rose the more
religious. Both theories were paraded to excess by their
respective followers, and received the hardest criticism from
the other side and from outsiders. Indeed, one may almost
say that the history of these views constitutes the history
of religious philosophical discussion during the last fifty
to seventy-five years, especially in Germany. It became
more and more manifest (except to the most blinded parti-
sans) that neither view was able to hold the ground. A
new theory or a compromise was the only resort. The
former was out of the question on any of the old bases.
Kant had preempted the will, Schleiermacher the feeling,
and Hegel the intellect, each severally as the ground for
his structure. There was no other region known, and there
happened to be no passion for discovery at that time. In
this embarrassment Professor Pfleiderer (then at Tu-
bingen) came forward with a theory compromising be-
tween the views of Schleiermacher and Hegel. He admits
the ground claims of both, but will have none of the ex-
clusiveness of either. Neither is complete alone, nor are
they sufficient by adding them together in a mere com-
promise. They must be melted together, must be blended
into a perfect unity, a unity of such a peculiar type that
neither looses its essential character, while each mutually
* See How Religion arises — A Psychological Study, by Duren J. H. Ward.
no
THE MONIST.
admits the exercise of the other to the fullest extent ; indeed,
each in this fullest exercise of the other comes to get in
PFLEIDERER'S PHILOSOPHICAL CLASSIFICATION
OF RELIGION.
.The two elements of religion.
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IS W
yo
k
0)
§ >
i
JO -a
§s
if
Unequal Recognition.
(The two moments tending toward equilibrium.)
I
•II
0 C
en
•^
I
z
SL
.
. 2 .
'
1
^ j Balancing.
J | (Each moment having its relative claim admitted. ) 1 ~
CHRISTIANITY.
Blending.
(Both absolutely realized, each through the other. )
2.
this way, and in this way only, its own fullest play and
activity. This is truly a great insight. Such a work were
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. Ill
as really a discovery as the development of the onesided
views which it wrought into a higher view.
He lays out the ground somewhat as follows: "Das
Wesen des frommen Selbstbewusstseins an und fiir sich"
is the only factor conceivable for a sharp or exact division.
In this he finds two constituting moments: freedom and
dependence. In and for themselves each claims full and
unlimited sway. Hence arises conflict and struggle be-
tween them. The various relations growing out of these
two moments of religious life form a comprehensible and
sharply fixed basis of division. If in a religion one is pre-
dominant we see its essential characteristic, and so if the
other; but if we see them standing in an equilibrium of
validity, we recognize the approach to the perfect. Their
unequal coexistence will be found to be the common char-
acteristic of the heathen religions, while their greater bal-
ance is the chief mark of the monotheisms. These mono-
theisms again are divisible on the ground as to whether
the two elements only relatively have their rights recog-
nized, or whether this mutually recognized right becomes
a completely blended realization. Christianity represents
the latter, Judaism and Islam the former. In Christianity
is the fullest freedom reached only when the fullest de-
pendence is realized. (See 2 Cor. iii. 17, also Luke ix. 24.)
Judaism and Mohammedanism hold to both of these ele-
ments, but in such a way as to resemble two poles which
though inseparable yet stand over against each other in op-
position. In these religions man feels himself free and also
dependent, but the two are not so blended that he finds his
freedom in his dependence, and at the same time the satis-
faction of his own will in the service of God. In them
the one moment leaves off when and where the other be-
gins.
Not so in Heathenism. Sometimes an overpowering
sense of dependence, sometimes an unlimited notion of free-
112 THE MONIST.
dom are the characterizing elements. Never are both rec-
ognized, never do they stand in equipoise, never do they
blend in pious experience. Both being indestructible ele-
ments, neither is ever wholly lost, and even in greatest
subjection, the unrecognized factor reacts with what weak
powers it has left. Yet when vigorous reaction comes, it
too is just as onesided. In the heathen mind these elements
are so unbalanced that they do not stand as in Judaism
merely out of and beside each other, but stand in a relation
of opposition, of againstness, or of contradiction to each
other. In this opposed way each is false from the other's
point of view. One of the two chief tendencies will be
taken by the religious mind on the stage of pure nature.
Either man gives himself up entirely to his dependent
sense, regards himself as on all sides determined and at
the disposal of the Divine All-life, in which case the nat-
ural will seeks by the satisfaction of the natural im-
pulses to compensate itself all the more because of this
resignation. This accounts for the mixture of resigned
self-sacrifice (asceticism) and gross sensuality in the pan-
theistic nature religions. On the other hand, man realizes
his dependence little, an overflowing fulness of life gives
an overpowering feeling of freedom from the control of
the finite and limited gods of nature. He is, to be sure,
in a measure dependent on them, since he prays for their
help: but at the same time he thinks to compel them into
his service through the craft or force of his magic and
divine exorcisms. The real feeling of dependence now
reacts in the fear of an unconditioned might standing yet
higher than the gods, a blind necessity or fate. This is
everywhere at the back of polytheism, hard and oppressive
in proportion as the gods are believed to be limited. In
the stage of development which precedes what we term
the beginning of civilization, this contrast of freedom and
dependence is at its strongest. With the entrance of a
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 113
higher social condition in the taking on of family and civic
relations this sharp division is toned down somewhat. The
individual begins, by the suggestions and incentives which
these impose upon him, to recognize himself as belonging
to a law-ordered whole. The sensuous will of man is re-
strained by custom and law till he feels his dependence on
society, but at the same time he is lifted into a higher free-
dom in that to his previously selfish interest there is given
now the greater content of a more universal aim, or inter-
est. This filling out of the sense of freedom with moral
content and the drawing of the sense of dependence toward
moral powers (deities) gradually destroys the conflict be-
tween them. The Greeks or Romans who had received
this moral and civic culture no longer feared that blind
fate above the gods; but fate became to them gradually
more and more the rational will of a Zeus who was the
bearer of the natural world-order, or of a Jupiter Capito-
linus who was the supporter of the Roman idea of the
State. On the other hand, the cultured Chinaman, who
before had been borne down by a stupid resignation to his
complete dependence on the irrational life of nature, felt
this no longer in the former way; but as the notion of his
State-relations took hold on his life, his dependence rec-
ognized itself as leaning on an essentially rational whole.
In both examples, however, the moral and civic relations
are imperfect, their powers of influence are only relatively
universal, hence the will in dependence on them does not
arrive to a perfect freedom, i. e., the two do not become
inwardly fully reconciled to each other. A third stage to
be noticed in the cultivated nature religion, he calls the
supernatural. This is where the deified powers are no
longer the natural powers merely. A fundamental breach
is made with nature, yet not to the extent that a positive
supernatural world is attained, nor to the denial of all the
old nature powers. There is spirit worship of the higher
114 THE MONIST.
sort along with many elements of nature-religion. Of
this sort are Brahmanism and Buddhism on the one side,
and Zarathustrianism on the other. Both have escaped
the limits of the finite, in nature as well as the State, and
are consequently to be distinguished from the previous
stages. They form indeed a sort of pre-stage to a mono-
theistic religion. There is yet between them a contrasted
onesidedness : since in the Indian religions the false de-
pendence on the finite is broken by the release from sen-
suous self-torture (in Buddhism also of mental) without
attaining to a positive freedom in the infinite ; while in the
Persian, though the freedom is placed as the absolute aim
of divine things, yet it never reaches to the abolition of a
dependence on the ungodly. The remnants of a former
naturalism yet remain in its strong dualism.
Complete and invulnerable as the author's enthusiasm
led him to boast his theory and classification to be, it was
not complete enough to win his own assent a few years
later. He has re-written the whole topic a couple of times
since, and has finally himself abandoned the theory which
was to have resisted the strongest criticism of opposing
schools through its "combination of historical fidelity and
exactness of comprehension." In his more recent work,
Religions philosophic auf geschichtlicher Grundlage, he pro-
poses another theory and a different basis of division.
According to the view being here developed, he is as much
at fault for abandoning this division as he was at first for
making it and supposing it to be final. One would have to
abandon each latest view on the same ground and in the
same way, if he lived and remained as fertile and progres-
sive minded as heretofore. The difficulty lies not so much
in the great faultiness of the classification principle, but
in supposing it could do the work of other classifica-
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 115
tions. For its legitimate purposes it is most excellent.
One cannot look upon it carefully without being impressed
with the amount of truth that it teaches. Like the other
attempts which we have looked at, it has its importance.
It is no fault of a theory that it is misused, or that un-
reasonable confidence is placed in it or immodest claims
made for it. Our theories would often serve us better
than they do, if we could estimate them for what they
are : not finalities, but theories, working hypotheses, points
of view, means of insight, etc. It is a very poor one indeed
that is not of some service; it is a most excellent one
indeed that does not soon run us into errors, extravagances,
and dangers, if we push its application.
The way in which Professor Pfleiderer applied this
theory to the various religions would seem to indicate,
whether he intended it or not, that he regarded religion
as a projected morality. Observe especially the remarks
about the cultured Greek, Roman, and Chinaman. To do
this would be to limit it in actual fact to morality, when
we undeceive ourselves as to the source of the projected
objects of worship and of our relationships. Our only
excuse for longer letting our moral conceptions take such
objectified form would be, that it added a greater glow
of enthusiasm and romance to our actual moral relations
to think them in such a manner, or that it were best for
the common folk to have this sort of supernatural outlook.
Again the chief or pivotal terms of the division, free-
dom and dependence, are not used throughout in the same
sense, as will be seen by a thoughtful examination. At
the start they are the fundamental elements of all pious
feeling, but later it would seem that one or the other had,
in his mind (especially the sense of freedom), become the
all-absorbing, all-worthy element. On this, witness his
discrimination regarding the Persian religion, where the
Il6 THE MONIST.
sense of dependence is indicated as though belonging to the
character of mind which debases itself before demons.
The position in the plan to which he assigns both Bud-
dhism and Islam are entirely wrong in my opinion. The
prominent characteristics of the former place it under free-
dom, those of the latter assign it to the side of dependence.
Another remark should be passed, viz., that we would
be led by this theory to place too high an estimate on aver-
age Christianity; since, except in the very highest cases,
has there neither in Christianity, Judaism, or Moham-
medanism ever been more than a practical adjustment or
compromise between these two fundamental elements. Such
a consummation were devoutly to be wished, and such a
classification or analysis would have inestimable value if
its calling attention to these relations aided in any way so
practical an end. One can scarcely doubt that here is an
attempted expression of one of the deepest features and
relations of the religious life, and though its full and satis-
factory explanation may yet be unaccomplished, we become
convinced that it has in it a profound reality.
D. CLASSIFICATIONS BASED ON RACIAL RELATIONSHIP.
GENEALOGICAL.
i. According to Linguistic Affinity.
Prof. Max Miiller (Introd. to the Science of Religion,
p. 143 ff.) says: "The only scientific and truly genetic
classification of religions is the same as the classification
of languages. Particularly in the early history of the
human intellect, there exists the most intimate relationship
between language, religion, and nationality." The out-
ward appearance, tangibility, or framework of religion in
early times, that by which it was communicable from heart
to heart, centered around a few words and expressions
pertaining to deity, sacrifice, altar, prayer, possibly body,
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 117
soul, virtue, sin. "Early religion and early language
are most intimately connected, religion depending entirely
for its outward expression on the more or less adequate
resources of language." To understand this clearly, is
to arrive at a basis for the most useful classification of
religions. Whatever genetic relationships exist between
languages * 'ought to hold together the religions of the
world, at least the most ancient religions/'
In Asia, with its most important peninsula Europe, we
have three families of languages : Turanian, Semitic, and
Aryan. In each of these (especially the first two) the
growth of language became arrested, i. e., ceased to be
natural, and through religious and political influences be-
came permanent and solidified. With this petrifaction
of language into historical speech went on a like petri-
faction of religion into the three great independent settle-
ments. The character of the latter is in great measure
determined by that of the former, or at least is found to be
of similar analogy.
Of Turanian languages, Chinese is the oldest repre-
sentative. If we look into its early forms we get light
on this early family of religions. Accompanying the prosy
speech of China we find an ancient colorless and unpoetical
religion, one which might, after the manner of the lan-
guage, also be called monosyllabic. Its deities are a host
of independent spirits, having in the worshiper's mind
little mutual interrelationship. They are evidently per-
sonifications of the heavens, sun, storms, mountains, rivers,
etc. Beside these stands the worship of ancestral spirits
and those of the more recently departed who are believed to
be lookers-on of human affairs and to be exercising their
powers for good or evil. This old form of faith, a double
worship of human and natural spirits, lives on even yet
among the lower ranks, though at least since the time of
Il8 THE MONIST.
Confucius it has been superseded in the upper stratum of
intelligence.
Among Semitic races the names of deities clearly mark
off their religions as characteristic, though indeed in lan-
guage, literature, and general civilization they are so dif-
ferent from each other and from themselves at different
times. Yet running through the polytheisms of Babylon,
Phoenicia, and Carthage, as well as the monotheisms of
Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans, there runs the same
great dominant characteristic notion of God in History,
God mingling in and ruling over the affairs of men as
individuals, races, and nations, as contrasted with the
characteristic of God in nature. The tendency of the
peoples has been to lay the stress of life on social organi-
zation and moral relationships ; hence as we might expect,
Semitic deities in general bear names expressive of moral
qualities : the Strong, the Exalted, the Lord, the King, etc.
Generally, too, the anthropomorphism is not strong nor
the dramatic activity prominent. Hence their tendency
to monotheism, aided by the external circumstance of mo-
notonous desert life.
And thirdly the Aryans, though now scattered by ex-
tended enterprise to all parts of the globe, are a family
easily recognized by the roots of their language. Through
the names of their gods also they show an original oneness
of religion. Professor Muller denies the oft-repeated re-
mark that their worship may be characterized as a wor-
ship of nature, and says, "if it had to be characterized by
one word, I should venture to call it a worship of God in
Nature, of God as appearing behind the gorgeous veil of
Nature, rather than as hidden behind the veil of the sanc-
tuary of the human heart. The gods of the Aryans assume
an individuality so strongly marked and permanent, that
with the Aryans a transition to monotheism required a
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. I IQ
powerful struggle, and seldom took effect without icono-
clastic revolutions or philosophical despair."
* * #
Here are three types of religion accompanying three
types of language and race, the formation and settlement
of which into these special features have and will for all
future time determine the fate of the whole human race.
The three unities which at some remote past epoch these
peoples formed, have in course of time through increase
of numbers and other circumstances disintegrated into
what might seem a chaos of peoples, tongues, and relig-
ions. Yet it was not a chaos, for out of this seemingly
inextricable confusion of dialects and variety of races our
modern science has been able to assert the original unity
and restore the principal former characteristics. (As yet
the case with regard to the Turanians is somewhat doubt-
ful.)
Professor Miiller makes reference to an African and an
American family of races, languages, and religions which
long ago broke up into various divisions without devel-
oping literature or settled speech, and hence their relation-
ships are a vastly more difficult study. At the time in which
he was speaking there was little to be gained from them
in the way of support for his general view.
The case of Aryan unity he develops at some length
giving substantially the same reasons that I have done in
another place relying principally on the authority of Pictet.
(See "The Primeval Aryans, etc.") He cites the names
of their principal deities, calls attention to their terms
expressive of the most essential elements of religion, as
prayer, sacrifice, altar, spirit, law, faith, etc. He also
mentions such cases as the terms for house, town, king,
etc.
I2O THE MONIST.
The comparison of the Semitic family of languages is
carried out with more completeness. Here the relation is
closer, the sub-races have never been so scattered, their
intercourse has been more frequent, and hence their lin-
guistic and religious relationships are more manifest. So
manifest indeed is the former, that no Semitic scholar has
ever thought it to be worth his while to carry out such a
comparative study of their likenesses as Pictet and others
have done within the Aryan family. Nor has there ever
been wrought out a comparative grammar of the Semitic
languages, like that of Bopp's, e. g., on the Aryan. By
the same process of comparison which has been so success-
fully carried on in the Aryan group could we here still
easier reconstruct the primeval Semitic civilization and
religion. ( A noble work yet to be executed by some earnest
progressive-minded Semitic scholar who might tell us how
this race lived and what they believed and thought before
Hebrew was Hebrew, and before there was any Syriac,
Aramaic, Arabic, Ethiopic, Phoenician, or Babylonian
speeches.)
The evidence of the pre-historic oneness of the Semites
drawn from the names of the deities is unusually strong.
This similarity of appellation and its meaning points to
the fact that there must have been a time when they as
well as the Aryans decided as one people upon certain
names for their gods, and nothing is more evident than
the fact that this period preceded the special development
into the separate languages and individual religions. The
root El (meaning Strong) tells a great history with regard
to this race. In Babylonian inscriptions we find it in Ilu
(God), as well as in Bab-il (the gate or temple of II).
Among the Hebrews we have it in Beth-el (house of God),
and in ha-El, preceded by the article (the Strong, the
God, i. e., Jehovah). The Phoenicians in Byblus (Jebel)
worshiped El, the son of Heaven and earth. His grand-
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 121
father Elium, the most high God, was killed by wild ani-
mals, and his father dethroned, and finally slain by him-
self. Philo identifies this god El with the Greek Kronos,
and represents him as the presiding deity of the planet
Saturn. This same El is the presiding deity of this planet
according to Diodorus Siculus. And the Himyritic in-
scriptions in Southern Arabia also contain it. The Hebrew
Eloah (plural Elohim) is the same word as the Arabic
Ildh (God), which without the article means god in gen-
eral, and with the article, Al-ilah or Allah, it is the God
of the Koran. Again it appears in the Arabic in the fem-
inine A Hat to whom a famous temple at Taif was dedicated ;
and this Allat of the Koran (whose temple was destroyed
by Mohammed's command) is doubtless the one mentioned
by Herodotus (iii, 8).
The word Baal or Bel is another name of deity common
to most of the Semitic peoples." Assyrians, Babylonians,
Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Moabites, Philistines, and
Jews all worshiped this deity as a great or as the supreme
God. This points to their earlier unity as a race and to
his greatness as a god. Later through local worship we
hear of many Baals (Baalim collectively and with special
names singly) : Baal-tsur (of Tyre), Baal-tsidon (of Si-
don), Baal-tars (of Tarsus), Baal-berith (of Shechem,
god of treaties, Judg. viii. 33; ix. 4), Baal-zebub (of the
Philistines at Ekron, 2 Kings i. 2, 3, 16), Baal-peor (of
the Moabites and Jews, Numb, xxv), and Baal-Shamayim
(on Phoenician coins). The last named is the Beelsamen
which Philo speaks of as the Phoenician sun-god, thus:
"When the heat became oppressive the ancient races of
Phoenicia lifted their hands heavenward to the sun. For
him they considered the only God, the lord of heaven, cal-
ling him Beelsamen, which with the Phoenicians is lord
of heaven, and with the Greeks Zeus/'
The Ashtoreth mentioned in the Old Testament and
122 THE MONIST.
worshiped by the Jews (i Kings xi. 5; Judg. iii. 12), the
Ishtar of the Babylonians mentioned in inscriptions and in
the famous epic (Geo. Smith, Chaldean Account of Gen-
esis), the Ashtar of the Moabite stone, and the Astarte
of the Syrians, are one and the same goddess. Traces of
this goddess and her consort are also found in the Himya-
ritic kingdom, as in Athtar.
The Hebrew Melech\ the Moloch of Carthage, Crete,
Rhodes, and the valley of Hinnom ; the Milcom of the Am-
monites (who had a sanctuary in Mt. Olivet) ; and the
Adranunelech and Anammelech of the Sepharvites (to
whom, according to 2 Kings xvii. 31, they burned their
children in sacrifice), are local varieties of an early Sem-
itic deity.
The Old Testament Adonai (my lord) applied only
to Jehovah, was in Phoenicia the very name of the Supreme
Deity. This personage, as is well known, was adopted
into the Greek mythology, and became transformed into
the beautiful young Adonis, loved by Aphrodite, and killed
by the wild boar of Ares.
Yet other names are mentioned besides these. Alto-
gether the case is an unusually strong one from this class
of words alone, that the Semitic religions belonged to-
gether geneologically as a class on the same basis that
their language in other ways relate them as peoples of
the same race. The period when they were one people
with one language and one religion far antedates historic
times, yet, as in the case of the Aryans, it is none the less
certain; and should the work be undertaken by a scholar
competent for the task, I doubt not that a much better
reconstruction of primeval Semitic civilization and religion
might be effected than has been done in the former case.
On the Turanian ground the way is less sure. The
subject is exceedingly difficult, because it has been com-
paratively little investigated. The languages of the Chi-
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 123
nese, Mandshus, Northern Mongolian, Tartars, Finns, etc.
have as yet been very little a subject of scientific study.
However, with such evidence as may be obtained, the mat-
ter of proving a linguistic relationship as a basis for a
relationship of religions is attempted. Miiller's method
of proof is faulty here in that he calls to his aid the simi-
larity in the religions which he would, as proposed at first,
prove by linguistic relations alone. Nevertheless the case
is not so badly blemished as to make the investigation
worthless, since they do actually assist each other much.
In the cases of the Aryans and Semites we knew more of
their languages at start than we did of their religions,
and hence our knowledge of the former very naturally
proved a great help toward a better understanding of the
latter besides showing their geneological connections. But
with the Turanians, we are better acquainted at the outset
with their religious notions than with the family relation-
ship of their tongues. Hence very naturally the racial
unity which the similarity of their religions points to is
aided but not absolutely proved by the investigation of the
leading religious terms. In the background of all Tura-
nian religions are certain fundamental ideas which have
a closer resemblance even at first glance than any of these
have with other faiths. With all of them there goes a
nature worship of a sort peculiar to the group. A few
comparisons and terms will show what basis there is for
the attempt.
In the Shu-king (one of the most ancient sacred books
of China) heaven and earth are the father and mother of
all things. In the ancient poetry, Heaven alone is both
father and mother. The heaven-spirit is called Tien, and
is ever used as the name of the supreme deity, i. e., he is
the Chinese Jupiter or Allah. The word means the Great
One, and in Chinese characters is compounded of two
signs: ± (to) meaning "great" and - (yih) meaning
124 THE MONIST.
"one/' ^ (ta-yih or Tien). The Peerless, the Great, the
High, the Exalted, the One, stands above all else. It is
personified as the ancestor of all things, as the framer, as
having decrees and will, as sending sages to teach the
people, as knowing men's hearts, and as comforting them.
This was the solace of Confucius when he desponded be-
cause men would not hear him: "Heaven knows me."
With the other multitude of nature spirits believed in by
the common people, the sages had little to do. "Respect
the gods, and keep them at a distance," was a remark of
Confucius when pressed by his disciples regarding the
bearing of a wise man toward them. These gods were
spirits of the sun, moon, stars, earth, mountains, rivers,
and ancestors of the people.
Putting beside these facts the less complete and prob-
ably less trustworthy accounts of travelers from Central
and Northern Asia, we recognize some striking coinci-
dences. "Everywhere we find a worship of the spirits of
nature, of the spirits of the departed, though behind and
above it there rises the belief in some higher power, known
by different names, sometimes called the Father, the Old
One, who is the Maker and Protector of the world, and
who always resides in heaven/' From Chinese historians
we learn that the Huns worshiped the sun, moon, spirits
of the sky and earth, and spirits of the departed. Menander,
a Byzantine writer, relates of the Turks in his time, that
they worshiped fire, water, earth, and believed in and
sacrificed to a god whom they regarded as the maker of
the world. Castren, the chief modern authority on the
religion of these Northern Mongolians (See his For-
lesungen uber finnische Mythologie], says of the Tungusic
tribes: "They worship the sun, the moon, the stars, the
earth, fire, the spirits of forests, rivers, and certain sacred
localities ; they worship even images and fetishes, but with
all this they retain a faith in a supreme being which they
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 125
call Buga." " The Samoyedes," he says, "worship idols
and various natural objects; but they always profess a
belief in a higher divine power which they call Num." This
deity they also call Junta, which is the same as the Jumala
of Finland. Jumala, from Juma, thunder, and la, the
place, meant originally the sky. Later it signified the god
of the sky, and finally came to designate gods in general.
Among Lapps, Esthonians, Syrjanes, Tcheremissians, and
Votyakes the same word is found with slight dialectic vari-
ations having the like chief signification. Castren tells a
good story to illustrate Samoyede sun worship, or heaven
worship where the sun is thought of as the heaven god.
He asked an old woman whether she ever said her prayers.
She replied : "Every morning I step out of my tent and bow
before the sun, and say, 'When thou risest, I, too, rise from
my bed.' And every evening I say, 'When thou sinkest
down, I, too, sink down to rest/ ' And she added with
a touch of self-righteousness : <rThere are wild people who
never say their morning and evening prayers."
So much for the general similarity of religions; but
are there no linguistic connections? We saw that the
Chinese Tien meant sky, god of the sky, and god in gen-
eral, being in meaning the exact counterpart of the North-
Turanian Jumala. In Mongolian speech we find Teng-ri
with the same three meanings, with the later signification of
spirit or demon, good or bad. In Turkish we have T angry
or Tenri, and in Yakute Tangara. Earlier Chinese authors
tell us that the Huns gave to their leaders the title Tangli-
Kutu (or in Chinese Tchen-jil), which meant in Hunnish
speech Son of Heaven. Now this title Son of Heaven,
Tien-tze, is also the Chinese designation of their emperor.
Again, the Chinese historians say that the Tukiu, the an-
cestors of the Turks, worshiped the spirits of the earth,
calling them the Pu-teng-i-li. If, as is probable, pu means
126 THE MONIST.
earth, we have in teng-i-li the Mongolian teng-ri, used in
that early time as the general name of gods and spirits.
In this series then we have a piece of linguistic evidence
of considerable value. We perceive for those of the family
in closest connection a name derived from a common root
given to the highest deity, and afterwards passing through
like organic changes in the process of development. "Every-
where they begin with the meaning of sky, they rise to
the meaning of God, and they sink down again to the
meaning of gods and spirits/' These changes of mean-
ing in the words run parallel with the changes which took
place in the religions of these peoples.
We have now seen the basis on which Professor Miiller
would set up a science of religion. The linguistic evidence
for a classification of the religions of peoples dwelling in
Africa, America, and Polynesia is not taken up in this
work. The three groups most conspicuous in history are
examined and the case is thought strong enough to draw
the induction, that in linguistic relationships we have the
ground for the most useful divisions within the field of re-
ligion. Leaving aside the incompleteness of the examination
both as to the number of groups left out and the unsatisfac-
toriness of the result, especially in the case of the Turanians,
the questions should be raised : Most useful for what pur-
pose? and why exclude other classifications for other pur-
poses ? As I have again and again remarked, each division
which proceeds to look at the subject from a new point of
view adds its contribution toward a complete understand-
ing, and consequently is just as legitimate and indispen-
sible as any other. Whoever then in an attempt to be
scientific makes a new ground of division should endeavor
not to commit that grossest of unscientific deeds, viz.,
the exclusion of facts within his field, even though those
facts come in the form of classifications which he did not
originate and over which he consequently does not glow
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 127
so earnestly. It has not been established by anything Pro-
fessor Miiller has brought forward, nor do I know of any
reason why it should be assumed, that "scientific" and
"genetic" cover each other, as he seems to assume at the
outset. Like all the views before studied, this has its pe-
culiar place. This sort of starting-point for the study of
religions puts us on track of racial and historic connections
and relationships between them. It affords help toward
answering one of the greatest demands of our times, viz.,
the question as to the origin and development of things,
i. e., the "genesis" question. In this respect it is indeed
a welcome suggestion. Yet we must not be so blind in our
enthusiasm as to suppose the questions over which we and
our age are chiefly interested constitutes the scope of "sci-
entific" investigation. Through language it is possible to
study mythologies and religions as in no other way. Their
organic relationship can be shown ofttimes beyond a doubt,
and then by the aid of history their relative claims of orig-
inality and independence can be reasonably settled. In this
way unjustifiable assumptions may be set aside and credit
be placed where it belongs. It consequently incites to
progress by driving us beyond these old assumptions, since
it shows us their origin, their relation to other similar
ones, their process of development, and, if we will, will help
to point out a higher standing-ground for the future.
Whatever can assist toward such desiderata has need of
no other excuse for its presence.
//. According to Ethnological Relationships and Histor-
ical Connections.
A NEW CLASSIFICATION.
The reason for an ethnological classification of religions
is the fact that religion gets its character from the people
or race who develop it or who adopt it, and that the re-
128 THE MONIST.
ligions of related peoples are more nearly alike in char-
acter. I have already quoted Max Mutter's remark that
"particularly in the early history of the human intellect,
there exists the most intimate relationship between lan-
guage, religion and nationality/' As history advances
the lines do not run quite so closely parallel. Each and
all become intermixed and influenced from without; yet
the cast imparted to it and the type which its exponents
give it are ever manifest. (Compare, e. g., English, Span-
ish, and Russian Christianity.) However, notwithstand-
ing all the deviations or separations between race and re-
ligion, there yet remains a striking unanimity. This is
presented to us at a glance when we take the trouble to
compare an ethnographic and a religious map of the world.
We have in our time, however, to compare groups or fami-
lies of each instead of individuals or single members as
would be the case in a study of the conditions in ancient
times.
Within the last few years we have heard much about
universal religions as contrasted with national or race
religions; but how strictly in the mass of the populations
the racial lines are maintained and how thoroughly they
modify any importations of foreign faiths brought about
by military might or political influence, is most manifest
as soon as our attention is given to the situation. To take
an illustration or two from the best known cases: the
Christianity of the Romish type, although preached with
an unrivalled pertinacity, has signally failed to take a
deep hold upon the Teutonic, or Germanic, races. It has
been able to take root only where the Roman civilization
had been or was at the same time planted. The indepen-
dent spirit of Northern Europe was never subjected to the
Roman yoke, and as soon as it reached a sufficient degree
of culture, it produced its Wiclifs, Husses, and Luthers
who, with the material then at hand, developed a distinct
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. I2Q
racial religious tendency. And the tenacity with which
these lines yet hold is too well known to need a word of
comment or support. Just as Romanism has found it im-
possible to penetrate northward, so Protestantism has made
little impression on Southern Europe. Wherever Romance
peoples are (in Italy, France, Spain, Portugal, Mexico,
and South America), there is Roman Christianity in the
ascendency; wherever Teutonic, or Germanic, peoples are
(in Germany — excepting the southern part where the pop-
ulation is less purely German, and where it was more sub-
jected to Roman civilization — Scandinavia, Great Britain,
Iceland, United States, British America, and Australia)
there is Protestantism.
Now the same influences, forces, and isolated circum-
stances which developed a special race developed at the
same time a special religion, which is a necessary con-
stituent element or part of a race (at least after man had
reached a certain stage of mental power or growth). Or,
as above explained, if the religion be one imposed upon the
race from without, it is destined to be made over and modi-
fied to correspond with the peculiar character, notions, and
circumstances of the people who come to adopt it. Only
an occasional thinker rises above the peculiarity which
makes his people a distinct one and advocates more uni-
versal tendencies; and since the influence of these rare-
coming individuals must be for various reasons exceed-
ingly limited (especially because the broader views which
they preach, in negating so much of the old peculiarities,
seem to the masses irreligious), the stamp given to a re-
ligion must ever come in greater part from the side of the
mediocrity of the population. Only at rare intervals in
history does there come a juncture of conditions when
individual influence can rise so high as to overturn the
popular views; and then we have the beginning of what
later is called a new religion. The new views are grad-
130 THE MONIST.
ually taken up by the masses and gradually but certainly
wrought over, interpreted and developed to correspond
to the tendencies and environments of the race in ques-
tion. Now it should be evident that a religion is not suf-
ficiently understood (whatever else we may know about
it) until it is seen in reference to these racial peculiarities
and circumstances of life. And if religion cannot be stud-
ied in its fulness and fairness without going into its eth-
nical manifestations, not more can we expect without such
a treatment to obtain a due appreciation for this great
historic factor. An ethnological study of the field will have
the advantage of showing what has been contributed by
the various races to the full idea or concept of religion.
It will show us that its essence has been conceived to con-
sist in now one and now another element, and through
this will teach the elements which properly belong within
its domain. In this way, its investigation will do away
with a multitude of misconceptions and onesided ideas.
Believing then, as I do, that new light may be thrown
upon religious phenomena by undertaking its examination
in such a manner as above suggested, and believing, as I
have said elsewhere, that such a study is demanded by
the broad candid requirements of our genuine modern
science ; I ofTer the accompanying ethnographical divisions
and outline tables as a guide for such an examination.
Although we are far from possessing the material for a
complete understanding of all these peoples, yet more is at
hand than most of us are aware of, more perhaps than we
yet have capacity to use, and more, it is to be feared, than
we yet have disposition to use with fairness and impar-
tiality toward those belonging to other stems of the race.
In support of this remark about the material which stands
ready for scientific disposal, as well as for the general cor-
respondence of the arrangements here adopted with the
facts, I beg leave to call attention to the works of Tylor,
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS.
Spencer, Fr. A Killer, Peschel, Ratzel, Hartmann, and
Waitz, and to the multitude of works referred to by these
well-known writers.
A TENTATIVE ETHNOGRAPHICO-HISTORICAL CLASSIFICATION
OF THE HUMAN RACES TO FACILITATE THE STUDY
OF RELIGIONS.— IN FIVE DIVISIONS.
TABLE
Malayans
Malacca
Sumatra
Java
Borneo
Madagascar
(Formosa
Phillipine
_ , ,
Celebes
Molucca
Micronesians
Melanesians
Polynesians
Australians
Pelew
Caroline
Marshall
Gilbert
f Solomon
Fiji
New Caledonia
New Hebrides
New Guinea
L Tasmania
r Tonga
Samoa
Society
Marquaesas
Paumotu
Hawai
L Maori (New Zealanders).
II
TABLE II.
See Volker-KarU in Ratzel's V6lkerkunde, Bd. I, 20.
Negroes: Peoples of the Soudan region etc.
Bantus: Kafir and Kongo Peoples of Central Africa.
Quoi-Quoin: Hottentots and Bushmen.
For North Africans, see Table V.
132
THE MONIST.
TABLE III.
1. Eskimo. (The connecting link with Mongolian.)
2. North American Indians. (Including many tribes from British America to
the Gulf of Mexico.)
3. Nahuas (Including the Aztecs, Toltecs, and Nahuas extending from Van-
couver's Island to Nicaragua.)
4. Antilleans. (Including the Mayas in Yucatan and the Natchez between the
Red and Mississippi Rivers. Were one of the most gifted of American
peoples. Subjected by the Caribs.)
5. Muyscas or Chidchas. (In South America.)
6. Quichua, Aymara, etc. (Culminating in the sun worship of the Incas of
Peru. A natural growth to a very high stage.)
7. Caribs and Arowaks. (Along the whole north coast of South America.)
~ Brazilian.. / Tupi-guaranos
Indies Mansos
8. South American Indians -<
Southern and South-east
Tribes. . .
Abipones
Pampas Indians
Puelches
Pategonians (or
Tehuelches).
Fuegians.
TABLE IV.
Mongol-Tartars of Northern and North-Eastern Asia
Ural-Altaic
(original unity of this branch has been
proved by Castren, the highest au-
thority on it.)
Indo-Chinese
' Lapps
Esthonians
Finns
Magyar
Turkish
- Tibetan
Burmese
Siamese
r Confucianism
Chinese
(ancient
•j Taoism
*• Chinese Buddhism
national
religion)
Japanese
(Old national religion Kami-no-madsu
or Sin-to.)
I
Confucianism
(Introd. from China in 7th cent.)
Buddhism
(Introd. from Corea about 552)
•
5 r
TABLE
V.
•
•S
<?
Babylonian — Assyrian
Aramaean (Syrian)
o
H
5
w
C/2
J "*
Sumero-Acc
Phoenician — Carthagenian
( Moabitic and Ammonitic .2 p
Hebrew < Mosaism and f Kingdoms! w £ f Judaism (or Prophetism 1 f Modern Judaism
t Pre-Mosaic^ of Israel l"Q.<2\ modified by Medo-Per- (••{ (Oriental
LandJudahJ g« (^ sian and Babylonian) J [Christianity? Romisk
CLHW 1 Protestant
K
Egyptian ( Ancient) (?)
S
fSabaean (Himyaritic)
Pre-historic Arabic •{ North Arabic — Hanfis-
-Mohammedanism
(. (depending largely on Judaism and Christianity)
Hami.es (Ethiopian,) { |j£»
anishadsj
Ilfl
w 1 ,0 >>
Vafseshika I § ^° a cons>d- 1
Sankhya J '3 f Vishnuism ) erable *??£ [ Recent I |ikhs .
Vncra "1*9 1 c; f superseded by >• move--? Rammohun Roy
Mimansa 1 -~ blvaism 3 Mohammedan- j ments iKeshab Gander Sen
1
^c.
lg
Vedanta
\m ismj j
1
I
I
5 |-g ^
^s
A
'H
^— /^s ^ *^ Ok
c
rt
s-/ci ^ r/5 CA *S
•5
5
J3
Northern -
c § 2 °
C
•
c
xj
O
03
OQ
1 f Budd
m{Hin
ayana \
iSStof'
»— I "*
w
1
w 1 Taini ^ Cvetambara
.K U}^P3U^HS Uc/5
4
i
' (Digambara
C J3
is
§
•H
Southern -<
fill
ii
j
t
c"|
Modern Parseeism (in Kirman and Bombay regions)
Manichaeism (composed of Persian, Christian, and
^
'S rt
c;
Buddhi
stic element
1)
H
w'n
""
«^ E
Ossets
O
i— i -%
-
^H"o.2 '
Georgians
S
*?JS
•0-2 f Median Magism
§78 c
Armenians
Now Mohammedans
W
n «
j| fc <! Old Persian of
«.S rt
Kurds
§
W «
fi
the Achaemenides
.CO *
Afghans
X
H-t
N
Phrygian
o •<
2
C*
i-Italian
fOf Asia Minor"!
*> J and Crete [Hellenic (containing elements
£ | Of Achaia f from Phrygia and Phoenicia)
0 [of Pelasgia J
f Homeric ^
J Hesiodic
j Delphic
[Athenian^
Philosophers 1 rv*^L^
N<^£2JH<835L
Platomsm) j^ Christian)
S
c fLat
in
"1
f Italians
1
8
o
! I Sabine > Old J Roman reformed by J Grecianized \ Romance J Spaniards
j j EtruscanJ Roman \ the Tarquinii ( ?) ( Roman j Peoples ] Portuguese
•-• LSamnitic L French
£
3
f Gallo-Cymric jArmoric
f.
Cymric
[Manx
1 Welsh
H
Gaelic
| Irish
I Scotch
«J ~
o f
'£ 1 Lettic
JS fOld Russian
[Svarog, Da j bog, Ogonii]
3«{ e, •
I W
en die
o J olavic
I Polish and Czechish (Bohemian)
l-l
[_ Servian, Bulgarian, Hungarian
e r«
idinavia
Id Germ
High German [Tio, Wuotan, etc.] H Suavish
f Coast German [Woden, Goden] f N.W. German
Low German •< Frisian [Woda] ( Dutch
I Saxon [Wodan] H English
1-
0
«
{Danish
i
Swedish
Norwegian
,
[1
i
Icelandic
* This title was given by Oscar Peschel. It is not very fitting, but answers as well as
any other proposed. Gerland uses "Indo-European." Blumenbach called these peoples
"Caucasian."
t On the subdivisions of this family see the discussion of "The Primeval Aryans."
134 THE MONIST.
FINALE.
We have now had a glance at the chief methods of
classifying religious phenomena. We perceive moreover
the various starting-points and principles from which the
divisions are made. It is to be hoped also that their ad-
vantages and limitations have been suggested, if not fully
set forth. It shall not be my calling hereafter to ignore
these various methods, but on the contrary to often refer
to some of them with pleasure. They are neither to be un-
qualifiedly adopted nor narrowly excluded. They serve
their respective purposes ; but because of these virtues, we
are not justified in resting content as soon as our desires
for clearness are in part satisfied. It must be carefully
borne in mind that this subject has never had a universal
and impartial investigation such as has been given to
many other fields ; hence the best theories about it are but
inductions made on imperfect bases. We may trust that
here, as everywhere else, nature is greater than our great-
est guesses, and for this reason we may not hasten to tie
ourselves up for fear of getting too far, especially if we
divest our minds of every interest but that of desire to
get at the largest truth. But how is this largest truth
to be attained? Surely not without seeing the greatest
possible number of the facts. And not less surely ought
these facts to be studied with as little perconceived theory
as may be. Our better sciences proceed by gathering the
facts in an orderly manner, and then looking to see what
laws and principles they point toward. It is the business
of history and ethnology to furnish this material; it be-
longs to philosophy to draw the inductions. It strikes me
then that religion (and not more this than any other human
expression) does not receive full scientific justice until it
has been investigated, historically, ethnologically, and phil-
osophically ; in other words, in terms of time, space and in-
THE CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS. 135
most essence. Inasmuch as there is virtually no history
obtainable (in the continuous chronological and develop-
mental sense) for most of the peoples of the world, the
historical and ethnical study must go for the most part
hand in hand.
The first requisite for such an undertaking is to obtain
through ethnological science a general notion of the races
of men and of the various leading branches of these, past
and present. This has been attempted in the five preceding
tables, and the reasons for it have been given in former
pages of this treatise and in the one on "Introduction to
a Historico-Ethnical Study of Religions/' Those leading
races now form so many leading points of inquiry under
each of which many questions are to be asked; and first
from the multitude of answers returned may be undertaken
the building up of the body or superstructure of what we
may fitly term a genuine science of religion.
DUREN J. H. WARD.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
A GERMAN CRITIC OF PRAGMATISM.
Ludwig Stein of Berne, editor of the Archiv fur systematische
Philosophic, publishes a criticism of pragmatism in a recent number
of his periodical (XIV, Part II). His summary of the history of
the word will be interesting both to pragmatists and to people in
general who are interested in pragmatism, for he points out that
pragmatism is not even "a new name for some old ways of thinking,
but that both the pragmatic method and the name in its most modern
sense are ancient." He says (pp. 143-5) :
"The expressions pragma* and pragmateia* occur in Plato's
dialogue Cratylos, but especially in the logical writings of Aristotle
(see the Aristotelian Index of Bonitz) as frequently as they are
rare in post- Aristotelian, particularly in the pre-Socratic, philosophy.
The meaning of the word pragma varies between 'thing/ 'object' and
'reality'
"According to Aristotle the linguistic phonetic symbol3 bears
the same relation to the concept4 as the name5 bears to the object.6
In this case the word pragma means the concrete individual object.
Aristotle shows perfectly the distinction between figures and phonetic
symbols (De soph, elench., cap. I, p. i65a, 7). He says that we can
never cognize things (pragma), but we only utilize names as sym-
bols of things. Therefore we erroneously confuse the name and
the thing it stands for in that when performing calculations as in
the cypher code we substitute the name for the thing. In the logic
of Aristotle the object, pragma, plays an important role in opposition
to the name onoma. The Aristotelian Index of Bonitz enumerates
dozens of passages under the catch-words pragma, pragmateia, and
pragmateuesthai.7 Once even the expression pragmatologein8 ap-
2 ir
8 Sfo/ua.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 137
pears ( 1 439/3 20). The opposition between pragma and onoma seems
to have been familiar in Socratic circles presumably even as early
as in the time of the Sophists
"However, with Aristotle we find the expression pragma used
also in the very same meaning which Peirce and James assign to the
word to-day. Aristotle sometimes understands by it the real em-
pirical fact in opposition to that which is merely thought, that is to
say, pure thought-entities (entia rationis). In his logical writings
and in the Metaphysics Aristotle distinguishes repeatedly between
the ideal9 and the real."10
On page 148 Professor Stein criticises James's etymology of
the term praxis11 as "at least one-sided." He goes on to say :
"This is the definition given by the greatest leader of the
Stoics, Chrysippus, according to Laertius Diogenes (VII, 94) : good
is that which is morally useful, and evil is that which is morally
harmful. The question of the telosr- is the central point of their
ethics. Every good, we read, (loc. cit. VII, 98) is profitable.10 We
call that profitable which is of use to us.14 Since Aristotle had
made the statement that in nature there is nothing useless and
nothing happens in vain,15 the Stoics .caricature this utilitarian prin-
ciple to the point of absolute folly. In Chrysippus utility degen-
erates to a farce. According to Cicero (De Natura Deorum n, 13,
37), everything exists in the world only for the sake of the gods
and man : the horse for riding, the ox for plowing, the dog for hunt-
ing and watching. The gradation of creatures is equally utilitarian
with a view toward the benefit of the human race which comprises
the center of the universe, as the human community itself is derived
and founded for purely utilitarian ends (Cicero, De Finibus, III, 20,
67). And so accordingly the real founder of pragmatism, Peirce,
refers to the connection of his ideas with those of the Stoics.
"In Baldwin's Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology, II,
323, under the catch-word "Pragmatism" the originators of the
term, Peirce and James, give their position. Etymologically the
following derivation is given: 'Pragmatism (Gr. pragmatikos,16
versed in affairs ).' This derivation as shown above is historically
untenable. Only pragma and pragmateia are customary terms, not
pragmatikos. Then, too, pragma in Plato and Aristotle never means
'versed in affairs,' that is to say, versatile, skillful, intelligent, ex-
9 diKvoia. 10 Trpdypaffi. u irpdj-is.
138 THE MONIST.
perienced ; but first of all it means an object or thing in opposition
to a name or phonetic symbol. In post-Aristotelian philosophy
indeed the expression pragma or pragmateia disappears from use.
In the Doxographi Graeci of H. Diels this expression occurs in only
half a dozen passages in all. /The later the word pragma is used
the more the emphasis is laid upon the practical meaning which has
been pushed to the foreground by Peirce and James, and in general
the post-Aristotelian philosophy shifts the center of gravity from
theory to practice, from logic and physics to ethics. The good is
no longer referred to the true but the true is referred to the good.
And this is the kernel of the pragmatism of Peirce and James.
"Consequences are the decisive epistemological viewpoint of
Peirce and James. Exactly as we have recognized an ethics of
consequence ever since the first utilitarians, the Cyrenaics or hedon-
ists, that is to say, the ethics of utility, later so called by Ben-
tham and Mill, there lies in pragmatism an attempt to formulate a
logic of consequence. Let James's definition be placed side by side
with that above given by Peirce (Peirce has repeated his definition
in Baldwin's Dictionary s. v. 'Pragmatism'). Pragmatism is, ac-
cording to James, 'the doctrine that the whole "meaning" of the
conception expresses itself in practical consequences' (the italics are
mine), consequences either in the shape of conduct to be recom-
mended or in that of experience to be expected, if the conception is
true
"The expression 'pragmatic' had a historical sound long before
Peirce used it. The 'pragmatic sanction' of Charles VI established
the Austrian succession according to the requirements of utility in
the interest of principles which served the public welfare, and
even in German usage an intelligent foresighted and able person
is called a pragmatic fellow (ein pragmatischer Kopf) without any
evil secondary meaning. Moreover, the 'pragmatic method' has
been naturalized in historiography much longer than Peirce and
James imagine. The 'Text Book of the Historical Method' by Ernst
Bernheim devotes an entire section to the instructive pragmatic
method of history (Lehrbuch der historischen Methode, p. 17 ff.).
Bernheim defines the essence of pragmatic historiography as fol-
lows: 'At this stage matter does not appear desirable for its own
sake alone, but on account of definite practical applications ; man
must learn something for practical purposes from events of the
past.' The first conclusive representative of the pragmatic stand-
point is Thucydides. Polybius introduced the term 'pragmatic his-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 139
tory'17 (Hist. I, cap. 2). The mistakes of the pragmatic method
of historiography are subjectivity and a tendency against objectivity.
And these also are the reefs along which the philosophical prag-
matism of a James or Schiller must steer carefully, as we will show
later ____
"Where Peirce has picked up the word 'pragmatism/ whether
in Kant or in Aristotle, he himself is not aware. The expression
apparently was in the air. Peirce himself informs us18 that thirty
years previously in his above mentioned publication he had set in
motion the subject although not the word of pragmatism. He had
only used this expression in oral conversation until James, who was
not acquainted with him when he wrote The Will to Believe, had
appropriated it and put his stamp upon it as a philosophical term.
In my book Leibniz und Spinoza (Berlin, Reimer, 1890) I have
made the statement that Leibnitz had the same experience with his
term 'monad.1 It is true he met occasionally with the term in Plato,
but it was not until his intercourse with the younger van Helmont at
the court of Queen Sophia Charlotte, that he definitely appropriated
and set in circulation this term whose meaning had been heightened
by van Helmont. However, not only did Peirce happen upon the
expression 'pragmatism' as a designation of his theory of activity
but simultaneously, although quite independently, it was coined by
the French thinker Maurice Blondel, the advocate of a 'philosophy
of action; Andre Lalande in his treatise 'Pragmatism and Prag-
maticism' (Revue Philosophique, 1906, p. 123) relates how Blondel
had answered his question about the discovery of the term prag-
matism as follows: 'I proposed the name of pragmatism to myself
in the year 1888, and I am conscious of having invented it as I never
before had met with the term, etc.' In his work 'Action' he ana-
lysed the difference between praxis, pragma and poiesis,19 and de-
cided upon the expression pragmatism at a time when Peirce had
used it only in oral discourse. This duplication of the incident is not
surprising, especially since this designation was made obvious by the
pragmatic historiography then in vogue. Yet as early as the year
1867 Conrad Herrmann wrote a 'History of Philosophy Treated
Pragmatically.'20 In this Herrmann expresses his opinion on the
iffropia
""What Pragmatism Is," Monist, April, 1905.
" Geschichte der Philosophic in pragmatischer Behandlung. Leipsic, Flei-
scher.
I4O THE MONIST.
subject of the pragmatic method in the science of the history of
philosophy, that the impression of the pragmatic seemed to him
the most suitable for his style of historical representation (Preface,
p. vii) : 'The expression of the pragmatic indicates in and for itself
only the simple real or properly actual in things, and it apparently
coincides with the concept of a merely narrative or purely empirical
presentation of history' (loc. cit., p. viii). In this connection Herr-
mann sets himself in conscious opposition to the speculative method
of Hegel (p. 463 ff.) : 'Pragmatism is the only true scientific prin-
ciple for the treatment of historical material. The essense of all
historical pragmatism is to eliminate chance from history and to
place in its stead causative necessity. The pragmatic method should
have the individual data to combine in a whole system. Pragmatic
historiography should not work with principles but with facts.' In
a special essay 'The Pragmatic Sequence in the History of Philos-
ophy,' Conrad Herrmann had previously laid down his program
according to which all historical pragmatism 'should have a definite
practical point.' Exactly this 'practical point' James has evidently
adopted. He did not need to give a 'new name' to 'old methods,'
especially the methods which arose under Thucydides and those
theorists among the sophists who advocated the right of might,
but the name itself has had a historical ring since the time of Poly-
bius and a philosophical ring ever since Plato and Aristotle."
According to Stein the trend of pragmatism is a teleological
view of the world in contrast to the aeteological view of science
now commonly accepted by naturalists. Says Stein (p. 156) :
"The kernel of the pragmatic method consists in referring the
logical to the teleological. Every method of classifying a thing,
says James (The Will to Believe, p. 76) is only a method of apply-
ing it to some particular purpose. Concepts and classes are teleo-
logical instruments."
Professor Stein says on page 146, that pragmatism is prac-
tically neither more nor less than a theory of truth. It proposes
a new criterion of truth which gives life and color to this philosoph-
ical movement that is spreading with lightning speed. He says :
"This criterion of truth which is found in pragmatism — the
utility of cognition, its suitability, its efficiency or power to work —
C. S. Peirce himself has formulated clearly and tersely in a later
essay ('What Pragmatism Is,' Monist, April 1905, p. 171): 'Con-
sider what effects that might conceivably have practical bearings
you conceive the object of your conception to have ; then your con-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 14!
ception of those effects is the whole of your conception of the ob-
ject.' Some years earlier Georg Simtnel, whom James indeed claims
as a typical pragmatist (with incomparably greater right moreover
than R. Eucken whose theory of activity follows Fichte much more
closely than Mills and Spencer) in the first volume of the Archw
fur systematische Philosophic (1895) found a much terser wording
without even knowing the name pragmatism or having in mind this
tendency which even then lay potentially in embryo. The treatise,
Ueber eine Beziehung der Selektionstheorie zur Erkenntnistheorie,
concludes with the following words which might be placed as a
motto for pragmatism: 'The utility of cognition produces at the
same time the objects of cognition' (p. 45).
''Simmel sees in the utility of cognition the primary factor
which matures certain methods of procedure so that 'originally cog-
nition was not first called true and then useful, but first useful and
afterwards true.' This criterion of truth by its tendency towards
an act of selection receives from Simmel that biological bent which
has prevailed since the appearance in the field of Avenarius and
Mach. The thought is itself essentially Leibnitzian. Leibnitz con-
cedes true existence only to that which works (quod agit). In Eng-
land and America this criterion of truth has been given the epithet
'instrumental' in contrast to 'normative.' '
The tendency is in the air, but Professor James has made
himself the standard bearer of the movement. Stein says:
"At first pragmatists sailed under various flags. Those who
were of an especially logical turn, originally called themselves 'in-
tentional' or 'instrumental.' James was called a 'radical empiricist'
before he brought forward the word in the year 1898 in a lecture
before Professor Howison's philosophical union at the University
of California, and made a special application of it to religion.
(Cf. Pragmatism, p. 47). F. C. S. Schiller was called 'humanist'
before he joined James and adopted the designation pragmatism
for his world-conception. And so summing up we can well say
that the same struggle which took place in the last decade in Ger-
many between psychologists and logicians — the polemical pamphlet
of Melchior Palagyi gives the best account of the situation — on the
other side of the water takes the form of a skirmish between prag-
matists and spiritualists or idealists, pur sang. Protagoras is the
model of the one party (Schiller professes to follow Protagoras
as perhaps also Laas and Mach), Plato that of the other. A new
wine in old bottles. The sentimentalism of the pragmatism of
142 THE MONIST.
James comes from Protagoras, but on the other hand he owes both
method and expression to Aristotle."
Whether Professor Stein is right in regarding pragmatism as
opposed to "spiritualism or idealism pur sang" is rather doubtful,
for we must remember that Professor James himself and many of
his adherents have vigorously defended some of the most disputed
facts of spiritualistic seances. It is well known that Professor
James still believes in the genuineness of occult phenomena and com-
munications from the dead to the living.
Pragmatism is a strange compound of many contradictory con-
ceptions and it is probable that Professor Stein systematizes it
more than the pragmatists themselves would approve. Pragmatism
is in a word sentimentalism, that is to say, it places all reality in
sentiment. This is done also by Mach in so far as Mach deems
sensations to be the ultimate realities. Yet for all that, James draws
other conclusions and incorporates in his conception of sentiment
many things which Mach would cut out as illusions. There is an
unmistakable kinship between Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and James
as pointed out by Professor Stein. He says:
"The kernel of the whole matter is the supremacy of the will,
practical reason as Kant would say, over thought. Therefore
James also is a much stricter voluntarist or activist than, say,
Wundt; he approaches more nearly the theory of the supremacy
of feeling over understanding as it was prevalent in the English
sentimentalist philosophy of the eighteenth century, and is to-day
in the psychological school of Th. Ribot in France and in the
'world-conception theory' of H. Gomperz in Vienna. The voluntarism
of Schopenhauer receives in James as well as in Ribot the Hamann-
Jacobi tendency which Goethe once expressed in the terse formula
'sentiment is everything* (Gefiihl ist alles). Quite without justi-
fication James leads a passionate polemic against Herbert Spencer
in whom he sees his opposite pole with relation to the theory of
cognition, while Spencer in his latest works teaches entirely and
without reserve supremacy of feeling as much as James and Ribot.
Whoever reads Spencer's treatise 'Feelings versus Intellect' in his
last work Facts and Comments (1902) will find the following sen-
tences which appear literally in Duns Scotus, but which are no less
decisive than those of James: The chief component of mind is
feeling' (p. 25) ... .'emotions are the masters and intellect the
servant' (p. 30). That is the James-Ribot form of the voluntarism
of Schopenhauer. . . .
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 143
"The voluntarist James should take one step farther and enlist
himself in the ranks of the great voluntarists and energeticists from
the Scotists to Fichte's 'being springs from doing,' and Nietzsche's
'will for power.' In reality the question in pragmatism is nothing
else than a consistent development of the supremacy of practical
reason not in a sense of a Kant-Platonizing concept-realism but in
the style of that innate nominalism which has pervaded England
since Duns Scotus, Roger Bacon and William Occam. For already
with these English nominalists, as is the case to-day with James,
an extreme voluntarism was combined with the supremacy of the
practical reason, an epistemological nominalism with an ethical in-
dividualism."
Professor James who often has his fling at Kant may be sur-
prised to find that there is a great probability that the word prag-
matism is directly derived from Kant. It is interesting to read
what Professor Stein has to say:
"Kant is perhaps the innocent cause that the name pragmatism
has been taken up and has been made the small coin of daily philo-
sophical intercourse. In this connection I am thinking less about
the title of Kant's anthropology which- Kant himself labeled 'prag-
matically considered' (in pragmatischer Hinsicht), but on Kant's
preface to this work in which the pragmatic is opposed to the
physiological: 'The physiological knowledge of man rests upon the
investigation of what nature makes of man : the pragmatic, on that
which as a free agent he makes of himself or can and should make
of himself.' So according to Kant all rules of intelligence, for
instance, are pragmatic (Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten,
p. 42, Rosenkranz ed.). Everything practical which serves human
welfare he calls pragmatic. 'The practical principle derived from the
hankering after happiness I call pragmatic' (Kritik der reinen Ver-
nunft, p. 6n). Hence according to Kant, pragmatism would be a
rule of prudence or a utilitarian demand of merely accidental persua-
sive power. The distinctive mark of the useful and the universally
valid is derived from pragmatic cognition. It is only a belief, not
knowledge (Kritik der reinen Vernunft, p. 623). And indeed the
question is not of a necessary but of an accidental belief. 'I call
such accidental beliefs which however lie at the bottom of the
actual employment of the means to certain actions, pragmatic be-
liefs' (Kritik der reinen Vernunft, p. 628). Thus we may see that
according to Kant a pragmatic conception of truth such as James
144 THE MONIST.
and Schiller have to-day established, represents pretty well the first
step to the knowledge of truth
"The utilitarian is the undertone of the pragmatic, and exactly
this pragmatic utilitarian sous entendu is as great a discord to the
ear of the German idealist of Konigsberg as it is sweet harmony
flattering the ear of the 'smart' American. For Kant utility is a
counter-argument to absolute moral worth, hence the pragmatically
useful method of observation or treatment is only of value in orien-
tating, as a card catalogue or alphabetical arrangement is to the
librarian, for these are always better as rules of wisdom than ab-
solute disorder. But such a pragmatic arrangement is in the most
favorable instance an artificial, even though ever so useful, classi-
fication of the schools, but not a classification made by nature. The
distinction between pragmatic classification and the accuracy of the
classification according to nature is according to Kant a fundamental
one (IVerke, VI, 315) ; the classification of the schools has only
one purpose, namely to bring created things under their proper
title, the classification according to nature endeavors instead to bring
them under laws."
Professor Stein's tendency to systematize appears in the fol-
lowing comment. He says:
"Heinrich von Stein in his 'Seven Books on the History of
Platonisnv has produced the convincing proof that philosophical
thought has vibrated back and forth in constant rhythm for two
thousand years between Plato and Aristotle. This is true as well
of the twentieth century as of its predecessors. Half a century
ago Trendelenburg brought Aristotle again to our knowledge. The
neo-Kantianism under the leadership of Cohen on the other hand
helped Plato to victory. Just now Aristotle is again on top by the
roundabout way via Leibnitz. Those thinkers who are interested
in biological considerations are to-day grouping themselves again
around Aristotle just as those who tend in a mathematically logical
direction cluster around Plato. In Germany this dissension appears
under the slogans, Psychologism against Logism, Vitalism against
Mechanicalism, and Positivism against Idealism. In America and
England it has coined the formula, Pragmatism against Transcen-
dentalism. Tout comme chez nous. The French maxim: plus que
ga change, plus c'est la meme chose is true of philosophical con-
troversies, schools, party designations, and catch words."
Professor Stein appears to go too far in characterizing the dif-
ferent philosophers as either Platonists or Aristotelians. It is true
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 145
that there is a contrast between a recognition of the facts upon
which our world-conception is based and the theories which furnish
the system of its construction. But if he would carefully compare
Plato and Aristotle he would find (as has been pointed out from time
to time) that Aristotle is a Platonist and Plato is an Aristotelian.
Though Aristotle has his fling at the Platonic ideas he practically
adopts the theory that there are eternal types, and though Plato is
an idealist who believes in the eternal ideas as the modes of things,
he does not deny that the phenomenal world is the actual world of
sense ; and the contrast in which these two systems have frequently
been placed is a contrast merely produced by more or less of em-
phasis laid upon two opposed (not contradictory) principles, and
the different systems in the history of philosophy are exactly char-
acterized by the way in which they combine the contrast and recog-
nize the truth of these principles. It is true, however, that Pro-
fessor James carries the principle of pragmatism to such an ex-
treme as to almost entirely obliterate the principle of systematic
thought, theory, logic, rationality, etc. Professor James is a roman-
ticizing philosopher in contrast to such stern and strict classical
thinkers as Kant and his school. Says Stein : "The type of thought
directly opposed to this logistic classicism is sentimental romanti-
cism. As the former longs for the peace of the conclusive answer
the latter seeks the eternal activity of restless questioning;" and
further down on page 172: "Pragmatism gathers together all those
tendencies of our age with its fevered philosophical excitement
which carry on a common war against the thing-in-itself, against
all metaphysics, against transcendentalism, idealism, in short against
that Platonizing Kantism which is most conspicuously represented
and most appreciatively supported by the Marburg school (Cohen
and Natorp), under the names Natural Philosophy, Energetics,
Psychologism, Positivism, Phenomenalism, Friesian Empiricism,
and Relativism."
Here the onesidedness of Professor Stein's classification ap-
pears most pronounced. From the point of view of my own philos-
ophy I would be at a loss in what manner to dispose of it. I am
decidedly opposed to the subjectivism of Professor James, I most
emphatically uphold the objective significance of truth, and yet I
reject the idea of the thing-in-itself and all metaphysics based upon
it. My solution of the problem21 briefly stated runs thus : There are
81 For details see my criticism of Kant in my little book Kant's Prolegom-
ena ; and also my exposition of the problem in my Surd of Metaphysics in the
chapter "Are There Things-in-Themselves ?"
146 THE MONIST.
not things-in-themselves but there are forms-in-themselves. Pro-
fessor Stein declares:
"For many years together with certain ones of my pupils I have
defended the thesis that Kant did not refute Hume. In my book
"The Social Optimism" (Der soziale Optimismus, Jena, Costenoble,
1905) I demonstrate that Hume is not a skeptic but the leader of
positivism and that Kant has not refuted him in any point. The case
is not yet at an end."
I have not seen Professor Stein's exposition of his views on
Kant and Hume, but I am inclined to believe that I would agree
with him. However, I trust that in the books referred to I have
pointed out the weak point of Kant's position; but on the basis of
the Kantian conception of the contrast between matter and form,
the a posteriori and the a priori, sensation and pure Anschauung
with all that it involves, I hope to have answered Hume's question
and thus laid a foundation for a system in which the old contrasts
will find a just reconciliation. Here are some paragraphs of Pro-
fessor Stein's critique of pragmatism :
"A criticism of pragmatism must proceed from the inside out-
ward ; that is, from its own hypotheses, and not from the standpoint
of idealism, as Miinsterberg attempts. There are two different tem-
peraments as James has rightly said, but temperaments are not to
be opposed. 'As I see it' now stands as the inscription before every
temple, not only the pantheon of art but also the severe cathedral of
science. To see in one's own way can never be criticised. The
question is only whether a man has seen rightly from his own stand-
point, and right here is the starting-point of our own objection to
pragmatism ....
"In place of the two criteria of truth represented by Plato
(Aristotle too) and Kant, namely necessity and universal validity,
we have here the hedonistic utilitarian criteria of truth, individual
utility and general practicability. The true and the good agree
with each other; this is the demand of the biologic-teleological
foundation of logic as pragmatism states it. In addition, it is true,
to earlier tendencies of thought, but still with a strongly emphasized
personal note.
"Against this biological logic a series of considerations arise in
the meantime even under the foundation of the pragmatic point of
departure wherefore I expressly affirm that I will neither repeat the
arguments which Husserl in his fundamental 'Logical Investigations'
and Miinsterberg in his 'Philosophy of Values' (Philosophic der
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 147
Werte, Leipsic, Barth, 1908) have arranged in imposing conclusive-
ness against all psychologism. I do not propose to refer here to even
the purely polemical literature of the English, French and Italians
against pragmatism.22 It is much more important for me to con-
sider the difficulties of thought which in spite of my sympathetic
position towards the fundamental demands of pragmatism I can
not suppress. If Messrs. James and Schiller will take the trouble
to look through my 'The End of the Century' (Wende des Jahr-
hunderts, Tubingen, Mohr, 1899), 'The Sense of Existence' (Der
Sinn des Daseins, ibid., 1904) and 'The Social Optimism' (Der so-
ziale Optimismus, Jena, Costenoble, 1905), they will discover now
and again almost verbal correspondences in that which I call evolu-
tionary criticism and the optimism of energetics. In case James
and Schiller would attempt to claim me as well as Wilhelm Jerusa-
lem in the ranks of pragmatism, I shall have to point out my opin-
ions against methods and results ....
"Pragmatism with its genetic theory of truth is only new in that
it discloses itself as logical evolution. Truth is placed in the stream
of practical development. As once the followers of the Heraclitean
Cratylos, the teacher of Plato to whom he had dedicated his dialogue
of the same name, are jokingly called the 'flowing ones/23 prag-
matists recognize only one developing truth which will gradually
approach the absolute truth or its ideal heights."
Professor Stein takes the underlying principles of pragmatism
and systematizes them — in spite of Professor James. The latter may
not take the consequences but Professor Stein seems to argue that if
pragmatism were consistent Professor James ought to hold the views
to be derived from its maxims. We doubt very much whether Pro-
fessor James would be prepared to regard the ego as " a mere prac-
tical unit for a preliminary provisional consideration" (p. 182).
Stein says :
"Mach's definition of the ego as unity of purpose and James's
theory of concepts or classes as teleological instruments, arise from
the common fundamental conviction that all spiritual life is teleo-
logical. The teleological unity of the ego according to Mach rests
upon an unanalysed constant. The ego is accordingly a practical
unit for a preliminary provisional consideration. The same is the
case with concepts of substance, being, doing, matter, spirit. They
a Among the last G. Vailati is of a special importance. See "De quelques
caracteres du mouvement philosophique contemporain en Italic," Revue de
mois, 1907.
38 or XorTej, i. e., those that are in a constant flux.
148 THE MONIST.
are abbreviated symbols for the purpose of an easier orientation in
the surrounding world. All science thus shrinks into one impres-
sion as all deduction according to Mill is only an abbreviation and
inverted induction, a memorandum for thought
"Here we have the proton pseudos2* as well of pragmatism as
of Hume's positivism and all related tendencies. Quite apart from
the fact that the biological method which James and his school
would apply to logic is already shattered on the fact that biology
itself is still to-day in the condition of fermentation and insecurity
and accordingly possesses no suitability for a foundation of the most
certain of all sciences, formal logic, pragmatism takes the same
course which Hume was not able to escape. Hume refers substance
and causality to habits of thought and laws of association ; but how
have laws of association found entrance into the human brain ? Why
have all men and animals the same laws of association by contiguity
or innate similarity? Hume concludes the validity of the laws of
association by means of the laws of association already in effect ....
"It is quite clear, however, that pragmatism too has it a priori,
that is the telos, and if we jest about the logism of Kant, that in
spite of us man comes into the world with a completed table of
categories so let us not forget to consider the beam in our own
eye. We are all a priori sinners. Or, does it matter so much if man
comes into the world according to Kant with a table of categories,
according to Hume with completed laws of association, according
to Avenarius and Mach with an automatically functioning economy
of thought, and finally according to James and Schiller with an
apparatus of utility and selection like an innate scale of values?
Let us first of all be honest with ourselves. Pragmatism accom-
plishes nothing but to set up a teleology of consciousness in the place
of a mechanics of consciousness such as Hobbes, Spinoza, Hartley,
Priestley, Hume, the naturalists, materialists, and psychologists of
association have offered us."
EDITOR.
A STUDY IN ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY.
Ever since Professor Ribot published his book on The Diseases
of Personality people interested in psychology have been aware of
the importance of the remarkable cases enumerated in the book.
Among them the most interesting and perhaps the most instructive
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 149
group is that relating the phenomenon of double personality which
by later observations has had to be amplified into multiple personal-
ity, a remarkable disease that throws much light upon the nature of
personality. Dr. Morton Prince has written a book1 rich in material
on the subject, and we might at the start repeat the author's state-
ment that a more correct term of the disease would be "disintegrated
personality," for each secondary personality is a part only of a normal
whole self.
The bulk of the book is filled with observations of the case of
a patient whom he calls Miss Beauchamp, a name that is pronounced
"Beecham" and has been adopted for the purpose of disguising the
identity of the subject. It is not the patient's name but one which
at the start of the disease was taken up by one of her secondary
personalities, invented to distinguish herself from the others. Dr.
Morton Prince uses it to denote the whole personality which during
the course of the disease is broken up into four, briefly alluded to
as "B I." "B II," "B III," and "B IV."
The expositions of the case continue the line of work started
by Professor Ribot, and Siclis and Goodhart ; they prove that the
theory of Professor Ribot is correct, and the cases he has collected
are here paralleled, though the material here presented is fuller,
richer and more detailed than that of Dr. Prince's French predeces-
sor. This does not say that Ribot's valuable book is antiquated.
On the contrary, Ribot's Diseases of Personality2 remains classical
for the very reason that it is brief and contains in a narrow compass
the main outlines of the basis upon which stand his American suc-
cessors Boris Sidis and Morton Prince. The book of Sidis and
Goodhart3 is more complete and treats the subject with great thor-
oughness, entering also into a discussion of dream life, the dual
life, mental resurrection, infant personality, etc.
The reviewer has discussed the problem of double personality
in his Soul of Man* pp. 258 ff. ; he there calls attention to the
dream-ego which sometimes forms a personality quite unlike the
normal character in the waking condition. A secondary personality
however, is more stable then the personality of the fleeting dream.
The book before us is in its main bvilk a biographical study of
1 The Dissociation of a Personality. A Biographical Study in Abnormal
Psychology. By Morton Prince, M.D. London : Longmans Green, 1908.
8 Chicago : The Open Court Publishing Co.
3 Multiple Personality ; New York : Apleton, 1905.
'Chicago: The Open Court Publishing Co.
I5O THE MONIST
a most instructive case. It is impossible to enter into details, but
we will say that the patient, Miss Beauchamp, possesses a remarkable
amount of information regarding her infirmity, and thus she is in
many respects well fitted for a subject of psychological observation.
Dr. Prince begins his cure by hypnotizing his patient, and finally
succeeds in curing her.
Dr. Prince describes the conditions of the case on page 23 :
"The whole history of the Beauchanmp 'family' has been like that of a
person who has been exposed to an almost daily series of railroad accidents
or nervous shocks. Owing primarily to a natural, and secondarily to a still
greater acquired, instability of nervous organization, the contre-temps of
ordinary life have acted like a series of mild shocks, resulting in little trau-
matic neuroses. The immediate effects have been removed from time to time
by suggestion; but the original fundamental instability, magnified a hundred-
fold by the psychological disintegration which was brought about by a mental
accident of recent date, has made possible a frequent repetition of such shocks.
Most instructive is the fact that with the complete synthesis of all the per-
sonalities into one, with the reintegration of the shattered mental organization,
stability becomes re-established and the physical health becomes normal."
Dr. Prince attempted to cure Miss Beauchamp through sugges-
tion in a hypnotic state and the personality of "B II" was from the
start simply Miss Beauchamp asleep. But soon the strange phe-
nomenon was observed that the hypnotized subject spoke of her-
self either as "I" or as "she," and this occurred at distinct periods.
When the patient used the pronoun "she/' she did not remember
her own sayings which she had uttered in the state when she spoke
in the first person. Dr. Prince says :
"The hypnotic self, then, let it be borne in mind, is distinctly the same per-
sonality as Miss Beauchamp awake. She speaks of herself as the same per-
son, making no distinction whatsoever, except that she is now 'asleep/ or
what 'you call asleep.' On the other hand, when awake, as already stated in
the introduction, she has no knowledge or remembrance of herself in the hyp-
notic state. On awaking there is complete oblivion of everything said and
done in hypnosis. There is also a large degree of passiveness in the hypnotic
self. She sits with her eyes closed (never having been allowed to open them),
and though she converses, and even sometimes argues and defends her own
views, she tends to passiveness. like most subjects in hypnosis.
"Up to this time the only personality with which I was acquainted, and the
only one known to her friends, was the Miss Beauchamp whom I have just
described as B I. But there now appeared upon the scene a new character,
who was destined to play the leading role in the family drama that was en-
acted during a period of six years. This character at first appeared to be a
second hypnotic state, but later proved a veritable personality, with an indi-
viduality that was fascinatingly interesting to watch ; she largely determined
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
the dramatic situations, and consequently the health, happiness, and fortunes
of Miss Beauchamp. She became known successively as B III, Chris, and
finally as Sally, according as acquaintance with her grew."
Dr. Prince was careful to avoid influencing any one of these
several personalities by his own suggestions. He experimented
again and again. But, says he:
"Repeated experiences made it plain that Miss Beauchamp when hypno-
tized fell into one or the other of two distinct mental states, or selves, whose
relations to the primary waking consciousness, as well as their memories,
were strikingly different. From the very first they claimed different relations
with the waking Miss Beauchamp."
The condition of the patient during her disease of multiple
personality is briefly summarized as follows :
"She may change her personality from time to time, often from hour to
hour, and with each change her character becomes transformed and her mem-
ories altered. In addition to the real, original or normal self, the self that
was born and which she was intended by nature to be, she may be any one of
three different persons. I say three different, because, although making use of
the same body, each, nevertheless, has a distinctly different character; a dif-
ference manifested by different trains of thought, by different views, beliefs,
ideals, and temperament, and by different acquisitions, tastes, habits, experi-
ences, and memories. Each varies in these respects from the other two, and
from the original Miss Beauchamp. Two of these personalities have no
knowledge of each other or of the third, excepting such information as may
be obtained by inference or second hand, so that in the memory of each of
these two there are blanks which correspond to the times when the others are
in the flesh. Of a sudden one or the other wakes up to find herself, she knows
not where, and ignorant of what she has said or done a moment before. Only
one of the three has knowledge of the lives of the others, and this one presents
such a bizarre character, so far removed from the others in individuality,
that the transformation from one of the other personalities to herself is one
of the most striking and dramatic features of the case. The personalities come
and go in kaleidoscopic succession, many changes often being made in the
course of twenty-four hours. And so it happens that Miss Beauchamp, if I
may use the name to designate several distinct people, at one moments says
and does and plans and arranges something to which a short time before she
most strongly objected, indulges tastes which a moment before would have
been abhorrent to her ideals, and undoes or destroys what she had just labo-
riously planned and arranged.
"Aside from the psychological interest of the phenomena, the social com-
plications and embarrasments resulting from this inconvenient mode of living
would furnish a multitude of plots for the dramatist or sensational novelist.
Considered simply as a biography, therefore, an account of Miss Beauchamp's
later life could scarcely fail to interest, if it were told divested of the details
which are necessary for the purpose of scientific study."
152 THE MONIST.
A disintegration of the normal personality into several secon-
dary personalities does not, or need not, mean a serious disturbance
of other mental functions, for says Dr. Prince:
"Disintegration as thus used must not be confused with the same term
sometimes employed in the sense of degeneration, meaning a destroyed mind
or organically diseased brain. Degeneration implies destruction of normal
psychical processes, and may be equivalent to insanity; whereas the disinte-
gration resulting in multiple personality is only a functional dissociation of
that complex organization which constitutes a normal self. The elementary
psychical processes, in themselves normal, are capable of being reassociated
into a normal whole."
Dr. Morton Prince's book contains, however, many more inter-
esting phenomena which are worth our while to know and investi-
gate. The most important of them, so it seems to us, is a phenom-
enon of great significance in the line of religious experience which
has been characterized by psychologists, among them Prof. William
James, as "sudden conversion." The patient under Dr. Morton
Prince's care, Miss Beauchamp, though not of a specially religious
nature, experienced a state quite analogous to the transformation
in religious experience which after a sudden crisis endows a person
with a new conception of the world. After a period of unsettled
thought the patient changes for good and assumes a stable character,
well balanced, and we might almost say cured. All doubts have
gone, and what has been prepared during the crisis is suddenly
organized into a state of comparatively great stability. Difficulties
are removed, problems settled and peace is attained. In describing
such a change in Miss Beauchamp Dr. Prince distinguishes between
the intellectual and emotional attitudes; the pictures of the many
scenes which she saw, the places in which she found herself during
the period of hallucination, the friends with whom she conversed,
the visions she had of Christ and the saints, the music she heard,
from the several states of emotion, of peacefulness, of rest, of exal-
tation, of lightness of body, of mental relief, of joyousness, etc.
The emotional states continued as if indicating that they were the
stable elements in her mental condition while the intellectual features
of it that found expression in concrete pictures, scenes or words,
including voices which she heard, were of a more fleeting nature.
Dr. Prince describes her state as follows :
"After a short time Miss Beauchamp awoke, and on waking all the mem-
ories which made up the consciousness of the hypnotic state were forgotten.
At first her mind was a blank so far as logical ideas were concerned. She
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 153
thought of nothing definite, though soon ideas rapidly flitted through her mind,
and yet she was filled with emotions. They were the same emotions which be-
longed to the different memories of the hypnotic state. These emotions persisted.
They were of lightness of body, of physical restfulness, and well-being, besides
those of exaltation, joyousness, and peace, largely of a religious nature. It is
probable, reasoning from analogous phenomena that I have witnessed, there
were subconsciously present a number of disconnected images, or memories,
— remnants of those which had been experienced in the trance state, and asso-
ciated with the emotions. Presently ideas began to come into her mind. The
emotions were now accompanied by a lot of ideas and memories of religious
experiences. It is significant that these ideas were not those originally asso-
ciated with the emotions in hypnosis, but newly suggested ideas. At least they
appear to have been suggested by the emotions. She felt well and believed
herself cured at last."
The case of Miss Beauchamp bears many striking similarities
to kindred occurrences enumerated by Prof. William James in his
Varieties of Religions Experience.
These observations on sudden conversion are supplemented by
Dr. Prince in the appendix to the second edition which contains a
very remarkable case of a new patient of his. The case being of
great interest we here reprint the whole account:
"I am enabled to add another case which I had an opportunity to subject to
psycho-analysis almost immediately after the crisis. Although it is not of the
religious type, it is the same in principle, being a conversion from the attitude
of doubts, dissatisfaction, bitterness, and rebellion against life to one of peace,
contentment, and faith. The fact that the same phenomena are observed where
the conversion is not of religious faith is of importance in connection with the
spiritualistic interpretation ; for manifestly if we find the same phenomena
where religion is not a factor, but where the psychological conditions are iden-
tical, the phenomena may be referred to a common principle, viz., psycho-
logical laws.
'The subject was at once particularly favorable both for the development
of the phenomena in question and for a psycho-analytical investigation. She
is a cultivated, intellectual person, who is interested in psychological problems
and contributes her co-operation to their solution. She can be easily hypno-
tized and several states obtained, each with a different range of memory. The
time of the episode was the anniversary of her husband's death, which had
happened three years previously, and in consequence of which she had gone
through much mental anguish, more than ordinarily belongs to such sorrow,
owing to certain indirect consequences which the necessity of concealing the
identity of the subject forbids my referring to. This fact, however, has a
direct bearing on the phenomenon. As the anniversary approached, the painful
memories began to occupy her mind ; and during the two preceding weeks she
was tormented by doubts, pain, and distress. Harassing dreams, not remem-
bered, however, after waking, had produced physical pain in the form of
headache and prostration. These had been recovered from before the episode
occurred. When the day was near, she determined to fight against the dis-
154 THE MONIST.
tressing memories and the old ideas of dissatisfaction with life, the feelings
of injury, bitterness, and rebellion against fate, and the 'kicking against the
pricks' which these memories evoked. For a long time she had tried to accept
the new situation and the new ethical point of view, but with only temporary
success. With great effort she heroically put all these ideas out of her mind
and did not allow herself to think of them. She supposed she had done so
successfully.
"My first intimation of what occurred was contained in the following
letter, which, it should be noted, was written an hour after the occurrence,
while the facts were vivid in her mind:
" 'It is one o'clock in the morning, but I feel I must write you of the
strange thing which has just happened to me. To-day, or rather yesterday,
was the day of my husband's death. I kept myself very busy all day and would
not allow myself to think, but when I came to my room at night I could no
longer repress the memories against which I have steeled myself for more
than a week. It came upon me like a flood — all that I had lost — all that I
could never have again — memories of happy days and bitter ones. I did grieve,
I did feel all the old remorse, the old self-reproach, the bitter rebellion and
anguish of heart. I could not help it, Dr. Prince — there was no one to speak
to and I fought against it as long as I could. Mr. died just before mid-
night, and as that hour approached I was kneeling by my bed — not to pray —
my heart was too bitter for that — I don't know why I was kneeling — but all
at once I saw my husband before me, perfectly plain and distinct but not ill
and worn as I remember him. He looked well, strong, happy. He stood on
the other side of the bed from me and seemed surrounded by a luminous
vapor, and his whole appearance was of brightness. As I looked he spoke —
the words ring in my ears now. He said: "If I were still ruled by earthly
emotion nothing could make me so unhappy as to see you as you are now.
As when I was with you I wished you to be happy so I wish you to be happy
now. Remember me or forget me — it makes no difference in the end — love
never dies. Think no more sad or gloomy thoughts, fill your life with every
pleasure; by so doing you make possible to me a higher, fuller life."
" 'A feeling of peace, so deep, so enthralling, came upon me. I felt his
love about me like an atmosphere — it was almost palpable — I rested in it. I
did not move, and the vision faded. I was not asleep, Dr. Prince. I did not
lose consciousness. I am somewhat unnerved now. I hardly know what to
think. Several explanations suggest themselves to me at once. I had eaten
very little — I was somewhat exhausted by several hours of grief. The words
represent thoughts I have sometimes had myself ; they may also be suggestions
you have given me in hypnosis, they may be something I have read — I don't
know ; but it has made a deep impression on me, and though I am no believer
in spiritism I cannot help but feel that at least with him "all is well." The
past is gone, the present is mine, and 1 will, with your help, try to use it
wisely. This is Tuesday morning, 1.15, 1908.
"Here was a chance, not to be lost, to investigate the psychological con-
ditions underlying the hallucinations and the after effects. So, at the first
opportunity, a psycho-analysis was undertaken. Then conditions to be deter-
mined were: First, the conscious content of the subject's mind preceding the
hallucinations ; second, the character of the mental state at the time of their
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 155
occurrence; third, what, if any, co-conscious states existed previous to, during,
and after the hallucinations; fourth, the character of the mental complexes
succeeding the episode. Taking the last first, it is sufficient to say that the
subject was in an unusually happy and peaceful state of mind, in kind that
described in the last sentence but one of the letter. She was not, however,
in a state of ecstasy or undue elation, but rather in a normal, peaceful mood
such as one would attain who had lost previously distressing doubts, mem-
ories, and perverted points of view and now had attained a new and more
healthy conception of life and her relation to it. The emotional tone was
that of joyousness and happiness, which stood in marked contrast with the
mental tone which, for the most part, as I have observed it, has dominated her
conscious life. Physically and mentally she seemed unusually well. She
could not give any further explanation of the development of the hallucina-
tions beyond what she had written. She remembered nothing more that threw
light upon the incident. It proved afterwards, however, that there was a
gap in her memory.
"The psycho-analysis was made in three different hypnotic states, the
memories of which, as with Miss Beauchamp, were not coextensive. The gen-
eral result may thus be summarized: While the subject was on her knees, her
glance fell upon a photograph of her husband. From the glass covering this
a bright electric light was reflected directly into her eyes. She went into a
light hypnotic condition in which she had the hallucination. After coming
out of this light trance there was no amnesia for it excepting for the percep-
tion of the photograph which she did iiot consciously recognize, but the
visual hallucination came at the moment when her eyes met the photograph.
'The conditions were more complex, however, than this. During the two
weeks preceding the crisis, as a result of the stress and strain through which
she was passing, there developed a condition of light disintegration. The
thoughts which she believed she had put out of her mind continued to a greater
or less degree as a stream of subconscious thought. She was not aware of
this stream, although from time to time it arose into her consciousness only
to be put out again. Besides this there were all sorts of co-conscious memories
of the past in the form of visual pictures, similar to what has been described
in the Beauchamp case. Just before she had the hallucination there was pres-
ent a co-conscious visual picture of her husband. This undoubtedly co-
operated with the co-conscious perception of the photograph to produce the
visual hallucination. The words spoken by the voice were a reproduction in
substance of words spoken to her about two months previously by a friend
who tried to reconcile her with the conditions of her life. This she had for-
gotten in the sense that she had not recalled it or connected it with the episode.
The experience was voluntarily recalled by only one of the dissociated states
which offered it as explanation of the hallucinatory words. The other two and
the subject herself recognized the identity of the sentiments and probable
origin when asked if this friend had ever spoken of the matter to her. The
hallucinatory words were, therefore, a conscious automatism arising from the
unconscious.
"Succeeding the crisis there also developed co-conscious pictures which
affected her consciously and tended to strengthen the new faith in the con-
ditions as they existed, and the new attitude of mind."
156 THE MONIST.
A LETTER FROM PROFESSOR JAMES.
Among the philosophers of to-day there is scarcely any more
interesting figure than that of Prof. William James of Harvard ; and
his philosophy, which, adopting an expression of Mr. Chas. S. Peirce,
he calls pragmatism, is as broadly before the public as any system
of thought. Our readers will therefore be glad to find in the present
number an article by Prof. Edwin Tausch on "The Great Prag-
matist," which is written in a sympathetic tone, and Professor James
himself has perused this psychological analysis of his mental makeup.
He gives expression to his sentiments on the subject in these words:
"I have read with great relish your diagnosis of my case. . . .
I am astounded at the knowledge you show of my ipsissima verba,
and it gives me a queer feeling to be treated so philologically. I
find your account of my evolution instructive, though I am hardly
able to criticize it as one might who knew me from without. I can't
tell about utilitarianism— I didn't come to it unaided, but was taught
it by Chauncey Wright, whose anti-religious teaching, however, I
reacted against. I think you overdo my personal mysticism. It has
always seemed to me rather a matter of fair play to the various
kinds of experience to let mystical ecstacy have its voice counted
with the rest. As far as I am personally concerned it is the ordinary
sense of life that every working moment brings, that makes me con-
temptuous of rationalistic attempts to substitute thin logical formu-
las for it. My /?7c..r-philosophy may well have to do with my ex-
tremely impatient temperament. I am a motor, need change, and get
very quickly bored.
"I say nothing of your general plan of tracing beliefs to tem-
peramental needs. I believe it is in essence quite sound, though
hard to rescue from the appearance of superficiality. In sum, I have
found the essay extraordinarily competent and interesting/'
I will add that we owe the opportunity of publishing Professor
Tausch's analysis of "the great pragmatist" to Professor James
himself, who advised the author that his article might be a welcome
contribution to The Monist, and we wish to express our indebtedness
for this suggestion to Professor James publicly. We take it as an
evidence that our critical review of pragmatism has not been amiss
but is received in the spirit in which it was written.
EDITOR.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES.
PHILOSOPHY. By Nicholas Murray Butler.
MATHEMATICS. By Cassius Jackson Keyser. New York : Columbia University
Press, 1908.
We have received two pamphlets of the Columbia University series of
lectures on science, philosophy and art which are now in progress of publica-
tion. The one entitled "Philosophy" by President Butler is a survey of the
present situation in the philosophical world which contains valuable sugges-
tions and illuminating flashes of light. We quote the following sentences
verbatim :
"To grasp in fullest significance the movement of contemporary thought,
and to pass judgment upon it with some approach to a proper sense of propor-
tion, the student must know his Kant. Max Miiller's phrase was a good one :
'Kant's language is the lingua franca of modern philosophy.' It is not too
much to say that without an understanding of Kant the door to a just appre-
ciation of modern thought is closed
"It is said of Kant that he used to tell his students at Konigsberg that
he sought to teach them, not philosophy, but how to think philosophically.
This view of the teaching of philosophy, which I hold to be the correct one, is
the reason why students of philosophy, particularly beginners, should concern
themselves with the works of the genuine masters of philosophic thinking, and
not waste their time and dissipate their energies upon the quasi-philosophical
and the frivolously-philosophical writing, chiefly modern and largely contem-
porary, which may be not inappropriately described as involving Great Jour-
neys to the Homes of Little Thoughts !
"The clever intellectual posing and attitudinizing of Nietzsche, whose body
and mind alike were sorely stricken with illness, is only a travesty upon phi-
losophy. The curiously barren efforts of Haeckel, when he leaves the field of
science in which he is an adept, are but little better. Even the form of philos-
ophy called Pragmatism, for which the great names of Oxford, Harvard and
Columbia are academic sponsors, and which when unfolded to the man in the
street leads him to howl with delight because he at last understands things,
should come late and not early in a student's philosophical reading. A back-
ground of considerable philosophical knowledge will aid in giving it a just
appreciation. There are critics who have the fear that Pragmatism, in its
attempt to be both profound and popular, may, forgetful of the ancient warn-
ing of Plautus, suffer from attempting to blow and to swallow at the same
time."
158 THE MONIST.
The essay on mathematics, written by Professor Keyser, may fitly be called
a rhapsody on mathematics. To our mind Professor Keyser's scorn of applied
mathematics in contrast to popular mathematics is exaggerated. It seems to
us that applied mathematics is the best explanation of the seriousness and the
paramount significance of mathematical truth. At the same time we do not
venture to criticize Professor Keyser for his admiration of pure mathematics
which looms like a lofty peak into the heavens while its roots are buried in
earthly soil. We were especially pleased with the following passage :
"Phrase it as you will, there is a world that is peopled with ideas, en-
sembles, propositions, relations, and implications, in endless variety and multi-
plicity, in structure ranging from the very simple to the endlessly intricate
and complicate. That world is not the product but the object, not the creature
but the quarry of thought, the entities composing it — propositions, for ex-
ample,— being no more identical with thinking them than wine is identical with
the drinking of it. Mind or no mind, that world exists as an extra-personal
affair, — Pragmatism to the contrary notwithstanding."
The world of mathematics is not a mere fantastical construction but it is
the reconstruction of a world of necessary relations, and as such it possesses
an objective significance. It is not man-made nor mind-made nor purely ideal
fancy but eternal and of objective significance. The domain of this world of
mathematics must be exploited as much as the domain of natural science.
Professor Keyser says:
"Just as the astronomer, the physicist, the geologist, or other student of
objective science looks abroad in the world of sense, so, not metaphorically
speaking but literally, the mind of the mathematician goes forth into the uni-
verse of logic in quest of the things that are there ; exploring the heights and
depths for facts — ideas, classes, relationships, implications, and the rest; ob-
serving the minute and elusive with the powerful microscope of his Infinitesi-
mal Analysis; observing the elusive and vast with the limitless telescope of
his Calculus of the Infinite ; making guesses regarding the order and internal
harmony of the data observed and collated ; testing the hypotheses, not merely
by the complete induction peculiar to mathematics, but, like his colleague of
the outer world, resorting also to experimental tests and incomplete induction ;
frequently finding it necessary, in view of unforeseen disclosures, to abandon
a once hopeful hypothesis or to transform it by retrenchment or by enlarge-
ment : — thus, in his own domain, matching, point for point, the processes,
methods and experience familiar to the devotee of natural science."
THE PERSISTENT PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY. An Introduction to Metaphysics
Through the Study of Modern Systems. By Mary Whiton Calkins.
New York: Macmillan, 1907. Pp. xxii, 575. Price $2.50 net.
The author says in the preface, "I have audaciously attempted to combine
what seem to me the essential features of a systematic Introduction to Meta-
physics with those of a History of Modern Philosophy. This I have done
both because I believe that the problems of philosophy are, at the outset, best
studied as formulated in the actual systems of great thinkers, and because the
historical sequence of philosophies, from Descartes's to Hegel's, seems to
coincide, roughly, with a logical order."
In order to accomplish this task the author has classified the best known
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 159
philosophers as numerically monistic and numerically pluralistic, and again
as qualitatively monistic and qualitatively pluralistic. Here is the scheme.
Qualitatively pluralistic : Descartes and Locke.
Qualitatively Monistic: (i) Non-idealistic, Hobbes; (2) Idealistic, (a)
Spiritualistic, Leibnitz and Berkeley; (b) Phenomenalistic, Hume.
Qualitatively Pluralistic : Spinoza.
Qualitatively Monistic : Idealistic, Spiritualistic : Schopenhauer and Hegel.
Dualism so far as we understand is as different from pluralism as it is
from monism, yet in Miss Calkins's scheme it is treated as a form of plural-
ism.
The omission of Kant is explained thus :
"Kant, in spite of his unequalled influence on nineteeenth-century philos-
ophy, as well as Fichte and Schelling, are not referred to in this table, on the
ground that their systems, as internally inconsistent, fail to represent any one
type of philosophy."
Kant receives a special treatment in Chapter VII entitled "An Attack
upon Dualism and Phenomenalism," while Fichte and Schelling are treated
in Chapter IX as an "Advance Toward Monistic Spiritualism."
While these several philosophers might not be pleased to find themselves
so labeled and subsumed under categories which do not seem to cover the
requirements, Miss Calkins makes up for any coloring which this treatment
of the different philosophies receive by many quotations and references, which
of course will be most serviceable to the student for whose use the book is
mainly intended.
ESSAYS PHILOSOPHICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL. In Honor of William James,
Professor in Harvard University. By his Colleagues of Columbia Uni-
versity. London: Longmans, Green, 1908. Pp. 610.
According to the prefatory note this volume is intended to mark in some
degree its authors' sense of Professor James's memorable services in philos-
ophy and psychology, the vitality he has added to those studies, and the
encouragement that has flowed from him to colleagues without number.
Early in 1907, at the invitation of Columbia University, he delivered a course
of lectures there, and met the members of the philosophical and psychological
departments on several occasions for social discussion. They acknowledge
an added motive for the present work in the recollections of this visit.
To enumerate the authors is to call the roll of the faculty of the depart-
ments of philosophy and psychology in Columbia University in 1907, and the
subjects cover the range of realism, idealism, pragmatism, ethics, methodology
and history of philosophy.
SCHOLASTICISM, OLD AND NEW. By M. de Wulf. Translated by P. Coffey,
D. Ph. New York: Benziger, 1907. Pp. 327.
This is the translation of the author's Introduction a la philosophie neo-
scolastique which was written with the object in view to "combat false con-
ceptions, to coordinate true notions and so to furnish the reader with some
general information on the new scholasticism." The book treats separately
in two parts "Medieval Scholastic Philosophy" and "Modern Scholastic Phi-
losophy" and in these the author has attempted to compare point by point the
I6O THE MONIST.
ideas of the past with those of the present. The book bears the imprimatur
of the Archbishop of New York, and the author states in his preface that this
volume contains the program of instruction which the Institute of Philosophy
of Louvain University has outlined for itself and is endeavoring to carry out.
In the history of American philosophy the Concord school plays an im-
portant part and represents a delightful period in which thinkers of different
dispositions but all animated with the love of philosuphical thought, met for
friendly intercourse and discussion. Dr. Edmund Montgomery was one of
them, and perhaps more than any of the others he represented the philo-
sophical spirit as seen from the point of view of a physiologist. On his part
he pointed out the significance of the life process for philosophhical con-
sideration, and has stood for the same up to the present day when a book of
his entitled Philosophical Problems in the Light of Vital Organization (a
stately volume of over 460 pages) containing the matured results of his phi-
losophy, has appeared bearing the imprint of G. P. Putnam's Sons. In this
number of The Monist he presents his message to the world in an article which
will render some points of his position clear. We regret to say that at the
present moment Dr. Montgomery is dangerously ill at his home, Liendo
Plantation, Hempstead, Texas. For those readers not familiar with details
of American philosophers we will state here that Dr. Montgomery, as the
name indicates, is of Scotch blood, and was educated in Germany at a time
when the interest in philosophy was at its height. He studied medicine in
German universities, specializing in his favorite subjects physiology and biology,
and was at the same time carried away with the spirit of freedom which was
agitating the German mind in the years of the German revolution of 1848.
At Frankfort on the Main he met Elizabet Ney, the famous disciple of
Rauch, and an artist whose statuary in Marble Hall at Washington attracts
the attention of visitors to the Capitol. (For further details see the article
by Bride McNeil Taylor in The Open Court, Vol. XXI, p. 592.) She was
engaged at that time in making her well-known bust of Schopenhauer, the
only one that exists of the great pessimist. Dr. Montgomery married Elizabet
Ney, and both joined a group of emigrants who wanted to build up an ideal
community in the new world. They went to Texas where together they in-
vested their little fortune in the Liendo Plantation, which is now under the
supervision of their son.
The report of the Anthropological Museum of Berlin contains an article
by A. von Le Coq on a Manichee-Uigurian manuscript found in Idiqut-
Shahri. The manuscript is of great interest because it proves the influence
of Zoroaster upon the later Manicheean religion. It is a sample only of a
large number of other manuscripts which were discovered in an expedition
under Prof. F. W. K. Miiller, one of the most indefatigable workers of the
Berlin ethnological museum. The manuscript here published is written in
Uigurian writing, not in Estrangelo script as other Turkish manuscripts. The
translation proves it to be the description of a fight between Zoroaster and a
demon who is finally vanquished and killed. The name Zoroaster is spelled
"Zrusc burchan."
VOL. XIX. APRIL, 1909. No. 2.
THE MONIST
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA.
A PICTURE OF LIFE AND CUSTOMS FROM THE SIXTEENTH
CENTURY.*
^ HE student of India who would at the same time be
JL an historian, discovers to his sorrow that the land of
his researches is lamentably poor in historical sources. And
if within the realm of historical investigation, a more se-
ductive charm lies for him in the analysis of great per-
sonalities than in ascertaining the course of historical de-
velopment, then verily may he look about in vain for such
personalities in the antiquity and middle ages of India.
Not that the princely thrones were wanting in great men in
ancient India, for we find abundant traces of them in Hindu
folk-lore and poetry, but these sources do not extend to
establishing the realistic element in details and furnishing
life-like portraits of the men themselves. That the Hindu
has ever been but little interested in historical matters is
a generally recognized fact. Religious and philosophical
speculations, dreams of other worlds, of previous and fu-
ture existences, have claimed the attention of thoughtful
minds to a much greater degree than has historical reality.
The misty myth-woven veil which hangs over persons
and events of earlier times, vanishes at the beginning of
*This article was an address delivered in abridged form by the author
Dr. Richard von Garbe, Rector of Tubingen University, on the occasion of
the birthday of King Wilhelm II of Wiirttemberg, on February 25, 1909. It
has been translated for The Monist by Lydia Gillingham Robinson.
l62 THE MONIST.
the modern era which in India starts with the Moham-
medan conquest, for henceforth the history of India is
written by foreigners. Now we meet with men who take
a decisive part in the fate of India, and they appear as
sharply outlined, even though generally unpleasing, per-
sonalities.
Islam has justly been characterized as the caricature
of a religion. Fanaticism and fatalism are two conspicu-
ously irreligious emotions, and it is exactly these two emo-
tions, which Islam understands how to arouse in savage
peoples, to which it owes the part it has played in the his-
tory of the world, and the almost unprecedented success
of its diffusion in Asia, Africa and Europe.
About 1000 A. D. India was invaded by the Sultan
Mahmud of Ghasna. "With Mahmud's expedition into
India begins one of the most horrible periods of the history
of Hindustan. One monarch dethrones another, no dy-
nasty continues in power, every accession to the throne is
accompanied by the murder of kinsmen, plundering of
cities, devastation of the lowlands and the slaughter of
thousands of men, women and children of the predecessor's
adherents ; for five centuries northwest and northern India
literally reeked with the blood of multitudes."3 Moham-
medan dynasties of Afghan, Turkish and Mongolian origin
follow that of Ghasna. This entire period is filled with an
almost boundless series of battles, intrigues, imbroglios
and political revolutions ; nearly all events had the one char-
acteristic in common, that they took place amid murder,
pillage and fire.
The most frightful spectacle throughout these reeking
centuries is the terrible Mongolian prince Timur, a suc-
cessor of Genghis-Khan, who fell upon India with his band
of assassins in the year 1398 and before his entry into Delhi
the capital, in which he was proclaimed Emperor of India,
1 E. Schlagintweit, Indien in Wort und Bild, II, 26 f.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 163
caused the hundred thousand prisoners whom he had cap-
tured in his previous battles in the Punjab, to be slaught-
ered in one single day, because it was too inconvenient to
drag them around with him. So says Timur himself with
shameless frankness in his account of the expedition, and
he further relates that after his entry into Delhi, all three
districts of the city were plundered "according to the will
of God/'2 In 1526 Babu, a descendant of Timur, made
his entry into Delhi and there founded the dominion of the
Grand Moguls (i. e., of the great Mongols). The over-
throw of this dynasty was brought about by the disastrous
reign of Baber's successor Aurungzeb, a cruel, crafty and
treacherous despot, who following the example of his an-
cestor Timur, spread terror and alarm around him in the
second half of the seventeenth and the beginning of the
eighteenth centuries. Even to-day Hindus may be seen to
tremble when they meet the sinister fanatical glance of a
Mohammedan.
Princes with sympathetic qualities were not entirely
lacking in the seven centuries of Mohammedan dominion
in India, and they shine forth as points of light from the
gloomy horror of this time, but they fade out completely
before the luminous picture of the man who governed India
for half a century (1556-1605) and by a wise, gentle and
just reign brought about a season of prosperity such as
the land had never experienced in the millenniums of its
history. This man, whose memory even to-day is revered
by the Hindus, was a descendant of Baber, Abul Path
Jelaleddin Muhammed, known by the surname Akbar "the
Great," which was conferred upon the child even when he
was named, and completely supplanted the name that prop-
erly belonged to him. And truly he justified the epithet,
for great, fabulously great, was Akbar as man, general,
statesman and ruler, — all in all a prince who deserves to
2 A. Miiller, Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, II, 300 f.
164 THE MONIST.
be known by every one whose heart is moved by the spec-
tacle of true human greatness.3
When we wish to understand a personality we are in
the habit of ascertaining the inherited characteristics, and
investigating the influences exercised upon it by religion,
family, environment, education, youthful impressions, ex-
perience, and so forth. Most men are easily comprehen-
sible as the products of these factors. The more inde-
pendent of all such influences, or the more in opposition to
them, a personality develops, the more attractive and inter-
esting will it appear to us. At the first glance it looks as
if the Emperor Akbar had developed his entire character
from himself and by his own efforts in total independence
of all influences which in other cases are thought to deter-
mine the character and nature of a man. A Mohammedan,
a Mongol, a descendant of the monster Timur, the son of a
weak incapable father, born in exile, called when but a lad
to the government of a disintegrated and almost annihi-
lated realm in the India of the sixteenth century, — which
means in an age of perfidy, treachery, avarice, and self-
seeking, — Akbar appears before us as a noble man, suscep-
tible to all grand and beautiful impressions, conscientious,
unprejudiced, and energetic, who knew how to bring peace
and order out of the confusion of the times, who through-
out his reign desired the furtherance of his subjects* and
not of his own interest, who while increasing the privileges
* From the literature on Emperor Akbar the following works deserve
special mention : J. Talboys Wheeler, The History of India from the Earliest
Ages. Vol. IV, Pt. I, "Mussulman Rule," London, 1876 (judges Akbar very
unfairly in many places, but declares at the bottom of page 135, "The reign
of Akbar is one of the most important in the history of India ; it is one of the
most important in the history of the world") ; Mountstuart Elphinstone,
History of India, the Hindu and Mahometan Periods, with notes and additions
by E. B. Cowell, Qth ed., London, 1905; G. B. Malleson, Akbar and the Rise of
the Mughal Empire, Oxford, 1890 (in W. W. Hunter's Rulers of India) ;
A. Miiller, Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, Vol. II, Berlin, 1887; but
especially Count F. A. von Noer, Kaiser Akbar, ein Versuch uber die Ge-
schichte Indiens im sechzehnten Jahrhundert, Vol. I, Leyden, 1880 ; Vol. II,
revised from the author's manuscript by Dr. Gustav von Buchwald, Leyden,
1885. In the preface to this work the original sources are listed and described ;
compare also M. Elphinstone, pp. 536, 537, note 45.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 165
of the Mohammedans, not only also declared equality of
rights for the Hindus but even actualized that equality,
who in every conceivable way sought to conciliate his sub-
jects so widely at variance with each other in race, cus-
toms, and religion, and who finally when the narrow dog-
mas of his religion no longer satisfied him, attained to a
purified faith in God, wrhich was independent of all formu-
lated religions.
A closer observation, however, shows that the contrast
is not quite so harsh between what according to our hypoth-
eses Akbar should have been as a result of the forces which
build up man, and what he actually became. His predilec-
tion for science and art Akbar had inherited from his
grandfather Baber and his father Humayun. His youth,
which was passed among dangers and privations, in flight
and in prison, was certainly not without a beneficial in-
fluence upon Akbar 's development into a man of unusual
power and energy. And of significance for his spiritual
development was the circumstance that after his accession
to the throne his guardian put him in the charge of a most
excellent tutor, the enlightened and liberal minded Persian
Mir Abdullatif, who laid the foundation for Akbar's later
religious and ethical views. Still, however high we may
value the influence of this teacher, the main point lay in
Akbar's own endowments, his susceptibility for such teach-
ing as never before had struck root with any Mohammedan
prince. Akbar had not his equal in the history of Islam.
"He is the only prince grown up in the Mohammedan creed
whose endeavor it was to ennoble the limitation of this most
separatistic of all religions into a true religion of human-
ity."4
Even the external appearance of Akbar appeals to us
sympathetically. We sometimes find reproduced a miniature
from Delhi which pictures Akbar as seated ; in this the char-
4 A. Muller, II, 416.
l66 THE MONIST.
acteristic features of the Mongolian race appear softened
and refined to a remarkable degree. * The shape of the
head is rather round, the outlines are softened, the black
eyes large, thoughtful, almost dreamy, and only very
slightly slanting, the brows full and bushy, the lips some-
what prominent and the nose a tiny bit hooked. The face
is beardless except for the rather thin closely cut moustache
which falls down over the curve of the mouth in soft waves.
According to the description of his son, the Emperor Je-
hangir, Akbar's complexion is said to have been the yellow
of wheat; the Portuguese Jesuits who came to his court
called it plainly white. Although not exactly beautiful,
Akbar seemed beautiful to many of his contemporaries,
including Europeans, probably because of the august and
at the same time kind and winsome expression which his
countenance bore. Akbar was rather tall, broad-shoul-
dered, strongly built and had long arms and hands.
Akbar, the son of the dethroned Emperor Humayun,
was born on October 14, 1542, at Amarkot in Sindh, two
years after his father had been deprived of his kingdom
by the usurper Sher Chan. After an exile of fifteen years,
or rather after an aimless wandering and flight of that
length, the indolent pleasure- and opium-loving Humayun
was again permitted to return to his capital in 1555, — not
through his own merit but that of his energetic general
Bairam Chan, a Turk who in one decisive battle had over-
come the Afghans, at that time in possession of the domin-
ion. But Humayun was not long to enjoy his regained
throne; half a year later he fell do\vn a stairway in his
palace and died. In January 1556 Akbar, then thirteen
years of age, ascended the throne. Because of his youthful
years Bairam Chan assumed the regency as guardian of
the realm or "prince-father" as it is expressed in Hindi,
and guided the wavering ship of state with a strong hand.
* Noer, II as frontispiece (comp. also pp. 327, 328) ; A. Muller, II, 417.
/
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA.
From Noer's Kaiser Akbar, (Frontispiece to Vol. II).
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 167
He overthrew various insurgents and disposed of them
with cold cruelty. But after a few years he so aroused the
illwill of Akbar by deeds of partiality, selfishness and vio-
lence that in March 1560 Akbar, then 17 years of age, de-
cided to take the reins of government into his own hand.
Deprived of his office and influence Bairam Chan hastened
to the Punjab and took arms against his Imperial Master.
Akbar led his troops in person against the rebel and over-
came him. When barefooted, his turban thrown around
his neck, Bairam Chan appeared before Akbar and pros-
trated himself before the throne, Akbar did not do the
thing which was customary under such circumstances in
the Orient in all ages. The magnanimous youth did not
sentence the humiliated rebel to a painful death but bade
him arise in memory of the great services which Bairam
Chan had rendered to his father and later to himself, and
again assume his old place of honor at the right of the
throne. Before the assembled nobility he gave him the
choice whether he would take the governorship of a prov-
ince, or would enjoy the favor of his master at court as a
benefactor of the imperial family, or whether, accom-
panied by an escort befitting his rank, he would prefer to
undertake a pilgrimage to Mecca.5 Bairam Chan was
wise enough to choose the last, but on the way to Mecca
he was killed by an Afghan and the news caused Akbar
sincere grief and led him to take the four year old son of
Bairam Chan under his special protection.
Mahum Anaga, the Emperor's nurse, for whom he
felt a warm attachment and gratitude, a woman revenge-
ful and ambitious but loyal and devoted to Akbar, had con-
tributed in bringing about the fall of the regent. She had
cared for the Emperor from his birth to his accession and
amid the confusion of his youth had guarded him from
danger ; but for this service she expected her reward. She
5Noer, I, 131.
l68 THE MONIST.
sought nothing less than in the role of an intimate con-
fidante of the youthful Emperor to be secretly the actual
ruler of India.
Mahum Anaga had a son, Adham Chan by name, to
whom at her suggestion Akbar assigned the task of re-
conquering and governing the province of Malwa. Adham
Chan was a passionate and violent man, as ambitious
and avaricious as his mother, and behaved himself in
Malwa as if he were an independent prince. As soon
as Akbar learned this he advanced by forced marches to
Malwa and surprised his disconcerted foster-brother be-
fore the latter could be warned by his mother. But Adham
Chan had no difficulty in obtaining Akbar's forgiveness
for his infringements.
On the way back to Agra, where the Emperor at that
time was holding court, a noteworthy incident happened.
Akbar had ridden alone in advance of his escort and sud-
denly found himself face to face with a powerful tigress
who with her five cubs came out from the shrubbery across
his path. His approaching attendants found the nineteen
year old Emperor standing quietly by the side of the
slaughtered beast which he had struck to the ground with
a single blow of his sword. To how much bodily strength,
intrepidity, cold-blooded courage and sure-sightedness this
blow of the sword testified which dared not come the frac-
tion of a second too late, may be judged by every one who
has any conception of the spring of a raging tigress an-
xious for the welfare of her young. And we may easily
surmise the thoughts which the sight aroused in the minds
of the Mohammedan nobles in Akbar's train. At that
moment many ambitious wishes and designs may have been
carried to their grave.6
The Emperor soon summoned his hot-headed foster-
brother Adham Chan to court in order to keep him well
6Noer, I, 141.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 169
in sight for he had counted often enough on Akbar's affec-
tion for his mother Mahum Anaga to save him from the
consequences of his sins. Now Mahum Anaga, her son and
her adherents, hated the grand vizier with a deadly hatred
because they perceived that they were being deprived of
their former influence in matters of state. This hatred finally
impelled Adham Chan to a senseless undertaking. The em-
bittered man hatched up a conspiracy against the grand
vizier and when one night in the year 1562 the latter was
attending a meeting of political dignitaries on affairs of
state in the audience hall of the Imperial palace, Adham
Chan with his conspirators suddenly broke in and stabbed
the grand vizier in the breast, whereupon his companions
slew the wounded man with their swords. Even now the
deluded Adham Chan counted still upon the Emperor's
forbearance and upon the influence of his mother. Akbar
was aroused by the noise and leaving his apartments
learned what had happened. Adham Chan rushed to the
Emperor, seized his arm and begged him to listen to his
explanations. But the Emperor was beside himself with
rage, struck the murderer with his fist so that he fell to
the floor and commanded the terrified servants to bind him
with fetters and throw him head over heals from the ter-
race of the palace to the courtyard below. The horrible
deed was done but the wretch was not dead. Then the
Emperor commanded the shattered body of the dying man
to be dragged up the stairs again by the hair and to be
flung once more to the ground.7
I have related this horrible incident in order to give
Akbar's picture with the utmost possible faithfulness and
without idealization. Akbar was a rough, strong-nerved
man, who was seldom angry but whose wrath when once
aroused was fearful. It is a blemish on his character that
in some cases he permitted himself to be carried away to
TJ. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 139, 140; Noer, I, 143, 144.
I/O THE MONIST.
such cruel death sentences, but we must not forget that
he was then dealing with the punishment of particularly
desperate criminals, and that such severe judgments had
always been considered in the Orient to be righteous and
sensible. Not only in the Orient unfortunately, — even in
Europe 200 years after Akbar's time tortures and the rack
were applied at the behest of courts of law.
Mahum Anaga came too late to save her son. Akbar
sought with tender care to console her for his dreadful
end but the heart-broken woman survived the fearful blow
of fate only about forty days. The Emperor caused her
body to be buried with that of her son in one common grave
at Delhi, and he himself accompanied the funeral proces-
sion. At his command a stately monument was erected
above this grave which still stands to-day. His generosity
and clemency were also shown in the fact that he extended
complete pardon to the accomplices in the murder of the
grand vizier and even permitted them to retain their of-
fices and dignities because he was convinced that they had
been drawn into the crime by the violent Adham Chan.
In other ways too Akbar showed himself to be ready to
grant pardon to an almost incomprehensible extent. Again
and again when an insubordinate viceroy in the provinces
would surrender after an unsuccessful uprising Akbar
would let him off without any penalty, thus giving him the
opportunity of revolting again after a short time.
It was an eventful time in which Akbar arrived at
manhood in the midst of all sorts of personal dangers.
I will pass over with but few comments his military ex-
peditions which can have no interest for the general public.
When Akbar ascended the throne his realm comprised only
a very small portion of the possessions which had been sub-
ject to his predecessors. With the energy which was a
fundamental characteristic of his nature he once more took
possession of the provinces which had been torn from the
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA.
empire, at the same time undertaking the conquest of new
lands, and accomplished this task with such good fortune
that in the fortieth year of his reign the empire of India
covered more territory than ever before ; that is to say, not
only the whole of Hindustan including the peninsula Gu-
jerat, the lands of the Indus and Kashmir but also Af-
ghanistan and a larger part of the Dekkhan than had ever
been subject to any former Padishah of Delhi. At this time
while the Emperor had his residence at Lahore the phrase
was current in India, "As lucky as Akbar."*
It was apparent often enough in the military expedi-
tions that Akbar far surpassed his contemporaries in gen-
eralship. But it was not the love of war and conquest
which drove him each time anew to battle ; a sincere desire
inspired by a mystical spirit impelled him to bring to an
end the ceaseless strife between the small states of India
by joining them to his realm, and thus to found a great
united empire.9
More worthy of admiration than the subjugation of
such large territories in which of course many others have
also been successful, is the fact that Akbar succeeded in
establishing order, peace, and prosperity in the regained
and newly subjugated provinces. This he brought about
by the introduction of a model administration, an excellent
police, a regulated post service, and especially a just divi-
sion of taxes.10 Up to Akbar 's time corruption had been
n matter of course in the entire official service and enormous
sums in the treasury were lost by peculation on the part of
tax collectors.
Akbar first divided the whole realm into twelve and
later into fifteen viceregencies, and these into provinces,
administrative districts and lesser subdivisions, and gov-
8J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 180.
8 Noer, II, 8, 390, 423.
10 For the following compare Noer I, 391 ff. ; M. Elphinstone, 529 ff. ; G.
B. Malleson, 172 ff., 185 ff.
172 THE MONIST.
erned the revenues of the empire on the basis of a uni-
formly exact survey of the land. He introduced a standard
of measurement, replacing the hitherto customary land
measure (a leather strap which was easily lengthened or
shortened according to the need of the measuring officer)
by a new instrument of measurement in the form of a
bamboo staff which was provided with iron rings at defi-
nite intervals. For purposes of assessment land was di-
vided into four classes according to the kind of cultivation
practiced upon it. The first class comprised arable land
with a constant rotation of crops; the second, that which
had to lie fallow for from one to two years in order to be
productive ; the third from three to four years ; the fourth
that land which was uncultivated for five years and longer
or was not arable at all. The first two classes of acreage
were taxed one-third of the crop, which according to our
present ideas seems an exorbitantly high rate, and it was
left to the one assessed whether he would pay the tax in
kind or in cash. Only in the case of luxuries or manu-
factured articles, that is to say, where the use of a circu-
lating medium could be assumed, was cash payment re-
quired. Whoever cultivated unreclaimed land was assisted
by the government by the grant of a free supply of seed
and by a considerable reduction in his taxes for the first
four years.
Akbar also introduced a new uniform standard of coin-
age, but stipulated that the older coins which were still
current should be accepted from peasants for their full face
value. From all this the Indian peasants could see that
Emperor Akbar not only desired strict justice to rule but
also wished to further their interests, and the peasants had
always comprised the greatest part of the inhabitants,
(even according to the latest census in 1903, vol. I, p. 3, 50
to 84 percent of the inhabitants of India live by agricul-
ture). But Akbar succeeded best in winning the hearts
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 173
of the native inhabitants by lifting the hated poll tax which
still existed side by side with all other taxes.
The founder of Islam had given the philanthropical
command to exterminate from the face of the earth all fol-
lowers of other faiths who were not converted to Islam,
but he had already convinced himself that it was im-
possible to execute this law. And, indeed, if the Moham-
medans had followed out this precept, how would they have
been able to overthrow land upon land and finally even
thickly populated India where the so-called unbelievers
comprised an overwhelming majority? Therefore in place
of complete extermination the more practical arrangement
of the poll tax was instituted, and this was to be paid by all
unbelievers in order to be a constant reminder to them
of the loss of their independence. This humiliating burden
which was still executed in the strictest, most inconsiderate
manner, Akbar removed in the year 1565 without regard
to the. very considerable loss to the state's treasury. Nine
years later followed the removal of the tax upon religious
assemblies and pilgrimages, the execution of which had
likewise kept the Hindus in constant bitterness towards
their Mohammedan rulers.
Sometime previous to these reforms Akbar had abol-
ished a custom so disgusting that we can hardly compre-
hend that it ever could have legally existed. At any rate
it alone is sufficient to brand Islam and its supreme con-
tempt for followers of other faiths, with one of the greatest
stains in the history of humanity. When a tax-collector
gathered the taxes of the Hindus and the payment had
been made, the Hindu was required "without the slightest
sign of fear of defilement" to open his mouth in order that
the tax collector might spit in it if he wished to do so.11
This was much more than a disgusting humiliation. When
the tax-collector availed himself of this privilege the Hindu
uNoer, II, 6, 7; G. B. Malleson, 174, 175.
174 THE MONIST.
lost thereby his greatest possession, his caste, and was
shut out from any intercourse with his equals. Accord-
ingly he was compelled to pass his whole life trembling in
terror before this horrible evil which threatened him. That
a man of Akbar's nobility of character should remove such
an atrocious, yes devilish, decree seems to us a matter of
course ; but for the Hindus it was an enormous beneficence.
Akbar sought also to advance trade and commerce in
every possible way. He regulated the harbor and toll
duties, removed the oppressive taxes on cattle, trees, grain
and other produce as well as the customary fees of subjects
at every possible appointment or office. In the year 1574
it was decreed that the loss which agriculture suffered by
the passage of royal troops through the fields should be
carefully calculated and scrupulously replaced.
Besides these practical regulations for the advancement
of the material welfare, Akbar's efforts for the ethical
uplift of his subjects are noteworthy. Drunkenness and
debauchery were punished and he sought to restrain pros-
titution by confining dancing girls and abandoned women
in one quarter set apart for them outside of his residence
wThich received the name Shaitanpura or "Devil's City."12
The existing corruption in the finance and customs de-
partment was abolished by means of a complicated and
punctilious system of supervision (the bureaus of receipts
and expenditures were kept entirely separated from each
other in the treasury department,) and Akbar himself care-
fully examined the accounts handed in each month from
every district, just as he gave his personal attention with
tireless industry and painstaking care to every detail in
the widely ramified domain of the administration of gov-
ernment. Moreover the Emperor was fortunate in having
at the head of the finance department a prudent, energetic,
perfectly honorable and incorruptible man, the Hindu To-
12 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 173; Noer, I, 438 n.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 175
dar Mai, who without possessing the title of vizier or min-
ister of state had assumed all the functions of such an
office.
It is easily understood that many of the higher tax
officials did not grasp the sudden break of a new day but
continued to oppress and impoverish the peasants in the
traditional way, but the system established by Akbar suc-
ceeded admirably and soon brought all such transgressions
to light. Todar Mai held a firm rein, and by throwing
hundreds of these faithless officers into prison and by mak-
ing ample use of bastinado and torture, spread abroad such
a wholesome terror that Akbar's reforms were soon vic-
torious.
How essential it was to exercise the strictest control
over men occupying the highest positions may be seen by
the example of the feudal nobility whose members bore the
title "Jagirdar." Such a Jagirdar had to provide a contin-
gent of men and horses for the imperial army correspond-
ing to the size of the estate which was given him in fief.
Now it had been a universal custom for the Jagirdars to
provide themselves with fewer soldiers and horses on a
military expedition than at the regular muster. Then too
the men and horses often proved useless for severe service.
When the reserves were mustered the knights dressed up
harmless private citizens as soldiers or hired them for the
occasion and after the muster was over, let them go again.
In the same way the horses brought forward for the muster
were taken back into private service immediately after-
wards and were replaced by worthless animals for the im-
perial service. This evil too was abolished at one stroke,
by taking an exact personal description of the soldiers pre-
sented and by branding the heads of horses, elephants and
camels writh certain marks. By this simple expedient it
became impossible to exchange men and animals presented
176 THE MONIST.
at the muster for worthless material and also to loan them
to other knights during muster.
The number of men able to bear arms in Akbar's realm
has been given as about four and a half millions but the
standing army which was held at the expense of the state
was small in proportion. It contained only about twenty-
five thousand men, one-half of whom comprised the cavalry
and the rest musketry and artillery. Since India does not
produce first class horses, Akbar at once provided for the
importation of noble steeds from other lands of the Orient
which were famed for horse breeding and was accustomed
to pay more for such animals than the price which was
demanded. In the same way no expense was too great for
him to spend on the breeding and nurture of elephants, for
they were very valuable animals for the warfare of that day.
His stables contained from five to six thousand well-trained
elephants. The breeding of camels and mules he also ad-
vanced with a practical foresight and understood how to
overcome the widespread prejudice in India against the
use of mules.
Untiringly did Akbar inspect stables, arsenals, military
armories, and shipyards, and insisted on perfect order in
all departments. He called the encouragement of seaman-
ship an act of worship13 but was not able to make India
a maritime power.
Akbar had an especial interest in artillery, and with it
a particular gift for the technique and great skill in mech-
anical matters. "He invented a cannon which could be
taken apart to be carried more easily on the march and could
be put up quickly, apparently for use in mountain batteries.
By another invention he united seventeen cannons in such
a way that they could be shot ofif simultaneously by one
fuse.14 Hence it is probably a sort of mitrailleuse. Akbar
13 Noer, II, 378.
w Noer, I, 429. The second invention, however, is questioned by Buchwald
(II, 372) because of the so-called "organ cannons" which were in use in
Europe as early as the i$th century.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 177
is also said to have invented a mill cart which served as a
mill as well as for carrying freight. With regard to these
inventions we must take into consideration the possibility
that the real inventor may have been some one else, but that
the flatterers at the court ascribed them to the Emperor be-
cause the initiative may have originated with him.
The details which I have given will suffice to show
what perfection the military and civil administration at-
tained through Akbar's efforts. Throughout his empire
order and justice reigned and a prosperity hitherto un-
known. Although taxes were never less oppressive in
India than under Akbar's reign, the imperial income for
one year amounted to more than $120,000,000, a sum at
which contemporary Europe marveled, and which we must
consider in the light of the much greater purchasing power
of money in the sixteenth century.15 A large part of Ak-
bar's income was used in the erection of benevolent insti-
tutions, of inns along country "roads in which travelers
were entertained at the imperial expense, in the support
of the poor, in gifts for pilgrims, in granting loans whose
payment was never demanded, and many similar ways. To
his encouragement of schools, of literature, art and science
I will refer later.
Of decided significance for Akbar's success was his
patronage of the native population. He did not limit his
efforts to lightening the lot of the subjugated Hindus and
relieving them of oppressive burdens; his efforts went
deeper. He wished to educate the Mohammedans and
Hindus to a feeling of mutual good-will and confidence,
and in doing so he was obliged to contend in the one case
against haughtiness and inordinate ambition, and in the
other against hate and distrustful reserve. If with this
end in view he actually favored the Hindus by keeping
certain ones close to him and advancing them to the most
15 Noer, I, 439.
178 THE MONIST.
influential positions in the state, he did it because he found
characteristics in the Hindus (especially in their noblest
race, the Rajputs) which seemed to him most valuable for
the stability of the empire and for the promotion of the
general welfare. He had seen enough faithlessness in the
Mohammedan nobles and in his own relatives. Besides,
Akbar was born in the house of a small Rajput prince who
had shown hospitality to Akbar's parents on their flight
and had given them his protection.
The Rajputs are the descendants of the ancient Indian
warrior race and are a brave, chivalrous, trustworthy people
who possess a love of freedom and pride of race quite differ-
ent in character from the rest of the Hindus. Even to-day
every traveler in India thinks he has been set down in an-
other world when he treads the ground of Rajputana and
sees around him in place of the weak effeminate servile in-
habitants of other parts of the country powerful upright
men, splendid warlike figures with blazing defiant eyes and
long waving beards.
While Akbar valued the Rajputs very highly his own
personality was entirely fitted to please these proud manly
warriors. An incident which took place before the end
of the first year of Akbar's reign is characteristic of the
relations which existed on the basis of this intrinsic rela-
tionship.16
Bihari Mai was a prince of the small Rajput state Am-
bir, and possessed sufficient political comprehension to
understand after Akbar's first great successes that his
own insignificant power and the nearness of Delhi made it
advisable to voluntarily recognize the Emperor as his liege
lord. Therefore he came with son, grandson and retainers
to swear allegiance to Akbar. Upon his arrival at the im-
perial camp before Delhi, a most surprising sight met his
eyes. Men were running in every direction, fleeing wildly
16 Noer, I, 224-2261
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 179
before a raging elephant who wrought destruction to
everything that came within his reach. Upon the neck of
this enraged brute sat a young man in perfect calmness
belaboring the animal's head with the iron prong which
is used universally in India for guiding elephants. The
Rajputs sprang from their horses and came up perfectly
unconcerned to observe the interesting spectacle, and broke
out in loud applause when the conquered elephant knelt
down in exhaustion. The young man sprang from its
back and cordially greeted the Rajput princes (who now
for the first time recognized Akbar in the elephant- tamer)
bidding them welcome to his red imperial tent. From this
occurrence dates the friendship of the two men. In later
years Bihari Mai's son and grandson occupied high places
in the imperial service, and Akbar married a daughter of
the Rajput chief who became the mother of his son and
successor Selim, afterwards the Emperor Jehangir. Later
on Akbar received a number of other Rajput women in his
harem.
Not all of Akbar's relations to the Rajputs however
were of such a friendly kind. As his grandfather Baber
before him, he had many bitter battles with them, for no
other Indian people had opposed him so vigorously as they.
Their domain blocked the way to the south, and from their
rugged mountains and strongly fortified cities the Rajputs
harassed the surrounding country by many invasions and
destroyed order, commerce and communication quite after
the manner of the German robber barons of the Middle
Ages. Their overthrow was accordingly a public neces-
sity.
The most powerful of these Rajput chiefs was the
Prince of Mewar who had particularly attracted the at-
tention of the Emperor by his support of the rebels. The
control of Mewar rested upon the possession of the fortress
Chitor which was built on a monstrous cliff one hundred
l8o THE MONIST.
and twenty meters high, rising abruptly from the plain
and was equipped with every means of defence that could
be contrived by the military skill of that time for an incom-
parably strong bulwark. On the plain at its summit which
measured over twelve kilometers in circumference a city
well supplied with water lay within the fortification walls.
There an experienced general, Jaymal, "the Lion of Chi-
tor," was in command. I have not time to relate the partic-
ulars of the siege, the laying of ditches and mines and the
uninterrupted battles which preceded the fall of Chitor in
February, 1568. According to Akbar's usual custom he
exposed himself to showers of bullets without once being
hit (the superstition of his soldiers considered him invul-
nerable) and finally the critical shot was one in which Ak-
bar with his own hand laid low the brave commander of
Chitor. Then the defenders considered their cause lost,
and the next night saw a barbarous sight, peculiarly Indian
in character: the so-called Jauhar demanded his offering
according to an old Rajput custom. Many great fires
gleamed weirdly in the fortress. To escape imprisonment
and to save their honor from the horrors of captivity, the
women mounted the solemnly arranged funeral pyres,
while all the men, clad in saffron hued garments, conse-
cated themselves to death. When the victors entered the
city on the next morning a battle began which raged
until the third evening, when there was no one left to kill.
Eight thousand warriors had fallen, besides thirty thou-
sand inhabitants of Chitor who had participated in the
fight.
With the conquest of Chitor which I have treated at
considerable length because it ended in a typically Indian
manner, the resistance of the Rajputs broke down. After
Akbar had attained his purpose he was on the friendliest
terms with the vanquished. It testifies to his nobility of
character as well as to his political wisdom that after this
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. iSl
complete success he not only did not celebrate a triumph,
but on the contrary proclaimed the renown of the van-
quished throughout all India by erecting before the gate
of the imperial palace at Delhi two immense stone ele-
phants with the statues of Jaymal, the "Lion of Chitor,"
and of the noble youth Pata who had performed the most
heroic deeds in the defense of Chitor. By thus honoring
his conquered foes in such a magnanimous manner Akbar
found the right way to the heart of the Rajputs. By con-
stant bestowal of favors he gradually succeeded in so rec-
onciling the noble Rajputs to the loss of their independence
that they were finally glad and proud to devote themselves
to his service, and, under the leadership of their own
princes, proved themselves to be the best and truest soldiers
of the imperial army, even far from their home in the far-
thest limits of the realm.
The great masses of the Hindu people Akbar won over
by lowering the taxes as we have previously related, and by
all the other successful expedients for the prosperity of the
country, but especially by the concession of perfect liberty
of faith and worship and by the benevolent interest with
which he regarded the religious practices of the Hindus.
A people in whom religion is the ruling motive of life, after
enduring all the dreadful sufferings of previous centuries
for its religion's sake, must have been brought to a state
of boundless reverence by Akbar's attitude. And since the
Hindus wrere accustomed to look upon the great heroes and
benefactors of humanity as incarnations of deity we shall
not be surprised to read from an author of that time17
that every morning before sunrise great numbers of Hin-
dus crowded together in front of the palace to await the
appearance of Akbar and to prostrate themselves as soon
as he was seen at a window, at the same time singing
religious hymns. This fanatical enthusiasm of the Hindus
17 Badaoni in Noer, II, 320.
l82 THE MONIST.
for his person Akbar knew how to retain not only by actual
benefits but also by small, well calculated devices.
It is a familiar fact that the Hindus considered the
Ganges to be a holy river and that cows were sacred ani-
mals. Accordingly we can easily understand Akbar's pur-
pose when we learn that at every meal he drank regularly
of water from the Ganges (carefully filtered and purified
to be sure) calling it "the water of immortality,"18 and
that later he forbade the slaughtering of cattle and eating
their flesh.19 But Akbar did not go so far in his connivance
with the Hindus that he considered all their customs good
or took them under his protection. For instance he forbade
child marriages among the Hindus, that is to say the mar-
riage of boys under sixteen and of girls under fourteen
years, and he permitted the remarriage of widows. The
barbaric customs of Brahmanism were repugnant to his
very soul. He therefore most strictly forbade the slaught-
ering of animals for purposes of sacrifice, the use of ordeals
for the execution of justice, and the burning of widows
against their will, which indeed was not established accord-
ing to Brahman law but was constantly practiced according
to traditional custom.20 To be sure neither Akbar nor his
successor Jehangir were permanently successful in their
efforts to put an end to the burning of widows. Not until
the year 1829 was the horrible custom practically done
away with through the efforts of the English.
Throughout his entire life Akbar was a tirelessly in-
dustrious, restlessly active man. By means of ceaseless
activity he struggled successfully against his natural tend-
ency to melancholy and in this way kept his mind whole-
some, which is most deserving of admiration in an Oriental
monarch who was brought in contact day by day with im-
moderate flattery and idolatrous veneration. Well did
18Noer, II, 317, 3i8. "Ibid., 376, 3i7-
20 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 173; M. Elphinstone, 526; G. B. Malleson, 176.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 183
Akbar know that no Oriental nation can be governed with-
out a display of dazzling- splendor ; but in the midst of the
fabulous luxury with which Akbar's court was fitted out
and his camp on the march, in the possession of an incom-
parably rich harem which accompanied the Emperor on his
expeditions and journeys in large palatial tents, Akbar
always showed a remarkable moderation. It is true that
he abolished the prohibition of wine which Islam had in-
augurated and had a court cellar in his palace, but he him-
self drank only a little wine and only ate once a day and
then did not fully satisfy his hunger at this one meal which
he ate alone and not at any definite time.21 Though he
was not strictly a vegetarian yet he lived mainly on rice,
milk, fruits and sweets, and meat was repulsive to him.
He is said to have eaten meat hardly more than four times
a year.22
Akbar was very fond of flowers and perfumes and
especially enjoyed blooded doves whose care he well under-
stood. About twenty thousand of these peaceful birds are
said to have made their home on the battlements of his
palace. His historian23 relates: "His Majesty deigned to
improve them in a marvelous manner by crossing the races
which had not been done formerly."
Akbar was passionately fond of hunting and pursued
the noble sport in its different forms, especially the tiger
hunt and the trapping of wild elephants,24 but he also
hunted with trained falcons and leopards, owning no less
than nine hundred hunting leopards. He was not fond of
battue; he enjoyed the excitement and exertion of the
actual hunt as a means for exercise and recreation, for
training the eye and quickening the blood. Akbar took pleas-
21 Noer, II, 355.
22 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 169, following the old English geographer Samuel
Purchas.
23 AJbul Fazl in Noer, I, 511.
24 M. Elphinstone, 519.
184 THE MONIST.
ure also in games. Besides chess, cards and other games
fights between animals may especially be mentioned, of
which elephant fights were the most common, but there
were also contests between camels, buffaloes, cocks, and
even frogs, sparrows and spiders.
Usually, however, the whole day was filled up from the
first break of dawn for Akbar with affairs of government
and audiences, for every one who had a request or a
grievance to bring forward could have access to Akbar,
and he showed the same interest in the smallest incidents
as in the greatest affairs of state. He also held courts of
justice wherever he happened to be residing. No criminal
could be punished there without his knowledge and no
sentence of death executed until Akbar had given the com-
mand three times.25
Not until after sunset did the Emperor's time of recrea-
tion begin. Since he only required three hours of sleep26
he devoted most of the night to literary, artistic and scien-
tific occupations. Especially poetry and music delighted
his heart. He collected a large library in his palace and
drew the most famous scholars and poets to his court. The
most important of these were the brothers Abul Faiz (with
the nom de plume Faizi) and Abul Fazl who have made
Akbar's fame known to the whole world through their
works. The former at Akbar's behest translated a series
of Sanskrit works into Persian, and Abul Fazl, the highly
gifted minister and historian of Akbar's court (who to
be sure can not be exonerated from the charge of flattery)
likewise composed in the Persian language a large his-
torical work written in the most flowery style which is the
main source of our knowledge of that period. This famous
work is divided in two parts, the first one of which under
the title Akbarname, "Akbar Book," contains the complete
25 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 168.
*Loc. cit.f 169.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 185
history of Akbar's reign, whereas the second part, the Am
i Akbari, "The Institutions of Akbar," gives a presentation
of the political and religious constitution and administra-
tion of India under Akbar's reign. It is also deserving of
mention in this connection that Akbar instituted a board
for contemporary chronicles, whose duty it was to compose
the official record of all events relating to the Emperor and
the government as well as to collect all laws and decrees.27
When Akbar's recreation hours had come in the night
the poets of his court brought their verses. Transla-
tions of famous works in Sanskrit literature, of the New
Testament and of other interesting books were read aloud,
all of which captivated the vivacious mind of the Emperor
from which nothing was farther removed than onesided-
ness and narrow-mindedness. Akbar had also a discrimi-
nating appreciation for art and industries. He himself
designed the plans for some extremely beautiful cande-
labra, and the manufacture of tapestry reached such a state
of perfection in India under his personal supervision that
in those days fabrics were produced in the great imperial
factories which in beauty and value excelled the famous
rugs of Persia. With still more important results Akbar in-
fluenced the realm of architecture in that he discovered
how to combine two completely different styles. For in-
deed, "the union of Mohammedan and Indian motives
in the buildings of Akbar (who here as in all other de-
partments strove to perfect the complete elevation of na-
tional and religious details) to form an improved third
style/'28 is entirely original.
Among other ways Akbar betrayed the scientific trend
of his mind by sending out an expedition in search of the
sources of the Ganges.29 That a man of such a wonderful
27 Noer, I, 432, 433.
28 A. Miiller, II, 386.
J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 174.
l86 THE MONIST.
degree of versatility should have recognized the value of
general education and have devoted himself to its improve-
ment, we would simply take for granted. Akbar caused
schools to be erected throughout his whole kingdom for
the children of Hindus and Mohammedans, whereas he
himself did not know how to read or write.30 This re-
markable fact would seem incredible to us after considering
all the above mentioned facts if it was not confirmed by the
express testimony of his son, the Emperor Jehangir. At
any rate for an illiterate man Akbar certainly accomplished
an astonishing amount. The universal character of the
endowments of this man could not have been increased by
the learning of the schools.
I have now come to the point which arouses most
strongly the universal human interest in Akbar, namely,
to his religious development and his relation to the reli-
gions, or better to religion. But first I must protest against
the position maintained by a competent scholar31 that Akbar
himself was just as indifferent to religious matters as was
the house of Timur as a whole. Against this view7 we have
the testimony of the conscientiousness with which he daily
performed his morning and evening devotions, the value
which he placed upon fasting and prayer as a means of
self-discipline, and the regularity with which he made
yearly pilgrimages to the graves of Mohammedan saints.
A better insight into Akbar's heart than these regular ob-
servances of worship which might easily be explained by
the force of custom is given by the extraordinary manifesta-
tions of a devout disposition. When we learn that Akbar in-
variably prayed at the grave of his father in Delhi32 before
starting upon any important undertaking, or that during
the siege of Chitor he made a vow to make a pilgrimage
30 J. T. Wheeler, loc. cit., 141 ; Noer, I, 193 ; II, 324, 326.
31 A. Miiller, II, 418.
82 Noer, I, 262.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 187
to a shrine in Ajmir after the fall of the fortress, and that
after Chitor was in his power he performed this journey
in the simplest pilgrim garb, tramping barefooted over the
glowing sand,33 it is impossible for us to look upon Akbar
as irreligious. On the contrary nothing moved the Em-
peror so strongly and insistently as the striving after re-
ligious truth. This effort led to a struggle against the most
destructive power in his kingdom, against the Moham-
medan priesthood. That Akbar, the conqueror in all do-
mains, should also have been victorious in the struggle
against the encroachments of the Church (the bitterest
struggle which a ruler can undertake), this alone should
insure him a place among the greatest of humanity.
The Mohammedan priesthood, the community of the
Ulemas in whose hands lay also the execution of justice
according to the dictates of Islam, had attained great pros-
perity in India by countless large bequests. Its distin-
guished membership formed an influential party at court.
This party naturally represented the Islam of the stricter
observance, the so-called Sunnitic Islam, and displayed the
greatest severity and intolerance towards the representa-
tives of every more liberal interpretation and towards un-
believers. The chief judge of Agra sentenced men to death
because they were Shiites, that is to say they belonged to
the other branch of Islam, and the Ulemas urged Akbar to
proceed likewise against the heretics.34 That arrogance
and vanity, selfishness and avarice, also belonged to the
character of the Ulemas is so plainly to be taken for
granted according to all analogies that it need hardly be
mentioned. The judicature was everywhere utilized by
the Ulemas as a means for illegitimate enrichment.
This ecclesiastical party which in its narrow-minded
folly considered itself in possession of the whole truth,
83 Noer, I, 259-
MJ.T. Wheeler, IV, I, 156.
l88 THE MONIST.
stands opposed to the noble skeptic Akbar, whose doubt of
the divine origin of the Koran and of the truth of its
dogmas began so to torment him that he would pass entire
nights sitting out of doors on a stone lost in contemplation.
The above mentioned brothers Faizi and Abul Fazl intro-
duced to his impressionable spirit the exalted teaching of
Sufism, the Mohammedan mysticism whose spiritual pan-
theism had its origin in, or at least was strongly influenced
by, the doctrine of the All-One, held by the Brahman Ve-
danta system. The Sufi doctrine teaches religious tol-
erance and has apparently strengthened Akbar in his re-
pugnance towards the intolerant exclusiveness of Sunnitic
Islam.
The Ulemas must have been horror-stricken when they
found out that Akbar even sought religious instruction
from the hated Brahmans. We hear especially of two,
Purushottama and Debi by name, the first of whom taught
Sanskrit and Brahman philosophy to the Emperor in his
palace, whereas the second was drawn up on a platform
to the wall of the palace in the dead of the night and there,
suspended in midair, gave lessons on profound esoteric
doctrines of the Upanishads to the emperor as he sat by
the window. A characteristic bit of Indian local color!
The proud Padishah of India, one of the most powerful
rulers of his time, listening in the silence of night to the
words of the Brahman suspended there outside, who him-
self as proud as the Emperor would not set foot inside the
dwelling of one who in his eyes was unclean, but who
would not refuse his wisdom to a sincere seeker after truth.
Akbar left no means untried to broaden his religious
outlook. From Gujerat he summoned some Parsees, fol-
lowers of the religion of Zarathustra, and through them
informed himself of their faith and their highly developed
system of ethics which places the sinful thought on the
same level with the sinful word and act.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 189
From olden times the inhabitants of India have had a
predisposition for religious and philosophical disputations.
So Akbar, too, was convinced of the utility of free discus-
sion on religious dogmas. Based upon this idea, and perhaps
also in the hope that the Ulemas would be discomfited
Akbar founded at Fathpur Sikri, his favorite residence in
the vicinity of Agra, the famous 'Ibadat Khana, literally
the "house of worship," but in reality the house of con-
troversy. This was a splendid structure composed of four
halls in which scholars and religious men of all sects gath-
ered together every Thursday evening and were given an
opportunity to defend their creeds in the presence and with
the cooperation of the Emperor. Akbar placed the discus-
sion in charge of the wise and liberal minded Abul Fazl.
How badly the Ulemas, the representatives of Moham-
medan orthodoxy, came off on these controversial evenings
was to be foreseen. Since they had no success with
their futile arguments they soon resorted to cries of fury,
insults for their opponents and even to personal violence,
often turning against each other and hurling curses upon
their own number. In these discussions the inferiority of
the Ulemas, who nevertheless had always put forth such
great claims, was so plainly betrayed that Akbar learned
to have a profound contempt for them.
In addition to this, the fraud and machinations by
means of which the Ulemas had unlawfully enriched them-
selves became known to the Emperor. At any rate there
was sufficient ground for the chastisement which Akbar now
visited upon the high clergy. In the year 1579 a decree was
issued which assigned to the Emperor the final decision
in matters of faith, and this was subscribed to by the chiefs
of the Ulemas, — with what personal feelings we can well
imagine. For by this act the Ulemas were deprived of
their ecclesiastical authority which was transferred to the
Emperor. That the Orient too possesses its particular of-
THE MONIST.
ficial manner of expression in administrative matters is
very prettily shown by a decree in which Akbar "granted
the long cherished wish" of these same chiefs of the Ulemas
to undertake the pilgrimage to Mecca, which of course
really meant a banishment of several years. Other un-
worthy Ulemas were displaced from their positions or de-
prived of their sinecures; others who in their bitterness
had caused rebellion or incited or supported mutiny were
condemned for high treason. The rich property of the
churches was for the most part confiscated and appropri-
ated for the general weal. In short, the power and in-
fluence of the Ulemas was completely broken down, the
mosques stood empty and were transformed into stables
and warehouses.
Akbar had long ceased to be a faithful Moslem. Now
after the fall of the Ulemas he came forward openly with
his conviction, declared the Koran to be a human compila-
tion and its commands folly, disputed the miracles of Mo-
hammed and also the value of his prophecies, and denied
the doctrine of recompense after death. He professed the
Brahman and Sufistic doctrine that the soul migrates
through countless existences and finally attains divinity
after complete purification.
The assertion of the Ulemas that every person came
into the world predisposed towards Islam and that the
natural language of mankind was Arabic (the Jews made
the same claim for Hebrew and the Brahmans for San-
skrit), Akbar refuted by a drastic experiment which does
not correspond with his usual benevolence, but still is
characteristic of the tendency of his mind. In this case a
convincing demonstration appeared to him so necessary
that some individuals would have to suffer for it. Accord-
ingly in the year 1579 he caused twenty infants to be
taken from their parents in return for a compensation and
brought up under the care of silent nurses in a remote spot
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA.
in which no word should be spoken. After four years it
was proved that as many of these unhappy children as were
still alive were entirely dumb and possessed no trace of a
predisposition for Islam.35 Later the children are said to
have learned to speak with extraordinary difficulty as was
to be expected.
Akbar's repugnance to Islam developed into a complete
revulsion against every thing connected with this narrow
religion and made the great Emperor petty-souled in
this particular. The decrees were dated from the death
of Mohammed and no longer from the Hejra (the flight
from Mecca to Medina). Books written in Arabic, the
language of the Koran were given the lowest place in the
imperial library. The knowledge of Arabic was prohib-
ited, even the sounds characteristically belonging to this
language were avoided.36 Where formerly according to
ancient tradition had stood the word Bismilldhi, "in the
name of God," there now appeared the old war cry Allahu
akbar, uGod is great," which came into use the more gen-
erally— on coins, documents, etc. — the more the courtiers
came to reverse the sense of the slogan and to apply to it
the meaning, "Akbar is God."
Before I enter into the Emperor's assumption of this
flattery and his conception of the imperial dignity as con-
ferred by the grace of God, I must speak of the interesting
38 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 174; Noer, I, 511, 512. A familiar classical paral-
lel to this incident is the experiment recorded by Herodotus (II, 2) which
the Egyptian king Fsammetich is said to have performed with two infants.
It is related that after being shut up in a goat's stable for two years separated
from all human intercourse these children repeatedly cried out the alleged
Phrygian word PCKOS, "bread," which in reality was probably simply an imita-
tion of the bleating of the goats. Compare Edward B. Tyler, Researches into
the Early History of Mankind. 2d edition, (London, 1870), page 81 : "It is a
very trite remark that there is nothing absolutely incredible in the story and
that Bek, bek is a good imitative word for bleating as in fiX^x*0!**1, MKAo/j.at,
bloken, meckern, etc." Farther on we find the account of a similar attempt
made by James IV of Scotland as well as the literature with regard to other
historical and legendary precedents of this sort in both Orient and Occident.
86 Noer, II, 324, 325. Beards which the Koran commanded to be worn
Akbar even refused to allow in his presence. M. Elphinstone, 525; G. B.
Malleson, 177.
IQ2 THE MONIST.
attempts of the Jesuits to win over to Christianity the most
powerful ruler of the Orient.
As early as in the spring of 1578 a Portuguese Jesuit
who worked among the Bengals as a missionary appeared
at the imperial court and pleased Akbar especially because
he got the better of the Ulemas in controversy. Two years
later Akbar sent a very polite letter to the Provincial of
the Jesuit order in Goa, requesting him to send two Fathers
in order that Akbar himself might be instructed "in their
faith and its perfection." It is easy to imagine how gladly
the Provincial assented to this demand and how carefully
he proceeded with the selection of the fathers who were to
be sent away with such great expectations. As gifts to
the Emperor the Jesuits brought a Bible in four languages
and pictures of Christ and the Virgin Mary, and to their
great delight when Akbar received them he laid the Bible
upon his head and kissed the two pictures as a sign of
reverence.37
In the interesting work of the French Jesuit Du Jarric,
published in 1611, we possess very detailed accounts of the
operations of these missionaries who were honorably re-
ceived at Akbar's court and who were invited to take up
their residence in the imperial palace. The evening as-
semblies in the Tbadat Khana in Fathpur Sikri at once
gave the shrewd Jesuits who were schooled in dialectics,
an opportunity to distinguish themselves before the Em-
peror who himself presided over this Religious Parliament
in which Christians, Jews, Mohammedans, Brahmans,
Buddhists and Parsees debated with each other. Abul Fazl
speaks with enthusiasm in the Akbarname of the wisdom
and zealous faith of Father Aquaviva, the leader of this Jes-
uit mission, and relates how he offered to walk into a fiery
furnace with a New Testament in his hand if the Mullahs
would do the same with the Koran in their hand, but that
87 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 162; Noer, I, 481.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 1 93
the Mohammedan priests withdrew in terror before this
test by fire. It is noteworthy in this connection that the
Jesuits at Akbar's court received a warning from their
superiors not to risk such rash experiments which might
be induced by the devil with the view of bringing shame
upon Christianity.38 The superiors were apparently well
informed with regard to the intentions of the devil.
In conversation with the Jesuits Akbar proved to be
favorably inclined towards many of the Christian doctrines
and met his guests half way in every manner possible.
They had permission to erect a hospital and a chapel and
to establish Christian worship in the latter for the benefit
of the Portuguese in that vicinity. Akbar himself occa-
sionally took part in this service kneeling with bared head,
which, however, did not hinder him from joining also in
the Mohammedan ritual or even the Brahman religious
practices of the Rajput women in his harem. He had his
second son Murad instructed by the Jesuits in the Portu-
guese language and in the Christian faith.
The Jesuits on their side pushed energetically toward
their goal and did not scorn to employ flattery in so far as
to draw a parallel between the Emperor and Christ, but
no matter how slyly the fathers proceeded in the accom-
plishment of their plans Akbar was always a match for
them. In spite of all concessions with regard to the ex-
cellence and credibility of the Christian doctrines the Em-
peror never seemed to be entirely satisfied. Du Jarric
"complains bitterly of his obstinacy and remarks that the
restless intellect of this man could never be quieted by one
answer but must constantly make further inquiry/'39 The
clever historian of Islam makes the following comment:
"Bad, very bad; — perhaps he would not even be satisfied
88 J. T. Wheeler, IV, I, 165, note, 47; M. Elphinstone, 523, note 8; G. B.
Malleson, 162.
89 In Noer, I, 485.
194 THE MONIST.
with the seven riddles of the universe of the latest natural
science."40
To every petition and importunity of the Jesuits to turn
to Christianity Akbar maintained a firm opposition. A
second and third embassy which the order at Goa sent out
in the nineties of the sixteenth century, also labored in vain
for Akbar's conversion in spite of the many evidences of
favor shown by the Emperor. One of the last Jesuits to
come, Jerome Xavier of Navarre, is said to have been in-
duced by the Emperor to translate the four Gospels into Per-
sian which was the language of the Mohammedan court of
India. But Akbar never thought of allowing himself to
be baptized, nor could he consider it seriously from political
motives as well as from reasons of personal conviction.
A man who ordered himself to be officially declared the
highest authority in matters of faith — to be sure not so
much in order to found an imperial papacy in his country
as to guard his empire from an impending religious war —
at any rate a man who saw how the prosperity of his reign
proceeded from his own personal initiative in every respect,
such a man could countenance no will above his own nor
subject himself to any pangs of conscience. To recognize
the Pope as highest authority and simply to recognize as
objective truth a finally determined system in the realm in
which he had spent day and night in a hot pursuit after a
clearer vision, was for Akbar an absolute impossibility.
Then too Akbar could not but see through the Jesuits
although he appreciated and admired many points about
them. Their rigid dogmatism, their intolerance .and in-
ordinate ambition could leave him no doubt that if they
once arose to power the activity of the Ulemas, once by
good fortune overthrown, would be again resumed by them
to a stronger and more dangerous degree. It is also prob-
able that Akbar, who saw and heard everything, had learned
*° A. Miiller, II, 420 n.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA.
of the horrors of the Inquisition at Goa. Moreover, the
clearness of Akbar's vision for the realities of national life
had too often put him on his guard to permit him to look upon
the introduction of Christianity, however highly esteemed
by him personally, as a blessing for lindia. He had broken
the power of Islam in India; to overthrow in like man-
ner the second great religion of his empire, Brahmanism,
to which the great majority of his subjects clung with
body and soul, and then in place of both existing religions
to introduce a third foreign religion inimically opposed
to them — such a procedure would have hurled India into
an irremediable confusion and destroyed at one blow the
prosperity of the land which had been brought about by
the ceaseless efforts of a lifetime. For of course it was
not the aim of the Jesuits simply to win Akbar personally
to Christianity but they wished to see their religion made
the state religion of this great empire.
As has been already suggested, submission to Chris-
tianity would also have been opposed to Akbar's inmost
conviction. He had climbed far enough up the stony path
toward truth to recognize all religions as historically devel-
oped and as the products of their time and the land of their
origin. All the nobler religions seemed to him to be radia-
tions from the one eternal truth. That he thought he had
found the truth with regard to the fate of the soul in the
Sufi-Vedantic doctrine of its migration through countless
existences and its final ascension to deity has been pre-
viously mentioned. With such views Akbar could not be-
come a Catholic 'Christian.
The conviction of the final reabsorption into deity, con-
ditions also the belief in the emanation of the ego from
deity. But Akbar's relation to God is not sufficiently
identified with this belief. Akbar was convinced that he
stood nearer to God than other people. This is already
apparent in the title 'The Shadow of God" which he had
IQ THE MONIST.
assumed. The reversed, or rather the double, meaning
of the sentence Alldhu akbar, "Akbar is God/' was not
displeasing to the Emperor as we know. And when the
Hindus declared him to be an incarnation of a divinity he
did not disclaim this homage. Such a conception was noth-
ing unusual with the Hindus and did not signify a com-
plete apotheosis. Although Akbar took great pains he
was not able to permanently prevent the people from
considering him a healer and a worker of miracles. But
Akbar had too clear a head not to know that he was a
man, — a man subject to mistakes and frailties; for when
he permitted himself to be led into a deed of violence he had
always experienced the bitterest remorse. Not the slightest
symptom of Caesaromania can be discovered in Akbar.
Akbar felt that he was a mediator between God and
man and believed "that the deity revealed itself to him in
the mystical illumination of his soul."41 This conviction
Akbar held in common with many rulers of the Occident
who were much smaller than he. Idolatrous marks of ven-
eration he permitted only to a very limited degree. He
was not always quite consistent in this respect however,
and we must realize how infinitely hard it was to be con-
sistent in this matter at an Oriental court when the cus-
tomary servility, combined with sincere admiration and
reverence, longed to actively manifest itself.
Akbar, as we have already seen, suffered the Hindu
custom of prostration, but on the other hand we have the
express testimony to the contrary from the author Faizi,
the trusted friend of the Emperor, who on the occasion of
an exaggerated homage literally says : "The commands of
His Majesty expressly forbid such devout reverence and as
often as the courtiers offer homage of this kind because of
their loyal sentiments His Majesty forbids them, for such
manifestations of worship belong to God alone."42 Finally
41 Noer, II, 314, 355. a In Noer, II, 409.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA.
however Akbar felt himself moved to forbid prostration
publicly, yet to permit it in a private manner, as appears in
the following words of Abul Fazl43 :
"But since obscurantists consider prostration to be a
blasphemous adoration of man, His Majesty in his prac-
tical wisdom has commanded that it be put an end to with
ignorant people of all stations and also that it shall not be
practiced even by his trusted servants on public court days.
Nevertheless if people upon whom the star of good fortune
has shone are in attendance at private assemblies and re-
ceive permission to be seated, they may perform the pros-
tration of gratitude by bowing their foreheads to the earth
and so share in the rays of good fortune. So forbidding
prostration to the people at large and granting it to the
select the Emperor fulfils the wishes of both and gives the
world an example of practical wisdom/'
The desire to unite his subjects as much as possible
finally impelled Akbar to the attempt to equalize religious
differences as well. Convinced that religions did not differ
from each other in their innermost essence, he combined
what in his opinion were the essential elements and about
the year 1580 founded a new religion, the famous Din i
Ilahi, the "religion of God." This religion recognizes only
one God, a purely spiritual universally efficient being from
whom the human soul is derived and towards which it
tends. The ethics of this religion comprises the high
moral requirements of Sufism and Parsism: complete tol-
eration, equality of rights among all men, purity in
thought, word and deed. The demand of monogamy, too,
was added later. Priests, images and temples, — Akbar
would have none of these in his new religion, but from the
Parsees he took the worship of the fire and of the sun as
to him light and its heat seemed the most beautiful symbol
of the divine spirit.44 He also adopted the holy cord of the
48 In Noer, II, 347, 348. " M. Elphinstone, 524.
198 THE MONIST.
Hindus and wore upon his forehead the colored token cus-
tomary among them. In this eclectic manner he accommo-
dated himself in a few externalities to the different reli-
gious communities existing in his kingdom.
Doubtless in the foundation of his Din i Ilahi Akbar
was not pursuing merely ideal ends but probably political
ones as well, for the adoption of the new religion signified
an increased loyalty to the Emperor. The novice had to
declare himself ready to yield to the Emperor his property,
his life, his honor, and his former faith, and in reality the
adherents of the Din i Ilahi formed a clan of the truest and
most devoted servitors of the Emperor. It may not be
without significance that soon after the establishment of the
Din i Ilahi a new computation of time was introduced
which dated from the accession of Akbar to the throne in
1556.
After the new religion had been in existence perhaps
five years the number of converts began to grow by the
thousands but we can say with certainty that the greater
portion of these changed sides not from conviction but
on account of worldly advantage, since they saw that mem-
bership in the new religion was very advantageous to a
career in the service of the state.45 By far the greatest
number of those who professed the Din i Ilahi observed
only the external forms, privately remaining alien to it.
In reality the new religion did not extend outside of
Akbar's court and died out at his death. Hence if failure
here can be charged to the account of the great Emperor,
yet this very failure redounds to his honor. Must it not
be counted as a great honor to Akbar that he considered
it possible to win over his people to a spiritual imageless
worship of God? Had he known that the religious re-
quirements of the masses can only be satisfied by concrete
objects of worship and by miracles (the more startling the
45 Noer, I, 503.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 1 99
better), that a spiritualized faith can never be the posses-
sion of any but a few chosen souls, he would not have pro-
ceeded with the founding of the Din i Ilahi. And still we
cannot call its establishment an absolute failure, for the
spirit of tolerance which flowed out from Akbar's religion
accomplished infinite good and certainly contributed just
as much to lessening the antagonisms in India as did Ak-
bar's social and industrial reforms.
A man who accomplished such great things and desired
to accomplish greater, deserves a better fortune than was
Akbar's towards the end of life. He had provided for his
sons the most careful education, giving them at the same
time Christian and orthodox Mohammedan instructors in
order to lead them in their early years to the attainment of
independent views by means of a comparison between con-
trasts; but he was never to have pleasure in his sons. It
seems that he lacked the necessary severity. The two
younger boys of this exceedingly temperate Emperor,
Murad and Danial, died of delirium tremens in their youth
even before their father. The oldest son, Selim, later the
Emperor Jehangir, was also a drunkard and was saved
from destruction through this inherited vice of the Timur
dynasty only by the wisdom and determination of his wife.
But he remained a wild uncontrolled cruel man (as differ-
ent as possible from his father and apparently so by inten-
tion) who took sides with the party of the vanquished
Ulemas and stepped forth as the restorer of Islam. In
frequent open rebellion against his magnanimous father
who was only too ready to pardon him, he brought upon
this father the bitterest sorrow; and especially by having
the trustworthy minister and friend of his father, Abul
Fazl, murdered while on a journey. Very close to Akbar
also was the loss of his old mother to whom he had clung
his whole life long with a touching love and whom he out-
lived only a short time.
2OO THE MONIST.
Akbar lost his best friends and his most faithful ser-
vants before he finally succumbed to a very painful abdom-
inal illness, which at the last changed him also mentally to
a very sad extent, and finally carried him off on the night
of the fifteenth of October, 1605. He was buried at Sikan-
dra near Agra in a splendid mausoleum of enormous pro-
portions which he himself had caused to be built and which
even to-day stands almost uninjured.
This in short is a picture of the life and activities of
the greatest ruler which the Orient has ever produced.
In order to rightly appreciate Akbar's greatness we must
bear in mind that in his empire he placed all men on an
equality without regard to race or religion, and granted
universal freedom of worship at a time when the Jews were
still outlaws in the Occident and many bloody persecutions
occurred from time to time; when in the Occident men
were imprisoned, executed or burnt at the stake for the
sake of their faith or their doubts ; at a time when Europe
was polluted by the horrors of witch-persecution and the
massacre of St. Bartholemew.46 Under Akbar's rule India
stood upon a much higher plane of civilization in the six-
teenth century than Europe at the same time.
Germany should be proud that the personality of Akbar
who according to his own words "desired to live at peace
with all humanity, with every creature of God," has so
inspired a noble German of princely blood in the last cen-
tury that he consecrated the work of his life to the biography
of Akbar. This man is the Prince Friedrich August of
Schleswig-Holstein, Count of Noer, who wandered through
the whole of Northern India on the track of Akbar's ac-
tivities, and on the basis of the most careful investigation
of sources has given us in his large two-volumed work the
best and most extensive information which has been writ-
ten in Europe about the Emperor Akbar. How much his
48 Noer, I, 490 n.
AKBAR, EMPEROR OF INDIA. 2OI
work has been a labor of love can be recognized at every
step in his book but especially may be seen in a touching
letter from Agra written on the 24th of April, 1868, in
which he relates that he utilized the early hours of this
day for an excursion to lay a bunch of fresh roses on Ak-
bar's grave and that no visit to any other grave had ever
moved him so much as this.47
RICHARD GARBE.
TUEBINGEN, GERMANY.
4T Noer, II, 564, 572.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHI-
MEDES.
HEIBERG'S TRANSLATION FROM THE GREEK.i
GREAT credit is due to Prof. J. L. Heiberg of the
department of Classical Philology at the University
of Copenhagen for bringing to light and making accessible
to the mathematical world this interesting document from
the hand of Archimedes. Professor Heiberg spent some
time while in Constantinople in the summer of 1906 in
deciphering the manuscript which was preserved there to-
gether with a thirteenth century Euchologion in the cloister
of the Holy Sepulchre. The Archimedes manuscript is
inscribed in the beautiful miniscule of the tenth century,
and though greatly faded is not so obliterated but that it
is to some extent legible with the aid of a magnifying lens.
It includes a number of Archimedean fragments which can
be identified with references made by early mathematicians,
but the most important discovery is that of the present
treatise of which the restored text with philological notes
was published in Hermes (XLII) preceded in a previous
number by the German translation of Professor Heiberg
which also appeared bitheBibliothecaMathematica (VIII)
accompanied by an extensive commentary by Prof. H. G.
Zeuthen of the Department of Mathematics at Copenhagen.
The present version has been revised by Professor Heiberg
and contains some deviations from the German translation
1 English version translated from the German by Lydia G. Robinson.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 2O3
which are the more matured result of a renewed perusal
and more exact decipherment of the text.
The treatise is rich in information with regard to the
modus opcrandi of Archimedes and his general conception
of mathematics as well as that of his predecessors. His
style is so simple that where the text is complete the
reader has no difficulty in understanding his clear expo-
sition. His train of thought is so easily followed that the
smaller gaps in the text may be filled with almost absolute
certainty and such restorations are here indicated by brack-
ets [] ; it is even possible to conjecture the probable main
point of an occasional lost demonstration from a close
perusal of those preceding and following it.
ARCHIMEDES'S METHOD OF DERIVING GEOMETRICAL CON-
CLUSIONS FROM MECHANICAL PROPOSITIONS.
ARCHIMEDES TO ERATOSTHENES, GREETING:
Some time ago I sent you some theorems I had discovered,
writing down only the propositions because I wished you to find
their demonstrations which had not been given. The propositions
of the theorems which I sent you were the following:
1. If in a perpendicular prism with a parallelogram2 for base
a cylinder is inscribed which has its bases in the opposite paral-
lelograms2 and its surface touching the other planes of the prism,
and if a plane is passed through the center of the circle that is the
base of the cylinder and one side of the square lying in the opposite
plane, then that plane will cut off from the cylinder a section which
is bounded by two planes, the intersecting plane and the one in
which the base of the cylinder lies, and also by as much of the
surface of the cylinder as lies between these same planes; and the
detached section of the cylinder is % of the whole prism.
2. If in a cube a cylinder is inscribed whose bases lie in oppo-
site parallelograms2 and whose surface touches the other four planes,
and if in the same cube a second cylinder is inscribed whose bases
lie in two other parallelograms2 and whose surface touches the
four other planes, then the body enclosed by the surface of the
cylinder and comprehended within both cylinders will be equal to
% of the whole cube.
2 This must mean a square.
2O4 THE MONIST.
These propositions differ essentially from those formerly dis-
covered; for then we compared those bodies (conoids, spheroids
and their segments) with the volume of cones and cylinders but none
of them was found to be equal to a body enclosed by planes. Each
of these bodies, on the other hand, which are enclosed by two planes
and cylindrical surfaces is found to be equal to a body enclosed
by planes. The demonstration of these propositions I am accordingly
sending to you in this book.
Since I see, however, as I have previously said, that you are
a capable scholar and a prominent teacher of philosophy, and also
that you understand how to value a mathematical method of in-
vestigation when the opportunity is offered, I have thought it well
to analyze and lay down for you in this same book a peculiar method
by means of which it will be possible for you to derive instruction
as to how certain mathematical questions may be investigated by
means of mechanics. And I am convinced that this is equally profit-
able in demonstrating a proposition itself ; for much that was made
evident to me through the medium of mechanics was later proved
by means of geometry because the treatment by the former method
had not yet been established by way of a demonstration. For of
course it is easier to establish a proof if one has in this way pre-
viously obtained a conception of the questions, than for him to seek it
without such a preliminary notion. Thus in the familiar propositions
the demonstrations of which Eudoxos was the first to discover,
namely that a cone and a pyramid are one third the size of that
cylinder and prism respectively that have the same base and alti-
tude, no little credit is due to Democritos who was the first to make
that statement about these bodies without any demonstration. But
we are in a position to have found the present proposition in the
same way as the earlier one ; and I have decided to write down and
make known the method partly because we have already talked
about it heretofore and so no one would think that we were spread-
ing abroad idle talk, and partly in the conviction that by this means
we are obtaining no slight advantage for mathematics, for indeed
I assume that some one among the investigators of to-day or in the
future will discover by the method here set forth still other propo-
sitions which have not yet occurred to us.
In the first place we will now explain what was also first made
clear to us through mechanics, namely that a segment of a parabola
is % of the triangle possessing the same base and equal altitude;
following which we will explain in order the particular propositions
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 2O5
discovered by the above mentioned method ; and in the last part
of the book we will present the geometrical demonstrations of the
propositions.4
1. If one magnitude is taken away from another magnitude and
the same point is the center of gravity both of the whole and of the
part removed, then the same point is the center of gravity of the
remaining portion.
2. If one magnitude is taken away from another magnitude and
the center of gravity of the whole and of the part removed is not
the same point, the center of gravity of the remaining portion may
be found by prolonging the straight line which connects the centers
of gravity of the whole and of the part removed, and setting off
upon it another straight line which bears the same ratio to the
straight line between the aforesaid centers of gravity, as the weight
of the magnitude which has been taken away bears to the weight
of the one remaining [De plan, aequil. I, 8].
3. If the centers of gravity of any number of magnitudes lie
upon the same straight line, then will the center of gravity of all the
magnitudes combined lie also upon the same straight line [Cf. ibid.
1,5].
4. The center of gravity of a straight line is the center of that
line [CLibid. 1,4].
5. The center of gravity of a triangle is the point in which the
straight lines drawn from the angles of a triangle to the centers of
the opposite sides intersect [Ibid. I, 14].
6. The center of gravity of a parallelogram is the point where
its diagonals meet [Ibid. I, 10].
7. The center of gravity [of a circle] is the center [of that
circle].
8. The center of gravity of a cylinder [is the center of its axis].
9. The center of gravity of a prism is the center of its axis.
10. The center of gravity of a cone so divides its axis that the
section at the vertex is three times as great as the remainder.
11. Moreover together with the exercise here laid down I will
make use of the following proposition:
If any number of magnitudes stand in the same ratio to the
same number of other magnitudes which correspond pair by pair,
and if either all or some of the former magnitudes stand in any
4 In his "Commentar," Professor Zeuthen calls attention to the fact that
it was already known from Heron's recently discovered Metrica that these
propositions were contained in this treatise, and Professor Heiberg made the
same comment in Hermes. — Tr.
206
THE MONIST.
ratio whatever to other magnitudes, and the latter in the same ratio
to the corresponding ones, then the sum of the magnitudes of the
first series will bear the same ratio to the sum of those taken from
the third series as the sum of those of the second series bears to
the sum of those taken from the fourth series [De Conoid. I].
Let a/?y [Fig. i] be the segment of a parabola bounded by the
straight line ay and the parabola a/?y. Let ay be bisected at 8, 8/?c
being parallel to the diameter, and draw a/?, and /3y. Then the
segment a/Jy will be % as great as the triangle a/3y.
From the points a and y draw a£ 1 1 8/3c, and the tangent y£ ;
produce [y(3 to K, and
make K0 = y/c] . Think of
yd as a scale-beam with
the center at AC and let /A|
be any straight line what-
ever 1 1 cS- Now since y/?a
is a parabola, y£ a tan-
gent and yS an ordinate,
then €/? = /3S ; for this in-
deed has been proved in
the Elements [i. e., of
conic sections, cf. Quadr.
parab. 2]. For this rea-
ar . ^7 son and because £a and
F. j r*||e8, nv = v£, and CK =
Ka. And because ya : a|
= f«4 • £» ( for this is shown
in a corollary, [cf. Quadr. parab. 5]), yo:a£ = yic: KV; and yK = K0,
therefore #K : KV = /x| : £o- And because v is the center of gravity of
the straight line /u£, since /*v = v|, then if we make r^-lo and 0 as
its center of gravity so that rO = Orj, the straight line rOrj will be in
equilibrium with p£ in its present position because 6v is divided in
inverse proportion to the weights rrj and /A£, and OK : KV = ^ : TJT ; there-
fore K is the center of gravity of the combined weight of the two.
In the same way all straight lines drawn in the triangle £ay 1 1 eS are
in their present positions in equilibrium with their parts cut off by
the parabola, when these are transferred to 0, so that K is the center
of gravity of the combined weight of the two. And because the
triangle y£a consists of the straight lines in the triangle y£a and the
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 2O/
segment a/?y consists of those straight lines within the segment of
the parabola corresponding to the straight line £o, therefore the
triangle £ay in its present position will be in equilibrium at the
point K with the parabola-segment when this is transferred to 6 as
its center of gravity, so that K is the center of gravity of the combined
weights of the two. Now let y* be so divided at x that yK = 3*x;
then x will ^>e tne center of gravity of the triangle a£y, for this
has been shown in the Statics [cf. De plan, aequil. I, 15, p. 186,
3 with Eutokios, S. 320, 5fT.]. Now the triangle £ay in its present
position is in equilibrium at the point K with the segment pay when
this is transferred to 6 as its center of gravity, and the center of
gravity of the triangle £ay is x \ hence triangle a£y : segm. a/?y when
transferred to 6 as its center of gravity = OK : KX- But OK = $KX ;
hence also triangle a£y = 3 segm. a/?y. But it is also true that triangle
£ay = 4Aa/?y because £K = KO. and a8 = Sy; hence segm. a/?y = % the
triangle a/?y. This is of course clear.
It is true that this is not proved by what we have said here ;
but it indicates that the result is correct. And so, as we have just
seen that it has not been proved but rather conjectured that the
result is correct we have devised a geometrical demonstration which
we made known some time ago and will again bring forward
farther on.
n.
That a sphere is four times as large as a cone whose base is
equal to the largest circle of the sphere and whose altitude is equal
to the radius of the sphere, and that a cylinder whose base is equal
to the largest circle of the sphere and whose altitude is equal to the
diameter of the circle is one and a half times as large as the sphere,
may be seen by the present method in the following way:
Let a/2y8 [Fig. 2] be the largest circle of a sphere and ay and (38
its diameters perpendicular to each other ; let there be in the sphere
a circle on the diameter {38 perpendicular to the circle a(3y8, and
on this perpendicular circle let there be a cone erected with its
vertex at a; producing the convex surface of the cone, let it be
cut through y by a plane parallel to its base ; the result will be the
circle perpendicular to ay whose diameter will be e£. On this
circle erect a cylinder whose axis =ay and whose vertical bound-
aries are eA. and £r/. Produce ya making aO = ya and think of yO as
a scale-beam with its center at a. Then let pv be any straight line
whatever drawn \\/38 intersecting the circle a/2y8 in £ and o, the
208
THE MONIST.
diameter ay in <r, the straight line a€ in TT and a£ in p, and on the
straight line /xv construct a plane perpendicular to ay; it will inter-
sect the cylinder in a circle on the diameter /«/; the sphere a/tyS, in
a circle on the diameter £o ; the cone ae£ in a circle on the diameter
irp. Now because ya X ao- = /u<r X O-TT ( for ay = oyx, a<7 = TTO-) , and ya X
ao- = a£2 = £0-
then JUG- x (T7T = |a2 +
a.
cr o\ o
7
Fig. 2.
Moreover, because ya : ao-
= juo- : O-TT and ya = ad, there-
fore da : a<T — fJL(T '. CT7T = [ACT2 I
pa x o-Tr- But it has been
proved that |o-2 + o-rr2 = /AO-X
o-Tr ; hence aO : ao-=/i,o-2 -|a2+
o-TT2. But it is true that
Trp2= the circle in the cyl-
inder whose diameter is
/«/:the circle in the cone
whose diameter is Trp + the
circle in the sphere whose
diameter is £o ; hence Oa :
ao- = the circle in the cyl-
inder : the circle in the
sphere + the circle in the
cone. Therefore the circle in the cylinder in its present position
will be in equilibrium at the point a with the two circles whose
diameters are £o and irp, if they are so transferred to 0 that 6 is the
center of gravity of both. In the same way it can be shown that
when another straight line is drawn in the parallelogram £A 1 1 c£,
and upon it a plane is erected perpendicular to ay, the circle pro-
duced in the cylinder in its present position will be in equilibrium
at the point a with the two circles produced in the sphere and the
cone when they are transferred and so arranged on the scale-beam
at the point 0 that 0 is the center of gravity of both. Therefore
if cylinder, sphere and cone are filled up with such circles then the
cylinder in its present position will be in equilibrium at the point a
with the sphere and the cone together, if they are transferred and
so arranged on the scale-beam at the point 0 that 6 is the center of
gravity of both. Now since the bodies we have mentioned are in
equilibrium, the cylinder with K as its center of gravity, the sphere
and the cone transferred as we have said so that they have 6 as
center of gravity, then 6a\aK. — cylinder : sphere + cone. But 6a -
2aK, and hence also the cylinder = 2 x (sphere + cone). But it is also
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 2OQ
true that the cylinder =3 cones [Euclid, Elem. XII, 10], hence 3
cones = 2 cones + 2 spheres. , If 2 cones be subtracted from both
sides, then the cone whose axes form the triangle ae£, = 2 spheres.
But the cone whose axes form the triangle ae£ = 8 cones whose axes
form the triangle a(3S because €£ = 2/38, hence the aforesaid 8 cones
= 2 spheres. Consequently the sphere whose greatest circle is a/?y8
is four times as large as the cone with its vertex at a, and whose
base is the circle on the diameter /?8 perpendicular to ay.
Draw the straight lines <£/?x and i/^to 1 1 ay through (3 and 8 in
the parallelogram A£ and imagine a cylinder whose bases are the
circles on the diameters <f)\f/ and xw and whose axis is ay. Now
since the cylinder whose axes form the parallelogram <£« is twice
as large as the cylinder whose axes form the parallelogram <£8 and
the latter is three times as large as the cone the triangle of whose
axes is a/?8, as is shown in the Elements [Euclid, Elem. XII, 10], the
cylinder whose axes form the parallelogram <£<o is six times as large
as the cone whose axes form the triangle a/?8. But it was shown
that the sphere whose largest circle is a/?y8 is four times as large
as the same cone, consequently the cylinder is one and one half
times as large as the sphere, Q. E. D.
After I had thus perceived that a sphere is four times as large
as the cone whose base is the largest circle of the sphere and whose
altitude is equal to its radius, it occurred to me that the surface of
a sphere is four times as great as its largest circle, in which I pro-
ceeded from the idea that just as a circle is equal to a triangle whose
base is the periphery of the circle and whose altitude is equal to
its radius, so a sphere is equal to a cone whose base is the same as
the surface of the sphere and whose altitude is equal to the radius
of the sphere.
in.
By this method it may also be seen that a cylinder whose base
is equal to the largest circle of a spheroid and whose altitude is
equal to the axis of the spheroid, is one and one half times as large
as the spheroid, and when this is recognized it becomes clear that
if a spheroid is cut through its center by a plane perpendicular to
its axis, one-half of the spheroid is twice as great as the cone whose
base is that of the segment and its axis the same.
For let a spheroid be cut by a plane through its axis and let
there be in its surface an ellipse a/?y8 [Fig. 3] whose diameters are
ay and /?8 and whose center is K and let there be a circle in the
2IO
THE MONIST.
spheroid on the diameter (3S perpendicular to ay; then imagine a
cone whose base is the same circle but whose vertex is at a, and
producing its surface, let the cone be cut by a plane through y
parallel to the base; the intersection will be a circle perpendicular
to ay with e£ as its diameter. Now imagine a cylinder whose base
is the same circle with the diameter e£ and whose axis is ay ; let ya
be produced so that a# = ya; think of By as a scale-beam with its
center at a and in the parallelogram A£ draw a straight line /xv 1 1 e£,
and on pv construct a plane perpendicular to ay ; this will intersect
the cylinder in a circle whose diameter is p,v, the spheroid in a circle
whose diameter is £o and the cone in a circle whose diameter is
TT/O. Because ya : acr = ca : air = /t«r : air, and ya = a6, therefore Oa : aa =
par I CTTT. But pa : air = pa2 : fjicr X CTTT and fia X cnr — ira2 + <r£2, for aa X ay '.
a£2 = OLK x Ky : Kp2 = a*2 : Kp2 ( for both ratios are equal to the ratio
between the diameter and the
parameter [Apollonius, Con.
I, 21 ]) = ao-2 : o-TT2, therefore
aa2 : aa X ay = Tra2 '. a£2 = cnr2 :
air x TT/X, consequently /XTT x ira
= <r|2. If TTo-2 is added to both
sides then fJLaXa-jr = Tra2 + cr£2.
Therefore Oa : aa = pa2 : Tra2 +
a£2. But fjia2 : a£2 + air2 = the
circle in the cylinder whose
diameter is /xv : the circle with
the diameter £o + the circle
V-'
y
Fig. 3.
with the diameter 7jy>; hence
the circle whose diameter is
pv will in its present position
be in equilibrium at the point
a with the two circles whose
diameters are £o and -rrp when they are transferred and so arranged
on the scale-beam at the point a that 6 is the center of gravity of
both ; and 6 is the center of gravity of the two circles combined
whose diameters are |o and irp when their position is changed,
hence 6a:aa — the circle \vith the diameter pv : the two circles whose
diameters are £o and vp. In the same way it can be shown that
if another straight line is drawn in the parallelogram A£ II e£ and on
this line last drawn a plane is constructed perpendicular to ay, then
likewise the circle produced in the cylinder will in its present posi-
tion be in equilibrium at the point a with the two circles combined
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 211
which have been produced in the spheroid and in the cone respec-
tively when they are so transferred to the point 0 on the scale-beam
that 6 is the center of gravity of both. Then if cylinder, spheroid
and cone are filled with such circles, the cylinder in its present posi-
tion will be in equilibrium at the point a with the spheroid + the
cone if they are transferred and so arranged on the scale-beam at
the point a that 6 is the center of gravity of both. Now * is the
center of gravity of the cylinder, but 6, as has been said, is the
center of gravity of the spheroid and cone together. Therefore
6a:aK = cylinder : spheroid + cone. But aO = 2aK, hence also the
cylinder = 2 x (spheroid + cone) = 2 x spheroid + 2 x cone. But the
cylinder = 3 x cone, hence 3 x cone = 2 x cone + 2 x spheroid. Subtract
2 x cone from both sides ; then a cone whose axes form the triangle
ae£ = 2 x spheroid. But the same cone = 8 cones whose axes form
the Aa/3S; hence 8 such cones = 2 x spheroid, 4X cone = spheroid;
whence it follows that a spheroid is four times as great as a cone
whose vertex is at a, and whose base is the circle on the diameter
/?8 perpendicular to A.C, and one-half the spheroid is twice as great
as the same cone.
In the parallelogram A£ draw the. straight lines <j>x and \f/o> 1 1 ay
through the points /? and 8 and imagine a cylinder whose bases
are the circles on the diameters $$ and xw> and whose axis is ay.
Now since the cylinder whose axes form the parallelogram <£<o is
twice as great as the cylinder whose axes form the parallelogram
<j>8 because their bases are equal but the axis of the first is twice as
great as the axis of the second, and since the cylinder whose axes
form the parallelogram <£8 is three times as great as the cone whose
vertex is at a and whose base is the circle on the diameter (38 per-
pendicular to ay, then the cylinder whose axes form the parallelo-
gram <f>M is six times as great as the aforesaid cone. But it has
been shown that the spheroid is four times as great as the same
cone, hence the cylinder is one and one half times as great as the
spheroid. Q. E. D.
IV.
That a segment of a right conoid cut by a plane perpendicular
to its axis is one and one half times as great as the cone having
the same base and axis as the segment, can be proved by the same
method in the following way :
Let a right conoid be cut through its axis by a plane inter-
secting the surface in a parabola a(3y [Fig. 4] ; let it be also cut
212
THE MONIST.
by another plane perpendicular to the axis, and let their common
line of intersection be /3y. Let the axis of the segment be 8a and
let it be produced to 6 so that Oa = a8- Now imagine 80 to be a
scale-beam with its center at a; let the base of the segment be the
circle on the diameter /?y perpendicular to a8 ; imagine a cone whose
base is the circle on the diameter /?y, and whose vertex is at a.
Imagine also a cylinder whose base is the circle on the diameter /?y
and its axis a8, and in the parallelogram let a straight line /AV be
drawn 1 1 /?y and on pv construct a plane perpendicular to aS ; it will
intersect the cylinder in a circle whose diameter is /«/, and the seg-
ment of the right conoid in a circle whose diameter is |o. Now
since /?ay is a parabola, aS its diameter and |<r and (38 its ordinates,
then [Quadr. parab. 3] Sa : ao- = £82 : £<r*. But 8a = a0, therefore
0a : ao- = /wr2 : a£2. But fwr2 : a£2 = the circle in the cylinder whose
diameter is /*v : the circle in the segment of the right conoid whose
diameter is £o, hence 0a:ao- = the
circle with the diameter pv : the
circle with the diameter £o ; there-
fore the circle in the cylinder
whose diameter is pv is in its
present position, in equilibrium
at the point a with the circle
whose diameter is £o if this be
transferred and so arranged on
the scale-beam at 6 that 0 is its
center of gravity. And the cen-
ter of gravity of the circle whose
diameter is fiv is at a, that of the
circle whose diameter is £o when
its position is changed, is 0, and we have the inverse proportion,
6a:aar = the circle with the diameter /xv : the circle with the diameter
£o. In the same way it can be shown that if another straight line
be drawn in the parallelogram ey 1 1 fiy the circle formed in the
cylinder, will in its present position be in equilibrium at the point a
with that formed in the segment of the right conoid if the latter
is so transferred to 0 on the scale-beam that 6 is its center of grav-
ity. Therefore if the cylinder and the segment of the right conoid
are filled up then the cylinder in its present position will be in
equilibrium at the point a with the segment of the right conoid if
the latter is transferred and so arranged on the scale-beam at 0 that
6 is its center of gravity. And since these magnitudes are in equi-
Fig.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 213
librium at a, and K is the center of gravity of the cylinder, if a8 is
bisected at K and 6 is the center of gravity of the segment trans-
ferred to that point, then we have the inverse proportion 0a:a/c =
cylinder : segment. But 6a = 2a/c and also the cylinder = 2 x segment.
But the same cylinder is 3 times as great as the cone whose base is
the circle on the diameter /?y and whose vertex is at a ; therefore it
is clear that the segment is one and one half times as great as the
same cone.
v.
That the center of gravity of a segment of a right conoid which
is cut off by a plane perpendicular to the axis, lies on the straight
line which is the axis of the segment divided in such a way that
the portion at the vertex is twice as great as the remainder, may
be perceived by our method in
the following way:
Let a segment of a right
conoid cut off by a plane per-
pendicular to the axis be cut by
another plane through the axis,
and let the intersection in its sur-
face be the parabola afty [Fig. 5]
and let the common line of inter-
section of the plane which cut off
the segment and of the intersect-
ing plane be /?y; let the axis of
the segment and the diameter of
the parabola a(3y be a8; produce
8a so that aO = a8 and imagine 86 Fig. 5.
to be a scale-beam with its center
at a ; then inscribe a cone in the segment with the lateral boundaries
fta and ay and in the parabola draw a straight line £o 1 1 /?y and let
it cut the parabola in £ and o and the lateral boundaries of the cone
in TT and p. Now because £0- and {38 are drawn perpendicular to the
diameter of the parabola, Sa : ao- = (382 : fr2 [Quadr. parab. 3]. But
oa : ao- = £8 : TTCT = /382 : (38 x TTO-, therefore also (382 : £o-2 = /382 : 138 x M.
Consequently £o-2 = 08 x TTO- and /38 : |o- = |o- : TTO-, therefore (38:™ =
fr2 : o-TT2. But (38 : irv - 8a : ao- = Oa : ao-, therefore also Oa : ao- = £a2 : o-Tr2.
On £o construct a plane perpendicular to a8; this will intersect the
segment of the right conoid in a circle whose diameter is £o and the
cone in a circle whose diameter is TT/O. Now because 6a:acr = |<r2 : o-Tr2
214 THE MONIST.
and £<T2:o-7r2 = the circle with the diameter £o : the circle with the
diameter ?rp, therefore 6a : atr=the circle whose diameter is £o : the circle
whose diameter is irp. Therefore the circle whose diameter is £o
will in its present position be in equilibrium at the point a with the
circle whose diameter is irp when this is so transferred to 0 on the
scale-beam that 0 is its center of gravity. Now since o- is the center
of gravity of the circle whose diameter is |o in its present position,
and 6 is the center of gravity of the circle whose diameter is TT/O
if its position is changed as we have said, and inversely 0a : cur = the
circle with the diameter £o : the circle with the diameter ?rp, then
the circles are in equilibrium at the point a. In the same way it
can be shown that if another straight line is drawn in the parabola
1 1 /3y and on this line last drawn a plane is constructed perpendicular
to a8, the circle formed in the segment of the right conoid wTill in
its present position be in equilibrium at the point a with the circle
formed in the cone, if the latter is transferred and so arranged on
the scale-beam at 6 that 0 is its center of gravity. Therefore if the
segment and the cone are rilled up with circles, all circles in the
segment will be in their present positions in equilibrium at the point
a with all circles of the cone if the latter are transferred and so ar-
ranged on the scale-beam at the point 6 that 0 is their center of
gravity. Therefore also the segment of the right conoid in its
present position will be in equilibrium at the point a with the cone if
it is transferred and so arranged on the scale-beam at 6 that 0 is its
center of gravity. Now because the center of gravity of both mag-
nitudes taken together is a, but that of the cone alone when its
position is changed is 6, then the center of gravity of the remaining
magnitude lies on aO extended towards a if OK is cut off in such a
way that a0:a* = segment : cone. But the segment is one and one
half the size of the cone, consequently aQ = %a/c and K, the center of
gravity of the right conoid, so divides a8 that the portion at the
vertex of the segment is twice as large as the remainder.
VI.
[The center of gravity of a hemisphere is so divided on its
axis] that the portion near the surface of the hemisphere is in the
ratio of 5 : 3 to the remaining portion.
Let a sphere be cut by a plane through its center intersecting
the surface in the circle a(3y8 [Fig. 6], ay and (38 being two diameters
of the circle perpendicular to each other. Let a plane be con-
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 215
structed on /?8 perpendicular to ay. Then imagine a cone whose base
is the circle with the diameter /38, whose vertex is at a and its
lateral boundaries are J3a and aS ; let ya be produced so that aO - ya,
imagine the straight line 0y to be a scale-beam with its center at a
and in the semi-circle /?a8 draw a straight line £o 1 1 /?8 ; let it cut
the circumference of the semicircle in £ and o, the lateral boundaries
of the cone in TT and /o, and ay in €. On |o construct a plane perpen-
dicular to ae; it will intersect the hemisphere in a circle with the
diameter £o, and the cone in a circle with the diameter Trp. Now
because ay : ae - £a2 : ae2 and £a2 = ae2 + e£2 and ae = eir, therefore ay : ae
= £e2 + €?r2 : €7r2- But £e2 + €?r2 1 €7r2 = the circle with the diameter £o +
the circle with the diameter Trp : the circle with the diameter irp, and
ya = aO, hence 6a:ae = the circle with the diameter £o + the circle with
the diameter Trp : circle with the diameter Trp.
Therefore the two circles whose diameters
are £o and TT/O in their present position are in
equilibrium at the point a with the circle
whose diameter is irp if it is transferred and
so arranged at 6 that 6 is its center of gravity.
Now since the center of gravity of the two
circles whose diameters are £o and Trp in their
present position [is the point e, but of the
circle whose diameter is irp when its position
is changed is the point 6, then Oa : ae = the
circles whose diameters are] £o [, Trp: the
circle whose diameter is Trp. In the same
way if another straight line in the] hemi-
sphere /Ja8 [is drawn 11/38 and a plane is
constructed] perpendicular to [ay the] two
[circles produced in the cone and in the hemi-
sphere are in their position] in equilibrium at a [with the circle
which is produced in the cone] if it is transferred and arranged on
the scale at 0. [Now if] the hemisphere and the cone [are filled
up with circles then all circles in the] hemisphere and those [in the
cone] will in their present position be in equilibrium [with all
circles] in the cone, if these are transferred and so arranged on the
scale-beam at 0 that 6 is their center of gravity; [therefore the
hemisphere and cone also] are in their position [in equilibrium at
the point a] with the cone if it is transferred and so arranged [on
the scale-beam at 6] that 0 is its center of gravity.
2l6
THE MONIST.
VII.
By [this method] it may also be perceived that [any segment
whatever] of a sphere bears the same ratio to a cone having the
same [base] and axis [that the radius of the sphere + the axis of the
opposite segment : the axis of the opposite segment]
and [Fig. 7] on juv construct a plane perpendicular to ay; it will
intersect the cylinder in a circle whose diameter is pv, the segment
of the sphere in a circle whose diameter is |o and the cone whose
base is the circle on the diameter f£ and whose vertex is at a in
a circle whose diameter
is TT/O. In the same way
as before it may be
shown that a circle whose
diameter is \w is in its
present position in equi-
librium at a with the two
circles [whose diameters
are £o and -rrp if they are
so arranged on the scale-
beam that 0 is their cen-
ter of gravity. [And the
same can be proved of
all corresponding cir-
cles.] Now since cylin-
der, cone, and spherical
segment are filled up
with such circles, the
cylinder in its present
position [will be in equilibrium at a] with the cone + the spherical
segment if they are transferred and attached to the scale-beam at 6.
Divide arj at <£ and x so that a^ = xn and ??<£ = Vsa^ ', then x will be the
center of gravity of the cylinder because it is the center of the axis
ar). Now because the above mentioned bodies are in equilibrium
at a, cylinder : cone with the diameter of its base e£ + the spherical
segment (3a8 = Ba : a^. And because r)a = 3^ then [777 x rj<f>]= %arj xr/y.
Therefore also -yr}Xr)<j> = %/fy2
vna.
In the same way it may be perceived that any segment of an
ellipsoid cut off by a perpendicular plane, bears the same ratio to
1.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES.
a cone having the same base and the same axis, as half of the axis
of the ellipsoid + the axis of the opposite segment bears to the axis
of the opposite segment .....................................
VIII.
produce ay [Fig. 8] making ad = ay and y£ = the radius of the sphere ;
imagine yO to be a scale-beam with a center at a, and in the plane
cutting off the segment inscribe a circle with its center at ry and its
radius = a>/; on this circle construct a cone with its vertex at a and
its lateral boundaries at and a£. Then draw a straight line K\ 1 1 e£ ;
let it cut the circumference of the
segment at K and A, the lateral bound-
aries of the cone ae£ at p and o and ay
at TT. Now because ay : an = a*2 : an2
and Kd2 = aTr2 + 7TK2 and air2 = no2 ( since
also ar)2 = €f)2), then ya : an = K7r2 + Tro2 :
07T2. But K7T2 + 7T02 I 7TO2 = tllC Circle
with the diameter *A. + the circle with
the diameter op: the circle with the
diameter op and ya = ad ; therefore
6a:a7r= the circle with the diameter
KA + the circle with the diameter op :
the circle with the diameter op. Now
since the circle with the diameter KA +
the circle with the diameter op : the
circle with the diameter op = a#:7ra,
let the circle with the diameter op be
transferred and so arranged on the
scale-beam at 6 that 0 is its center of
gravity ; then Oa:a-n- = the circle with
the diameter KA+ the circle with the diameter op in their present
positions : the circle with the diameter op if it is transferred and
so arranged on the scale-beam at 0 that 6 is its center of gravity.
Therefore the circles in the segment (3aB and in the cone a«£ are in
equilibrium at a with that in the cone ae£. And in the same way
all circles in the segment /3a8 and in the cone af£ in their present
positions are in equilibrium at the point a with all circles in the
cone ae£ if they are transferred and so arranged on the scale-beam
at 6 that 9 is their center of gravity ; then also the spherical segment
Fig. 8.
2l8 THE MONIST.
a/38 and the cone oe£ in their present positions are in equilibrium
at the point a with the cone ea£ if it is transferred and so arranged
on the scale-beam at 6 that 6 is its center of gravity. Let the cyl-
inder fjw equal the cone whose base is the circle with the diameter
e£ and whose vertex is at a and let 077 be so divided at <f> that 077 = 4^77 ;
then <£ is the center of gravity of the cone ea£ as has been previously
proved. Moreover let the cylinder pv be so cut by a perpendicularly
intersecting plane that the cylinder ju, is in equilibrium with the
cone eo£. Now since the segment a/38 + the cone ea£ in their present
positions are in equilibrium at a with the cone ea£ if it is trans-
ferred and so arranged on the scale-beam at 9 that 0 is its center
of gravity, and cylinder /uv = cone co£ and the two cylinders p + v
are moved to 0 and /xv is in equilibrium with both bodies, then will
also the cylinder v be in equilibrium with the segment of the sphere
at the point a. And since the spherical segment /3a8 : the cone whose
base is the circle with the diameter /28, and whose vertex is at a =
£77:777 (for this has previously been proved [De sph. et cyl. II, 2
Coroll.]) and cone /3a8 : cone ea£ = the circle with the diameter
/?8 : the circle with the diameter c£ = fir)2 : ye2, and /fy2 = 777 x -qa,
ye2 - rja2, and 777 x 770 : rja2 = 777 : 7?a, therefore cone /3a8 : cone ea£ =
777:770,. But we have shown that cone (3aS : segment /3a8 = 777 : 77!,
hence 8t' to-ov segment /2a8 : cone ea£ = fy : rja. And because ax". x*? =
770 + 4*77 : o-rj + 2rjy so inversely >?x • Xa = ^717 ~*~ 77a • 4y77 + 77a <*nd by addi-
tion 7701 : ax "= 6777 + 2770, : 770, + 4777. But 77^ = %( 6777 + 2770) and 7<£c=
^4 (4777 + 770,) ; for that is evident. Hence 770. : a^ = £77 : y<f>, consequently
also £77 : rja - 7</> : xa- But it was also demonstrated that £77:770.= the
segment whose vertex is at a and whose base is the circle with the
diameter (38 : the cone whose vertex is at a and whose base is the
circle with the diameter e£; hence segment /?a8 : cone ea£ = 7<£:xa-
And since the cylinder /* is in equilibrium with the cone ea£ at a, and 6
is the center of gravity of the cylinder while <j> is that of the cone
ea£, then cone ea£ : cylinder /* = Oa : a^> = ya : a<£. But cylinder pv =
cone ea£ ; hence by subtraction, cylinder p : cylinder v - o</> : y$. And
cylinder pv = cone ea£ ; hence cone ea£ : cylinder v = ya:y(j> = 0a: y<f>.
But it was also demonstrated that segment £08 : cone ea£ = 7<£:xa;
hence 8t' LVOV segment /?a8 : cylinder v — £a : ax- And it was demon-
strated that segment /?o8 is in equilibrium at a with the cylinder v
and 6 is the center of gravity of the cylinder v, consequently the
point x is als° the center of gravity of the segment /?o8.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 2IQ
IX.
In a similar way it can also be perceived that the center of grav-
ity of any segment of an ellipsoid lies on the straight line which is
the axis of the segment so divided that the portion at the vertex
of the segment bears the same ratio to the remaining portion as the
axis of the segment +4 times the axis of the opposite segment
bears to the axis of the segment + twice the axis of the opposite
segment.
x.
It can also be seen by this method that [a segment of a hyper-
boloid] bears the same ratio to a cone having the same base and axis
as the segment, that the axis of the segment + 3 times the addition
to the axis bears to the axis of the segment of the hyperboloid + twice
its addition [De Conoid. 25] ; and that the center of gravity of the
hyperboloid so divides the axis that the part at the vertex bears the
same ratio to the rest that three times the axis + eight times the
addition to the axis bears to the axis of the hyperboloid + 4 times
the addition to the axis, and many other points which I will leave
aside since the method has been made clear by the examples already
given and only the demonstrations of the above given theorems re-
main to be stated.
XI.
When in a perpendicular prism with square bases a cylinder is
inscribed whose bases lie in opposite squares and whose curved
surface touches the four other parallelograms, and when a plane is
passed through the center of the circle which is the base of the
cylinder and one side of the opposite square, then the body which
is cut off by this plane [from the cylinder] will be % of the entire
prism. This can be perceived through the present method and
when it is so warranted we will pass over to the geometrical proof
of it.
Imagine a perpendicular prism with square bases and a cyl-
inder inscribed in the prism in the way we have described. Let the
prism be cut through the axis by a plane perpendicular to the plane
which cuts off the section of the cylinder; this will intersect the
prism containing the cylinder in the parallelogram a/? [Fig. 9] and
the common intersecting line of the plane which cuts off the section
of the cylinder and the plane lying through the axis perpendicular
22O
THE MONIST.
to the one cutting off the section of the cylinder will be /?y ; let the
axis of the cylinder and the prism be y8 which is bisected at right
angles by e£ and on e£ let a plane be constructed perpendicular to
y8. This will intersect the prism in a square and the cylinder in a
circle.
7_2
\
X
V >
/
ff
o
Fig. W.
y
z. 9.
Now let the intersection of the prism be the square /xv [Fig. 10],
that of the cylinder, the circle £07173 and let the circle touch the sides
of the square at the points £, o, TT and p ; let the common line of
intersection of the plane cutting off the cylinder-section and that
passing through e£ perpendicular to the axis of the cylinder, be K\ ;
this line is bisected by 7r0|. In the semicircle oirp draw a straight
line O-T perpendicular to TT^, on or construct a plane perpendicular
to |?r and produce it to both sides of the plane enclosing the circle
IOTT/O; this will intersect the half-cylinder whose base is the semi-
circle oTrp and whose altitude is the axis of the prism, in a parallelo-
gram one side of which = or and the other = the vertical boundary
of the cylinder, and it will intersect the cylinder-section likewise
in a parallelogram of which one side is or and the other w [Fig. 9] ;
and accordingly w will be drawn in the parallelogram Be 1 1 £w and
will cut off « = TTX- Now because ey is a parallelogram and i/t 1 1 0y,
and d and (3y cut the parallels, therefore cO : OL = <oy : yv = (3<a : w. But
/?w : w = parallelogram in the half-cylinder : parallelogram in the
cylinder-section, therefore both parallelograms have the same side
(TT ; and cO = OTT, iO = \6\ and since irO = 0£ therefore 6g:0x= paral-
lelogram in half-cylinder : parallelogram in the cylinder-section.
Imagine the parallelogram in the cylinder-section transferred and
so brought to £ that | is its center of gravity, and further imagine
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 221
TT£ to be a scale-beam with its center at 9 ; then the parallelogram in
the half-cylinder in its present position is in equilibrium at the
point 6 with the parallelogram in the cylinder-section when it is trans-
ferred and so arranged on the scale-beam at £ that £ is its center of
gravity. And since x is tne center of gravity in the parallelogram
in the half-cylinder, and £ that of the parallelogram in the cylinder-
section when its position is changed, and £0:6x= tne parallelogram
whose center of gravity is x : tne parallelogram whose center of
gravity is £, then the parallelogram whose center of gravity is x
will be in equilibrium at 0 with the parallelogram whose center of
gravity is £. In this way it can be proved that if another straight
line is drawn in the semicircle oirp perpendicular to irO and on this
straight line a plane is constructed perpendicular to nO and is pro-
duced towards both sides of the plane in which the circle £o7iy> lies,
then the parallelogram formed in the half-cylinder in its present
position will be in equilibrium at the point 0 with the parallelogram
formed in the cylinder-section if this is transferred and so arranged
on the scale-beam at £ that £ is its center of gravity ; therefore also
all parallelograms in the half-cylinder in their present positions will
be in equilibrium at the point 6 with all parallelograms of the
cylinder-section if they are transferred and attached to the scale-beam
at the point £; consequently also the half-cylinder in its present
position will be in equilibrium at the point 0 with the cylinder-
section if it is transferred and so arranged on the scale-beam at £
that | is its center of gravity.
XII.
Let the parallelogram \w be perpendicular to the axis [of the
circle] £o [irp] [Fig. n]. Draw Op and
Or) and erect upon them two planes per-
pendicular to the plane in which the
semicircle onp lies and extend these
planes on both sides. The result is a
prism whose base is a triangle similar
to Ofjirj and whose altitude is equal to
the axis of the cylinder, and this prism
is % of the entire prism which contains
the cylinder. In the semicircle oirp and
in the square juv draw two straight lines Fig. 11.
K\ and TV at equal distances from «•£;
these will cut the circumference of the semicircle oirp at the points
I
222
THE MONIST.
K and T, the diameter op at <r and £ and the straight lines fry and 6p
at <£ and x- Upon *A and TV construct two planes perpendicular
to op and extend them towards both sides of the plane in which lies
the circle £OTT/O; they will intersect the half-cylinder whose base is
the semicircle oirp and whose altitude is that of the cylinder, in a
parallelogram one side of which =KO~ and the other = the axis of
the cylinder; and they will intersect the prism %* likewise in a
parallelogram one side of which is equal to AX and the other equal
to the axis, and in the same way the half-cylinder in a parallelogram
one side of which = T£ and the other = the axis of the cylinder, and
the prism in a parallelogram one side of which =wf> and the other
= the axis of the cylinder. .
XIII.
Let the square aftyo [Fig. 12] be the base of a perpendicular
prism with square bases and let a cylinder be inscribed in the prism
whose base is the circle e£?/0 which
touches the sides of the parallelogram
apyo at e, £, rj and 6. Pass a plane
through its center and the side in the
square opposite the square a/3y8 corre-
sponding to the side 78 ; this will cut
off from the whole prism a second prism
which is % the size of the whole prism
and which will be bounded by three
parallelograms and two opposite tri-
angles. In the semicircle cfy describe
a parabola whose origin is ye and whose
axis is £*, and in the parallelogram oy draw /«/ i I K£ ; this will cut
the circumference of the semicircle at £, the parabola at A, and
fjiVxv\ = v£2 (for this is evident [Apollonios, Con. I, n]). Therefore
fiv:v\ = Krj2:\o-2. Upon (JLV construct a plane parallel to 07; this will
intersect the prism cut off from the whole prism in a right-angled
triangle one side of which is /xv and the other a straight line in the
plane upon 78 perpendicular to 78 at v and equal to the axis of the
cylinder, but whose hypotenuse is in the intersecting plane. It will
intersect the portion which is cut off from the cylinder by the plane
passed through erj and the side of the square opposite the side 78
in a right-angled triangle one side of which is /A£ and the other
a straight line drawn in the surface of the cylinder perpendicular
£
Fig. 12.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED TREATISE OF ARCHIMEDES. 223
to the plane KV, and the hypotenuse
and all the triangles in the prism : all the triangles in the cylinder-
section = all the straight lines in the parallelogram BYJ : all the straight
lines between the parabola and the straight line ery. And the prism
consists of the triangles in the prism, the cylinder-section of those
in the cylinder-section, the parallelogram Sr; of the straight lines
in the parallelogram 8rj \ I K£ and the segment of the parabola of the
straight lines cut off by the parabola and the straight line ery ; hence
prism : cylinder-section = parallelogram 778 : segment e£rj that is
bounded by the parabola and the straight line er/. But the parallelo-
gram Sri = % the segment bounded by the parabola and the straight
line cr) as indeed has been shown in the previously published work,
hence also the prism is equal to one and one half times the cylinder-
section. Therefore when the cylinder-section - 2, the prism = 3 and
the whole prism containing the cylinder equals 12, because it is four
times the size of the other prism ; hence the cylinder-section is equal
to % of the prism, Q. E. D.
XIV.
[Inscribe a cylinder in] a perpendicular prism with square
bases [and let it be cut by a plane passed through the center of the
base of the cylinder and one side of the opposite square.] Then this
plane will cut off a prism from the whole prism and a portion of
the cylinder from the cylinder. It may be proved that the portion
cut off from the cylinder by the plane is one-sixth of the whole
prism. But first we will prove that it is possible to inscribe a solid
figure in the cylinder-section and to circumscribe another composed
of prisms of equal altitude and with similar triangles as bases, so
that the circumscribed figure exceeds the inscribed less than any
given magnitude
But it has been shown that the prism cut off by the inclined plane
<% the body inscribed in the cylinder-section. Now the prism
cut off by the inclined plane : the body inscribed in the cylinder-
section = parallelogram Sr? : the parallelograms which are inscribed
in the segment bounded by the parabola and the straight line erj.
Hence the parallelogram 8r/<% the parallelograms in the segment
bounded by the parabola and the straight line er/. But this is im-
possible because we have shown elsewhere that the parallelogram
8r/ is one and one half times the segment bounded by the parabola
and the straight line 07, consequently is
not greater
224 THE MONIST.
And all prisms in the prism cut off by the inclined plane: all
prisms in the figure described around the cylinder-section = all
parallelograms in the parallelogram fy : all parallelograms in the
figure which is described around the segment bounded by the
parabola and the straight line e*j, i. e., the prism cut off by the in-
clined plane : the figure described around the cylinder- section =
parallelogram Srj : the figure bounded by the parabola and the
straight line erj. But the prism cut off by the inclined plane is
greater than one and one half times the solid figure circumscribed
around the cylinder-section
A COMMENTARY ON THE HEIBERG MANU-
SCRIPT OF ARCHIMEDES.
IF there ever was a case of appropriateness in discovery,
the finding of this manuscript in the summer of 1906
was one. In the first place it was appropriate that the dis-
covery should be made in Constantinople, since it was here
that the West received its first manuscripts of the other ex-
tant works, nine in number, of the great Syracusan. It was
furthermore appropriate that the. discovery should be made
by Professor Heiberg, facilis princeps among all workers
in the field of editing the classics of Greek mathematics,
and an indefatigable searcher of the libraries of Europe
for manuscripts to aid him in perfecting his labors. And
finally it was most appropriate that this work should ap-
pear at a time when the affiliation of pure and applied
mathematics is becoming so generally recognized all over
the world. We are sometimes led to feel, in considering
isolated cases, that the great contributors of the past have
worked in the field of pure mathematics alone, and the
saying of Plutarch that Archimedes felt that "every kind
of art connected with daily needs was ignoble and vulgar"1
may have strengthened this feeling. It therefore assists
us in properly orientating ourselves to read another treat-
ise from the greatest mathematician of antiquity that sets
clearly before us his indebtedness to the mechanical appli-
cations of his subject.
1 Marcellus, 17.
226 THE MONIST.
Not the least interesting of the passages in the manu-
script is the first line, the greeting to Eratosthenes. It is
well known, on the testimony of Diodoros his countryman,
that Archimedes studied in Alexandria, and the latter fre-
quently makes mention of Konon of Samos whom he knew
there, probably as a teacher, and to whom he was indebted
for the suggestion of the spiral that bears his name. It is
also related, this time by Proclos, that Eratosthenes was a
contemporary of Archimedes, and if the testimony of so
late a writer as Tzetzes, who lived in the twelfth century,
may be taken as valid, the former was eleven years the
junior of the great Sicilian. Until now, however, we have
had nothing definite to show that the two were ever ac-
quainted. The great Alexandrian savant, — poet, geog-
rapher, arithmetician, — affectionately called by the stu-
dents Pentathlos, the champion in five sports,2 selected by
Ptolemy Euergetes to succeed his master, Kallimachos the
poet, as head of the great Library, — this man, the most
renowned of his time in Alexandria, could hardly have
been a teacher of Archimedes, nor yet the fellow student of
one who was so much his senior. It is more probable that
they were friends in the later days when Archimedes was
received as a savant rather than as a learner, and this is
borne out by the statement at the close of proposition I
which refers to one of his earlier works, showing that this
particular treatise was a late one. This reference being
to one of the two works dedicated to Dositheos of Kolonos,3
and one of these (De lineis spiralibus) referring to an
earlier treatise sent to Konon,4 we are led to believe that
this was one of the latest works of Archimedes and that
Eratosthenes was a friend of his mature years, although
2 His nickname of Beta is well known, possibly because his lecture room
was number 2.
8 We know little of his works, none of which are extant. Geminos and
Ptolemy refer to certain observations made by him in 200 B. C, twelve years
after the death of Archimedes. Pliny also mentions him.
A COMMENTARY ON THE HEIBERG MANUSCRIPT. 22J
one of long standing. The statement that the preliminary
propositions were sent "some time ago" bears out this idea
of a considerable duration of friendship, and the idea that
more or less correspondence had resulted from this com-
munication may be inferred by the statement that he saw,
as he had previously said, that Eratosthenes was "a capable
scholar and a prominent teacher of philosophy," and also
that he understood "how to value a mathematical method
of investigation when the opportunity offered." We have,
then, new light upon the relations between these two men,
the leaders among the learned of their day.
A second feature of much interest in the treatise is the
intimate view that we have into the workings of the mind
of the author. It must always be remembered that Archi-
medes was primarily a discoverer, and not primarily a com-
piler as were Euclid, Apollonios, and Nicomachos. There-
fore to have him follow up his first communication of theo-
rems to Eratosthenes by a statement of his mental proces-
ses in reaching his conclusions is not merely a contribution
to mathematics but one to education as well. Particularly
is this true in the following statement, which may well be
kept in mind in the present day: "I have thought it well
to analyse and lay down for you in this same book a pecu-
liar method by means of which it will be possible for you
to derive instruction as to how certain mathematical ques-
tions may be investigated by means of mechanics. And I
am convinced that this is equally profitable in demonstrat-
ing a proposition itself; for much that was made evident
to me through the medium of mechanics was later proved
by means of geometry, because the treatment by the former
method had not yet been established by way of a demonstra-
tion. For of course it is easier to establish a proof if one
has in this way previously obtained a conception of the
questions, than for him to seek it without such a prelim-
inary notion .... Indeed I assume that some one among the
228 THE MONIST.
investigators of to-day or in the future will discover by the
method here set forth still other propositions which have
not yet occurred to us." Perhaps in all the history of
mathematics no such prophetic truth was ever put into
words. It would almost seem as if Archimedes must have
seen as in a vision the methods of Galileo, Cavalieri, Pascal,
Newton, and many of the other great makers of the mathe-
matics of the Renaissance and the present time.
The first proposition concerns the quadrature of the
parabola, a subject treated at length in one of his earlier
communications to Dositheos.5 He gives a digest of the
treatment, but with the warning that the proof is not com-
plete, as it is in his special work upon the subject. He has,
in fact, summarized propositions VII-XVII of his com-
munication to Dositheos, omitting the geometric treat-
ment of propositions XVIII-XXIV. One thing that he
does not state, here or in any of his works, is where the
idea of center of gravity6 started. It was certainly a com-
mon notion in his day, for he often uses it without defining
it. It appears in Euclid's7 time, but how much earlier we
cannot as yet say.
Proposition II states no new fact. Essentially it means
that if a sphere, cylinder, and cone (always circular) have
the same radius, r, and the altitude of the cone is r and that
of the cylinder 2r, then the volumes will be as 4 : I : 6,
which is true, since they are respectively %7rr3, %7rr3, and
27rr3. The interesting thing, however, is the method pur-
sued, the derivation of geometric truths from principles
of mechanics. There is, too, in every sentence, a little
suggestion of Cavalieri, an anticipation by nearly two thou-
sand years of the work of the greatest immediate precursor
of Newton. And the geometric imagination that Archi-
8 Terpaywviffftbs
6 K«Wpa jSapwv, for "barycentric" is a very old term.
T At any rate in the anonymous fragment De levi et ponder oso, sometimes
attributed to him.
A COMMENTARY ON THE IIEIBERG MANUSCRIPT. 22Q
medes shows in the last sentence is also noteworthy as one
of the interesting features of this work: "After I had thus
perceived that a sphere is four times as large as the cone. . .
it occurred to me that the surface of a sphere is four times
as great as its largest circle, in which I proceeded from the
idea that just as a circle is equal to a triangle whose base is
the periphery of the circle, and whose altitude is equal to
its radius, so a sphere is equal to a cone whose base is the
same as the surface of the sphere and whose altitude is
equal to the radius of the sphere." As a bit of generaliza-
tion this throws a good deal of light on the workings of
Archimedes's mind.
In proposition III he considers the volume of a sphe-
roid, which he had already treated more fully in one of his
letters to Dositheos,8 and which contains nothing new from
a mathematical standpoint. Indeed it is the method rather
than the conclusion that is interesting in such of the sub-
sequent propositions as relate to mensuration. Proposition V
deals with the center of gravity of a segment of a conoid, and
proposition VI with the center of gravity of a hemisphere,
thus carrying into solid geometry the work of Archimedes
on the equilibrium of planes and on their centers of grav-
ity.9 The general method is that already known in the
treatise mentioned, and this is followed through propo-
sition X.
Proposition XI is the interesting case of a segment of
a right cylinder cut off by a plane through the center of
the lower base and tangent to the upper one. He shows
this to equal one-sixth of the square prism that circum-
scribes the cylinder. This is well known to us through the
formula v = 2r2h/3, the volume of the prism being 4r2//,
and requires a knowledge of the center of gravity of the
cylindric section in question. Archimedes is, so far as we
8 Ilept Kwvoetde&v Kai
9 'ETTtTre'Swif IffoppoTriuv 77 Kevrpa (3apu>v
230 THE MONIST.
know, the first to state this result, and he obtains it by his
usual method of the skilful balancing of sections. There
are several lacunae in the demonstration, but enough of
it remains to show the ingenuity of the general plan. The
culminating interest from the mathematical standpoint lies
in proposition XIII, where Archimedes reduces the whole
question to that of the quadrature of the parabola. He
shows that a fourth of the circumscribed prism is to the
segment of the cylinder as the semi-base of the prism is to
the parabola inscribed in the semi-base; that is, that %/> :
v = %b : (%- %fr ) , whence v = Vsp. Proposition XIV is in-
complete, but it is the conclusion of the two preceding prop-
ositions.
In general, therefore, the greatest value of the work
lies in the following:
1. It throws light upon the hitherto only suspected re-
lations of Archimedes and Eratosthenes.
2. It shows the working of the mind of Archimedes in
the discovery of mathematical truths, showing that he often
obtained his results by intuition or even by measurement,
rather than by an analytic form of reasoning, verifying
these results later by strict analysis.
3. It expresses definitely the fact that Archimedes was
the discoverer of those properties relating to the sphere
and cylinder that have been attributed to him and that are
given in his other works without a definite statement of
their authorship.
4. It shows that Archimedes was the first to state the
volume of the cylinder segment mentioned, and it gives
an interesting description of the mechanical method by
which he arrived at his result.
DAVID EUGENE SMITH.
TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
THE CHOICE OF FACTS.1
TOLSTOY somewhere explains why "science for its
own sake" is in his eyes an absurd conception. We
cannot know all facts, since their number is practically in-
finite. It is necessary to choose; then we may let this
choice depend on the pure caprice of our curiosity. Would
it not be better to let ourselves be guided by utility, by our
practical and above all by our moral needs? Have we
nothing better to do than count the number of lady-bugs
on our planet ?
It is clear the word "utility" has not for him the sense
men of affairs give it, and following them most of our
contemporaries. Little cares he for industrial applications,
for the marvels of electricity or of automobilism, which
he regards rather as obstacles to moral progress; utility
for him is solely what can make man better.
For my part, it need scarce be said, I could never be
content with either the one or the other ideal; I would not
wish either a grasping and mean plutocracy nor a goody
and mediocre democracy which is occupied solely in turn-
ing the other cheek, where sages would dwell without
curiosity, and, shunning excess, would not die of disease
to be sure, but would certainly perish of ennui. But that
is a matter of taste and is not what I wish to discuss.
The question nevertheless remains and should fix our
1 Translated from the French by G. B. Halsted.
232 THE MONIST.
attention ; if our choice can only be determined by caprice
or by immediate utility, there can be no science for its own
sake, and consequently no science. But is that true ? That
a choice must be made is incontestable; however active
we may be, facts move faster than we, and we cannot catch
up with them. While the scientist discovers one fact, mil-
liards on milliards are taking place in a cubic millimeter
of his body. To try to comprehend nature in science
would mean to put the whole into the part.
But scientists believe that there is a hierarchy of facts
and that a judicious choice may be made among them.
They are right, since otherwise there would be no sci-
ence, and science exists. One need only open his eyes to
see that the conquests of industry which have enriched
so many practical men would never have seen the light, if
these practical men alone had existed and if they had not
been preceded by unselfish devotees who died poor, who
never thought of utility, and yet had a guide far other than
caprice.
As Mach says, these devotees have spared their suc-
cessors the trouble of thinking. Those who might have
worked solely in view of an immediate application would
have left nothing behind them, and, in the face of a new
need, all must have been begun over again. Now most
men do not love to think, and this is perhaps fortunate
when instinct guides them, for most often, when they pur-
sue an aim wrhich is immediate and ever the same, instinct
guides them better than reason would direct a pure intelli-
gence. But instinct is routine, and if thought did not
fecundate it, it would make no more progress in man than
in the bee or ant. It is needful then to think for those
who do not like to think, and as these are numerous, it is
needful that each of our thoughts be useful as often as
possible, and this is why a law will be the more precious
according as it is the more general.
THE CHOICE OF FACTS. 233
This shows us how we should choose: the most inter-
esting facts are those which may serve many times; these
are the facts which have a chance of coming up again.
We have been so fortunate as to be born in a world where
there are such. Suppose that instead of 60 chemical ele-
ments there were 60 milliards of them, that they were not,
some common the others rare, but that they were uniformly
distributed. Then every time we picked up a new pebble
there would be a great probability of its being formed of
some unknown substance. All that we knew of other
pebbles would be worthless for it. Before each new object
we should be as the new-born babe; like it we could only
obey our caprices or our needs. In such a world there
would be no science ; perhaps thought and even life would
be impossible, since evolution could not develop there the
preservational instincts. Happily it is not so; like all
god fortune to which we are accustomed, this is not ap-
preciated at its true worth. The biologist would be just
as perplexed if he had only individuals and no spe-
cies, and if heredity did not make sons resemble their
fathers.
Which, then, are the facts likely to reappear? First
of all, they are the simple facts. It is clear that in a com-
plex fact a thousand circumstances are united by chance,
and that only a chance still much less probable could re-
unite them anew. But are there any simple facts ? And if
there are, how recognize them? What assurance is there
that a thing we think simple does not hide a dreadful com-
plexity? All we can say is that we ought to prefer the
facts which seem simple to those where our crude eye dis-
cerns unlike elements. And then we have one of two
things : either this simplicity is real, or else the elements
are so intimately mingled as not to be distinguishable. In
the first case there is chance of our meeting anew this same
simple fact, either in all its purity or entering as an ele-
234 THE MONIST.
ment in a complex manifold. In the second case this
intimate mixture has likewise more chances of recurring
than a heterogeneous assemblage. Chance knows how to
mix, it does not know how to disentangle, and in order to
construct with multiple elements a well-ordered edifice in
which something is distinguishable, it is necessary to make
it expressly. The facts which appear simple, even if they
are not so, will therefore be more easily revived by chance.
This it is which justifies the method instinctively adopted
by the scientist, and what justifies it still better, perhaps,
is that oft-recurring facts appear to us simple, precisely
because we are used to them.
But where is the simple fact? Scientists have been
seeking it in the two extremes, in the infinitely great and in
the infinitely small. The astronomer has found it because
the distances of the stars are immense, so great that each
of them appears but as a point, so great that the qualitative
differences are effaced, and because a point is simpler than
a body which has form and qualities. The physicist, on the
other hand, has sought the elementary phenomenon in fic-
titiously cutting up bodies into infinitesimal cubes, because
the conditions of the problem, which undergo slow and
continuous variation in passing from one point of the body
to another, may be regarded as constant in the interior of
each of these little cubes. In the same way the biologist
has been instinctively led to regard the cell as more inter-
esting than the whole animal, and the outcome has shown
his wisdom, since cells belonging to the most diverse organ-
isms are more alike, for one who can recognize their re-
semblances, than are these organisms themselves.
The sociologist is more embarrassed; the elements
which for him are men, are too unlike, too variable, too
capricious, in a word, too complex themselves. Besides,
history never begins over again ; how then choose the inter-
esting fact, which is the one that begins again? Method
THE CHOICE OF FACTS. 235
is precisely the choice of facts; it is needful then to be
occupied first with creating a method, and many have been
imagined, since none imposes itself. Each thesis in sociol-
ogy proposes a new method, which however the new doctor
is careful not to apply, so that sociology is the science with
the most methods and fewest results.
Therefore it seems best to begin with the regular facts ;
but after the rule is well established, after it is beyond all
doubt, the facts in full conformity with it are ere long
without interest since they no longer teach us anything
new. It is then the exception which becomes important.
We cease to seek resemblances ; we devote ourselves above
all to differences, and among the differences are chosen
first the most accentuated, not only because they are the
most striking, but because they will be the most instruc-
tive.
I will endeavor to render this, thought more plain by a
simple example. Let us assume that some one wishes to
determine a curve which he does by observing some of its
points. The practical man who concerns himself only with
immediate utility would observe only the points he might
need for some special purpose. These points would be
badly distributed on the curve; they would be crowded in
certain regions, rare in others, so that it would be im-
possible to join them by a continuous line, and they would
be unavailable for other applications. The scientist will
proceed differently; as he wishes to study the curve for
itself, he will distribute regularly the points to be ob-
served, and when enough are known he will join them
by a regular line and then he will have the entire curve.
But to accomplish this, how does he proceed? If he has
determined an extreme point of the curve, he does not stay
near this extremity, but goes first to the other end; after
the two extremities the most instructive point will be the
center and so on.
236 THE MONIST.
So when a rule is established we should first seek the
cases where this rule has the greatest chance of failing.
Thence, among other reasons, come the interest of astro-
nomic facts and the interest of the geologic past. By going
very far away in space or very far away in time, we may
find our usual rules entirely overturned, and these grand
overturnings aid us the better to see or to understand the
little changes which may happen nearer to us, in the little
corner of the world where we are called to live and act.
We shall know this corner better for having traveled in
distant countries with which we have nothing to do.
But what we ought to aim at is less the ascertainment
of resemblances and differences than the recognition of
likenesses hidden under apparent divergences. Particular
rules seem at first discordant, but looking more closely
we see that in general they resemble each other; different
as to matter, they are alike as to form, as to the order of
their parts. When we look at them in this way, we shall
see them enlarge and tend to embrace everything. And
this it is which makes the value of certain facts which come
to complete an assemblage and to show that it is the faith-
ful image of other known assemblages.
I will not insist further, but these few words suffice to
show that the scientist does not choose at random the facts
he observes. He does not, as Tolstoy says, count the lady-
bugs, because, however interesting lady-bugs may be, their
number is subject to capricious variations. He seeks to
condense much experience and much thought into one slen-
der volume; and that is why a little book on physics con-
tains so many past experiences and a thousand times as
many possible experiences whose result is known before-
hand.
But we have as yet looked at only one side of the ques-
tion. The scientist does not study nature because it is
useful; he studies it because he delights in it, and he de-
THE CHOICE OF FACTS. 237
lights in it because it is beautiful. If nature were not
beautiful, it would not be worth knowing, and if nature
were not worth knowing, life would not be worth living.
Of course I do not speak here of that beauty which strikes
the senses, the beauty of qualities and appearances; not
that I undervalue such beauty, far from it, but it has
nothing to do with science. I mean that profounder beauty
which comes from the harmonious order of the parts and
which a pure intelligence can grasp. This it is which
gives body, a structure so to speak, to the iridescent ap-
pearances which flatter our senses, and without this sup-
port, the beauty of these fugitive dreams would be only
imperfect, because it would be vague and always fleeting.
On the contrary, intellectual beauty is sufficient unto itself,
and it is for its sake, more perhaps than for the future
good of humanity, that the scientist devotes himself to
long and difficult labors.
It is, therefore, the quest of this special beauty, the
sense of the harmony of the cosmos, which makes us
choose the facts most fitting to contribute to this har-
mony, just as the artist chooses from among the features
of his model those which perfect the picture and give it
character and life. And we need not fear that this in-
stinctive and unavowed prepossession will turn the scien-
tist aside from the search for the true. One may dream
a harmonious world, but how far will the real world leave
it behind ! The greatest artists that ever lived, the Greeks,
made a heaven of their own; how shabby it is beside the
true heaven, ours !
And it is because simplicity, because grandeur, is beau-
tiful, that we preferably seek simple facts, sublime facts;
that we delight now to follow the majestic course of the
stars, now to examine with the microscope that prodigious
littleness which is also a grandeur, now to seek in geologic
238 THE MONIST.
time the traces of a past which attracts us because it is far
away.
We see too that the longing for the beautiful leads us
to the same choice as the longing for the useful. And so
it is that this economy of thought, this economy of effort,
which is, according to Mach, the constant tendency of
science, is at the same time a source of beauty and a prac-
tical advantage. The edifices that we admire are those
where the architect has known how to proportion the
means to the end, where the columns seem to carry gaily,
without effort, the weight placed upon them, like the gra-
cious caryatids of the Erechtheum.
Whence comes this concordance? Is it simply that the
things which seem beautiful to us are those which best
adapt themselves to our intelligence, and that consequently
they are at the same time the implement this intelligence
knows best how to use ? Or is there here a play of evolu-
tion and natural selection? Have the peoples whose ideal
most conformed to their highest interest exterminated the
others and taken their place? All pursued their ideals
without reference to consequences, but while this quest
led some to destruction, to others it gave empire. One
is tempted to believe it. If the Greeks triumphed over the
barbarians and if Europe, heir of Greek thought, domi-
nates the world, it is because the savages loved loud colors
and the clamorous tones of the drum which occupied only
their senses, while the Greeks loved the intellectual beauty
which hides beneath sensuous beauty, and that this intel-
lectual beauty it is which makes intelligence sure and
strong.
Doubtless such a triumph would horrify Tolstoy, and
he would not like to acknowledge that it might be truly
useful. But this disinterested quest of the true for its
own beauty is sane also and able to make man better. I
know well that there are mistakes, that the thinker does
THE CHOICE OF FACTS. 239
not always draw thence the serenity he should find therein,
and even that there are scientists of bad character. Must
we, therefore, abandon science and study only morals?
What! Do you think the moralists themselves are irre-
proachable when they come down from their pedestals?
H. POINCARE.
PARIS, FRANCE.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.1
LECTURE GIVEN FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE HOME FOR AGED
MUSIC TEACHERS AT BRESLAU, FEBRUARY 9, 1906.
MUSIC belongs to the inalienable rights of man. It
is the effort to make one's self intelligible to his
fellow men by means of the stimulation of sounds of all
kinds. Music exists wherever men are found upon the
earth and everywhere they show a genuine refinement in
the discovery of means by which to originate sounds. There
is hardly anything which can not be brought into use for
its purposes.
We do not intend to lose ourselves here in speculation
upon the psychological reasons for this demoniac impulse ;
we will be content simply to establish the fact and will not
enter into it writh regard to humanity in general, but only
in so far as the ancient people of Israel is concerned.
Even with relation to the Old Testament we will limit
ourselves to what the Old Testament itself can tell us
about music and musical things.
Many passages have proved very puzzling to Bible
readers. For instance when we read in the heading of
Psalm Ixxx, "To the chief Musician upon Shoshannim-
Eduth, A Psalm of Asaph" ; or in the heading of Ps. lx.,
"To the chief Musician upon Shushan-eduth, Michtam
of David, to teach" ; or in the heading of Ps. Ivi, "To the
chief Musician upon Jonath-elem-rechokim, Michtam of
1 Translated from Professor Cornill's manuscript by Lydia Gillingham
Robinson, and revised by the author.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 24!
David" ; or when Psalms viii, Ixxxi, and Ixxxiv, bear the
inscription, "To the chief Musician upon Gittith"; or the
three, xxxix, Ixii, and Ixxvii "to Jeduthun" ; we may cer-
tainly assume that we have an explanation for these hiero-
glyphics in considering that they possess some kind of a
musical character.2 Accordingly it will be our task to
gather together and to sift out the information given by
the Old Testament itself upon music and musical matters
and then to see whether we can unite and combine these
scattered and isolated features into one comprehensive pic-
ture or at least into a comparatively clear idea. It is only
scattered and isolated features which the Old Testament
offers us and not very much of them nor very abundantly.
Not perhaps because music had played a subordinate and
inconspicuous part in the life of ancient Israel, — on the
contrary they must have been a people of an unusually
musical temperament whose daily nourishment was song
and sound. On this point the Old Testament itself leaves
little room for doubt.
Everywhere and at all times were song and music to
be found in Ancient Israel. Every festival occasion, every
climax of public or private life was celebrated with music
and song. Just as Homer called singing and string music
"the consecration of the meal,"3 so also in ancient Israel
no ceremonial meal could be thought of without its ac-
companiment of either vocal or instrumental music. Mar-
riage ceremonies took place amid festive choruses with
music and dancing, and at the bier of the dead sounded the
J Luther in his translation makes an attempt to translate these "hiero-
glyphics," but the above quoted meaningless combinations of letters from the
King James version hardly convey less significance to the reader of to-day
than his sentences: "Ein Psalm Assaphs von den Spanrosen, vorzusingen"
(Ixxx) ; "Ein gulden Kleinod Davids, vorzusingen^ von einem guldenen Rosen-
span su lehren" (lx) ; etc. Professor Cornill considers the English translation
To the chief Musician" as preferable to Luther's vorzusingen. The Poly-
chrome Bible translates this word "For the Liturgy," and interprets the suc-
ceeding clauses as "the catch-word of an older song, to the tune whereof this
Psalm was to be sung." Tr.
8cur6s.
242 THE MONIST.
wail of dirge and flute. The sheep were sheared and the
vintage gathered to songs of joy and dancing and tam-
bourine playing. The same was true in public life. The
election of a king or his coronation or betrothal were cele-
brated with music; the victorious warriors and generals
were met upon their return home by choruses of matrons
and maidens with dance and song. So Miriam spoke from
among the chorus of wromen who after the successful pas-
sage through the Red Sea went out "with timbrels and
with dances" (Ex. xv. 20) ; in the same wray too, David
was received by matrons and maidens after his successful
battle with the Philistines (i Sam. xviii. 6) ; and upon this
custom is founded the frightful tragedy of the story of
Jephthah, whose daughter hastened in the joy of her heart
to offer greeting and praise to her victorious father, only
to be met by death as the fulfilment of his vow (Judges
xi).
How great a place music occupied in the worship of
ancient Israel is universally known. The entire Psalter is
nothing else than a collection of religious songs which were
sung in the temple worship where the priests with their
trumpets and the choruses of music-making Levites stand
before the eye of our imagination. Especially by typical
expressions do we learn what a significance music had for
the life of the Israelitish nation. There is in Hebrew a
saying which characterizes what we would call being "com-
mon talk/' "the object of gossip," "on everybody's tongue,"
in such a way as to indicate ditties sung in ridicule. The
Hebrew expression neginah* means "string music," being
derived from the word nagan,5 "to beat," "to touch," with
special reference to instruments, as in striking the chords.
In Psalm Ixix. 12, this word neginah is used in a passage
which literally reads: "I am the lute song of drunkards."
The Polychrome Bible translates the passage: "I am the
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 243
subject of wine bibbers' ballads." In the same sense the
word is used in Job xxx. 9, with reference to the frightful
fate that had befallen him: "And now am I their song, yea
I am their byword." And in Lamentations we find (iii. 14,
63), "I was a derision to all my people; and their song
all the day. . . .Behold their sitting down, and their rising
up; I am their music." Here the word translated "song"
and "music" is the same in both instances. When Job's
fortune changes to evil he says (xxx. 31), "My harp also
is turned to mourning, and my organ into the voice of
them that weep." The dreadful desolation of Jerusalem
after its destruction is described in Lamentations with the
words : "The elders have ceased from the gate, the young
men from their music" (v. 14).
Ancient Israel must have been recognized among out-
side nations as well, as a particularly musical people whose
accomplishments in the art comprised a definite profession.
For this view we have two extremely characteristic sources
of evidence, one from Assyrian monuments and one from
the Old Testament. In his account of the unsuccessful
siege of Jerusalem by the Assyrians in the year 701 B. C.
Sanherib tells us, according to the translation of Hugo
Winckler, that Hezekiah, king of Judah, besides all kinds
of valuable articles sent also his daughters and the women
of his palace together with men and women singers to the
great king at Nineveh, while in the touching Psalm cxxxvii
we learn that the Babylonian tyrant demanded songs of the
Jewish exiles, to cheer them up : "Sing to us your beautiful
songs of Zion."
Jewish tradition has given expression to the fact that
music belongs to the earliest benefits and gifts of the cul-
ture of mankind by establishing Jubal as the inventor of
music and father of musicians as early as the seventh gen-
eration after the creation (Gen. iv. 21). An important
influence on the human heart was ascribed to music and it
244 THE MONIST.
was employed to drive away the evil spirit of melancholy
when David played before the sick King Saul ( I Sam. xvi.
23). It was also used as a spiritual stimulus by which to
acquire prophetic inspiration. In Samuel's time companies
of prophets traversed the land to the music of psalter and
harp (i Sam. x. 5), and so the Prophet Elisha to whom
the Kings Jehoshaphat and Jehoram applied for an oracle
from God, sent for a lute player, saying (2 Kings iii. 15) :
"But now bring me a minstrel. And it came to pass, when
the minstrel played, that the hand of the Lord came upon
him."
An art to which such a powerful influence was attrib-
uted and to whose most famous masters the greatest king
of Israel belonged, must have been zealously practised, and
we will now undertake to gain some idea of the cultivation
of music in ancient Israel. To this end it will be most
useful if we will begin our investigation with what the
Old Testament says about musical instruments, of course
with express exception of the book of Daniel which in its
third chapter mentions a large number of instruments,
using their Greek names as naturalized words;6 for these
prove absolutely nothing with regard to ancient Hebrew
music which at present is our only consideration.
We may with equal propriety exclude singing from our
investigation. Song is such an especially instinctive and
spontaneous expression of the human soul that its pres-
ence is established a priori. In this connection the question
might be raised with regard to the construction of the
tone system, but. this can not be answered without knowl-
edge of the instruments employed. Only I will not neglect
to mention that as early as in the time of David profes-
sional male and female singers provided music during
mealtime. David wished to take with him to Jerusalem
as a reward for fidelity the faithful old Barzillai who had
, Ki0apis,
PLATE I.
FIG. I. EGYPTIAN HARPS
FIG. 2. EGYPTIAN HARP CARRIED
IN PROCESSION.
FIG. 3. EGYPTIAN PICTURE OF A
BEDOUIN WITH KINNOR.
FIG. 4. AN ASSYRIAN CYMBALIST.
FIG. 5. ASSYRIAN LUTE
PLAYERS.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 245
protected him at the time of Absalom's rebellion. There
he would be the daily guest of the king ; but Barzillai an-
swered (2 Sam. xix. 35), "I am this day fourscore years
old; and can I discern between good and evil? Can thy
servant taste what I eat or what I drink ? Can I hear any
more the voice of singing men and singing women ? Where-
fore then should thy servant be yet a burden unto my lord
the king?" Solomon, the Preacher, also delighted in "men
singers and women singers and the delights of the sons of
men, as musical instruments and that of all sorts" (Eccl.
ii. 8).
* * #
Musical instruments are usually divided into three clas-
ses, percussive instruments, stringed instruments, and wind
instruments, and we shall also follow this division. Of
these three classes the percussive instruments are the most
primitive. They can not be said to possess any properly
articulated tones but sounds only, and their single artistic
element is rhythm, which however is certainly the foun-
dation and essential characteristic of music according to
the witty utterance of Hans von Biilow, "In the beginning
was the rhythm."
Among percussive instruments the one most frequently
mentioned is the timbrel or tabret ( in Hebrew t oph1 ) which
corresponds exactly to our tambourine. Often they were
richly ornamented so that they were frequently referred
to as decorations. In one of the most splendid passages
of the prophet Jeremiah, we read : "Again I will build thee,
and thou shalt be built, O virgin of Israel ; thou shalt again
be adorned with thy tabrets, and shalt go forth in the
dances of them that make merry" (Jer. xxxi. 4). This
passage is particularly characteristic of the nature of the
tabret in two respects ; first, it usually appears in the hands
of women (in all passages where tabret players are ex-
246 THE MONIST.
pressly mentioned they are matrons and maidens) ; and
secondly it almost always appears in connection with the
dance, as being swung in the dance and marking its
rhythm. We can suppose it to have been undoubtedly
played by men only in connection with the music of the
companies of prophets in Samuel's time, for if we read
that these prophets came down from the sacred high place
with a psaltery, and a tabret, and a pipe, and a harp before
them ( i Sam. x. 5 ) , we would hardly think of the musi-
cians who accompanied these wild men and played the
tabrets before them, as women.
The second percussive instrument is the familiar cym-
bal, which comes next to our mind in thinking of the music
of the Old Testament. With regard to the nature and
character of this instrument we can gather all that is es-
sential from the Bible itself. In the first place the cymbal
must have been constructed of brass, for in the familiar
passage, I Cor. xiii. i, the Apostle Paul writes according
to the Greek text, "Though I speak with the tongues of
men and of angels, and have not charity I am become as
sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal." The Hebrew root
tsalal* from which both words for cymbal are derived,
means "clatter," to give forth a sharp penetrating sound ;
and the word most frequently used, metsiltayim9 is in the
dual form which is never used in the Hebrew language in
its purely grammatical sense, but only in the logical sense
of things which occur in nature only in pairs. Now since
a penetrating and loud tone is repeatedly attributed to the
cymbals we may consider them as two metal plates to be
struck together (Fig. 4) ; that is to say, they are the in-
struments which we know as cymbals and which are known
in German as Becken and in Italian as piatti, and which
are most familiar to us in military music in combination
with a bass drum.
PLATE II.
FIG. 6. SISTRUM AND OTHER ANCIENT INSTRUMENTS.
(British Museum.)
FIG. 7. RELIEF FROM SENDSCHIRLI IN NORTHERN SYRIA.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 247
Two other percussive instruments are mentioned of
which one is still doubtful. The one which is undoubtedly
certain, mena'an'im10 (2 Sam. vi. 5) evidently comes from
the root nua',11 "to shake" and corresponds exactly with
the Greek sistrum12 which consists of metal crossbars upon
which hang metal rings that are made to produce their
tones by shaking (Fig. 6). Accordingly in current lan-
guage it is the Turkish bell-tree, the cinelli, with which
we are familiar also through German military music.
Then too an instrument called the shalishls is men-
tioned in the hands of women together with the tabret at
the triumphant reception of David upon his return from
the conquest of the giant Goliath (i Sam. xviii. 6). The
word shalish being derived from the same root as shalosh,
the number "three," we have been accustomed to identify
it with our modern triangle, but it is a question whether
we are justified in so doing. With this instrument we
have exhausted the number of percussive instruments men-
tioned in the Old Testament.
It might perhaps be more logical for us to follow the
percussive instruments at once with the wind instruments,
inasmuch as they are the most primitive next to the per-
cussive instruments because horns of animals and reeds
are nature's own gifts to men, while strings made from
catgut are a purely artificial product. But as far as an-
cient Israel was concerned the stringed instruments were
by far the most important. I will remind my readers once
more of the proverbial application of the word string-
music above mentioned.
Accordingly I will next consider the stringed instru-
ments, of which the Old Testament mentions two, the
kinnor,14 and neb el. 15 That both were composed of strings
drawn across wood (Fig. 8) may be proved, in so far as
it needs proof, by the fact that according to i Kings x. 12,
248 THE MONIST.
Solomon ordered certain instruments of this class intended
for the temple service to be made out of sandal wood,
which he had obtained during his famous visits to Ophir.
Of these two instruments the kinnor is the most important,
but I will begin with the nebel because we have the more
definite tradition with regard to it. When Jerome tells
us that the nebel, whose name became nablalQ and nablium
in Greek and Latin, possessed the form of a Greek Delta &,
we thus have the triangular pointed harp indicated as
plainly as possible (Fig. i). The only objection that can
be brought against this view, namely that we repeatedly
meet this instrument in the hands of dancers and pilgrims,
is not sound. In representations of Ancient Egypt, we
also have harps so small that they could easily be carried
(Fig. 2), and the best commentaries have lately shown us
Assyrian representations where pointed harps with the
points at the top and fastened with a band were likewise
carried in the hands of dancing processions (Fig. 9). If
the points of these Assyrian harps were regularly at the
top, this will explain to us better St. Jerome's comparison
with the Greek Delta which of course has the point at the
top.
Especially noteworthy among others is an Assyrian
representation (Fig. 15) in which three prisoners are be-
ing led into exile by an Assyrian king, and all three are
playing four-stringed harps on the march, but the harps
are so turned that the broad side is on top. It is very pos-
sible that these figures may represent captive Israelites.
There must have been several varieties of nebel (e. g.,
Fig. 12). A harp of ten strings (deka chord) is repeatedly
mentioned17 in clear distinction from the usual ones which
accordingly must have had fewer than ten strings, perhaps
four as in that Assyrian sketch. An instrument of six
strings is the interpretation of many exegetists of the
16 v&p\a. " Ps. xxxiii. 2 ; xcii. 4 ; cvliv. 9.
PLATE III.
FIG. 8. ASSYRIAN HARPISTS.
(British Museum.)
FIG. Q. ASSYRIAN PROCESSION OF MUSICIANS.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 249
word shushan18 which Luther translates by Rosen in the
headings to Psalms xlv, Ix, Ixix and Ixxx. When we read
in Luther's Bible in the headings to Psalms vi and xii "to
be rendered on eight strings/'19 this is hardly an accurate
translation of a musical term with which we shall occupy
ourselves later.
By far the most important stringed instrument on the
other hand, is the kinnor. Its invention is ascribed to
Jubal, and we meet with it on every hand in the most varied
occasions. The exiles hung them on the willows by the
waters of Babylon (Ps. cxxxvii. 2) and according to a
passage in the book of Isaiah, which to be sure comes from
a much later date, probably the Greek period, they are used
by harlots for the public allurement of men (Is. xxiii. 16).
For us the kinnor has indeed a conspicuous interest and
a particular significance in that it was the instrument of
King David, by which the son of Jesse subdued the mel-
ancholy of King Saul, and which he played when dancing
before the ark. We are particularly fortunate in posses-
sing an authentic copy of this instrument on an Egyptian
monument. On the tomb of Chnumhotep, the Prince of
Middle Egypt at Beni Hassan in the time of Pharaoh Usur-
tesen II of the I2th dynasty, which can not be placed later
than 2300 B. C, a procession of Semitic nomads is repre-
sented which Chnumhotep is leading into the presence of
Pharaoh in order to obtain the royal permission for a
dwelling place in Egypt. In this procession a man who
comes immediately behind the women and children is carry-
ing by a leather thong an instrument which we can not
fail to recognize as the kinnor (Fig. 3, cf. also Fig. 5). It
is a board with four rounded corners and with a sounding
hole in the upper part over which eight strings are
19 The Polychrome Bible here understands "in the eighth [mode]" or key.
The authorized version again resorts to a transcription of the Hebrew, "On
Neginoth upon Sheminith." Dr. Cornill's view is given on pages 257 f. Tr.
250 THE MONIST.
stretched. The man picks the strings with the fingers of
his left hand while he strikes them with a so-called plec-
trum,20 a small stick held in his right hand. That the
Israelites also played their stringed instruments partly with
their ringers and partly by means of such a plectrum we
might conclude from the two characteristically different
expressions for playing on strings: zamar^ "to pluck,"
and nagan22 "to strike." All antiquity was unacquainted
with the use of bows to produce sound from stringed in-
struments of any kind.
Hence the kinnor may first of all be compared to our
zither, except that it apparently had no hollow space under-
neath and no special sounding board. The stringed in-
struments as they are represented in countless different
varieties on Jewish coins (Figs. 13 and 14) do not corre-
spond either with the nebel or the kinnor but much more
closely resemble the Greek lyre23 and therefore have little
value with reference to the Old Testament.
We might also consider the gittith a stringed instru-
ment where the headings to Ps. viii, Ixxxi, and Ixxxiv, read
"upon Gittith."24 But it is very doubtful whether the word
gittith25 translates a musical instrument and not rather a
particular kind of song or melody. In either case it will be
better not to confuse the old Israelitish temple orchestra
with the gittith.
We have still to consider the wind instruments. One
of these whose invention is likewise ascribed to Jubal is
called the 'ugab.™ Besides in Gen. iv. 21, it is mentioned
twice in the book of Job, and once in Ps. cl, in which all
instruments and everything that hath breath are sum-
MThe Polychrome Bible comments: "We do not know whether Gittith
means 'belonging to the city of Gath,' which probably had been destroyed be-
fore the Babylonian Exile, or 'belonging to a wine-press' (= Song for the
Vintage?), or whether it denotes a mode or key, or a musical instrument." Tr.
25 rrro
90 D3W. It is translated in the authorized version by "organ," but in Ps. cl.
4, in the margin, as "pipe." Tr.
PLATE IV.
FIG. 10. ASSYRIAN HARP AND FLUTE PLAYERS.
FIG. II. ASSYRIAN QUARTETTE.
FIG. 12. AN ANCIENT ELEVEN-STRINGED HARP OF BABYLON.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 25!
moned to give praise and thanksgiving to God (Ps. cl. 4;
Job xxi. 12; xxx. 31). This 'ugab is most probably the
same as the bag-pipe which is of course a very primitive
and widely spread instrument familiar to us as the national
instrument of the Scotch, and best known in continental
Europe as the pilfer ari of Italy. It has been customary
to translate fugab by "shawm"; Luther calls it "pipes"
(Pfeifen).
The most important reed instrument, the flute, we find
referred to as khalil,™ only in five passages: with the
thundering music of the prophets (i Sam. x. 5) ; at the
proclamation of Solomon as the successor of David ( I
Kings i. 40) ; twice in the book of Isaiah, in connection
with the dinner music of the rich gluttons and winebibbers
at Jerusalem (v. 12), and also "when one goeth with the
pipe to come into the mountain of the Lord" (xxx. 29) ;
and finally once in the book of Jeremiah as the instrument
of mourning and lamentation, where we read (xlviii. 36),
"Therefore mine heart shall sound for Moab like pipes."
In this connection we are reminded to some extent of the
awakening of Jairus's little daughter. When Jesus reached
the house of mourning he found there before him flute
players and weeping women28 (Matt. ix. 23; Mark v. 38).
Of the construction of these flutes the Old Testament
tells us nothing and leaves nothing to be inferred, and yet
we imagine that the khalil was not a transverse flute but
probably a sort of beaked flute, thus corresponding much
more closely to our clarinet. We find the transverse flutes
only in very isolated cases on Egyptian monuments, while
on the other hand we find the beaked flutes regularly in an
overwhelming majority with the Assyrians, and indeed
often composed of two tubes as was the common form
among the Greeks (Fig. 10). But nearer than this we
27b^n. Translated in the authorized version by "pipe." Tr.
88 The English version speaks simply of "minstrels and the people making
a noise," without translating the kind of instrument used. Tr.
252 THE MONIST.
can not affirm anything with regard to their use in ancient
Israel.
We find animal horns mentioned twice among wind
instruments, as rani's horns, once indeed in connection
with the theophany of Sinai (Exodus xix. 13) and once
at the capture of Jericho (Josh. vi. 5). The term "horn,"
qeren,29 for a musical instrument comes under Greek in-
fluence again in the book of Daniel. On the other hand in
Old Testament times only the two forms shofar30 and
hatsotserah31 were in common use. On the triumphal arch
of Titus (Figs. 1 6 and 17) and on two Jewish coins
(Fig. 18) we have esthetic representations of the hatsot-
serah which was peculiarly the instrument of worship and
was blown by the priests. According to Num. x, two hat-
sotseroth (the word always occurs in the plural in the
Hebrew with one exception) were to be fashioned out of
silver by skilful handiwork and there the priests made use
of them to call together the people and to announce the
feasts and new moons. That these instruments in the
ancient temple were indeed of silver we learn also from an
incidental notice in 2 Kings xii. 13, in the reign of King
Joash. According to many pictures they are rather long
and slender and perfectly straight, widening gradually in
front into a bell mouth, hence the very instruments which
the pictures of ancient art used to place in the hands of
angels, and which may best be compared with the so-called
clarion of ancient music, a kind of clarinet made of metal.
The wind instrument which is second in importance,
the shofar, still plays a part in the worship of the syn-
agogue, but in the Old Testament, as far as religious use
is concerned it is far behind the hatsotserah. According
to Jerome the horn of the shofar is bent backward in con-
trast to the straight horn of the hatsotserah. It is espe-
cially the instrument for sounding signals of alarm, for
31 r
PLATE V.
FIG. 13. LYRES ON ANCIENT COINS.
(After Madden.)
FIG. 14. LUTES ON ANCIENT COINS
(After Madden.)
FIG. 15. SEMITIC CAPTIVES PLAYING ON FOUR-STRINGED HARPS.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 253
which purpose it was widely used. According to law
this trumpet was to be sounded on the day of atonement
every forty-ninth year, the year of jubilee (Lev. xxv. 9).
There is a noteworthy passage in the book of Isaiah where
it says that on that day at the sounding of the great trum-
pet (shofar) all the Jews scattered and exiled throughout
the whole world shall come back to worship in the holy
mount at Jerusalem (Is. xxvii. 13) ; and this eschatological
and apocalyptical passage has also become significant with
regard to the New Testament, for from it the Apostle
Paul takes the trump of the last judgment by whose sound
the dead will arise according to i Cor. xv. 52, and i Thess.
iv. 1 6. (Cf. also Matt. xxiv. 31.) According to the
prophet Zechariah the Lord of Sabaoth himself shall blow
the trumpet (shofar} at the last judgment (Zech. ix. 14).
Whether the ancient Israelites really played melodies
or signals in the natural tones of the bugle or the signal
trumpet we do not know. We have only two characteris-
tically different expressions for the blowing on the shofar
and hatsotserah, viz., "blow"32 on the instruments and
"howl"33 on them. By the first word is meant to make a
noise by short sharp blasts and by the last, by long drawn
out ringing notes. This is what we learn from the Old
Testament about musical instruments of ancient Israel
and their use.
* * *
The character of the music of ancient Israel we must
consider in general as merry and gay, almost boisterous,
so that it seemed advisable to refrain from music in the
presence of men who were ill-tempered or moody. In the
Proverbs of Solomon xxv. 20, we have the expressive
simile, "as vinegar upon nitre so is he that singeth songs
to an heavy heart." Music served most conspicuously and
was of first importance in the joys of life as, for instance,
taka*
254 THE MONIST.
dinner music, dance music, and feast music, so that the
prophet Jeremiah speaks of it as the voice of mirth and the
voice of gladness (Jer. vii. 34; xvi. 9; xxv. 10; xxxiii. n).
Even ritual music seems to have borne a worldly character
in ancient Israel, so that through the prophet Amos, God
addresses the nation in words of wrath: "Take thou away
from me the noise of thy songs; for I will not hear the
melody of thy viols" (v. 23). Amos uses here exactly the
same strong expression with which Ezekiel (xxiii. 42)
describes the singing of abandoned women in Bacchanal-
ian orgies, and (xxvi. 13) the sound of harps in the luxu-
rious commercial center of Tyre.
Since in all ancient reports men and women singers are
named together, it is therefore most probable that women
took part in the ritual service of ancient Israel. A doubt-
ful passage in Amos should according to all probability
be translated 'Then will the women singers in the temple
howl" (Amos viii. 3), and this circumstance may have
especially aroused the anger of the puritanical and un-
taught herdsman of Tekoa. But that Amos may have
had a justifiable foundation for his repugnance to the
singing of women became clear to me -when in the spring
of 1905 I attended the International Congress of Orien-
talists at Algiers as official delegate of the Prussian Gov-
ernment and had an opportunity for the first time to hear
modern Arabian music. On the second evening of the
Congress a lecture was offered to us on "La musique
arabe" illustrated by concrete examples. At the left of
the lecturer was a group of male, and on the right a group
of female musicians, which at his signal performed their
corresponding parts. But since no provision was made
for reserved seats, then or at any other session of the con-
gress, there ensued a battle of elbows in open competition,
and the hall was much too small for the number of the
members of the Congress, which seemed to be the chronic
PLATE VI.
FIG. l6. RELIEF ON THE ARCH OF TITUS.
Showing the Trumpets (hatsotserotJi] taken from Herod's Temple.
FIG. 17. DETAIL FROM FIG. l6.
FIG. l8. TRUMPETS ON ANCIENT JEWISH COIN.
(After Madden.)
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 255
state of things in Algiers. Hence with my particular gift
always and everywhere to get the worst place, I was
pressed against the farthest wall, where it was necessary
in this instance to stand for two good hours wedged in a
tearfully crowded corner, and so, greatly to my sorrow,
many occurrences escaped me.
Still the impression of the whole was decidedly strik-
ing, presumably because of the difference between male and
female singing. Never did both groups perform together
in a mixed chorus (just as Orientals do not recognize a
dance between men and women) but each group sang by
itself. The song and music of the men was very solemn
and dignified, in slow time without a distinct rhythm or
melodious cadence, but in a sort of recitative (Sprech-
gesang) which is now in vogue in the latest music. The
music of the women was very different. In their perform-
ance all was fire and life. They sang in a pronounced
melody with sharply accentuated- rhythm in a passionate
tempo, and they treated the instruments upon which they
accompanied their singing with incredible expression. Not
only throat and fingers but the whole person in all its mem-
bers was engaged in making music. If we may imagine
the women who sang in ancient Israel entirely or approxi-
mately like their modern feminine counterparts, it is easy
to understand how a man like the prophet Amos at the
outbreak of such a band in the temple at Bethel might have
received the impression of a "variety show" in church.
And another thing occurred to me in connection with the
songs of those women, that according to the language of
music they are all composed in minor, and indeed only
in the two scales of D Minor and A Minor, which with
their characteristic intervals in the case of the so-called
"church" keys have been named Doric and Aeolic, — so
then we see that just as a deep meaning often lies in the
games of children, the familiar German pun that the trum-
256 THE MONIST.
pets of the Israelites before the walls of Jericho were
blown in the key of D Minor (D moll) because they de-
molished those walls, was not made entirely out of whole
cloth.
This brings us quite naturally to the question whether
or not the music of ancient Israel had a tone system and
a definite scale. When even on the earliest Egyptian and
Assyrian monuments the pointed harps have strings of
constantly diminishing length and the flutes have sound-
holes where the players manipulate their fingers, it is ab-
solutely necessary for us to investigate this question, for
these pictorial illustrations testify to definite tones of vary-
ing pitch and in that case a fixed scale must have previously
existed.
To be sure I must at the outset abandon one means of
determining this scale, and that is accent. Besides the
vowel signs our Hebrew texts have also so-called accents
which perform a threefold function; first as accent in its
proper signification to indicate the stress of voice, then as
punctuation marks, and finally as musical notation. This
accent also denotes a definite melisma, or a definite cadence
according to which the emphasized word in the intoned
discourse of the synagogue (the so-called nig gun84) was
to be recited. The learned bishop of the Moravian Breth-
ren and counsellor of the Brandenburg consistory, Daniel
Ernst Jablonski, in the preface to the Berlin edition of 1699
of the Old Testament made under his patronage, under-
took to rewrite these accents according to the custom of
the Sefardim, (that is, of the Spanish-Portuguese Jews)
in modern notes and has thus rewritten in notes one longer
coherent passage in Genesis (xlviii. 15, 16), which I
sometimes have occasion to sing to my students at col-
lege. But this nig gun, as evidence has lately been found
to prove, is of Christian origin, an imitation of the so-
< s
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 257
called neumes?5 used in the Greco-Syrian communities of
the Orient in reciting the Gospels, and accordingly has been f
handed down from the church to the synagogue, and so
for ancient Israel and its music has no meaning ; — at least
directly, for the Church was essentially under Greek in-
fluence, and Greek music must not be identified with that
of ancient Israel, nor must the latter be constructed accord-
ing to the former. The only trace, although an uncertain
one, in the Old Testament itself appears in the expression
which I have however already mentioned, and which Lu-
ther translates "on eight strings" (auf acht Saiten). But
in Hebrew the word is sheminith" meaning "ordinal num-
ber" so that we must not translate "on eight" but "on (or
after) the eighth." Accordingly a musician can hardly do
otherwise than insert this "eighth" in the familiar octave,
the foundation of our tone system, and assume that the
ancient Israelites also had a scale of seven intervals so that
the eighth becomes the same scale but placed an octave
higher. And this interpretation has also a support in the
Old Testament. Our principal source for the^ music of
ancient Israel is the Biblical book of Chronicles which has
4
evidently been written by a specialist, a Levitical musician
of the temple, who offers us a complete series of technical
statements with regard to ancient musical culture. So we
read in one of the most important passages ( i Chron. xv.
20, 21 ) that a circle of temple musicians played upon the
neb el, the harp, al alamoth*7 literally translated "after the
manner of maidens," and another on the kinnor, the lute,
al hashshemimth*8 literally, "after the eighth." By the
designation "after the manner of maidens" can only be
meant the~high clear voices of women, that is to say so-
prano, and then it is of course natural to see in the "eighth"
the deeper voices of the men an octave lower. If this com-
bination is correct, and it is at least very promising, we
85
258 THE MONIST.
see clearly proven in it the existence of a scale of seven
intervals, even if we know nothing about the particular
intervals and their relation to each other.
Another characteristic of the music of ancient Israel
is that it does not take into account pure instrumental
music, the so-called absolute music, but on the contrary
regards instruments simply as accompaniment for singing.
The usage of the language is significant with regard to
this point. The Hebrew calls instruments kele hashshir,"
"instruments of song" and calls musicians simply "sing-
ers" ; for it has long been observed that in the. passages
which treat of singers in the proper sense a particular form
of the participle is always found, the so-called Kal*° while
another participial form of the same root, the so-called
Polel^ designates musicians in general. Accordingly Is-
rael considers the essential nature and the foundation of
all music to be in song, in Melos. And what an ingenious
instinct, what an artistic delicacy of feeling is given utter-
ance in this designation! The end pursued by modern
music is to compress the living human voice into a dead
instrument, while the great musicians of all times have
considered it their task rather to let the instruments sing,
to put a living human soul into the dead wood, metal, or
sheepgut. Such was the case with the people of Israel.
Likewise the music of ancient Israel knew nothing of
polyphony which is an abomination to Orientals in gen-
eral. And to be sure must not polyphony be designated as
a two-edged sword ? For counterpoint is commonly under-
stood to come in exactly at the point when the musician
lacks melody and conception. And what is even the most
artistic polyphony of a Richard Strauss or a Max Reger
compared to the heavenly melody of the larghetto in Mo-
zart's clarinet quintet! What the chronicler considers an
ideal performance is stated in a characteristic passage:
89 TTn VTO
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 259
"It came even to pass, as the trumpeters and singers were
as one, to make one sound to be heard in praising and
thanking the Lord" (2 Chron. v. 13). Hence a single
powerful unisono is the ideal of the music of ancient Israel.
The passage of Chronicles above quoted, leads us to the
dedication of Solomon's temple. And since Israel is the
nation of religion, and as we are moreover best informed
by the chronicler just about temple music, we shall in con-
clusion make an attempt to sketch a picture of the temple
music of ancient Israel.
With regard to the orchestra of the temple, the lack of
wooden wind-instruments is noteworthy. Even the flute
is mentioned only once in connection with a procession of
pilgrims (Is. xxx. 29), 42 but never in connection with the
worship proper.
Since the trumpets were reserved for the use of the
priests in giving signals at certain definite places in the
ritual, the temple orchestra consisted only of stringed in-
struments, harps and lutes, so that the music of the temple
is repeatedly called simply "stringed music," neginah.43
And to these stringed instruments cymbals also may
be added. These three instruments, cymbals, harps and
lutes are always mentioned in this order as played by the
Levites.
The Levites were again divided into three groups after
David's three singing masters, Asaph, Heman and Jedu-
thun (sometimes Ethan). Since these three names always
occur in the same order we are led to combine the corres-
ponding systems and to give to Asaph the cymbals, to
Heman the "harp, and to Jeduthun the lute; and for the
first and third of these combinations we have corroborative
48 The Polychrome Bible reads "Joy of heart like his who sets forth to
the flute to go to the mountain of Yahveh," but in the authorized version the
instrument is called "pipe" and not "flute." Tr.
43 rWM. In the headings of Psalms iv, vi, liv, Iv, Ixi, Ixvii, and Ixxvi. C£
also Is. xxxviii. 20; and Hab. iii. 19.
26O THE MONIST.
quotations: Once in i Chron. xvi. 5, it is expressly men-
tioned as a function of Asaph, that he "made a sound with
cymbals" ; and again in i Chron. xxv. 3, Jeduthun is men-
tioned as he "who prophesied with a lute."44 This shows
us how to understand the heading of the three Psalms
xxxix, Ixii, and Ixxvii, "To Jeduthun."45 These evidently
are to be accompanied only by Jeduthun with the lute, and
this agrees with the grave and somber character of those
three psalms.
This indicates that even in the most primitive beginnings
there was an art of instrumentation which took into con-
sideration the timbre of the instruments, and as a modern
analogy we might point out certain priestly passages in the
Magic Flute. The wonderful effect of these passages rests
on the fact that Mozart neglected the common usage
(which would have combined two violins with a tenor and
bass viol in the string quartette) and left out the violins,
assigning the quartette exclusively to the viols. But just
here in this division of instruments is a point expressly
handed down by tradition, which must appear strange to
us: to Asaph who is always mentioned in the first place
and apparently acts as the first orchestra leader, is assigned
only the ringing brass of the cymbals. But these cymbals
apparently served the purpose of a baton in the hand of a
modern orchestra leader marking the rhythm with their
sharp penetrating tone and so holding together the whole.
The trumpets of the priests were to serve the people as "a
memorial before God" (Num. x. 9-10). Hence they are
in some measure a knocking at the door of God, and ap-
parently have the same function as the bell at a Catholic
44 The English version translates this also as "harp." Tr.
45 Wellhausen in his Notes to the Polychrome Edition of The Book of
Psalms thus explains the word which he translates as "for (or from) Jedu-
thun." "Jeduthun, like Korah and Asaph, was the name of a post-Exilic guild
of temple-musicians. .. .Hence the Psalms may have been attributed to them
originally in just the same way that many German hymns are attributed to the
Moravian Brethren : they belonged originally to a private collection, and sub-
sequently found their way into the common hymn-book." Tr.
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 26l
mass in giving the people the signal to fall upon their knees
(2 Chron. xxix. 27-28). The supposition has been ex-
pressed that the puzzling selah in the Psalms, which un-
doubtedly had a musical liturgical sense and indicated an
interruption of the singing by instruments, marked the
places where the priests blew their trumpets — an assump-
tion which can be neither proved nor disproved.
What now is the case with regard to the temple song
which of course was the singing of psalms? We learn
from Chronicles that the later usage removed women's
voices from the service and recognized only Levitical sing-
ers. In a remarkable passage (Psalms Ixviii. 25) which
describes a procession of the second temple the women still
come into prominence as "damsels playing with timbrels"
but ordinarily only male singers and lute players are men-
tioned. But if Psalm xlvi, for instance, were sung accord-
ing to its inscription "after the manner of maidens,"46 we
must assume that the men sang in a falsetto, just as not
so very long ago when women's voices were in the same
manner excluded from the service of the Evangelical
Church, falsetto was regularly practised and belonged to
the art of Church music.
With regard to the melodies to which the Psalms were
sung, here again, as it seems, we have the same process
as in the German Church songs. When we find ascribed
to the Psalms as melodies the words "To the Tune of the
Winepress,"47 Psalms viii, Ixxxi, Ixxxiv; "To the Tune
of Lilies,"48 Psalms xlv, Ix, Ixix, Ixxx; "To the Tune of
The Hind of^the Dawn,"49 Psalm xxii; "To the Tune of
The Dove of Far-off Islands,"50 Psalm Ivi; or according
46 This part of the heading to Psalm xlvi, Luther translates, "Von der
Jugend, vorzusingen" ; the authorized English version gives "a song upon
Alamoth"; and the Polychrome Bible says "with Elamite instruments." Tr.
47 rrmn by if derived from H3 winepress. « WVW by
49 "iniz?n nrx by
60 E"pm E5N n:V by, the B5« being regarded as an error in writing D"X«
262 THE MONIST.
to the somewhat doubtful interpretation, Ps. v, "To the
Tune of A Swarm of Bees/'51 we can not doubt that they
originally were secular melodies, folk-songs which found
admittance into the worship of the people.
With regard to the arrangement of the temple orchestra
the chronicler is again able to give us information: the
singing Levites stood at the east end of the bronze altar
of burnt sacrifice (2 Chron. v. 12) opposite the priests
who sounded the trumpets (2 Chron. vii. 6) ; that is to
say to the west of them. This statement to be sure involves
difficulties since the whole temple was orientated from west
to east so that if the Levites stood before the altar they
must have obstructed the entrance to its steps and the
priests were entirely concealed behind it. But we must
not on this account doubt the definite statement of so com-
petent an authority as the chronicler.
Of a musical liturgical service in the ancient temple
we have two vivid descriptions: one from the chronicler
and one from Jesus Sirach. The chronicler gives us the
following description of a Passover in the first year of
the reign of King Hezekiah (2 Chron. xxix. 26-30) :
"And the Levites stood with the instruments of David,
and the priests with the trumpets.
And Hezekiah commanded to offer the burnt offering
upon the altar. And when the burnt offering began, the
song of the Lord began also with the trumpets, and with
the instruments ordained by David king of Israel.
"And all the congregation worshipped, and the singers
sang, and the trumpeters sounded: and all this continued
until the burnt offering was finished.
"And when they had made an end of offering, the king
and all that were present with him bowed themselves, and
worshipped.
"Moreover Hezekiah the king and the princes com-
MUSIC IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 263
manded the Levites to sing praise unto the Lord with the
words of David, and of Asaph the seer. And they sang
praises with gladness, and they bowed their heads and
worshipped."
And Jesus Sirach says in describing the installation of
Simon, a contemporary, as high priest, (Ecclesiasticus 1.
15-21):
"He stretched out his hand to the cup, and poured of
the blood of the grape, he poured out at the foot of the
altar a sweetsmelling savour unto the most high King of
all.
"Then shouted the sons of Aaron, and sounded the
silver trumpets, and made a great noise to be heard, for
a remembrance before the most High.
"Then all the people together hasted, and fell down to
the earth upon their faces to worship their Lord God Al-
mighty, the most High. ,
"The singers also sang praises with their voices, with
great variety of sounds was there made sweet melody.
"And the people besought the Lord, the most High,
by prayer before him that is merciful, till the solemnity
of the Lord was ended, and they had finished the service.
"Then he went down, and lifted up his hands over the
whole congregation of the children of Israel, to give the
blessing of the Lord with his lips, and to rejoice in his name.
"And they bowed themselves down to worship the sec-
ond time, that they might receive a blessing from the most
High."
Here we see art inserted organically in the whole of the
service; music too, like the swallow, had found a nest on
the altar of the Lord of Hosts (Psalm Ixxxiv, 3).
From such descriptions we comprehend the enthusiastic
love and devotion of the Israelite for his temple where
everything that was beautiful in his eyes was consecrated
and illumined by religion, where he "might behold the
264 THE MONIST.
beautiful worship of the Lord," as Luther translates Ps.
xxvii. 4, incorrectly to be sure, but most comfortingly;52
and music has contributed the richest share in making
this "beautiful worship of the Lord."
Both the secular and temple music of ancient Israel
have long since died out in silence. Not one tone has re-
mained alive, not one note of her melodies do we hear, but
not in vain did it resound in days of old. Without temple
music there would be no temple song ; without temple song,
no psalms. The psalms belong to the most precious treas-
ures among the spiritual possessions of mankind ; these we
owe to the music of ancient Israel, and in them the temple
music of ancient Israel continues to live to-day and will
endure for all time.
CARL HEINRICH CORNILL.
BRESLAU, GERMANY.
sa The authorized version has simply "the beauty of the Lord." Tr.
SOME CURRENT BELIEFS IN THE LIGHT OF
HERACLEITUS'S DOCTRINE.
THE "sage'' of Ephesus "flourished," we are told, in
the sixty-ninth Olympiad, five hundred years before
Christ. But the fallacies he then attacked are still com-
monly held and taught ; for his argument is seldom studied
and little understood. Heracleitus himself was oppressed
with a sense of the novelty of his teaching, and by the
difficulty of rendering it in terms of speech and thought
then current. His message, thefefore, is set in metaphor,
and needs reinterpretation for each succeeding age ; so that
men still come upon his meaning as upon hidden gold.
"Uttering things solemn and unadorned, he reaches
over a thousand years with his voice, because of the
god in him."
A. Let us first consider his attitude towards material-
ism. Just as we say that energy and even the amount of
energy persist, while kinetic energy becomes potential, and
potential energy becomes kinetic; so Anaximenes had
taught that something he called ether persists, while it is
alternately condensed and rarefied, to form all the phe-
nomena of life. Heracleitus argues that we can not find
anything which thus persists.
"All things change; nothing abides."
The life of one thing is the death of another. Of that
266 THE MONIST.
energy which is said to persist unchanged in amount, no
account can be given, nor can any reason be advanced for
supposing that there is such a "something, I know not
what." As Mach has said, all that we know is that in many
cases kinetic energy which has been expended, or potential
energy that has ceased to exist, may be recovered', — as
where a ball is thrown into the air, where rain is lifted
to the mountain tops, where chemical elements or mag-
netized particles are sundered, where heat and mechanical
energy are converted into electrical "stress," and zw^z^nya.
It is mere metaphor to say that the energy persists, for we
can not assign to energy any meaning which is common
to kinetic and to potential energy, except the possibility
of reversing the change. In other words it is not the
thing, energy, but the order, the law of reversibility, which
persists.
Therefore, from the never ending flux of things, Herac-
leitus directs our attention to the order, which he conceives
to be "the same in all things"; which "no one of gods or
men has made."
B. But his argument is fatal to a view that has been
adopted by a large part of the Christian Church, that this
unchanging order is one day to take the place of the pres-
ent flux and strife of opposites in the world we know. The
order exists now in the strife and must be found there.
A world of peace is a world of death.
"Homer was wrong in saying 'would that strife
might perish from among gods and men !' He did not
know that he was praying for the destruction of the
universe ; for if his prayer were heard all things would
pass away." "War is the father of all and the king of
all."
C. A view still more popular among us receives from
Heracleitus some deadly blows. Evolution and progress
CURRENT BELIEFS AND HERACLEITUS. 267
and betterment seem to many essential, if the world is to
have meaning. Heracleitus shows that for the universe,
at least, progress is a superficial aspect. For every move-
ment and development seems to await a day of reversal, —
of degeneration. The law of compensation is world-wide.
Movement is not continuous in any direction, but oscillates
around some fixed measure. The life of man and of the
earth, the solar system and the bi-polar drift of the stars
seem to await a day when their present tendencies will be
reversed. And if this is so, then how superficial is that
progress which, after all, is but an approach to the day
when the return movement will begin.
And it must be noted that all progress implies a stand-
ard of preference. But, "for the gods," all things that are,
are good, and all standards of preference are based upon
the partial outlook of the individual.
"Men themselves have made a law unto themselves,
not knowing what they made it about; but the gods
have ordered the nature of all things. Now the ar-
rangements which men have made are never constant,
neither when they are right nor when they are wrong ;
but all the arrangements which the gods have made
are always right, both when they are right and when
they are wrong. So great is the difference."
D. But the pessimism which a late tradition has as-
signed him receives in fact from Heracleitus a splendid
refutation. All the negations we have thus far considered,
—of fixity in things, of an ultimate peace, of genuine
progress, refer, he says, in the nature of the case, to a re-
stricted point of view, which unfortunately has always
prevailed among men. Ignorance and passion confine us
each one in a world of our own, which is related to the
real world, the common world, much as the land of dreams
is related to that world of waking life, which all men in
268 THE MONIST.
some measure share. The wise man alone is fully awake,
and, looking at the world without prejudice, he sees, not
merely a world of good and evil, and a constant flux of
particular things, but rather a single, splendid, flaming
life, "an everliving fire," in which fixed, eternal measures
prevail.
To him the strife of the world is not mere confusion,
but the opposition of forces which, through their tension,
stretch the chords of life to an infinite variety of tones.
These, when touched by the spirit of contemplation, sound
to the ear of wisdom like a harmony of unequaled beauty.
The path towards wisdom would seem, then, to be de-
fined in a comparatively simple fashion. To know the life
of the world man must cherish in himself, also, a similar
life, not hoping to attain the passionless light of the gods,
but preserving in his soul the balance appropriate to it,
between the control of reason and the satisfaction of desire.
He will participate in the conflicts of life, and enter fully
into their zest and glory. But he will look for his real
satisfaction, not in the outcome of the conflict, but in the
perception of the nature of the conflict. Thus the poli-
tician, while contending valiantly, will have every minute
his prize and pleasure, in noting throughout the strife the
operation of the laws of political life, of party government,
and of human nature. Wisdom, therefore, is to be viewed
not so much as an accumulation, but as insight, momen-
tarily renewed. Thus the wise man is ever poor, — "in
spirit," — for his wealth never stays with him, but comes
and goes each instant. He ever hungers and thirsts for
righteousness, and is ever filled. In this way his is the
kingdom of heaven.
This I take to be the teaching of Heracleitus.
PERCY HUGHES, PH.D.
LEHIGH UNIVERSITY, SOUTH BETHLEHEM, PA.
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RE-
LIGION.
1^ HE great historical interest attaching to Natural His-
tory of Religion* is due to its being the origin of the
modern science of religion. Considering the non-existence
of any previous work and the material at disposal — very
limited compared to that at hand nowadays — one cannot
help admiring Hume's lucidity and precision in laying down
those questions of principle still treated by the present
science of religion. Not the less amazing is his develop-
ment of religion in its main features. It has taken more
than a century before this development has met with imi-
tations perhaps equal to Hume's old work, a fact which
imparts to it a value far beyond the historical one.
The philosophy of religion is generally divided in three
parts : the metaphysical, criticising the theoretical validity
* Hume's Natural History of Religion, which was written about 1751 and
published 1757, is printed in Green and Grose's Standard edition of Hume's
works and in the old editions of his essays, which are now only to be had at
secondhand. The need of a cheap edition of Hume's essays has given rise to
a most objectionable undertaking, Ward, Lock & Bowden (afterwards Rout-
ledge & Sons) having brought out an edition, the anonymous publisher of
which omits sentences of vital importance — no doubt on account of a certain
bigoted tendency. The result is a corruption of Hume's opinion of so auda-
cious a nature as to be almost unequalled in modern times. In order to
counteract this abominable falsification and to give Hume's ingenious work a
wider circulation than its present one, Mr. John W. Robertson has arranged
a separate edition at a price of one shilling. This edition, perfectly correct,
with an excellent preface (A. and H. Bradlaugh Bonner) makes the public in
England and all the world over indebted to him. Wishing to draw attention
to this meritorious little edition I shall also endeavor to show the significance
of Hume's work, a significance which only of late has been fully conceived.
In this way I want to give a clue which will make the apprehension easier;
without such a clue it is often somewhat difficult to catch the principal ideas
of the work, partly veiled by additions commanded by time and circumstances.
27O THE MONIST.
of religious notions; the ethical, treating the value of re-
ligion in behalf of the individual and the race; and the
psychological historical, examining the origin and develop-
ment of religious conceptions.
It is this last, the proper science of religion, of which
Hume has laid the foundation in the present work. But
a criticism of the religious notions must precede an exami-
nation depending on the fundamental idea that the religious
notions are only to be explained through psychology and
history. The work of Hume's which originated the modern
science of religion as its principal point of view implies a
spiritual development in the history of human thought.
By another work Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion
(written in 1751, but not published till 1779, three years
after Hume's death) Hume finished the critical examina-
tion, returning the last question of science in reply to the
question of the theoretical validity of religious notions.
Besides being the founder of the proper science of religion,
Hume became the accomplisher of the critical philosophy of
religion, the latter quality determining the former. In the
history of religious problems he is the great focus concen-
trating all the rays, his contribution in this domain prov-
ing him a pioneer still more than his examinations con-
cerning metaphysics and ethics — examinations which are
far more appreciated.
The great development in the history of English in-
tellectual science which Hume's thoughts rested upon and
brought to an end, is generally comprised under the name
of English deism. The criticism of the popular notion of
God, hidden under the new name "deism," originated in
Greece like most other pioneering thoughts. Xenophanes,
the founder of the Eleatic school, was the first known
person entitled to the name of deist. He was the originator
as Hume was the accomplisher. He started the inquiry
into religion in a purely psychological way. The deism of
DAVID HUME S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 271
recent time refers to antiquity. The rupture with the in-
herited range of ideas indicated by deism in the philosophy
of the Renaissance, originated in the thoughts of Plato,
Aristotle and the Stoics. The first pioneers are Cusanus
(De pace sen concordia ftdei, 1453), Ficinus (De religione
Christiana, 1474), Montaigne (Essays, 1580), and espe-
cially Bodin, who in 1593 wrote the Colloquium heptaplo-
meres, a religious philosophical work which, however,
became of no great consequence, as it appeared only in
a few manuscript copies circulating exclusively in the
literary world. Even if Bodin is the actual founder of
deism, it was the English philosophy that had to prepare
the way from a historical point of view. The English
deism was initiated by Herbert of Cherbury (1581-1648)
as the doctrine of "natural religion." It was then gen-
erally believed that one could refer to a "law of nature/'
certain unchangeable principles forming the immovable
basis of any judicial system. In like manner Herbert of
Cherbury was of the opinion that all religions rest on five
axioms, which in their pure state form the historical basis
of the later, misrepresented popular religions. This quint-
essence of religion tends to prove the existence of a God
best worshiped by piety, and the fact of a future life, ad-
ministering reward and wrath, and in a mere psychological
way Herbert of Cherbury founded the five fundamental
dogmas on natural instinct (De veritate, 1624, De religione
gentilium, 1645). By his arguments for the existence of
God, Descartes (1596-1650) tried to give the "natural
religion" a rational basis (Meditationes, 1641). The same
aim appears in Locke (1632-1704), who by definite ex-
amples wanted to fasten the "natural religion" trying at
the same time to bring it in closer connection with the
dogmas of Christianity (Reasonableness of Christianity,
1695). This tendency transforms "natural religion" into
Locke's rationalism, continued by Clarke (1675-1729),
272 THE MONIST.
Wollaston (1659-1724), and Toland (1670-1722) in his
first work (Christianity not Mysterious, 1696). The close
connection which Locke wished to establish between nat-
ural and revealed religion, was again loosened by the
genuine deists in the i8th century. The protagonists are
Toland (chiefly by Pantheistic on, 1720), Shaftesbury
(1671-1713), Collins (1676-1729), Tindal (1656-1733),
Chubb (1679-1742), Bolingbroke (1662-1751), and Mor-
gan ( P-I743). All of them decidedly maintained that the
moral principle, being independent of the positive religions,
is the true basis of any religion, assertions which made
them confine true religion in a very few doctrines, i. e.,
natural religion was again severed from Christianity, op-
posing it in a more conscious way than before. Generally
the arguments for natural religion were adhered to, and in
some places the need of a historical view of religion wras
manifest. This tendency appears with Morgan, but most
obviously with Conyers Middleton ( 1683-1750) in his Let-
ter from Rome (1729), but Hume and Gibbon (1737-97)
were the first authors who made it more than mere at-
tempts.
' In Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion Hume crit-
icises the prevailing arguments for the existence of God,
first answering the cosmological and ontological ones. The
main attack is turned against the argument from the ade-
quacy of the world, in refuting which Hume gets an oppor-
tunity to give an ingenious anticipation of Darwin's theory
(Parts V and VIII). The work is formed as a dialogue
between three persons, an orthodox, only serving the others
as a pawn on the chess-board, a representative of English
deism, and finally Philo, a skeptic whose argumentation
occupies the greater part of the work. Hume's preference
for presenting his critical philosophy of religion in the
form of a dialogue is certainly to be understood as a meas-
ure of precaution. At that time people ran a risk in speak-
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 273
ing their mind plainly. Hume did not even venture to
publish the Dialogues himself, but he attached much im-
portance to its being published after his death. His friends,
Adam Smith, the famous political economist and philos-
opher, and Wm. Strahan, his publisher, did not venture
to undertake the publication. Hume had foreseen this cir-
cumstance, and in his last will he appointed the younger
David Hume, his nephew, to publish the Dialogue in case
of its not appearing within two years and a half after his
death.
* In this Dialogue Hume gives his own conception of
life ; though he makes some reservations, it is a fact beyond
dispute that Philo, and only he, represents Hume's own
opinions. These are practically far behind the English
deism and may be summed up in the following words. It
is no good advancing arguments for any religious doctrine,
not even for the general dogmas of "natural religion."
In contemplating life with all its "contrasts we are not even
justified in assuming as reasonable the theory of a benevo-
lent and mighty Being. The true conclusion for human
beings is the belief in a world, carrying on its operations,
indifferent to all our notions of good and evil. The world
itself is neither good nor evil. "It were therefore wise in
us to limit all our inquiries to the present world, without
looking farther. No satisfaction can ever be attained by
these speculations which so far exceed the narrow bounds
of human understanding" (Part IV and XI)*. A further
penetration into the treatise will make it evident that
Hume's real aim was against deism, natural religion
founded upon certain theoretical or moral arguments. De-
ism had made revealed religion irrational. Hume pointed
out that religion is irrational, even in its abstractest and
most rational form, the belief of the deist in theoretical or
ethical rationality. The words finishing Natural History
* Vide Green & Grose, II, p. 409.
274 THE MONIST.
of Religion run parallel with those sentences of Philo, im-
parting the innermost recesses of Hume's philosophy of
life. His position is that of pure positivism, which does not
leave even religious and moral questions as ultimate ques-
tions, a positivism doing away with those questions which
are excluded from any rational solution, not acting in this
way to end in a barren skepticism but in the work of secular
life, the most fertile and most positive of all. Our path
through life becomes less frightful when we perceive that
gods and hells are only dreams and chimeras. The persons
undertaking the mere secular work with the greater vigor
are those who consider it their only object of life, whose
limit is the limit of all things. In his works Hume imparts
to us his wisdom of life which probably is to become life's
final wisdom. He speaks with plainness and simplicity,
disdaining the vague symbols and quaint words which so
often have slurred and will slur the simple gospel of life.
Hume's ending in this rigorous, positive conception of life
was not due to indolence ; on the contrary, he went to the
bottom of the question. In his view it was man's duty to
surrender everything to humanity.
No doubt the reader will wonder why Hume constantly
treats of the true and genuine theism, founded on incontest-
able, rational arguments, especially on those tending to
prove the adequacy of nature. But all this is vox et prae-
terea nihil. Hume has considered it convenient to take
refuge in the abstract deism. In each chapter he makes
it an official bow, maintaining the old superiority which
characterized his occasional bows to Christianity and to
the Established Church. One has to remember that Hume
himself was the publisher of this work, and Hume was a
cautious man disdaining religion and metaphysics too much
to entertain any wish of being further inconvenienced by
these things which were utterly indifferent to him. In a
famous letter to his friend Edmonstoune Hume determines
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 275
what character a young clergyman is to assume. The
young man is a sort of disciple of Hume's, having acquired
notions not very consistent with his priestly character, i. e.,
he does not believe in all of the Thirty-nine Articles. In
Hume's opinion he is to accept of the living with an easy
mind. Unfortunately he himself had spoken his mind too
plainly to be a hypocrite in this particular, but he advises
every one not to turn martyr in favor of some quite in-
different opinions, concerning questions unknown to eVery
one, but in silence to worship the gods in conformity with
the custom of the empire. "Did ever one make it a point
of honor to speak truth to children or madmen?" (Burton,
Life and Correspondence of David Hume, 1846, II, 188).
Hume has been reproached for paying compliments to
Christianity, a practice taking example from the antecedent
philosophers though contrary to Hume's persuasion. To
call this proceeding hypocrisy would be rather a strong
assertion. In the first place these sentences are so cold and
formal that one cannot possibly attach too much import-
ance to them. In the second place Hume did not wish to
make himself a martyr for the sake of Christianity. Hume
never became a martyr; his very positivism must needs
consider it a mere stupidity to aim at a martyrdom which
could not benefit anybody. Those having a mission in life
are the very persons to comply with regard to details in
order to conquer when opposed to questions of vital im-
portance. They make a contrast to the little ones first
seeking the kingdom of God. Hume sacrificed the formal-
ities in order to maintain the realities. Though he started
with a ceremonious bow he preferred to stand as a free
and independent man — rather than run the risk of being
brought down or crushed by a religion whose freedom
in heaven relied on the most brutal instruments of power
ever employed here on earth. To do in Rome as the Ro-
mans do, is a good moral principle ; if the State demands
2/6 THE MONIST.
it one is to sacrifice to the image of Caesar; i. e., only, if in
doing so one acts for the general good, without believing
that a trifle of frankincense might bar the road to heaven.
Hume's contemporaries did not mistake his opinions, a fact
shown for one thing in the statement of his funeral. It
was thought necessary that his grave should be watched
by two men for eight nights, to prevent it from being
violated by the mob.
Hume has smilingly told an untruth in every chapter
of the work here before us, he has made the official bow
to children and madmen, fully aware that this reverence
would make even more intelligent people consider him a
deist — an opinion which was justified. On the other hand
he was no doubt perfectly sure that intelligent people later
on would understand his true mind, conceiving that the
two works practically making the strongest attack on any
religion, in regard to English deism, may be understood
as the continual refrain of Marc Antony's dreadful speech
of accusation,
"For Brutus is an honorable man."
English natural religion, rationalism, or deism was
sufficiently honest; so honest as to make even Hume use
it as a screen in his dealing with children and madmen;
otherwise he knew perfectly well that his stand and that of
the deist differed infinitely more from each other than did
deism from positive religions. Hume's protest against
the name of atheist (vide Burton, II, 220) was due to his
dislike of all that sort of indications. In his opinion the
affirmation of the nonexistence of God was as dogmatical
as the sure belief in his being. We know nothing and
cannot possibly know anything concerning the world, its
origin or ruin, of the continuation or passing away of its
values. Nor ought we to occupy ourselves with that sort
of ideas which only tend to distract the work from tem-
poral society, cause strife and anxiety, suffer essential and
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 277
unessential questions to make distinctions where no dis-
tinctions ought to be, — this was Hume's conception, which
he maintained against the positive popular religions, nay
even against the natural religion behind the honesty of
which he sought shelter.
In this connection I had better premise an explanation
of a definite head in Hume's terminology. On almost
every page he uses the word theism, which he opposes to
polytheism, used of any religion having several gods or
demi-gods. Polytheism identifies all systems of idolatry,
national religion, paganism and superstition. It is more
difficult to explain the meaning of "theism," used by Hume
in two significations. Generally it denotes monotheism
(used in section IX), a term however including "genuine
theism/' Only in one passage he uses the word deism
(vide section XII, where he speaks of "avoiding the im-
putation of deism and profaneness") but this "genuine
theism" is indeed the very natural religion laid down by
the English deists, starting with Herbert of Cherbury,
ending with Hume, a fact plainly shown by Hume's own
definitions (sections VI, and XIV). According to this
definition the popular monotheism and the "genuine the-
ism" (i. e., deism), both included in the appellation of
theism, differ as to their principles. The former asserts
a "particular providence," i. e., the deity may be induced
by prayer to encroach upon the natural causes, breaking
his own laws. The latter admits of "an original Provi-
dence," i. e., the deity governs the world according to
general, settled laws, the course of which is free and un-
disturbed. In this connection I shall call attention to the
Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748, section
XI, "Of a Particular Providence and of a Future State")
and further to a letter to Mure, in which Hume decidedly
maintains that "the prayer is very dangerous, and leads
directly, and even unavoidably, to impiety and blasphemy"
278 THE MONIST.
(Burton, I, 162-164). Considering Hume's individual
view of religion and the caution he showed when he men-
tioned it before the public, it will easily be understood
that it was his very wish to leave the term theism in
vagueness. With the word theism on his lips he could
make his official bow both to the right and left flanks of
Christianity. To the right even able to attack it in driving
at Catholicism, paying a special reverence to the Church
of England. To the left, bowing to the "sublime doc-
trines," which the English deism considered the heart of
all religion, both from a theoretical and — chiefly — from
an ethical point of view.
But there is another fact causing the vagueness of the
term theism. Hume was practically unable to draw the
line between theism and polytheism. His very superiority
appears in his perceiving that the distinction between one
god and several gods has no scientific signification. In
the end the notions converge into one another. The theism
professing "a particular Providence" is considered as be-
longing to the popular religions. After all Hume feels
convinced that all religion as it really exists, is popular
religion or superstition (Dialogues, Part XII; cf. Jodl,
Leben und Philosophic David Humes, p. 194). The "gen-
uine theism" does not really exist, unless in the mind of a
few philosophers whose meditations are far from life's
reality. There only remains a vague distinction between
the higher and lower strata within religion, and Hume's
ingeniousness manifests itself in his putting down the law
for the principles of religion. He is the first to point out
that the strata are fluctuating. The religious conceptions
having obtained a certain height are either entirely un-
done or they are dragged downwards into the great living
depths from which they rose. The everlasting communi-
cation with this depth is the condition of their carrying
on their life. There is no limit between the higher and
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION.
lower religious strata, only a continual movement, an ever-
lasting flux and reflux. According to the interpretation of
the words theism and polytheism are to be defined as
higher and lower strata within religion. Hume's con-
centrating all his inquiries into the relation of these strata
is the cause of his penetrating more than any other into
the innermost problem of religious science. The philos-
ophers of quite recent days can hardly be said to have
surpassed him.
Hobbes (1588-1679) laid down the first stone of the
edifice of the modern science of religion by his indication
of the "unknown causes," which are embodied and dei-
fied. The gods are created by our ignorance of real causes
and by our fear of what is to befall us in time to come;
their supernatural, incorporeal or immaterial characters
"are of the same substance with that which appeareth in
a dream to one that sleepeth or in a looking-glass to one
that is awake" (Leviathan, 1651, Part XII). But Hume
is the masterbuilder who completed the edifice in its main
features. By his fundamental assertion that all forms of
religion are to be explained in a psychological and histor-
ical way, he laid down the basis which is to be taken for
granted in the examination of any religion, be it called a
higher or a lower one. His way of putting the question
concerning the development of religion indicated the course
of all science of religion.
I dare say that Hume's little treatise is so far beyond
all that has been written down to quite recent days that
its ideas have entirely surpassed peoples' understanding.
Generations to come will be astonished to see how all
threads meet in Hume's stating of the problems. Having
done with the psychology of individuals and of races, walk-
ing along vast and troublesome roads passing through the
history of all religions, we shall arrive at the views, seen
for the first time in their abstract, principal form by
28O THE MONIST.
Hume's bright eye. Then we shall certainly feel regret
in realizing that at an earlier date we might have advanced
even beyond our present position, if we had founded our
exertions on Hume's working hypothesis and method of
work instead of wasting an enormous amount of scientific
energy in working with vain views and theories, descended
from English deism to German romanticism, first faced
by Feuerbach (1804-72), afterwards by the modern Eng-
lish school in the science of religion.
As already pointed out, the distinction between the
higher and lower forms within religion is the fundamental
view of the whole treatise. As this view furnishes the clue
to the whole disposition, a little difficult to catch without
a careful study, a short representation of the content —
starting from this fundamental view — may be useful to the
understanding.
The work is made up of two main divisions, the former
is a historical investigation of the higher and lower strata
within religion and their mutual relation (Section I-VIII),
the latter is an estimation of this relation. Hume's his-
torical way of putting the question turns this estimation
into a comparison between paganism and Christianity
(Sections IX-XV).
The different chapters are connected in the following
way: The work is opened by a short psychological intro-
duction. In the first chapter Hume maintains that the
lower religious strata have been the original ones. It is
easily understood that the adherents of "natural religion"
came to the conclusion that the universal dogmas expressed
in this religion were the principal ones also from a his-
torical point of view. This idea was already entertained
by Herbert of Cherbury, but it was more emphasized by
his successors Browne (1605-81) and Blount (1654-93).
"Natural" religion became the primitive religion of man-
kind, but experience having shown how far the positive
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 28l
religions have diverged from their origin, the thought of
a historical misrepresentation was obvious. The cause of
this misrepresentation had to be looked for among the
people profiting by everything in religion which was con-
sidered an unnecessary and obnoxious appendix to the
pure natural religion, i. e., among the priests. The fact
of this being so is the origin of two notorious historical
theories : primitive monotheism and the explanation of re-
ligion given by priestcraft. In the history of philosophy
the latter theory originated with Kritias, the tyrant and
sophist. In his opinion the first lawgivers created the gods
from reasons of subtlety. By a concise, careful argumenta-
tion Hume demonstrates the absurdity of the belief in
primitive theism.
The second and third sections examine the origin of
the lower forms. Having made a bow to theism so inge-
nious that it really becomes a bow to polytheism, Hume pro-
ceeds to show how primitive man's incoherent range of
ideas must create a variegated confusion of gods, acting in
an arbitrary way. Furthermore he shows that primitive
man's creation of these beings is not due to intellectual
motives, i. e., curiosity concerning the origin of the world;
it is only caused by the practical desire to procure the
daily necessaries of life. But primitive man does not know
the causes of happiness and unhappiness, "the unknown
causes," which already Hobbes considered the obscure gaps
in our knowing, where the gods could live, but from where
they were displaced by the physical understanding. We
conceive those "unknown causes" like ourselves (Proso-
popoeia}. The bringing forward of this analogy is the
germ of the later English theory of animism and marks
the continuation of Xenophanes's ingenious fragment,
which is the origin of the European science of religion:
"The mortals say that the gods were born like themselves,
had apparel, voice and form in conformity with them.
282 THE MONIST.
But if the oxen, horses, and lions had hands and like men
were able to form pictures, the horses would form the gods
like horses, the oxen like oxen, all species of animals would
form their gods exactly in their own likeness. The Ethiops
imagine their gods black and flat-nosed, the Thracians con-
ceive their gods with blue eyes and red hair." (Diels,
Fragment e der Vorsokratiker, p. 54). Hume affirms his
theory by pointing out that the increase of superstition
is proportionate to the difficulty in indicating its real causes,
a circumstance explaining the fact that people are oftener
led into religious notions by fear than by hope.
Section IV is an interpolation; it shows that the dei-
ties were not originally considered the creators of the
world and thus defines the contrast between the higher
and lower strata. Section V again takes up the thread,
giving the further development of the lower strata. As
early as section III Hume began to discuss the notion of
local and special deities. In this chapter he points out
that the distribution of distinct provinces to the several
deities must grant them some attributes, thereby giving
rise to allegory ; he draws attention to apotheosis, the fact
that mankind is able to elevate superior men into gods,
further showing that the public devotion may be further
increased by art's representation of divinities. At last he
gives a resume of the five first chapters.
The three following sections treat the relation between
the higher and lower strata. Section VI makes it evi-
dent that the higher strata originate from the lower ones.
Hume mentions the agents connecting polytheism and the-
ism. Those agents are ( i ) the worship afterwards called
monolatry; (2) the conception of a "patron-deity"; (3)
the existence of a social order among the gods, i. e., a
further development leading the original analogy from the
individual domain into the social one; (4) adulation
towards the god whose assistance is invoked. Section VII
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 283
confirms the doctrine that theism is hardly ever found in
a pure state among the popular religions. Hume asserts
that even if religion tells you that the Deity is in possession
of all sublime qualities, the assent of the vulgar is merely
verbal: the old religious strata still exist as the essential
part of religion. After all the "higher" notions are but
empty words, epithets which people dare not refuse verbal
assent, but whose life only consists in words. Hume
plainly advances the idea quite recently expressed by I. G.
Frazer in the following words:
"Brahmanism, Buddhism, Islam may come and go,
but the belief in magic and demons remains unshaken
through them all, and, if we may judge of the future from
the past, is likely to survive the rise and fall of other his-
torical religions. For the great faiths of the world, just
in so far as they are the outcome of superior intelligence,
of purer morality, of extraordinary fervor of aspiration
after the ideal, fail to touch and move the common man.
They make claims upon his intellect and his heart to which
neither the one nor the other is capable of responding.
The philosophy they teach is too abstract, the morality
they inculcate too exalted for him. The keener minds em-
brace the new philosophy, the more generous spirits are
fired by the new morality ; and as the world is led by such
men, their faith sooner or later becomes the professed
faith of the multitude. Yet with the common herd, who
compose the great bulk of every people, the new religion
is accepted only in outward show, because it is impressed
upon them by their natural leaders whom they cannot
choose but follow. They yield a dull assent to it with
their lips, but in their heart they never really abandon
their old superstitions ; in these they cherish a faith such as
they cannot repose in the creed which they nominally pro-
fess; and to these, in the trials and emergencies of life,
thev have recourse as to infallible remedies, when the
284 THE MONIST.
promises of the higher faith have failed them, as indeed
such promises are apt to do/' (The Golden Bough, 2d
edition, III, p. 49.)
Hume shapes his thought ingeniously in section VIII,
dealing with the flux and reflux of the higher and lower
religious strata. The fluctuation takes place according
to the law which I have called "lex Hume!' (Archiv fur
Religionswissenschaft, IX, 415.) According to this law
there is within religion a tendency to elevate the deity
as much as possible, but this abstraction disengages the
comprehension from its native soil. Common people stick
to their concrete religious ideas, a fact causing the move-
ment of a lower stratum towards the surface, when the
pressure has ceased which the deity — now abstract — exer-
cised when a concrete notion. Hume calls this new emerg-
ing stratum "middle beings," and he is fully justified in
asserting that this fluctuation in the religious strata takes
place always and everywhere, not like a sudden eruption,
but representing the very life and working of religion.
Hume's thought is expressed in brief, distinct words ; when
entirely worked out it will certainly illustrate religion's
obscurest, innermost nature more than any other point of
view. After all the thought is an ingenious application of
"the theory of abstract notions," put forward by Berkeley
(1685-1753) in his Principles of Human Knowledge
(1710), a theory which in the religious science has an ex-
tensive scope — in downright contradistinction to the ab-
stractions of natural religion and all the bloodless children
thus engendered in the history of philosophy. It may be
that Hume had some foreboding of this scope, but he has
hardly perceived it clearly, otherwise he would probably
have scrutinized the law from an individual and social
point of view, examining the very seats of the fluctuation.
Thus he would have been called back to what he previously
indicated : that religion itself is fixed and unchangeable, the
DAVID HUME'S NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 285
flux and reflux being due to interaction between the real
religious strata and the other, higher ones, i. e., positive
knowledge and worldly ethics. The former strata were
insensible, though always moved by the agents arising from
them, i. e., both theological and ethical systems.
The last chapters give an ethical estimation of the re-
lation between the higher and lower strata. The vague
notions of polytheism and theism are now historically de-
nned, the lower strata being identified with all pagan re-
ligions, while the higher strata are nearly assimilated with
the Jewish-Christian religions, partly with Islam. Hume
concluded his historical account by indicating that the
lower forms survive unaltered beneath the higher ones,
since higher religious formations are properly speaking
only abstractions and empty words. Here he shows that
the lower strata really are the better ones, because the
so-called higher ones in fact are nothing but the lower
ones. Their superiority is but empty words, they have
the same deficiencies as the so-called lower strata besides
the additional one of pretending something more. In short :
Hume wants to settle between paganism and Christianity.
In section IX he emphasizes the toleration of idolatry as
opposed to Christianity's persecutions and multitude of
human sacrifices. Incidentally he states his theory of sac-
rifices. In section X he lays stress on the social virtues of
paganism as distinct from Christianity's contempt of world
and mankind. His words quite correspond to those of
Schiller in Die Goiter Griechenlands,
"Da die Cotter menschlicher noch waren,
Waren Menschen gottlicher."
In section XI Hume shows that paganism is more sen-
sible than Christianity, on account of its fundamental view
of the gods and the fact that it consists in cults more than
in theory, which made it less pretentious than the Chris-
tian theology. He maintains that in controversies between
286 THE MONIST.
Christian sects the reproach of heresy has always been
stuck to the more sensible part. The ideas of section XII
are somewhat difficult to catch. With a very polite bow to
the Church of England, Hume derides the Christian ( Cath-
olic) rites — for instance the Lord's Supper — which in his
opinion are as absurd as the ideas of paganism. He ex-
amines the relation between peoples' creed and their own
conjecture about this creed, observing that human con-
science includes the greatest contrasts: a concise, scien-
tific range of ideas alongside of the most superstitious
notions, — a profound psychological remark, which as to
the individual consciousness forms the supplement to
Hume's assignment of the lower strata which survive un-
altered in the people. In agreement with the words of
Lucretius Carus,
"Primus in orbe deos fecit timor,"
and with Hobbes's psychology of religion in Leviathan,
Hume had emphasized fear as the strongest religious im-
pulse. The gods are created by fear, and fear secondarily
begets praise, elevating the gods. But in Hume's opin-
ion this idealization — if it was not idola fori — accord-
ing to its origin only indicated an enlargement of the power
of deity. The gods had to remain on an ethical level with
the men who created them in their own image. As set
forth in section XII the consequence is that the fear of the
god magnifies in proportion as he increases in power. This
enlargement of the deity's power is contingent upon no
other deities being acknowledged beside him. In each re-
ligion there are two poles represented on one hand by the
kind, beneficent gods, on the other by the noxious, wicked
ones. "The higher the deity is exalted in power the lower
is he depressed from an ethical point of view." In the
so-called higher religions the tension becomes strongest
in the negative pole : a fact illustrated by means of Judaism
and Christianity. Hume cautiously screens himself by
DAVID RUMENS NATURAL HISTORY OF RELIGION. 287
Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686-1743) the friend of Fene-
lon and author of Philosophical Principles of Natural and
Revealed Religion, Explained and Unfolded in a Geomet-
rical Order (1749). In section XIV Hume repeats that
the ethical idealization of the deities is only a verbal defi-
nition. Religion will always contradict morality from the
mere cause of its emphasizing other things than an honest
life. Were we to suppose a purely moral religion, the only
cult of which consisted in sermons of a virtuous conduct
of life, the very attendance on these sermons would soon
be turned into religion. Any religion is compatible with
the greatest baseness, nay it rather produces it, for the
fervor of religious passion arises from a range of ideas
entirely different from man's sense of truth and goodness.
In the last chapter Hume sums up the last six chapters,
setting forth the contrast between the doctrine of the
higher religious tenets and the life of their adherents. He
concludes by maintaining that religions do not give any
real answer in reply to the question of life and death, but
that the history of religion in showing the mutual struggle
of the different religious systems may also be of practical
importance in enjoining us to be cautious in our relation to
those questions. I believe Hume was right in this par-
ticular. What the more abstract criticism of deism failed
to reach as to religion may surely be reached more easily
by the path of historical investigation. But whether an
adherent of Hume's conception of life or not, one is almost
bound to grant that the contest between religious and non-
religious conceptions approaches more and more the mere
historical domain, a fact proved by the time succeeding
Hume's — in spite of the recent American religious psycho-
logical humbug, in spite of all its desperate endeavors to
make science founded on "mind-cure" and statistics of con-
version. Be the expectations and the result as they may,
only historical meditations and arguments give value to
288 THE MONIST.
attack and defence. But whatever stand we will take in
the strife or what special domain within the science of
religion we wish to peacefully explore, we ought always
to return to the classical work of religious science and bow
our heads in reverence to the great founder of this science.
ANTON THOMSEN.
UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN.
A MODERN ZENO.
ZENO of Elea is famous mostly for his so-called "argu-
ment" to the effect that in a race between Achilles
and a tortoise with the latter starting in advance a certain
distance, Achilles can never overtake the tortoise although
he may run many times as fast as his slow competitor.
For, says Zeno, when Achilles reaches the spot where the
tortoise started the other will have advanced to another
point, and when Achilles has reached this second point
the tortoise will have gone on to'a third point and just so
on and on the race will continue ad infinitum, the tortoise
being always a little ahead. It is curious to see how this
little non sequitur has perplexed people, many of them
of excellent intellectual standing. Thus the famous logi-
cian Sir William Hamilton said the "argument" was un-
answerable.
It is altogether beside my present theme to state where-
in the catch lies, so I will merely say that the conclusion
is no consequence at all from the premises. The "argu-
ment" stripped of its disguises is just this. Achilles can
never overtake the tortoise because he cannot overtake it
in any less time than it takes to do so.
Among men there is no habit more inveterate than the
persuasion of each individual that he personally is immune
from slips in reasoning. All around him during almost
every day of his life he takes notice how badly other people
reason without ever saying to himself that probably he is
2QO THE MONIST.
like other people in the same regard. So in view of the
incontestable fact that men, yea, even men most eminent
in intellectual power and cultivation, do sometimes err in
reasoning, I make bold to confess a growing measure of
misgiving as to certain geometrical results that have played
and are still playing a conspicuous role in the mathematics
of the present epoch. I refer to the so-called non-Euclidean
geometry, and I propose to utter a little note of protest or
rather of question. That is to say, some considerable study
of the famous brochure of Lobatchevsky on parallels leaves
my mind in such a state that I desire greatly some further
instruction.
It is generally recognized that the problems of paral-
lelism and of the angle-sum of the triangle are only two
different aspects of a single problem. The solution of either
involves the solution of the other. Lobatchevsky ap-
proaches the problem from a definition of parallelism. He
adopts most of the fundamental definitions and conceptions
of ordinary geometry and quite a number of the initial
theorems. He defines the straight line in an original way
saying: "A straight line fits upon itself in all its positions.
By this I mean that during the revolution of the surface
containing it the straight line does not change its place
if it goes through two unmoving points in the surface
(i. e., if we turn the surface containing it about two points
of the line, the line does not move)."
Now it is one thing to give us an idea of an object and
quite another to so define it that its essential quality or
qualities shall be definitely stated. Lobatchevsky's defini-
tion is no special improvement upon the other current defi-
nitions. It is a suggestion rather than a definition. Of
late the statement that a straight line is determined by two
of its points has gained favor as a definition, and it is true
that a single particular straight line is by two points of it
determined to be that several and singular straight line
A MODERN ZENO.
29I
after it is known to be straight. But two points do not
determine the straight line in general, that is to say, no
two points of it being given will avail in the least as a test
whereby to determine whether or not a line in question
as to its straightness is really straight.
What is needed in a definition of the straight line is a
statement or conspiracy of statements that shall express
and exhibit to the intelligence the matters of fact in virtue
of which it has that quality we call straightness. If this
can be done in any other way than by defining a rule ac-
cording to which the points that stud it are distributed so
as to make it straight, then I am at a loss to conceive what
that way can be. Moreover the straight line ought to be
defined so as to be put right out in space in perfect self-
sufficiency. I shall later on submit a definition that seems
to me to fulfil the requisites I have mentioned, but for the
present I must keep to the ways and results of Lobat-
chevsky.
Lobatchevsky begins his original matter with his The-
orem 1 6 as follows:
"All straight lines which in a plane go out from a point can,
with reference to a given straight line in the same plane, be divided
into two classes — into cutting and not-cut-
ting.
"The boundary lines of the one and the
other class of those lines will be called parallel
to the given line.
"From the point A (Fig. i) let fall upon ,
the line BC the perpendicular AD, to which
again draw the perpendicular AE.
"In the right angle EAD either will all
straight lines which go out from the point
A meet the line DC, as for example AF, or
some of them, like the perpendicular AE,
will not meet the line DC. In the uncertainty
whether the perpendicular AE is the only line which does not meet
DC., we will assume it may be possible that there are still other lines,
THE MONIST.
for example AG, which do not cut DC, how far soever they may
be prolonged. In passing over from the cutting lines, as AF, to the
not-cutting lines, as AG, we must come upon a line AH, parallel to
DC, a boundary line, upon one side of which all lines AG are such
as do not meet the line DC, while upon the other side every straight
line AF cuts the line DC.
"The angle HAD between the parallel HA and the perpendic-
ular AD is called the parallel angle (angle of parallelism), which
we will here designate by n(/>) for AD — />.
"If n(/>) is a right angle, so will the prolongation AE' of the
perpendicular AE likewise be parallel to the prolongation DB of
the line DC, in addition to which we remark that in regard to the
four right angles, which are made at the point A by the perpen-
diculars AE and AD, and their prolongations AE' and AD', every
straight line which goes out from the point A, either itself or at least
its prolongation, lies in one of the two right angles which are turned
toward BC, so that except the parallel EE' all others, if they are
sufficiently produced both ways, must intersect the line BC.
"If !!(/>)< J?r, then upon the other side of AD, making the
same angle DAK = !!(/>) will lie also a line AK, parallel to the
prolongation DB of the line DC, so that under this assumption we
must also make a distinction of sides in parallelism.
"All remaining lines or their prolongations within the two right
angles turned toward BC pertain to those that intersect, if they lie
within the angle HAK = 2lI(/>) between the parallels; they pertain
on the other hand to the non-intersecting AG, if they lie upon the
other sides of the parallels AH and AK, in the opening of the two
angles EAH = ±Tr — H.(p), E'AK = ibr — n(/>), between the par-
allels and EE' the perpendicular to AD. Upon the other side of the
perpendicular EE' will in like manner the prolongations AH' and
AK' of the parallels AH and AK likewise be parallel to BC ; the
remaining lines pertain, if in the angle K'AH', to the intersecting,
but if in the angles K'AE, H'AE' to the non-intersecting.
"In accordance with this, for the assumption n(/>)=|7r the
lines can be only intersecting or parallel ; but if we assume that
!!(/>)< JTT, then we must allow two parallels, one on the one and
one on the other side ; in addition we must distinguish the remaining
lines into non-intersecting and intersecting.
"For both assumptions it serves as the mark of parallelism that
the line becomes intersecting for the smallest deviation toward the
A MODERN ZENO.
side where lies the parallel, so that if AH is parallel to DC, every line
AF cuts DC, how small soever the angle HAF may be."
This long quotation is unavoidable unless one would
risk a charge of misrepresentation or garbling. It states
the full substance of the author's peculiar initial premises,
those that distinguish his geometry from the geometry of
Euclid and his disciples. With these premises and with
about a dozen theorems adopted from the ordinary Euclid-
ean geometry he develops a sequence of theorems as fol-
lows:
"17. A straight line maintains the characteristic of parallelism
at all its points."
"18. Two lines are always mutually parallel."
"19. In a rectilineal triangle the sum of the three angles can
not be greater than two right angles."
"20. If in any rectilineal triangle the sum of the three angles
is equal to two right angles, so is this also the case for every other
triangle."
"21. From a given point we can always draw a straight line that
shall make with a given straight line an angle as small as we choose."
"22. If two perpendiculars to the same straight line are parallel
to each other, then the sum of the three angles in a rectilineal triangle
is equal to two right angles."
In the course of this Theorem 22 he goes on to remark :
"It follows that in all rectilineal triangles the sum of the three
angles is either TT and at the same time also the parallel TL(p)=\ir
for every line />, or for all triangles this sum is < TT and at the same
time also n(/>)< \TT.
"The first assumption serves as foundation for the ordinary
geometry and plane trigonometry.
"The second assumption can likewise be admitted without lead-
ing to any contradiction in the results, and founds a new geometric
science, .... which I intend here to expound as far as the develop-
ment of the equations between the sides and angles of the rectilineal
and spherical triangle."
Then follow Theorems 23, 24 and 25 :
294 THE MONIST.
"23. For every given angle a we can find a line p such that
"24. The farther parallel lines are prolonged on the side of their
parallelism, the more they approach one another."
"25. Two straight lines which are parallel to a third are also
parallel to one another."
With the completion of Theorem 25 the basis of the
system of Lobatchevsky is fully laid. Theorem 23 is very
inconspicuous in its enunciation but it contains matters
of high significance as we shall see later on.
Now it is true that the assumption that the angle-sum
of any triangle is less than two right angles leads to no
contradictory results. If it is true for all triangles, it, of
course, must be true for the isosceles right-angled triangle.
The existence of right angles and of right-angled tri-
angles is pervadingly taken for granted by Lobatchevsky.
Now a right-angled isosceles triangle may be dissected
into two other half size right-angled isosceles triangles
by a line drawn from the mid-point of the hypotenuse to
the vertex of the right angle, and then the two secondary
triangles may in precisely like manner be each dissected into
two tertiary right-angled isosceles triangles. The proof
that the two secondary triangles are exactly equal to one
another, that they are right-angled and isosceles, and that
the four tertiary triangles are in all respects precisely in
the same case is so simple in more than one way, that it
would be almost an imputation upon the reader to spread it
before him. But the right angle of the original triangle
is a right angle, neither more nor less so that any deficiency
of the angle-sum from two right angles must reside, if
anywhere, in the two acute angles, and these being equal
to one another, each must bear half of that deficiency. But
any one of said acute angles of the original triangle is
exactly equal to that acute angle of the same secondary
triangle in which it belongs, that has its vertex at the ver-
A MODERN ZENO. 2Q5
tex of the right angle of the original triangle, and this
angle is precisely half the said last-mentioned (right)
angle.
True, we may conceive that the bisection of an angle
in some way operates to bend sharply the plane of the
figure along the line of the bisecting line so that the lines
that bound the right angle shall approach each other, but
then the angle would no longer be a right angle, and
the plane of the original triangle would be that rather
curious form, a bent plane.
This leads me to remark somewhat out of order that
Euclid's axioms 2 to 5 inclusive are not true in general.
They may be false as applied to the addition and subtrac-
tion of angles unless the angles lie in the same plane.
But bending along section lines is not at all the kind
of alteration that Lobatchevsky and his disciples admit.
They will not for a moment concede that their straight
lines are only approximately straight, and though through
all of their illustrations they borrow the use of curved
lines and of surfaces that have no straight lines, they yet
insist that the lines they refer to as straight are in all sin-
cerity completely and rigorously straight. Since we have
no applicable criterion of straightness we can see how
hard it is to invent any crucial test.
This claim that the assumptions of Lobatchevsky lead
to no contradictory results has been so conspicuously pro-
claimed and moreover it is so plainly the very core of all
the import of the new geometry that it sets a person of a
skeptical turn of mind to wondering when and where and
how any adequate tests of his assumptions have been made.
Not certainly in Lobatchevsky's little brochure. That con-
tains in all only thirty-six separate theorems and of these
all but twelve are in perfect harmony with Euclidean as-
sumptions. Even of these twelve three are nothing but
rather elaborate definitions leaving only nine theorems on
296 THE MONIST.
which to rest the claim of no contradictory results. And
even as to these nine we shall, I think, later on see some-
thing pertinent to the weight of their argument. It is a
little curious too to observe that of the non-Euclideans only
Lobatchevsky and Bolyai deal with the matters in question
by synthetical methods; all the rest are analysts.
But let us now look a little at the "angle of parallelism"
with its other face, the deficiency of the angle-sum from
two right angles, and see what it is and to what it leads.
It must never be forgotten that the angle of parallelism
is not proposed as a constant angle but is said to depend
for its extent upon the extent of the line which makes with
the parallel the angle of parallelism. It is not n simply
and constantly but u (/>), the (p) standing to mark the
dependence of the angle upon the extent of the line men-
tioned.
Had Lobatchevsky used the phraseology of the differ-
ential calculus he would have said that the angle of paral-
lelism is a function of the line which makes with the par-
allel the said angle of parallelism, the said line standing
as the independent variable. For every length of the line
(p) there is supposed to be a different angle of parallelism,
and since these lengths are infinite in number we of neces-
sity have to do business with an infinite number of an-
gles of parallelism. When the independent variable is
in the close neighborhood of infinity the angle of parallel-
ism is taken to be in the close neighborhood of zero and
at the very limit the parallel is there taken to be coincident
and for a moment, at least, current with the line that else-
where makes with it the angle of parallelism (Theorem 23,
paragraph 4).
In view of this and taking also into account various
phrases current among the disciples of the modern Zeno.
such as curvature of space, the divergence of perpendicu-
lars, etc., the inexpert, and I surmise some of the non-
A MODERN ZENO.
inexpert, mathematicians would be apt to feel misgiving
lest there may have become insinuated into the whole doc-
trine some subtile fallacy. With such volatile elements
to work with, it would be no wonder if estimates were more
or less loose and floating.
There is ground for suspicion that the countenance
given to non-Euclidean geometry by a number of eminent
mathematical experts has somewhat overawed others that
are very meagrely satisfied. These experts have wrapped
up the doctrine in what to many is a maze of analytical
language that requires a good deal of analytical erudition
to compass and thoroughly possess. It makes the logician
inclined to ask if these analysts have not mistaken some
mere grammatical collocation of their analytical language
for a real ideal possibility. We can say "round square,"
but nevertheless a "round square" is an absurdity. May
not such analysts have made similar constructions? We
shall later on say something more on this point.
Lobatchevsky however delivered his doctrine synthet-
ically, and it is with his version that our present note of
inquiry is concerned.
There is another thing too about the "angle of paral-
lelism" that challenges attention. He says of the lines
radiating from A and intermediate between the (/>) line
and the perpendicular thereto at A that they divide into
two classes, lines that cut DC and lines that do not cut
DC. But he definitely puts his parallel among the lines
that do not cut. But how about the relation of that parallel
to the next line, that is, the line that is the last of the lines
that cut DC? Does it make an angle with the parallel or
is it the same line? Do we not here begin to touch the
very heart of the problem to find it a plain case of Zenoism ?
If the lines make an angle I suppose that that angle can
be bisected, indeed n-sected, and such section-lines will
be lines that neither cut nor non-cut. If the lines are only
2Q8 THE MONIST.
one single line then we have a line that both cuts and non-
cuts. In short, we have the ever-recurring puzzle of how
to formulate continuity.
I have long had an opinion of my own as to the true
avenue of reconciliation and without any sort of pretense
that said opinion is especially precious, I here state it for
whatever it may prove to be worth.
In dividing the lines in question into cutting and non-
cutting lines Lobatchevsky observes the logical law of con-
tradiction, viz., Any A is not any not-A. This law
has two applications, subjective and objective, and the ob-
jective application includes our ideas when the same are
objectively regarded. In its subjective application the law
is, at least in our present state of intellectual development,
insuperable. Its observation seems to be an indispensable
condition for thought at all. So too in its objective appli-
cation to things naturally discrete from one another there
is at least, no occasion to dispense with its universality and
necessity. But in its objective application to matters that
involve the continuity of the objects considered the law
of contradiction is not always of necessary compulsion,
but at the boundary where A and not-A merge with one
another we have the right, and as I say the perfectly logical
right to regard the boundary specializations either as A or
as not-A, just as one or the other fiat of ours may be suit-
able for our turn.
There is another thing about Lobatchevsky's parallel
that ought to be emphasized. His "angle of parallelism"
he makes less than a right angle but he does not ask for any
finite lessness. Any concession from a right angle even
though it be infinitesimal, aye, even though it be an in-
finitesimal of the infinitieth order, will satisfy his demands.
And at the other end of the parallel he only asks that it
shall just clear the perpendicular, and any clearance even
of the most infinitesimal sort will do. In fact this sort of
•
A MODERN ZENO.
299
clearance is just what he does expressly demand. Now
an infinitesimal is just precisely that sort of a quantity that
no finite number thereof will avail to make up any Unite
quantity. Yet in his Theorem 23, viz., "For every given
angle a we can find a line p such that II (p)=a" he pro-
ceeds to state his construction thus:
"Let AB and AC (Fig. 10) be two straight lines which at the
intersection point A make the acute angle a ; take at random on AB
A.'
Fig. 10.
a point B' ; from this point drop B'A' at right angles to AC ; make
A'A"=AA/; erect at A" the perpendicular A"B"."
And then we find him going on as follows:
"And so continue until a perpendicular CD is attained, which no
longer intersects AB. This must of necessity happen, for if in the
triangle AA'B' the sum of all three angles is equal to TT — a, then
in the triangle AB'A" it equals ?r — 2a, in the triangle AA"B" less
than TT — 2a (Theorem 20), and so forth, until it finally becomes
negative and thereby shows the impossibility of constructing the
triangle."
That "and so forth until" is richly monitory of the
Zenonian "and so on ad infinitum."
3OO THE MONIST.
Now the validity of the construction proposed all de-
pends upon whether a, the deficiency of the angle-sum from
two right angles is finite or infinitesimal, and the fact that
Lobatchevsky does not and will not expressly commit him-
self to any finite deficiency, is what his brochure as a whole
makes abundantly manifest. Yet in spite of that we find
him here in the very first theorem after he starts with his
peculiar assumptions completed — a theorem in virtue of
which alone his peculiar results emerge — covertly assum-
ing that the deficiency is a finite deficiency.
The difficulty of proving the parallel postulate of Euclid
resides, as I suppose, simply and solely by reason that it
affirms the meeting of the lines proposed when they make
interior angles on the same side are less than two right
angles; that is to say: Euclid widens his postulate so as
to be general and so as to include angle-sums that differ
from two right angles by only an infinitesimal amount.
Had he said "less than two right angles by a finite amount
of angle" all the special and peculiar difficulty would, T
suppose, disappear, for if the lines approach one nth of any
distance from the intersection of the transversal, for that
distance, then the lines would meet at n times that distance
from the transversal. Of course the thus restricted postu-
late would not answer for geometrical purposes, and Euclid
respected its debility.
But it is time to search for results ourselves. It seems
to me a pretty plain proposition that if the angle-sum of
the triangle may be, and is supposed to be, less than two
right angles, then such a figure as a plane rectangle is
impossible. There is not angle stock enough in the two
triangles into which a plane quadrilateral may be bisected
to make up four right angles. A plane quadrilateral may
on the assumption in question have one, two, perhaps three,
A MODERN ZENO. 3OI
but not four right angles. As a corollary a square is im-
possible and the cube is in like case.
Since the service of arithmetic, algebra, and all mathe-
matical analysis in geometry is due entirely to the exact
appropriation of those branches of science to the Euclidean
assumptions, may it not well be wondered what good and
true services they can render on behalf of assumptions that
conflict with those of Euclid? When rectangles, squares,
and cubes are impossible what geometrical meaning can
products and quotients, powers and roots have ? And how
can addition and subtraction manage to straddle congru-
ently between the Euclidean and the non-Euclidean prod-
ucts and powers, quotients and roots? How analysis can
confirm non-Euclidean assumptions seems to me to be a
matter needing explanation.
I will now proceed to state and explain certain con-
siderations that seem to me to be wholly irreconcilable
with any claim that the assumptions of Lobatchevsky lead
to no contradictory results and that utterly prevent the
same from presenting that harmony that is the mark of
true science.
Consider the figure following.
C'
AD is here the (/>) line, AH the parallel making the
angle of parallelism HAD. DC is the perpendicular to
the (/>) line at D, and AE the perpendicular to the same
line at A. Draw also through A the line AK, making the
angle KAD equal to the angle of parallelism HAD. Now
prolong all of these lines, except the (/>) line, boundlessly
in straight lines but in the reverse sense: DC towards
3O2 THE MONIST.
and beyond C', AE towards and beyond E', AH towards
and beyond H', and AK towards and beyond K'. Prolong
the (/>) line to D', making AD'= AD and through D' draw
the boundless straight line BD'B' perpendicular to DAD'.
Then the angle H'AD' will be equal to the angle of paral-
lelism HAD, according to Theorem 6 (vertical angles).
Both will be angles of parallelism II (/?). AD' will be a
replica of the (/?) line and DD'=2(/>). In short the figure
H'AD'B' will be in all respects the same case as is the
case of the figure HADC. H'A will be parallel to B'D' by
the very same manner of token that HA is parallel to DC,
and since "a straight line maintains the characteristic of
parallelism at all its points" (Theorem 17) the whole line
H'H is parallel to B'D'; and again, since "two lines are
always mutually parallel" (Theorem 18) B'D' is parallel
to H'A and to H'AH, and still again by Theorem 17 B'D'B
is parallel to H'AH. By precisely the same manner of
token the line H'AH is shown to be parallel to C'DC and
C'DC parallel to H'AH. But "two straight lines which
are parallel to a third are also parallel to one another"
(Theorem 25) so that B'B is parallel to C'C and both be-
ing perpendicular to DAD' it seems to be shown that some
lines at least that are each perpendicular to the same trans-
versal are parallel to each other, and it also seems to be
shown that whenever the (p) line is double some other
instance of its species the angle of parallelism is a right
angle.
This looks to me very much like a proof that in all cases
the angle of parallelism is a right angle.
Now by the very same course of deduction (no step of
which is unsanctioned in the "system" of Lobatchevsky)
the line KAK' is shown to be parallel to HAH' and to
EAE', in spite of the rather important feature that they
cut one another at A.
So, unless I am altogether mistaken in the above, we
A MODERN ZENO. 303
find ourselves in view of a very curious and remarkable
phase in the history of geometric research. We find Lobat-
chevsky hitting upon the right and sufficient way of prov-
ing the parallel postulate of Euclid. We find him pur-
suing that way with eminent success for a while, but at
Theorem 23 getting shunted by the confounding of the
infinitesimal with the finite.
Still it may be that there is something about the mat-
ter that I do not understand. If so I can only protest that
my failure is not due to any lack of very respectful (I do
not want to say absurdly respectful) study of Lobat-
chevsky's little brochure.
Considering that the modern man, aye, even the modern
man of so-called liberal education, finds himself lost be-
tween a disposition on his part to respect the august maj-
esty of mathematics and a disposition tempting him to
regard the non-Euclideans something as the mathematician
regards the circle-squarer and the perpetual motionist, it
would seem as though it might be worth the while for
some one of the non-Euclidean sect to so explain their
doctrine as to make it manifestly clear and sound to minds
as unable as mine.
It is very much to be wished that mathematicians
would have less contempt for the philosophers and that
the philosophers would follow less that esteem for mathe-
matical power of survey and penetration that led Sir Wil-
liam Hamilton to judge them only able to walk straight
in a ditch dug by others. In Dr. Paul Carus we have an
instance all too rare of a philosopher fully up to date and
fully furnished in mathematics so far as the same has any
philosophical import. His Foundations of Mathematics
deals with the questions now most in gestation in a way
and with a mastery that the mathematicians can ill afford
to neglect. In particular the three cardinal conceptions
of anyness, uniquity and even boundaries are therein, so
304
THE MONIST.
far as I am aware, first put forward and exhibited in clear
relief as the most significant and consequential ideas that
contribute to the foundations of mathematics.
To my mind it is the calamity of geometry that it falls
down at its very start in not providing a thoroughly com-
petent definition of the straight line. The conception is
pervadingly necessary everywhere in mathematics. All
things in mathematics have been made by it, and without it
has not been made anything that has been made; and all
the modern questions concerning the foundations of geom-
etry— the nature, origin and meaning of axioms and the
like — are embarrassed to the point of insolubility simply
and solely by reason of the lacking definition. I hope,
therefore, I shall be pardoned on account of my good in-
tentions, if for nothing else, when I offer for scrutiny and
judgment a definition which so far as I know is a new
one and seems to me to depend upon nothing experiential in
its nature except the unalterability of the interval. I show,
I think, how the ruler may be derived by means of the
compass alone. As an introduction consider the figure
following :
Zl
It is constructed thus : Take any two points, say A and
A MODERN ZENO. 305
B. With, say, A as a turn-point (it might just as well
have been B) and with the interval AB as the compass
opening, scribe the circle Rxi ^2 etc. clear around complete.
Then with B as turn-point and with any opening of the
compass, short of 2AB, mark off on the first circle two
points, say x\ and yi. The same will be, of course, at
equal intervals from B. Then from each of the points so
marked scribe circles with the compass opening the inter-
val AB. Such circles will all pass through A, but besides
that they will otherwhere intersect and determine a point
as, say zit Now for each possible pair of points thus de-
termined on the first circle, there will be thus determined
by the circle intersections lastly above mentioned a point,
and each and all of these last mentioned points will lie in
a straight line.
But stop! I have been talking as though I assumed
the plane to be already earned and known, and until we
duly and geometrically earn the- plane we have no geo-
metric right to use it. I have employed my figure and my
comment thereupon just to lead the imagination a little
so that it will easier picture and understand the real figure
I desire to use, which cannot be drawn upon paper.
I now say, Take any two separate points, say A and B.
With either of them, say A, as a turn-point and with the
interval AB scribe a sphere. Then from B as a turn-point
and with any interval short of 2AB scribe any secondary
sphere. The infinitely numerous thus possible secondary
spheres will each intersect the primary sphere in a curve
(in fact a circle). On any such curve select at random
any triad of separate points, and with each so selected
point as a turn-point and with the interval AB as radius
scribe tertiary spheres, three in all. Such tertiary spheres
will all pass through A, but they will besides at another
place intersect in and determine a point. Now for each
of the infinitely numerous point triads prepared for and
3O6 THE MONIST.
selected, as I have prescribed, there will be thus deter-
mined a single and unique point, and all these so deter-
mined and last mentioned points will lie in a straight line.
The limited straight line so formed or rather the infinitely
numerous array of points thus determinable and that stud
the line, I call The Straight Range, and it is easy to see
that it will be 4AB in extent.
I define it thus: The Straight Range is a continuous
linear array of points such that any point of it is separated
from each one of some triad of separate points by a common
interval X and each one of said triad of separate points is
at once at the interval X from one of a pair of points that
are separated by the interval X and at a common interval
Y from the other one of said pair of points.
No doubt a draftsman would have to be eminently ex-
pert to locate some of the points with precision, but that
does not much detract from the scientific value of the con-
struction.
Just as we center the primary sphere at A so we may
also center the same at B and proceed to construct a range
in all respects similarly as when A is taken. The two
ranges will perfectly coincide as to three-fourths of their
several and respective extents and so all but the extreme
ends of the combined range 5AB will be perfectly deter-
mined even for the draftsman.
The chief use of the straight range construction is the
insight or atsight it gives us as to the nature of the straight
line. It enables us to see just what it is that is the essence
of the straightness of the straight line, viz., the perfect
uniquity of any point of any triad of points upon it in
respect to the joint pair of intervals that separate it from
the other points of said triad of points. It is the only
point that exists that has at once and jointly those inter-
vals. So I define the straight line as follows:
I first define The Straight Point-Triad thus:
A MODERN ZENO. 307
The Straight Point-Triad is a triad of points such that
any point of the triad is the only point that exists that has
together at once the same pair of intervals that it has from
the other points of the triad respectively. Then :
The Straight Line is a line such that any triad of points
upon it is a straight point-triad.
Suppose we now venture to define the plane by its
points. Conformably with the above definition I would
say that it takes four points to define a plane, and I would
first define the plane point-tetrad thus :
The Plane Point-Tetrad is a point-tetrad such that no
point-triad of it being a straight point-triad any point of
it is the only point that exists that together at once has the
same triad of intervals that it has from the other points of
the point-tetrad respectively. — Then:
The Plane is a surface such that any point-tetrad upon
it that has no straight point-triad is a plane point-tetrad.
Plane point-tetrads divide into two sorts according to
whether one of the points is within the plane opening be-
tween the other three points, or whether no one of the
points is within said opening. Call the former sort close
plane point-tetrads and the latter sort convex plane point-
tetrads. In every close plane point-tetrad say, abed,
where, say d is the point within the others, there exists
for each of the latter a point xn such that a d xlf b d x2 and
c d x3 will all of them be straight point-triads. In every
convex plane point-tetrad the other points stand with re-
lation to any one of them as adjacent points two in number
or as a single opposite point, and a single point y exists
such that it forms with the adjacent points a straight point-
triad and with the opposite points another straight point-
triad. But I have not yet put together enough of "The
Elements of Compass Geometry" to make it worth while
to pursue here whither it will lead. But I hope I am not
mistaken in my faith that geometry depends at last upon
3O8 THE MONIST.
one non-subjective datum alone, to wit: the invariance of
the interval, and I furthermore avow my faith that this
datum is indispensable, ineluctable.
Prof. Cayley showed that everything in non- Euclidean
geometry could be perfectly presented in ordinary Euclid-
ean space (as it is called) by suitably varying the notion
of distance. But the necessity of the fixed unalterable
interval as a foundation is not thus to be surmounted, for
variation itself has no meaning, norm or description when
it lacks the basis and background of the invariable interval.
FRANCIS C. RUSSELL.
CHICAGO, ILL.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
IN HOW FAR WAS BEL THE CHRIST OF ANCIENT
TIMES?
Whoever has had any acquaintance with Dr. Radau and his
writings need scarcely be told that his little book, Bel,, the Christ of
Ancient Times* like his other works, is packed to overflowing with
Sumerian grammatical criticism and information and is, on that
account alone of value to any student of that cryptic and most an-
cient of languages. We will grant indeed that he is one of the
greatest, perhaps even the greatest living authority upon it.
Yet the title is perhaps misleading to many prospective readers.
For such may possibly imagine that the intention is to prove the
Christ of Catholic belief merely a latter-day replica of Bel, the
heathen god, long outworn !
But the object is widely different. And while we may not fol-
low the author in many of his arguments, yet the general conclusion
is the by no means startling one, that the men of ancient Babylon
felt the very human need for comfort and hope amid the ever present
grim facts of suffering and death, and thus created for themselves
in their own image, as they must needs have done, a redeemer who
should conquer death and hell and bring to weary souls redemption
and immortality.
This, we say, is both as it should be and as it must be in all
ages and among all races. The Egyptians had Osiris, their suffering
redeemer. Greece and Rome had the Orphic and Eleusinian mys-
teries and Mithras. The Aztecs, the Incas, and the primitive Amer-
ican Indians all had quite similar faiths. And were we to hereafter
discover a hitherto unknown hyperborean race, we may be confident
that whatever philosophy and religion they may have created, will
be along these age old lines. For its roots lie, ineradicably, in the
fundamental needs and aspirations of man.
* Chicago : Open Court Publishing Co., 1908.
3IO THE MONIST.
And it is a familiar commonplace of Catholic theology, that it
was this universal desire for and expectation of the Man-God Re-
deemer, that imperatively demanded and necessitated its fulfilment
in the Incarnation of Him, who was "the Light that lighteth every
man that cometh into the world" ; and the "Desire of all nations."
So that here as in lesser cases prophecy, whether heathen or "re-
vealed," was merely insight into what by dire necessity had to be.
And Christianity, therefore, is not, as Puritanism heretically con-
ceived, an artificial "scheme of salvation," foisted upon an unwilling
and utterly alien world. But is, on the contrary, the Catholic faith,
which summarizes, completes, and makes secure all the various
partial broken insights and wavering desires for good, in the heathen
religions and philosophies ; which heathen faiths are indeed, by their
very nature, nothing more than the instinctive gropings of men after
truth and God, if "haply they might find Him." They had faults
and defects; unquestionably, many and obvious. But these, in
nearly every case, were simply the defects of imperfect insight
springing from the unavoidable limitations imposed by racial capa-
bilities and environment. In short, they were "right in their asser-
tions, but wrong in their negations." So that Christianity comes,
as the Catholic faith, not to destroy, but to fulfil, — and to fulfil not
merely Judaism, but all the other ethnic beliefs ; and only supersedes,
because it so fulfils.
Hence, not only Bel but all the gods of the elder world were
in a very real sense the "Christs" of their several times. And, in
each and every case, much of their mythology and doctrines can be
paralleled by something in Christianity, — indeed, must be paralleled,
if that is to be the final truth.
But to turn this the wrong way about as some may seek to do,
and claim that Christianity is therefore nothing better than a re-
vamped Babylonianism, or Buddhism, or Parseeism, as the case may
be, is surely to woefully misread the story! It is quite as if some
one claimed that the events in American history were by no means
new, but were word for word, and act for act, not merely similar in
some respects to, but identical replicas of the words and events in
Babylonia 8000 years ago!
ALAN S. HAWKESWORTH.
PITTSBURGH, PA.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES.
PARALIPOMENA. REMAINS OF GOSPELS AND SAYINGS OF CHRIST. By Rev. B.
Pick. Chicago : Open Court Publishing Co., 1908. Pp. 158. Price, 75c.
This book contains : ( I ) in eleven chapters remains of extracanonical gos-
pels; (2) some important gospel-manuscript readings; (3) scattered gospel-
sayings from different sources; (4) an appendix giving the Apocalypse of
Peter and a complete bibliography on the matter treated. For him who wishes
to become acquainted with the remains of extracanonical gospels and sayings
of Jesus this short work will be very instructive. He will be astonished to
find how up to about 220 all the noted ecclesiastical writers made use of the
extracanonical gospels and sayings of Jesus in the same way as of the canon-
ical, showing that up to that time no distinction was made between canonical
and apocryphal. We first notice it in the time of Origen (d. 254). We see
that Clemens Romanus, Papias, Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Hegesippus,
Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian largely cite from apocryphal
sources and give them credence. We also notice that some extracanonical
gospels stand very near to the time of the canonical, perhaps some even date
from the same age. It is a question whether, if one reads these remains and
sayings with an unprejudiced mind, he would find any greater crudities, ab-
surdities and incredibilities in the apocryphal gospels than in the canonical.
The writers of the former had the same right to treat the traditional matter
about Jesus in their way, from their own standpoint, to suit the views of
some particular sect or party, as did the so-called canonical gospel-writers,
who likewise wrote to suit different views and different parties. That so little
has come down to us of the apocryphal gospels, is probably due to the relent-
less attitude of the growing Catholic Church to suppress all so-called heretical
writings. If we had all the extracanonical literature which is lost, we would
get a truer picture of the origin of Christianity and the rivalry of the different
parties in it from which later rose the domineering Catholic Church, which
then arbitrarily declared what was canonical and not canonical. We therefore
gladly welcome all that we can get of the earliest apocryphal Christian litera-
ture. It would have been very interesting if Mr. Pick had also taken up in
his work the so-called Protevangelium of James, whose main elements also
date from the second century. From this gospel we would have seen how
the literature on the infancy of Jesus and his birth by a virgin, begun by
Matthew and extended by Luke, developed into literature, which not only
made Mary conceive as a virgin but remain a virgin to her end, the beginning
of all the later Mariolatry.
312 THE MONIST.
It is interesting to read in Mr. Pick's book in the so-called "Preaching of
Peter," considered authentic by Clemens Alexandrinus, and already made use
of by Aristides in his apology to Hadrian according to Hennecke, (Neutesta-
mentliche Apokryphen), that Jesus commanded his Apostles not to depart from
Jerusalem for twelve years and that according to the Codex Askew. : "Jesus,
after his ascension descended again to earth and for eleven years, instructing
his disciples, etc." From this we see that the great discrepancies already ex-
isting in the canonical gospels concerning the resurrection of Jesus and the
time of his sojourn with his disciples till his ascension, became more widened
yet in apocryphal literature. This reminds me of the early epistle of Barna-
bas, which makes Jesus ascend the same day on which he arose from the grave,
while according to Harnack some ancient Christian writers place 18 months
between the resurrection and ascension.
Important in the appendix are the remains of the so-called Revelation of
Peter, which, according to the Canon Muratori (end of the second century)
were received in the Church with the canonical Apocalypse of John, as giving
a horrible imagery of hell and its torments developed beyond the already
strong colors of the canonical writings in this respect. We beg to differ though
from the statement on p. 118 and think that the apocalypse of Peter stands in
close connection with the fearful descriptions of hell in the pre-Christian
Judaic Book of Enoch, based on earlier Oriental descriptions of hell from
which very probably also the Orphic-Pythagorean Hades-books of the Greeks
have descended.
While looking up a reference to Eusebius on p. 96 I noticed an error.
Instead of Hist. Eccl. V, 18, 14 it should read V, 21, 14.
A. KAMPMEIER.
MODERN CLASSICAL PHILOSOPHERS. Selections Illustrating Modern Philos-
ophy from Bruno to Spencer. Compiled by Benjamin Rand, Ph. D.
Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1908. Pp. 740.
This book is practically a history of philosophy, but the attempt has been
made to apply to the realm of philosophy the case system which is so success-
ful in the teaching of law. That is to say, instead of giving a resume of the
different systems it gives carefully edited selections from the original works
or translations of them. It is a valuable work, well executed, and provides
the general reader with a volume from which he may readily discover the
content and method of the great philosophical masters of the modern period.
"Beginning with Bruno, the philosophical martyr, the dialogue which appears
in this work is one in which the author describes the unity and divine im-
manence in all things in the universe, thereby anticipating the doctrine of
Spinoza. From Bacon has been selected an account of 'the idols' or false
notions which hinder men from a right pursuit of scientific research, and of
the theory of induction by which they may advance in a true interpretation of
nature. The passages from Hobbes contain his doctrine of the natural state
of man as one of war, and of the necessity of 'that great Leviathan/ whereby
peace and order may be established in the political commonwealth. Of Des-
cartes, a part of the 'Discourse on Method' is printed first, since it contains
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 313
his intellectual autobiography and his peculiar principles of method for the
attainment of truth ; a transition is then made to his 'Meditations on First
Philosophy,' to set forth the application of his method of doubt to the dis-
covery of absolute certainty, and also his attempt to demonstrate the existence
of God. From 'The Ethics' of Spinoza are given the doctrines of his one
eternal substance as the immanent cause of the universe, of his three kinds of
cognition, and of his intellectual love of God. The 'Monadology' of Leibnitz
is reproduced in full."
Thus in his preface the editor enumerates what parts he has utilized,
passing on further to mention chronologically Locke, Berkeley, Hume, Con-
dillac, Kant, Fichte, Hegel, Schopenhauer, Comte, Mill and Spencer.
CONCEPTS OF MONISM. By A. Worsley. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1907. Pp.
356, Price 2is.
This book is not quite what it seems. The Author understands by monism
a philosophy which claims "that there can be but One Source from which
spring all things, both real and imagined (p. ix). Thought is mainly shaped
by a study of Brahman monism which he mainly derives from the transla-
tions and commentaries of Max Muller. He prefers to discuss these Chinese
exponents of monism for the reason that they are little known in England.
He says (p. viii) :
"I deal at some length with the Idealistic Philosophies of India, because
they seem to rest upon an almost unassailable basis ; and also because the im-
portance of these systems has not generally received due recognition from
British authors. On the other hand, the Idealist systems of southern Europe
are so well known to our philosophers that no possible benefit could accrue
from restating them.
"On the Empirical side, the modern Monistic system, so ably expounded
by Haeckel, has absorbed every argument that has been deduced from Sub-
jective Knowledge, so that it is unnecessary to recontrovert those systems
which he has irrevocably overthrown."
Haeckel's ideas are scattered over the book, without however modern-
izing the author's love of the Orient to any extent. He works into his system
some views of Renan, Ostwald, Hume, Schopenhauer, Berkeley, Du Bois-
Reymond and others who somehow or other are sympathetic to him, and the
idealistic monism of the Brahman philosophy is enriched by a study of Lao-
Tze and Confucius. Upon this foundation our author builds his philosophy
with a considerable breadth of mind which as is well known is quite in keeping
with his authorities. The work which Vignana Bhikshu did for the old
orthodox Brahman philosophies Mr. Worsley has attempted to do for philos-
ophy as a whole. He says :
"If Vignana Bhikshu could discern an underlying unity in all the orthodox
Brahmanic philosophies, is it not given to us to discern the unity of all philos-
ophy? I say that it is. That although no system has reached the Truth, the
Absolute, yet that every philosophy has had some vision of That One. Some
have seen more than others ; some have seen much, but indistinctly, others
have seen little, but clearly. In some cases what was clearly seen by earlier
314 THE MONIST.
sages has become dimmed and blurred to our later vision; in others doubts
have been dispelled and difficulties overcome. Therefore it is that I have
striven in this system of Monism to build upon the foundation of Knowledge
common to all the greatest philosophies. When all demonstrable errors have
been eliminated, and the comparison has been accomplished, I claim that some-
thing remains to be distilled from every philosophy and every religion."
Mr. Worsley is not hostile to the views which he has left behind. He
recognizes them as errors. He gives up the Christian idea of a personal God
and a heaven beyond the clouds, and accepts in its place a supreme spirit and
a beyond of preeminently Vedantic conceptions. He says:
"We must not forget that when, in the search for Truth, we leave behind the
World of alleged facts, we leave also a vast array of necessary and unneces-
sary attendant Errors. For our senses, as in a mist, darkly, give us at best
but transitory and faulty impressions within the field of subjectivity. But the
Mind may see, by the light of Pure Reason, beyond this veil of the Material,
into a great Beyond where Object and Subject cease to mirage each other in
distorted duality, and become simply a phase, an idea."
How constructive his imitations are appears from the following passage :
"To Monists there can clearly be no such active personal God as is wor-
shiped by believers in revelation ; no Good or Bad, nothing either praiseworthy
or blameworthy in any transcendent sense ; for there can be no absolute sanc-
tion for relative perceptions. But on the other hand Monists admit the possi-
bility of all moral and of many religious concepts as being beneficial, necessary,
and even relatively true. Their philosophy does not close the door against
any devout person, but rather calls upon him to clearly realize that we can
have no absolute sanction for any action whatever, and that the values of
all moral teachings must be gauged, not by any absolute standard, but rather
by their effects upon humanity. To this extent actions may be good or bad,
praiseworthy or blameworthy, and the Gods of Religion or the Isvaras of
Philosophy are good too, if, by any such process of imagery, benefits result.
Hence those who have so read this book as to deem Monism a destructive,
rather than a constructive, philosophy, have misconceived the plan of my
work."
DIE WELTANSCHAUUNG SPINOZA'S. Von Dr. Phil. Alfred Wenzel. Leipsic:
Engelmann, 1907. Pp. 478.
In his preface Dr. Wenzel explains that it is quite an accident that he
became enough interested in Spinoza to undertake an extensive investigation
into his world-conception. It was at the time of a severe illness that he re-
newed his acquaintance with Spinoza's writings, and he says that the old
charm worked anew, and he soon realized that in the extant works of this
great man and thinker there lay an inexhaustible balm of blessings and comfort
for the soul of the matured man of to-day. In his convalescence he undertook
a further study of Spinozist writers and critics, and was astonished to find
that he stood practically alone in his conception of Spinoza's system, and that
in spite of a large amount of literature that had been written on the subject,
the views of the later authors often differed very widely on the most important
questions of Spinoza's teachings. He found himself almost completely in
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 315
sympathy with Friedrichs's Der Substanzbe griff Spinozas (Greifswald, 1896),
but for this very reason it seemed the more remarkable that this writing
which to him stood out as a landmark among many others should apparently
have received only a slight consideration from the public. Greatly to his
regret he learned that the author has never finished many of his Spinoza stud-
ies to which he refers in his one publication, and so they have never become
accessible to the public. If he had completed his work on the lines in which
he began, Dr. Wenzel would have considered a comprehensive work by himself
as superfluous, but it is just because of this lack that he has undertaken the
work, of which the first volume lies before us.
A comprehensive work on the world-conception of Spinoza which does
not start out with his substance and attribute theories, is indeed a rarity in
Spinoza literature, but Dr. Wenzel accounts for this omission by referring the
reader who wishes to confine his interest to these subjects, to the above-
mentioned book of Friedrichs, which practically gives the author's own views.
His reference to these important phases of Spinoza's philosophy he has pre-
ferred to give in close connection with his exposition of Spinoza's epistemol-
ogy and ontology, so that the important subject of Spinoza's God-conception
might be the central point of the entire study around which the other theories
group themselves in their proper relations.
After an introduction dealing with Spinoza's historical position and sig-
nificance for the philosophy of to-day, Dr. Wenzel treats in Part II of Spi-
noza's conception of God and human knowledge; while Part III discusses
his God-conception with relation to the nature of things. In his effort to
give a name to the philosophy of Spinoza, Dr. Wenzel would call it a "natural-
istic, panlogistic pantheism." He says: "Spinoza's system is pantheistic, be-
cause God, that is to say the world-ground or substance, must be thought of
as immanent in the world of experience. It is naturalistic because this world
of experience is enacted in individual instances in the form of a mechanical
causality of nature, which is just as determinative for immaterial as for
material events. It must be called panlogistic in so far as the whole world
of experience must be considered with relation to its connection with and its
unity in God, as the expression of an eternal power and law of intelligence
which is identical with the absolute activity of God." There is no indication
in this first volume as to what the second will contain.
ASPECTS OF KINETIC EVOLUTION. By O. F. Cook. In Proceedings of the
Washington Academy of Sciences. Vol. VIII, pp. 197-403. Washing-
ton, 1907.
O. F. Cook, of the Agricultural Department of Washington, publishes
in the Proceedings of the Washington Academy of Sciences, an essay entitled
"Aspects of Kinetic Evolution," in which he proposes some new views on the
evolution theory. He presents some new aspects along the lines of modern
research which are to some extent akin to the investigations of Professor de
Vries and other naturalists. The opening sentences of his first chapter char-
acterize his idea of the kinetic theory as follows :
"The kinetic theory of evolution finds in the facts of organic development
indications that the characters of species change spontaneously, or without en-
THE MONIST.
vironmental causation. Evolutionary progress is further conceived as accom-
plished through the union of the normally diverse individual members of spe-
cies into a coherent network of interbreeding lines of descent, rather than by
the isolation of variant individuals or by the selective restriction of descent
of individuals possessing particular characters.
"Former theories have undertaken to explain the method of evolution by
reference to the dendritic figure of descent as shown in the ever-branching
relationships of species, genera and families. The kinetic interpretation of the
evolutionary process is based on what may be called the intraspecific figure of
descent, the relationship of organisms inside the species, which is reticular
or net-like, and not tree-like.
"Theories based on the dendritic conception of descent may also be de-
scribed as differential ; that is, they have given attention chiefly to the prob-
lems of distinction and separation of organic groups. The kinetic theory is
integral or synthetic, and conceives the evolutionary process as conducted by
the accumulation and combination of the variations which appear among the
members of the species.
"The simple distinctions are fundamental, and will necessitate an exten-
sive readjustment of methods of thought and investigation in the field of evo-
lution."
LA PHILOSOPHIE SOCIALE DE RENouviER. Par Roger Picard. Paris: Marcel
Riviere, 1908. Pp. 330. Price 7 f r. 50.
In this book the author undertakes to present very objectively the many
original theories comprehended in the entire domain of law and sociology
and which in the system of Renouvier are closely connected with purely
philosophical questions. It is his intention to show the bond which unites
Renouvier's philosophical thought with his political and social thought, and he
makes clear how that philosopher has been able to give in a quite original
method exact solutions to problems which arise from social life. It is par-
ticularly interesting to follow the author in his exposition of the political doc-
trine of the philosopher, who after having analyzed the ideas of state and
democracy deduces therefrom the duties which devolve upon a Republican
nation. Purely social questions such as property, salary, capital, and labor-
organizations, are investigated and are solved by the application of ethical
rules, to the exposition of which the first part of the volume is devoted. This
work is a faithful picture of a system perhaps too little known. This it will
make accessible to many who can not read the enormous work of Renouvier.
ROSMINI. Par F. Palliories. Paris : Felix Alcan, 1908. Pp. 387. Price,
7 fr. 50.
One of the latest of Alcan's series of great philosophers is this study of
Rosmini. In this one volume is condensed the voluminous works of the cele-
brated Italian, divided in the same divisions which he himself has made, —
ideality, reality and morality. With regard to Rosmini's most characteristic
theories, M. Palhories takes a careful and judicious position. In conclusion
he sums up the sources of Rosmini's philosophy, showing its relation to
Plato, Leibnitz, Malebranche, Kant and Hegel.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 317
RUDOLF EUCKEN'S PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE. By W. R. Boyce Gibson. London:
Adam and Charles Black, 1907. Pp. 182. Price, $1.40 net.
Professor Eucken takes a prominent place among philosophers of to-day,
and Mr. W. R. Boyce Gibson has taken upon himself the task of condensing
Eucken's philosophy of life into a comparatively small volume. In the several
chapters which were originally delivered as lectures at Westfield College,
University of London, in 1905, he reviews the essential doctrines of philosophy
as presented in Eucken's successive books, and though a great admirer of
the philosopher, he criticises his views in the last chapter. Eucken's philos-
ophy insists mainly upon the spirituality of the world, and in doing so he
criticises materialism as it is represented, for instance, by his famous colleague,
Prof. Ernst Haeckel.
WIRTHSCHAFTLICHE GRUNDLAGEN DER MORAL. Von Franz Staudinger. Darm-
stadt: Roether, 1907. Pp. 160.
Franz Staudinger, of Darmstadt, explains in this volume his ideas of
morality as based upon social and economical conditions. He condemns the
principles of lord-morality as preached by Nietzsche and acted upon by the
ruling classes, recommending in its place the socialist morality as the higher
ideal. He points out that the actualization of this aim will finally prove to be
a question of power which has to be decided by a struggle between the classes,
but he grants that ideals must always remain ideals, and we doubt whether
the new order of society which he foresees will be an improvement upon our
present conditions.
L'INDIVIDUALISMO NELLE DOTTRINE MORALI DEL SECOLO xix. Dal Giovanni Vidari.
Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1909. Pp. 400. Price, 6.50 1.
This essay received the successful award in the competition held before
the Royal Academy of Moral and Political Science at Naples in 1906, though
its publication has been delayed in order to give opportunity for continued
study and because of various personal contingencies. In his discussion of
"Individualism in the Ethical Teachings of the I9th Century" the author treats
in his introduction of the relation between individualistic and anti-individual-
istic theories, and gives some introductory definitions with regard to the con-
ception of individualism and its theories. The first chapter dealing with indi-
vidualism of rationalistic theories discusses in detail the Catholic anti-individ-
ualistic movement, and then the individualism of Maine de Biran, Benjamin
Constant, Victor Cousin, Guizot, Proudhon, Renouvier, Amiel, Renan and
others. In the second chapter on individualism of empiricism, Paine, Godwin,
Bentham, John Stuart Mill, Spencer, and Haeckel are enumerated and their
relation to individualism is discussed. The third chapter deals with the indi-
vidualism of the instinctive theory as represented by Schiller, Novalis, Cole-
ridge, Carlyle, Emerson, Ibsen, Nietzsche, Kropotkin, Tolstoy and others.
The fourth chapter considers the general validity of these theories.
The Hibbert Journal of July (Vol. VI, Number 4), 1908, contains an
article on "Pluralism and Religion" by Prof. William James, in which he
318 THE MONIST.
continues to preach his peculiar kind of pragmatism which he serves by re-
jecting the "authority of intellectualist logic." By renouncing this logic he
rids himself of "the intellectual difficulty," but of course surrenders at the
same time the only method of systematically arranging the data of experience,
and so falls into the bottomless pit of pluralism. He says :
"We may be in the universe as dogs and cats are in our libraries, seeing
the books and hearing the conversation, but having no inkling that there is
any meaning in it all. The intellectualist difficulties fall away when the author-
ity of intellectualist logic is undermined by criticism, and then the positive
empirical evidence remains. The analogies with ordinary psychology, with
certain facts of pathology, with those of psychical research, so called, and with
those of religious experience, establish, when taken together, a decidedly
formidable probability in favor of a general view of the world almost identical
with Fechner's. The outlines of the superhuman consciousness thus made
probable must remain, however, very vague, and the number of functionally
distinct "selves" it comports and carries has to be left entirely problematic.
It may be polytheistically, or it may be monotheistically conceived of. Fech-
ner, with his distinct earth-soul functioning as our guardian angel, seems to
me clearly polytheistic ; but the word polytheism usually gives offence, so per-
haps it is better not to use it. Only one thing is certain, and that is the result
of recent criticism of the absolute : the only way to escape from the paradoxes
and perplexities that a consistently thought-out monistic universe suffers from
as from a species of auto-intoxication (the mystery of the "fall" namely, of
reality lapsing into appearance, truth into error, perfection into imperfection —
of evil, in short ; the mystery of universal determinism, of the block-universe,
eternal and without a history) : the only way of escape, I say, from all this is
to be frankly pluralistic and assume that the superhuman consciousness, how-
ever vast it may be, has itself an external environment, and consequently is
finite. Present-day monism carefully repudiates complicity with Spinozistic
monism. In that, it explains, the many get dissolved in the One and lost,
whereas in the improved idealistic form they get preserved in all their many-
ness as the One's eternal object. The absolute itself is thus represented as
having a pluralistic object. But if the very absolute itself would have to be
a pluralist if it existed, why should we hesitate to be pluralists out and out?
Why not straightway adopt the absolute's form of vision on our own account,
and refuse to envelop our many in the One that brings the poison in its train?
Professor James's view of monism must be very very strange, and I sus-
pect that he does not understand that systematic method and clearness of
thought do not involve a rigid unity nor do they abolish the multiplicity of
phenomena and the concrete world of facts. It is difficult to say how the world
is mirrored in his head, but there can be no doubt that he will fall a prey to
mysticism. Like so many other reformers who find difficulty in the problems
of modern thought and civilization, he unconsciously follows the motto, "Back
to the days of savagery," and the ingenious way in which he upholds his case
elicits our admiration. We are rather astonished, however, to observe the
enormous success of his philosophy among professional or so-called profes-
sional thinkers, which indicates that the majority of them are still in a state
of naive immaturity.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 319
The Philosophical Review contains an article by Prof. John Grier Hibben,
of Princeton University, entitled "The Test of Pragmatism," which deals crit-
ically with the subject. Professor Hibben concludes his article as follows:
"We may regard ourselves as artists in the composition of the truth, but
hardly as creators.
"As to this constant factor, which appears in every problem confronting
our thought, Professor James thinks that it is one that is being gradually
formed by us. As to the unity which seems to underlie the world of our ex-
perience, he insists that it is only a possible empirical unification, the terminus
ad quern of our constructive thinking. The world, however, is not merely
approaching unification, — that 'far off human event, towards which the whole
creation moves.' Too many elements are combining, too many lines are con-
verging towards the same point, for us not to think that there is something
behind as well as before this onward movement. There must be a unitary
ground, if there is to be a unified goal. And there is much to be said in de-
fense of the old scholastic formula, that what is last in execution must be
first in conception. This may describe the programme according to which the
history of the world as a whole has unfolded, as well as the manner in which
the individual orders his single life. We are not in a 'closed and finished uni-
verse/ it is true; but, on the other hand, we are not in a universe which is
solely of our own making. We are in a universe which, while in the making,
is nevertheless unfolding according to the laws and trend of its own potential-
ities. And if we believe that certain ends will be realized ultimately, and the
complete unification of the whole finally disclosed, may not the consummate
reality have been from the beginning, even though in a potenial form? And
so far as the universe is fashioned by human touch, is it not our primary task
to understand the truth of things as they are, so that we may the better
realize the truth of things as they ought to be?"
Hermann Strack has published a new and thoroughly revised edition
(the fourth) of his "Introduction to the Talmud" (Einleitung in den Talmud,
Leipsic, Hinrichs, 1908). He has neither the intention to criticize nor to write
an apologetic treatise, but wishes to serve the truth. He only denounces
vigorously the idea that the Talmud contains passages which are not accessible
to Christians possessed of the necessary information.
The book contains an exposition of the history of the Talmud, its parts
and treatises, an alphabetical index of its contents, the Palestinian and the
Babylonian Talmud, the Extra-Canonical Treatises and Chronological Lists
of its authors and description of the character of the Talmud, and finally
samples of the text in German translation. The book will prove useful to all
interested in Talmudic lore and is published by Hinrichs as the second instal-
ment of the publications of the Institutum Judaicum in Berlin.
American theologians who may have met Prof. Carl Clemen of the Uni-
versity of Bonn, will be interested to know of the appearance of a book from
his hand, containing 300 pages, and bearing the title Religions geschichtliche
Erkl'drung des Neuen Testaments, published by Alfred Topelmann (formerly
32O THE MONIST.
J. Ricker) Giessen, 1909 (Price, 10 m.). It treats the problem of the depend-
ence of primitive Christianity upon non-Jewish religions and philosophical
systems. The first "general" part treats of Christianity as a whole and then
of special doctrines, viz., the doctrine of God and intermediate spiritual be-
ings, of the end of the world and of life after death, of the ideas of justice
and sin, all of which is already contained in Judaism. Then he treats of the
new views, the personality of Christ and the trinitarian formulae, ritual wor-
ship and the Church institutions of baptism and the sacrament.
The second "particular" part treats of the life and doctrine of Jesus, the
story of his infancy, his baptism and temptation, his ministry, his passion and
resurrection.
Further he treats of the Pauline theory, and finally the Johannine lit-
erature.
It is a symptom of the times that a number of enterprising publishing
houses are coming to the front simultaneously with dictionaries of the Bible.
Some time ago the field was monopolized by the ponderous encyclopedia of
Herzog, which existed for a long time only in its German original, while in
England the Bible Dictionary of Smith was current in three editions : a large
one for theologians, a medium-sized one for students and clergymen, and a
small one for Sunday-school teachers and young people in general. Afterwards
two other English works came to compete with Smith, the Encyclopedia Bib-
lica in four volumes, and the so-called Hastings Dictionary of the Bible, of
which the former was suspected in orthodox circles as heretical. Within the
last year three new publications have appeared on the basis of the old ones
and make the enormous material of Biblical knowledge accessible to the gen-
eral public. We announced the first volume of the New Schaff-Herzog En-
cyclopedia of Religious Knowledge in the October number of The Monist,
and will add that at present the second volume lies before us in style and
scholarship the equal of its predecessor. We have announced in the March
Open Court the Standard Bible Dictionary, edited by Jacobus, Nourse and
Zenos, a work mainly of American scholarship ; and now there lies before us
the one-volumed Dictionary of the Bible, edited by James Hastings, D.D., with
the collaboration of John A. Selby, John C. Lambert and Shailer Mathews.
In this work the influence of English scholarship prevails, and it may be re-
garded as the expression of a scientifically trained, but at the same time con-
servative, theology represented by its editor-in-chief, James Hastings, who is
the editor of the Expository Times.
The entire volume comprises almost a thousand pages and it has been
the editors' intention to offer their readers the whole material as complete as
possible in a most condensed form. This work contains approximately the
same number of pages as The Standard, but by using a smaller type and no
illustrations, it is able to compress more material in the same space, and care
is taken that the great subjects should not be treated with that excessive
brevity which so often makes single-volumed works of reference so dis-
appointing; e. g., 24 pages have been allotted to the subject of "Israel." As
the scope of the work is simply popular, Hebrew and Greek words are used
only in transcription. All articles are signed by the full name of the author.
VOL. XIX. JULY, 1909. No. 3,
THE MONIST
THE NATURE OF VITAL PROCESSES ACCORD-
ING TO RIGNANO.
EUGENIC RIGNANO of Milan, Italy, engineer and
student of philosophy, has recently published a book
treating in an original and suggestive way the fundamen-
tal problems of biology.1 In it are introduced some new
conceptions which seem to point the way to the solution
of many important questions, and~which are intensely inter-
esting at just the present stage of biological science. The
extensive reference made to them by Prof. Francis Dar-
win in his presidential address delivered before the British
Association for the Advancement of Science at their Dub-
lin meeting last August, illustrates the growing apprecia-
tion among English-speaking scientists of the significance
and value of Rignano's work. In this paper an attempt is
made to present in English his fundamental hypothesis
and some of its most interesting consequences and appli-
cations.
He has approached these problems in a somewhat dif-
ferent way from that of most authors who have written
upon them. He was not primarily a biologist but a physi-
cist. All his work shows evidence that he was a master
of physical chemistry, and that he takes the keenest inter-
est in scientific philosophy in general. He was led to the
1 Eugenic Rignano, Ueber die Vererbung erworbener Eigenschaften. Leip-
sic: Engelmann, 1907.
322 THE MONIST.
study of biological problems by their vital relation to the
results of other sciences and by their intrinsic interest from
the standpoint of positive philosophy. Along these lines
he has been an earnest worker, having contributed many
thoughtful and scholarly articles to the Revista di Scienza
and to other periodicals of a similar character.
Being attracted in this way to a consideration of biology,
he devoted himself to a study of the facts presented by in-
vestigators and especially of the general conceptions de-
veloped from them by leading naturalists from Lamarck
to the present time, a study, as his book clearly shows, of
a most appreciative and discriminative kind. He found
the general conceptions not wholly satisfactory and, some-
times, even contradictory of one another, and realizing
that facts cannot be contradictory or misleading, he sought
to see for himself the underlying basic principles which
should explain and unify the facts, and at the same time
perhaps indicate an outlet from the blind alley in which
some biological inquiries at present find themselves stalled.
In relation to the fundamental biological problem, that of
the essential nature of the vital process itself, he found
that "biologists are inclined to fall into two opposite ex-
tremes." He continues (pp. 359-361) :
"Some deny flatly the possibility of ever arriving at a
comprehension of the nature of life. But if we ask our-
selves in what this comprehension of the nature of life
could consist, from the point of view of positive philos-
ophy, we have no difficulty in recognizing that everything
must be reduced to comparing vital phenomena with some
physico-chemical model already known, suitably modified
by the particular special conditions imposed upon it so that
just these special conditions shall determine the differences
which exist between this vital phenomenon and that phe-
nomenon of the inorganic world closest related to it. If
this be so it is then the duty of science emphatically to
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 323
reject such a denial of scientific thought as would be con-
stituted by the renunciation of this conception. Whether
one clearly recognizes it or not, it is just this search for the
nature of the vital principle which properly constitutes the
principal object and the final goal of all biologic study in
general.
"Others, again, are not willing to accord to life even
the slightest property which should not be simply physico-
chemical in nature. Among all these, it is enough to cite
the example of Verworn who not only relegates assimi-
lation to the category of purely chemical phenomena, by
means of his biogenic hypothesis, but who would explain
protoplasmic currents, the protusion of pseudopodia, the
movements of cilia, and in general all movements of living
beings by a double and alternative chemotropism of proto-
plasmic substance rather than by currents of nervous en-
ergy. Protoplasmic substance in fact according as it re-
mains unstimulated or is stimulated, that is, partially de-
composed by the stimulus which would agitate it mechan-
ically, would possess a chemical affinity for the oxygen of
the environment or for the substances produced by the
nucleus capable of rebuilding the partially decomposed
protoplasmic substance. And to this alternation of differ-
ent affinities, the opposite protoplasmic movements of ex-
pansion and contraction would correspond.2
"Now it is evident that this endeavor not to attribute
to vital energy any specific nature of its own, and con-
sequently to explain even the most characteristic phenom-
ena of life by means of only those energies which physics
and chemistry afford us to-day, can have no more success
than as if one should attempt to explain chemical phenom-
ena by means of physical phenomena only. And this en-
deavor is also quite unjustified. For the conception that
8Verw9rn, Die Biogenhypothese. Jena: Fischer, 1903; and Die Bewegung
der lebendigen Substanz, especially pp. 100-103.
324 THE MONIST.
the form of energy on which vital phenomena are based
is different from all forms of energy which have hitherto
been observed in non-living bodies, has absolutely nothing
unscientific in it, any more than the conception, for exam-
ple, that electricity may also be a form of energy different
from all others.
"Vital energy, nervous energy, we admit at once, will
certainly be a particular case of the more general physico-
chemical forms of energy already known or yet to be
known, and as such it must necessarily be subject to the
laws which control these latter ; and also, a fortiori, to the
laws which control all energy in general. But even as
such, that is as a particular case of more general, physico-
chemical forms of energy, it will have besides further spe-
cial laws of its own which are only experimentally to be
determined and cannot simply be deduced from the more
general laws even though it must always be subjected to
them. And it is just these laws of its own which, out of
a physico-chemical energy, make it vital energy. This
conception has led us to attribute to nervous energy, set
forth as the basis of life, special properties, which electric
energy, in certain respects related to it, does not possess/'
In accordance with this conception of the nature of
vital energy Rignano developed a hypothesis of the funda-
mental vital processes which characterize all living matter.
His theory is based upon well-known physical phenomena
of electric energy ; and by the hypothesis of certain specific
qualities which this form of energy might be supposed to
possess in the conditions existing in living matter, he has
endeavored to account for the essential and distinctive
properties of living matter. But such a conception, if it
be true, must constitute not only a direct explanation of
the fundamental properties which living matter always
presents, namely assimilation, growth, and reproduction;
it must also explain to some extent all the forms of activity
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 325
which vital energy ever manifests in biological processes,
—polarity, rhythm, periodicity, mitotic division, fecun-
dation, ontogeny with its recapitulation of phylogeny,
atavism, heredity, memory, etc., — the fundamental char-
acter of the vital process must be inherent in all these
developments of it; a clear conception of their common
basis must help us greatly to understand all of them, and
must also tend to unify them, explaining their curious
likeness to one another, as for instance the likeness of on-
togeny and memory, so often observed, but so difficult to
grasp and understand.
As one reads Rignano's book, and follows him in the
consideration of one after another of these vital phenom-
ena, and notes how harmoniously they accord with the
hypothesis he suggests, the impression becomes steadily
stronger that this is the line along which the final solution
of the problem must be sought. Rignano does not claim
that his suggestion furnishes the final solution, but submits
it provisionally in the hope that it may serve to point
the way to an ultimate complete understanding. He says
(P- 387) :
"We do not venture to offer this as a true and proper
hypothesis. The phenomenon of life is still too little estab-
lished for so bold a venture. We consider it only as a
provisional scheme of the vital process which may serve
as an initial concrete basis for further investigation into
the nature of life. For in affording any firm provisional
basis upon which the discussion of a question still entirely
without solution can be supported, one attains always the
great result of determining definitely the conditions of the
question, of demonstrating clearly the untenability of cer-
tain views, which was not possible formerly while the
question had yet too indefinite a form, and of bringing us
in this way slowly but certainly nearer to a correct under-
standing of the phenomenon, in proportion as after dis-
326 THE MONIST.
carding the untenable propositions, the tenable stand out
ever more clearly and convincingly and thereby are given
firmer foundation/'
In his book the author develops his hypothesis in an
inductive way — proceeding from a consideration of on-
togeny, but in this necessarily briefer review, it has seemed
better not to follow the lengthy inductive method, but to
state the theory at once in connection with one of the phe-
nomena which it helps to explain. It might be presented
in connection with any of the vital phenomena, since the
fundamental process may be seen in all those built up upon
it. A consideration of memory may serve as a good way
of approach.
EXPLANATION OF MEMORY.
Explanations of this familiar but marvelous faculty
have not been very clear or complete, but those who have
developed any conception of its mechanism have been in-
clined to attribute it to some change in the material sub-
stance of the brain cells, produced by nervous currents
passing to them.
Thus Hering states as quoted by Rignano (pp. 344-
345) : "We see how an entire group of experiences becomes
reproduced in proper order of space and time, and with
such vividness that it might deceive us as to the reality of
what long since ceased to be present. This shows us, in a
most striking way, that even after the sensation and per-
ception in question has long since disappeared, there re-
mains still in our nervous system a material trace, an
alteration of the molecular or atomic connections by which
the nervous substance is rendered capable of reproducing
these physical processes by which the corresponding psy-
chic process of sensation and perception is determined
The representations do not last as representations but what
does persist is that particular attunement of the nervous
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 327
substance, in virtue of which, when it is properly struck, it
sounds again to-day the same note which it gave forth
yesterday."3
"When we speak/' writes Maudsley, "of a trace, ves-
tige or residuum all we mean to imply is that an effect is
left behind in the organic element, a something retained
by it which disposes it to a similar functional act; a dis-
position has been acquired which differentiates it hence-
forth, although we have no reason to think that there was
any original specific difference between one nerve cell and
another."4
These conceptions constitute at best only an inadequate
because indefinite explanation of the real problem of mem-
ory. The essential characters of this faculty are thus
stated by Ribot. "Of the three elements of memory: the
preservation of certain states, reproduction, localization
in the past, the first two alone are necessary and character-
istic." A true explanation must- show definitely how these
states are preserved, and how they are repeated. Rignano
agrees with these conceptions in the belief that our specific
sensations and perceptions are due to the passage through
the nervous system of specific nervous currents, called
forth by specific stimuli in the environment, and that the
repetition of these specific sensations in memory depends
upon specific changes induced in the nerve cells. But he
goes farther, stating in his hypothesis (p. 344) what these
specific changes in the nerve cells are.
"This something which leaves an impression after it in
the nerve cell and which disposes it to other similar func-
tional acts will be to our mind, a real and specific material
residue of substance capable of reproducing the same func-
* Ewald Hering, Ueber das Ged'dchtnis als eine allgemeine Funktion der
organisierten Materie. Vienna: Gerold, 1876, pp. 8, 9. English translation
published by Open Court Pub. Co., pp. 7 and 9.
* Henry Maudsley, The Physiology of Mind, third edition, London, Mac-
millan, 1876, p. 270. Quoted by Rignano pp. 343-344-
THE MONIST.
tional current as that by which it had itself been deposited."
These specific substances so deposited he calls specific mne-
monic elements.
"In just this quality of being able to restore again the
same specificity of nervous current as that by which each
element had been deposited one would look for the cause
of the mnemonic faculty in the widest sense .... And fur-
ther, the very essence of the mnemonic faculty would con-
sist entirely in this restitution" (p. 342). This conception,
it will be noted at once, is not very different from those al-
ready advanced. "The only new thing comprised in it is
the hypothesis that the substance, whose discharge is thus
able to generate a given nervous current, has been pro-
duced and deposited exclusively by a nervous current of
the same specificity but of reverse direction, and could
have been produced and deposited only by such a current.
But in this hypothesis, simple as it is, lies everything;
for it is just this which alone can explain completely the
fundamental law of the reversibility of the relation between
action and reaction, stimulus and impression, which gov-
erns all organic life" (p. 321).
Such specific elements do not, of course, permit of
actual demonstration and their existence is purely hypo-
thetical. The hypothesis is one, however, which is strongly
indicated by the facts. Specific accumulations indicate
specific accumulators, and these seem likely to be material
and substantial since their activity depends upon nutrition,
and the nerve cells containing them are material and sub-
stantial things. Rignano says (pp. 311-318):
"We should now examine a little more nearly this hy-
pothesis .... that the substance which constitutes each spe-
cific element, and which is capable of giving as discharge
a single well-determined specific nerve-current, is the same
and the only substance which this specific nerve current
can in its turn form and deposit.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 329
"This should not appear so very strange to us, since
the inorganic world itself presents a phenomenon similar
in certain respects. The substance which actually consti-
tutes the charge of ordinary electric accumulators is ca-
pable of giving back inversely, during its discharge, the
same kind of energy which it had previously received, and
by which it had itself deen deposited, namely, the con-
tinuous electric current.
"The most important difference consists in this, that
an electric accumulator is capable of restoring always only
one and the same kind of energy, but not solely such or such
specific mode of this energy, as, for example, only such or
such intensity of current. It constitutes, for that reason,
only a generic potential element; but such accumulators
would attain the completeness of specific potential elements
—receiving and restoring instruments of the greatest del-
icacy— if one could make it possible that each one of them
should restore only a single definite intensity of current.
"The analogies and differences which nerve-currents
present, in comparison with electric currents, quite warrant
us in assuming in nerve-currents some of the properties
of electric currents, and to attribute at the same time to
the first other properties which the electric do not possess,
provided these qualities are not incompatible with one an-
other.
"It is known that, if we designate by E the electro-
motor force of an accumulator or of any electro-chemical
generator, it can furnish currents of a given intensity i,
according to the resistance R of the circuit, according to
the equation i = E/R.
"Thus, — even though the terms of motor force, of
resistance, of intensity, or more generally, of specificity,
transferred from electric to nerve currents, must be quite
vague, — we may very well venture, nevertheless, as pre-
liminary hypothesis, to attribute to nerve-currents as
33O THE MONIST.
among the properties they might have analogous to electric
currents, precisely those contained in this equation."
Rignano then goes on to state certain corollaries fol-
lowing from this hypothesis, which applying to the mne-
monic process, account for certain of its characteristic
phases.
"As it involves nothing incompatible with the proper-
ties expressed by this equation, we may imagine a nervous
accumulator, constituted by a given substance, capable of
being produced and deposited solely by currents of a defi-
nite intensity, or specificity, and at the same time capable
of producing, by its decomposition, this current alone,—
now from discharge and in the contrary direction, — of the
same intensity or specificity i as that of the charge." This
property exhibited by mnemonic elements would cause
memories to produce the same sensations, and often also
physiologic actions as were formerly produced in the orig-
inal experience. "This accumulator, then, will discharge
itself and produce this current as often as its nervo-motive
force, which we may still call E, is sufficiently great to over-
come the respective resistance, according to the equation :
E = iR.
"Finally, we can assume that the magnitude of this
nervo-motive force is proportional to the quantity or mass
of the substance, which is gradually deposited and accumu-
lated, as if the successive infinitesimal deposits of this sub-
stance were innumerable little Leyden jars arranged in re-
lation, one to another, in some serial order. Then the
greater the mass of the specific substance of this nervous
accumulator the greater in proportion will be the resis-
tance which its discharge will be able to overcome. At the
same time, this accumulator capable of surmounting by its
current of a predetermined intensity i, a given resistance
R, will be capable also of surmounting every other resis-
tance less great than R ; for, for that, it will suffice that it
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 33!
is not the total quantity of material at disposal that enters
into action, but only a portion more or less large, so as to
furnish for each resistance R'<R, the nervo-motor force
E'<E, given by the formula:
£' = iR'.
"Suppose now that the discharge of this accumulator
on account of the ubication or the mode of its insertion,
is able to flow only upon a given point of a given plexus,
traversed the length of its meshes by as many currents of
the most diverse specificities, capable of combining one
with another and of decomposing, and in dynamic equilib-
rium among themselves. (It may be remarked here that
the expression 'dynamic equilibrium' of a circulatory sys-
tem is always to be understood in the sense of inalterability
for the time, in the conditions of movement at each point
of the system. Thus, for example, the system of distribu-
tion of the drinking water of a city, which is fed from a
given constant number of basins, whose head of water is
maintained always at the same height, and in which a
given constant number of water taps are always open, will
settle in a short time into a dynamic equilibrium in our
sense, and continue in it so long as the accession of a new
basin, for example, or the opening of other water taps does
not affect the transition to a new dynamic equilibrium.)
"As soon as the discharge of this nervous accumulator
occurs, which can produce thus only a single definite speci-
ficity of current, and discharge itself upon only a single
determined point, it will necessarily effect a single very
definite change in the dynamic equilibrium of this given
circulatory system. And in the cases in which this change
of the dynamic equilibrium requires the doing of a certain
amount of work (which theoretically is not always re-
quired), this required expenditure of work or energy will
be definitely determined for each discharge, and can be
33^ THE MONIST.
provided only by the accumulator itself. Consequently, in
order that the discharge may take place, this quantity will
have to be less than, or at most equal to, that which the
accumulator can actually furnish.
"The quantity of work which each accumulator is ca-
pable of furnishing will necessarily be proportional to the
mass of the substance which constitutes it. And since, as we
saw, the resistance R which each accumulator with its cur-
rent of definite specificity i, is able to surmount, is like-
wise proportional to the mass of the substance of the accu-
mulator (because it is proportional to its nervo-motive
force, which also is in its turn proportional to this mass,
according to the preliminary hypothesis), then the quan-
tity of work required to effect the change under con-
sideration, must be regarded as equivalent to a resistance
R, which opposes the discharge.
"If now we admit that in nearly all cases, which come
into consideration here, the quantity of work, requisite for
effecting a given change in the dynamic equilibrium of the
whole circulatory system, is proportionately greater, the
more considerable (if we may be pardoned this much too
indefinite expression) in quantity and quality this change
is, .... the following general rule can be established. The
smaller the mass and therefore the nervo-motive force of a
specific accumulator, so much the more closely is its dis-
charge dependent upon the condition that the whole dy-
namic system, above all and very especially in the im-
mediate neighborhood of the accumulator, find itself again
in exactly the same circumstances in which it was when
the accumulator was formed. Conversely, the greater the
mass of the accumulator, the more easily can the conditions
obtain which are able to effect its discharge." Conse-
quently, if the mass, and hence the nervo-motive force of
the accumulator, be minimal, it will be able to discharge
only when the whole dynamic system in the immediate en-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 333
vironment comes again into the same conditions practically
as existed when the accumulator was formed.
"Let us suppose, further, that as the result of external
influences there are induced at the same moment at a few
points of the system a corresponding and equal number
of new nerve-currents, specifically different from the pre-
ceding, so that the system is thereby caused to pass over to
another dynamic equilibrium. It is clear that there will
then be deposited in each point of the system — and not
merely in those which external influences have directly
modified, — a new specific potential element, in mass more
or less large according to the time which the new state of
dynamic equilibrium persists. At the same time, how-
ever, all these same points of the system will preserve, in a
potential state — not in activation — , all the specific ele-
ments which were deposited during the preceding state of
dynamic equilibrium.
"If, such being the state of things, it now happen that
even any single point whatever of the system is brought
back again, by any external influence, to the specificity
which it already had possessed in the preceding stage, that
will make it possible for the respective specific elements
corresponding to that stage to come again into activity,
at first in the point nearest, and then from next to next
until in the most distant; for then each of these elements
will find its immediate environs in approximately the same
conditions as when that element was deposited and in ac-
tivity. It will suffice then that even a single point of a
system return, through the action of external influences,
to its preceding state, in order that the whole system,
transforming itself during the discharge of the different
specific potential elements corresponding to that former
stage, should resume the whole dynamic condition of that
stage.
"We have then a phenomenon of succession or of asso-
334 THE MONIST.
elation of nerve-currents which, as is easily conceivable
and becomes even clearer later, may serve as a basis for the
psychic law of succession or association of ideas."
This quality in nervous accumulators would explain how
memories are recalled by association, how the memory of
one part of a scene recalls the other parts, one after an-
other, and how the memory of an event develops in our
minds in the same sequence as was originally followed by
the different parts of the event itself.
This specific potential mnemonic element or elementary
nervous accumulator is "according to the hypothesis noth-
ing else than the minute particle of a substance which each
new specific nervous current, passing through a nucleus
deposits in it, a substance which adds itself to those already
present in it without changing them and which is capable
as soon as it finds itself in the same relation to its environ-
ment as at the time of its deposit, of restoring the same
specific current by which it was produced." On pages 345-
354 the author continues:
"The above-mentioned conception of Hering of the dis-
position of the nervous substance to sound again the ton<
of yesterday is derived from the physical phenomenon oJ
acoustic resonators. The nervous substance which woulc
be made to vibrate in a given specific way at a given poinl
by a definite elementary sensation or representation woulc
remain from that moment capable of vibrating always anc
exclusively according to that specific mode. According t<
the hypothesis of mnemonic elements on the contrary, i1
is well to repeat again each elementary sensation or repn
entation would consist not so much in a specific vibratioi
of the nervous substance at this or that point but in th<
production by the action of external stimuli of a giv<
specific nervous current. In this way the memory of ai
elementary sensation or representation would consist onl;
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 335
in the reproduction by the action of causes now internal
of the same specific nervous current.
"In other words the way in which the hypothesis of
mnemonic elements or specific elementary accumulators
would conceive of the mnemonic phenomena is as follows :
"A series of sounds or of words, for example a certain
melody, or some phrase of a discourse when once it has
entered by the ear we can imagine, produces a series of
nervous currents in the auditory nerve specifically different
one from another just as in a telephone the successive elec-
tric currents are specifically different from one another (in
this particular case different in intensity) which the same
series of sounds produces in the receptive apparatus and
later transmits along the wire. If then one or several
nerve centers, after receiving these specifically different
currents, are capable of storing up these specific energies,
each distinct from the other in such a way as to reproduce
them identically later at the moment of discharge, and if,
further, the discharge of each immediately preceding
specific energy and it alone is capable of producing the lib-
eration of the specific energy immediately following (and
we have seen above that this is one consequence of the
hypothesis of specific elementary accumulators), it will
be in this way possible for the same succession of different
specific currents and consequently of different ideas or im-
pressions to be repeated a great number of times, and it is
in just this that the mnemonic phenomenon consists.
"One could evidently say the same thing of the optic
phenomenon, that is to say, of any series of colors or spe-
cific luminous vibrations which succeed one another in
space or time.
"Ribot has rightly said that 'There is not one memory,
but memories; that there is not one seat of memory, but
particular seats for each particular memory/5 And, ac-
8 Ribot, Les maladies de la memoire. Paris, Alcan, 1901, p. n.
336 THE MONIST.
cording to this theory, each mnemonic element would con-
stitute a particular seat for each elementary sensation or
each particular specific impression.
"In this sense also, that is to say on the condition that
the expression 'nervous elements' be not disjoined from the
conception of elementary specific accumulators or mne-
monic elements, we can accept the idea of memory which
this investigator (Ribot) has put forward: If we at-
tempt/ writes he, 'to recall a good memory and to express
this in physiological terms, we must figure to ourselves a
great number of nervous elements, each modified in a par-
ticular manner, each taking part in one combination and
probably capable of entering into several, each of these
combinations containing within it the conditions of exist-
ence of the states of consciousness. Memory has then static
and dynamic bases. Its strength is in relation to their
number and stability/6
' 'One asks/ continues Ribot, 'if each nerve cell can
preserve several different modifications or if once modified
it is forever polarized. The number of cerebral cells being
about 600,000,000 according to the calculations of Meynert
(and Sir Lionel Beale gives a much higher figure) the hy-
pothesis of a single impression is not inconceivable/7 It
may be remarked here that according to the hypothesis of
mnemonic elements there is room in each brain cell for a
whole series of specific deposits and not merely for one
specific deposit. . . .
"Provisionally it can be affirmed that the close depen-
dence of memory upon the nutritive processes8 indicates
strongly that the preservation of memories is to be ascribed
to accumulations of substances. Further, as was very well
remarked by Hensen, the fact that many memories through-
8 Ribot, loc. cit., p. 32.
7 Ribot, loc. cit., p. 17.
8 Ribot, loc. cit., pp. 155-163-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 337
out several years may remain completely quiescent and
then can come again with great distinctness into conscious-
ness, notwithstanding that all the parts of the organism
have been renewed several times in the interval,9 indicates
(if one recollects that assimilation consists in the incessant
reproduction of new masses, always of identically the same
substance) that in order to preserve these memories it is
sufficient if for one given substance there be substituted
another identical one. The existence finally of several more
or less clear, more or less intense memories, coupled with
the fact that this greater clearness or intensity and all
hypermnesia in general depend also upon phenomena of
nutrition, indicate that the degree of vividness or intensity
and the degree of hypermnesia in general may be a func-
tion of the mass of the substance concerned, on the accumu-
lation of which the preservation of these memories is de-
pendent.
"If it appears thus to be shown by facts, that the pres-
ervation of memories is due to accumulations of substance,
a whole series of other facts seems to demonstrate that the
reawakening of these memories consists in the restitution
of the same currents as had formerly constituted the actual
sensation or impression.
"We need not recall here all the innumerable examples
which show that the motor or secretory or physiological
effects in general of the mnemonic reawakening of a given
sensation or impression are quite identical with those of the
real sensation or impression : for example, the recollection
of a certain dish produces the same salivation as is pro-
voked by the dish itself; the memory of the beloved per-
son can cause each time the same reddening of the counte-
nance, the same brightening of the eyes, the same accelera-
tion of the pulse as the direct view of that person; every
'Hensen, Ueber das Gedachtnis. Kiel, Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1877,
P. 13-
338 THE MONIST.
time that a mother thinks of her nursing child there comes
a flow of milk into the breasts. These are some examples
which show the substantial identity of the functional and
mnemonic stimulus ....
"If the preservation of each memory is due to deposits
in number exactly equal to the specific elementary nervous
currents which the sensation or complex impression had
provoked in the nervous system, we are then in a position
to comprehend also the phenomenon known under the name
of abridgment : 'Every memory/ says Ribot, 'however lim-
ited it may be, undergoes an enormous abridgment. The
farther that the present recedes into the past, the more do
the conditions of consciousness diminish and disappear.
Reviewed at several days distance there remains little or
nothing of them ; for the most part they have darkened into
a nothingness from which they will never again emerge and
have taken with them the time duration inherent in them.
Consequently a diminution of the conditions of conscious-
ness is a diminution in time.'1(
"This disappearance of the elementary conditions of
consciousness producing the abbreviation of the memory
will be due, then, according to our view, to the disappear-
ance of the secondary mnemonic elements, that is to say,
those provided with a minimum quantity of the respective
substance (and potential energy which is the consequence
of it) from the series which constitutes the entire memory.
Possibly this disappearance can be caused by the fact that
the nutritive fluid has come gradually to be entirely ab-
sorbed by the principal mnemonic elements of the same
series and by the new elements which later supervene as
a consequence of later sensations also stored up in mem-
ory. . . .
"In recalling a given memory the cells do not lose the
'impression/ as we call it, which they preserve of that mem-
10 Ribot, Les maladies de la memoire, pp. 44, 45.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 339
ory; on the contrary, the more a memory is recalled, the
more the respective 'impression' is reinforced. This sig-
nifies that the entrance into activity or function of mne-
monic elements merely causes their mass and their potential
energy to increase The active participation of the mne-
monic centers in the biological phenomena of memory
leaves them in the same state as before so that they are
equally capable and even more capable than formerly of
reproducing many more times the same phenomena.
"The reawakening of mnemonic centers at long inter-
vals of years constitute very ordinary phenomena. Cases
are frequent, for example, of adults who are able to repeat
poems which they had learned in their earliest childhood,
even after many years during which they have never had
occasion to repeat them at any time. Coleridge speaks of
a young girl who in the delirium of fever, repeated long
fragments in the Hebrew tongue which she did not under-
stand but which she had a very "long time before heard
read aloud by a priest in whose service she had been.11 A
Lutheran preacher of German origin living in America,
who had in his congregation a considerable number of Ger-
mans and Swedes, related to Dr. Rush that nearly all, a
little before dying, pray in their mother tongue. "I have/'
said he, "innumerable examples of it, and among them
several in which I am sure they had not spoken German
or Swedish for fifty or sixty years."12 Rignano cites other
similar instances, but in this review it is not expedient to
multiply them. Such instances are familiar to every one.
He continues :
"These examples show, then, how remarkable can be
the persistence of conditions latent in memory. Let us note
further, that these last cases present, in a very striking
11 Maudsley, The Physiology of Mind, p. 25.
13 Ribot, Les maladies de la memoire, pp. 146-147.
340 THE MONIST.
form, what Ribot calls 'reminiscence from contiguity in
space'.
"These reminiscences through contiguity in space are
only a particular case of the general law of the association
or succession of ideas. They indicate that the mnemonic
center reacts only when the sight of the same place induces
in the environment of that center almost the same state of
nervous distribution as at the former time when it received
the impression. That is exactly. . . . the result to which
we were led by the hypothesis of specific elementary ac-
cumulators which have advanced."
Having seen thus how the faculty of memory finds
an explanation in this simple hypothesis and how certain
corollaries following logically upon its acceptance explain
the various qualities of mnemonic phenomena, it remains
to see in what way the fundamental process, which is sug-
gested as the basis of memory, is inherent also in other
vital processes. If it be true that currents of nervous na-
ture, able to deposit these accumulator substances, are not
confined to the nervous tissues proper, but pass constantly
through the cytoplasm of all living cells whatever, to and
from the nuclei, we have thus provided a mechanism
whereby mnemonic faculties can be exhibited, by every
part of living organisms. There is very good evidence that
such currents do exist. Pfeffer demonstrated the presence
in plants of nuclear excitations which passed through the
cytoplasm and produced specific effects at the distance of
several millimeters.13 Commenting on Pfeffer's experiment,
O. Hertwig states that "it is thereby proved that the stim-
ulus necessary for membrane formation can be trans-
mitted through the fine connecting filaments which pass
through the dividing wall between two cells. There is noth-
ing in the way of admitting similar means for the transmis-
13 Pfeffer, "Ueber den Einfluss des Zellkerns auf die Bildung der Zell-
haut," Berichte uber die V erhandlungen der konigl. sacks. Gesellsch. d. Wis-
sensch. zu Leipzig, 1897, p. 507.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 34!
sion of other functional stimuli also." — "It is probable that
the transmission of nuclear stimuli by protoplasmic fila-
ments is much less rapid and less intense than nerve con-
duction, but perhaps for this very reason may be more
continuous and by reason of its duration more efficacious."14
All the phenomena of nervous nature exhibited by proto-
zoa and low forms of animal life must depend upon similar
nervous currents. While the higher animal organisms
are still in an embryonic state, and before a nervous system
is developed, such simple means of transmission of impulses
by means of cytoplasm, protoplasmic filaments and inter-
cellular bridges must be the only ones available. During
the development of the nervous tissues proper, there must
be co-operation of the two methods, as also in the adult
organism in which there would thus be provided a general
nervous circulation whereby the entire organism is con-
nected up, both adjacent and remote parts into a single
plexus.
The mechanism necessary for the general exercise of
a mnemonic faculty being present throughout the organ-
ism, it is interesting to note that Hering finds the mnemonic
faculty itself present, as shown in his book Ueber das Ge-
ddchtnis als erne allgemeine Funktion der organisierten
Materie, pp. 16-17. Her ing's assertion has recently been
taken up again by Richard Semon, and more thoroughly
and completely treated in his work, Die Mneme als erhal-
tendes Prinzip im Wechsel des organischen Geschehens
(Leipsic, Engelmann, 1904). Ribot also states that "mem-
ory is essentially a biological fact, accidentally a psycho-
logical one."15
The possession by living matter in general of a mne-
monic faculty should throw some light upon many of its
activities and especially upon those which resemble mem-
14 Oscar Hertwig, Die Zelle und die Gewebe, II, pp. 40-41.
15 Ribot, Les maladies de la memoire, p. i.
342 THE MONIST.
ory. All those phenomena which show a restitution of a
vital process, or a repetition of it many times, and always
in the same way would find an explanation in this faculty.
In this connection one thinks at once of the germ substance
which in successive ontogeneses repeats a vital process,
and tends to repeat it always in exactly the same way.
(Rignano, pp. 339-340) : "The comparison between the
phenomena of development and the phenomena of memory,
especially after the discovery of the fundamental biogenetic
law, that the ontogeny of each individual tends to repeat
exactly the ontogenies of all its ancestors, has presented
itself spontaneously to a large number of authors. 'The
germ,' wrote Claude Bernard, 'seems to preserve the mem-
ory of the organism from which it proceeds/16 Haeckel
attributes development to the mnemonic quality of his plas-
tidules Orr endeavored to explain recapitulation du-
ring ontogeny by the mnemonic law of habit. Cope held
that ontogeny is called forth by the unconscious memory
of phylogeny. Naegeli and, in some places, Hertwig, him-
self, attributes to the idioplasm the faculty of remembering,
so to speak, the successive phylogenetic stages through
which it had gradually passed.
"But it was above all Hering who maintained most
boldly the fundamental identity of the ontogenetic and mne-
monic phenomena: What is it that causes this reappear-
ance in the daughter organism which is developing, of
characters of the parent organism if it be not a reproduction
on the part of organized matter, of processes in which it
has already taken part at another time, if only as a germ in
the ovary ; and which now at an opportune moment it re-
calls exactly while reacting to the same or similar stimuli
in a manner similar to that which the preceding organism
has already followed, of which it was formerly a part and
19 Claude Bernard, Lemons sur les phenomenes de la vie communs aux ani-
maux et aux vegetaux, p. 66.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 343
of the vicissitudes of which it had then shared? If the
parent organism by long custom or repeated action has
changed somewhat in nature in such a way that the ger-
minal cellule within it has also been affected, however feebly
it may be, and if this latter commences a new existence
growing and developing into a new being of which the
different parts are not other than itself and flesh of its
flesh, and if in thus developing it reproduce that which it
had already experienced at another time as part of a great
whole, this is also precisely as astonishing as when mem-
ories of his early childhood are recalled suddenly to the
old man, but it is not more astonishing. And whether it
may be still just the same organized substance which re-
produces a process already once experienced, or whether
it may be only a descendant, a portion of its substance
which in the interval has grown and become large, this is
manifestly a difference of degree only and not of es-
sence/17 The observation of the similarity of the two
processes, although extremely interesting, so long as nei-
ther phenomenon was understood, did not help science
much in its search for the fundamental causes. Rignano
remarks (pp. 341-342) that "this extension of the mne-
monic faculty over every vital phenomenon without excep-
tion, [including development] although it contains much
truth, could not by itself constitute any explanation of
either one phenomenon or the other, but on the other hand
helps to plunge both into deeper darkness ; for while by this
comparison the obscure fundamental peculiarities common
to both become in no wise clearer, the most striking charac-
teristics of each of the two phenomena which are different
in the two, and which are those that up to the present have
served to give us the most exact ideas possible of their re-
spective phenomena are left out of consideration.
"Ewald Hering, Ueber das Ged'dchtnis als eine allgemeine Function der
organisierten Materie, pp. 16-17.
344 THE MONIST.
"The phenomenon of memory can serve neither as an
explanation of the phenomenon of development nor of the
vital phenomenon in general, because it constitutes itself
a phenomenon more special and more complex than those
it was summoned to explain. There was still, however, a
possibility that the resemblance which appeared to exist
between some essential characters of these three phenom-
ena might be explained by a fourth more general and more
simple phenomenon, which would be at the same time the
basis of all three categories of phenomena ; the ontogenetic,
mnemonic properly so called (psycho-mnemonic), and the
vital."
This hypothesis of specific nervous accumulators con-
stituting germinal, mnemonic, and vital elements affords
an intelligible explanation of that basic property which
would explain and unify all three.
EXPLANATION OF ONTOGENY.
In his biogenetic law Haeckel formulated the marvelous
phenomenon of recapitulation of phylogeny during on-
togeny. During the course of ontogeny the developing
organism tends to repeat the development of its ancestors,
one after another, passing from stage to stage in the order
in which those stages appeared in evolution. Thus even
though modifications may supervene, it can be said that at
each stage it represents the form of an ancestor which at-
tained at that stage its full development. From the be-
ginning of development the same stages follow one another
in the same order in all animals in so far as they have a
common line of descent. Some influences come into activ-
ity within the embryo serially, causing it to pass from each
stage to that following next in the oft repeated series.
This principle of repetition in embryological development,
although so familiar, is yet inexplicable. So far there has
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 345
been no satisfactory explanation of what the impelling
forces are, nor of why developmental stages should succeed
one another always in the same order recapitulating phy-
logeny.
But the phenomena become intelligible if with Rignano
we consider the germ substance as constituted by specific,
mnemonic, germinal, elements quite like the specific mne-
monic elements of the brain substance. Just as stimuli
acting upon human bodies, in addition to bringing about
physiological changes and sensations cause also the deposit
in the brain of corresponding specific accumulators (as we
have already noted in our consideration of memory), so also
the stimuli, whatever they may have been, which acted
upon the germs of the ancestors of organisms now living,
in addition to bringing about developmental changes would
also cause the deposit in the germ of corresponding spe-
cific accumulators. Just as the specific mnemonic accu-
mulators in the brain cells are able, when conditions permit
their activation, to cause former stimuli (nerve currents)
to be reproduced capable of causing a repetition of the
same sensations and physiological changes, so also the
specific mnemonic accumulators in the germ substance
would be able when conditions permitted their activation
to cause former stimuli to be reproduced capable of caus-
ing a repetition of the same developmental changes. And
this repetition wrill be effected during the development of
organisms of later generations.
There is thus suggested a working hypothesis by which
we can understand what the impelling forces of develop-
ment may be and whence they come. It remains to be
explained why developmental stages should succeed one
another always in the same order recapitulating phylogeny.
In memory there operates the law of association of
ideas and we have seen this to be dependent upon prop-
erties which specific, mnemonic accumulators must pos-
346 THE MONIST.
sess in accordance with the general physical laws to which
they are subject.
If we admit the general rule then developed for specific
accumulators, by which (pp. 315-316) "the quantity of
work requisite for effecting a given change in the dynamic
equilibrium of the whole circulatory system, is proportion-
ally greater, the more considerable in quantity and quality
the change is, it becomes at once conceivable why each spe-
cific potential element of the germinal centers can become
activated only wrhen the embryo has reached the ontoge-
netic stage, corresponding to the particular phylogenetic
stage, at which this element had been acquired by the
germinal substance. For then first will the change which
the dynamic system of the embryo undergoes, as a result
of the activation of this specific potential element, be the
least possible, and therefore generally also the only one
whose resistance can be surmounted by the very weak
nervomotive force of this specific potential element." There-
fore these accumulators must become activated one after
another, always in the same order, and always in the order
in which the corresponding stimuli had become operative
in phylogeny. We thus have provided a mechanism which,
acting with all the certainty of a physical process, must
tend to cause developing organisms, in so far as they have
common ancestors, to pass in the same order through the
same series of changes, namely those through which their
common ancestors passed in evolution. And this arrange-
ment is the same as that which causes recollections of suc-
cessive events to come up, according to the mnemonic law
of association of ideas, in the same order as that in which
the events themselves had originally occurred.
(P. 354) "In mnemonic phenomena proper [psychic],
they are the infinitely diverse and constantly changing con-
ditions of the external environment, and the corresponding
sensations following in the individual which call forth like
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 347
a phantasy such and such an association or succession of
ideas. But in the development of the embryo which is re-
moved from the action of every external perturbating in-
fluence and above all, which is provoked by the activation
of different specific germinal elements from one and the
same complex mnemonic center constituted by the germinal
substance, the succession of mnemonic states of this latter
called into activity one after the other, and of the corres-
ponding stages of ontogeny must inevitably proceed in un-
interrupted series, always the same for all individual on-
togenies of the same species. For to reawaken each mne-
monic element of this germinal substance there must again
concur exactly the corresponding conditions of nervous dis-
tribution of the embryo which had been provoked by the
re-awakening of the mnemonic element immediately pre-
ceding.
"It is then in development even more than in mnemonic
phenomena properly so called that there operates the law of
rigorous succession, in which, as Ribot says, each member
of a series produces the following."18
Just as there is abridgment of every memory, so there
is also abridgment in the recapitulation of ontogeny by
phylogeny. (P. 351) "In fact of the older mnemonic ele-
ments constituting the germinal substance, the strongest,
that is those which are represented by the largest quantity
of substance, alone persist. The less strong older mnemonic
elements, the total quantity of nourishment for all mne-
monic elements remaining the same, or varying only within
definite limits, will have all their portion of nourishment
taken away by the strong older mnemonic elements and
by the newer mnemonic elements whose number will
continually increase with each phylogenetic advancement.
Not being able consequently to regain their substance com-
pletely in each ontogenesis, they will gradually disappear."
18 Ribot, Les maladies de la memoire, p. 8.
34-8 THE MONIST.
Thus ontogeny becomes not a full but only an abridged
recapitulation of phylogeny.
Further, just as in memory the time factor is eliminated,
so in ontogeny, the specific germinal accumulators become
activated as soon as the conditions permit and the organism
in its development runs through in a few days a series of
changes, which may have required thousands of years in
phylogeny. Just as in memory specific mnemonic elements
may become activated only after intervals almost life-long,
so the specific germinal elements will become activated only
in the ontogeneses of successive generations. Just as in
memory, reminiscence does not exhaust the mnemonic ele-
ments, but strengthens them, so in ontogenesis the repeated
development of characters fixes them in the germinal sub-
stance, and palingenetic characters are more firmly stamped
upon the race than cenogenetic.
In this hypothesis of specific germinal and mnemonic
elements, accumulators each of a corresponding specific
nervous influence, Rignano has suggested a common basis
for the phenomena of memory and ontogeny, which ex-
plains both these processes and unifies them. In affording
such an intelligible explanation, the hypothesis stands
alone, for while these phenomena have been among those
most studied, they remain among the most marvelous in
biology, or perhaps in the whole field of human knowledge.
No satisfactory explanation has even been suggested here-
tofore, and such a conception of them as Rignano's, ex-
plaining them in terms of physico-chemical laws already
known, will be welcomed and carefully considered by all
biologists whose work has led them to feel the need of
such explanations and to the conviction that they must rest
upon a physico-chemical basis.
The many observations which have been made, of the
resemblance between mnemonic reproductions of the like-
ness of former things, and the reproduction in an embryo
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 349
of the likeness of its ancestors, which heretofore have been
vague and misty, become in the light of this conception
vastly more interesting, and become also vastly more sig-
nificant and valuable to science in its search into their es-
sential character and into the nature of the vital process
itself.
(P. 355) "In summing up all that we have said thus
far we can thus affirm that if the mnemonic phenomena,
properly so called, can not serve to explain ontogenetic
phenomena nor the latter to explain the former, the resem-
blance which has nevertheless been noted by so great a
number of authors can be explained by a third phenomenon
more general and more simple than either. And this phe-
nomenon consists in the faculty possessed by all living sub-
stance of accumulating and repeating individually different
particular specificities of generic nervous energy, and this
constitutes the essence of all vital phenomena whatever."
The question of the transmission of acquired charac-
ters is treated in the book at considerable length, the author
regarding it as of the greatest interest and importance.
He states that in his earlier studies he was inclined to re-
ject the Lamarckian theory largely because there was no
conceivable mechanism available for an explanation of
transmissibility.
But in this hypothesis he sees a way by which func-
tional stimuli which bring about somatic modifications may
bring about corresponding modifications of the germinal
substance also, understanding by the term functional stim-
uli of course the stimuli set into operation within the organ-
ism, and not the external action of the environmental
stimuli which provoke them.
For if the stimuli which during phylogeny cause the ac-
quirement by a species of new characters are produced in
the individual organisms as a result of the action of ex-
ternal environmental stimuli, then this hypothesis affords
35O THE MONIST.
an explantion of how they may be transmitted to the ger-
minal substance, for such stimuli passing throughout the
entire organism, which as we have seen is one vast plexus,
not only cause in some parts the development of new char-
acters, but also cause the deposit of corresponding specific
accumulators in many cells, the germ cells among others.
Those deposited in somatic cells will disappear with the
death of the individual, but those in the germ cell, will be
in a position to effect the continuation of the new character
in the species, if they have been deposited in considerable
mass, as a result of the action for a long time of a persistent
new environmental stimulus. For such accumulators, be-
coming activated when the development of the organism
which they produce has reached the stage, corresponding
to that at which the new character was acquired in phy-
logeny, will cause the same morphogenic stimuli to be dis-
charged, which acting upon the developing organism will
at once cause it also to develop the new character.
Other phenomena, such as atavism, reversion in hy-
brids, sexual dimorphism and polymorphism are taken up,
but it must suffice here merely to refer to the book for a
consideration of them. Manifestations of these properties
by living organisms is shown to be quite in conformity
with the hypothesis he has advanced, and to find in it some
explanation. The author continues (p. 356) :
"It remains for us to demonstrate that this property
as we have affirmed before, can aid us in great part to
explain the essential characteristics of the vital phenom-
enon itself in all its generality — that is assimilation."
BASIL C. H. HARVEY.
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
HAS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY
PROVED HELPFUL?1
THIS is a question stated in such a way that many
people will find in its very statement a negative reply.
But my intention here and now is to put a question without
giving the answer, to state a problem without solving it.
It is something indeed to state the question. Were I to give
an answer it would demand more time than I would be
justified in consuming. I will not give the external history
of the laboratories ; this would avail us less than one might
think. My task is more modest or more pretentious as you
prefer; I confine myself to mental impressions, which,
nevertheless, can bring us nearer to the truth than history.
How many times an institution conceived and established
in a certain spirit ends by working in a different spirit to
serve still another spirit.
A psychological laboratory ! — I do not know what there
is in the shop, but it must be admitted that it could not
have a droller sign. You may say I am jesting but there
is no other way to interpret the expression than somewhat
after this fashion: Here ideas are manufactured, volition
is distilled, sentiment is created. So it seems that even the
intent and the conception of a psychological laboratory
must be the result of a misapprehension and at the service
of this misapprehension ; it seems that philosophy has noth-
1 Address delivered on September 4, 1908, before the Third International
Congress of Philosophy at Heidelberg ; translated from the French manuscript
of Professor Billia by Lydia G. Robinson.
352 THE MONIST.
ing to do but to refrain from taking interest in it, or per-
haps to enter just once in order to administer charitable
advice and to give the savants in charge of the laboratories
a little instruction in modesty and prudence by making
them see how vain and deceptive is the pretense at studying
and knowing the facts of consciousness outside of con-
sciousness, and how greatly one is deceived by the most
pitiful illusion when he imagines that what he measures,
what he pulls and pushes, what he weighs, and what he
analyzes by the aid of material things is really conscious-
ness, thought, sensation.
But in this task of removing a misconception, we soon
meet with a difficulty which proves a hindrance ; or, rather,
restrains us for the time being and makes us consider the
matter once more. We are not overawed by the insolence
of those who appear to work for the purpose of reducing
the facts of consciousness to the measurement of material
facts; on the contrary what has detained us is the good
faith, the serious spirit and the useful contributions of
others who are true experimenters. With what right are
we to teach modesty to modest men, logic and the limits
of experimental research to those who pursue the study
of its logic and are well aware of its limits? When we
step into the laboratories of the Claparedes, of the Flour-
noys, of the De Sarlos, of the Kiesows (I can not under-
take to make the list complete) we find ourselves face to
face with men who tell us without any reservation that
they are in search of facts only, that they do not work in
behalf of a system or a party but for the single purpose of
contributing to the knowledge of mental facts. These are
the men who do not wait for our reservations to assure us
that they have never pretended to tell us what sensation
is or what thought is, nor whence they originate, but only
to determine some conditions of the nervous system, or
the organism, and even of the environment in which the
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 353
facts of consciousness are produced in such and such a
way, and even when they are produced or when not. This
has impressed us ; it has disarmed us ; it has instructed us.
Further, truth has nothing to fear from truths. We
have readily understood that this serious study of the ex-
ternal and physiological conditions of the facts of the soul
would have brought us at the same time to a better recog-
nition of these facts and to the clearer and clearer dis-
tinction between these facts and their permanent conscious
and individual principle on one side, and on the other of
the somatic conditions in which they manifest themselves.
Finally, there is no other point in question than to be
able some day to give an exact solution to this correspon-
dence of each different instant which obtains in the con-
sciousness of every person. Formerly I tried to reduce
this correspondence mainly to a limitation of the power of
reflection,2 which becomes manifest in the consciousness
even of philosophers at certain hours of the day when in
a state of fatigue, exhaustion or intoxication, and which
indeed may be the condition of the whole life of certain
unfortunates whom we call fools, simple minded, and idiots.
If this solution could be reached how many problems would
be solved! There would then be some hope of carrying
out the old well-known and very audacious assertion of
Descartes that medicine would one day be able to govern
the mind and the character; that is to say, to deliver hu-
manity from evil and disorder. Education would no longer
have to struggle continually against difficulties and recur-
ring deceptions, because it would know in advance what
might be expected of each individual under definite condi-
tions.
This is a matter of which we have had some idea for a
long time. We might even find precursors of psycho-phys-
2 Lesioni di Filosofia della morale, VII. Rome, Torino, 1897. Ernest
Naville e il libero arbitrio. Rome, Torino, 1900.
354 THE MONIST.
ics in the greatest metaphysicians of earlier days. An in-
vestigation whkh I myself have made with the intention
of proving that the great metaphysicians were also great
masters of observation, has led me to discover an advanced
psycho-physics not only in Rosmini who is too modern to
prove my point, but in Malebranche and even in Plato.3
That which was then still lacking and could not be expected
until the science of to-day and of the future, was measure-
ment and exact determination. The nearer we approach
to this measurement and exact determination, the more we
see that it by no means supplants the idea of the mind and
of its action upon itself, not even pretending to explain its
production, its origin and nature; but only to establish
limits and conditions, in such a way that even if the lab-
oratory was established for materialistic purposes its tri-
umphs and its most serious results have been in the service
of spiritualism. As my friend M. Adrien Naville has said :
"It will always be understood more clearly in proportion
as the physiology of the brain progresses. Anthropological
monism can only live in the twilight. When physiologists
shall have succeeded in expressing in definite mechanical
formulas the movements of the cerebral cells which are
analogous to facts of consciousness, no one can insist that
these facts of consciousness are the same thing as a move-
ment."4
The evident conclusion from all these observations and
all these considerations will therefore be that psychological
laboratories are the more useful and conspicuous an aid
to the study of the mind according as the expectations of
the scholars who looked forward to them are more modest,
and the results more precise, definite, determined, positive.
But there is a train of ideas which carries us along in
3 Delle dottrine psicofisiche di Platone, Modena, 1898 ; Esti. d. Atti d. Acca-
demia. Delle dottrine psicofisiche di Nicolo Malebranche, Berlin, 1900. L'esig-
lio di S. Agostino, Turin, 1898.
4 Revue Scientifique, Mar. 5, 1887, p. 316.
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 355
spite of ourselves. We have seen that the psychological
laboratory has carried the materialist and the positivist in
the direction of spiritualism. But whither is the spiritualist
led who, disarmed by the modest and earnest bearing of
his ancient adversary, enters into the laboratory, shuts
himself up, and abandons himself to the confident expecta-
tion of finding there a more exact confirmation of all the
truths of his consciousness and one more suitable for per-
suading others ?
I. In proportion as he acquires a more precise, more ex-
act, more definite knowledge of physiological, and even of
physical and chemical conditions, in which and under which
such a fact of sensation, of thought, and of will is produced,
he runs the risk of losing the clear vision of what this fact
truly is ; very much as those literary critics who are better
informed about the exact day and hour of Dante's birth
and the exact spot in Florence where his house stood and
about the gate of the town from which he departed to take
his flight in exile, are not always the ones who best pene-
trate into the spirit of the loftiest of poets. By seeing that
a phenomenon occurs under such circumstances, one is
led to believe that it has not occurred and does not now
occur except under such circumstances; and with this we
have now come back to the prodigious misapprehension
of a fact of consciousness studied outside of consciousness.
In other words, in spite of the best intentions to the con-
trary, psychology itself is destroyed by the psychological
laboratory.
II. Again, the experiments in the laboratory give us
such a habit of considering and measuring the limitations
of our power of feeling, of understanding, and of willing,
that they lead us to forget another side of our psychical
life which is no less a true side, namely liberty, and the
power of passing beyond those very limits, and of extend-
ing our faculty of feeling, understanding and of willing
356 THE MONIST.
still farther beyond. Certainly to find an exact determina-
tion of the physiological and physical limits of our intel-
lectual and volitional operations appears to be a great
triumph, but in the first place who said that this determina-
tion would be the same for all ? or that it always results in
the simple combination, that a being given as the sum-
total of physiological conditions we will have b for the sum-
total of psychical conditions and that each change which
takes place in a leads necessarily to the same change in b ?
This indeed would be a most comfortable and alluring
theory, but here is where consciousness will have to do
with facts which throw a great suspicion of doubt upon this
formulation. Psycho-physical correspondence5 is not at all
constant. I am not a pragmatist not a Bergsonian. I do
not say that it defies all rule, all possible determination,
I simply say, and I insist upon it, that it is not confined
within the limits of the determination furnished by the
laboratories or through the laboratory method. For in-
stance, it is easy to admit that during the day in the ordi-
nary life of a healthy person with a good constitution, and
still more during the day and in the ordinary life of a person
somewhat delicate and ailing, there is a physiological limit
beyond which he loses the power of reflecting which should
operate in two processes becoming more and more painful
and finally unbearable; viz., the effort to pay attention to
a long and complicated series of ideas, of symbols, and of
images, or of circumstances which compel a decision to be
made; and the effort to fix one's mind for a long time upon
the motives which persuade us to endure to the end some-
thing requiring great patience. For instance, you all agree
in admitting that you could not endure the tiresomeness
of my discourse for three hours, and, for my part, I could
not endure certain noises for a few consecutive minutes
B Those who do me the honor to grasp my thought will have to content
themselves with the word correspondence. Identity would indicate too much
and parallelism too little.
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 357
without being greatly disturbed. They say, or at least we
are constantly besought to have the decency to believe, that
the learned physiologists have determined by exact meas-
urement the intoxication of nerve centers, the exhaustion
of nervous and muscular force, the breaking down of tis-
sues, especially in the brain, which corresponds to the men-
tal relaxation as its only cause.
But right at this point, if many facts seem to justify
these conclusions, other facts, less numerous to be sure but
well established and authenticated, give the lie to the pre-
tensions of those who would measure exhaustion if they
try to give the results of their experiments as an absolute
and universal law. If a tyrant were to make my lecture
last four hours the rest of you though reduced to extreme
exhaustion would still be able to give your attention to a
soothing melody which some solacing spirit might cause
to resound and even to a homelier fanfare from the street.
However, it is a fact of almost elementary physiology that
because of the multiplicity of vibrations the nervous fatigue
of a man who listens to the best of concerts is far greater
and far more exhausting than that of him who listens to
the dullest of lectures.
Soldiers who faint from thirst and fatigue and are no
longer conscious of their surroundings will throw them-
selves once more into the assault if they are made to be-
lieve that victory is sure or that their safety rests on the
condition of one supreme effort. Those who, like myself
for instance, have a very delicate nervous system often
experience moments of such exhaustion that they require
absolute and immediate relaxation and repose. There must
not be the slightest delay for this recuperation, no noise,
nor any effort of attention. Now if under these conditions
we come home and find that some member of the family
has suddenly been taken ill, that a child is in danger, that
the daily paper has given a false report prejudicial to our
THE MONIST.
scientific or political reputation or to our party, and that
its refutation cannot be postponed later than the edition
of the following morning, we are at once ourselves again,
we summon our forces, our attention, and we postpone our
fatigue, dismissing all thought of supper and bedtime.
It is true that we have reserve force, but this only suc-
ceeds in deferring the difficulty. It is according to our
discretion that we draw upon these reserves, therefore the
limit is not absolute, — or if there is an absolute limit it is
not the physiological limit ; or if it is always a physiological
limit it is not the one which the laboratories determine or
are able to determine.
Please consider once more that this extension and
widening of limits which takes place suddenly in the pres-
ence of a motive may in certain individuals indeed become
a constant exercise, the limits to be extended day by day,
and powers of feeling, thinking, and willing to be indefi-
nitely increased. The laboratories teach us these limits.
Consciousness here confronts us with a great mystery;
where are the limits? As soon as the limit of one instant
can be removed to the instant after and so on, is there
still another limit in this power of extending the limit?
I state the question but I do not expect it to be answered.
I have only to say that this is the great question of psychol-
ogy; I have only to say that the laboratory which forgets
it, in so doing destroys psychology.
To be sure, to give us an idea of limits which is per-
haps instructive and wholesome, may render us more dis-
cerning towards ourselves and towards others, may give
us the wisdom to avoid claiming the impossible. But the
habit of always taking physiological limits into considera-
tion may also stifle the consciousness of our inner powers,
the consciousness of the power of the mind acting with an
ideal in view. More discerning alas ! But it has also given
us a cowardly habit of considering certain disorders such
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 359
as debauchery, drunkenness, slavery, war, and capital pun-
ishment, as if they were determined by external and or-
ganic conditions, and to forget the agency of liberty and its
power in degenerating as well as in upbuilding, — agency
and power which are no less positive facts than all the
physiological determinations, end moreover are themselves
the determining factors.
III. Finally, the psychological laboratory leads us to
treat mental facts as external objects of experimental
research and curiosity. But mental facts are not that.
The mind which we observe is nothing else than we our-
selves who live and ought to exist in a certain manner.
The question is not to see how some one or some thing
operates. The important thing is that we ourselves should
always be and do well, — always better. There are ex-
periments which should not be performed because they in-
jure us, deteriorate us, remove us farther from perfection.
Only those experiments should "be performed which in
themselves are a step in our development. Not all curiosity
should be satisfied because its satisfaction is at our ex-
pense, because it is on ourselves that the experiment is
made.
A bigoted man of science may challenge me with the
scandalized question: Would you found education upon
ignorance? Not at all; it would be offensive to say and
absurd to think. But it is well to have the courage to state
clearly that some ignorance is an indispensable element of
education. Why? Precisely because at bottom human
education is in no way possible unless it is founded on
science, which is at the same time both the means and the
end of education. Now some ignorance is the indispensable
condition of all knowledge. I may know all the gossip of
the town, yet I will be very ignorant not in spite of this,
but on account of it. You are scholars not only because
of the attention you have given, but also because of that
360 THE MONIST.
denied. Whoever wishes to acquire a practical acquain-
tance with the sights and especially the sensations, of cru-
elty and debauchery, must condemn himself to ignorance
of decent and charitable feelings, or at least of the noblest
sentiments of mankind ; and vice versa, he who would ac-
quire a true, faithful and complete knowledge of these
must needs renounce forever not only the practice of the
wrong things but knowledge of them as well. Still con-
sidering the lack of a system and the brevity of life and
other hindrances to vast knowledge, it is by no means im-
possible to form a truly cultivated mind without sacri-
ficing a great deal of detailed and encumbering erudition
and without yielding either to the many particulars of that
form of presumptuous ignorance which is called special-
ism, or to a large part of the medley of the other form
which may be called encyclopedic. We owe the greatest
portion of our knowledge to books that we have read ; but
much also to our good fortune in having escaped reading
many others.
My position with regard to these observations is that
of a (j)i\ofiaOrj<s but not a partisan ; consequently I like to
consider the matter in all its aspects. I have often thought
of one thing which seems to contradict my conclusions. A
large part of the studies of physicians accustom the young
men to a familiarity with sights which on account of their
nature and circumstances are by no means apt to cultivate
respect and delicacy of feeling. Nevertheless being ac-
quainted with many physicians I have no right nor in-
clination to participate in the unfavorable opinion of them
professed by Jean Jacques Rousseau — although otherwise
he was so compassionate in his writings; for I have ob-
served it to be an undeniable fact in the case of many
physicians and surgeons that they have preserved and cul-
tivated as delicate, tender and sympathetic a heart as the
gentlest and mildest maiden. I have observed this in phy-
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 361
sicians and surgeons who were noted for having held the
greatest number of autopsies. I account for it by the
mastery over impressions and feelings held by a mind dom-
inated by the idea of duty; viz., a strong well-formed and
well-balanced character is able to overcome his repugnance
to the hideous and shocking, precisely for the purpose of
respect and goodness, braving the repugnance from a
higher motive when there is need, sacrificing self when
demanded by justice and decency. The same principle
impels the good physician to insert the knife into the flesh
and inspires him to endure the most exacting fatigue, en-
deavoring to prevent any suffering to the patient rather
than avoiding an indecent or indelicate sight.
But the conclusion I draw is by no means negative or
to throw doubt on the preceding considerations, or to limit
inquiry. On the contrary, this is my conclusion: Since
medicine alone is not able to make or mar the man, but its
task is most critical, and the physician's aim most delicate
and sublime (viz: not the recovery of an organ, but the
health of the man), medicine ought finally to be understood
not at all as a mercenary trade, but as a priestly office, a
mission of devotion the function of which is charity; and
we should require of the physician a proportionately moral
superiority. Whenever found it is reasonable to attribute
this superiority to individual character; and to doubt
whether the discipline and curriculum of our universities
makes any provision for it.
Psychology is not the same kind of a science as pure
chemistry or pure mathematics whose object is something
else than the subject which studies and observes. Psychol-
ogy is the science of ourselves and our actions, and our
actions are in process while being observed. It is the sci-
ence of the self and nothing can be observed with regard
to the self unless it be the self or a part of the self.
I do not think in the least that I am the first to make
362 THE MONIST.
a discovery in pointing out this singular condition of psy-
chology which distinguishes it from all other sciences. My
purpose is only to call the attention of the studious to a
fact which should not be forgotten and to deduce from it
a conclusion which may perhaps be new, and in any case
stands out in bold relief. No science changes its object: the
mathematician makes no change in the nature and rela-
tion of numbers ; physicists and chemists do not create the
phenomena which they report. If accidentally the environ-
ment disturbs the experiment and unexpected composi-
tions are formed, the mistake must be at once corrected
and the disturbing factor removed. Or perhaps a new
property is discovered or it becomes clear that it is im-
possible to make the experiment; in any case the novelty
of the phenomenon is not attributed to the experimenter
simply because he observes it and makes a note of it.
In psychology quite the contrary is true. The obser-
vation that is made of the facts of the soul does not leave
the facts as they were before. If I perceive that I am ig-
norant, I am no longer as ignorant as I was. If I perceive
that I am wicked, I would naturally begin to overcome a
part of my wickedness. He who perceives that he is in
love is no longer in love in the same manner or the same
degree as he was. Perhaps he becomes more so, perhaps
less, but never the same. He who nurses his passion each
day and each hour and examines it with a critical eye,
either causes it to grow to the loftiests heights or else
effaces it by his analysis. Never will it remain the same;
never would he be able to say to himself, "Up to this point
it was spontaneous; afterwards voluntary, cultivated." The
spontaneous to which consciousness bears witness ceases
to be spontaneous.
It is for some purpose that we are woven in the fabric
of self, quite simple though it seems, and even with respect
to matters which we deem of minor importance. If I per-
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 363
ceive that I am sick, perhaps in my stomach, I become
at once a little more or a little less sick than before and
the same thing is true if I perceive, if I state, if I declare
that I am recovered, if I wish to recover. Nothing is more
real than the diseases which are called imaginary. If this
is true beyond doubt in the action of the first acts of con-
sciousness, how much more true would it be in a series of
acts of consciousness purposely continued, of attention, and
of reflection, such as form the subject of psychology? Ros-
mini who pointed out this fact long before and much more
clearly than Wundt, recognizes here one of the difficulties
of introspective observations, and a less fortunate con-
dition than that of physical observation.6 But one might
as well conclude that psychology, although absolutely lack-
ing in scientific precision as it is, possesses after all a
greater value than all science. Whether harmful or be-
neficent, psychological study would never be useless or
indifferent. It is quite impossible that observation, study,
and psychological science, or the concern for psychology,
would not modify profoundly and to a great extent the
soul, the mind, the affections, conduct, and finally society
itself even if psychologists would not assume, even if they
would refuse, the character of apostles. This then is an-
other source of the considerations which lead us to con-
clude that psychology is not a curiosity such as laboratories
make it or may make it. Nor is it only, as puny pedagogues
teach, preliminary to the science of education; it is edu-
cation itself.
In the self one should not admit the good and the bad,
the higher and lower, the refined and the common, as two
varieties equally interesting and worthy of study, but only
the good, the higher and the fine should be admitted and
cultivated. The evil, the lower, and the coarse ought not
to exist, and if they do they should be exterminated. Psy-
' Logica, p. 952.
364 THE MONIST.
chology is not a curiosity ; there is but one aim of science,
perfection. The laboratory forgets this fact too often. I
say it forgets, and do not refer to some criminal experi-
ments which are not mere forgetting or due to ardor and
which I would recommend not to science but to the regular
police department. But even in simple negligence, even in
that eagerness which has made of psychology a research
into conditions and effects without consideration of en-
deavor and liberty, one may say that in spite of all its good
intentions, the psychological laboratory destroys psychol-
ogy and also ethics.
Should then the laboratory be suppressed and its doors
closed? Not at all. I have said that I would state ques-
tions and not that I would draw conclusions. I would
only make a proposition. It is not necessary to suppress
anything or to close anything. It is necessary to uplift.
Let us raise the standard of the laboratory. First of all
it must become truthful. It can do so by dispensing with
a name which is a contradiction. Psychology does not
operate in a laboratory. The true laboratory of psychol-
ogy is nothing but consciousness.
Here I shall insert a parenthesis, even if it destroys to
some extent the harmony of my discussion, in order to
answer in advance an important objection which may be
made to my position. Apparently I have exposed myself
to being addressed thus : In speaking of psychological lab-
oratories you have limited your attention to the psycho-
physiological laboratories which measure the effects and
the organic conditions of mental acts; you have ignored
or neglected those other laboratories where measurements
are not taken but records are made of observed facts, of
statistics; as for instance how many of the one hundred
individuals who daily enter the same door would be able to
answer accurately questions about the number, size or ar-
rangement of the windows of the building? Out of one
IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL LABORATORY HELPFUL? 365
hundred pupils in a school how many will we find who are
able to pay strict attention for a quarter of an hour, etc.,
etc.?
I have considered the point well. Measurement and the
pretense of psycho-physical equivalence served the purpose
of my argument more simply and clearly, but my aim was
directed against every attempt to study the facts of con-
sciousness outside of consciousness. There are three points
of criticism which even the psychological laboratories that
renounce physical measurements in favor of statistics, do
not entirely escape :
1. Psycho-statistical researches can have no accuracy
unless they take into account the organic conditions of race,
health, development, and nutrition. That is to say, out of
100 there are perhaps thirty who pay attention and seventy
of whom not one would have any opinion except with re-
gard to how long it was since he had a meal, whether he
slept well the night before, whether he is anaemic, who are
his parents, where he comes from, how his stomach, heart
and lungs perform their functions. Hence psycho-statis-
tical researches have no value unless they are founded on
psycho-physical investigation and measurements, and if
they depend on these they are subject to the same criticism
as the latter.
2. They also fall under the criticism of making a curios-
ity of psychology while forgetting that its purpose is edu-
cation.
3. Statistical psychology having for its aim the estab-
lishment of a certain determinism also leads us to exag-
gerate its limits, but perhaps a little less than physiological
psychology. Perhaps it can also give us some idea of those
who exceed the ordinary limits and stimulate us by such
examples to exceed them ourselves. But so much the bet-
ter. I do not wish to be destructive.
However, the fundamental misapprehension remains,
366 THE MONIST.
— the illusion of studying outside of consciousness a fact
which takes place only within consciousness and which
outside of consciousness is not even conceivable.
Therefore let us retain and preserve experimental in-
vestigations on the nervous system, and if we wish to keep
the name of psychological researches let us expand them.
Instead of confining ourselves to studying limits, con-
ditions leading to psychical disorders, or even to provoke
them which would be criminal, — let us study in conscious-
ness the power of the mind, endeavoring to see to what
point in ourselves we can cultivate self-denial, the power
of attention, growth, development of faculties, and of the
hidden varieties of feeling, understanding and willing, the
power of abstraction, devotion, affection. Let us care for
the insane and the sick, but let us cultivate especially he-
roes, saints, and superior beings.
LORENZO MICHELANGELO BILLIA.
TURIN, ITALY.
A BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION OF THE PHE-
NOMENA OF MEMORY AND SENSATION.
FROM the earliest historical epochs to the present day,
philosophers have expended a considerable proportion
of their energies in framing replies to the question whether
mental phenomena are, or are not, capable of resolution
into law; of material, that is, physical or chemical, inter-
pretation; of exact mathematical analysis. Not only phi-
losophers, but also men of science, and others addicted to
metaphysical speculation, have added their quota to a dis-
cussion the age and inconclusiveness of which has suffi-
ciently demonstrated its sterility. As is customary in meta-
physical discussion, the answers which have been pro-
pounded to this question are as numerous as the philos-
ophers themselves. From the dualism which regards the
mind as a species of "gaseous vertebrate" dwelling within
but not, or only in a minor degree, subject to the physical
and chemical laws which govern our material body, to the
monism of Giordano Bruno which regards material objects
as the "shadows of ideas," the mind the reality, matter the
phantasm, and to the monism of Comte, which is the in-
verse of that of Giordano Bruno, every transition of opin-
ion can be found, every shade of formulation, every com-
promise, and every absurdity which ingenious imagination,
untramelled by fact, can delude itself into believing.
One by one the problems with which the metaphysicians
have busied themselves in the past have been wrested from
368 THE MONIST.
their hands, and received into that domain over which fact
and not hypothesis rules; the domain of science. And it
was inevitable that this ancient question must ultimately
also acknowledge the suzerainty of science, for it was one
which experiment, and experiment alone, could decide.
Those philosophers who postulated the superiority of
mental phenomena over law, their freedom from the in-
variability of sequence and consequence which character-
izes material phenomena, and, consequently, their immu-
nity from exact formulation, measurement, and material
interpretation, placed themselves in a position of consider-
able insecurity, for a single experimental proof of invaria-
bility of sequence and consequence in mental phenomena
would set at nought their hypothesis and close the time-
worn discussion for ever; the outworks once stormed, the
citadel of their belief was doomed. This is why the exact
and laborious investigations of Weber and Ebbinghaus,
and of scores who have succeeded them, have definitely an-
swered the question of the independence or interdependence
of mind and matter and have placed science, once for all,
in possession of the realm of mental phenomena — for these
investigators have demonstrated that sensation and mem-
ory are capable of measurement and that they obey definite
laws susceptible of mathematical formulation, and, there-
fore, of material interpretation.
But belief dies hard, and conviction of the futility of any
discussion is a product of slow and painful growth, and
thus it happens that among a large group of writers and
thinkers (comparatively few of them biologists, however),
controversy still rages over the question whether mental
phenomena will ever yield to the all-conquering methods
of science, and the belief still holds sway in that last out-
post of primitive anthropomorphism, the "gaseous verte-
brate/' immanent within, but independent of the material
organism.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 369
It is possible that for a definite closure of this discus-
sion, for the final annihilation of the naive anthropomor-
phism which holds humanity in thrall, we must look for-
ward to ages coeval with the realization of the celebrated
"world formula" of Laplace.
In order to be susceptible of scientific measurement,
of comparison with standards, any quantity, whether it
be a quantity of length, mass, heat or sensation, must be
capable of being perceived directly or indirectly by the
senses, and no mean portion of scientific advance consists
in the opening up of new fields of research, and consequent
knowledge, through the invention of new methods of bring-
ing objects before the senses, and thus artificially enhan-
cing their acuity.
It is not sufficient, however, that the object to be meas-
ured should be capable of being brought before the senses
of a single individual — it must be capable of being brought
before the senses of universal humanity; the phenomena
observed, and the quantities measured, must be capable of
indefinite duplication and repetition; for the evidence of a
single individual, however careful his investigation, how-
ever exact his methods, and however sincere he may be, is
valueless from a scientific standpoint unless the data con-
stituting his evidence are obtainable by all. It is this pos-
sibility of indefinite reduplication which confers upon the
data of science their certitude; for although "a plurality
of suffrages is no guarantee of truth," yet a plurality of
evidences is a guarantee of probability — and the whole
edifice of natural science is nothing other than a vast
outgrowth from the science of probability ; in itself a group
of inductions from universal experience.
Now it is true that the phenomena of our mental life
are, to each one of us, individually perceptible, but they
certainly are not, as a rule, perceptible, at present, to uni-
versal humanity. The mental processes occurring in A
37° THE MONIST.
are certainly very real and perceptible to him but he can-
not, as a rule, measure them by any standards except his
own, since those of B are inaccessible to him. Imagine a
piece of iron which is conscious only of its internal con-
dition and unable to compare it with external conditions,
and suppose it were to try and measure its own length.
It might do so by fixing upon an arbitrary portion of itself
as the unit of length, and then perceiving that its total
length was a certain multiple of this unit. Suppose, how-
ever, that at some subsequent period the temperature were
to increase, and the piece of iron were to endeavor to repeat
the measurement ; its length would have increased, because
iron expands with heat. But since each particle of the iron
undergoes expansion in the same proportion, the piece of
iron would imagine itself unaltered in length, since its
length would still be the same multiple of its arbitrary unit ;
it would have no means of ascertaining that the length of
its unit had increased, because it could not compare it with
other, external units, which do not expand as the tempera-
ture rises.
A human being is, as regards the mental phenomena
which occur within him, very much in the position of this
hypothetical piece of iron. He is at the same time the ob-
server and the observed, that which measures and that
which is measured, and his conclusions from such internal
measurements may possess an individual interest but are
totally devoid of scientific value, unless the measurements
are of such a type that they can be repeated by other ob-
servers external to himself ; can be referred, in a word, to
external standards.
But, the reader may inquire, how can the tenuous en-
tities of thought, sensation, or memory be compared with
external standards and be made evident to the senses of
universal humanity? How can the chasm which divides
our internal, mental life from the external, material world
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 371
ever be bridged? The answer is that this chasm is imag-
inary; an artefact arising from our peculiar situation of
being at the same time the observer and that which is ob-
served; a delusion which, it is evident, must be the inevi-
table result of the existence of consciousness in any body
whatsoever.
Through what are we aware that human beings other
than ourselves possess, like ourselves, consciousness, the
ability to feel sensations, to store up memories, to expe-
rience emotions? Simply through a thousand material
signs, which we note and interpret just as we note and inter-
pret the multitude of material phenomena which assail our
senses at every moment of our life. The only reason why
our mental life appears to us so sharply divided from the
external, material world is that we each possess, regarding
our own mental life, "inside information." Through count-
less sources, by way of a thousand nervous channels, a
thousand minute chemical changes in our blood or in our
tissues, we possess at every moment a vast quantity of in-
formation regarding the happenings in our brain or spinal
cord of which the external observer is, at present, neces-
sarily ignorant. The task which, in this territory, faces
science to-day is that of inventing means of throwing open
these sources of information to the senses of universal
humanity; of making available for comparison and meas-
urements phenomena as yet inaccessible, buried in the
consciousness of the individual. It is this task which, as
regards sensation and memory, has been successfully ini-
tiated through the labors of Weber, Ebbinghaus and their
successors, and there can be no doubt that, by methods
however devious or refined, we shall ultimately complete
the task so auspiciously begun, not only as regards the
simpler phenomena of sensation and memory but also the
most complex and recondite phenomena of our mental life.1
1 It is obvious that the above considerations remain equally valid whether
372 THE MONIST.
A detailed account of the elaborate investigations which
have sprung from the researches of Weber and of Ebbing-
haus would, save to the specialist, be wearisome in the
extreme; but the main results, and the principles under-
lying these, can readily be stated in concise form.
It is a matter of every-day experience that we cannot
so readily perceive a slight difference between the strength
of two stimuli, when the stimuli are large as when they
are small. If we hold in our hand a pound weight we do
not perceive a noticeable increase in the sensation of weight
upon the addition to it of a tenth of an ounce ; but if the
weight which we are holding in our hand is an ounce then
the addition to it of a tenth of an ounce will call forth a
perceptible increase in the sensation of weight. In a
brightly illuminated room the light of a candle makes
barely any perceptible difference to the apparent illumina-
tion, while in a dark or poorly illuminated room a candle
will appear to afford considerable illumination. During
the decade 1840-50 Weber published an extensive series of
investigations upon the amount by which a stimulus must
be increased in strength in order to produce a just notice-
able difference in sensation, and his results were formulated
in the well-known Weber-law, which may be expressed in
words as follows: "In order to produce a just noticeable
difference in the intensity of a sensation the stimulus must
always be increased in the same proportion" ; that is, if we
can just perceive the difference between the weight of an
ounce and that of eleven-tenths of an ounce then we shall
be just able to perceive the difference between the apparent
weight of a pound and that of eleven-tenths of a pound.
we regard the universe from the point of view of materialism or from that of
psychomonism. Either point of view involves the conception of the essential
identity of those phenomena which, at present, are accessible only to individual
consciousness and those which are accessible to the consciousness of universal
humanity. The distinction between materialism and psychomonism is there-
fore a mere verbal quibble, comparable with that ancient and knotty problem,
whether the owl first originated from the egg, or the egg from the owl.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 373
If we can just perceive the difference between the intensity
of illumination afforded by a sixteen candle-power lamp
and that afforded by a seventeen candle-power lamp, then
we shall be able to just perceive the difference between the
illumination afforded by a thirty-two candle-power lamp
and that afforded by a thirty-four candle-power lamp. If
the addition to any given weight of one-sixteenth of its
amount just enables us to perceive an increase in the sen-
sation of weight which it calls forth, then we shall have to
idd to any other weight whatever, the same proportion,
>ne-sixteenth of its amount, in order to similarly call forth
just perceptible increase in the sensation of weight.
Here was the first indication of a definite mathematical
law obtaining in the realm of mental phenomena ; the just
noticeable difference in sensation was found to be a definite
mathematical function of the strength of the stimulus call-
ing forth the sensation ; mental phenomena were delivered
over, once for all, into the hands of the scientific investi-
gator ; the law of invariable sequence had again prevailed.
But in what manner, it may be asked, does this investi-
gation differ from the endeavor of the hypothetical piece
of iron, alluded to above, to measure its own length ? Who
is the judge of a "just noticeable difference in sensation"
save the investigator himself? The answer is that the
case is very materially different from that of the hypothet-
ical piece of iron, in that the observation is capable of
reference to external standards. It is true that the sub-
ject's consciousness of his own sensation is a thing which
cannot be measured by any other standards than his own,
but the observer's consciousness of the subject's sensation
is capable of being measured by external standards, be-
cause it is derived from some material sign displayed by
the subject. It is this material sign or reaction which is
actually being measured. The subject is required to say
a word or tap a key which closes an electric circuit, or per-
374 THE MONIST.
form some other definite preconcerted signal in order to
notify the observer of the fact that he has perceived a just
noticeable alteration in the apparent intensity of the stim-
ulus ; but he is not conveying to the observer his own con-
sciousness of his sensation, derived from "internal evi-
dence" unavailable to the observer. He is, on the con-
trary, conveying to the observer his consciousness of the
subject's sensation, that is, a material token, differing in
no sense from the countless material tokens wheref rom we
infer that our fellow beings are, like ourselves, sentient
organisms, and upon which, were it not for our "inside
information" regarding our own cerebral states, we should
have to depend for all our cognizance of mental phenom-
ena. But material tokens can be reduplicated, recorded,
and they, or the phenomena leading to them, can be meas-
ured by universal standards; whereas our internal con-
sciousness of our sensations cannot.2
In i8853 Ebbinghaus published a series of investiga-
tions upon memory by means of which he demonstrated
that this apparently intangible quantity could also be sub-
jected to measurement. In order to exclude the distracting
influence of the associations called up by the meaning at-
tached to words, he used, as material for learning, syllables
each composed of three letters and devoid of any linguistic
significance whatever. A variable number of syllables
were repeated until the first perfect repetition was secured.
In the accompanying table are given his results, although
2 The statement which is to be found in some psychological literature, that
the perception of the "just noticeable difference" in the apparent intensity of
a stimulus involves a judgment upon the part of the subject, is simply an ex-
ample of that endless series of judgments, judgments upon judgments, judg-
ments upon judgments upon judgments, etc., the simultaneous existence of
which, within his own consciousness, any one can readily persuade himself by
a few minutes of introspection. Thus "I know" being granted, there can be
no question that "I know that I know," while the proposition "I know that I
know that I know" is equally incontrovertible, and I could not have written
this had I not known that I know that I know that I know; and thus this
highly unprofitable concatenation of unrealities can be extended ad absurdum.
*H. Ebbinghaus, Ueber das Gedachtniss, Leipsic, 1885.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 375
he did not succeed in expressing them in the form of a
definite mathematical equation.
TABLE I.
Number of repetitions until Number of syllables in the
the first perfect repetition. series repeated.
1 7
16.6 12
30 16
44 24
55 26
The services thus rendered by Weber and by Ebbing-
haus to psychology consisted, however, not only in re-
ducing certain mental phenomena to quantitative, mathe-
matical standards, but also in pointing out methods whereby
measurements can be secured under constant experimental
conditions. Given a constant condition of the subject du-
ring a period of the experiment -( absence of fatigue etc. )
and a constant rate of increase or decrease in the intensity
of the stimulus (instantaneous), the only quantities vary-
ing throughout Weber's experiment are the intensity of
the stimulus and a just perceptible alteration in its appa-
rent intensity. Thus we are enabled to ascertain the man-
ner in which the one varies with the other ; we are enabled
to ascertain, not only that the just noticeable difference in
sensation is a function (in the mathematical sense) of the
strength of the stimulus (i. e., that the just noticeable
difference in sensation varies when the strength of the
stimulus varies), but we are enabled to ascertain the pre-
cise character of the function, to formulate it in mathe-
matical symbols thus: dR/R = k.dS where (dR) is the
increase in the stimulus of strength (R) which gives
rise to a just noticeable difference (dS) in the sensation
and (£) is, under the conditions of the experiment, a con-
stant. Were the experiment of such a character that the
376 THE MONIST.
number of variable quantities could not be controlled in
the manner outlined above, so that three or more quantities
varied simultaneously during the experiment, then the
problem of ascertaining the function connecting these vari-
ables would be much more difficult or even impossible. As
we have seen, Ebbinghaus, by inventing ingenious meth-
ods of measuring memory, has not only shown that quan-
tity of memory is a function of the time spent in learning,
which is a matter of common knowledge, but has furnished
us with data which, as we shall see, enable us to ascertain
the exact nature of this function. Similarly, as Loeb has
pointed out,4 instincts are functions of the tropisms, but
here extended research has still to be performed in order
to learn how to eliminate adventitious variables and thus
enable us to ascertain the exact nature of the functions.
This is the invariable procedure of science : first, meth-
ods are found of measuring or detecting the variables in-
volved ; next, methods are sought to isolate as few as
possible of these variables and determine whether, and in
what manner, they depend upon one another (in other
words, what functions they are of . one another) and then
to admit more variables, as few as possible at the time, in
order to determine in what manner these additional vari-
ables affect the relations subsisting between those origi-
nally chosen ; thus proceeding from the simple to the com-
plex, the particular to the general. This is the reverse of
the procedure of the metaphysicians who, ignoring the
particular in the search for the general, forget that the
general is simply an anastomosis of particulars and that
our knowledge of the general is therefore necessarily con-
terminous with our knowledge of each of the particulars,
of the functions connecting them and of the manner in
which they anastomose.5
4 Cf. J. Loeb, Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Psychology. New
York, 1900, chap. XIII.
5 "The aim of research is the discovery of the equations which subsist
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 377
The data obtained by the methods outlined above, alone
constitute scientific knowledge. When we have determined,
and can express in mathematical symbols, the function
connecting two variables we have obtained all the knowl-
edge that can be obtained regarding these two variables
per se\ but these methods alone do not lead us very far.
The senses, unaided by the imagination, or by a knowledge
of phenomena cognate to those under investigation, seldom,
and then only by accident, perceive variables or relations
subsisting between variables other than those of the most
obvious description. It is here that the legitimate use of
the scientific hypothesis is found. The scientific hypothesis
is to be valued, not necessarily for its intrinsic truth, but
for the fidelity with which it represents known phenomena,
for the relations between variables which it indicates, for
the hitherto hidden facts which it leads us to ascertain.
An hypothesis is to the scientific discoverer what his tel-
escope is to an explorer; it leads him to investigate new
horizons, suggests to him possibilities beyond the reach of
his unaided vision, stimulates him to fresh explorations.
True, what he sees on the far horizon may only be the
mirage, but he is stimulated thereby to research, and the
result is that a fresh area is triangulated, a blank space
upon the map is filled in.6
between the elements of phenomena"; Ernst Mach, "The Economical Nature
of Physics," Popular Scientific Lectures, Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co,,
1896, p. 205.
8 It may here be pointed out, in order to remove some prevailing miscon-
ceptions regarding science, that scientific controversy invariably rages over
hypotheses and not over scientific knowledge, i. e., ascertained facts or func-
tions. The controversy is, however, frequently more stimulating than the
rival hypotheses themselves, and may result in the unearthing of a vast body
of facts which otherwise might not have been brought to light for a protracted
period. Controversy over scientific knowledge is almost unknown to the his-
tory of science. True, observations are frequently made which are erroneous,
but a subsequent observer invariably corrects the error of his predecessor.
Every published experiment is repeated indefinitely, and, should difference of
opinion regarding an observation exist, it is almost immediately set at rest by
an overwhelming majority of affirmations upon one side or upon the other.
Instances wherein facts have been the subject of prolonged controversy are so
rare in the history of science that each instance is unique. A remarkable
example of this rare class of discussion is that which took place over the so-
3/8 THE MONIST.
It is a remarkable fact that the results obtained by
Weber and Ebbinghaus have, beyond a few immediate
applications, done very little to extend our knowledge of the
field of mental phenomena beyond that knowledge which
was conveyed in the results of their own investigations.
The field has been remarkably sterile, barren of sugges-
tions and results. True, a vast number of minute and
laborious investigations have been made upon the lines
laid down by Weber and Ebbinghaus, but their result has
been almost exclusively to confirm and amplify the results
obtained by those observers. The reason for this is, I
think, to be sought in the almost total absence of scientific
hypotheses from the literature published by Weber, Eb-
binghaus, and their successors. "The unf ruitf ulness of brain
investigation is due, however, only partially to the diffi-
culty of the matter. The main cause seems to be the entire
absence of any working hypothesis, or even an approxi-
mate idea, as to the nature of cerebral activity."7 Scien-
tific investigation deprived of scientific hypothesis leads
to an indefinite reduplication of similar results, an indefi-
nite and sterile refinement of method and technique, and,
finally, to the exhaustion of the field of research, until the
discovery of entirely fresh methods, or the invention of
hypotheses, opens up new fields of research, indicates un-
suspected possibilities, relations hitherto undetected.
In what direction can we look for such a working-
hypothesis in the field of psychology ? As Loeb has pointed
out8 valuable clues are afforded by the tropisms. I believe
that clues of equal value are afforded by the phenomena of
memory; I will here only treat of the latter.
called "n-rays"; their existence was repeatedly affirmed and denied until the
situation became intolerable and a host of investigators intervened to settle the
dispute. The result of their labors was the obliteration of the n-rays and no
one, so far as I am aware, positively affirms their existence to-day. Cf. an
article by H. Pieron, "Grandeur et decadence des rayons N," L'Annee psycho-
logique, 1907, p. 143.
7F. A. Lange, History of Materialism, Vol. 3, p. 112.
8 J. Loeb, Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Psychology.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 379
The phenomenon which we colloquially designate mem-
ory but which, scientifically, might be more appropriately
termed "associative hysteresis"9 may be expressed thus:
Certain mental phenomena occur more readily as a re-
sult of their previous occurrence. The mental phenom-
enon which we term the cognizance of a word renders
more easy the repetition of that cognizance — we remember
the word, that is, we can call up its image or sound so
readily, after a certain number of repetitions, that we can
finally dispense with the external image of the word alto-
gether.
Various attempts have been made, of which the best
known are those of Gall and Munk,10 to explain the phenom-
ena of memory upon a structural basis. According to these
investigators each memory-image is localized in a partic-
ular ganglion-cell in the brain and is represented therein
by a definite structure. This hypothesis has, however,
proved completely sterile; no adequate evidence of this
physical localization of memories has ever been adduced,
even by its most enthusiastic exponents, while numerous
phenomena are in flagrant contradiction with the hypoth-
esis.11 Moreover, even if such a structural modification
occurs in the brain, it must be preceded by physical and
chemical changes in the cerebral tissues, and it is therefore
to physical and chemical phenomena that we must, what-
ever hypothesis is adopted, look for the origin of the mem-
ory-trace.
For various reasons, which I cannot dwell upon here,
a purely physical explanation of the formation of the
memory-trace must be excluded12 and the search for a
working-hypothesis regarding the formation of the mem-
* J. Loeb, Arch. f. d. ges. Physiol, 115, 1906, p. 564.
"Munk, Ueber die Funktionen der Gehirnrinde, Berlin, 1881.
11 Cf. J. Loeb, Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Psychology.
u Cf. T. Brailsford Robertson, Archives Internationales de Physiologic, 6,
1908, p. 433.
380 THE MONIST.
ory-trace narrows down to the question: What chemical
phenomena are known which take place more readily in
consequence of having already occurred ? To answer this
question we must make a short digression.
I have no doubt that the majority of my readers have
heard of "catalysors," or, at any rate, of those catalysors
which occur in the living organism and are termed "fer-
ments'7 ; but I suspect that very few have an accurate con-
ception of what a catalysor is.
A catalysor is a substance which, when added to a
mixture of chemical substances which are undergoing a
chemical reaction, accelerates the reaction. It does not
initiate the reaction, it cannot start a chemical reaction
which would not otherwise occur, but it accelerates the re-
action which is already taking place, by removing some
resistance which hinders its progress. A catalysor is to
a chemical reaction what axle-grease is to the rotation
of a wheel; it removes the friction which prevents its
rapid progress. The mechanism whereby the catalysor
accelerates the reaction is, in most cases, perfectly well
understood, and the phenomena of catalysis can be, and
are, reduced to mathematical, i. e., functionalistic terms;
the catalysors or ferments occurring in the living organism
differ in no essential from ordinary, inorganic catalysors,
and their action obeys the same laws.
A catalysor does not accelerate every chemical reac-
tion; each catalysor accelerates a given reaction or group
of reactions; thus zinc accelerates (i. e., catalyses) the
transformation of alcohol into formaldehyde; finely di-
vided gold, platinum, or charcoal, accelerate the decom-
position of hydrogen peroxide into water and oxygen;
acids accelerate the transformation of starch into sugar;
the ferment pepsin, which occurs in the stomach, accel-
erates the chemical decomposition of the proteins of our
food, — the list might be prolonged indefinitely.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 381
There are certain reactions, however, which produce
their own catalysors; that is, one of the products of the
chemical transformation accelerates its progress.13 It is
easy to see what must happen in such a case ; the reaction
proceeds slowly at first but, as it continually produces more
and more catalysor, it proceeds more and more rapidly
until, as it approaches completion, that is, as the material
undergoing transformation gets used up, the reaction grad-
ually slows off. Thus the curve expressing the relation
between the amount of material transformed, and the time,
is j -shaped, expressing the fact that the reaction proceeds
at first slowly, then more rapidly and then, again, more
slowly. This curve furthermore expresses the fact that
the amount of transformation is a definite function of the
time, a function which can readily be expressed in mathe-
matical terms. The essential feature of such a reaction
is that it takes place more readily as a result of having
already taken place to a certain extent.
Are there any indications of chemical transformations
such as these occurring in living organisms? The an-
swer is in the affirmative ; the chemical phenomena under-
lying cell-division and growth are of this character14 and
it has been pointed out that the phenomena underlying
muscular contraction are of this description.15 As an ex-
ample of such chemical transformations in the central ner-
vous system I may cite the following.
"The "spontaneous" oxidation or "tarnishing" which many metals un-
dergo when exposed to the air is a reaction of this type.
14 As regards cell-division, cf. J. Loeb, Biochemische Zeitschrift 2, 1906,
Charakter des Befruchtungsvorganges und seine Bedeutung fiir die Theorie
der Lebenserscheinungen." Leipsic, 1907.
Wolfgang Ostwald and I independently and very nearly simultaneously
pointed out that growth is also a phenomenon of this character. Cf. T. Brails-
ford Robertson, Archiv fur Entwicklungsmechanik der Organismen, 25, 1908,
p. 581; 26, 1908, p. 108. Wolfgang Ostwald, Vorlrdge und Aufs'dtze iiber Ent-
wicklungsmechanik, Heft V, Leipsic, 1908.
15 T. Brailsford Robertson, Biochemische Zeitschrift, Festband fiir H. J.
Hamburger, 1908, p. 287.
382 THE MONIST.
It is well known that the rhythmic movements of res-
piration are primarily controlled by the medulla oblongata,
or lower part of the brain. It is a classical fact of mamma-
lian physiology that injury to a certain portion of the me-
dulla results in instant cessation of respiration, and that
circumstances affecting the condition of the medulla (i. e.,
heating, cooling, etc.) profoundly affect the character of
the respiratory movements. Nearly every living tissue
produces, as a result of its activities, carbonic and lactic
acids, and there is no reason to suppose that cerebral tissue
differs from other tissues in this particular. In fact I
have shown, and others have shown, by different methods,
that acid is developed in the brain as a result of stimu-
lating sensory nerves.16 Now it is a familiar fact that
in suffocation the respiratory movements at first increase
enormously in force and rapidity; the suffocating animal
or man "gasps for breath/' What is the essential feature
of suffocation? The blood can, for some reason or other,
no longer be ventilated in the lungs, carbonic acid gas
cannot escape from the body and, consequently, the con-
centration of carbonic acid in the blood and in the tissues
increases. As we have seen, the result of this is an increase
in the velocity and force of the respiratory movements, and
it is an obvious possibility that this increase in the rate of
the respiratory movements is due to a direct action of the
carbonic acid in the blood upon the tissues of the medulla
oblongata. When one acid accelerates a chemical reac-
tion others usually do so, and, in confirmation of the view
expressed above, I have shown that when dilute acids are
directly applied to the medulla of a frog, a marked increase
in the rate of its respiratory movements takes place, often
amounting to several hundred percent.17 Here we have
" T. Brailsford Robertson, Archives Internationales de Physiologic 6, 1908,
p. 388.
17 T. Brailsford Robertson, loc. cit.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 383
an obvious parallel to the self-catalysed chemical reactions
described above. Acid is produced in the activity of cer-
ebral tissue and acids accelerate its activity.
Here we have, also, the obvious suggestion of a work-
ing-hypothesis of memory. During the perusal, for ex-
ample, of a printed word, acid is produced in some por-
tion of the cerebral tissue, hence the word is more readily
repeated until, after a certain number of repetitions, we
can dispense with the external stimulus of the printed
word and repeat the process of cognition spontaneously.*
It is easy to show, but I will not here venture upon the
necessary mathematics, that, for a limited number of syl-
lables, it follows from the above hypothesis, namely, that
the extent of the memory-trace is proportional to the
amount of material transformed in a self-catalysed chem-
ical reaction, that the number of syllables memorized must
be connected with the number of repetitions (or time of
learning) according to the following function:
log n = Kr+t>
where n is the number of syllables memorized, r is the
number of repetitions, and K and b are constants (that is,
do not vary when n and r vary).
We have seen that the measurements of Ebbinghaus
have placed in our hands exact data concerning the de-
pendence of the number of syllables learnt, upon the number
of repetitions. For a given number of repetitions we can,
from the above formula, calculate how many syllables
should, were our hypothesis correct, be memorized — in the
following table these theoretical deductions from our hy-
pothesis and the data actually obtained by Ebbinghaus are
compared :
*) Since the above was written I have found that Wilh. Ostwald (Vor-
lesungen iiber Natur-Philosophie, Leipsic, 1902, p. 368) had previously put
forward a suggestion embodying the germs of a theory of memory somewhat
resembling that herein described.
384 THE MONIST.
TABLE II.
r — number of repeti- n = number of syllables « = number of syllables
tions. memorized (observed) memorized (calculated)
i 7 8.33
16.6 12 12.06
30 16 16.57
44 24 23.11
55 26 29.99
Data similar to those obtained by Ebbinghaus have been
obtained by W. G. Smith18 who, however, used methods of
investigation differing somewhat from those employed by
Ebbinghaus. In the accompanying table the figures de-
duced from the above formula and the data actually ob-
tained by Smith are compared (Since these data are each
the mean of a large number of determinations they are
expressed as syllables and fractions of syllables) :
TABLE III.
r = number of repeti- n = number of syllables n = number of syllables
tions. memorized (observed) memorized (calculated)
I 2.2 2.21
3 2.5 2.46
6 2.8 2.87
9 3-4 3-35
12 3.9 3.92
It will be seen that the calculated and the observed
figures agree closely. Our hypothesis has already borne
fruit. It has enabled us to anticipate the exact nature of
the hitherto undetermined function connecting the amount
of material memorized and the time of learning, and our
anticipations have proved correct.
It can also be easily shown, but again I will refrain
from the mathematics involved, that, provided our hypoth-
esis were correct, the Weber law of sensation would ne-
18 W. G. Smith, Psychol Rev., 3, 1896, p. 21.
MEMORY, SENSATION: BIOCHEMICAL CONCEPTION. 385
cessarily follow; the Weber law therefore affords addi-
tional confirmation of the hypothesis.
One more illustration of the possible applications of the
hypothesis and I will conclude. Every stimulus takes a
certain time to be perceived ; when we touch a red-hot coal
we do not, as we imagine, instantly perceive the heat.
Minute as the interval is between the application of the
stimulus and its perception, it can nevertheless be accurately
measured by the exact methods of experimental psychol-
ogy. It can readily be shown that, were the above hypoth-
esis correct, the period required to perceive a stimulus (for
stimuli not too intense) should be connected with the in-
tensity of the stimulus according to the following function :
where t is the time required to perceive a stimulus of in-
tensity i and A, B and C are constants, that is, do not
vary when t and i vary.
Cattell19 has published a number of observations upon
the time required for a color to be correctly perceived ; his
results for one subject and with orange light are compared,
in the following table, with the deductions from the above
formula, the time is given in thousandths of a second.
TABLE IV.
Intensity of the light Time required to correctly Time required to correctly
perceive (observed) perceive (calculated)
I .9 .9
% I.I I.O
%6 1.25 1.25
%4 1.75 1.8
%56 2.5" 2.4
The time required to read a page of a given size of
print which is illuminated by varying intensities of light is
19 J. McKeen Cattell, Philosophische Studien, 3, 1886, p. 94.
386
THE MONIST.
connected with the intensity of illumination according to
the same formula, as the following table shows20 :
TABLE V.
Intensity of illumination Time required to read col- Time required to read
column of pearl type
(calculated)
36 seconds
36 -
46
64
1 10 "
umn of pearl type (ob-
served)
ii.2 candle-meters 36 seconds
2.8
*7
•35
.17
63
1 10
The psychologists of old endeavored to unravel the
tangled skein of mental phenomena through the unaided
exertions of their intellect, and they succeeded only in ren-
dering "confusion worse confounded." The modern psy-
chologist has devoted himself almost wholly to measure-
ment and description, and he has succeeded in measuring
with the utmost refinement, it is true, a limited number
of phenomena, but his field of investigation has been nar-
row, his horizon contracted. It appears to me that by a
well-balanced combination of the two methods, by a judi-
cious admixture of scientific hypothesis as a guide to scien-
tific observation, we may hope to achieve, in the not too
distant future, a scientific knowledge of mental phenomena
not incomparable with our knowledge of phenomena of
the external, material world.
T. BRAILSFORD ROBERTSON.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
* Constructed from data published by Griffing and Franz, Psychological
Review, 3, 1896, p. 513. The data quoted are those which were obtained with
subject H. G.
PSYCHOLOGY A DOMAIN OF ITS OWN.
WITH REFERENCE TO THE BIOCHEMICAL INTERPRETATION
OF MENTAL PHENOMENA.
PSYCHICAL activity so obviously constitutes a class
of its own that it has been regarded as radically differ-
ent from any other natural phenomenon. Here lies the
basis of all dualism, and here if anywhere must be sought
its justification, which however is only relative. A close
study of the situation leads to a monistic conception, but
while monism removes the contradictions of dualism, it
can not and should not slur over the contrasts of nature
which actually exist.
Psychical phenomena are different from any other kind
of natural happenings and it would be vain to deny it.
Nevertheless there have always been advocates of a one-
sided monism who claim that psychical activity can be and
thas to be explained from physical, or chemical, or perhaps
biochemical facts; that therefore psychology should be re-
garded as a branch of physics and that from physics or
chemistry we shall have to expect the solution of psychical
^problems. This view is quite common among a great
number of naturalists and we deem it proper in the interest
of our readers to have it presented in our columns by Mr.
Robertson of the University of California, who in his line
has done good work, but while the results of his labors
may prove valuable in biochemistry we do not expect that
they will contribute anything toward the solution of psy-
chical problems.
388 THE MONIST.
It is perhaps natural that men of Mr. Robertson's type
would look upon my views as inconsistent and think that
theirs alone are truly scientific and monistic. On a super-
ficial inspection my proposition appears dualistic, so I will
here set forth my reason why I deem the naturalistic mo-
nism (as it might fitly be called) insufficient and untenable.
Not without satisfaction I note that among scientists,
thoroughly familiar with chemistry and physics, Rignano
makes a praiseworthy exception in that he most vigorously
insists on psychology being sui generis and as different
from physics as e. g. electricity is different from chemistry.
We go further still and say that psychology being the sci-
ence of the phenomena of the domain of subjectivity, has
a character of its own different from all the sciences of
objective phenomena, mechanics, physics, chemistry and
physiology. This of course does not exclude that occa-
sionally and in very important details these sciences will
throw light on the mechanism or objective conditions of
feeling and thinking, but they will never explain the prop-
erly psychical or subjective phenomena of the soul. In-
cidentally we will add that if Mr. Rignano had been fa-
miliar with the philosophy of form or the philosophy of
science, as our view of monism may be fitly called, he
would have been helped in working out his own theory
and might have both deepened and broadened it.
We can not satisfactorily explain our objections to Pro-
fessor Robertson's position without going over the whole
field of psychological problems, but on account of their
paramount importance we gladly take this opportunity to
recapitulate our views in a concise form.
THE IMPORTANCE OF PSYCHOLOGY.
The laws of nature are the same for the whole realm
of existence, yet we must recognize that there are differ-
ences of conditions, and we can classify different kinds of
PSYCHOLOGY A DOMAIN OF ITS OWN. 389
phenomena according to their characteristic features into
distinct groups. One of the most obvious divisions is the
distinction between organized and unorganized nature,
the latter consisting of the purely physical domains of
existence and the former comprising all the phenomena
of life, vegetal and animal, reaching its climax in the de-
velopment of humanity.
If the whole of existence is one, we can not look upon
the development of life, of animation, of consciousness and
of rationality as some accidental by-play, but on the con-
trary we must regard soul, spirit, mind, or whatever you
may call it, as the necessary outcome of the intrinsic na-
ture of existence. Nevertheless organized life constitutes
a domain of its own and within this domain the group of
psychical phenomena is again a province with distinct char-
acteristics which are absent in the domain of inorganic
nature.
The attempts to explain psychology from physics or
chemistry must therefore be futile, for the very elements
of psychic life (the significance of subjective states) are
not met with in those fields where the objective conditions
alone (which are always matter in motion) are an object
of investigation, viz., in molar mechanics, physics, chem-
istry and electricity.
A view of the world based alone upon physics and chem-
istry or in general upon the science of objective nature
will always prove a failure, for it will never explain the
soul. Thus we must invert the process and expect a solu-
tion of the world problem not from the lowest forms of
existence but from its highest efflorescence. We must rec-
ognize the import of subjectivity which though apparently
absent in pure physics, reveals itself in the consciousness
of man, the noblest product of organized life.
If we want to understand the mechanism of objective
nature in its complications, in its growth, in its wonderful
39O THE MONIST.
details, we must start with the simplest phenomena; but
if we would like to know the meaning of the whole, the
direction in which nature tends and the aim which by an
intrinsic necessity it pursues, we must consider the highest
phases of its evolution, for thus alone can we realize the
potentialities that lie latent in the cosmic conditions.
Here lies the paramount significance of psychology,
and we do not hesitate to say that the way in which the
psychological problem is treated in a philosophy is always
the best test of its worth.
THE DOCTRINE OF PARALLELISM.
The doctrine of parallelism has been generally accepted
in psychology, but it must not be interpreted in a dualistic
sense. There are not two separate factors, the psycho-
logical and the physiological, running parallel to each
other, but there is one reality which has two aspects, — the
one being the internal or subjective, the other, the external
or objective. The two are as inseparable and yet different,
as the internal and the external curves of a circle.
The character of the subjective domain exhibits the
phenomena of sentiency, feeling, awareness, consciousness
and self-consciousness in different degrees, beginning with
the absolute zero of feeling and rising up to the concen-
trated attention of a rational being. The character of the
objective domain is motion, gravity and momentum ; chem-
ical reaction, heat, electricity, vitalism, physiological func-
tions and the action of premeditated purpose. The inner
aspect of subjectivity always corresponds to the outer as-
pect of objective events. Both form a unit, and are mu-
tually determined, or properly speaking, they are the same
in two aspects. It is a parallelism of aspects, but not a
parallelism of two independent realities.
I know that feeling is a reality, for I am feeling. I
myself, as I am known to me, consist of feelings and so we
PSYCHOLOGY A DOMAIN OF ITS OWN. 39!
may say that feelings are the surest and most indubitable
reality. Motion on the other hand is the object of my ob-
servation. I take note of changes that are taking place;
they are modifications of my own being, the causes of
which mostly do not originate in me, but are thrust on me
and constitute otherness, or something thrown up against
me — such is the literal and original meaning of the Latin
word objictum derived from objicere. Hence their whole
domain is called objectivity.
Our own body is part of the outer objectivity and only
our feelings are subjective, yet these feelings animate the
body and suggest at once that body and feelings belong to
each other as outside and inside of the same thing.
The contrast between subjective and objective phe-
nomena becomes most apparent in the fact that we can
feel our own feelings, not those of others. We can see the
motions that, judging from our own condition, we assume
to accompany other creatures' feelings, but their feelings
themselves can never become objects of observation or in-
spection. As feelings they are and remain forever sub-
jective.
The two aspects are radically different, for feeling is
not motion, nor is motion feeling. The soul is not body,
and the body is not soul, but they are one, of which the
soul is the inner, and the body, the outer aspect.
Such is the doctrine of parallelism in its monistic inter-
pretation, which, however, leaves the question of the nature
and origin of consciousness open, and here I offer an ex-
planation which, briefly stated, is this: Every objectivity
has its subjective aspect, and is possessed of the potentiality
of developing into actual feeling; but the subjective in-
terior of purely physical phenomena cannot be ensouled
with anything like actual feeling or awareness or conscious-
392 THE MONIST.
ness, because its inner commotions or subjective states re-
main isolated. Isolated feelings are not feelings in the
proper sense of the word. In order to be actually felt, they
must internally enter into a relation so that one feeling
meets another feeling; two or several feelings must co-
operate, so as to let one feeling feel the other. One feels
while the other is being felt, thus producing the possibility
of an interaction between several subjective states among
themselves. Thereby alone can the feeling of a contrast
originate, and only through the feeling of contrasts can a
state of awareness result, yet any such internal interaction
of feeling is possible only through organization.
This explanation tallies with facts established both by
biology and by physiology, for we know that consciousness
is always associated with a nervous system originating in
these organisms which are moving about. Stationary or-
ganisms have to wait for the satisfaction of their needs,
but a motor-endowed creature is enabled to go in search
for food. In this way its organs learn to co-operate, and
this imposes upon them unity of purpose. The unity of
purpose produces the unity of the soul.
The characteristic distinction of living beings, when
compared to physical phenomena devoid of life, is organi-
zation in so far as it renders possible a co-ordination of
subjective states. Vitality is not a special force or sub-
stance ; it is solely the function of organization, but as such
it is a phenomenon sui generis and different from the forces
of physics, chemistry, electricity or molar mechanics.
MEMORY THE PRESERVATION OF LIVING FORMS.
The typical feature of organization is the constant
change of material which takes place in living substance.
It is called metabolism, and in animal substance consists
of a building up or anabolism, and a partial breakdown
of the energy thus stored up, called catabolism. Anabolism
PSYCHOLOGY A DOMAIN OF ITS OWN. 393
is nutrition ; it changes food into living substance, a process
called assimilation. Catabolism in setting energy free
renders motion possible and this motion has under certain
conditions its subjective aspect, which means that it is ac-
companied with feeling.
The partial breakdown of living structures called cata-
bolism is not always the same but varies in form, depend-
ing upon the circumstances under which it takes place. It
is a reaction upon a stimulus, and the reaction upon ether
waves or light, air waves or sound, upon a touch of chem-
icals (as in taste or smell), or upon mechanical impacts are
different physiologically as well as psychically. In other
words: The irritation of light will produce one kind of
structural change, while the irritations of sound and of
touch cause other modifications, all of them being anal-
ogous ; the same kind of cause corresponds to the same
kind of physiological function, and each function possesses
a form of its own and is accompanied by a feeling peculiar
to itself.
Here the great significance of form for the explanation
of life and of the soul becomes manifest. The psyche with
its mentality, its reason, its purposes, its ideas, etc., would
not be possible, if organization did not involve a preser-
vation of form.
The waste material of a catabolic breakdown (mostly
carbonic acid) is discarded, while through the anabolic
process of nutrition the lost elements are again restored in
the living substance, and this is done in such a way as to
preserve the structure in its minutest detail. Thus the
modifications produced by the reaction upon the several
stimuli remain and constitute so-called vestiges or traces.
In so far as this preservation of the form of living sub-
stance is accompanied by feeling, and as former feelings
can be revived on the application of proper stimuli, it is
called memory.
394 THE MONIST.
Memory, as Hering has pointed out, is a property com-
mon to all living substance; it is the indispensable condi-
tion of the development of the soul. The differentiation
of nerve activity into the senses with its several modes of
reacting upon the stimuli of the outer world, is due to a
specialization of the several reactions in different spots,
and this specialization becomes permanent through mem-
ory, which means through a preservation of the forms of
the several reactions.
For a comprehension of psychology, viz., for our knowl-
edge of subjective phenomena, it is quite indifferent what
biochemical processes are its physical accompaniments;
whether it is acid as Professor Robertson tells us which
serves as a kind of axle-grease for the wheels of memory,
or a salt or any other chemical. If we knew the whole
chemistry of the brain it would throw no light on the
slightest psychic action or mental process. Bio-chemistry
can only solve the problems of the bio-chemical conditions
of the brain and has nothing whatever to do with the mind
as such. This statement does not involve a dualistic inter-
pretation of mental phenomena but only demands the dis-
tinction between the spheres of subjectivity and objectivity
which, though two aspects of one and the same reality,
are after all radically different in their nature.
All events, states, and facts in this world are inter-
related or correlated and all of them form one inseparable
universe. But for that reason science distinguishes be-
tween different aspects, different features, and different
qualities, and focuses its attention on one in order to com-
prehend those features which at the time are to be in-
vestigated. We have to obey this rule also in psychol-
ogy, and thus the attempt to explain psychical phenomena
from the physical facts would be about the same as to ex-
pect a demonstration of the Pythagorean theorem from ex-
periments in chemical affinities. The attempt at solving
PSYCHOLOGY A DOMAIN OF ITS OWN. 395
psychological problems from biochemistry would be about
on the same level as if an art critic insisted that in order
to explain the composition and meaning of Raphael's Sis-
tine Madonna he would have to make a chemical analysis
of the paints and the canvas Raphael used. The spirit of
a book is not in the paper or printer's ink, and the soul of
a man is not his body nor his cerebrum. The soul of a man
is the meaning which his sentiments possess and the pur-
poses which he pursues in life.
It is true that the investigation of the biochemical con-
ditions of the brain will prove of great interest and will
help us to better understand the nervous mechanism, but
the nature of mental processes and their problem will re-
main the same as before.
Physicists are frequently in the habit of condemning
even legitimate psychical investigation as metaphysical,
and there are not a few who would regard psychology as
only a branch of physiology. "With reference to their
claims we will say that they are frequently unfair to psy-
chologists and misrepresent their views. For instance
Professor Robertson speaks of the old metaphysical view
as "the dualism which regards the mind as a species of
gaseous vertebrate dwelling within, but not, or only in a
minor degree, subject to the physical and chemical laws
which govern our material body."
Even Thomas Aquinas would have demurred to this
representation of his conception of the soul, and we would
remind Mr. Robertson of the fact that the expression "gas-
eous vertebrate" has never been used seriously by any
one who holds the dualistic soul-conception, and is merely
a joke which Haeckel once made when referring to the
anthropomorphic God-conception. An expression which
is made as a jest can certainly not be used to describe the
characteristic feature of a view to be combated.
Professor Robertson refers to the remarkable fact that
396 THE MONIST.
the results obtained by Weber and Ebbinghaus, with the
exception of a few immediate applications, have done little
to extend our knowledge of the field of mental phenomena
and he believes, following Loeb, that "valuable clues are
afforded by the tropisms" and further "that clues of equal
value are afforded by the phenomena of memory."
As to the significance of memory we agree, but Profes-
sor Robertson instead of explaining memory (as we do)
as a preservation of form, regards the processes of memory
as physical and chemical phenomena, and compares the
reaction of memory to catalysors which act in such a way
as to make the reaction quicker by repetition, and this is
done through the formation of acids. He says : "Here we
have, also, the obvious suggestion of a working hypothesis
of memory; during the perusal, for example, of a printed
word, acid is produced in some portion of the cerebral
tissue, hence the word is more readily repeated until, after
a certain number of repetitions, we can dispense with the
external stimulus of the printed word and repeat the pro-
cess of cognition spontaneously."
Professor Robertson's reduction of this statement, to
a mathematical formula, log n = Kr-{-b, where n is the
number of syllables memorized, r the number of repetitions,
and K and b constants, may be very imposing to the gen-
eral reader but adds nothing to the explanation of the phe-
nomenon itself.
In spite of the merits of Professor Loeb especially in the
line of physiological experiments, in which specialty he has
distinguished himself, we can not see that psychology would
be helped by calling some definite reactions which take place
under some definite conditions "tropisms." We do not gain
a scientific comprehension of these transactions until we
gain an insight into the mechanism which upon a definite
irritation causes organized life to move in a special direc-
tion and in a special way. New names do not explain,
PSYCHOLOGY A DOMAIN OF ITS OWN. 397
however learned they may sound and we are little helped
if memory is henceforth "scientifically and more appro-
priately" termed "associative hysteresis." The reason why
psychological laboratories have added so little to our psy-
chological knowledge is in my opinion the wrong notion
upon which the experiments are based, that the soul can
be measured quantitatively, and though measurements are
quite helpful in many respects they will never throw light
on the soul itself whose very character is of a qualitative
nature. I know very well that the idea is quite common
among certain naturalists that the notion of quality is not
to be tolerated in science and that every problem is ulti-
mately of a quantitative nature, but we demur and have
set forth our reason in a special article, entitled "The Sig-
nificance of Quality," which has been published in The
Monist, Vol. XV, p. 375.
MEMORY THE SOUL BUILDER.
The most important service of memory is the part it
plays in building up the soul. Memory creates the con-
dition which begets the soul and then continues its further
growth by adding and superadding new mental riches to
its capacity.
First of all memory renders possible comparisons be-
tween the traces of past impressions and new sensations.
Every memory image possesses a form of its own, and a
sense-impression of the same kind travels on the path of its
forerunner and revives its analogous memory trace which
results in a feeling of sameness. The new sensation fits
into the trace of the old one and is felt to be of the same
kind. This feeling of sameness implies an act of recogni-
tion whereby the sense-impression gains meaning; and
thus sense-impressions of the same kind come to represent
the objects which cause them.
Here we have the principle from which we derive the
39^ THE MONIST.
explanation of the soul, for the soul consists of feelings
which have become representative of things, conditions,
experiences, etc. In order to solve the problem -of the
origin of the soul we must show how sentiency acquires
significance. Certain feelings come to stand for certain
objects. They represent them. The living ideas of a
man are sentiments freighted with meaning and the soul
is a system of sentient symbols.
This solution looks very simple and it is simple indeed ;
but how grand and infinitely complicated are the corollaries
implied. Consider that a symbol, or a representative mean-
ing, is what it is by its relation to an objective reality,
which may be a concrete object, a condition or a general
feature of many objects, or a universal truth. There are
false symbols and there are true symbols, and these sym-
bols are not merely pictures of actualities, but also of aims,
of aspirations, of ends to be attained. They have a prag-
matic tendency. They possess moral or religious values,
and these values may be true or false. They may lead in
the right or in the wrong direction ; they may be in agree-
ment with the constitution of the All or they may be, as it
were, out of tune. They may be more or less an incarna-
tion of the world-order which sways not only stars and
motes but also guides the thoughts and sentiments of man ;
and here we have a test of progress. Progress is not (as
Spencer has it) "a passage from the homogeneous to a
heterogeneous state," but the realization of truth. Progress
means growth of soul, and growth of soul means growth
of truth. The more clearly, correctly and completely truth
is mirrored in a man, the higher he ranges in the scale of
evolution.
EDITOR.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
EASY NON-EUCLID.
In England Euclid is used as a synonym for elementary geom-
etry. Let us use non-Euclid for elementary synthetic non-Euclidean
geometry.
In ordinary Archimedean geometry, if we know the angle-sum
in a single rectilineal triangle, we know whether the geometry be
Euclidean or non-Euclidean; if the sect from the vertex of the
right angle to the mid-point of the hypotenuse partition a right-
angled isosceles triangle into two congruent right-angled isosceles
triangles, which it does if that sect be half the hypotenuse, then
space is Euclidean.
At last then we are able to understand, to marvel at the pro-
phetic, the mystic clairvoyant genius of Dante, the voice of ten
silent centuries, in connecting with the wisdom of Solomon and the
special opportunity vouchsafed Solomon by God, a question whose
answer would have established the case of Euclidean geometry seven
centuries before its birth, or the case of non-Euclidean geometry
three thousand years before its creation by Bolyai.
I Kings iii. 5 is : In Gibeon the Lord appeared to Solomon in a
dream by night: and God said, Ask what I shall give thee.
Then says Dante of his asking,
" 'Twas not to know the number in which are
Or if in semicircle can be made
Triangle so that it have no right angle."
[O se del mezzo cerchio far si puote
Triangol si, ch'un retto non avesse.]
Par. C XIII, 101-102.
How unexpected, how startling this! Ever overlooked, yet
now when found how strangely reinforced by Dante's ranking in
4OO THE MONIST.
the fourth canto of the "Divina Commedia," with Caesar, gieatest
of men, among exalted personages
" who slow their eyes around
Majestically moved, and in their port
Bore eminent authority,"
Hippocrates of Chios who squared the lime, nearest that ever man
came to the quadrature of the circle until finally Bolyai squared it
in non-Euclid and Lindemann proved no man could square it in
Euclid ; and then Euclid himself, the geometer, the elementist, pre-
emptor, by his unprovable postulate, of the commonly credited uni-
verse, Euclidean space ; and then Ptolemy, first of the long line of
those who have tried by proof to answer the question Dante says
Solomon might have asked God and did not, a question crucial as
to whether Euclid's or Bolyai's space holds the actual world, the real
thing.
Of course the treatise of the great astronomer, purporting to
prove the parallel-postulate, miscarried, and hundreds after him spent
in vain their brains in like attempts. What vast effort has been
wasted in this chimerical hope, says Poincare, is truly unimaginable.
Yet according to my genial friend Francis C. Russell, it is all
so easy that he is only prevented from letting out the secret by fear
lest he offend !
In the last number of The Monist, April, 1909, p. 294, he says :
"The proof that the two secondary triangles are exactly equal to
one another, that they are right-angled and isosceles .... is so simple
in more than one way, that it would be almost an imputation upon
the reader to spread it before him."
By what he does spread before us let us judge of the quality
of his supposed proof. He prints from Lobatchevsky : "24. The
farther parallel lines are prolonged on the side of their parallelism,
the more they approach one another." Yet he misses the point,
that in this non-Euclid, parallelism is a sensed relation. As shown
by% Lobachevsky's very first figure, which he reproduces, page 291,
through every point two intersecting straight lines are parallel to
the same straight line in opposite senses. How then could any one
pervert the theorem "15. Two straight lines which are parallel to
a third in the same sense (toward the same side) are also parallel to
one another" into applying to two straight lines parallel to a third
in opposite senses? Yet this he solemnly does, saying, p. 302, "This
looks to me very much like a proof that in all cases the angle of
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 4OI
parallelism is a right angle," and then impales himself on the fol-
lowing reductio ad absurdum : "Now by the very same course of de-
duction the line KAK' is shown to be parallel to HAH' and to
EAE', in spite of the rather important feature that they cut one
another at A."
With this before us, I think we can never hope from Mr. Russell
a validly justified answer to Dante's question for Solomon, but his
article is interesting if only for its very liberal quotations from the
only English translation of Lobatchevsky, now rare, and for its
amplification of a definition of the plane and the straight line given
in 1904 as § 59, p. 29, of the first edition of Halsted's Rational
Geometry.
The article is as follows : "59. If A, B, C be any three points
not costraight, then (by the method used in 58) we can construct
a point B" such that AB" is identical with AB and CB" is identical
with CB :
"Therefore a point D such that no other point whatsoever, say
D", gives AD" identical with AD and CD" identical with CD, must
be costraight with AC."
The following have been given as definitions:
"If A and B are two distinct points, the straight AB is the
aggregate of points P for none of which is there any point Q such
that QA is identical with PA and QB identical with PB.
"If A, B, C are distinct points not costraight, the plane ABC is
the aggregate of points P for none of which is there any point Q
such that QA is identical with PA, QB identical with PB, and QC
identical with PC."
Since in the book no use is made of the parallel postulate until
after this article, we see Mr. Russell was mistaken in saying we
have no applicable criterion showing that his straight, Euclid's and
Lobatchevsky 's are one and the same. But of course the alternative
deduction he gives lacks this advantage, since in it he has uncon-
sciously assumed the parallel postulate, assuming that every three
points are costraight or concyclic. He also makes the unnecessary
assumptions of the compasses (Halsted, Geom., Appendix II, and
Euclid I, 20, etc.).
Our sects, point-pairs alike or differing as to congruence, he
calls intervals, our definition he speaks of as "a definition which so
far as I know is a new one," and in trying to show "how the ruler
may be derived by means of the compass (sic) alone," he does not
4O2 THE MONIST.
know that we have supplanted the compasses by a far simplei in-
strument, the sect-carrier, and that again by the unitsect-carrier.
GEORGE BRUCE HALSTED.
GREELEY, COL.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE STRAIGHT LINE.
IN COMMENT ON MR. FRANCIS C. RUSSELI/S ARTICLE1 "A MODERN
ZENO."
Mathematicians will take an interest in Francis C. Russell's
attack on the mathematical system of Lobatchevsky, whom he calls
a "modern Zeno." If Mr. Russell is right we shall have to grant that
there is a flaw in the arguments of Lobatchevsky on which he bases
a new geometry that in contrast to Euclid's does not acknowledge
the postulate of parallel lines.
Mr. Chas. S. Peirce in a letter to Mr. Russell thinks that he (Mr.
Russell) overshot the mark. He says: "Those two lines cutting each
other are not parallel and his ( Lobatchevsky 's) defining them as
parallel to the third was in obvious contradiction to the proposition
that two straight lines both parallel to a third are necessarily paral-
lel to each other. I press the question, Why did you not content
yourself with this obvious proof of the incorrectness of his propo-
sition No. 25? The answer seems to me obvious. Tf you had done
that your readers would have at once perceived that Lobatchevsky
merely made a slip of the pen and meant that two straight lines
parallel to a third toward the same side are parallel to each other."
Though Mr. Russell may have gone too far, he has called atten-
tion to a mistake which ought to be corrected, and Mr. Charles S.
Peirce, in thoughtful consideration of the difficulty which puzzled
Mr. Russell, points out the flaw.
But metageometricians are not so considerate. They claim that
he has thoroughly misunderstood non-Euclidean geometry. We
publish in the present number two criticisms, one by Professor G.
B. Halsted, the other by W. H. Bussey, assistant professor of mathe-
matics at the University of Minnesota.
Metageometricians are a hotheaded race and display sometimes
all the characteristics of sectarian fanatics. To them it is quite
clear that there may be two straight lines through one and the
same point which do not coincide and yet are both parallel to a third
1 See the April number of The Monist.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 403
straight line. I do not mean to take issue here for either Euclideans
or non-Euclideans but I wish to say that the subject is difficult, that
mathematicians are by no means so positively agreed on the subject
as some metageometricians claim. If Mr. Russell is wrong, the
admirers of Lobatchevsky are welcome to point out the mistakes in
his objections. Mr. Russell has made no positive assertions, he has
expressed his incredulity as to the soundness of Lobatchevsky 's argu-
ments and asks for further information on the subject. The prob-
lems of non-Euclidean geometry are not quite so simple, nor the
solutions of Lobatchevsky so self-evident that a modest question
on the subject would not be in order ; but the editor is seriously re-
quested to submit manuscripts to a mathematician (presumably an
orthodox non-Euclidean) and to suppress all heretical articles. In
reply to this request I will state that I frequently publish articles
setting forth views which I do not endorse, because I believe that they
are worth being noticed, considered and perhaps refuted. Mr.
Russell, for instance, raises another issue (viz., the problem of a
construction of the straight line) on which the greatest mathe-
maticians have made the most divergent statements.
Leaving the discussion of Lobatchevsky's geometry to the
non-Euclideans I wish now to criticise Mr. Russell for his con-
struction of the straight line.
Mr. Russell attempts to define and develop the straight line by
purely a priori methods and does it without the ruler, limiting his
method to the use of the compasses. He constructs three spheres,
and by the use of the compasses only he lays down a range of points
which in their totality mark a straight line. Incidentally he refers
appreciatively to my book on the Foundations of Mathematics, and
I gladly note many points of agreement which, however, Mr. Rus-
sell has worked out in perfect independence. Like myself Mr. Rus-
sell calls attention to the significance of even-boundary conceptions
the value of which consists in their uniqueness, and he is pleased
with the term "anyness" ; but I would suggest that if he had adopted
my view of the foundation of mathematics, he would have deemed
it redundant to construct the straight line as he does, and would
be satisfied to produce it (as I have done) as an even-boundary
conception; for after all he shares the mistake of all attempts of
the same kind, in that while constructing the straight line, he pre-
supposes it. He says most impressively when speaking of the in-
dispensableness of the straight line (and I subscribe to every word
of it) : "All things in mathematics have been made by it and without
404 THE MONIST.
it has not been made anything that has been made." But even while
making the statement Mr. Russell forgets this truth for a moment
and inadvertently proves it in his very construction of the straight
line, for he presupposes and uses conditions which involve the
straight line, while he attempts to lay it down with the help of the
compasses.
The same idea, at least in its principle, has been suggested before
by Fourier who proposed a new construction of the straight line in
the following way. We quote from an article by G. B. Halsted in
The Monist, IV, p. 485:
"Take any two points on any solid. Let one remain at rest while
the solid moves. The other describes a sphere. Two spheres inter-
sect in a circle. If the spheres are equal and grow, this circle de-
scribes a plane. If the spheres touch and one decreases as the
other grows, their point of contact describes a straight."
Fourier's construction of the straight line suffers from the
same faults as that of Mr. Russell. Both presuppose the straight
line, both are constructed in a homaloidal space, under conditions
of anyness, which renders the distance between two points definite.
This definite distance between two points is determinable (i. e.,
measurable) only by a straight line. If we could not measure dis-
tance so as to be sure that it does not change while the moving
point travels around the stationary point, there would be no use
of the construction.
Almost every metageometrician remains unaware that every-
thing he does he accomplishes through the instrumentality of the
straight line, and that the straight line is indispensable even if we
draw a circle. Here we have good evidence of Mr. Russell's dictum
concerning the straight line, that "all things in mathematics have
been made by it and without it has not been made anything that has
been made."
Mr. Russell, as well as M. Fourier, starts with the construction
of a sphere and naturally makes use of the radius. But what is the
radius but a straight line, the straight line being the measure of the
distance between two points ? When we lay down two points at a
definite distance we imply the straight line which is our only means of
uniquely, i. e., unequivocally, determining distance, otherwise we have
no means to distinguish radii of different lengths. It is evident that
these two constructions, Mr. Russell's and M. Fourier's as well as all
others which produce the straight line by some such legerdemain,
presuppose the notion of an even space, or of distance that remains
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
405
the same, or of a scope of motion under conditions of anyness. All
three being different expressions for practically the same thing.
The issue which I raise is no quibbling and will be driven home
to the reader who would try to construct the straight line with a
pair of compasses that are not firmly set. He will have again and
again to assure himself that the distance has remained the same.
When we construct circles we presuppose an even (or homaloidal)
scope of motion. We presuppose that distances are definite and
measurable. We presuppose the existence and workableness of the
compasses. The ruler is first and the compasses second. The circle,
being begotten of the radius, presupposes the straight line. In fact
the compasses determine the size of a straight line, for the essential
part of the compasses consists in the adjustability of its two points,
Y5
not in the two legs. The two legs are merely a convenience. Thev
are the machinery to fix the points and a handle to turn them in
their fixed position. We might as well use a string pinned down at
one end and having a pencil at the other; and what is a string
stretched tight if not a materialization of the straight line?
We here reproduce Mr. Russell's diagram which shows on two
circles what he proposes to do with three spheres for the sake of
developing the straight line by means of the compasses only and
without the ruler. In order to show the several openings of the
compasses used, he draws -the radii and thus makes visible what they
involve. Just look at all these straight lines which are here intro-
duced as auxiliary constructions, and there are still more of them
doing obstetrical service for the birth of the straight line from the
406 THE MONIST.
cooperation of the three spheres. The very spheres themselves have
been begotten by the straight line, which first performing the func-
tion of a radius, made one end stay in one place (the center) and
let the other swing around it ; then having created the circle it was
again the straight line which as a diameter of the circle served as
an axis of its rotation so as to produce the sphere. Verily Mr.
Russell is right and we repeat his proposition with religious solem-
nity. All things in mathematics have been made by the straight
line.
Mr. Russell's contention would be proved only if he could make
his construction with the circle alone and dispense with the ruler
entirely ; he should also dispense with it in his proof. But he can not.
His construction does not create a straight line; in fact it creates
no line at all, but only (as he says himself) a range of points, and
all we have to grant is that his range of points lies in a straight line.
But how does he prove it? How do we know and in what way can
the site of this range of points as being in a straight line, be deter-
mined? We can determine it only by having a clear conception of
a straight line and bringing it to bear on our range of points. We
must make the straight line run through the range of points thus
constructed by Mr. Russell and prove that they all lie in the path
of the straight line. In other words, any range of points does not
constitute a line, and unless we have the idea of a straight line, we
can not bridge the distance between any two points ( let alone a great
number of points) and then declare that we have accomplished the
task.
The fundamental error of Mr. Russell, M. Fourier, and all who
have made kindred attempts, consists in the assumption that mathe-
matics has to start from a blank and is an a priori construction out
of nothing. Mathematics starts from an absence of all concrete
existence, and this can be called "nothing" only in a certain sense.
The domain of mathematics is a nothingness in the sense of an
absence of all materiality, of all forces, of energy, of all bodily
existences, and of all concreteness. As I have expressed it in my
Foundations of Mathematics, the mathematician starts from a state
of "anyness" and this absence of all concrete existence is not an ab-
solute nothing. Anyness involves homogeneity and homogeneity is
the characteristic feature of mathematical space — the scope of mo-
tion for the mathematician's operations.
The mathematician performs operations, but his operations are
pure motions of anyness, which means they are stripped of all par-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 407
ticularity and concreteness. They are devoided of matter and energy
with all their qualities. Thus the determination of a locus is a mere
point without extension and its motion produces mere length with-
out breadth or thickness, etc. Everywhere we meet with that subtle
fabric of anyness which is a true nothing in the sense of the ab-
sence of everything concrete, but not an absolute nothing. In this
anyness the mathematician operates and his mode of operation is a
work of anyness.
Mathematical space which is the domain of anyness in which the
mathematician performs his operations, includes the possibility of
constructing even boundaries, and even boundaries are needed for
mathematical constructions on account of their quality of being
unique. Uniqueness is needed in order to have a standard of ref-
erence. The three even boundaries which thus recommend them-
selves by their uniqueness as standards of reference, are the straight
line, the plane, and the right angle, and they make it possible to
construct parallel lines. Accordingly it is obvious that the problems
of the straight line, of the plane, of the right angle, of the sum of
the angles in a triangle as equal to two right angles, and of paral-
lelism are practically the same problem, and it is impossible to con-
struct any one of them from nothing with the help of pure logic only.
In addition to pure logic, the mathematician needs for the construc-
tion of his science the concept of anyness which yields that most in-
dispensable quality of mathematical space, homogeneity without
which mathematics would be impossible.
This idea of anyness is a product of abstraction and the mathe-
matician should know its origin as well as its application in order to
understand the foundation of his science.
EDITOR.
SOME REMARKS ON MR. RUSSELL'S ARTICLE, "A
MODERN ZENO."
I have been reading with interest the April number of The
Monist, especially "The Choice of Facts," by H. Poincare, and "A
Newly Discovered Treatise of Archimedes," by J. L. Heiberg. I
was attracted by the title "A Modern Zeno," and I was very much
surprised to learn the identity of the man. Mr. Russell, the writer
of the article, has evidently made some study of Non-Euclidean
Geometry, especially of the writings of Lobatchevsky. But truly
"a little learning is a dangerous thing." His study has been super-
408 THE MONIST.
ficial and without understanding. It is not my intention to criticise
the article in detail, but to point out two errors that make it almost
worthless.
On page 294, it is stated that the straight line containing the
vertex of an isosceles right triangle and the midpoint of the hypot-
enuse divides the triangle into two equal isosceles right triangles.
That these two triangles are equal right triangles is true in the
geometry of Lobatchevsky, but that they are isosceles cannot be
proved from his assumptions, although Mr. Russell says that the
proof is so simple that it would be an imputation upon the reader
to spread it before him.
On pages 300-302, Mr. Russell has given what he thinks is a
proof that the geometry of Lobatchevsky is self-contradictory. His
error is due to the fact that he used Theorem 25 without under-
standing it. It is true that he has stated it in the exact words
of Halsted's translation of Lobatchevsky's Researches on the Theory
of Parallels, namely "Two straight lines which are parallel to a
third are parallel to each other"; but either he did not read the
proof given there or he did not understand it. The theorem as
stated is incorrect or perhaps I should say it is incomplete. But this
fact would not have been misleading if he had read and understood
the proof. On page 34 of H. P. Manning's Non-Euclidean Geom-
etry, the theorem is more carefully stated as follows: "Two lines
parallel to a third toward the same part of the third are parallel to
each other." Indeed it is stated on page 13 of Halsted's translation
that in the geometry of Lobatchevsky we must make a distinction
of sides in parallelism. Mr. Russell's failure to take account of this
distinction vitiates his argument. That he has utterly failed to com-
prehend the distinction is evidenced by the following statement
taken from the bottom of page 302 : "Now by the very same course
of deduction (no step of which is unsanctioned in the 'system' of
Lobatchevsky) the line KAK' is shown parallel to HAH' and to
EAE', in spite of the rather important fact that they cut one another
at A."
It seems that Mr. Russell has some doubt as to the correctness
of his conclusion, for on page 303 are these words : "Still it may be
that there is something about the matter that I do not understand.
If so, I can only protest that my failure is not due to any lack of
respectful (I do not want to say absurdly respectful) study of
Lobachevsky's little brochure." It looks to me as if Mr. Russell
did want to say "absurdly respectful." My comment is this : Perhaps
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 409
it was respectful. Certainly it was superficial and without much
comprehension, especially in connection with Theorem 25. The first
of the two errors I have mentioned shows his lack of understanding
of the details of Lobatchevsky's geometry, but it is not so serious
because it led him merely to some remarks about a "bent plane."
The second error is more serious because it led him to the conclusion
that Lobatchevsky's geometry is self -contradictory and that "we find
Lobatchevsky hitting upon the right and sufficient way of proving
the parallel postulate of Euclid."
The Monist is devoted to the philosophy of science, and articles
on Non-Euclidean Geometry are certainly not out of place in its
pages. A good paper on the subject or its philosophic import may
be written by one who is not an expert mathematician, but it seems
to me that such a paper should be carefully read by an expert
mathematician before publication, so that errors due to the author's
lack of knowledge of the technique of the mathematics involved
may be eliminated. Certainly this should be done when an author
thinks he has found a fallacy in a doctrine accepted as sound by
mathematicians the world over.
W. H. BUSSEY.
UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA.
PROFESSOR LOVEJOY ON "DER VORCHRISTLICHE
JESUS."
The following reply to Professor Lovejoy's criticism was prom-
ised in a footnote for the January number of The Monist and was
in fact written out in full nearly two weeks before October 29,
1908, when I sailed for Chile. But as the protracted absence from
the United States that followed rendered it quite impossible either to
give the paper final revision or for me to see the proofs, if it should
be issued in January, it seemed best to hold it back for the present
number. The occasion for any rejoinder whatever is supplied not
by the argumentative appeal of the review, which may be safely left
to the judgment of readers of the book, but by its strictures upon
the author's treatment of authorities, especially of Hippolytus.
Imprimis, let me thank Professor Love joy for the general man-
ner of his review. While not exposing fully the argumentative
nerve of the work in hand, he seems really to have intended to get
at the heart of the matter, and his statement of the main drift of
the essays calls for acknowledgement. Moreover, he has not shrunk
4IO THE MONIST.
from making certain concessions, which seem to be far-reaching,
however restricted they may have been in the purpose of the le-
viewer.
I. It is particularly in dealing with Hippolytus that Professor
Lovejoy's criticism calls for comment. He has, in fact, in terms
doubtless meant to be as delicate as possible, charged upon me un-
fairness in citation. He quotes from p. 123 that Hippolytus "de-
clares repeatedly that the Naassenes were the first of the heretical
sects, from whom all the others afterwards known as Gnostics de-
rived (Ref. V. 6, 10, n)." "We may quite definitely conclude,
therefore, in agreement with Hippolytus, that Naassenism was an-
tecedent to Christianity, that it flourished before the Cross was
preached, and that the later forms of Gnosticism were its offspring"
(p. 124).
To these sentences, thinks Professor Love joy, the readers of
Hippolytus will "revert with some astonishment." First, he denies
that H. in the "passages cited makes any such statement as that
ascribed to him, about the descent of all other Gnostic doctrines
from Naassenism" ; secondly, he declares that "H. in plain terms
describes the Naassenes as Christians. They are classified as a
"heresy" ; they taught that the archetypal Man "descended in one
man, Jesus, who was born of Mary" (V, 6) ; they traced their doc-
trine "through Mariamne to James, the brother of the Lord" — which,
of course, shows them not only Christian but also, at earliest, of
the first or second generation after the Apostles. Dr. Smith's
omission to mention any of these statements of H., and his citing
of that authority as a witness in favor of a view of the date of the
Naassenes which the very same chapters of the Refutatio categor-
ically contradict — this is a thing so amazing that it is difficult to
comment upon it with propriety." In a word, the gravamen of his
charge is that the author has suppressed statements of H. that show
precisely the opposite of what the author ascribes to H.
Let us see. It may not be necessary to weary the reader with
citation, but in any case the matter is too serious to pass over
lightly.
Does H. declare repeatedly that the Naasseni were the first
Gnostics? Book V of the Refutatio opens thus: "The following
are the contents of the fifth book of the Refutation of all Heresies :
What the assertions are of the Naasseni who style themselves Gnos-
tics." It is not here said of the following Peratae, Sethians, Jus-
tinians, that they called themselves Gnostics, but only of the Naas-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 411
seni. To my mind there is here a general identification of Naassenes
and Gnostics, stated almost as clearly as Hippolytus states anything.
Again H. proposes here (and the sentiment is repeated in VI, 6
and X, 9), "to begin from those that have dared to celebrate a
serpent, the author of the error (TOV alnov rij<s TrAai/^s ycvouevov 5(f>iv
vfjLvelv) . . . .The priests then and champions of the system (Soy/Aaros)
have been first those surnamed Naasseni (TTP&TOI ol t7nK\rjOci>Te<s Noao-
(rrjvoi), in the Hebrew tongue so named — for the serpent (6 cty«) is
called Naas" The decisive adjective first is seemingly unobserved
by Professor Lovejoy,* who remarks queerly that the phrase "after-
wards called themselves Gnostics" "does not imply that they were
the only or the first heretics who did so." Apparently in eagerness
to convict the author of misstatement, Professor Lovejoy seems to
overlook logical pitfalls. If the Naassenes were not the first Gnos-
tics, then the latter must be even older than the author maintains,
which would strengthen the general position of his book perceptibly.
These Naassenes who called themselves Gnostics were the first in
championship of the dogma (Gnosticism). If this does not mean
that they were the first Gnostics, what does it mean? And if they
were not the first, who pray were the first? And who were the
others, if they were not the only? H. continues: "Afterwards they
surnamed themselves Gnostics, declaring they alone knew the depths."
There is no hint that they took the name Gnostics from any others ;
they surnamed themselves so for a specific reason: they nicknamed
themselves Knoivers, because they alone did know. The only fair
understanding of such words is that the surname Gnostics originated
with these Naassenes ; in the absence of any counter-indication, we
must affirm as much. H. proceeds : "From whom many having parted
off multifariously constituted the heresy, though essentially one, in
different dogmas detailing the same things, as the discussion as it
advances shall prove." From this passage, in connection with others
similar, I have inferred that H. would represent the Naassenes, sur-
named Gnostics, as the first Gnostics, from whom all other Gnostics
sprung, the heresy having parted into many subdivisions. Is not the
inference fair? Professor Lovejoy holds that it refers "merely to
the diverse subdivisions of the Ophite Sect." But Ophite Sect means
Ophites, and this is merely the Greek for Naassenes (6<$>i<> = naas ,
says H.), and this was the earlier name for such as "surnamed
* But not by Mansel, e. g., who repeatedly speaks of these sectaries as
"first," "earliest Gnostics." "The Naassenes, the earliest sect according to
the arrangement of H., are spoken of by him as the first body who assumed
the name of Gnostics" (Gnostic Heresies, 7, 95, 104).
412 THE MONIST.
themselves Gnostics." That my interpretation was not forced, but
perfectly natural, is made clear by the remark of Dr. Salmond in a
footnote to his translation of H. : "yvwo-is, — a term often alluded
to by St. John, and which gives its name "Gnosticism" to the
various forms of the Ophitic heresy." The position of the great
English scholar, who certainly has no bias in favor of Der vorchrist-
liche Jesus, seems to agree precisely with the position which Professor
Lovejoy so criticises — and yet seems to adopt as his own!
Further on (V, 8) H. designates these same Naassenes out-
right as "the Gnostics": "Following these and the like, the most
marvelous Gnostics, inventors of a new grammatic art...."
Again, in quoting the Naassene Parable of the Sower : "That is,
he says, none becomes a hearer of these mysteries except only the
gnostici perfecti (oi yvwoTi/cot re'Aeioi)."
Again, (V, n): "These (the foregoing) doctrines, then, the
Naasseni attempt to establish, naming themselves Gnostics. But
since the error is many-headed and diversified, as in truth the hydra
that history tells of, when at one blow, wielding the wand of truth,
we have struck off the heads of this (heresy) by means of refuta-
tion, we shall exterminate the whole monster. For neither do the
remaining heresies show off much different from this, being mu-
tually connected in spirit of error. But since, altering the words
and the names of the Serpent (o<£ca>s), they wished there to be many
heads of the Serpent, neither so shall we fail to refute them as they
will." So closes H. his 38-page long treatment of the Naasseni.
The extreme length of this treatment, greater than is given any
other single heresy, shows clearly their decisive importance in his
eyes. Playing on the terms Naas and Ophis, he likens this Naas-
senism (Ophism) to a Hydra, he seems to identify it with Gnosti-
cism, he thinks that in beheading it he has beheaded all heresies,
since the rest (at Aowrai) are held together (with it) in spirit of
error ; he does not regard the rest as really worth while ; nevertheless
(dAA'), since they are heads of the same Serpent (that is, outgrowths
of the same Naassenism — Ophism), he will smite them also one by
one, and this he straightway proceeds to do in the remainder of his
work. If not then quite as plain as day, it is at least as plain as
anything in the Refutatio, that H. regards his task as in principle
fulfilled with the slaughter of the Hydra or Serpent of Naassenism ;
but to make assurance double sure he will thrice slay the slain, he will
smite to death through his following pages every form of the many-
headed monster. The simile is faulty, but the meaning is clear.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 413
Manifestly H. must and does regard these "remaining heresies" as
second in importance and still more in time. The multifission of the
Hydra must follow and could not precede the Hydra itself. It is
evident beyond argument that H. regards these "other heresies" as
later and as offshoots of primitive Naassenism. He does not in-
deed say "all other heresies," but he does say "the remaining her-
esies." The meaning is the same. H. is speaking of a class of
things, and a single class, and the "all" was not necessary. He was
not careful to guard against quibbling that he could not anticipate.
This use of the article in a universal sense is regular in Greek.
Euclid does not say "All parallelograms on equal bases and between
the same parallels are equal to one another" but "£/i£ parallelograms"
(TO, -Tra/oaAAr/Aoy/oa/x/xa) ; so in the famous 47th it is not "in a//" but
"In the right-angled triangles" (cv rots opO. r/oty.) The case is not
different in English; says the master logician, W. Stanley Jevons
(Elementary Lessons in Logic, p. 65) "I shall frequently use propo-
sitions in the indefinite form as examples, on the understanding that
where no sign of quantity appears, the universal quantity is to be
assumed. It is probable that wherever a term is used alone, it ought
be interpreted as meaning the whole of its class." Such is plainly
the necessary interpretation here ; for if not all forms of Gnosticism
be derived from this primitive (in H's estimation), then he must
have supposed some other independent primitive. But is there the
slightest shred of evidence that he ever assumed two original sources
of Gnosticism? Or that there ever was any other than the one
Ophitic source? Entia non multiplicanda sunt praeter necessitate™.
This razor of Occam shears off any other stem until its necessity is
proved, and no proof has ever been attempted. What form of
Gnosticism was there that could not be traced back to Naassenism,
in H's conception? What Dr. Salmond thought of the matter ap-
pears clearly in the heading he has given to this chapter VI : "The
Ophites the Grand Source of Heresy," and again to chapter I, Book
VI: "The Ophites the Progenitors of Subsequent Heresies."
I should here remark that in my original thought only the first
part of Professor Love joy's quotation, was intended as a declaration
of H., "That the Naassenes were the first of the heretical sects" ; the
following clause, "from whom etc. derived," was intended merely
as my own inference gathering up the diffuse and disconnected de-
liverances of H. into a single statement. The reader now has the
facts sufficiently presented, and in view of them I maintain with
added emphasis that the natural and hardly avoidable inference from
414 THE MONIST.
the words of H. is that he regarded all "the other heresies" or forms
of Gnosticism as diversifications of primitive Naassenism. Possibly
the language of the text may sound a little dogmatic, but the explana-
tion is easy to find, by glancing at the opposite page, 122, where it
is stated that unfortunately it was not possible to go into details at
that point, but that only the general lines of the argument could be
laid down. In fact, the detailed treatment of the whole testimony
of H. has for some years lain in my desk in manuscript, waiting
upon a similar treatment of Irenaeus, not yet completed, the two
to be published together. Pages 122-4 merely resumed under heads
A, B, C, D in briefest terms some main results of that study. But
even as it stands there is naught to retract. The statement of the
text is borne out by comparison of all the pertinent passages in H.
Of itself the criticism of Professor Lovejoy may not seem to
call for so much attention; but it may be properly used as an occa-
sion to set an important matter in clearer relief.
However, it is not this quotation that most moves the amaze-
ment of Professor Lovejoy, not to say his virtuous indignation. It
is the alleged suppression of the alleged counter-testimony of H.,
that the Naassenes were at the earliest post-apostolic. Now if the
pages in question had professed to give full discussion of the matter,
this "omission" might justly have excited more than marvel. In
fact, however, they profess no such thing; they give intentionally
no discussion at all but merely state certain results to which the
writer had been led by a minute study, yet unpublished. Now these
results were all that the pages professed to state ; the minute investi-
gation is a large part of a volume yet in manuscript. In that volume
the reader will find a discussion of the passages referred to by Pro-
fessor Lovejoy — a discussion almost painfully minute. The results
stated on page 123 are not in the least affected by the passages in
question. They hold firmly in spite of those passages. Such being
the case, I felt and still feel myself justified in stating the results
arrived at, without any mention of passages that do not really in-
validate those results. In such a summary statement of conclusions
it would be out of place to refer to objections that do not really
hold. Their "omission" does not imply that such objections can not
be made, but only that in the opinion of the writer they can be satis-
factorily answered. In the present case the passages were not
quoted, because they appeared trivial. My critic may hold that so
far from being trivial they are weighty and even decisive. The
reader may judge. Professor Lovejoy says: "H. in plain terms
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 415
describes the Naassenes as Christians." He does indeed quote a
Naassene writer as saying: "And of all men we Christians alone
are those who in the third gate celebrate the mystery etc." (V, 9).
But what of it ? When the Naassenes assumed this name is not said,
not hinted, neither do we know how old is the name itself. It may
very well be pre-Christian. There is in fact a double reference in
the word Christian, to which I had never supposed it would be
necessary to advert, namely a chronological and a dogmatic ref-
erence. Chronologically Christian refers definitely to the year I of
our era and later; before the beginning of that year, everything
was pre-Christian. Dogmatically it refers to the general thought-
content of the propaganda that has spread over Europe and America.
This Christian content, I contend, was in large measure pre-Christian
in time. The Naassenes might have called themselves Christians
before A. D. I, though I by no means affirm that they did so
"Christians" (i. e., Christ-servants) may have been one of their later
names.
Professor Love joy continues: "They are classified as a 'her-
esy.' " This has no significance, no evidential value. "Heresy"
simply meant sect, school, set of philosophic or religious principles,
and there is no reason for supposing ihat heterodoxy must be later
than orthodoxy. In my judgment the heresies were not in general
deviations from existent orthodoxy ; on the contrary, they were
more ancient forms of faith, which orthodoxy had outgrown and
left behind ; just as errors in syntax and pronunciation are very often
only elder correct forms of speech, which the language has at last
rejected.
Professor Lovejoy again: "They traced their doctrine "through
Mariamne to James, the brother of the Lord" — which of course,
shows them not only Christian but also at earliest of the first or
second generation after the Apostles." "H. plainly and consistently
describes them as a late first-century or second-century school." In-
deed! So then they were at earliest near the beginning of the
second century ! It is hard not to smile at the naivete of these deliv-
erances. Of Mariamne we know little or nought. Origen indeed
speaks of the followers of this shadowy character as mentioned by
Celsus, but himself had met none of them (C. C. V. 62). But "James,
the brother of the Lord"! Here Professor Lovejoy assumes the
whole point in controversy. If James was really the flesh-and-blood
"brother of the Lord" (i. e., of Jesus), then the book reviewed was
not worth reviewing. But can it be that any one really attaches
THE MONIST.
weight to this expression, even when strengthened by the prefix
"twin"? Least of all men does Professor Lovejoy need to be taught
about kinship in the Orient. Who can forget the answer of this same
"Jesus" to the question "Who are my brethren"? How "looking
round on them which sat round about him, he saith, Behold, my
mother and my brethren ! For whosoever shall do the will of God,
the same is my brother, and sister, and mother." It would be hard
to imagine a passage more thoroughly in accord with the contentions
of the work reviewed. In Matt, xxviii. 10 the same Jesus says
"Fear not; go, announce to my brothers." And in John xx. 17 "Go
to my brothers and say to them," clearly meaning disciples. Jerome
understood the matter better, for he says, commenting on Gal. i. 19,
"James was called the brother of the Lord because of his great char-
acter, his incomparable faith, and his extraordinary wisdom." The
Epistle attributed to James shows not the faintest trace of blood
kinship with Jesus, in fact nowhere suggests the New Testament
story, but expounds solely the philosophical morality of the Disper-
sion. As well might one think of Epictetus or Marcus Aurelius as
of its author as consanguineous with Jesus. The phrase "Brothers
of the Lord" seems to be merely one of a score of names borne by
groups of early propagandists. As such a class name it appears in
i Cor. ix. 5, "The Apostles and the Brethren of the Lord and Ke-
phas." We need not then "strike out" anything "from Hippolytus's
text" ; these "numerous passages" are not "unfavorable to the the-
ory of a pre-Christian Jesus." But even if they were, what would
it signify? Simply that H. himself did not embrace that theory, that
he occupied the modern standpoint of Professor Lovejoy. And
doubtless he did. Like Epiphanius and all the heresiographers he
was an Old Catholic and held fast to the view established against
the "heretics" in the second century and prevalent to-day. Even
had he explicitly declared the Naassenes were post-Christian in
origin, it would not matter ; for he would merely have been ex-
pressing what must have been his faith, whether with or without
evidence, whether consistent or inconsistent with acknowledged facts.
The truth is, all the heresiologues are special pleaders. They had
to make out a certain case against the "heresies" ; they had to post-
date them, in order to uphold their dogmas. It made no difference
that unmanageable facts embarrassed their faith ; the more intract-
able the fact, the more steadfast their faith; with Tertullian they
cried out, "I believe it, because it is impossible." Hence the delib-
erate statements of these excellent men regarding heresiarchs and
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 417
their dates count but for very little, being divided by such a large
factor of prejudice. All the more heavy do their unthoughted
statements fall into the scale. Their unmeditated words are also un-
medicated. It is these we are to heed most closely, from these we
must draw out the implications of which the authors were uncon-
scious. It was Thenius (I believe) who shrewdly said of a datum
given by Josephus: "This statement appears to have been made in-
cautiously ; we may therefore accept it as correct." Professor Love-
joy smiles at "the humorous idea of a conspiracy of silence about
the Nasaraioi" ; but why should such a conspiracy be more unlikely
in the third century than in the twentieth? It would imply only
a general motive operating on the writers: a bewilderment as to
how to deal with these ancients, — a bewilderment manifest enough
among moderns also.
Now let us see how the whole representation of H. impresses
a competent English specialist certainly orthodox enough to please
Professor Lovejoy. Speaking of Hippolytus on Justinus, Dr. Sal-
mond says : "What H. here states respecting Justinus is quite new.
No mention occurs of this heretic in ecclesiastical history. It is
evident, however, that, like Simon Magus, he was contemporary
with St. Peter and St. Paul [an elder contemporary according to
Acts viii. 9, — W. B. S.] Justinus, however, and the Ophitic sect
to which he belonged, are assigned by H. and Irenseus a prior posi-
tion as regards the order of their appearance to the system of Simon,
or its offshoot Valentinianism. The Ophites engrafted Phrygian
Judaism, and the Valentinians Gentilism, upon Christianity ; the for-
mer not rejecting the speculations and mysteries of Asiatic paganism,
and the latter availing themselves of the cabbalistic corruptions of
Judaism. The Judaistic element soon became prominent in succes-
sive phases of Valentinianism, which produced a fusion of the sects
of the old Gnostics and of Simon. Hippolytus, however, now places
the Ophitic sect before us prior to its amalgamation with Valen-
tinianism. Here, for the first time, we have an authentic delinea-
tion of the primitive Ophites. This is of great value." We need
not accept all that Dr. Salmond here says. Some of his construc-
tions may be faulty ; the important fact is that he states unequivo-
cally that Justinus was contemporary with St. Peter and St. Paul,
and that Hippolytus and Irenaeus assign him a "position prior to the
system of Simon," himself prior to the preaching of Peter (Acts
viii. 9). Here then Dr. Salmond ranges himself squarely against
Professor L. in the matter under debate. What Dr. Salmond
418 THE MONIST.
neglects to state is that H. writing of Justinus declares that "all
these style themselves Gnostics in the peculiar sense that they alone
have drunk down the marvelous Gnosis of the Perfect and the
Good." Here then was a Gnostic prior (according to H.) to Simon
Magus (who was at the latest contemporary with Sts. Peter and
Paul), hence in the first half of the first century; moreover he was
an Ophite, a Gnostic, full-fledged. Moreover he is placed by this
same H. after the Sethians, and these after the Peratae, and all
these after the Naassenes, the Ophites proper, the first who sur-
named themselves Gnostics. These latter facts are no less impor-
tant, indeed far more important, than the ones that Dr. Salmond
emphasizes, which by themselves are enough to upset Professor
Love joy's contention completely.
If then I am at all capable of comprehending chronological com-
binations, I must hold unshaken the positions of Der vorchristliche
Jesus with regard to H. It should be added that the chronological
order given by H. is fully confirmed by analysis of the various doc-
trines, that of the Naasseni showing itself to be obviously the most
primitive. No one, however, would insist upon the particular order
of the middle terms, Peratae, Sethians, Justinians, who may well
have been nearly contemporary.
II. With regard to the testimony of Epiphanius it seems suffi-
cient merely to refer to the passages quoted in full in Der vorchrist-
liche Jesus, as a correction of the representations of the review. The
reader may judge for himself. So far as the general opinion of
reviews would seem to go, there is but one escape from the con-
clusions of the text : to deny outright that Epiphanius knew what he
was talking about. The desperation of this last resort needs no com-
ment.
III. With regard to dyi'on?/u and draorao-ts Professor Lovejoy is
at pains to show that the former is used classically to mean "restore
to life."
"Thou say'st an undisputed thing
In such a solemn way."
The same is distinctly recognized in Der vorchristliche Jesus.
The passages referred to by Professor Lovejoy (I. 24, 550-551),
Agam. 1361, Electra, 139) were not mentioned, nor Eur. H. F. 719,
more apposite though uncited by Steph. or L. and S., because the dis-
cussion was not about avton?/u but about dvdoracris. It was not ques-
tioned that "raise up" might be applied to the dead, indeed such
an occasional use seems almost inevitable; not quite so, however,
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 419
the use of "raising up" as the technical term for resurrection from
the dead, though this sense was also admitted as "perhaps known
from the earliest times." In fact the actuality of the double use
was well-nigh essential to the argument of the text. The verses,
Is. xxvi. 14 and Job. xiv. 12, mentioned "as pertinent passages our
author likewise neglects to quote," are caught by Professor Love-
joy in a net as fine-meshed as a Pasteur filter. "Dead, they shall
not live; shades, they shall not rise" (Is. xxvi. 14) : "So man lieth
down and riseth not" (Job xiv. 12). Such a use of the Kal future
of gum in the commonest sense of rise up was surely not under
consideration. That the rising is from the couch of death, is given
only by the context. The passages have no logical pertinence. If
such must be cited, what can be omitted?
Professor Love joy thinks the linguistic argument wholly with-
out valuable results, in striking contrast with a pre-eminent Biblical
scholar in England, who declares that "though exceptions may be
taken to some details of the argument, a prima facie case is certainly
made out." Perhaps it may be well to recall the logical movement,
which can hardly be detected in Professor Lovejoy's comments.
The reader will find the situation summed up on pp. 81-82: The
preachers in Acts use uniformly terms that might indeed mean
resurrection (from the dead), but to their hearers at least meant
much more naturally and familiarly quite another thing, namely,
establishment. They spoke in the same breath of "raising up David"
and "raising up Jesus." It would be strange if under the supposed
conditions they indulged in an unnecessary pun. They also cer-
tainly spoke of this "raising up of Jesus" (Acts iii. 22, 26; xiii. 33)
in the sense of establishment; strange that they should also use it
then originally in a sense entirely different. Also the text criticism
shows that the phrase "from the dead" is in many cases loose and
uncertain and bears strong internal marks of being an insertion. —
But this linguistic argument does not stand alone. It is confirmed
by the second half of the essay, which even critics who reject the
first half find very significant. The argument must be judged as
a unit. In fact, the whole argument of the book is cumulative. It
must be answered, if at all, in its entirety, not merely in this or that
detail.
IV. The case of Apollos has proved a veritable crux to the
critics of Der vorchristliche Jesus. Nearly every one adventures
a solution of the difficulty, no two the same solution, and no solu-
tion at all acceptable. Loisy, in reviewing Der vorchristliche Jesus,
42O THE MONIST.
concedes the inadequacy of all solutions and admits (il faut ad-
mettre) that the primitive preaching must have taken place under
forms more various and conditions more complicated than hitherto
supposed. This concession seems to me to go very far, much beyond
what Loisy intended. Clemen takes the bull by the horns, frankly
declaring that the author of Acts must have erred. Soltau admits
that the reference in ra irf.pl rov 'Irjvov must be to the cult (Religions-
anschauung) and not to the historic content of the life of Jesus
Into this list of warring explanations Professor Lovejoy's may enter
with the rest. To my mind it goes far aside into irrelevant matters,
leaving the knot of the difficulty untouched. It is at best what a
chemist might call a 2% solution.
In conclusion, let me reiterate that the argument of the book
cannot be judged save by the laws of cumulative evidence. It is the
whole body of facts adduced that must be adjusted into some self-
consistent scheme of interpretation. We must restore in thought
the unity and coherence that undoubtedly bound them together orig-
inally. Nor let any one imagine, as does Professor Lovejoy appar-
ently, that practically the whole body of evidence thus far accumu-
lated or at least the most important elements have been presented
in Der vorchristliche Jesus. That work was in fact a reconnoissance
in force. The mass of evidential matter already gathered is three
or four times as great and in my judgment has independently even
greater demonstrative power. Of course, the examination is not
yet complete ; in the nature of the case it cannot be completed, but
it seems to have gone far enough even now to indicate clearly that
(to quote a distinguished British scholar and philosopher) this new
"conception of the Origines of Christianity is in the main en right
lines."
WILLIAM BENJAMIN SMITH.
TULANE UNIVERSITY, NEW ORLEANS.
THE FUTURE OF ARTIFICIAL LANGUAGES.
I am somewhat at a loss to understand why any Monist does
not readily grasp the idea of an auxiliary international language,
for I read:
"Monism is a unitary conception of the world. The world
must be conceived as one inseparable and indivisible entirety. It
admits of a constantly increasing realization and of a future per-
fection. The monistic idea of a unitary conception of the world
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 421
has been constantly corroborated by the progress of science," etc. —
Primer of Philosophy, pp. 4-5.
But I take take it that the able advocate of monism has no
quarrel with the adoption of some "natural" language, preferably
English, as an international medium, but rather questions the ne-
cessity or feasibility of an artificial language and prefers the more
comfortable role of a spectator merely.
Let us first examine such claims for the English for a brief
space and see where we may arrive, prefacing my remarks with the
assertion, that, personally, I would look upon the universal adoption
of any existing language as almost in the nature of a calamity,
while admitting the progress English has been making.
Not touching here upon its irregularities or whether the Mo-
hammedans can ever be induced or compelled to accept it, the illogi-
cisms of our really great mother tongue are almost intolerable to
any one aiming at clarity of thought. For example, we say "the
sun is rising" or "is setting" when it is the motion of our own planet
that has deceived our senses. We say "I am disgusted with" when
we really mean at, or from, or against, and a very recent account
in a local paper describes the distressing accident to a Scandinavian
carpenter working in the lower story of a mill under construction.
When he heard the cry "Look out!" of some men canting a log
above, the unfortunate man literally obeyed by thrusting his head
out of a window, and as a result was practically decapitated. But
why continue, for I know that French and assume that every other
existing tongue, have such, or greater crudities, yet none such could
be tolerated in any well-constructed artificial language, for example,
like "Ilo" (the latest evolution of Esperanto, as simplified and re-
formed), and a greater familiarity with either of these systems must
explain any preference for exemplifying them herein.
Again, how many words we often have to use for expressing
a simple idea when one appropriate word should suffice, as pen-
valorar, "to be worth the pains." When the child was asked "Have
you a good memory?" and he truthfully and logically answered
"No, but I have a bad forgetency" he was considered both amusing
and original, yet I have often thought that if we could have a com-
petent and authoritative academy (as indeed most artificial lan-
guages have) for our own tongue, it might possibly be able to do
something in the way of correcting our illogicisms, modify many of
our irregularities and improve our phonology ; but I fear this would
be expecting altogether too much, as most living or natural Ian-
422 THE MONIST.
guages become too stereotyped and there is generally much preju-
dice against all innovation.
Such an academy might also by precedent sanction such words
as "criticable," "makeable," "hopeably," "fixable," "elsewhen" (else-
where), "farness" (nearness), "outgo" (income), " beginningless "
(endless) and many other apparently strange but useful forms, but
the idea perhaps is Utopian. Yet the man in the street readily as-
similates such neologisms as "plunderbund," "talkfest," "brain-
storm" and the like, for he is above all things a practical fellow who
never mistakes a bathsponge for a spongebath, a houseboat for a
boathouse or a billboard for a boardbill!
Now, in Ilo and Esperanto we have all such ideas as the fore-
going, with a very great number more, neatly and accurately ex-
pressed, at least in the first named system, for it has borrowed the
conveniences of six of the greatest living languages — German, Eng-
lish, French, Italian, Russian and Spanish, (the DEFIRS which its
dictionary appends to a root), while ignoring their shortcomings.
Thus (and this I consider to be almost the crux of the whole
question, the very marrow in our bone of amicable contention), on
the basis of "the maximum of internationality," the Ilists select
a "root" that is common to the greatest numbers of millions, when
they can, by "word-building" with one or two of the well-defined
affixes or "exponents," carry it to its fifth, tenth and even twentieth
"power," each expressing a different shade of meaning and without
materially increasing the root's length. I ask, can the same be done
with any word in English, or any other known tongue?
Let us take the international V futur- which can also be found
in such non-Romanic tongues as German and Russian, and we build
futuro, the noun; futura, the adjective; and future, the adverb "fu-
turely," which last form the English lacks, while the same form must
serve for both its noun and adjective.
Again, touching now upon the feature of brevity with clarity,
take the lengthy name t/nited States oi (TVorth) America, and Usono
is understood by Esperantists and Ilists alike, while usonano gives
us the inhabitant or citizen thereof exactly, instead of the altogether
too generic term "American," who may really be a native of Canada
or any of the South American republics. So Ilo is a contraction of
mternaciona /inguo and happens to mean, appropriately enough, an
"instrument," with many derivatives therefrom. But this method of
monogramic abbreviation is used sparingly.
Now, without going into the defect of our many homonyms
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 423
like peace and piece, pain and pane, a defect also common to other
natural languages and which is of course eliminated from an arti-
ficial one, much as artificial teeth successfully replace bad natural
ones, let us here state a few postulates now generally accepted by
all students of this latest branch of philology, the artificial — of which
Dr. L. Couturat and his confrere, Dr. Lean, are undoubtedly the
greatest living authorities and historians, and to whom, with de
Beaufront, "the father of Esperanto in France," we are largely
indebted for the later product, Ilo. Philologists now generally con-
cede:
1. That all artificial languages are secondary to, and are never
intended to supersede the mother tongue.
2. That the primary use of any artificial language is for com-
merce, science and travel and that it is as yet premature to
attempt any literary efforts or translations (although I am
aware the Esperantists have disregarded this rule).
3. That such artificial language should be founded on an a
posteriori basis and not an a priori one (i. e., we should
draw material from existing languages rather than coin
previously unheard-of words, like those composing Zamen-
hof's correlative table).
4. That a good artificial language, constructed with the "maxi-
mum of internationally," can be learned with advantage by
young and old, as laying a foundation and easy entrance
to many other languages, living or dead.
5. That the analytic is preferable to the agglutinative form.
To these postulates I should add the formula found by that
clear-thinking Dane and great philologist, Prof. Otto Jespersen,
who has since laid down the axiom (the original is easily read) : "La
max bona linguo internationa esas ta, qua prizentas la max granda
facileso por la max multa homi," and, anticipating the inquiry, will
state that the foregoing is in neither Latin nor Danish, Italian nor
Spanish, nor yet Esperanto.
Religion is much akin and only comes secondary to language,
and who has counted the number of systems of the former that
have been created and flourished ? And naturally any such beta ideo
as Esperanto, like a religion, attracts many idealists and possibly
a few intolerant or mediumly-educated people, mostly monoglots
with a growing knowledge of their idol, for which they too often
make the most extravagant and preposterous claims.
Yet there are many notable exceptions, like the veteran Richard
424 THE MONIST.
H. Geoghegan of Fairbanks, Alaska. Only a few of his intimate
correspondents know of the profound learning and very great lin-
guistic attainments of this modest and versatile man, with whom
it seems to be a recreation to study another language about every
three months and who has done an immense amount of correspon-
dence in Esperanto since 1889, with Jon Jonson of Iceland, M.
Bourdalue of New Caledonia and with many others as widely dis-
tributed, all tending to show how much can be done with an inter-
national language and that the idea is becoming a practical reality.
I cannot agree with Dr. Carus that "irregularities originate
according to our needs" ; rather do they grow according to our ele-
mental minds or our slovenly habit of thought. Granted that "arti-
ficial languages would soon introduce certain irregularities," yet
they would only be local or at most national departures from the
standard of purity and excellence laid down by their Academy or
Fundamento (which latter is like the Koran to the Arabic).
True, as Dr. Carus intimates, we may not have attained the
ultimate, for if we had, we would at once commence to retrograde
and decay; our product is "not perfect, but always perfectible."
But the Delegation which met at Paris in October, 1907, for the
adoption of some international language, laid a very solid foundation
when, of the many systems presented, it accepted Dr. Zamenhof's
creation, but subject to the modifications proposed by de Beaufront,
Couturat, Jespersen and others, and which have since been incorpo-
rated and appear in its organ Progreso.
Possibly some great Oriental linguist, as yet unborn or now
in the infantile dairy business, may some later day arise in his might
and smite us on the ground that Ilo is altogether too European, but
are we meantime to stand idle in the event of such a remote con-
tingency? That would certainly not be progress, and he would
surely be welcome to the laborious task of building an Asiatic rival,
with Arabic-Hindustani-Chinese roots.
I can barely touch upon the inestimable scientific value of an
international language, with a terminology constructed by special-
ists and acceptable to all scientists, nor what an instrument it will
be as making for peace and righteousness. As I look across my
desk I see several pigeonholes containing letters from various parts
of the world, written clearly and concisely in an apparently strange
idiom, yet one that seems far more flexible than my own great
tongue, as euphonious as Spanish or Italian, phonetic, legible and
brief ; and I venture to assert that not one of your readers, be he of
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 425
English, French, Spanish or Italian extraction, will fail to almost
instantly understand the following short specimen:
"La establiso di la internaciona linguo tute ne esas verko di
personala inspireso, fantazio od arbitrio, sed verko di cienco e di
pacienteso. Ni ne pretendas a neeroriveso e ne konsideras nia verko
quale ideala. Ol esas simple verko di cienco, di koncienco e di bon-
volo. Nia verko ne esas certe perfekta ; sed, quo forsan plu valoras,
ol esas sempre perfektigebla."
In conclusion I must agree with Dr. Carus that the Esperan-
tists at least have perhaps been far too hasty and over-anxious, and
I must plead guilty as having been one of them. Certainly many
of them have shown an unreasoning antagonism to even the most
essential changes and reforms. When the Doctor suggested a sys-
tem of pasigraphy some years ago, he did not attempt to force its
acceptance, assert that it was "untouchable" or make any extra-
ordinary claims for it. Nor yet, on the other hand, did he then
raise any question as to its cerebral receptivity or acceptance through
the optic instead of the auditory nerve ! But why did he not suggest
an already existing pasigraphy like the Chinese? And the antici-
pated answer that it is too cumbersome and unsuitable for inter-
national usage will also apply, with" but slightly lesser force, to
English or any other naturally evolved language.
And finally I ought not perhaps to forget a word of commen-
dation for Mr. Strauss's able and impartial argument, not forgetting
to add, however, that M. Bollack has since given up any attempt to
propagate his own system and thrown his forces with the Ilists.
ALEXANDER H. MACKINNON
SEATTLE, WASH.
A DEFENCE OF INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE.
In the October issue of your magazine you propose to have the
problem of an artificial language discussed, and you proceed to ex-
press yourself adversely, while Mr. C. T. Strauss defends it, though,
according to his own admission, rather from the point of view of a
theoretical observer than as a practical adept of one of the many
international language systems. Permit me to answer some of your
criticisms, and to supplement the remarks of Mr. Strauss by some
observations gathered from two years' study and practical use of
Esperanto, both in its primitive and in its new and simplified form
("International Language of the Delegation," "Ido" or "Ilo").
426 THE MONIST.
You consider more or less complete reforms in spelling and even
in pronunciation as much easier to introduce than an artificial auxil-
iary language. You are willing to give the artificial language
makers and adepts a chance to show what they can accomplish, but
you believe that the life-time of one generation will not suffice to
realize the problem. The friends of the artificial language idea are
of the opposite opinion : they favor an artificial language because
they think that it could be introduced within fifteen or twenty years,
while fifty years would hardly be enough to make the Anglo-Saxon
public of the old and new worlds accept even so comparatively slight
shortcuts in their orthography as ar, det, dum, fisic.
Your criticism seems founded, in part, on the high office you
attribute to such a language. Simplicity, indeed, cannot be a leading
feature of a tongue that is to be adapted at a time to commercial re-
lations, scientific communications, and literature in all its phases.
This just objection cannot be too energetically repeated to the Es-
peranto fanatics who, with their leader Zamenhof at the head, insist
upon squeezing works like "Iphigenie" of Goethe into the Procrus-
tean bed of their looo-root language (for the other 4000 or 5000 roots
in Esperanto translate purely technical expressions).
You find that irregularities would result from an introduction
of the language into the living practice, as the public would soon
begin to contract inconveniently long forms. This consideration
can only stimulate the makers of artificial languages to give their
output a high degree of brevity and simplicity from the outset. The
remodeling to which the Parisian committee subjected Primitive Es-
peranto in October of last year has been largely necessitated by a
series of a priori forms, chosen arbitrarily by the inventor, and which
have proven themselves a hindrance in the practice. At the same
time, the principle was laid down that no artificial language can claim
an absolute intangibility as to some of its parts, such as was pro-
claimed by the Esperantists in 1905, chiefly at the behest of commer-
cial propagandists. A competent authority must be entrusted with the
right to introduce further improvements, both additions and simpli-
fications, and to guide the blind usage, which has during the last
few years engendered in Esperanto a large number of anomalies.
Your remark that irregularities in a language spring from abbrevia-
tions of speech, while it is correct to a certain extent, does certainly
not apply to all cases. The forms spring, sprang, sprung, for in-
stance, which in German grammar are called strong, i. e., regular
verbs forming a class of their own, are in English grammar ordi-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 427
narily classified as irregular; and this classification can be justified
when bearing in mind that there is hardly one verb of this type to
a hundred verbs of the type jump, jumped, jumped. This latter type
has now become practically the norm and is still absorbing gradually
verbs of older formation. The Academy of the International Lan-
guage can prevent such apparent anomalies by foreseeing how un-
wise it would be to use variation of a median sound in a verb as a
means of distinguishing tenses ; for the unnecessary restriction in
the choice of roots which would follow from the adoption of this
plan would soon lead in practice to the parallel of a second and less
cumbersome form. A well-formed artificial language will degen-
erate much less through usage than a national language, and the
cases where difficulties occur will have to be handled on their merits
by a competent body.
You suggest that the reformers should improve one of the exist-
ing languages, instead of making a new one. Here you have by in-
dependent reflection arrived at a conclusion which the Esperantists
(at least those that are honest with themselves and others) have
learned through practice. A priori language making has now been
discarded to such an extent that even the free selection made by
Dr. Zamenhof of many German or Slavonic roots (for instance
vosto "tail," should be kaudo which occurs as a root or as a word in
English, French, Italian and Spanish ; tago "day," should be dio E. I.
S. ; taugi "to fit," should be konvenar E. F. I. S. ; varbi "to recruit,"
should be rekrutar German, E. F. I. Russian, S.) has been absolutely
rejected. The international vocabulary must be the easiest possible
for the greatest number of men, hence a root known to 180 million
people is to be preferred systematically to one known by 100 million.
The next requirement is that these roots must be capable of
developing the needed derivatives according to a uniform system.
Here again is a principle which is found in germ in Primitive Es-
peranto, but is recognized to its full extent only in Ido. Several
suffixes have been added ; the more or less confused use of the old
ones has been regulated ; a number of faulty derivatives or of awk-
wardly lengthy forms have been replaced by new roots of inter-
national character. In your former article, of October 1907, you
very justly pointed out the dangers that could ensue from a dilet-
tantic handling of the word-building material contained in Espe-
ranto. Now precise rules for derivation have been laid down in the
grammars, so that competent persons are able to form correct and
clear derivatives in those cases where the amplified vocabulary does
428 THE MONIST.
not furnish simple roots. Persons of a less logical turn of mind are
referred to the dictionaries, manuals or usage for acquiring their
vocabulary. No language, whether artificial or natural, can do more ;
but to invite writers to form such expressions themselves, according
to their best ability and without fixed principles, such as Primitive
Esperanto has done heretofore, is to bring sure complication and
ruin on the language.
Is it possible, then, with these great guiding principles of inter-
nationality and logical construction, to form a language that is above
attack in all details? Perhaps not: ordinary common sense, rather
than science, will, after all, have a small share in the fixing of the
alphabet and of the grammar. Here simplicity must govern, and
there may be some difference of opinion as to what is absolutely
required and what not. Still, the most recent language projects do
not differ widely on these points; so it seems the rejection of un-
necessary complications cannot be carried much further. There
must be no letters that are not in the Roman alphabet; there must
be no sounds that would be difficult to several important nations ;
there must be no difficult combinations of sounds ; there must even
be euphony; and the grammar must be rather on the English type
with logical word order, without an accusative and without an in-
flected adjective, than on the German type, with cumbersome de-
clensions and syntax. It will be found especially difficult to choose
the pronouns so as to please everybody.
Still, these minor points cannot be regarded as serious ob-
stacles to the scientific, rather than the empiric solution of the problem.
Jespersen has now given up entirely the Platonic attitude that you
ascribe to him about the subject, and has treated on the above out-
lined topics in articles written in Ido itself, which have been pub-
lished during several months in our monthly Progreso. He has also
written the preface for the Ido-national dictionaries. Bollack, whose
system Mr. Strauss is inclined to prefer, has laid aside his own work
and is now with characteristic enthusiasm and generosity propa-
gating Ido. He is, indeed, almost the only one of the inventors who
has shown this latitude of spirit. For instance, Molenaar protests
vehemently against Ido and continues to expound the advantages
of his pan-romanic "Universal," which consists exclusively of ready
made words adopted as they stand, is quite irregular in its vocabu-
lary for any one who does not know a Romance language before-
hand, and is dependent in all its details upon constant borrowing
from living languages. Another group of language makers is now
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 429
perfecting the "Idiom Neutral" with the aim to produce a language
that excels less for European internationality, systematic rules for
derivation and extreme simplicity of grammar, than for its aspect
of a living Romance tongue — as if a philologically revised New-
Latin were not still far too complicated and idiomatic for general
use! Aside from these systems on European and on Romance
bases, there is at least one project based on the pure Teutonic and
even one based on the Greek vocabulary.
On the other hand, many Esperantists, with their leader Zamen-
hof at the head, claim that science has nothing whatever to do with
the problem, which according to them is a purely dynamic one : the
language that is most thoroughly advertised and consequently at-
tracts the most attention among the general public, has the best
chances for success. This is true to quite a large extent, but still
not so exclusively as the ordinary run of commercial propagandists
of Esperanto believe. It would rather seem that an enthusiastic
propaganda is possible only where the conviction as to the intrinsic
merits of the propagated language is genuine. The rapid falling off
in the number of adherents of Primitive Esperanto during the last
four months, especially in Germany, is ample proof of this fact. The
attempts of the Esperantists to make an impression by their noisy
yearly congresses promise little for the future, since the city of Dres-
den became one of the centers of the Ido movement, just one month
after seeing the enthusiastic gathering of the orthodox Esperantists
last August.
Considering the mental capacity of its adherents, Ido seems now
to have a fair lead over the competing systems. It is the aim of the
movement to persuade inventors of other systems, as well as men
of science who are interested, to take a seat in their planned academy
and thus profit by their labors in further developing the language
according to the established principles. It is not unlikely therefore
that the preponderance of Ido will soon become overwhelming and
that the followers of Zamenhof will have to make peace with the new
system as best they can. While unity among the advocates of the
international language idea seems still far off, the prospects are not
discouraging. Granting that many details in Ido, especially those
that relate to phraseology, are still to be settled more definitely, why
should it not be possible in time to have the Ido academy replaced
by an international commission, appointed by the different govern-
ments ? And why should not the governments then recommend and
even require a knowledge of the international language for certain
43O THE MONIST.
purposes ? The impetus thus given to this language would soon be
a powerful incentive for the general public to acquire a knowledge
of it. I cannot possibly see why an international idiom thus acquired
should, for the person using it, differ from any natural foreign
speech that he has learned, except in this that the artificial language
requires as many months as the other requires years to acquire. I
can, from my own experience, testify that I learned to use Esperanto
in conversation with what I consider a high degree of ease and
fluency within five months, more so in fact than I succeeded with the
English language within the same number of years, although, as a
born German, I am by no means raw in languages, in fact have a
fair degree of fluency in the oral use of four of them and a reading
and theoretical knowledge of a number of roots.
The international language is certainly much more artificial
than even literary German, but still it seems to me to be less artificial
in its application to modern topics than classical Latin would be.
It is and will be, according to the express declaration of its promul-
gators, "never perfect, but always perfectible." It should not be
expected to compete with our national languages in wealth, for then
it could no longer be simple; but on the other hand it aspires to a
high degree of preciseness. As Ido has over Esperanto the great
advantage of legibility at first sight, and over the other systems that
of a vigorous propaganda, it takes no great gift of prophecy to fore-
tell that it will spread enormously within a few years. It will be
highly interesting to observe to what extent the practical applica-
tion of this language in many provinces will refute the a priori ob-
jections of the majority of the scientists.
O. H. MAYER.
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.
ESPERANTO, ILO AND MALAY.
Concerning the establishment of an international language, we
have so far preserved a neutral attitude, because we bear in mind
that a language is comparable to living organisms, and it would be
as easy to construct an ideal plant as to produce an ideal language.
Languages grow just as plants and animals. A language does not
consist merely of words that are printed in dictionaries, but exists
in the living brain-structure of the people who speak it. I do not
argue against the theoretical possibility of constructing an ideal
plant or an ideal animal, or even a homunculus after the fashion
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 431
suggested by Goethe in the second part of Faust, but practically I
deem such undertakings as Utopian, and it will always be easier
to modify existing organisms than to construct new ones. All arti-
ficial languages have so far shared the same fate of being at the be-
ginning enthusiastically hailed by a number of adherents, but when
the attempt was made to have them spoken, the difficulty began.
Those who speak the language soon disagree and without any effort
of outside circles the two or several parties of its adherents dis-
integrate the movement and very soon it dies a natural death. Such
was the case of Volapiik, which created an enormous sensation at
the time when it first made its appearance, but when it reached the
height of its fame a strong reform party proposed improvements
which were met with the bitter resistance of the founder and his
immediate friends.
The same fate seems to repeat itself with Esperanto. We can-
not judge whether the reformers who propose a language called
Ido, or the original Esperantists are to be favored, but will only
present the facts of both sides. In a recent report of the Fourth
International Congress of Esperantists, in the middle of August,
1908, the following statement by Herr von Frenckell was read:
"Die Esperantisten wissen, dass "sie uneigenniitzig ihre Arbeit
der ganzen Menschheit zum Wohle stellen, und sie ertragen deshalb
ruhig die immer noch recht haufigen Einwendungen der Zweifler an
ihrer Sache. So konnte der Kongress auch einmiitig sich gegen alle
Veranderungen in der Sprache aussprechen und eine Akademie fur
die einheitliche Weiterentwicklung ihrer Sprache wahlen zum
grossen Verdruss einer kleinen Reformpartei, die rein personliche
Interessen einiger einzelner verfechten mochte. Auch aus dieser
Schwierigkeit werden die Esperantisten siegend hervorgehen. Die
sorgfaltig versteckten sprachlichen Fehler, welche die Reform-
sprache enthalt, sind aufgedeckt worden, so auch vor alien Dingen
die scharf verurteilungswiirdigen Manipulationen der Urheber der
Verschlechterungen, Reformen genannt. Somit ist es anzunehmen,
dass auch die nachstjahrigen Kongresse die Einheitlichkeit von
neuem betonen werden, sofern die Reformer es nicht vorziehen
wollen unverstanden jahrlich eine neue Sprache zu erlernen."
In this connection I will make a statement that may be sur-
prising to many. While traveling through Europe last year I met
a Dutch gentleman born and raised in Java. He is a lawyer by
profession and if I mistake not has large business interests in the
Dutch colonies. While discussing the problem of an international
432 THE MONIST.
language, he offered with great seriousness the proposition that in
his opinion the introduction of Malay as a world-language would be
the best and most practical way to do away with further vain at-
tempts at constructing an international tongue. He said — and was
positive about the correctness of his statement, — that Malay is the
easiest language to acquire, that no language, natural or artificial,
would be simpler in its construction or more easy in pronunciation,
that it could be learned without effort of any kind, and in addition
was spoken by many millions of people throughout the East Indies.
It is ready made and has passed through a course of experience by
practical use throughout the Dutch colonies, and Esperanto in its
original and its reformed Ido are by far more difficult and compli-
cated.
EDITOR.
EXPERIENCE DE DOUBLE TRADUCTION EN LANGUE
INTERNATIONALE.
Beaucoup de philosophies croient encore que, si la langue inter-
nationale peut bien servir aux besoins de la vie courante ou meme
des sciences exactes, elle est incapable de rendre avec quelque pre-
cision les pensees philosophiques. Pour mettre la langue internatio-
nale a 1'epreuve dans ce domaine particulierement ardu, j'ai traduit
trois morceaux philosophiques, un allemand, un anglais et un fran-
gais, empruntes a trois auteurs illustres: MM. Gomperz, W. James
et Poincare; et pour que 1'experience fut plus probante, j'ai prie
MM. Gomperz et James de m'indiquer eux-memes dans leurs oeuvres
le morceau qu'ils jugeaient le plus approprie a cette epreuve. De ces
morceaux, le plus difficile, sans comparaison, etait rallemand, tant
par la langue meme (la plus malaisee a traduire en n'importe quelle
autre) que par le style particulierement elegant, litteraire et raffine
de 1'auteur (Vie et action de Socrate, en Griechische Denker, tome
2, pages 36-41). C'est du reste ce qu'ont reconnu tous ceux a qui
j'ai distribue ces trois traductions pendant le Congres de Heidelberg
(septembre 1908).
Or M. le prof. Pfaundler, de Graz, sans m'avertir ni me con-
suiter, a entrepris de retraduire en allemand le morceau de M. Gom-
perz, dont il ne connaissait pas 1'original, d'apres ma traduction
en Ido (nom conventionnel et provisoire de la Langue Internationale
de la Delegation). Je n'ai pas voulu voir sa traduction, et lui ai
conseille de 1'envoyer directement a M. Gomperz (son collegue de
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 433
1' Academic des Sciences de Vienne). M. Gomperz lui a repondu
comme suit:
"Suivant votre desir, je me suis empresse de comparer a 1'origi-
nal le morceau traduit d'Ido en allemand, que vous avez eu 1'ama-
bilite de m'envoyer; et je Tai trouve etonnement fidele dans 1'en-
semble. Les divergences tres rares (une demi-douzaine en 5 pages
de mon livre) sont imputables (si Ton petit parler de responsibility
en de tels details) en partie a M. Couturat, et en partie a I'ambiguite
des expressions de Toriginal. Une fois vous avez employe une ex-
pression inexacte, par une distraction manifeste ; mais en aucun cas
un reproche quelconque n'atteint la langue Internationale. ..." (Suit
1'enumeration des 6 erreurs).
"Je reconnais done volontiers que cette epreuve a extraordi-
nairement bien reussi, et que , pour autant qu'elle est probante, elle
est favorable a un haut degre a votre opinion de I'applicabilite de la
langue international. " (Signe) Th. Gomperz.
On doit remarquer que Inexperience n'a pas ete faite dans les
circonstances les plus favorables: le premier traducteur est philo-
sophe, mais non Allemand ; le second est de langue allemande, mais
non philosophe (physicien). Enfin le sens de certains mots tech-
niques n'a pas encore ete suffisamment fixe, soit par les dictionnaires
de la L. I. soit par 1'usage. Et 1'original abondait en expression tres
litteraires et pen communes, comme: "anmasslicher Querkopf oder
Besserwisser," "arbeitsscheuen Tagdiebes," qui sont presque des
idiotismes intraduisibles. II serait interessant de faire une expe-
rience analogue avec une traduction en langue nationale (par ex.
avec la traduction des Penseurs grecs par M. Aug. Reymond) : il
est probable que les divergences seraient bien plus nombreuses et
plus importantes. Quoi qu'il en soit, avec les petites fautes qui en
attestent la sincerite, 1'experience est entierement favorable a la
langue internationale. Nous remercions M. Gomperz d'avoir bien
voulu nous permettre de publier son temoignage ; et nous esperons
qu'on ne contestera plus desormais la possibilite d'exprimer ou de
traduire avec exactitude, dans une langue internationale, les pensees
les plus hautes de la litterature et de la philosophic.
L. COUTURAT.
P. S. Pour eviter toute fausse interpretation, nous tenons a
specifier que ce succes a ete obtenu uniquement par la Langue inter-
nationale de la Delegation, elaboree par un Comite internationale de
savants et de linguistes tres competants.
434 THE MONIST.
A MAGIC CUBE OF SIX.
Probably it can be said with truth that the construction of magic
squares and cubes has in itself no immediate utility. Benjamin
Franklin, who devised some squares possessing remarkable prop-
erties, expresses himself as believing that he might have spent his
time to better advantage, and the same thought has been uttered
many times by others. As an intellectual recreation, however, and
as a means of quickening one's insight into the properties and rela-
tions of numbers, this study has real value.
In an admirable work recently published on the subject of
Magic Squares and Cubes, the author, Mr. W. S. Andrews, after
developing very clearly the method of constructing magic cubes of
odd numbers and of those divisible by four, passes over the problem
of cubes of oddly-even numbers (6, 10, 14, etc.) as not yet solved,
though he remarks that he does not believe them mathematically
impossible. It was on his suggestion that my attention was turned
to the question, and a method soon presented itself of attaining at
least a partial solution.
In the first place six magic squares were constructed, exactly
similar in plan except that three of them began (at the upper left-hand
corner) with odd numbers, each of which was I or I plus a multiple
of 36, and the other three with even numbers, each a multiple of 18.
In the first three squares the numbers were arranged in ascending
order, in the other three descending. The initial numbers were so
chosen that their sum was 651, or (w3 + l), which is the proper
summation for each dimension of the projected magic cube. In the
construction of these original squares, by the way, the diagrams
devised by Mr. Andrews and presented in his book proved a great
convenience and saved much time.
Each of the six squares so made is "magic" in that it has the
same sum (651) for each column, horizontal row and corner diag-
onal. As the initial numbers have the same sum the similarity of
the squares, with ascending arrangement in one half and descending
in the other half, insures the same totals throughout for numbers
occupying corresponding cells in the several squares; e. g., taking
the third number in the upper row of each square and adding the
six together we reach the sum 651, and so for any other position of
the thirty-six.
In constructing our cube we may let the original six squares
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
435
Xi
Xi
N
•M
N
CNJ
\
N
s
N
I
X
1
^
1
*
r5
X
Xi
N
Fig. i.
43^
THE MONIST.
Nv Q -v
«* «V «V X
X <V ~>
Fig. 2.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 437
serve as the horizontal layers or strata. We have seen that the
vertical columns in the cube must by construction have the correct
summation. Furthermore, as the successive right-and-left rows in
the horizonal squares constitute the rows of the vertical squares
facing the front or back of the cube, and as the columns in the
horizontal squares constitute the rows of the vertical squares facing
right or left, it is easily seen that each of these twelve vertical squares
has the correct summation for all its columns and rows.
Here appears the first imperfection of our cube. Neither the
diagonals of the vertical squares nor those of the cube itself have
the desired totals, though their average footing is correct. It is true
further that the footings of the two cubic diagonals originating at
opposite extremities of the same plane diagonal average 651, though
neither alone is right.
At this point, however, we come upon an interesting fact.
While the cubic diagonals vary, the two half-diagonals originating
at opposite extremities of either plane diagonal in either the upper
or the lower face, and meeting at the center of the cube, together
have the sum 651. These correspond in the cube to the "bent
diagonals" of Franklin's "square of squares." Of course a moment's
reflection will show that this feature" is inevitable. The original
squares were so constructed that in their diagonals the numbers
equidistant from the middle were "complementary", that is, taken
together they equaled 217, or n3-\- I, n representing the number of
cells in a side of the square. In taking one complementary pair from
each of three successive squares to make our "bent diagonal" we
must of necessity have 3 X 217 = 651.
As in the Franklin squares, so in this cube do the "bent diag-
onals" parallel to those already described have the same totals. A
plane square may be thought of as being bent around a cylinder so
as to bring its upper edge into contact with the lower, and when
this is done with a Franklin square it will be seen that there is
one of these "bent diagonals" for each row. In like manner, if it
were possible by some fourth-dimension process analogous to this
to set our cube upon itself, we should see that there were six (or
in general n ) "bent diagonals" for each diagonal in each of the
horizontal faces, or 24 in all, and all having the same sum, 651.
The fact that each diagonal in the horizontal squares is made
up of three pairs of numbers, each pair having the sum 217, suggests
an interesting study. Figure 3 represents a vertical section of the
cube in the plane of a diagonal of the upper face. The dotted lines
438
THE MONIST.
connect numbers, one pair from each of three rows, and in each
case the sum of the six numbers is 651. The series represented in
the figure — i 119 51 166 98 216, i 112 8 209 105 216, i 184 152
65 33 216, 8 126 130 87 91 209, 15 144 119 98 73 202— have each
the same total, 651, and the lines connecting the numbers outline
some graceful and symmetrical figures. Many more might be drawn,
but these examples will illustrate the principle.
*$
<;
9 r
/f
/' JV
/ 30
\ *.•••-
202
.1 f
-'
2/6
/so
Fig. 3-
Omitting the series described in the last paragraph, which are
rather fanciful than natural features of the cube, we may recapitu-
late the number of occurrences of the characteristic number 651
thus:
In the vertical columns ................ 36 or n2
In the rows from front to back ........ 36 or n2
In the rows from right to left ........ 36 or n2
In the diagonals of the original squares . . 12 or 2w
In the cubic "bent diagonals" .......... 24 or ^n
144 or $n2-\-6n
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 439
The column of n values at the right represents the "general" num-
bers, found in cubes of 10, 14, etc., as well as in that of 6.
All these characteristics are present no matter in what order
the original squares are piled, which gives us 720 permutations.
Furthermore, only one form of magic square was employed, and
Mr. Andrews has printed diagrams to illustrate at least 128 forms,
any one of which might have been used in the construction of our
cube. Still further, numerous transpositions within the squares
are possible — always provided the vertical totals are guarded by
making the same transpositions in two squares, one ascending and
the other descending. From this it is easy to see that the numbers
1-2 16 may be arranged in a very great number of different ways
to produce such a cube.
So much for the general arrangement. If we so pile our original
squares as to bring together the three which begin with odd numbers
and follow them with the others (or vice versa) we find some new
features of interest. In the arrangement already discussed none
of the vertical squares has the correct sum for any form of diagonal.
The arrangement now suggested shows "bent diagonals" for the
vertical squares facing right and left as. follows : Each of the outside
squares — at the extreme right or left — has four "bent diagonals"
facing the upper and four facing the lower edge. These have their
origin in the first, second, fourth and fifth rows moving upward or
downward, i. e., in the first two rows of each group — those yielded
by original squares starting with odd and those with even numbers.
Each of the four inside vertical squares has but two "bent diag-
onals" facing its upper and two facing its lower edge, and these
start in the first and fourth rows — the first of each group of three.
This will be true no matter in what order the original squares are
piled, provided the odd ones are kept together and the evens to-
gether. This will add 32 (8 for each of the two outer and 4 for each
of the four inner squares) to the 144 appearances of the sum 651
tabulated above, making 176; but this will apply, of course, only
to the cube in which the odd squares are successive and the even
squares successive. As the possible permutations of three objects num-
ber 6, and as each of these permutations of squares beginning with
odd numbers can be combined with any one of the equal number of
permutations of the even squares, a total of 36 arrangements is pos-
sible.
While the straight diagonals of these squares do not give the
required footing the two in each square facing right or left average
44O THE MONIST.
that sum: thus the diagonals of the left-hand square have totals of
506 and 796, of the second square 708 and 594, third 982 and 320,
fourth 596 and 706, fifth 798 and 504, and the right-hand square
986 and 316, each pair averaging 651. I have not yet found any
arrangement which yields the desired total for the diagonals, either
straight or bent, of the vertical squares facing back or front ; nor do
their diagonals, like those just discussed, average 651 for any single
square, though that is the exact average of the whole twelve.
By precisely similar methods we can construct cubes of 10, 14,
1 8, and any other oddly-even number, and find them possessed of
the same features. I have written out the squares for the magic
cube of 10, but time would fail to carry actual construction into
higher numbers. Each column and row in the lo-cube foots up
5005, in the 14-cube 19,215, in the 3O-cube 405,015, and in a cube
of 42 no less than 1,555,869! Life is too short for the construction
and testing of squares and cubes involving such sums.
That it is possible to build an absolutely "perfect" cube of 6 is
difficult to affirm and dangerous to deny. The present construction
fails in that the ordinary diagonals of the vertical squares and of
the cube itself are unequal, and the difficulty is made to appear in-
superable from the fact that while the proper summation is 651, an
odd number, all the refractory diagonals are even in their summa-
tion.
The figures which accompany this article were drawn for it by
Mr. Andrews, who has taken a lively interest in the cube and its
properties. Especially valuable are the diagrams in Figure 2, show-
ing how the numbers of the natural series 1-216 are arranged in the
squares which constitute the cube. This is a device of Mr. Andrews's
own invention, and certainly is ingenious and beautiful. The dia-
grams here given for squares of six can be expanded on well-defined
principles to apply to those of any oddly-even number, and several
of them are printed in the book already mentioned.
It will be noticed that the numbers 1-108 are placed at the left
of the diagrams, and those from 109 to 216 inclusive at the right in
inverse order. Consequently the sum of those opposite each other
is everywhere 217. In each diagram are two pairs of numbers con-
nected by dotted lines and marked Q- These in every case are to
be interchanged. Starting then at the heavy dot at the top we follow
the black line across to 215, down to 212 (substituting 3 for 213)
and back to 6; then across on the dotted line to 210 and along the
zigzag black line to 8, 208, 207, n and 7 (interchanged with 205) ;
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 441
down the dotted line to 204, then to 203, 15, 16, 14 (in place of 200),
199 ; then across the diagram and upward, observing the same meth-
ods, back to 216. This gives us the numbers which constitute our
square No. I, written from left to right in successive rows. In like
manner the diagrams in column II give us square No. II, and so
on to the end. It is worthy of notice that in the fourth column of
diagrams the numbers are written in the reverse of their natural
order. This is because it was necessary in writing the fourth square
to begin with the number 145 (which naturally would be at the bot-
tom of the diagram) in order to give the initial numbers the desired
sum of 651.
H. M. KlNGERY.
WABASH COLLEGE, CRAWFORDSVILLE, IND.
A NEW METHOD FOR MAKING MAGIC SQUARES OF
AN ODD DEGREE.
In an endeavor to discover a general rule whereby all forms
of magic squares might be constructed, and thereby to solve the
question as to the possible number of squares of the fifth order, a
method was devised whereby squares may be made, for whose con-
struction the rules at present known to the writer appear to be in-
adequate.
A general rule, however, seems as yet to be unattainable ; nor
does the solution of the possible number of squares of an order
higher than four seem to be yet in sight, though, because of the
discovery, so to speak, of hitherto unknown variants, the goal must,
at least, have been brought nearer to realization.
The new method now to be described does not pretend to be
other than a partial rule, i. e., a rule by which most, but possibly
not all kinds of magic squares may be made. It is based on De La
Hire's method, i. e., on the implied theory that a normal magic square
is made up of two primary squares, the one superimposed on the
other and the numbers in similarly placed cells added together. This
theory is governed by the fact that a given series of numbers may
be produced by the consecutive addition of the terms of two or more
diverse series of numbers. For example, the series of natural num-
bers from one to sixteen may be regarded (a) as a single series,
as stated, or (b) as the result of the addition, successively, of all
the terms of a series of eight terms to those of another series of
two terms. For example, if series No. i is composed of 0-1-2-3-4-5-6
442
THE MONIST.
and 7 and series No. 2 is composed of i and 9, all the numbers from i
to 1 6 may be thus produced. Or (c) a series of four numbers, added
successively to all the terms of another series of four numbers, will
likewise produce the same result, as for example 0-1-2 and 3, and
1-5-9 and 13-
Without undertaking to trace out the steps leading up to the rule
to be described, we will at once state the method in connection with
a 5X5 square. First, two primary squares must be made, which
will hereafter be respectively referred to as the A and B primary
squares. If the proposed magic square is to be regular, that is, if
its complementary couplets are to be arranged geometrically equi-
distant from the center, the central cell of each square must naturally
be occupied by the central number of the series of which the square
is composed. The two series in this case may be 1-2-3-4-5 and 0-5-
10-15-20. The central number of the first series being 3 and of the
second series 10, these two numbers must occupy the central cells of
their respective squares.
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Fig. i.
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3-
In each of these squares, each of the terms of its series must be
represented five times, or as many times as the series has terms.
Having placed 3 and 10 in their respective central cells, four other
cells in each square must be similarly filled. To locate these cells,
any geometrical design may be selected which is "balanced about the
central cell. Having done this in primary square A the reverse of
the same design must be taken for primary square B, two examples
being shown in Figs, i and 2 and Figs. 3 and 4.
Having selected a design, the next step will be to fill the central
row, which may be done by writing in any of the four empty cells
in this row, any of the four remaining terms of the series. The
opposite cell to the one so filled, must then be filled with the com-
plementary number of the one last entered. Next, in either of the
two remaining empty cells, write either of the remaining two terms
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
443
of the series, and, in the last empty cell the then remaining number,
which will complete the central row as shown in Fig. 5. All the
other rows in the square must then be filled, using the same order
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of numbers as in this basic row, and the square will be completed as
shown in Fig. 6. The second square can then be made up with the
numbers of its series in exactly the same way, as shown in Fig. 7.
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Fig. 8.
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Adding together the terms of Figs. 6 and 7, will give the regular
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previously published rule known to the writer. Another example
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Fig. ii.
Fig. 12.
may be given to impress the method on the student's mind, Fig. 9
showing the plan, Figs. 10 and n the A and B primary squares, and
Fig. 12 the resulting magic square. Any odd square can be readily
444
THE MONIST.
made by this method, 37X7 being shown. Fig. 13 shows the
plan, Figs. 14 and 15 being the primary squares and 16 the complete
example. Returning to the 5X5 square, it will be seen that in
filling out the central row of the A primary square Fig. 5, for the
first of the four empty cells, there is a choice of 16, and next a choice
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Fig. 14.
of four. Also for the B primary square there are the same choices.
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In addition to this, by reversing the patterns in the two primary
squares, the above number can be doubled.
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Fig. IS-
It is therefore evident that with any chosen geometrical plan,
8192 variants of regular 5X5 squares can be produced, and as at
least five distinct plans can be made, 40,960 different 5X5 regular
squares can thus be formed. This however is not the limit, for the
writer believes it to be a law that all ''figures of equilibrium" will
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
445
produce magic squares as well as geometrically balanced diagrams
or plans.
Referring to Fig. 17, if the circles represent equal weights con-
nected as by the dotted lines, the system would balance at the center
of the square. This therefore is a "figure of equilibrium" and it
may be used as a basis for magic squares, as follows: Fill the
marked cells with a number, as for example I as in Fig. 18; then
Fig. 17.
Fig. 18.
Fig. 19.
with the other numbers of the series, (excepting only the central
number) make three other similar "figures of equilibrium" as shown
separately in Figs. 19, 20 and 21, and collectively in Fig. 22. The
four cells remaining empty will be geometrically balanced, and must
be filled with the middle terms of the series (in this instance 3) thus
completing the A primary square as shown in Fig. 23. Fill the B
primary square with the series 0-5-10-15-20 in the same manner as
C
Fig. 20.
Fig. 21.
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above described and as shown in Fig. 24. The combination of Figs.
23 and 24 produces the regular magic square given in Fig. 25.
There are at least five different "figures of equilibrium" that
can be drawn in a 5X5 square, and these can be readily shown to
give as many variants as the geometrical class, which as before
noted yield 40,960 different squares. This number may therefore
now be doubled raising the total to 81,920 regular 5X5 magic
446
THE MONIST.
squares, that are capable of being produced by the rules thus far
considered.
The student must not however imagine that the possibilities of
this method are now exhausted, for a further study of the subject
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Fig. 24.
Fig. 25.
will show that a geometrical pattern or design may often be used
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Fig. 27.
Fig. 28.
different design, thus rendering our search for the universal rule still
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For example the pattern shown in Fig. 26 may be combined in
turn with its reverse shown in Fig. 27 and also with Fig. 28, making
the two regular magic squares shown in Figs 29 and 30.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
447
In consideration of this as yet unexplored territory, therefore,
the rules herein briefly outlined can only be considered as partial,
and fall short of the "universal" rule for which the writer has been
seeking. Their comprehensiveness however is evidenced by the
fact that any square made by any other rule heretofore known to the
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Fig. 32.
Fig. 33-
writer, may be made by these rules, and also a great variety of other
squares, which may only be made with great difficulty, if at all, by
the older methods.
To show the application of these rules to the older methods,
a few squares given by Mr. Andrews in his recent book on Magic
Squares and Cubes may be analyzed. -
Fig. 34-
Fig. 35-
Figs. 31, 32 and 33 show the plans of 5X5 squares given in
Figs. 22, 23 and 41 in the above mentioned book.
Their comprehensiveness is still further emphasized in squares
of larger size, as for example in the 7X7 square shown in Fig. 16,
which can not be constructed by any of the older methods known
448
THE MONIST.
to the writer. Two final examples are shown in Figs. 34 and 35
which give plans of two 9X9 squares which if worked out will be
found to be unique and beyond the power of any other rule to pro-
duce. In conclusion an original and curious 8X8 square is sub-
mitted in Fig. 39. This square is both "regular" (in the sense of
being centrally balanced) and "continuous" or "Nasik," inasmuch
as all constructive diagonals give the correct summation, a com-
bination of two qualities which is believed to be new in squares of
8X8.
The theory upon which the writer proceeded in the construction
of this square was to consider it as a compound square composed
of four 4X4 squares, the latter being in themselves "continuous"
but not "regular." That the latter quality might obtain in the 8X8
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Fig. 37-
square, each quarter of the 4X4 square is made the exact counter-
part of the similar quarter in the diagonally opposite 4X4 square,
but turned on its axis 180 degrees.
Having in this manner made a "regular" and continuous 8X8
square composed of four 4X4 squares, each containing the series
I to 1 6 inclusive, another 8X8 square, made with similar properties,
with a proper number series and added to the first square term to
term will necessarily yield the desired result.
Practically, the work was done as follows: In one quarter of
an 8X8 square, a "continuous" (but not "regular") 4X4 square was
inscribed, and in the diagonally opposite quarter another 4X4 square
was written in the manner heretofore described and now illustrated
in Fig. 36. A simple computation will show that in the unfilled
parts of Fig. 36, if it is to be "continuous," the contents of the cells
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
449
C and D must be 29 and A and B must equal 5. Hence A and B
may contain respectively i and 4, or else 2 and 3. Choosing 2 and 3
for A and B, and 14 and 15 for D and C, they were located as
marked by circles in Fig. 37, the "regular" or centrally balanced
idea being thus preserved.
The other two quarters of the 8X8 square were then completed
in the usual way of making nasik 4X4 squares, thus producing the
A primary square shown in Fig. 37, which, in accordance with our
theory must be both "regular" and "continuous" which inspection
confirms.
As only the numbers in the series I to 16 inclusive appear in this
square, it is evident that they must be combined term by term, with
another square made with the series 0-16-32-48 in order that the
final square may contain the series I to 64 inclusive. This is accom-
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Fig. 38.
Fig. 39.
plished in Fig. 38, which shows a 4X4 square both "regular" and
"continuous," composed of the numbers in the above mentioned
series.
At this point, two courses of operation seemed to be open, the
first being to expand Fig. 38 into an 8X8 square, as in the case of the
A primary square, Fig. 37, and the second being to consider Fig.
37 as a 4^4 square, built up of sixteen subsquares of 2X2 regarded
as units.
The latter course was chosen as the easier one, and each indi-
vidual term in Fig. 38 was added to each of the four numbers in the
corresponding quadruple cells of Fig. 37, thus giving four terms
in the complete square as shown in Fig. 39. For example o being
the term in the upper left-hand cell of Fig. 38, this term was added to
1-14-15-4 in the first quadruple cell of Fig. 37, leaving these numbers
450
Changed in their value, so they were simply transferred to the
complete magic square Fig. 39. The second quadruple cell in Fig.
37 contains the numbers 7-12-9-6, and as the second cell in Fig. 38
contains the number 48, this number was added to each of the last
mentioned four terms, converting them respectively into 55-60-57
and 54, which numbers were inscribed into the corresponding cells
of Fig. 39, and so on throughout.
Attention may here be called to the "figure of equilibrium"
shown in Fig. 38 by circles and its quadruple reappearance in Fig.
39 which is a complete "regular" and "continuous" 8X8 magic
square, having many unique siftnrnati6n& ^^
The writer wishes to express his gratitude to his friend, and
fellow student, Mr. W. S. Andrews, of Schenectady, New York,
for having executed the diagrams illustrating this article and other
incidental assistapcq — fy i&; Exceedingly doubtful whether this con-
tribution to the literature of magic squares would ever have seen
the light of day without his generous aid.
L. S. FRIERSON.
lapj
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ing magic .sq
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.
MAGIC SQ
es of Compound Squares may be calldd over-
uares.
I — V VJ «J V
In these the division is not *nade as usual
by some factor of the root into four, nine, sixteen or more suftsquares
of equal area, but into several subsquares or panels not all of the same
size, some lying contiguous, while others overlap. The simplest
specimens have two minor squares of equal measure apart in oppor
site corners, and in the other corners two major squares which
overlap at the center, having as common territory a middle square
2X2, 3X3, or larger, or only a single cell. Such division can be
made whether the root of .the square is a composite or a prime
number, as 4-5-9; 4-6-10; S'6'11 J 6-9-15 ; 8-12-20 etc. The natural
series I to n2 may be entered in such manner that each subsquare
shall be magic by itself, and the whole square also magic to a higher
or lower degree. For example the 9-square admits of division into
two minor squares 4X4* and two major squares 5X5 which over-
lap in the center having one cell, in common. For convenience, the
process of construction may begin with an orderly arrangement of
materials.
* The diagrams have been .drawn by Mr. W. S. Andrews of Schenectady,
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
451
The series I to 81 is given in Fig. I, which may be termed a
primitive square. The nine natural grades of nine terms each, ap-
pear in direct order on horizontal lines. It is evident that any natural
series I to n2 when thus arranged will exhibit n distinct grades of n
terms each, the common difference being unity in the horizontal
direction, n vertically, n+i on direct diagonals, and n — I on trans-
verse diagonals. This primitive square is therefore something more
than a mere assemblage of numbers, for, on dividing it as proposed,
there is seen in each section a set of terms which may be handled
as regular grades, and with a little manipulation may become magical.
The whole square with all its component parts may be tilted over to
right or left 45°, so that all grades will be turned into a diagonal
direction, and all diagonals will become rectangular rows, and presto,
/.o
2f
46
7*
20
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Fig. I.
the magic square appears in short order. The principle has been
admirably presented and employed in various connections by Mr.
W. S. Andrews in his recent treatise on Magic Squares and Cubes,
and the process is beautifully illustrated on pp. 17 and 113 of that
work. It is a well-known fact that the primitive square gives in its
middle rows an average and equal summation ; it is also a fact not so
generally recognized, or so distinctly stated,' that all the diagonal
rows are already correct for a magic square. Thus in this 9-square
the direct diagonal, I, n, 21, 31 etc. to 81 is a mathematical series,
4^ normal couplets = 369. Also the parallel partial diagonal 2, 12,
22, 32, etc. to 72, eight terms, and 73 to complete it, = 369. So of
all the broken diagonals of that system ; so also of all the nine trans-
verse diagonals; each contains 4^2 normal couplets or the value
452 THE MONIST.
thereof = 369. The greater includes the less, and these features
are prominent in the subsquares. By the expeditious plan indicated
above we might obtain in each section some squares of fair magical
quality, quite regular and symmetrical, but when paired they would
not be equivalent, and it is obvious that the coupled squares must
have an equal summation of rows, whatever may be their difference
of complexion and constitution. The major squares are like those
once famous Siamese twins, Eng and Chang, united by a vinculum,
an organic part of each, through which vital currents must flow ; the
central cell containing the middle term 41, must be their bond of
union, while it separates the other pair. The materials being par-
celed out and ready to hand, antecedents above and consequents
below, an equitable allotment may be made of normal couplets to
each square. Thus from N. W. section two grades may be taken
as they stand horizontally, or vertically, or diagonally or any way
symmetrically. The consequents belonging to those, found in S. E.
section will furnish two grades more and complete the square. The
other eight terms from above and their consequents from below will
empty those compartments and supply the twin 4-square with an
exact equivalent. Some elaborate and elegant specimens, magic
to a high degree may be obtained from the following distribution:
ist grade I, 3, n, 13 (all odd), 2, 4, 10, 12 (all even) ;
2d grade 19, 21, 29, 31 and 20, 22, 28, 30.
Then from N. E. section two grades may be taken for one of
the major squares ; thus 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 23, 24, 25, 26, 27 leaving
for the twin square, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 32, 33, 34, 35, 36. To each
we join the respective consequents of all those terms forming 4th and
5th grades, and they have an equal assignment. But each requires
a middle grade, and the only material remaining is that whole middle
grade of the 9-square. Evidently the middle portion, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43
must serve for both, and the 37, 38, and their partners 44, 45 must
be left out as undesirable citizens. Each having received its quota
may organize by any plan that will produce a magic and bring the
middle grade near the corner, and especially the number 41 into a
corner cell.
In the 5-square Fig. 2 we may begin anywhere, say the cell
below the center and write the ist grade, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, by a
uniform oblique step moving to the left and downward. From the
end of this grade a new departure is found by counting two cells
down or three cells up if more convenient, and the 2d grade, 32,
33> 34> 35» 36 goes in by the same step of the ist grade. All the
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
453
grades follow the same rule. The leading terms 14, 32, 39, 46, 64
may be placed in advance, as they go by a uniform step of their
own, analogous to that of the grades ; then there will be no need of
any "break move," but each grade can form on its own leader
wherever that may stand, making its proper circuit and returning
to its starting point. The steps are so chosen and adjusted that
every number finds its appointed cell unoccupied, each series often
crossing the path of others but always avoiding collision. The re-
sulting square is magic to a high degree. It has its twelve normal
couplets arranged geometrically radiating around that unmatched
middle term 41 in the central cell. In all rectangular rows and in
all diagonals, entire and broken, the five numbers give by addition the
constant S = 205. There are twenty such rows. Other remarkable
traits might be mentioned.
SO
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66
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6s
40
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Fig. 2.
Fig. 3-
For the twin square Fig. 3, as the repetition of some terms and
omission of others may be thought a blemish, we will try that dis-
carded middle grade, 37, 38, 41, 44, 45. The other grades must be
reconstructed by borrowing a few numbers from N. W. section so
as to conform to this in their sequence of differences, as Mr. Frierson
has ably shown (Andrews, p. 152). Thus the new series in line
5-6-9-12-13, 23-24-27-30-31, 37-38- (41) -44-45 etc. has the differ-
ences 1331 repeated throughout, and the larger grades will
necessarily have the same, and the differences between the grades
will be reciprocal, and thus the series of differences will be balanced
geometrically on each side of the center, as well as the normal
couplets. Therefore we proceed with confidence to construct the
5-square Fig. 3 by the same rule as used in Fig. 2, only applied in
contrary directions, counting two cells to right and one upward.
When completed it will be the reciprocal of Fig. 2 in pattern, equiv-
alent in summation, having only the term 41 in common and pos-
sessing similar magical properties. It remains to be seen how those
454
THE MONIST.
disorganized grades in the N. W. Section can be made available
for the two minor squares. Fortunately, the fragments allow this
distribution :
Regular grades i, 2, 3, 4, — irregular grades 7, 8, 10, n
19, 20, 21, 22 25, 26, 28, 29
These we proceed to enter in the twin squares Figs. 4 and 5.
The familiar two-step is the only one available, and the last half
of each grade must be reversed, or another appropriate permutation
employed in order to secure the best results. Also the 4th grade
comes in before the 3d. But these being consequents, may go in
naturally, each diagonally opposite its antecedent. The squares thus
made are magical to a very high degree. All rectangular and all
diagonal rows to the number of sixteen have the constant S = 164.
Each quadrate group of four numbers = 164. There are nine of
these overlapping 2-squares. The corner numbers or two numbers
taken on one side together with the two directly opposite = 164. The
3
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Fig. 4.
Fig. 5-
corner numbers of any 3-squares = 164. There are four of these
overlapping combinations arising from the peculiar distribution of the
eight normal couplets.
These squares may pass through many changes by shifting whole
rows from side to side, that is to say that we may choose any cell
as starting point. In fact both of them have been thus changed
when taking a position in the main square. The major squares
shown in Figs. 2 and 3 pass through similar changes in order to
bring the number 41 to a corner. With these four subsquares all
in place we have the 9-square, shown in Fig. 6, containing the whole
series I to 81. The twenty continuous rows have the constant
S = 164 -f- 205 = 369. Besides the 4-squares in N. W. and S. E.
there is a 4-square in each of the other corners overlapping the
5-square, not wholly magic but having eight normal couplets placed
geometrically opposite, so that taken by fours symmetrically they
= 164. The four corner numbers 31 + 36 + 22 + 75 = 164.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
455
This combination may be taken as typical of the odd squares
rhich have a pair of subsquares overlapping by a single cell. What-
rer peculiarities each individual may exhibit they must all conform
the requirement of equal summation in coupled subsquares ; and
>r the distribution of values the plan of taking as a, unit of measure
normal couplet of the general, series, is so efficacious and of so
liversal application that no other plan need be suggested>Ml.T|hese;
principles apply also to the even squares which have no central cell
but a block of four cells at the intersection of the axes. For ex-
ample, the i4-square, Fig. 7, has two minor subsquares 6X6, and
two major squares 8X8, with ^middle square fliXap TmQ indicates
a convenient subdivision of tha 'Whdfe ;&r^l'4ntft 1 2-^sm&jr'e$J Thus in
N. W. Section we have sixteen blocks ; :
/o
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si-4-square, and
S-t
Fig. 6.
the compartments may be numbered from I to 16 following some
approved pattern of the magic square, taking such point of departure
as will bring 16 to the central block. This is called I for the S. E.
section in which 2, 3 etc. to 16 are located as before. Now as these,
single numbers give a constant sum in every line, so will any mathe-
matical series that may replace them in the same order as ist, 2d, 3d
terms etc. Thus in I the numbers I, 2, 3, 4, in 2; 5, 6, 7, 8, and so
on by current groups, will give correct results. In this case the
numbers I to 18, and 19 to 36 with their consequents should be
reserved for the twin minor squares. So that here in the N. W.
section we begin with 37, 38, in I instead of I, 2, leaving the 3, 4
spaces to be occupied by the consequents 159, 160. Then in 2 we
continue 39, 40 (instead of 5, 6) and so on following the path of the
456
THE MONIST.
primary series, putting two terms into each 2-square, and arriving
with 67, 68 at the middle square. Then the coupled terms go on
69, 70 = 71, 72 etc. by some magic step across the S. E. section
reaching the new No. 16 with the terms 97, 98. This exhausts the
antecedents. Each 2-square is half full. We may follow a reversed
track putting in the consequents 99, 100 etc. returning to the start-
ing point with 159, 160. It is evident that all the 2-squares are
equivalent, and that each double row of four of them = 1576, but
it does not follow that each single row will = 788. In fact they
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Fig. 7-
do so, but that is due to the position of each block as direct or re-
versed or inverted according to a chart or theorem employed in
work of this kind. The sixteen rectangular rows, the two entire
diagonals and those which pass through the centers of the 2X2
blocks sum up correctly. There are also many bent diagonals and
zigzag rows of eight numbers that = 788. Each quarter of the
square = 1576 and any overlapping 4-square made by four of the
blocks gives the same total. The minor squares are inlaid. Thus in
the N. E. square if the twenty numbers around the central block be
dropped out and the three at each angle be brought together around
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
457
the block we shall have a 4-square magical to a high degree. In
fact this is only reversing the process of construction.
Fig. 8 is a 15-square which develops the overlapping principle
to an unusual extent. There are two minor squares 6X6, and two
major squares 9X9 with a middle square 3X3 in common. The
whole area might have been cut up into 3-squares. The present
division was an experiment that turned out remarkably well. The
general series, I to 225 is thus apportioned. For N. W. 6-square
the numbers I to 18 and 208 to 225 ; for S. E. 19 to 36 and 190 to
zzs
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Fig. 8.
207; that is just eighteen normal couplets to each. For S. W. 9-
square the numbers 37 to 72 and 154 to 189; for N. E. 73 to 108
and 118 to 153; for the middle square, 109 to 117. Figs. 9 and 10
show the method of construction. The nine middle terms are first
arranged as a 3-square, and around this are placed by a well-known
process (Andrews, p. 47) eight normal couplets 101 +125 etc. form-
ing a border and making a 5 -square. By a similar process this is
enlarged to a 7-square, and this again to a 9-square, Fig. 9. Each
of these concentric, or bordered, or overlapping squares is magic
by itself. The twin square N. E. is made by the same process with
458
THE MONIST.
the same 3-square as nucleus. In order to bring this nucleus to
the corner of each so that they may coalesce with a bond of union,
both of the squares are turned inside out. That is, whole rows are
carried from bottom to top and from left to right. Such trans-
position does not affect the value of any rectangular row, but it
does affect the diagonals. In this case the corner numbers, 74, 138
and 152 become grouped around the other corner 88, each of the
couplets having the same diagonal position as before. Thus we
obtain a 7-square with double border or panel on the North and
East, still magic. This 7-square may now be moved down and out
a little, from the border so as to give room to place its bottom
row above, and its left column to the right, and we have a 5-square
with panels of four rows. Again we move a little down and out
*
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Fig. 10.
Fig. 9.
leaving space for the bottom and left rows of the 5-square and thus
the 3-square advances to the required position, and the four squares
still overlap and retain all of their magical properties. The twin
square S. W. passes through analogous transformation. The minor
squares were first built up as bordered 4-5 as shown in Fig. 10 and
then the single border was changed to double panel on two sides,
but they might have gone in without change to fill the corners of the
main square. As all this work was done by the aid of movable
numbered blocks the various operations were more simple and
rapid than any verbal description can be. The 1 5-square (Fig. 8)
as a whole has the constant S = 1695 in thirty rectangular rows
and two diagonals, and possibly some other rows will give a correct
result. If the double border of fifty-two normal couplets be re-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 459
moved the remaining" n -square, 4-7-11 will be found made up of
two 4-squares and two overlapping 7-squares with middle 3-square,
all magic. Within this is a volunteer 7-square, of which we must
not expect too much, but its six middle rows and two diagonals are
correct, and the corner 2X2 blocks pertaining to the 4-squares al-
though not composed of actual couplets have the value thereof,
224~|-228. However, without those blocks we have two overlapping
5-squares all right. By the way, these 4-squares have a very high
degree of magic, like those shown in Fig. 6, with their 2-squares
and 3-squares so curiously overlapping. Indeed, this recent study
had its origin some years ago from observing these special features
of the 4-square at its best state. The same traits were recognized
in the 8's and other congeners ; also some remarkable results found in
the oddly-even squares when filled by current groups, as well as in
the quartered squares, led gradually to the general scheme of over-
lapping squares as here presented. Other investigators may have
been working consciously or unconsciously on similar lines, but per-
haps not to a great extent. It will be observed that the sections of
Fig. 8 have a resemblance to some curious modifications of the con-
centric square, devised by Mr. Frierson (Andrews, p. 183). This
is not merely a chance coincidence, nor an imitation, but doubtless
there was a suggestion of possibilities. Without raising any ques-
tion of originality or priority of invention it may be claimed that
here the purpose and the conditions of the combination were quite
different, the materials more extensive, and the methods of con-
struction probably not exactly the same.
D. F. SAVAGE.
HOPKINSVILLE, KY.
THE BAGPIPE NOT A HEBREW INSTRUMENT.
In the course of an interesting article on "Music in the Old
Testament," written for The Monist, April, 1909, Professor Carl
Heinrich Cornill, of Breslau, makes the following statement: *
"This 'ugab is most probably the same as the bagpipe, which is
of course a very primitive and widely spread instrument, familiar
to us as the national instrument of the Scotch, and best known in
continental Europe as the pifferari of Italy."
As a matter of fact, however, it is not possible to say what
manner of musical instrument is referred to in the Old Testament
1C H. Cornill, loc. cit, p. 251.
460 THE MONIST.
under the name 'ugab. The word occurs only four times.2 Except
in so far as it is defined as the name of a musical instrument, no
consistent explanation is given by the mediaeval commentators. Abra-
ham di Porta Leone (1612), in the Shilte-haggibborim, goes so far
as to identify it with the viola da gamba of his own day, an
identification which cannot, of course, be accepted, for the reason
that the principle of bowed instruments was unknown to the He-
brews. To go back to an earlier source, it appears that nothing
definite can be derived from the evidence of the Greek and Latin
translations of the Bible, — the word being thus variously rendered:
Gen. iv. 21, LXX KiQdpa Vulg. organum 2
Job xxi. 12 " \ffaXfjj6s organum.
Job xxx. 31 " ^oX/«)5 " organum.
Ps. cl. 4, opyavov organum.
There is no evidence whatever that it was a bagpipe.
An explanation to this effect has, however, found its way into
encyclopedias and commentaries. Its source has lately been traced4
to a misunderstanding, complicated further by inaccurate references,
of a note in Winer's Realworterbuch? that a Hebrew version of the
Aramaic parts of the book of Daniel has in iii. 5 'iigab for sumpo-
nyah* The date of this version which is found in a manuscript of
1327, is uncertain; it contains, beside other errors, the obvious mis-
translation, sabbeka = halil? so that it is of doubtful value, to say
the least.8
Of the meaning of sumponyah, in Daniel iii. 5, there is no doubt.
It is the name of the bagpipe, and indeed the only name by which
*Gen. iv. 21 ; Job. xxi. 12; xxx. 31 ; Ps. cl. 4.
8 The English A. V., following St. Jerome, has "organ," R. V. reads
"pipe," following the Aramaic Targums, which render fugab always by 'abuba,
"a pipe."
*G. F. Moore, in Journal of Biblical Literature, xxiv, part ii, 1905, pp.
169-171. The author has rendered a valuable service to the world of scholar-
ship in tracing this misinterpretation to its source.
5 G. B. Winer, Biblisches Realworterbuch, Leipsic, 1849.
' Winer, loc. cit., vol. ii, p. 123, s. v. "Musikalische Instrumente" : (a) 2^
Gen. iv. 21 ; Hiob xxi. I2.a, nach den jiidischen Interpreten, Chald. und Hieron.
die Sackpfeife, Dudelsack, und (b) .T^BTpID chald. Dan. iii. 5; x. 15, ffv^uvta.
Polyb. bei Athen. x. 439, wohl eben dasselbe, wie denn die hebr. Uebersetzung
dafiir 3}W hat.
T Sabbeka, <rampvKT]t a stringed instrument; halil, a flute.
8 The author has wisely excluded the four instruments mentioned in Daniel
iii. 5, kitharos, sabbeka, psanterin, and siimponyah, from his discussion of an-
cient Hebrew music.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 461
it is known in the Old Testament. The name is a loanword from
the Greeks, who knew the bagpipe as o^^wn'a,9 and passed the
word in this sense on to the Romans, by whom it has been trans-
mitted to the Romance tongues. To-day zampogna, the Italian
derivative, is the common word for bagpipe among the peasants
of Italy, — the pifferarij who throng at Christmas time to the
cities and play on their pipes (pifferi) and bagpipes (zampogne}
before the street shrines of the Virgin. In Spain, Provence, Ron-
mania, Greece and Hungary, the bagpipe is still called by names
derived from symphonia — the Greek word has come back into the
language in the form rfrfnrovpva™
It is true that, with the exception of the Pan's pipe, found in the
New World as well as the Old, scarcely any instrument has come
into general usage over so wide an extent of territory as the bagpipe.
The ancient Greeks knew it,11 the emperor Nero counted bagpiping
among his accomplishments.12 There remains, however, no evi-
dence that the Hebrews knew it previous to the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes.
PHILLIPS BARRY, A.M.
PROVIDENCE, R. I.
CREDULITY, INCREDULITY, AND IMMORTALITY.
How much may be legitimately asserted as proved with re-
gard to the relations of consciousness and matter? To simplify the
question, let us, for the sake of argument, ignore all the claims of
psychical research on behalf of the spiritualist hypothesis. Let us
assume that we have absolutely no conclusive scientific evidence of
the existence of consciousness apart from matter. Let us assume
that, in every recorded instance, consciousness has invariably been
found in association with matter. What then is our logical position ?
Is it proved that it is impossible for consciousness to exist apart
from matter? Most emphatically not!
And yet, a discussion on Immortality* reveals the remarkable
fact that three eminent persons, Professor Ernst Haeckel, famous
• Polybius XXVI, I ; XXX, 26. Cf . LXX, Dan. iii. 5 ; Luke xv. 25.
10 See my article, Daniel iii. 5, — sumponyah, — in Journal of Biblical Litera-
ture, XXVII, part II, 1908, pp. IU-I2I.
11 Aristophanes, Acharnians, 862-66.
a Suetonius, Nero, 54. Cf. Dio Chrysostom, Orat. LXXI, p. 381, Reiske.
* See Open Court, Vol. XIX, p. 363.
462 THE MONIST.
throughout the whole civilized world, Dr. Carus, the editor of a
philosophic magazine and well known throughout the whole philo-
sophic world, and Mr. Thaddeus B. Wakeman, who is, I think, a
man of distinction among a certain class of American thinkers —
have all three publicly and irrevocably committed themselves to the
contrary proposition.
What is the explanation of this remarkable phenomenon? In-
credulity! And what is incredulity but another form of credulity —
equally damnable, and, in persons in such positions, equally disgrace-
ful. Such language, perhaps, may appear to need some apology.
I can only say that the occasion deserves it.
Credulity is an unreasonable readiness to believe that some-
thing is — to believe a positive proposition. Incredulity is an un-
reasonable tendency to believe that something is not — to believe a
negative proposition — in popular language, to disbelieve. Both are
equally far from the golden mean — calm, cold, clear, unprejudiced,
rationalism. The credulous man is too ready to multiply causes —
to call in new causes to explain phenomena that can be satisfactorily
accounted for by those already admitted. The incredulous man,
alarmed at the results of credulity, flies to the other extreme, and
tries to get too much out of the most obvious and generally admitted
causes. He flatly refuses to admit even the possibility of any but a
certain limited few — those most in evidence. He exercises all his
ingenuity to see how much in the way of results he can pile on to
these. And in his craze for simplification, the final goal he has set
himself, is to eliminate all but one — selected as his fancy may dic-
tate.1 This intellectual monstrosity, Dr. Carus has for ever stig-
matized as "Henism." His abode we might perhaps rightly call
"Gehenna." And it is with great pleasure that I testify that Dr.
Carus has proved himself too good for such company. But he is
too much in sympathy with Gehenna for all that.
One more instance, and not quite such a glaring one is provided
in Mr. Abbott's "Strange Case," whose admitted strangeness makes
it of value beyond comparison with all the other amusing tales with
which he has been entertaining us — until that strangeness has been
explained away.
The moral honesty with which Mr. Abbott has endeavored to
be intellectually honest in his account is as evident as anything can
be. But yet he has not succeeded. And still less has Dr. Carus in
1 Whence we have the Idealism of Prof. Ward, the "Energetics" of Pro-
fessor Ostwald, and the materialism of others.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 463
his comments. Mr. Abbott's classification of the phenomena that
he witnessed under the heads of (i) explicable and (2) unex-
plained is painstakingly fair and impartial. Yet he exhibits the
same irrational prejudice in favor of what he is pleased to call
"rational explanation," the same question — begging assumption that
the spiritual hypothesis is necessarily the irrational explanation, as
Dr. Carus. He quotes with approval Dr. Carus's saying that "when
one stands before something that he cannot explain, he should not
conclude that it is inexplicable, and attribute it to supernatural
causes." The very use of the word "supernatural" here convicts
them both of prejudice. All causes that fall outside their conception
of the world are dubbed supernatural. If there are any such things
as spirits, then they must he inherent parts of this universe, and are
no more supernatural than are tables and chairs. And to say that
to attribute phenomena to such causes is the same as to pronounce
them inexplicable amounts to a tacit and utterly unwarranted as-
sumption that such causes cannot possibly have any real existence.
An irrational a priori conviction of the impossibility of the existence
of certain causes is of course proof against any amount of evidence
in favor of their existence. And if we go for ever refusing to con-
sider the possibility of the existence of any but known causes, no
matter how often we may come across phenomena which are not,
as a matter of fact, satisfactorily accounted for by those causes —
why then all investigation becomes a mere farce. And a judge who
professes to sit in an open court while he has all the time a closed
mind is guilty of the very worst kind of intellectual dishonesty,
namely dishonesty that masquerades as honesty. Of course the dis-
honesty is unconscious — just as Dr. Carus (vide last para, of his
comments) seems to imply that Mrs. Blake's was. But that only
makes the moral debacle the more awful.
If astronomical investigations had always been conducted on
Dr. Carus's principles, mankind would to this day be ignorant of
the actual existence of the planets Neptune and Uranus, and of the
fact of the velocity of light. When we stand in the presence of
something that we cannot explain, it is every bit as immoral to per-
sist that it must be explicable by known causes, as to jump to the con-
clusion that hitherto unknown causes must be called in. Of course
it is always open to us, as Dr. Carus says, to "comfort ourselves" by
the reflection that the phenomena could be explained on known
causes, if— something or other. Note the unblushing irrational
prejudice that stands confessed in those two words "comfort our-
464 THE MONIST.
selves." Our intellectual comfort is to be our guide. No doubts
as to our own fallibility shall distress us, no disquieting thoughts
that after all there may be causes not dreamt of in our philosophy,
— facts that won't fit into our cut and dried scheme. But we can-
not go on laying ghosts that way for ever. They will not put up
with it. Unfortunately there always is that "if" in these apparently
inexplicable cases. And as these cases have been going on multi-
plying for a good while now, there are not wanting many eminent
scientific men who have come to the conclusion that it is time for
the spiritual theory to rank as a working hypothesis. In the only
notice that Dr. Cants has ever condescended to take of Mr. F. W.
H. Myers either in The Open Court or Monist — a brief reference
tacked on the end of some little note or book review in the mis-
cellaneous matter at the end of an Open Court, which I have tried
unsuccessfully to find again — Dr. Cams admits that Mr. Myers
has done more in this direction than anybody else. But he charac-
teristically adds that "even he cannot be said to have proved" the
spiritual hypothesis. Dr. Carus could not bring himself to say that
Mr. Myers had signally failed in his attempt. And so he "comforts
himself" with the reflection that the hypothesis is still not proved.
Why should this be a comfort to him any more than the other alter-
native? The honest way of stating such a case would have been to
say that Mr. Myers had produced a great deal of evidence in favor
of the hypothesis, and had done much to render it probable. Still
this Scotch verdict of "not proven," into which Dr. Carus has be-
trayed himself in this single brief and passing allusion contrasts
not unfavorably with the attitude of dogmatic denials of the possi-
bility of the spiritual hypothesis — the attitude characteristic of Prof.
Ernst Haeckel, and certainly endorsed by Dr. Carus and Mr. Wake-
man, in the instance above quoted, in The Open Court for June 1905.
And coupling this "not proven" together with several other slight
indications, e. g., his ad»ission of his need of "comfort," I am in-
clined to suspect in my own mind that Dr. Carus finds his intellectual
position not quite as comfortable as he would have us believe. His
ghosts are not quite as effectually laid as he would like. He has
never scoffed; that is one thing. Therein is some hope of his re-
demption.
* * *
With regard to the general question of individual immortality,
however, I must confess that my own interest has until lately been
philosophic, rather than scientific. I have not troubled much to
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 465
weigh the direct scientific evidence that modern spiritualism claims
to have discovered in these extraordinary phenomena ; for the simple
reason that it has always seemed to me superfluous to turn to such
phenomena for proof of the spiritual hypothesis. The philosophic
proof of that hypothesis has always appeared to me so overwhelm-
ing as to reduce to comparative insignificance the importance of
scientifically demonstrable instances of the truth. And science for
science's sake, independently of its argument that we have no direct
scientific proof of the existence of an individual and therefore im-
mortal soul, it has nevertheless always seemed to me that the truth
of this existence is an inevitable inference from the common facts
of daily life.
In the philosophic treatment of this subject, however, as in the
scientific, the same deep prejudice is shown by the whole anti-
spiritualist school. The philosophic argument is one that I have
never yet seen fairly stated. «The old-fashioned orthodox spiritualist
school have had their apriorism well rubbed into them by the anti-
spiritualists ; but these latter, with Dr. Cams among them, are all
deeply tarred with the same brush. It is an extraordinary thing
that there is a large class of thinkers who are ready to believe any-
thing, rather than that they have individual immortal souls ; and
they will commit the most flagrant mistakes in common logical
calculations, rather than admit such a conclusion. In the Monist
for January 1908, Dr. Carus was kind enough to publish one of
my "overwhelming" philosophic arguments, in which I endeavored
to show how the whole modern scientific school have blundered
over the subject of human will in its relation to the conservation
of energy, because of their obstinate refusal to admit the spiritual
hypothesis. No feats of dialectic or argumentative contortions can
ever make it possible that animal movements that are partly de-
termined by consciousness can at the same time be entirely deter-
mined by mechanical antecedents. The anti-spiritualists, however,
defy all logic in their effort to bolster up materialism. And each has
a patent of his own for wriggling out of this awkward position.
Dr. Cams, however, after describing his patent, unblushingly admits
that the real ground of his objection to a theory of spiritual causa-
tion is his own prejudice in favor of what he calls "a truly con-
sistent monistic view" — that is, an anti-spiritualistic one. The argu-
ment by which he seeks to uphold the old-fashioned materialist ver-
sion of the conservation of energy, is one which is part and parcel
of my own spiritualist version of that doctrine. Meanwhile, by way
466 THE MONIST.
of conclusion, I would like here to present him with another philo-
sophical conclusion, from which, I must confess, I myself personally
have never yet been able to discover any possibility of escape.
All true philosophy must, to my mind, be based upon one
axiom and one only — namely that the universe has a meaning.
Despite all its apparent inconsistencies and contradictions, we must
believe, if we are not to be put to intellectual confusion, that it is
really one harmonious whole. And our business as philosophers
is simply to discover the system on which it is built — the key that
shall explain it all. To assume that there is a system, and then to
search for it.
Dr. Carus himself admits that a place must be found in our
world-conception for the immortality of the soul. And he claims
to have fitted in that doctrine to his philosophy — in short, to have
wedded together spiritualism (or rather soul-ism) and materialism.2
But he has not. His immortality is a spurious article. He has fitted
it to his materialistic universe only by depriving it of all immortality
except in name.
If his philosophy is true, then the fact remains, as he himself
admits, that, one day, all life, all mind and soul, all consciousness,
all thought, all noble aspirations toward the high, all struggles
against lower ideals, all goodness, all sin, all sorrow and all joy, — all
that makes man man, and that gives life any purpose or value — will
be as completely wiped out and extinct in this world as if they had
never existed. It may sound an unphilosophic remark; but I can
only say that that, to my mind, is rank twaddle. What does it
matter what any of us do or think! It will all be the same a mil-
lion years hence. Why not bore a big hole to the center of the
earth and put in a billion tons of dynamite, and have done with it
all for ever, now. It might be argued that if we can make sure
of a million years of soul-survival, that ought to be enough to con-
tent us. But what is a million years, or what is time at all?! In
the affairs of the universe, a million years is much the same thing
as five minutes. What possible purpose could there be in for ever
bringing worlds into existence like that, one after the other, — just
to wipe them out again? I live for you, and you for me, and you
and I live for posterity, and they for some other posteriority — and
so on. And one day there won't be any posterity. What then?
8 By materialism I mean simply anti-spiritualism, a conception of the uni-
verse which denies spirit I quite understand and sympathize with Dr. Carus's
reasons for repudiating the charge of materialism.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 467
What, I ask, is the value of life itself, as life? And you can only
reply — NONE! You admit that and you say you are satisfied.
Continued individual existence has no attraction for you. Of course
not — if you have drugged your soul to make it fit into your little
picture of life. No one would want a continuous existence such as
that of this present human race chained here to this earth. But
do no possibilities beyond that rise in one's mind — no wider life
sharing in the life of the universe itself? My soul does not belong
to here and now — it belongs to God.
And God! your God! a big machine, devoid of consciousness.
You are very much impressed with the "wonderful"-ness of con-
sciousness. If it fills you so with wonder, I should suspect that after
all it does not fit quite so comfortably into your little universe — the
little shoes you have made for it. You try to account for it. It is
a fact — undeniable. It is wonderful. It is the fabric of the soul.
It is not a substance, nor a permanent existence, nor an entity. It
originates and disappears (creation out of nothing — no — beg pardon
— consciousness is nothing). The fact remains, however, that this
queer thing is the greatest thing in the world. And yet, (i) one
day it will be gone for ever! and (2) it is not in God! I can only
say — If I have nothing greater than myself to loop up to and depend
on, if the material soul-less world is my father and my God, then
woe is me, and woe is the world! I am left face to face with a
fathomless pessimism.
I know that Dr. Carus would say that even the material world
is not absolutely soul-less — that all matter has a subjectivity of a
sort. And that soul has in some mysterious way grown out of this
subjectivity of matter — that the substance of the world is not, in
any department of it, absolutely inanimate. But be that as it may,
it makes no difference to the burden of my complaint. Relatively to
us the material world is inanimate and soul-less. In the spiritual
aspect of it, it is beneath us. The first beginnings of soul are neces-
sarily inferior to its climax. And it is an uncomfortable position
for an aspiring soul to find itself in — at the top, with no infinitely
greater beyond to aspire to. That has ever been the complaint of
the spiritualist against evolution. Evolution is a truth ; but it is not
the whole truth. It requires what spiritualists call "involution" to
complete it — that is, the descent of the infinite, the perfect, into the
finite — the incarnation of God. The finite soul could never have
evolved unless the perfect soul had existed in the infinite. Soul is
the highest thing in us. And we search in God for all that is
468 THE MONIST.
highest in ourselves — only, in God, it must be on a still higher scale
— not on a lower. Of course God's consciousness cannot be ours.
It is ours with the condition of infinity added to it — that is, it is
unconditioned, infinite, transcendental. What it actually is like,
we can hardly describe. Because it has no like. It is unique. We
can only say of it that it is something that corresponds on the in-
finite scale to our consciousness on the finite scale. It is that from
which finite consciousness can be evolved. It needs, perhaps, the
subtlety of a German to help us out here. Kant tells us that God's
consciousness is free from the limitations of space and time; and
that therefore it is not thinking. He calls it "primitive intuition."8
Dr. Cams says that God is super-personal. So do I. But this is
my idea of super-personality. I think Dr. Carus ought to come
round to it without much difficulty. I should rejoice if he could.
W. E. AYTON WILKINSON.
BURMA, INDIA.
THE OLD AND THE NEW.
IN REPLY TO MR. W. E. AYTON WILKINSON.
Among our subscribers of long standing, there has scarcely
been a more careful and faithful, and (we must add) more critical
reader than Mr. W. E. Ayton Wilkinson, of Thanatpin Burma, in
distant India. He was critical because he did not agree with our
editorial position which he regarded as rank materialism, he him-
self being a spiritualist, not of the crude and credulous kind that
seek comfort in the seances of mediums, but a thinker who endeav-
ored to base his conviction upon a philosophical foundation. We
have exchanged many letters, and several articles of his have ap-
peared in The Monist, all of them attacking the editorial views as
to the nature of the soul, of consciousness, and of immortality.
They were all thoughtful and presented arguments worthy of con-
sideration and answer.
Though personally a stranger, his letters have exhibited a warm
friendship, and he lived in the hope of converting us to his views.
The last contribution from his pen appears in the current number
and we regret to add with great sorrow, that while his article was
standing in type and before we sent him proofs, we received the un-
expected news of his death.
8 1 do not know German myself ; and Mahaffy' s and Bernard's Kant is the
only edition I have.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 469
I may be permitted to add a few personal remarks. Mr. Wil-
kinson knew me sufficiently to be certain that I would not hesitate
to publish his criticism and he said exactly what he meant. He is
impatiently severe and it is greatly to be regretted that he cannot see
his article in print and feel the satisfaction of having had his say
in all its vigor and directness. I must confess that while reading the
manuscript I enjoyed his outspoken expressions which are the more
noteworthy as they come from a kind heart. He has always mani-
fested an unusual sympathy for me whom he regarded as the most
dangerous opponent of his deeply cherished convictions.
We know little of Mr. Wilkinson's personal affairs, except that
he was a mechanical engineer and a thoughtful student of psychol-
ogy. He took a great interest in the labors of the Society for Psy-
chical Research of England, and always regarded it as an unpardon-
able negligence on our part that we did not devote more space to
their proceedings and other publications. Why we have not done
so ought to have been obvious to him, who himself lays more stress
upon philosophical reasons than upon scattered facts, or, as he calls
them, "scientifically demonstrable arguments of the truth."
Mr. Wilkinson is mistaken, however, when he imagines that
I have neglected to consider the methods and results of the S. P. R.
I have said little about their work because I have no reason to hinder
their investigations, or to dampen the zeal of those well intentioned
(but in my opinion strangely mistaken) seekers after truth. The
fact is that I have not discovered much that is worth mentioning.
The results are all of a negative character which, if they prove any-
thing, indicate that their method is futile. Still I wait for further
developments and will not hesitate to call attention to anything that
would seem of importance to me.
Mr. Wilkinson is further mistaken in thinking that I have not
reviewed Mr. Frederic H. Myers's voluminous work on Human
Personality: Its Survival After Bodily Death. In addition to the
comment from which Mr. Wilkinson quotes, it was reviewed in The
Open Court, May 19, 1903 (Vol. XVII, p. 308 f.). Moreover I
have discussed somewhat at length the experiments made by Pro-
fessors James and Hyslop with Mrs. Piper and can say only that
they are typical of a large number of trance phenomena, so called.
They prove nothing more than does Mr. Abbott's "Strange Case"
which is interesting only because so much has been made of it by
Psychical Researchers ; but which I consider (and so does Mr. Ab-
bott) as much of a failure as all the work of the S. P. R.
47° THE MONIST.
Now when considering Mr. Wilkinson's strictures, I find that
aside from some vigorous protests made in strong language, he
offers no tenable arguments whatever, and it is characteristic of him
that the ultimate basis of his views is not reached by thought but
by sentiment. He is a pragmatist. He believes because he has the
will to believe. His psycholgy has its roots in his attitude toward
the world as a whole, and his philosophy is not of an intellectual
nature. Attitudes can be neither refuted nor proved ; they are sub-
jective.
In the present case, far from rejecting Mr. Wilkinson's attitude,
I am inclined to recommend it. I had the same attitude and also
the same mode of adjusting my philosophy to it in my younger
years, and my present attitude is merely the result of broadening
and adapting myself to a deeper insight into the nature of things.
Mr. Wilkinson says:
"All true philosophy must, to my mind, be based upon one axiom and one
only — namely that the universe has a meaning. Despite all its apparent in-
consistencies and contradictions, we must believe, if we are not to be put to
intellectual confusion, that it is really one harmonious whole. And our busi-
ness as philosophers is simply to discover the system on which it is built —
the key that shall explain it all. To assume that there is a system, and then
to search for it."
I am prepared to go a step further than Mr. Wilkinson. To
me it is not an axiom but a demonstrable truth that the universe is
"one harmonious whole" and I have always insisted that "the uni-
verse has a meaning." The order of the world (which appears
most obviously in the so-called laws of nature) constitutes a system.
This system can be traced by science, and furnishes the basis of
ethics as well as of religion. Without it could exist neither science,
art, morality, nor any of our ideals. It is much more than a mere
logical proposition, it is an objective norm; it is the condition of
all order, all harmony, the possibility of human personality and of all
the grand aspirations which adorn it and make man's existence
valuable. In a word, it is what religion calls "God."
Now the difficulty which besets Mr. Wilkinson consists exactly
in this : he clings to the symbol or allegory under which this ultimate
foundation of the dignity of our existence is conceived. Otherwise
we agree. With him I would say, "My soul does not belong here
or now; it belongs to God."
Our lives are transient. Every action of ours, every joy, every
sorrow, every event be it good or bad, sinful or virtuous, passes by,
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 471
and though its traces will linger, the time will come when this whole
earth will be no more and we shall be as if we never had been. But
the value of our lives does not lie in the number of years, nor is it
on the other hand impaired by shortness. Our lives are to be meas-
ured by quality of life rather than by quantity of time, and Mr.
Wilkinson is quite right when he says, "What is a million years?
What is time itself in the life of the universe? A million years is
much the same thing as five minutes."
What gives worth to our lives is not quantity but quality, and
the quality that elevates us is exactly the eternal background of
which we are, or ought to be, the incarnation. Buddha calls the
divinity after which we all aspire, the Dhamma, and expresses it
thus in some stanzas of the Dhammapada:
"If one should live an hundred years,
Ignorant, discomposed,
Better to him were life one day
Intelligent, enrapt.
"If one should live an hundred years,
Inert and weak of will,
Better to him were life one day
Exerting will-power strong.
"If one should live an hundred years,
Not seeing the highest Doctrine,
Better to him were life one day
When seeing the highest Doctrine/'
Mr. Wilkinson says in criticism of my views, "What possible
purpose could there be in forever bringing worlds into existence
one after another, just to wipe them out again? I live for you and
you live for me, and you and I live for posterity and they for some
other posteriority and so on. And one day there won't be any posterity
and what then? What, I ask, is the value of life as life, and you
can only reply, NONE/''
Mr. Wilkinson forgets that the background of all life which he
calls the system of the whole and which I fully recognize, is to all
practical extent identical with what in monotheistic religions is
called God. It is true enough that I live for you and you live for
me and we both live for posterity, and that our interests are mu-
tually balanced so that no one lives for himself alone. The center
of gravity lies outside of us, and the farther away it lies from any,
person the better it is. Woe to him who tries to have the center of
his existence in his own puny little self. Egotism is not a system
472 THE MONIST.
which recommends itself. It will never satisfy our heart's desire
and will leave us as empty as a bubble. When its race is run it
will burst and leave nothing behind. It is exactly the significance
of its interconnections which gives value to life and makes life's
purpose endure.
But we must not forget that all the play of human activities
with their mutually balanced interests between you and me and
others would be mere nonentities were they not understood to be
the surface only of that unfathomable ocean of life which is God,
the eternal world-order, the norm of All-Being, the standard of
right and wrong, the origin and prototype of our highest ideals,
and the final goal to which we return. This unfathomable ocean of
which we are the mere surface billows is not a nonentity. Though
it is not a bodily or material existence, it is the quintessence of our
lives and has been felt to be such by mankind since the most primi-
tive beginnings of civilization. Here lies the root of all religions
and I recognize the omnipresence of this eternal norm even though
I would reject as mere allegories the definitions and symbols in
which myths and dogmas express it.
In the sense of this God-conception, we must read the mean-
ing of our own personal existence. Though there is no individual
self, such as Mr. Wilkinson hankers after, I do not hesitate to say
that man's soul is an actuality and its significance extends as far
as its interests, its sympathies, its comprehensions will reach. Our
souls are built up of our ideals, our sympathies and our interests,
and as they manifest themselves in our labors and aspirations they
are not limited to our bodily existence. Our souls extend wherever
our influence goes and so they will live
"Or ever the silver cord be loosed,
Or the golden bowl be broken,
Or the pitcher be broken at the well,
Or the wheel broken at the cistern.
"And the dust return to the earth,
As it was ;
And the spirit return unto God
Who gave it." *
Spiritualists, even those who like Mr. Wilkinson are thinkers,
are practically materialists. They cling to the symbol and forget
its significance. They overrate the part which consciousness plays,
and overlook the fact that the main feature of the soul consists in its
* Eccl. xii. 6.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 473
thinking, not in its feeling, its sentiency, nor in whatever else belongs
to the senses. Consciousness is needed for thinking. It is an in-
strument but not an end. It is the concentration of feeling (of
sense activity) upon one point to which our attention for some or
any reason is to be directed. The final purpose of it is to throw
light upon the path of life so as to enable us to take the right step
and advance in the right direction. Consciousness serves as a
searchlight which illumines the field of vision, but is as such tran-
sient and secondary. Its main purpose is to gain insight and to
discover the truth.
Mr. Wilkinson is a typical representative of many serious people
who seek the truth, who know by intuition the significance of re-
ligious truths, who know especially that the soul is worth more to us
than anything in the world. The soul is we ourselves and the Bib-
lical saying remains true, "What doth it profit a man if he gain the
whole world and lose his own soul?" Mr. Wilkinson feels that the
great religious truths of the dignity of the soul, of immortality, of
moral ideals, would slip away from him if he gave up his soul-con-
ception, and he is so accustomed to the one in which he has been
educated that my broader view appears to him purely negative, and
I do not think it would have been possible for him to see the deeper
meaning of my conception of God, soul, and world though it is
perhaps much nearer to his own than he could comprehend. I my-
self, passed through a long period of despair in which I thought
that unless God was exactly as I had pictured him in my childhood,
there was no God at all ; and if immortality was not exactly the im-
mortality which Christian mythology pictures, it would not and could
not afford us comfort. But the world is deeper than we have
thought. God is greater than dogmatic religion represents Him to
be ; our souls are still linked with eternity and before us opens a
vista of infinitude.
EDITOR.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES.
ANTI-PRAGMATISME. Examen des droits respectifs de Taristocratie intellec-
tuelle et de la democratic sociale, par Albert Schinz, professeur a
1'universite de Bryn Mawr. Paris : Alcan, 1909. Pp. 301. Price 5 fr.
The first part is a refutation of pragmatism. The problem is reduced to
a dilemma: Either the pragmatic method (of judging ideas and theories from
their results and not from their own rational value, from their "cash value"
as James says, and not from their objective value) is the same as the scien-
tific method, in which case there is no need of a new philosophy; or it is not
the same and does not agree with the scientific method, in which case it is not
scientific. Now, as there can be no thought as to the existence of a pragmatic
philosophy (one need only watch the formidable literature on the subject)
pragmatism is something not scientific. What is it? It consists in reducing
philosophy in general to ethical philosophy; in subordinating philosophy to
moral purposes. Pragmatism means a return to the age of scholasticism:
Philosophia, ancilla theologiae said the Middle Ages, Philosophic,, ancilla
ethicae says Pragmatism; Philosophy a "servant" in both cases. The fallacy
on which Pragmatic method rests is exposed in book I, pp. 26-37. The prag-
matic paradox has been expressed several times since scholasticism ; by Pascal
("The heart has its reasons which reason knows not of), by Rousseau who
taught his pupil to use always the criterion of the "useful," and asked the
pragmatic question, "What is it good for?" by Kant who claims the rights of
"practical reason" as being above those of "pure reason" — i. e., always sub-
mitting objective truth to moral postulates or requirements.
The second part asks why, if pragmatism is so weak philosophically, does
it have so many followers ? Pragmatism must be explained as a special prod-
uct of modern civilization, or modern preoccupations which are more freely
developed in America than elsewhere, hence the fact that pragmatism is espe-
cially flourishing in America. In our days of democracy, philosophic ideas
are no longer discussed among the chosen few, but by everybody, by the
masses ; the result is that philosophy is no longer free to express truths which
might be dangerous for the masses (see pp. 98-104 for this fundamental de-
velopment). Philosophy must express only useful, moral, pragmatic truth,
even though truth itself lie in an opposite direction ; truth must be good, useful.
Pragmatism is nothing but this adulterated philosophy; philosophy sold to
democracy. Two beliefs are necessary in ages like ours : belief in free-will to
stimulate energies; and belief in God's moral government of the world, so as
to restrain man from the religion of success. Pragmatism will fight any phi-
losophy, any science, any idea that goes against these two fundamental dog-
mas.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 475
The third part develops the thesis that pragmatism is good and therefore
ought to triumph because it is not true ; for truth is discouraging from the moral
point of view because it is not amiable. Thus, it is good to keep the masses
from objective truth, and tell them to believe in something else. Pragmatww
is good ; but pragmatwfo are deceiving us when they say that pragmatism and
philosophy or science agree, for they do not. Pragmatists are right when
they advocate pragmatism for the masses, but they are wrong when they claim
that pragmatism is objective truth. There is only one way of straightening
out matters : let us say that there are two truths, one for the masses and one
for the scholar. This attitude would be wrong only if we philosophers were
responsible for the fact that real truth is sad, and bad; but we are not; and
therefore we will show our humanity, in telling people to believe (the follow-
ing are James's words) : "that which is good for them to believe." (A prac-
tical application of the system of two truths to literature is found in Appen-
dix B: "Literature and the Moral Code.")
ALLGEMEINE GESCHICHTE DER PHILOSOPHIE. Von Dr. Paul Deussen. Vol. II,
Part 3. Leipsic: F. A. Brockhaus. 1908. Pp. 728. Price M. 18.
We have now before us the third part of the first volume of this great
work on the "General History of Philosophy" written with particular reference
to religion. The whole of the first volume is devoted entirely to the history
of India, and this division treats of the post-Vedic philosophy of the Hindus.
It contains also an appendix to the philosophy of the Chinese and Japanese.
In this appendix the author discusses China in general, giving a particular
chapter each to Confucius and Lao Tze, following with a history of the devel-
opment of Chinese philosophy and its three religions. He passes rapidly over
ancient Japan and Shinto, Buddhism in Japan, and neo-Confucianism. The
"Post-Vedic Philosophy" as a whole discusses first the philosophy of the epic
period of India, then Buddhism, and finally the various minor philosophical
systems of India.
RECREATIONS MATHEMATIQUES, et Problemes des temps anciens et modernes.
By W. Rouse Ball. Paris : A. Hermann, 1907. 2 vol. Price, 5 fr. each.
It is only one additional tribute to the well-known value of W. Rouse
Ball's Mathematical Recreations that a second edition of its French translation
has appeared. This translation was made from the fourth English edition and
has been somewhat enlarged by the translator, J. Fitz-Patrick. The final
addition is a note by the publisher, Mr. A. Hermann, on the "Accounts of a
person who spends more than his income; a method for establishing a life
annuity." In this an attempt is made to show how three common difficulties
may be conciliated, that is to say how the income may be increased while care
must be taken not to deprive the heirs in case of premature death, and at the
same time to safeguard a sufficient income in case a long life is attained.
ABRISS DER ALGEBRA DER LOGIK. Von Dr. Eugen Muller. Part I. Complete
in three parts. Leipsic: Teubner, 1909.
Since Boole wrote his learned book on The Laws of Thought a new
science has originated which lies on the borderland of mathematics and logic,
and contains the most abstract thought. The most prominent thinker in
THE MONIST.
modern times who has built up this new realm is the late Dr. Ernst Schroeder,
professor of mathematics at the Polytechnic school at Karlsruhe in Baden.
He wrote a voluminous book on The Algebra of Logic and his main rival in
this field of most abstract thought is the American scholar Charles S. Peirce,
who uses the term "the logic of relatives." Since Professor Schroeder's
death, Dr. Eugen Miiller of Constance has been in charge of his manuscripts,
and he has undertaken to condense the great work of Schroeder into small
compass so as to make the main principles of the new science accessible to
those who would not have the time to wade through the books of Boole and
of Schroeder. He condenses Schroeder's Algebra of Logic into about 150
pages, which is to appear in three installments, the first of which, comprising
50 pages lies now before us.
THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE. Edited
by Samuel Macauley Jackson, DD., LL.D. (Editor in Chief), Charles
C. Sherman, Geo. W. Gilmore, and others. Vol. Ill, Chamier — Draen-
dorf. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1908-1909. Pp. 500. Price, per
vol., cloth $5.00; per set $60 to $108.
We are glad to welcome the third volume of this valuable work. It is the
expectation of the publishers to continue issuing a new volume from the press
every three months until the work shall be complete in twelve volumes. The
present volume is of very especial interest as will be clear to any one who con-
siders the possibilities of the initial letter C. Charlemagne, Christ, Christian,
Christology, Church, Confession, Confirmation, Constantine, Councils, Crea-
tion, Creed, Cross, Crucifixion and Crusades are a few suggestive titles, bring-
ing many others in their train, and all are treated with the same special
thoroughness that characterizes the management of the work as a whole.
The usual bibliographies are supplied at the end of each item and the volume
contains a supplemental bibliographical appendix which brings the list of books
covering the topics from Vol. I to the end of Vol. II down to January, 1909,
thus placing the latest published information available at the disposal of the
reader.
THE PLACE OF ANIMALS IN HUMAN THOUGHT. By Countess Evelyn Mar-
tinengo Cesaresco. London: Fisher Unwin, 1909. Pp. 376. Price, I2s.
6d. net.
To the lover of animals this book will open up a new field of interest.
It is the result of the thought and investigation of several years on the part
of the author, to whom the study and compilation has been a labor of love.
A suggestion of Count Goblet d'Alviella at the Oxford Congress of the His-
tory of Religions last September, to the effect that the psychology of animals
might have some bearing on the science of religions, confirmed Countess
Martinengo-Cesaresco in her belief in the importance of animal psychology.
Her discussion treats of the views of the various nations of the earth on the
subject, under the following headings: Soul- Wandering as It Concerns Ani-
mals, The Greek Conception of Animals, Animals at Rome, Plutarch the
Humane, Man and His Brother, The Faith of Iran, Zoroastrian Zoology, A
Religion of Ruth, Lines from the Adi Granth, The Hebrew Conception of
Animals, "A People Like Unto You," The Friend of the Creature, Versi-
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 477
pelles, The Horse as Hero, Animals in Eastern Fiction, The Growth of Mod-
ern Ideas About Animals.
A valuable feature of the work consists in the illustrations which have
been gleaned from widely divergent and often recondite sources, and repre-
sent Egyptian, Assyrian, Grecian, Roman, Iranian, Arabian, Hebrew, Bud-
dhistic and also prehistoric conceptions of animals. Orpheus and St. Francis
are of course named among "The Friends of the Creature," and Hubert Van
Eyck's painting of St. Jerome extracting a thorn from the paw of a lion is
one of the interesting illustrations reproduced. The frontispiece to the volume
is a photogravure from a tempera painting from Abul Fazl's Akbar Namah,
now in the India Museum, and represents the Emperor Akbar personally
directing the tying-up of a wild elephant. Unfortunately a cursory search
does not reveal in the text any mention of Akbar's clemency and fondness
for animals and his efforts to improve the various breeds, especially of horses
and elephants. A similar incident to the one illustrated in Countess Marti-
nengo-Cesaresco's frontispiece is graphically described in Dr. Richard von
Garbe's Akbar, Emperor of India, reprinted in pamphlet form from The
Monist of April, 1909.
L'ANN£E BIOLOGIQUE. Comptes rendus annuels des travaux de biologic gene-
rale. Publics sous la direction dc Yves Delage. lome annee, 1905. Paris :
Le Soudier, 1908. Pp. 500.
This important annual has changed its arrangement to some extent with
this issue, in so far as its editors have thought best to omit the general re-
view, more or less extensive, which has customarily preceded the volume as a
whole, and they now limit themselves to" a short notice indicating certain
main points upon which biologists are concentrating their attention, and the
principal works that bear upon these subjects. In its table of contents this
volume gives a list of the "general reviews" included in all the preceding
numbers.
AIDS TO WORSHIP. By Malcolm Quin. Newcastle-On-Tyne : T. M. Grierson.
Pp. 182. Price, One Shilling net.
The secondary title "An Essay Towards the Positive Preservation and
Development of Catholicism" is somewhat equivocal since it does not also
define the author's point of view with regard to Catholicism. He states more
clearly in the preface that he might have described the work as "An Essay
on the Religious Interpretation of Auguste Comte" which would certainly
have defined the scope and purpose of the work much more definitely, and
would have been a guide to the reader as to the direction in which his further
perusal of the book would lead him. A third of the volume is devoted to the
introduction, and the "Aids" themselves have for a motto the verse, "Ye
therefore shall be perfect as your Heavenly Father is perfect."
The book is really a manual of study and religious training for the
Positivistic Religion of Humanity, founded by Comte, and the different sub-
jects treated are discussed in terse dogmatic paragraphs with marginal head-
ings, such as The Purpose of Worship, Perfection and Goodness, The Perfect
Being, The Mystery of Evil, The Mystery of Human Freedom, The Humanity
of God, The Paternity of God, God the Son, The Christ of Worship, The
THE MONIST.
Inheritance of Religious Speech, the Commemoration of Christ, The Divine
Presence in the Eucharist, Commemoration of non-Christian humanity, The
Universal Scriptures, Worship a Good in Itself, and many other similar top-
ics. The same author has published a book of Offices of Public Worship for
congregations of the Religion of Humanity.
DER SKEPTIZISMUS IN DER PHILOSOPHIE UND SEINE UEBERWINDUNG. Von Raoul
Richter. Leipsic : Diirr, 1908. Pp. 584, Price, 8 m. 50.
Now we have the second volume of this exhaustive work of Professor
Richter, and this volume comprises the second, third, and fourth parts of the
first book. The study of skepticism is taken up chronologically, beginning with
the period of the Renaissance, which represents naturalistic skepticism, the
most conspicuous exponents of which are Montaigne and Charron; then fol-
lows the empirical skepticism of the i8th century and a discussion of the
relation between modern philosophy and skepticism from Bacon to Leibnitz,
including Descartes, Spinoza, Locke and Berkeley and giving special attention
to an exposition and critique of the skepticism of Hume.
The fourth part discusses the biological skepticism of the iQth century,
first from Hume to Hegel, including a section on positivism, followed by a
chapter on the life and teachings of Nietzsche. The first book treats of total
skepticism (der totale Skeptizismus). The second book is announced at the
end of this volume and will treat of Der partielle Skeptizismus.
SOCIOLOGDE DE FACTION. Par Eugene de Roberty. Paris: Alcan, 1908. Pp.
355. Price, 7 fr. 50.
The latest contribution of Professor De Roberty's many works on sociol-
ogy is the present discussion of the sociology of action, which he treats in two
divisions; first the social genesis of reason, and second, the rational sources
of action. In this volume he continues to emphasize his opposition to the
timidity and equivocations of contemporaneous sociological thought, which
was one of his principal objects in his former works on the "Constitution of
Ethics" and the "New Program of Sociology." He feels the necessity of this
very strongly, and he regards it as a more important fact in the realm of
knowledge than in that of action, that not to advance means to retrograde.
ZUR WIEDERGEBURT DES IDEALISMUS. Von Jakob Schmidt. Leipsic: Diirr,
1908. Pp. 325. Price 6 m.
These studies have grown out of a struggle on behalf of idealism against
the modern idols of "psychologism, historism and positivism." A few of the
titles of the fifteen studies here included are as follows : Capitalism and Prot-
estantism; Mediaeval Character of Ecclesiastical Protestantism; Theoretical
Positivism; Harnack and the Resuscitation of Speculative Inquiry; Experience
and Poetry; Goethe and Antiquity; Kant and Speculative Mathematics; The
Education of Women, and Classical Antiquity.
WITELO, EIN PHILOSOPH UND NATURFORSCHER DES xui. JAHRHUNDERTS. Von
Clemens Baeumker. Minister : Aschendorff, 1908. Pp. 686. Price 22 m.
This work is Part II of the third volume of "Contributions to the History
of Mediaeval Philosophy," and contains the Latin text of Witelo's Liber de
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 479
Intelligentiis together with critical textual notes. This is followed by impor-
tant philosophical excerpts from the philosopher's Perspective!. Part II is the
descriptive and critical portion of the work and after a biographical chapter
discusses Witclo's smaller writings and the philosophy of the de Intelligentiis
as well as its place in the history of philosophy. A short chapter is also given
to the significance of Perspectives in the history of philosophy.
LES ERREURS DE LA SCIENCE. Par L. C. E. Vial. Paris: Vial, 1908. Pp. 450.
Price, 3 fr. 50.
This work is an exposition of a system of natural philosophy which at-
tempts to unify all sciences by submitting them to the mechanical and con-
tradictory principle of the "unit-couple," and to demonstrate by scientific testi-
mony the part of man in creation, and the bond which unites him directly to
the Creator, the life-principle and source of life. The first part deals in ques-
tions of mechanics and its relation to physiology proceeding likewise to the
discussion of psychological questions. The second part deals with cosmic
problems, defines the atom and describes the mechanism of electrolysis and
radio-activity. It further discusses the nature of atmosphere, water, and earth
and the parts they play in the author's cosmogonic conception.
COURNOT ET LA RENAISSANCE DU PROBABILISME AU XIX. SIECLE. Par F. Mentre.
Paris : Riviere, 1908. Pp. 649. Price, 12 fr.
This work is recommended to the interest of the public both by the
name of Cournot himself and the high value of the Library of Experimental
Philosophy to which it belongs. The author here expounds the ruling ideas
of Cournot's philosophy, his theory of order and chance, his "probabilistic"
method, his philosophy of the sciences and his views on religion and ethics.
The attempt has also been made to indicate the rise of these ideas and to
characterize the range of their influence. The book is of a special value be-
cause Cournot's works have become inaccessible, and this volume contains the
substance of his investigations.
Prof. C. J. Ball, of Oxford, has written a most learned and at the same
time interesting article on "The Accadian Affinities of Chinese" in which he
offers an irrefutable proof that the founders of the Babylonian civilization,
the people of Sumer and Accad, furnished the materials from which the Chi-
nese civilization has grown. He announces that his investigations will "con-
vince the learned world of the truth of the theory that the Chinese writing
had a Western origin, and that the Chinese language is the nearest living rep-
resentative of the ancient Accadian. Already in 1871 Edkins could assert the
probable consanguinity of the early Chinese with the 'Cushites' of Babylonia,
and could state that 'many ancient customs point to a connection once exist-
ing between Western Asia and China.' That scholar, in fact, assumed, on the
ground of resemblance in the principal elements of civilization, and alto-
gether independently of the special considerations which are submitted in this
paper, that the primitive Chinese were immigrants from the plain of the
Euphrates, who entered their present country some five thousand years ago.. .
"Perhaps the first thing that strikes one in a comparison of the two
480 THE MONIST.
languages is the unusual number of common words. A few coincidences of
sound would, of course, prove little or nothing, because such may be found
in almost any pair of languages. The old Chinese kot, kut, is strangely like
not only the Accadian kud, but also the English 'cut.' But while we may
leave such correspondences, in cases where they are few and far between, to
the diviners of the primeval speech, we can hardly do that in cases where
the majority of words in both languages can be shown to be cognate or even
identical. Number eliminates chance.
"Again, no argument for near kindred or identity can be based solely
upon Accadian terms like aba, ama, as compared with the old Chinese pa, ma,
'father/ 'mother'; because such sounds may be paralleled from a multitude
of tongues of every class and kind. The case, however, is different with such
similarities as exist between the Accadian sag (shag), sag, 'head/ and the
Chinese sheu, su; between Ace. shem, shab (=sham), shag, sha, 'heart/ and
Ch. saw,, sang] between Ace. shu, 'hand/ and Ch. sheu, shu. Not much re-
flection is necessary to see that there must be a real connection between these
common words, and that a fortuitous likeness of this kind is an improbable
contingency. These coincidences, however, amount to hundreds, and prac-
tically exhaust the available vocabulary of Accadian."
Volume IV of the University of California Publications on Education con-
sists of the second part of Milicent Washburn Shinn's Notes on the Development
of a Child, treating in particular of "The Development of the Senses in the First
Three Years of Children." The author's original data came from a journal
of the development of a single child closely observed by her during the whole
period of the record, but these data have been supplemented by the observa-
tions of others which in some points have become the basis of her conclusions
more than her own record, because in these particulars her own notes were
insufficient or because the facts had been already so well established that her
particular observations could do little more than corroborate. Part One in-
vestigates the "Sensibility of the New Born" with regard to each of the
senses; Part Two, the "Synthesis of Sense Experience"; Part Three, "De-
velopment in Discrimination and Interpretation."
It is customary at present to analyze the psychological disposition of phi-
losophers, and religious leaders, and so a book by Jacob H. Kaplan on the
Psychology of Prophecy (Philadelphia: Julius H. Greenstone, 1908), will be
welcome. It is intended to be a study "of the prophetic mind as manifested
by the ancient Hebrew prophets," the author being a Rabbi who handles his
subject not only scientifically but also with reverence and discretion, and this
makes the book more valuable.
Jonas Cohn, professor at the University of Freiberg, i. B., who has devoted
much thought to the solution of the problem of infinitude, discusses in his
recent book, Voraussetzungen und Ziele des Erkennens (Leipsic: Engelmann,
1908), the significance of logic as a basis of all philosophy. He proposes to
expose the various fibers whch connect logic organically with the several parts
of philosophy.
VOL. XIX. OCTOBER, 1909. No. 4.
THE MONIST
JEAN JACQUES ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF
PRAGMATISM.
I DEFINE pragmatism as a philosophy that judges of
the value of theories and ideas from their consequences,
i. e., from the practical results which they yield to the
thinker when he proceeds to apply them to reality.
Pragmatic results may be understood as scientific re-
sults ; but in this case it becomes- obvious that pragmatism
is only another word for science, and hardly worth while
to retain our attention. Of course we consider, and man
has always considered, true or satisfactory, a law or an
idea which yields results, and none else ; and if a law or an
idea explains nothing or accounts for nothing, it is given
up. So this scientific pragmatism is not, cannot be, what
pragmatists have in mind, for they would not have started
a new philosophical school to say something that nobody
ever denied, the very thing and the only thing which all sci-
entific, philosophical, theological minds have always agreed
upon since the dawn of conscious thinking. Of course
William James says, "a new name for an old thing" ; still
we have too high an opinion of Professor James and others
who followed him to believe that the "old thing" was the
commonplace truth which the world has owned so long,
and which science in our epoch is applying so frantically
everywhere. Or else, one might just as well start a new
482 THE MONIST.
system of astronomy to prove that the sun shines at noon
and remains invisible at night.
There is only one alternative: if pragmatic results do
not mean scientific results, they must mean practical results
from the point of view of "practical reason" as opposed
to "pure reason," in other words, ethical results. And if
this is what pragmatism means, then everybody will grant
that there is something relatively new in it, in so far as
there was never before so bold an attempt to reduce phi-
losophy to moral philosophy ; or, I should rather say, that
never an attempt could appear so bold, as we live in a scien-
tific era when scientific results alone are strictly recognized
by scholars, while ethical or esthetic preoccupations are
considered among them as intruding elements.
So the whole quarrel about pragmatism originates from
the vagueness of the word "result," or "practical value" ;
the pragmatists endeavoring to make modern philosophy
adopt ethical pragmatism instead of scientific pragmatism ;
and as they are entirely different things, as they are in fact
incompatible things, scholars resist the attempt.1 With
this conception also the word of James, "a new name for
an old thing," gets a very satisfactory meaning; namely,
that man has always been inclined to judge philosophical
theories from their ethical results. Pragmatism is only the
philosophy which tries to establish this conception of things
on a systematic basis, to justify this natural inclination.
It is of this ethical pragmatism — the only one which
has a clear and distinct meaning — that Rousseau is a fore-
runner.2
^ee the writer's Anti-pragmatisme (Paris, 1909) pp. 26-37.
'The words pragmatisme, or pragmatique, are of course not to be found
in Rousseau. In Nouvelle Heloise (II, 5) he speaks of Julie's father saying: "Sa
fille lui est moins chere que la Pragmatique"; but here the political act of
Charles VI of Austria is meant by which (1713) this emperor assured the
throne to Marie-Therese as his successor.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 483
I.
It might be interesting, and I think very relevant, to
point out first a remarkable symmetry in the philosophical
evolution of Rousseau and James, the latter being by far
the chief representative of pragmatism; there can be no
doubt that without him the movement would have been
still-born.
We observe that both thinkers came to pragmatic ideas
after a period of enthusiasm for pure science. James be-
gan by studying natural sciences; he took an M. D., and at
first taught anatomy at Harvard University. Then he
went over to psychology and wrote his most famous work,
and finally he produced his pragmatistic papers and books.
These facts can be interpreted thus : When he began to look
at things for himself and reflect on them, James was at
first interested in the universe in a purely objective way; he
looked at it as a product which he liked to study in a per-
fectly impersonal manner. Then, secondly, he saw that
the world was still more interesting when viewed from a
human standpoint, from the psychological standpoint —
moreover man cannot view it from any other point of view,
absolute truth is outside of our means of perception; then
he wrote his great work, Psychology. And third he came
to the conclusion that man had an interest in the world not
only from a human, in the sense of a psychological, stand-
point, but from an ethical, or may be religious standpoint,
as well. Man does not only study life, he lives it, he has a
practical interest in it ; then he wrote Pragmatism.
Rousseau's philosophical evolution describes exactly the
same curve. Everybody remembers in the Confessions
what he tells of his reading in mathematics, physics, chem-
istry and so forth, when living with Madame de Warens ;3
8 See especially Book VI. Cf. also Ritter : Famille et jeunesse de J. f.
Rousseau, pp. 219 ff.
484 THE MONIST.
and especially the delightful scene when he is accused of
necromancy by passers-by who see him in a garden at mid-
night studying astronomy in grotesque attire, moving a
telescope backward and forward with mysterious gestures,
and stretched out before, or rather under, a map of the sky
illuminated by the weird light of a candle standing in a
flower pot;4 or the account of how he nearly blinded him-
self for life by careless handling of chemical substances in
an unfortunate attempt to manufacture "encre de sympa-
thie"? or again when he tells himself so charmingly (al-
ways in the Confessions) that his famous polype au coeur
which disappeared so miraculously before he came near
the doctor, when a pretty woman appeared on the scene,6
was nothing but the result of overstudy of books on anat-
omy, physiology and medicine ; for, like the famous Dutch
physician he could not read the description of a disease
without at once feeling perfectly satisfied that he was suf-
fering from it. Finally I need not insist on Rousseau's
fondness for botany which first developed at that period
also.7
Rousseau did not teach sciences, as Professor James,
but he made use of his knowledge in mathematics as
a member of the staff entrusted by Charles Emanuel
III with the survey of the kingdom of Savoy. He also
wrote in Chambery in 1738, and published in the Mercure
de France of July, a "Meinoire sur la sphericite de la terre."
Better still, Rousseau wrote in Paris, probably about 1747,
a treatise on chemistry in four parts, Les institutions chy-
miques, the manuscripts of which can be seen since 1904
at the city library in Geneva.
* (Euvres, VIII, 171-2.
5 (Euvres, VIII, 155. That the rumor spread of Rousseau's experiments,
see Ritter, Famille et jeunesse de J. J. Rousseau (1896), p. 221.
6 (Euvres, VIII, pp. 177-8: ". . .Voila Mme. de Larnage qui m'entreprend ;
et adieu le pauvre Jean- Jacques, ou plutot adieu le fievre, les vapeurs, le po-
lype...."
7 (Euvres, VIII, p. 128.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 485
II.
The second period of Rousseau's philosophical develop-
ment corresponds to that in which James wrote his Psy-
chology. Now, we must remember that in his book James
has given up the traditional treatment of the three facul-
ties, sentiment, intelligence, will. He offers a sort of nat-
ural history of our mental faculties in connection with, or
even taking as a basis, our sensations, hence the name of
"experimental" or "physiological" psychology given to the
modern science we all know.
This conception of things goes naturally as far back
as the 1 8th century, to Locke's Essay on Human Under-
standing. Indeed we can almost say that the works of our
great thinkers of the iQth century, like John Stuart Mill
in his Logic, Taine in his Intelligence, Wundt, Spencer,
James in their Psychologies, are but new additions, broader
in some places, more consistent in others, of Locke's epoch-
making book. As a matter of fact, nobody ever went so
far in the direction of sensualism and materialism as does
James in his well-known theory of emotions, according to
which we do not weep because we are sad, but we are sad
because we weep, the physical phenomenon not being the
effect of the psychical one, but rather the reverse.
Rousseau, thanks in great part no doubt to his unsys-
tematic education, was endowed with a very unprejudiced
mind, and he did not hesitate to adopt those views which
were held at the time only by a few progressive men;
Locke's ideas on this particular subject soon became his
own,8 and we can easily see how they came to him. He tells
us in the Confessions that in the years after his return from
Venice to Paris (1744) he had become a great friend of
8 He had already studied Locke at the Charmettes. See CEuvres, VIII, p.
169.
486 THE MONIST
Condillac, then writing his famous books.9 He calls him
once "un tres grand metaphysicien."10 Although Rousseau
never went as far as Condillac in the latter's Traite des
sensations (1754), namely that the only origin of all our
ideas is sensation alone, he shared entirely the views of the
earlier Essai sur I'origine des connaissances humaines
(1746), that there are no innate ideas and that our ideas,
due to reflection, would never have developed without sen-
sation— the Locke point of view. Rousseau remained true
to those beliefs in the time of his mature philosophy; in
Emile11 for instance, and in the much later Dialogues12 we
find them again only slightly transformed. It would be
quite interesting to point out the influence of those physio-
logical-psychological views on Rousseau in several special
works, especially in the Essai sur I'origine des langues,
which was written under the inspiration of Condillac's
ideas ;18 and in a book which has not been printed, the man-
uscript of it being probably lost for ever, La morale sensi-
tive ou le materialisme du sage.
Students of Rousseau, generally, ignore this work en-
tirely, and it is pardonable as long as it is lost. But a great
loss indeed it is, for surely no work could have given us
a better insight into Rousseau's real mind, precisely be-
cause it belongs to a period of transition, when he is not
yet completely the Rousseau of the Nouvelle Helo'ise or of
Emile. We would have seen there how he became the
later Rousseau, while now we have to guess more or less.
Fortunately the little bit we know about the book, we owe
* (Euvres, VIII, p. 246. Rousseau places this in the years 1747-49, but this
must be a mistake since the book of Condillac mentioned by Rousseau was
published in 1746.
10 (Euvres, XII, p. 304 ; cf. II, 75.
11 See Books I, II, III, (Euvres, II, e. g., pp. 32-33, 102, 188 etc.
18 (Euvres, IX, 196.
18 Cf. (Euvres, I, p. 93.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 487
to Rousseau himself, and so the information may be relied
upon.14
What was this book ? Rousseau tells us that among the
works he intended to write — and which later were given
up — there was one which he hoped would prove truly use-
ful to men. "We have noticed that in the course of their
lives most men are unlike themselves and seem to be
changed into beings entirely different. It was not indeed
to prove so well known a thing that I proposed to write a
book ; I had a more important and newer purpose. It was
to find out about the causes of those variations, and to
study those which are dependent on us in order to show
how they could be directed by ourselves in order to render
us better and exert more control over our actions. ... In
probing myself, and in examining others as to the causes
of those different dispositions I found that they depended
in great part, on the preceding impressions of exterior ob-
jects, and that, modified constantly by our senses and by
our organs, we were feeling, without knowing it, in our
ideas, in our sentiments, in our actions even, the effect of
those modifications. The striking and numerous observa-
tions which I had gathered were beyond discussion; and
by their physical principles, they seemed to me fit to pro-
vide us with a physical regime which, adapted to circum-
stances, could place our souls in the conditions most favor-
able to virtue .... Climates, seasons, sounds, colors, dark-
ness, light, elements [?], food, noise, silence, motion, rest,
everything acts on our machine, and on our soul conse-
quently I have however, worked little over that book,
the title of which was La morale sensitive ou le materia-
lisme du sage. Distractions which I shall soon explain
prevented me from devoting much time to it, and the
"There is an interesting problem of erudition in connection with the
Morale sensitive; but the discussion of it belongs rather in a review for the
history of literature. Suffice it to say that further information about the book
is not attainable, at least now, and that all that is reliable goes back to what
Rousseau says himself in the Confessions.
488 THE MONIST.
reader will know also what has become of my first draft...."
This passage is from the ninth book of the Confessions
(pp. 292-3). In book twelve (pp. 46-7) he tells of all sorts
of papers that were stolen from the things he had left in
care of Madame de Luxembourg at the time of his hasty
flight to Switzerland, when the Emile had been condemned.
Among the stolen papers was the manuscript of the Morale
sensitive, and Rousseau suspects D'Alembert, who, as a
friend of Madame de Luxembourg may have succeeded
in seeing those manuscripts, perhaps by bribing some ser-
vant.15 At that time Rousseau considered D'Alembert as
one of his worst enemies, and comments thus : "I suppose
that, deceived by the title of La morale sensitive, he thought
he had discovered the outline of a real treatise of material-
ism, from which he would have taken an advantage against
me that one might well imagine."16
One may well ask why Rousseau did not take up his
work again. I think we can guess that, and the very note
we have just quoted about D'Alembert could suggest a
clue. Such a book was not only difficult to write, it might
prove positively dangerous. For in conveying upon people
the materialistic idea that the dispositions of our "soul"
depended ultimately so much upon physical sensations, as
comparatively very few (if any) of those are actually
within our control, people might take that as an excuse for
not reacting against the lower impulses of the flesh. Thus
the book could be interpreted as an excuse for our weak-
nesses, instead of a remedy against them, and so would
provide arms to the enemy, and throw one's own away.
"In a note (Vol. XII, p. 47) Rousseau explains that D'Alembert had
plagiarized many of his articles before they were printed in the Encyclopedic
(for the Siemens de musique).
"One feels inclined to reject such ungenerous suspicions. Still, after the
book of Mrs. Macdonald which shows how really shamefully Rousseau was
treated by some of his contemporaries, there is a possibility of truth. So, if
we should ever get some parts of the Morale sensitive back, it might be in
looking into D'Alembert. The search may be worth while— the writer not
having at hand the books necessary for such an inquiry is obliged to confine
himself to these indications.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 489
M adame de Genlis would certainly not have been the only
one to gather from Rousseau's notes the impression which
Rousseau himself thought might be D'Alembert's. She
reflects : "I never thought that virtue depended upon good
digestion or on the temperature of the air, or that certain
drinks could cure bad inclinations, and that it was possible
to absorb morality, like tea, by infusion/'17
The insurmountable difficulty is, of course, that there
is absolutely no criterion to decide where to stop in ad-
mitting that physical conditions are responsible for our
morality. You cannot at one moment step in and say:
"Now I will be virtuous" without throwing over the whole
theory. For, this sudden disposition depends precisely upon
foregoing dispositions, and those form an endless chain.
Suppose a meal is so made up as not to develop my lower
passions; either I am responsible for the meal or another
is. If another is, then it is clear that my temper is not in
my own hands. If I am, then I must have been predisposed
well in order to order the virtuous meal; so from antece-
dent to antecedent, we are bound to come to admit that we
are no longer responsible for anything. The same holds
of climate, wind, rest, noise, etc What can I do? There
is no middle term : we are or we are not in control. You
may leave the subject alone altogether, — which is very wise
perhaps, — but if you take it up, then you must be logical.
Rousseau chose to say that the dispositions of our soul
depend upon material conditions ; the result is that he will
tell us very interesting facts probably, but surely none very
favorable to moralization. And the time came when he
saw it himself, and therefore he dropped the book. I ven-
ture to say that if he had written it, he would have torn it
to pieces afterwards.18 The time when he was thinking
17 Preface a Alphonsine, p. iii.
18 The book Rousseau had in mind has been written ; but a century later.
Those who are interested to see what a consistent treatise of the sort may be-
49° THE MONIST.
of writing it indicates a period of unconscious hesitation
between the scientific or psychological point of view, and
the ethical or pragmatic. He was then just where James
stood when he printed his Psychology, and which after a
long discussion of the book is expressed for the French
public by Marillier in the following terms : "The teleolog-
ical character of the system is at first striking, and one
must penetrate beyond the literal sense to notice that very
often it is a selection of a mechanical character much rather
than of an intentional choice that is meant. This W. James
says clearly nowhere ; perhaps not because he is not decided
yet which one of the two conceptions he will make his own,
but because he constantly goes from the one to the other
without admitting it plainly/' (Revue philosophique , Feb.,
1893, p. 182,)
in.
James finally decided for a teleological system, or what
is now often called — a new name for an old thing — prag-
matism. I have shown elsewhere, in quoting texts, how
pragmatic utterances had meant at first for James simply
a set of rules for practical life, independent and really out-
side of philosophy, and how only gradually the idea came
to him of introducing those merely practical advices into
philosophy itself, and trying to subordinate intellectual and
scientific principles to practical principles.19 The result is
that his philosophy now, pragmatic philosophy, is described
by James himself in such sentences as : "The 'true,' to put
it very briefly, is only the expedient in the way of our
thinking, just as the 'right' is only the expedient in the way
of our behaving." (Pragmatism, p. 222) ;20 or "On prag-
come ought to read: Yves Guyot, La morale, Paris, 1883 (in the collection
Bibtiotheque materialiste} .
" A. Schinz, Anti-pragmatisme, Paris, 1909, pp. 52-54-
"What James says regarding this passage in the Journal of Philosophy
of December, 1908, does not affect the case very much.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 49 1
matic principles we cannot reject any hypothesis if con-
sequences useful to life flow from it. . . .They [universal
conceptions] have. . . .no meaning and no reality if they
have no use. But if they have any use, they have that
amount of meaning." (Ibid., p. 273.) (Of course we
must understand that in the second part of the quotation,
James means also "useful to life'' as nothing indicates
any change to "useful" in a merely scientific sense) ; or let
us recall the pragmatic "question" : "Grant an idea or be-
lief to be true, what concrete difference will its being true
make in any one's actual life?" (Ibid., p. 200.) This is
plainly making philosophy a servant to ethics. Philosophic,
ancilla theologiae was the definition of scholasticism ; Phi-
losophia ancilla ethicae is the definition of pragmatism.
Now let us see Rousseau reaching the same goal.
Exactly parallel to James's phrase: "On pragmatic
principles, we cannot reject any hypothesis if consequences
useful to life flow from it," is Rousseau's declaration at
the end of his career, when he summarizes his philosophical
and literary creed, and writes, speaking of himself (Sec-
ond Dialogue21) : "I have never seen him listen calmly to
any theory that he believed harmful to the public weal." ( Je
ne 1'ai jamais vu ecouter de sang froid toute doctrine qu'il
crut nuisible au bien public).
As was to be the case with William James one century
and a half later, Rousseau had really never committed him-
self to a mechanical conception of life ; he had only, for a
while, used such language and studied problems in such a
fashion that readers could hesitate as to his real opinion
on those questions. So when he had once decided to pub-
licly take a stand against such mechanical theories of life,
he felt like dispelling any uncertainty in the public, and
missed few occasions to come out openly against the mate-
rialism of his epoch. He did so repeatedly in his best-known
81 CEuvres, IX, p. 194.
492 THE MONIST.
works. Let us take only one example, which is not so well
known.
In 1758 he wanted to write a complete and systematic
refutation of Helvetius's book De I' esprit. He finally gave
it up, because the work in question was condemned by the
censor shortly after its publication and the sale of it was
prohibited.22 But we have the marginal notes put by Rous-
seau to his edition of Helvetius's book, and they give us a
very clear idea of what Rousseau wanted to prove. They are
published in the (Euvres completes, XII, pp. 296-304. Hel-
vetius maintained that man is merely passive in his judg-
ments, in his sentiments and actions. This irritated Rous-
seau and he refers finally to a refutation in the Profession
de foi du Vic air e Savoyard.™
To Helvetius who thinks that two (passive) faculties,
sensation and memory, are sufficient to account for our
whole mental activity, and that comparer and juger are
merely other forms of sensation, Rousseau opposes that,
already in comparison due to memory there is something
more than mere passive sensation of difference ; and as to
the distinction between sensation and judgment, he ex-
presses it thus:24 "To perceive objects is sensation; to per-
ceive relations is judgment" (Apercevoir les objets c'est
sentir, apercevoir les rapports c'est juger).
The whole discussion is summed up and concluded in
tht Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard as follows : "Thus
* (Euvres, III, 122.
* There is here again a small problem of erudition. We must believe that
the notes on De I' esprit are made on the first edition, as Rousseau expressly
states it in a letter (cf. (Euvres, Vol. IX, p. 418) ; but, as the first edition was
of 1758, and the Vicaire Savoyard is of 1761 or 1762, how could Rousseau refer
in 1758 to a work published three or four years later (p. 304) ? The whole
problem of the relations of the Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard and the
Refutation du livre de f esprit will be examined by the writer elsewhere; let
it suffice here to say that a solution is not impossible if one weighs carefully
every word of Rousseau in XII, 304. No doubt Rousseau was at the time
(1758) already busy with the Profession de foi] possibly a good part of it
was more or less ready, and thus he could speak of it as of a work in existence
although not yet before the eyes of the public.
24
(Euvres, XII, p. 300.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 493
I am not merely a sensitive and passive being, but an active
and intelligent being, and no matter what philosophers say,
I dare pretend to the honor of thinking. I know only that
truth is in the things and not in my mind which judges them
(que la verite est dans les choses et non pas dans nion esprit
qui les juge) and that the less I put of my own in my judg-
ments about them, the surer I am to come near the truth :
thus my rule, to listen to sentiment more than to reason,
is supported by reason itself."
Why is Rousseau so much concerned with those the-
ories ? — The last passage quoted tells it plainly : if human
judgment is merely passive, the same will be true of our
emotions, of our wills which depend on our perceptions and
judgments of things; if that were true, it would do away
with moral freedom, and this would be very bad from an
ethical point of view. That this is the attitude of Rousseau
is shown in the second part of his refutation of Helvetius,
one of his last remarks being : -"In the first place upright-
ness is indispensable, and not intellect (I' esprit) ; and in the
second place it depends upon us to be honest people, and
not to be gens d' esprit" (XII, 304) ; it is shown abundently
further in all his best known works.
Rousseau is determined to get a philosophy of an eth-
ical nature, i. e., a philosophy which must be good morally
for humanity, even at the expense of truth if need be ; he
will refuse to consider any other as he himself told us.25
As a matter of fact, nature, life and therefore philosophy
are neither moral nor immoral, they are indifferent, or as
we say now a-moral ; but I repeat it once more, this is just
the distinctive character of pragmatism that it would force
nature and life, and therefore philosophy, to be moral, or,
as some say, teleological, — the latter term meaining again
"morally" teleological, it goes without saying. Of course,
25 (Euvres, IX, 194, quoted above, and cf. with James's Will to Believe, p.
126.
494 THE MONIST.
if nature, and therefore objective truth, on the one hand
and morality on the other hand agreed with each other,
philosophy would never have been anything else but prag-
matic, it would be so naturally. But as they do not agree,
a special philosophy, different from natural philosophy, was
to be founded in order to carry through pragmatic, i. e.,
non-natural philosophical principles. Pragmatic philos-
ophy is therefore, cannot be anything but, unobjective phi-
losophy, superposed over objective philosophy.
On the other hand, all philosophy to be acceptable must
look objective and natural, and so of course pragmatic
philosophy will have to claim that it is natural philosophy.
And as it is not it will have to try to make us believe that it
is: therefore, to create a confusion between a natural or
objective philosophy, and a non-natural philosophy is the
very aim pragmatic philosophers will have to pursue. If
they do not do it, if they do not conceal that natural phi-
losophy and pragmatic philosophy do not naturally agree,
their cause is lost.
Thus the success of pragmatic philosophers, like Rous-
seau and James, depends upon their cleverness to confuse
things ; and indeed they have made it hard for their oppo-
nents to disentangle the fallacies of pragmatism. Philos-
ophers ought never to cut Gordian knots, let me try to untie
smoothly Rousseau's knot. The whole matter is contained
in the last passage quoted.
To reduce philosophy to pragmatic or moral philosophy,
two things are necessary :
1. to prove that we are not mere automata, that we
can be really moral, i. e., active.
2. to prove that our natural way of thinking is prag-
matic or moral, not intellectual ; that therefore moral
thinking is not merely a special application of pure
thinking, of rational thinking, but is thinking itself.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 495
Thus, the two adversaries to be fought will be sensual-
ism and rationalism.
First, Rousseau forms an alliance with rationalism to
defeat sensualism, thus establishing that human beings
actually think ; that the way in which they think does not
depend exclusively on the data of the senses.
Secondly, that once established, Rousseau suddenly
turns against rationalism, and says that thinking is bad.
He means, of course, mere thinking, thinking which is not
"morally" colored. As morality is the goal, any thinking
that is not "moral" is bad, therefore the less one thinks,
i. e., thinks merely rationally, the better.
Let us now read over the little paragraph quoted and
analyze it and see whether I have betrayed Rousseau's
thought.
First he says : "I dare pretend to the honor of thinking!'
But he adds immediately : "7 know only that truth is in
the things and not in my mind which judges them, and
that the less I put of my own in my judgments about them,
the surer I am to come near the truth : thus my rule to listen
to sentiment rather than to reason is supported by reason
itself."
The "only" between parts i and 2 is a very innocent
looking word; as a matter of fact, there is the most re-
markable opposition between the two statements connected
by it.
The first says : I think ; I am not only passive but active
in my judgments ; I must think, otherwise I am not free and
there is no morality possible.
The second says: The more I think, the further away
I go from truth; I must not think, otherwise I get away
from sound moral thinking.
Thus: first, I must think (to be free) ; second, I must
not think (to be right).
There seems to be another contradiction in Rousseau's
496 THE MONIST.
attitude towards sensualism and rationalism. Regarding
the first he said : Let us not admit that we are passive in our
judgments; and regarding the second: Let us rather be
passive in our judgments. But never mind the paradox.
What he is aiming at all the time, is plainly indicated by the
last sentence of the little paragraph under consideration
where he opposes sentiment to reason. He means that we
ought not to be affected by intellectual or rational judg-
ments; we must not think intellectually. In other words
he admits the existence of other judgments, besides intel-
lectual judgments.
What are those other judgments, suddenly and sur-
reptitiously thrown in the discussion? — Well, the senti-
mental judgments, which Rousseau seems to avoid to name,
are the moral or pragmatic judgments. But why this fear
of speaking plainly, of expressing openly the principles
which are at the bottom of his whole philosophy and of
momentous works like Emile and all the others? Simply
because Rousseau felt very well that this move, of the ad-
mission of different sorts of judgments, though clever for
his purpose, could not stand the test of critical examination.
To judge, which implies to think, cannot not be intellectual,
and so either to think and judge morally is one and the
same thing as to think or judge intellectually, or it is not ;
and then to judge morally is to judge non-intellectually or
irrationally (or a-rationally, that makes no difference.)
Now, as Rousseau plainly suggests two kinds of judgments,
(a) sentimental and (fr) rational or intellectual, there is no
way out of it, the sentimental must not be rational. There
would be no use distinguishing them if they were alike.
We come now to the next question. As Rousseau puts
those irrational judgments at the basis of his philosophy,
refers to them all the time, they must of course correspond
to something definite. What is it? What is practical
reason as opposed to pure reason ( — for, this is the oppo-
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 497
sition which Rousseau establishes and which Kant named
so conveniently) ? — Back of this famous word, practical
reason, lies the whole secret of the pragmatic fallacy.
When you judge or think, you always judge intellec-
tually or rationally, there is no escape from that; but it
is possible when judging intellectually to judge either ob-
jectively or subjectively; and now we see at once how
"practical reason" can still remain "reason." You have
pure reason and applied reason, pure philosophy and ap-
plied philosophy, as you have pure science and applied
science. As a mathematician gives up pure mathematics
for astronomy, or a chemist gives up pure chemistry for
confection of food, or a physicist gives up pure physics to
manufacture telephones, so one can give up pure philos-
ophy for applied philosophy, the most common form of
which is ethics. It is still intellectual, but what was the
end before, to study and to judge man, nature, life for the
sake of pure science, for the sa~ke of promoting objective
truth, has become a means, i. e., one applies judgment or
thought about men, nature, life to the promoting of happi-
ness, of social order, of morality — no matter how you call
it. And this applied judgment, this intellectual judgment
in favor of a special end, an ethical end, is the sentimental
judgment of Rousseau, or, as he calls it, simply sentiment,
meaning of course moral sentiment, or moral sense.
As a matter of fact Rousseau and later pragmatism
have done nothing else but to say, and try to make us be-
lieve, that this applied moral philosophy was really philos-
ophy itself and that whatever is not moral philosophy (or
does not lead to it directly or indirectly; religion e. g. in a
pragmatic sense is "moral" too) is not true philosophy.
But this is as if an astronomer said that of mathematics
only so much is true as can be applied to astronomy; or if
a food manufacturer claimed that only that much of chem-
istry is true which applies to "Force" or "Quaker Oats";
THE MONIST.
or if a capitalist owning a street-car line maintained that
physics is true only in so far as it can move his cars along.
Keeping in mind then that "sentiment" or sentimental
judgment of Rousseau is nothing else than a special appli-
cation of philosophy or pure reason to ethics, let us read in
its more explicit form the little sentence ending our para-
graph; only two adjectives have to be supplied to betray
the fallacy in logic : "My rule, to allow myself to be guided
by sentiment rather than by [pure] reason is confirmed by
[practical] reason itself"; or, as we have seen that the
second "reason," practical reason, is the same as "senti-
ment/' we will have: "my rule. . . .to be guided by senti-
ment rather than by reason, is confirmed by sentiment (it-
self)"— which of course is just the opposite of the conclu-
sion Rousseau wishes to reach ; and moreover, a very trans-
parent petitio principii] as if a father were going to prove
his authority over his children by saying: this authority
is proven because I say so. The word itself is absolutely
illegitimate, and suggests to the reader a confusion which
he could not possibly have committed if clear terms had
been used, if "reason" was used consistently, and not at
first as pure reason, and then as practical reason.
The fallacies just exposed are better recognizable in
Dewey than in James and Rousseau. Dewey naively at-
tempted an elaborate and painful identification of purely
philosophical principles and pragmatic principles on log-
ical grounds; I have shown in the Journal of Philosophy
(of Nov. 1 6, 1908) why it was a priori impossible that he
should succeed, and how in insisting upon logic in prag-
matism, he was carried to the antipodes of pragmatism in
spite of himself. James and Rousseau wisely did not insist
on that part of the matter; Rousseau, as has just been
seen, managed to get the whole thing in an innocent look-
ing little bit of a paragraph where probably not one of a
thousand readers will notice it — a real trick of legerdemain
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 499
(done, I need not say, with a very generous and moral
purpose in view, a pieux mensonge as they say in Rous-
seau's country). James is as wise as Rousseau; he kept
silent. Only once have I noticed that he faced the difficulty,
and then the honesty of the man betrayed the attempts of
the philosopher : for he implicitly admits that there is really
no logical, no rational background to that aspect of prag-
matism. This important passage is found in Pragmatism,
when James feels cornered by an objection to pragmatic
views, which he cannot help mentioning, namely : what has
the teleological element to do with truth? "The essence
of a sane mind, you may say, is to take shorter views, and
to feel no concern about such chimeras as the latter end
of the world. Well, I can only say that if you say this
you do injustice to human nature.™ Religious melancholy
is not disposed of by a simple flourish of the word insanity.
The absolute things, the last things, the overlapping things,
are the truly philosophic concerns. . . ." (p. 108). Nobody
says that you must ignore those "absolute . . . last . . . over-
lapping things/' or even that they are not more important to
humanity than merely objective philosophy. But the true
philosopher considers that one ought not to call objective
philosophy what is merely our subjective power of reason-
ing.
Another passage of James may be quoted here as proof
of how much the same preoccupations are at the bottom
of both philosophies. I need only recall the fact that what
Rousseau called sensualism is now called materialism, and
what Rousseau called rationalism is now called agnosti-
cism. Keeping this in mind read James : "Just as, within
the limits of theism, some kinds [of theisms] are surviving
others by reason of their greater practical rationality [!],
so theism itself, by reason of its practical rationality is cer-
tain to survive all lower creeds. Materialism and agnosti-
*The italics are mine.
5OO THE MONIST.
cism, even were they true, could never gain universal and
popular acceptance, for they both alike give a solution of
things which is irrational to the practical third of our
nature ["sentimental" third of Rousseau], and in which
we can never volitionally feel at home." (The Will to
Believe, p. 126.)
For both Rousseau and James the whole problem of
philosophy consists in this : identify truthfulness27 and use-
fulness : you can say of a truth "either that 'it is useful be-
cause it is true/ or that 'it is true because it is useful' " ; and
the "usefulness" meant there is pragmatic or ethical "truth-
fulness," not merely "objective" or "scientific" : "On prag-
matic principles we can not reject any hypothesis if con-
sequences useful to life flow from it." (Pragm., p. 273 ; cf .
222, 233 and 234, and the whole of lectures VII and VIII.)
This ethical meaning is the meaning of the pragmatic
"question": "Grant an idea or a belief to be true, what
concrete difference will its being true make in anyone's
actual life ?" — or there is none.
And notice that we find this famous "pragmatic ques-
tion formulated in remarkably similar terms by Rousseau.
It is expressed or understood everywhere in his writings ;
but probably nowhere so plainly stated as in the third book
of Entile.
In the programme laid out by him for the education
of the boy, Rousseau proposes for the two first periods,
from one to five, and from five to twelve years of age, a
merely physical and animal development; the body and
mind of the child must be let free, he must get strong and
ready for work. Only when he is twelve years of age, shall
Emile begin to apply his acquired strength and faculties to
some definite purposes. The time has come to teach him.
What shall one teach him? There are three, or rather
37 1 do not see that it makes much difference to say truth or truthfulness ;
still as James insists in a special article (Journal of Philosophy, March 26,
1908) on that distinction I gladly insert "truthfulness."
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 5OI
four sorts of things, which man can learn : some are false,
some useless, some proper only to develop our vanity.
There are a few, however, which are worthy of a wise
man: "The question is not to know what is, but only to
know what is useful." (// ne s'agit pas de savoir ce qui
est, mais settlement ce qui est utile.) A quoi cela est-il bonf
(What is it good for?) that, from now on, is the sacred
word .... the one you teach, as being his most important
lesson, to desire to know nothing except the useful, ask
questions like Socrates. Let me quote the few lines with
which Rousseau sums up his whole book of Emile: "It is
enough that the child should know the 'what for' (I'd quoi
bon) of everything he does, and the 'why' of everything he
believes. Once more : my purpose is not to give him science,
but to teach him how to get it in case of need, to make him
appreciate it for exactly what it is worth, and to make him
love truth above a//."28 (P. 179.) — How clear it is here
that "truth" means "practical truth," "cash-value," as
James says, in opposition to "science" !
All this, I say, is good pragmatism.
When it comes to special application of pragmatic prin-
ciples the comparison holds of course. But as Rousseau
has worked out the application more than the principles
and James has done the reverse, it will suffice to refer the
reader to the second half of the Nouvelle Helo'ise where
applications follow upon applications under Rousseau's
pen. See particularly Part V, Letter 3. One instance,
however, may be allowed here : the views of Rousseau and
James about religion. I have treated this point at length
regarding James in my book Antipragmatisme, p. 143 ff. I
recall only one passage of Pragmatism: fflf theological
ideas prove to have a value for concrete life, they will be
true, for pragmatism, in the sense of being true for so
28 The italics are mine.
5O2 THE MONIST.
much."29 Now here are two short sentences (from among
hundreds) showing how Rousseau applied the pragmatic
principle one and a half century ago, principles which,
when applied, look much less sublime than when vested
in the eloquent sentences of the Profession de foi du Vicaire
Savoyard ; even here the grand style of Rousseau has daz-
zled most of his readers. A few years had elapsed since
Saint Preux and Julie had yielded to their love ; now Julie
is married to Wolmar, but Saint Preux lives under the
same roof as preceptor of their children. Wolmar goes
away and the two former lovers remain alone: "Our
hearts," writes Saint Preux, "had loved each other; they
had not forgotten ; and everything now seemed to unite in
making us sin again." Julie was determined, however, to
conquer, and "she could not imagine a more reliable pre-
caution than to impose upon herself constantly a witness
whom she would have to respect, to call, as a third one
among us, the integer and redoutable Judge who sees secret
actions and reads our hearts. She surrounded herself with
His supreme majesty; I saw God constantly between her
and me. What guilty desire could have attempted to ig-
nore such protection?"30
And on the same page again, discussing the case of
Wolmar who was good without religion, Rousseau puts in
Saint Preux' s mouth the following words : "Milord, we will
never be able to convert that man; he is too cold, and he
is good; the question is not to touch him [with arguments] ;
he lacks the interior proof of sentiment, and this is the
only one which renders the others irresistible," in other
words: Wolmar needs no religion, being good without it;
therefore we have no way of converting him. And here
" James underlines. — It is true that he adds : "For how much they are true,
will depend entirely on their relations to the other truths, that also have to be
acknowledged" but it is evident that this contradicts the first sentence flatly.
If the ideas are true anyway, what is the use of pragmatism; if pragmatic
ideas have the first right to be called truth, why bother about other criterions ?
80 (Euvres, IV, p. 416.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 503
remember James's words in the Will to Believe, p. 30:
"The whole defense of religion hinges upon action. If
the action required or inspired by the religious hypothesis
is in no way different from that dictated by the naturalistic
hypothesis, then religious faith is a pure superfluity, better
pruned away, and controversy about its legitimacy is a
piece of idle trifling, unworthy of serious minds."81 Rous-
seau said: "And if the Great Being did not exist. . . .it
would still be well that man should think of him [s'en
occupdt] constantly, so as to remain better in control of
himself, to be stronger, happier and wiser." (GLuvres,
IV, p. 248.)
To sum up my whole demonstration of the parallelism
of Rousseau's and James's thought, I offer the two follow-
ing passages for comparison. In them, for every one who
has in the least a critical sense, these two thinkers give
themselves away (if I may so speak) in their attempts at
pragmatizing philosophy. These two passages allow us
to put our ringer right on the spot where the system leaks,
or, still better, go off on a tangent.
James writes in Pragmatism, pp. 76-77:
"If there be any life that it is really better we should
lead, and if there should be any idea, which, if believed in,
would help us to lead that life, then it would be really
better for us to believe in that idea, unless, indeed, belief
in it incidentally clashed with other great vital benefits.
[Now listen:] What would be better for us to believe'!
This sounds very like a definition of truth. It comes very
near saying 'what we ought to believe' : and in that defi-
nition none of you would find any oddity. Ought we ever
not to believe what it is better for us to believe ? And can
we then keep the notion of what is better for us, and what
is true for us permanently apart ?" That playing with the
"It is true that Wolmar is not actually presented to us as sharing the
"naturalistic hypothesis," but that is of no importance here; any thing that is
not the "religious hypothesis" may be understood as well.
5O4 THE MONIST.
logical and the sentimental meaning of ought, I call the
superlative of cleverness.32
Now to Rousseau. It is a passage from the answer to
the archbishop of Paris (CEuvres, III, pp. 92-93), who had
written his "Mandement" aginst Emile, speaking especially
of the Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard.
"It appears to me credible that, after these long periods
lost in puerile controversies, men of sense will some day
seek for a means of conciliation. The first thing they will
propose will be to put out of the assembly all theologians
[you might read just as well metaphysicians or philos-
ophers]. This good work done, they will say to the peo-
ples : 'So long as you do not agree upon any common prin-
ciple, it is impossible for you to understand each other ; and
it is an argument that has never convinced any one, to
say I am right and you are wrong. You speak of what is
agreeable to God, but that is precisely what is in question !
If we knew which creed was most agreeable to Him, there
would be no dispute between us. But you also speak of
what is 'useful' to men — that is a different matter. Men
can decide this. Let us take this utility for our rule, and
then let us establish the doctrine which is nearest to it.
We may by this means hope to approach as near to the
truth as is possible to men ; for we may assume™ that what
is most useful to the creatures of His hand, is most agree-
able to the Creator."
Exactly the same fundamentally: the useful, in the
sense of the morally good, must be the principle of belief,
philosophic or religious. The only difference in expression
being due to the circumstance in which the passages were
written. Rousseau proves a trifle more theological because
he answers de Beaumont who attacked his pragmatism on
religious grounds, and he wants to show that religious
a The same has been done by Schiller. See Anti-pragmatisme , pp. 23-24.
88 The italics are mine.
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 505
problems are far from indifferent to him; James, on the
other hand, is facing philosophers and argues with the
aim of turning logicans into moralists or pragmatists.
Of the two, James is altogether more philosophical.
Rousseau thinks that he can oppose a systematic and
rational philosophy to the objective philosophers on the
one hand, and to the dogmatic Christians on the other,
namely that in the world everything is rationally and mor-
ally harmonious (Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard) ;
while James is more modest and frankly acknowledges that
pragmatism requires the giving up of the ideal of unity
of thought. He plunges into pluralism because reality re-
fuses to be synthetized in his philosophy: "The world is
One just as far as we experience it to be concatenated, One
by as many definite conjunctions as appear. But then also
not One by just as many definite ^junctions as we find . . .
It is neither a universe pure and simple, nor a multiverse
pure and simple." (Pragm., p.. 148) ; and he advocates
meliorism because he cannot be an optimist: "It is clear
that pragmatism must incline towards meliorism. . . . "Me-
liorism treats salvation as neither necessary nor impos-
sible. . ." (p. 286). This modesty about the shortcomings
of his own philosophy is extremely praiseworthy on James's
part; only as it is equivalent to saying that pragmatism
does not stand the scientific test of unity of thought, it is
from a philosophic point of view, simply mortal.
Our task is really over here. Still it is interesting to
remark how closely the two philosophers compare, when
one examines some applications of the pragmatic principles
which the two men have deemed important to discuss.
Three examples may be selected:
i. For both men the ultimate purpose of pragmatic
principles is to fit people for practical life as much as pos-
sible, and thus increase their general happiness. Now the
danger is that if you preach happiness outright people are
506 THE MONIST.
likely to indulge unwisely in pleasures and thus, either to
burn the candle at both ends, or to get blase to pleasure;
in both cases it means depriving themselves ultimately of
good things just out of sheer ignorance or heedlessness.
There was at the time of Rousseau, and there exists un-
doubtedly to-day, a tendency among us to overwork our-
selves, so to speak, in making merry, while for purely
Epicurean reasons we really ought to refrain more. Thus,
both Rousseau and James insist repeatedly in their writ-
ings on a sort of asceticism which men must impose on
themselves, not at all to deprive themselves, but on the
contrary to get more enjoyment out of life in the long run,
or more power of resistance against suffering. From James
I quote the passage of Psychology, Vol. I, pp. 126-7, which
he has not unfrequently developed in later works, recently
in a pedagogical publication. It is found at the end of the
chapter on "Habit" : "As a final practical maxim, relative
to these habits of the will, we may then offer some thing
like this : Keep the faculty of effort alive in you by a little
gratuitous exercise every day. That is, be systematiclly
ascetic or heroic in little, unnecessary point; do every day
or two something for no other reason than that you would
rather not do it, so that when the hour of dire need draws
nigh, it may find you not unnerved and untrained to stand
the test. Asceticism of this sort is like the insurance which
a man pays on his house and goods. The tax does him no
good at the time and possibly may never bring him a return.
But if the fire does come, his having paid it will be his sal-
vation from ruin. So with the man who has daily inured
himself to habits of concentrated attention, energetic voli-
tion and self-denial in unnecessary things, he will stand like
a tower when everything rocks around him and when his
softer fellow-mortals are winnowed like chaff in the blast."
James here takes life under its severe aspect ; let us se-
lect in Rousseau a few passages where the Epicurean note
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 507
is more pronounced. The author writes of the incompar-
able Julie: "The means she uses to give value to the small-
est things is to refuse to take them twenty times, in order
to enjoy them once." One of the ends she wishes to reach
thus, is "to remain her own mistress, to force passions to
obey, and to subordinate all her desires to the rule. It is
a new way of being happy; for one enjoys without uneasi-
ness only what one can lose without difficulty; and if true
happiness belongs to the sage, it is because, of all men, he
is the one from whom fortune can rob least" (CEuvres IV,
pp. 378-9). Or again: "The privation which she imposes
upon herself by this tempering voluptuousness (cette vo-
lupte temper ante) are both new means of pleasure, and
new ways of economizing. For instance, she loves black
coffee: at her mother's house she took some every day;
she has given up the habit in order to get more taste for it.
She has decided to have some only when guests are about,
and in the salon d'Apollon, in order to add this little re-
joicing to the others" (p. 286). At times it goes so far
as to lack the sense of the beautiful : "When I tell her of
the things they invent all the time in Paris to render the
riding in carriages more comfortable, she approves of that
well enough; but, when I tell her how far they have gone
in improving the varnishes of the carriages, she follows me
no more and will always ask, whether those beautiful var-
nishes will render the carriages more convenient" (p.
371 ).34 Shall we say that the heroic "Roman virtues" so
emphatically praised by Rousseau lose something of their
lustre when brought back to that pragmatic standpoint?
2. In another point, we may call it the metaphysical
meaning of life, James and Rousseau show rather striking
similarity of thought. Both are anxious to secure for men
the happiest and at the same time the healthiest way of
living ; and not only do they see that the practicing of Vir-
34 See also pp. 380, 384, 397 ff- etc.
5O8 THE MONIST.
tue' is by no means always accompanied by happiness, but
also that people get at times impatient to wait until after
death to settle their bills of rewards. So as our philos-
ophers address everybody, and especially the masses, i. e.,
mostly more or less childlike people, they must find some
sort of encouragement for them. They will then pat a
man on the back and tell him not to be sulky at the unpleas-
antness of life, as we do our boys when they are reluctant
to go to the dentist and we tell them : Now, you will be a
good boy, you will not cry, you will be a real courageous
boy. That is the meaning of James's theory of risk: man
has the honor, the great honor of conquering evil, this is
greatly preferable to just plain happiness; nobody would
want that, would he? "Those Puritans who answered
'yes' to the question: Are you willing to be damned for
God's glory? were in this objective[?] and magnanimous
condition of mind" (Pragm., p. 297).
Rousseau ends his Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoy-
ard with a few statements that remind us curiously of the
last pages of Pragmatism: "Why is my soul dependent
upon my senses and chained to this body which makes a
servant of it and is a hindrance to it? I know nothing
about it; did I enter into the secrets of God? But I can
without impropriety propose modest suppositions. I say
to myself: 'If man's mind had remained free and pure,
what merit would there be to love and follow the order
established in the universe and which he would have no
advantage to trouble ?' He would be happy, no doubt ; but
his happiness would not be of the most sublime kind which
is the glory of virtue and a good conscience : he would be
only like angels; and no doubt one day the virtuous man
will count more than they do. United to a mortal body
by bonds no less powerful than they are incomprehensible,
the care for the conservation of this body incites the soul
to refer everything to itself, and gives it an interest which
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 5OQ
is contrary to the general order, which it can nevertheless
see and love. Then it is that the good practice of his
free-will becomes both merit and recompense, and that
man prepares for himself an unalterable happiness in fight-
ing against his terrestrial passions and keeping true to its
first volition/'35 In a more solemn tone than James in his
last lecture, this expresses very much the same thing : Man
has a beautiful chance to be great, to conquer evil; he
certainly would not forfeit the honor, the occasion of being
a hero, of outdoing divine beings who simply cannot help
being good. All this is simply taking man by his vanity
so that he may not see the pettiness of his God ; the ultimate
purpose of the order of things not only is never made clear,
but it is positively a stumbling block in a system which
claims the rational God of Protestantism.36
3. The last rather striking similarity in the details of
the two pragmatisms of Rousseau and James, which will
be mentioned here is this : Both want men to be persuaded
that there is a spiritual power above us, and they warn
against the false claims of vain science. As indeed all
superior beings in all times, they both have a deep sense
for the mysteries that surround life, and will surround it
even if we know a thousand times as much as we do now.
In other words, both have a decided predisposition to mys-
ticism. From James we have words like these appearing
in Will to Believe: "The negative, the alogical is never
wholly banished. Something — call it chance, freedom,
spontaneity, the devil, what you will — is still wrong and
other and outside and unincluded, from your point of
view, even though you be the greatest philosopher" (p.
viii). James has become a member of the Society for
Psychical Research. In Rousseau one will not find the
85 (Euvres, II, p. 264.
86 Which at bottom is also James's. I have shown in my book how the
God of Catholicism is more satisfying than the Protestant one. See Anti-
pragmatisme , pp. 185-190.
5IO THE MONIST.
theory expressed so plainly, because, as has been said
above, he is not as philosophical a mind as James, not feel-
ing the shortcomings of his system and thinking he can
keep philosophical unity together with pragmatism. In a
way, of course, his religion of "sentiment" is after all mys-
ticism. But further we have a few very interesting facts
showing that Rousseau was inclined to believe in certain
kinds of seconde vue and in the realization of dreams. He
experienced one illustration of seconde vue himself and
told Bernardin de Saint Pierre about it. The latter relates
the conversation as follows: "He firmly believed that Di-
vinity had laws of action unknown to men. We were speak-
ing of presentiment, striking dreams, and I quoted some to
him. Then he told me: Once when I was in the age of
innocence and purity, I was alone in the country, and I
allowed my thought to wander freely until I finally com-
pletely lost consciousness of the landscape around me ; and
I saw a castle, avenues, hedges, a society of people whom
I had never seen, but all so clearly, so distinctly alive that,
filled with astonishment, I regained consciousness so struck
with the picture that it remained profoundly impressed in
my memory with all its details. Many years after I found
myself in a castle with the same hedges, personages, fig-
ures, actions ; and the whole so absolutely alike that I ut-
tered a cry of surprise." (Pp. 102-103.) Now, if we
open the Nouvelle Helo'ise once more, which was to the
end the favorite book of Rousseau, we find that he believed
in dreams. In Part V, letter 9, St. Preux (Rousseau) sees
Julie who comes herself to announce that she is going to
die soon. Claire, hearing the dream (letter 10) is all up-
set ; and a few pages further we hear of the accident that
caused the young woman's death. Furthermore we have
a passage where St. Preux, in spite of the theories which
were expressed at the very same epoch in Emile, actually
believes in the interference of God in the affairs of this
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 51 1
world to grant a prayer. In Book V, letter 6, Wolmar tells
his wife that her prayers for his conversion would have
been heard long ago if there had been a God, and in a
sort of ecstasy Julie answers: "They will be heard. . . .1
know not the time and the occasion. Might I obtain this
in paying for it with my life ! My last day would then be
the most useful." And here again the presentiment on
the one hand is realized, and the prayer is granted.
* * *
How shall we account for two philosophers so much
alike in their departure from objective truth and separated
from each other by a century and a half?
The explanation is not far to seek. They both were
men before being philosophers; they both cared for the
welfare of humanity to such an extent that they could not
remain impartial in their attitude towards plain truth as
the latter seemed to point to another direction than the one
they wanted, and which would always be in full agreement
with human ethics. And each lived at a time when society
was threatened by scientific theories which were dangerous
for the equilibrium of sound moral life int he community :
the 1 8th century was facing materialism; our epoch is fa-
cing agnosticism. Rousseau and James both felt that scien-
tific truth was not good for all, that it could easily be mis-
interpreted byt he unprepared minds of the masses, and
they proposed pragmatism, i. e., to subordinate philosophy
to ethics, to identify truthfulness and usefulness. That the
intention was generous, no thoughtful person can deny.
Whether the method is commendable is another question;
but it is not my intention to discuss this here. I would
rather end by asking another question.
Are Rousseau and James themselves satisfied with their
theories ?
As far as James is concerned I have tried to answer in
my book in the chapter called: "Is James a Pragmatist?"
512 THE MONIST.
Moreover I have discussed above his pluralism and me-
liorism; nobody wilfully admits that his philosophy lacks
a principle of unity; James needed it in order to remain
a pragmatist.
What about Rousseau? I doubt whether he was ever
entirely convinced by his own philosophy.
As early as the time when he wrote his first "Discours"
he realized the difficulty of his position (see the last pages
of it) : if science and art are really bad for civilization, bad
morally for nations, then one ought to do away with them.
Rousseau obstinately refuses to draw this conclusion; and
after several attempts, to reconcile things, he gives this as
his final theory: "When people are corrupted [as we are]
it is better that they should be educated then not (savant
qu'ignorants) ; when they are good it is to be feared that
science will corrupt them" (Letter of July 15, 1768). Now
this cannot be understood otherwise than : Prevent people
from getting corrupt by allowing them to get objective
truth, science and art; but once they are corrupt, it is
better that they should corrupt themselves more.... Of
course Rousseau could not mean that.
Further, I should like to call attention to Rousseau's
inconsistency, when he maintains that botany, which is a
science also, ought not to be studied for merely practical
purposes. At the end of his life especially he strongly
objects to those who feel like asking the pragmatic ques-
tion : A quoi cela est-il bonf, who study plants "only with
the purpose of getting drugs and remedies." This "dis-
gusting prejudice" is especially strong in France, he thinks :
a bel esprit of Paris, seeing in London a public garden full
of trees and rare plants, was "barbarous" enough to cry
out "in matter of praise these words : 'Here is a beautiful
garden for an apothecary !' ' As to himself "all this phar-
macy did not sully his enjoyment of the country.1
87 (Euvres, IX, pp. 375-6.
"37
ROUSSEAU, A FORERUNNER OF PRAGMATISM. 513
Finally I refer the reader to the third Reverie, where in
later years Rousseau discusses his own philosophy. Among
other things he says : "I confess that I did not solve to my
satisfaction all the difficulties which embarraassed me, and
which philosophers constantly opposed to us. But deter-
mined to reach at least some decision in matters on which
human intelligence has so little hold, and finding every-
where impenetrable mysteries and unsolvable objections,
I adopted in every question the 'sentiment' which apepared
to me best established by direct data . . . . " and so forth.38
One sees that there might be room for a chapter "Was
Rousseau a Pragmatist?" corresponding to the one on
James discussing the same question.
ALBERT SCHINZ.
BRYN MAWR COLLEGE.
88 CEuvres, IX, pp. 342-343-
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION.1
[English Translation by Prof. C. Stuart Gager, University of Missouri.]
"Vom Vater hab' ich die Statur,
Des Lebens ernstes Fiihren,
Vom Miitterchen die Frohnatur
Und Lust zu fabuliren."2
IN these lines lies the whole problem of heredity and fer-
tilization. What everybody can see, Goethe has voiced
clearly and concisely in beautiful, simple words. We have
one part from the father, the other from the mother. Or,
as it is now usually put, the hereditary characters of the
two parents are combined in the offspring.
It became the problem of scientific investigation to seek
out the cause of this phenomenon. It could not be limited
to man. The law mentioned by Goethe must be general,
it must be true of the entire plant and animal world, wher-
ever two beings unite for the production of progeny.
Furthermore it cannot concern ordinary fertilizations only,
but also those abnormal cases in which unlike individuals,
belonging to different varieties or species, fertilize each
1 The paper, read in Haarlem in the Dutch language, appears here in an
enlarged form. My conception of the life-processes in the nuclei is chiefly
based on the renowned investigations of van Beneden and of Boveri, as well
as the most recent researches by Conklin (Contr. Zool. Lab. Pennsylvania,
XII, 1002), Sutton (Biol. Bull. IV, Dec., 1902), Eisen, (Journ. Morphol.
XVII, i), Errera (Revue Scientif., Feb., 1903), and of many others. For the
literature I refer to E. B. Wilson, The Cell in Development and Inheritance,
and V. Hacker, Praxis und Theorie der Zellen- und Befruchtungslehre.
My presentation of the processes of fertilization and hybridization is an
outcome of the experiments which I have described in the second volume of
my Mutationstheorie (Leipsic, Vert & Co., 1901-1903. English translation in
preparation by Open Court Publishing Co.) H. DE V.
2 Goethe, "Sprikhe in Reimen," Gesammelte Werke, III, 83, 1871.
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 515
other. The products of such crosses we call hybrids, and
for science they possess the great importance that, in them,
the manner in which the characteristics of the parents are
combined, can be studied more easily and clearly than in
the children of a normal union. For, the more the parents
differ from each other, with the greater certainty must it
be possible to determine the share of each in the character-
istics of the offspring.
Everywhere this law is confirmed, that the child in-
herits one part of its nature from the father, the other from
the mother. The child is, therefore, on the whole, a double
being, with twofold qualities, more or less distinctly sep-
arated, that may still be traced back to their origin. This
principle of duality, as we might call it, dominates the
entire theory of heredity; it forms the thread that binds
together apparently separated cases; it serves as a guid-
ance for the whole investigation.
This investigation occupies two different fields. On
the one hand we have experimental research, on the other
hand microscopical. Physiology ascertains the relations
of the offspring to their parents; it analyzes their char-
acteristics into their individual units, and tries to demon-
strate their origin. The history of development discloses
to us the corresponding microscopic processes; it looks
for the smallest visible bearers of heredity in the cell, and
investigates how they are maintained during life, and how,
during fertilization, they pass on from father and mother
to the offspring.
Few investigators master both provinces; their extent
is much too great for that. And especially has the study
of hybrids so greatly advanced in recent years, that even
here a division of labor will soon be necessary. Both lines
of work have therefore developed more or less indepen-
dently of each other. In both, the main features of the
problem begin gradually to arise out of the abundance of
5l6 THE MONIST.
individual phenomena. And thereby there is disclosed,
one might almost say, beyond all expectation, an agree-
ment in the results -of both lines of investigation, which
is so great, that almost everywhere the physiological pro-
cesses are reflected in the microscopically visible changes.
It is true that the final analysis lies yet beyond the
limits of our present microscopical vision. Compared with
the enormous complexity of the hereditary characters of
the organisms the anatomical structure of the cells and
their nuclei, as it is known to us, is much too simple. The
individual traits of father and mother can not yet be found
in the cells of the offspring, but the investigations of most
recent times indicate clearly that here also the limits of
knowledge are being constantly extended.
The double nature of all beings that have sprung into
existence through fertilization, is seen in their external
appearance, as well as in the finest structure of their nu-
clei. The principle of duality obtains everywhere, even if,
in individual cases, the demonstration of it is yet in its be-
ginnings. But as far as the visible marks can be analyzed
and the individual component parts of the nuclei can be
traced, so far can the validity of the principle be proven
even at present.
Let us consider first the external part, then the internal.
Goethe derived his stature from his father, and not
from his mother, and it was not a stature between the
two. The sum total of his qualities he had partly from his
father, partly from his mother. The illustration explains
the rule in a clear manner. In the offspring the characters
of the parents are combined. Not always does the child get
an even half from each; on the contrary, as everybody
knows, it resembles the mother more in some respects,
and the father more in others.
It is exactly the same with hybrids. With them a single
character is generally derived either from the father or
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 517
from the mother. The hybrids of white and blue flowers
usually bloom blue, those of a hairy or a thorny parent
crossed by one without hairs or thorns are usually hairy
or thorny. The crossing of a common evening-primrose
with a large-flowered species results in a flower of the
size of the former. But, if there are two or more points
of difference they may be transmitted to the children partly
by the one parent and partly by the other, and it is thereby
possible in practice to combine the good characters of two
varieties into a single race. Thus has Rimpau created a
series of hybrid-races of wheat, and Lemoine has produced
his large-blooming sword-lilies, able to withstand the win-
ter, and thus have originated, in agriculture and horti-
culture, the countless hybrids, in which the favorable char-
acteristics of various varieties are combined with more
or less diversity. Combined, or as we usually say, mixed ;
though this is an expression which makes us only too easily
lose sight of the independence ot the individual factors in
the mixture.
This independence is frequently difficult to demonstrate
in the mixtures, that is, in the characteristics of the hy-
brids. Our means of differentiation only too frequently
prove insufficient. In the clear cases, however, it appears
very distinctly, and the greater the number of hybrids that
are studied accurately and thoroughly, the more generally
is the validity of the principle established.
If, for example, we find combined in a wheat-hybrid,
the loose ear of the mother-plant, with the lack of awns
in the father, the share of each appears simple and clear.
In the mixture of the characteristics these two are so far
apart, that they are always easily recognized. How are
such characters united in the hybrid ? Are they fused into
one whole, or do they simply lie loosely side by side?
The splittings, which occur regularly in many hybrids,
when propagated by seed, but also, in the case of a few, in
5l8 THE MONIST.
vegetative propagation, give us an answer to this ques-
tion. Of the last kind the Cytisus Adami serves as the
most beautiful and striking instance. It is a hybrid be-
tween C. Laburnum and C. purpureus, unfortunately its
great significance for the main features of the whole prob-
lem has been underrated for a long time owing to the
fable of its having originated as a graft. As a matter of
fact no hybrids are obtained by grafting, no matter how
great the mutual influence of the wild stock and the crown
graft. As far as historical evidence goes, the Cytisus
Adami has always been propagated by grafts since its first
appearance, but it did not originally spring into existence
in this way.
This tree teaches us how the qualities of the two pa-
rents are combined. Ordinarily they occur mixed, the
leaves as well as the flowers having some features of the
Laburnum and others of the purpureus. The totality of
the characters lies, therefore midway between the two pa-
rents. But splittings do occur, and not at all rarely, or
rather so commonly, that indeed every specimen of the
hybrid, if not too small, will show them. In these split-
tings the types of father and mother separate sharply and
completely. Some twigs will grow that are purely La-
burnum, while others are only purpureus. The former are
vigorous and long-lived, the latter remain weak and often
die after a few years, which is the reason for their being
seen less frequently. But even in this point they resemble
exactly the respective parents.
Within the hybrid, the bearers of the parental charac-
ters are therefore arranged in such a manner that, so to
speak, they can be completely separated, at any moment,
by a simple cut. And, if not by a simple cut, then at least
by a physiological splitting, which passes exactly between
the two parental groups and does not leave in one of them
any trace of the other.
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 5IQ
In this manner we have to picture to ourselves, in a
general way, the internal, invisible structure of the hy-
brids. The bearers of the characters of both parents are
intimately connected, and together dominate the visible
characteristics. But they are not, by any means, fused
into a new indivisible entity. They form twins, but re-
main separable for life.
In all nature there is probably not another such beauti-
ful instance of splitting as the above-mentioned Cytisus.
But with lesser differences between the parents, splittings
of the parental types occur frequently in the vegetative life
of hybrids. Many horticultural plants, and especially the
bulbous plants, furnish instances thereof ; peas, corn, wood-
sorrel, anagallis, oranges, and several others are known
instances. The fruits that are half lemon and half orange,
belong doubtless to this group. Among the hybrids of the
common and the thornless thornapple (Datura Stramo-
nium'), individuals have been found, although very rarely,
that showed a similar splitting, and which even bore on
the same fruit, armed, as well as thornless cells. In my
garden, I cultivated, for many years, a Veronica longi-
folia which was a hybrid from the blue species and the
white variety, and correspondingly had blue flowers. But
from time to time splittings occurred either one single
spike bloomed white, or a few isolated white flowers ap-
peared on an otherwise blue spike.
During the entire life, up to the time of the formation
of the reproductive cells this internal dualism manifests
itself in this way. Sometimes proofs of it are even found
in the anatomical structure of the tissues, and of the indi-
vidual cells, where the parental characters are set free and
a mosaic-like structure results.
Macfarlane, who has made the most thorough study
of the anatomical structure of hybrids, recognizes every-
where the principle of duality, and goes so far as to regard
THE MONIST.
every individual vegetative cell of a hybrid as a hermaphro-
dite formation. And the renowned French investigator
of hybrids, Naudin, also expressed himself about forty
years ago in a similar manner. "L'hybride est une ino-
saique vivante," said he ; we do not recognize the individual
parts as long as they remain intimately blended, but occa-
sionally they separate and then we are able to distinguish
them.
We therefore regard it as established that, in the chil-
dren, the inheritances from the fathers and mothers are
indeed combined, but not fused into a new entity. Acting
always conjointly under ordinary circumstances, they yet
do not lose the power of separating occasionally.
But now arises the question as to what is anatomically
visible of this union. Can the dualistic formation be ob-
served within the cell ? Do the parental inheritances, here
too, lie side by side as twins?
The hereditary characters are contained in the nuclei,
as was first declared by Haeckel, and later demonstrated
by O. Hertwig, and, for plants, by Strasburger. This im-
portant law forms, for the present, the basis of the whole
anatomical theory of heredity, and is recognized as such
by all investigators. We may, therefore, expect to find in
the nuclei, as well, the dualism of the parental qualities.
Every cell, as a rule, possesses a nucleus. This nucleus
dominates the life-activity, and although the current func-
tions can run their courses without it, no new ones can be
introduced. In certain filamentous algae (Spirogyra) Ge-
rassimow succeeded in producing cells without nuclei ; they
retained life for several weeks, feeding vigorously, but
nevertheless they always perished without any reproduc-
tion. In some tissue-cells the nucleus is constantly in mo-
tion, and according to Haberlandt's investigations, it stops
longest where the work of the cell is most pronounced for
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 521
the time being, as for instance in unilateral growth, the
formation of hair, local accumulation of chlorophyll etc.
This concentration of hereditary characters is most
distinctly seen in the sexual cells. Here the other func-
tions are reduced to a minimum. The nucleus dominates
completely. In the male sperms the activity of the proto-
plasm is limited to moving around and to seeking the fe-
male cells. The body is made up almost entirely of the
nucleus. In the higher plants the spermatozoids lack even
the organs of free motion ; they are carried to the egg-cell
passively, in the pollen-tubes. The egg-cells are usually
immovable and heavy in comparison with the male ele-
ments, since they contain the food substance necessary for
the incipient growth of the germ, and for the first cell-
divisions.
Now fertilization consists in the union of two cells, the
male spermatozoid and the female egg-cell. This union
is the means of combining the inheritance of the two par-
ents, and therefore the nuclei play the main roles. The nu-
cleus of the egg-cell lies usually in its center ; the male nu-
cleus reaches it by passing straight through the surround-
ing plasm. Sometimes one sees quite distinctly that it no
longer needs its own protoplasm since it strips it off and
leaves it at the border of the egg-cell. In the Cycadaceae,
in which the spermatozoa are just large enough to be dis-
cernible with the naked eye, the cytoplasm with all its cilia
remains in the outer layers of the egg-cell, while only the
nucleus penetrates more deeply. The beautiful investiga-
tions of Webber and Ikeno have brought this process to
light.
Finally the two nuclei come into contact and unite into a
single body. This is the most important moment of fertili-
zation, the whole physiological process is concluded by this
union.
Let us ask now what has been achieved by it. Appar-
522 THE MONIST.
ently very little, for the two parental nuclei are only closely
appressed to each other. A penetration or fusion of their
substance does not take place. They remain separate in
spite of the union. With fertilization the life of the new
germ begins, and in most cases immediately. Originally
a single cell, the germ soon divides into two and then into
more cells. But this beginning of the vegetative life takes
place everywhere before the two parental nuclei have en-
tered into closer union. Only after the first division does
the limit become unrecognizable, the contact of the con-
stituent parts of the male and female halves being now so
intimate that there is at least the appearance of a fusion.
It was the Belgian investigator, van Beneden, who dis-
covered this all-controlling fact. He first observed the in-
dependence of the paternal and the maternal nuclei in the
intestinal worm, Ascaris, then elsewhere in the animal
kingdom, and immediately recognized its significance. Since
life could begin without fusion of the two nuclei, he con-
sidered that such a thing was not necessary, and assumed
that all through life the two nuclei preserve their inde-
pendence more or less completely.
According to this view the nuclei are double beings,
and we thus find, in the material bearers of the hereditary
characters, the duality of which Goethe sang in his
"Spruche in Reimen," and which the splittings of hybrids
put so clearly before our eyes. Van Beneden chose the
name pronuclei for the male and the female nuclei that are
thus united, and speaks of a pronucleus male and a pronu-
cleus femelle. This designation has been retained since
that time, and recommends itself especially for the reason
that the union of the two nuclei is usually simply called
the nucleus of the cell; and this latter designation will
probably not be changed, although the double nature of
the nucleus is recognized. Therefore the pronuclei are
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 523
the entities that concern us; the nuclei are really double
nuclei.
If the border line between the two pronuclei remained
as distinct through life as before the first cleavage and at
the time of it, van Beneden's view would hardly meet with
any difficulty. But this is not so. Gradually the line of de-
marcation becomes blurred, and in most cases nothing
more is to be seen of it in later life. But the richness of
forms in nature is fortunately so great that the general
phenomena in different organisms appear to us with an
extremely varied distinctness. And thus it is also here.
In one species the border line of the pronuclei is lost sooner,
in others later. It is only a case of finding the best illus-
trations, that is, of selecting a species in which the paternal
and the maternal inheritances remain longest visibly sep-
arate.
The discovery of such instances is the great merit of
Riickert and Hacker. In the one-eyed water-flea of our
fresh waters, the well-known Cyclops vulgaris, and its near-
est allies, they found a group of animals in which the
pronuclei remained distinctly separate for a long time.
Sometimes during several consecutive cell-divisions, some-
times for a longer period, and, in the best cases, during al-
most the entire vegetative life, the double nature of the
nuclei can here be directly seen. What van Beneden con-
cluded from the incipient stages was here irrefutably
proven.
The double nature of the nuclei was also demonstrated
more or less distinctly, and during a shorter or longer se-
ries of cell-divisions, in other cases, by other investigators.
It was observed in Toxopneusthes by Fol, in Siredon by
Kolliker, in Artemia by Brauer, in Myzostoma by Wheeler,
in the Axolotl by Bellonci. These and numerous other
observations now place the law quite beyond a doubt. The
independence or autonomy of the pronuclei corresponds
524 THE MONIST.
everywhere with the mode of union of the visible parental
characters in the offspring.
In the snail-genus Crepidula, Conklin recently discov-
ered a case in which the double nature of the nuclei can
be demonstrated perhaps even more clearly and easily
than in the Cyclops. If the two nuclei remain side by side
all through life, the question arises as to how they dominate
together the development of the child, the unfolding of
its characteristics. Here, too, the results of physiology
and of anatomy work beautifully together, and here too,
Goethe's lines serve as a guide. Certain peculiarities are
inherited from the father, others from the mother. One
individual inherits them in this, another in that mixture.
The inheritance therefore consists of separate qualities,
which may be united in various combinations in the off-
spring. We are taught the very same thing by hybrids,
especially in their progeny, and the rich floral splendor of
our horticultural plants shows us what an endless number
of combination-types has already been achieved with com-
paratively few characteristics.
But we shall not yet leave the subject of the nuclei.
The independence of all the hidden potentialities, which
in the physiological field is most sharply defined in the
theory of pangenesis, we can of course not hope to see re-
flected in the nuclei. We must, at least for the present, be
satisfied to find here any independent parts in the nuclei.
It was well known to the older investigators, and,
among botanists, especially to Hofmeister, that the nuclei
are not structureless formations, but that they exhibit more
or less distinctly certain internal organs. But only about
a quarter of a century ago by means of better methods of
investigation did Flemming in the zoological field, and
Strasburger in the botanical, succeed in getting a deeper
insight into this structure, and soon afterwards Roux
showed how these achievements are entirely in harmony
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 525
with the requirements of the theory of heredity. Since
then, numerous investigations have confirmed and ex-
tended these results, and especially has Boveri brought
out the main features in the wide range of phenomena.
To him we owe the principle of the independence of the in-
dividual visible component parts of the nuclei, a principle,
which, in spite of much opposition, is more and more
strongly supported, and which has found in the most recent
studies of Sutton a brilliant confirmation.
What Boveri's theory offers us is, in the main points,
as follows: All the bearers of hereditary characters lie in
the protoplasm of the nucleus, in the nuclear sap, as it is
usually called, as definite particles, which can be brought
out by various methods as distinctly recognizable parts,
and which are combined into threads. It is true that one
cannot see the individual bearers, because there are too
many of them and they are too small. Even a counting of
the smallest visible granules succeeds only rarely. In the
nuclei of an American salamander, Batrachoseps, the mem-
bers of the nuclear threads are most distinct; at least
Gustav Eisen succeeded in making an approximate count
of the smallest visible granules. In every pronucleus they
form 12 chief parts, the so-called chromosomes. Every
chromosome showed as a rule a subdivision into six sec-
tions or chromomeres, and every chromomere, in turn,
appears again to be built up of six smallest granules, the
chromioles. All in all there are here then about 400 dis-
tinguishable particles in the individual pronucleus. The
number of hereditary characters must certainly be much
higher than 400 for such an organism; it would more
likely have to be estimated at ten times that value. We
must therefore be satisfied, for the present, with the ob-
servation of groups of units in the nuclei.
In the end there will surely be found a way of seeing
the individual units also. But the resolving power of our
526 THE MONIST.
microscope will finally reach its limit, and we shall prob-
ably never be able to see much smaller granulations than
the smallest elements that are visible now. So far, even
the causes of many contagious diseases, in plants as well
as in animals, are still quite invisible. But the calculations
which Errera has lately made on the limits of the smallness
of organisms still allow us full play. In Micrococcus he
finds a structure composed of about 30,000 protein mole-
cules, but many nuclei are much larger. It can not yet be
estimated of how many molecules a whole nuclear thread
is composed, but it may be assumed with certainty that not
every one of its granules has such a complicated structure
that it could hold the factors for all peculiarities of the
whole organism. Their smallness would rather lead us to
suppose that every one of them could, at the most, represent
only a small group of such units.
To prove this, on the one hand microscopically, on the
other hand experimentally, is the task that Boveri set for
himself.
The filamentous framework in most nuclei, recogniz-
able by certain staining methods, is now admitted by all
investigators as the idioplasm, the bearer of the hereditary
qualities. This thread is very delicate, and seems to form
a skein. But when the nucleus prepares to divide, the
thread contracts, and thereby is seen, what had hitherto
been invisible, that it is composed of several separate
threads. In the nucleus there are several threads and not
one single one. When the contraction of the thread is
advanced so far that the individual parts have become
quite short and thick, they are called chromosomes. In
the nuclei of the body-cells these always occur in an even
number, one-half belonging to the paternal, the other to
the maternal pronucleus.
In a series of classical investigations Boveri succeeded
in showing that the individual chromosomes, on elongating
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 527
again, when the division is accomplished, retain their in-
dependence. They remain the same during their whole
life, elongating and shortening alternately throughout
their entire development. The purpose of the shortening
is to make possible an even division of all parts during
cell-division; the threads then split lengthwise, in such a
way that every single bearer of heredity first doubles, and
then sends the two halves into the daughter-nuclei. This,
of course, could hardly be accomplished in a skein. On the
other hand elongation has for its object the freeing of the
bearers of heredity from that crowded accumulation, their
task being to control and to direct the life functions of the
cell, and to that end they must be able to enter into as
free a contact as possible with the granular plasm. An
arrangement in rows, at least of those bearers that are to
become active, is the necessary condition thereto, and it is
evidently reached by means of the elongation of the threads
and the formation of the skein.
In order to make possible an orderly retreat of the in-
dividual threads out of the tangle of the skein, every thread
is firmly attached by one end to the nuclear wall. It re-
treats to this point, which is at the same time the point at
which its two halves, during cell-division, are pulled apart
after the splitting. The whole regularity of the process
would be hard to explain without this firm implantation
of the individual nuclear threads, as demonstrated by Bo-
veri. Where the nuclei are sinuate and the nuclear threads
are attached in the individual curves, the conditions are
specially clear.
In a species of locust, Brachystola magnet, Sutton found
the same implantations of the nuclear threads on the curves
of the nucleus. But here every thread, of which there are
eleven in every pronucleus, forms a skein after the cell-
division. These skeins of one and the same nucleus remain
separated from each other for a long time, and the inde-
528 THE MONIST.
pendence of the chromosomes can hence be directly demon-
strated, even at the stage of the skein. This locust has
also proven very instructive in another point of Button's
studies.
In general, one finds the individual chromosomes to be
of unequal length in the most various nuclei. But, in the
species of locust mentioned, this length occurs in such a
characteristic manner that the chromosomes can be easily
recognized in the successive cell-divisions. The pictures
taken at the successive stages allow one to follow up, with-
out difficulty, the identity of the short and thick nuclear
threads. In doing so one sees that, in the double nuclei,
the nuclear threads lie in pairs, that is, that there are two
nuclear threads of each individual length. Evidently these
belong together in such a manner, that in every pair one
thread belongs to the paternal and one to the maternal
pronucleus. A border line between them is nowhere to be
seen, and yet their independence is very evident. And
this harmonizes with the conception, as detailed above,
that, according to the species examined, this limit can be
observed for a longer or shorter time.
Microscopic examinations teach us, then, to recognize
the independence of the two pronuclei, as well as the auton-
omy of the individual nuclear threads or chromosomes
during the development of the entire body. The agree-
ment of this observation with the phenomena of heredity
may be considered as fully established.
But it is another question whether the individual chro-
mosomes correspond also to special groups of hereditary
characters, or, in other words, whether the bearers of the
latter are strictly localized in the nuclear threads. This
question can obviously be answered only physiologically.
It amounts to a decision as to whether, if definite chromo-
somes, or definite parts in them, as for example, single
chromomeres and chromioles, were wanting, definite ex-
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 529
ternal characters of the organism would also be lacking.
If it were possible to kill a nuclear granule without other-
wise injuring the germ, what would be the consequences?
Engelmann has taught us, in his revolutionizing in-
vestigation on the activity of the individual chlorophyll
grains, how the focal point of a lens can be moved over
the field of a microscopic preparation, thereby lighting
up quite small portions of a cell, and how these portions
can thereby also be heated, and in that way killed. If a
part of a nuclear thread could be killed in this way, the
externally visible consequences would certainly allow us to
draw conclusions on the relations of this part to the hered-
itary characters. Perhaps an analysis of heredity can
some day be made by this method, but the technique is not
yet sufficiently advanced for this purpose.
However, there is another means of removing individ-
ual chromosomes, and this again we owe to the classical
investigations of Boveri. He found it in abnormal proces-
ses of fertilization as they occur at times in eggs of sea-
urchins and star-fish, and it can be quite easily produced
artificially. It would lead too far from the main question
to go into details here. The important point for our pur-
pose is that, by certain interferences, a fertilization of one
egg with two spermatozoa can be achieved. This process
of dispermia leads in the nucleus of the germ, not to a
double, but to a triple number of chromosomes. In the
successive divisions the conditions become correspondingly
intricate, and almost any imaginable abnormal number of
chromosomes occurs. Nevertheless, the germs develop in
some cases, and then show deviations from the normal type
which allow a recognition of their normal relations to the
structure of their nuclei. Without doubt the germs can,
in every case, develop only those qualities the representa-
tives of which happened to be preserved in their nuclei.
We shall leave the nuclear threads, at present, and
53O THE MONIST.
return to the two pronuclei. We saw them intimately com-
bined during the entire development of the body. Now the
question arises as to how long this union persists. And
since the double nuclei of the body originated during fer-
tilization, it is evident that the conjugating cells must have
single nuclei, and therefore that the separation of the pro-
nuclei must take place at the origination of these cells.
This fact is now so generally established, for animals
as well as for plants, that it may be regarded as one of
the strongest foundations of the whole theory of fertiliza-
tion. Wherever it is possible to count the chromosomes,
we find in the somatic cells twice as many as in the sexual
cells. The former contain double nuclei, the latter single
nuclei, or pronuclei.
The sexual cells in animals originate directly from the
somatic cells, but in plants there is more or less prepara-
tion. Correspondingly, the two pronuclei separate in ani-
mals at the formation of the egg- and sperm-cells, but in
the case of plants before that. In the seed-bearing plants
it is the period of the origination of the mother-cells of the
pollen and of the embryo-sacs. Therefore all cell-genera-
tions which appear after this moment, and up to the final
production of the egg-cells in the embryo-sac, and of the
sperm-cells in the pollen-grains and their tubes, possess
only pronuclei. Such cells are called sexual, and the pe-
riod of their formation the sexual generation. In ferns the
entire life-period of the prothallium lies between the origi-
nation of the sexual cells and the appearance of the egg-
and sperm-cells. This small plantlet, though built up of
hundreds of cells possesses, therefore, as Strasburger has
demonstrated, only pronuclei. The alternation of the sex-
ual prothallia and the asexual fern-plant is called the alter-
nation of generations ; the two generations are hence dis-
tinguished from each other fundamentally by their nuclei,
which in the leafy plants are always double nuclei, and in
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 53!
the prothallia always pronuclei. This difference is so con-
stant that one feels almost inclined to call the pronuclei
prothallial nuclei.
At the moment when the two pronuclei separate, single
nuclei appear in place of the double nuclei, and the double
number of nuclear threads is thereby reduced to a single
one. This process is usually called the numerical reduc-
tion of the chromosomes; but this imposing name means
nothing but the separation of two nuclei which had so far
worked together for a period. It is like the parting of two
persons who have walked along together for a while, and
will be looking for other companionship presently. And
this they achieve by fertilization.
This parting has been minutely studied by numerous
investigators. It has the appearance of a nuclear divi-
sion of a very special nature, and is frequently called the
reduction-division, or heterotypic nuclear division. It is
necessarily accompanied by a cell-division, since the two
separated pronuclei can only part in separate cells, but this
cell-division does not always follow immediately, but only
after a second essentially normal division of the nuclei.
There result, in that case, four sister-cells instead of the
usual two.
Shortly before their separation, the chromosomes lie
together in pairs, always one in the paternal pronucleus
united with the corresponding thread of the maternal pro-
nucleus. They are placed lengthwise side by side. Hence
the separation evidently occurs by a longitudinal line, and,
in by far the greatest number of cases, this so-called longi-
tudinal splitting of the chromosome-pairs has been ob-
served in the origination of the pronuclei. It is true that
this does not always succeed at a first glance, and it is
right here that the differences of opinion between different
investigators have blurred the picture for a long time.
But gradually it was discovered that there are a number
532 THE MONIST.
of secondary details which may obscure the main features,
and we owe it chiefly to Strasburger that the latter stand
out clearly in the plant-kingdom. In the animal kingdom,
however, there is still a series of cases which do not follow
this rule, and where the chromosomes of the pronuclei are
not placed lengthwise side by side at the moment of sepa-
ration, but are connected at one end. Hence the separa-
tion here takes the form of a transverse division. Some
insects and fresh-water crabs, some molluscs and worms
offer the best known instances, but according to the most
recent studies of de Sinety, Cannon, and others, the assump-
tion gains ground that here too the microscopic pictures,
on closer observation, disclose a better fitting into the
otherwise general scheme. It is also possible that, after
the longitudinal splitting, the nuclear threads still remain
connected for a while by their ends, before they finally
separate.
The male and the female sexual cells usually originate
in separate organs, frequently on special individuals. This
goes to show that, at their origination from the body-cells,
the paternal pronuclei do not become sperms and the mater-
nal ones egg-cells. On the contrary, the two pronuclei of a
mother-cell in the ovary can become egg-cells, and the
two pronuclei of a pollen mother-cell can both give rise,
by further splitting, to the formation of spermatozoids.
Accordingly, one-half of the forming sperms gets paternal
or now grand-paternal pronuclei, and the other half grand-
maternal. The same is true of the egg-cells, and this holds
good in spite of the circumstance that, in consequence of
the crowded condition of the ovaries, the larger part of
the female cells has regularly to be sacrificed every time.3
Therefore fertilization may result in offspring with pro-
nuclei from the grandfather or grandmother only, or from
8 The reference is to the resorption of the sister-cells (when such occur)
of the embryo-sac mother-cell. Tr.
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 533
both. This circumstance may not be without significance
in considering the resemblance between grandparents and
grandchildren among men.
But it is not by any means decisive; daily experience
teaches that not only in a part of the progeny, but doubt-
less in all the offspring, there may be an admixture of the
characters of the grand-parents also. This indicates that
the separation of the pronuclei is not of as simple a nature
as the microscopic pictures might lead one to believe. An-
other process, which, until now, has defied detection, must
take place, probably in the smallest, but to us invisible
granules of the nuclear threads. That this is the case we
learn especially from the processes in hybrids and their
propagation. Here, splittings and new combinations of
the characteristics of the grand-parents occur in appar-
ently incalculable numbers, and here it is distinctly seen
that the pronuclei do not separate without a lasting recip-
rocal influence.
We shall first try to get a conception of this influence,
for the facts concerning hybridization are rather involved ;
they can be most clearly explained by means of such a
hypothetical conception. We shall accordingly assume a
mutual influence as an established fact, and inquire how
this can take place.
First of all it is clear that it must be finished before the
separation of the pronuclei. Once they are apart all in-
timate relation between them ceases. They go their sep-
arate ways, each living for itself. Only in the double nu-
clei do the paternal and the maternal pronuclei lie so close
together that their individual parts can exercise an in-
fluence on each other.
We have further seen that, during the life of a double
nucleus, throughout the successive cell-divisions, from the
origination of the germ to the complete formation of the
offspring, the contact of the pronuclei becomes gradually
534 THE MONIST.
more intimate. Before the first cell division they are, as a
rule, still visibly separated ; soon afterwards the border-line
begins to look more indistinct, and, shortly before the for-
mation of the sexual cells, the double nature is disclosed
with certainty only in the rarest cases by special struc-
tural relations. It is, therefore, clear that their oppor-
tunity for mutual influence gradually increases during
somatic life. Perhaps it first occurs only at the end, pos-
sibly even, only at the moment immediately preceding their
separation. A decision on this point has not yet been
reached.* But the above-mentioned vegetative splittings
of hybrids indicate that the process is deferred as long as
possible. It also seems simpler to assume that it occurs
only in those cells which actually lead to the formation of
sexual cells, because in the leaves, bark, and other vege-
tative parts of the body, it would evidently be without sig-
nificance.
We therefore imagine the mutual influence to be exer-
cised towards the end, or even at the very last moment
before the separation of the pronuclei. In the first case it
could extend over a long time; in the latter it must take
place suddenly. In the first case the individual parts of the
nuclear threads could be mated one by one; in the latter
this would have to take place everywhere simultaneously.
How this process comes about is self-evident when we
assume special units, special granules in the nuclear
threads, for the visible characters of the organisms. There
must be as many units in the nucleus, as a plant or animal
possesses individual characters. And this, of course, is the
rule for both pronuclei. In the condition of the short and
thick chromosomes these units lie crowded together. This
is a definite stage in cell-division; the units, at least those
* More recent investigations indicate that the fusion of the male and fe-
male chromatin elements is completed during the stage known as "synopsis,"
which immediately precedes the reduction-division, or heterotypic nuclear divi-
sion, referred to above. During synapsis the chromatin is aggregated into a
compact mass within the nuclear cavity. Tr.
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 535
of the interior of the group, remain in a condition of en-
forced rest. But as soon as cell-division is completed, the
nuclear threads stretch ; they become quite long and thin,
and indeed so long that a large part, perhaps most of
them, possibly all of them, come to the surface. At least
stretched out in a row in this way, the granules must then
be arranged one after another, perhaps in the threads
themselves, perhaps in their finest ramifications. Now
they become active, and if, at this time, nuclear threads
of the paternal and the maternal pronuclei lie together in
pairs, every granule can enter into communion with its cor-
responding unit in the other pronucleus.
There is no reason to assume that the exceedingly fine
structure of the nuclei, which is so strikingly to the pur-
pose and yet so simple, should be limited to what is visible
to us at present. On the contrary everything points to the
probability that, in the internal structure also of the nuclear
threads this same serviceable rule. must prevail. The whole
complicated process of nuclear division has for its object the
division of the two pronuclei in such a way, that their
daughter-nuclei will share alike in the hereditary char-
acters that are present. The lengthening of the nuclear
threads at the close of division, their so frequent ramifica-
tion, and the seemingly irregular intertwining of their
parts, evidently indicates the possibility of a domination of
the cell-life by the bearers of the inheritable qualities.*
These must impress their character on the surrounding
protoplasm either dynamically or, as I have assumed in
my Intracellulare Pangenesis, through a giving out of ma-
terial particles to the surrounding protoplasm, and thus
promote growth and development, in the prescribed direc-
tion, into the specific form of the species to which the or-
ganism belongs.
This secretion of material chromatin particles from the
* The "pangens."
53^ THE MONIST.
nuclei was recently demonstrated by Conklin in Crepidula.
In this way considerable quantities of chromatin, and there-
fore probably of pangens also, are transferred into the
somatic protoplasm.
Thus we consider that the structure of the nuclear
threads is such that it not only makes possible, but regu-
lates and dominates the relations of the two pronuclei. In
an ordinary animal, or in a plant which is not a hybrid,
both pronuclei possess the same units, only with a some-
what unlike degree of development. We assume, therefore,
that the cooperation comes about in such a way that the
individual units in the stretched threads lie in the same
numerical order. Then, when the threads are closely ap-
pressed lengthwise, in pairs, we can imagine all the like
units of the two pronuclei to lie opposite each other. And
this is obviously the simplest assumption for a mutual in-
fluence.
If every unit, that is, every inner character or every
material bearer of an external peculiarity, forms an entity
in each pronucleus, and if the two like units lie opposite
each other in any given moment, we may assume a simple
exchange of them. Not of all (for that would only make
the paternal pronucleus into a maternal one), but of a
larger, or even only a smaller part. How many and which,
may then simply be left to chance. In this way all kinds
of new combinations of paternal and maternal units may
occur in the two pronuclei, and when these separate at the
formation of the sexual cells, each of them will harbor in
part paternal, in part maternal units. These combinations
must be governed by the laws of probability, and from
these, calculations may be derived, which may lead to the
explanation of the relations of affinity between the children
and their parents, the grandchildren and their grand-
parents. On the other hand a comparison of the results
of this calculation and of direct observation will form the
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 537
best, and for the time being, the only possible means for
a decision as to the correctness of our supposition.
The mutual influence of the two pronuclei shortly be-
fore their separation is therefore brought about, according
to our view, by an exchange of units. Every unit can be
exchanged only for a like one, which means for one which,
in the other pronucleus, represents the same hereditary
character. This rule appears to me to be unavoidable and
really self-evident. For the children must inherit all spe-
cific characters from their parents, and they must also
transmit all of them to their own progeny. This exchange
must hence be accomplished in such a way that every pro-
nucleus retains the entire series of units of all the specific
characters, and this result can evidently be obtained only
when the interchange is limited to like units.
We distinguish here specific characteristics from indi-
vidual features. The units in the hereditary substance of
the nuclear thread compose the former. Every species has
an often exceedingly large and yet definite and invariable
number of them. The sum total of these units forms that
which distinguishes any given species from all others, even
from its nearest allies. A complete diagnosis of a species
would have to embrace all of these characteristics, and
therewith all the material bearers underlying them.
The individual features, that is, the differences between
the individuals within the species, and not only of the sys-
tematic but of the so-called elementary species, are of quite
another nature. It is true that they are, in a way, heredi-
tary, but with that they are subject to constant changes.
The average stature of man remains the same in the course
of centuries, for the same race (elementary species), but
the individual stature changes constantly from one indi-
vidual to another. In the somatic cells of man the bearers
of the stature of the father lie opposite those of the mother.
At the moment of exchange these are mutually transferred,
THE MONIST.
and the sexual cells receive partly one, partly the other stat-
ure, but this in the most various combinations with the other
characters. Thus one might continue. Every visible qual-
ity, every trait of character is to be found in all individuals,
only in some they are strongly developed and prominent,
in others weak and recessive. Ordinary observation takes
more interest in differences than in similarities, and for
this reason the former are designated by contrasting ex-
pressions, as large and small, strong and weak, forward
and modest. But these are, in each instance, only degrees
of the same hereditary characteristic, or the same trait of
character. And such more or less differing stages of de-
velopment of the same inner units we represent to our-
selves as the entities which are exchanged by the nuclear
threads.
Individual differences are thus not included in the type
of the species. They form deviations from this type, and
are conditioned by causes which were formerly generally
described as conditions of nutrition, but now more fre-
quently as environment. Under these influences every char-
acter can develop more or less strongly than the average
type. And the environment, provided it remains constant
during the entire period of development, must affect all
the unfolding characters in the same way. If it is favor-
able it furthers all parts of the body and all mental gifts,
if it is unfavorable it has the opposite effect on all of them.
Not, by any means, to the same degree upon all of them :
that does not depend upon the environment but upon the
units themselves; this, however, can not lead to essential
differences between separate individuals. But our suppo-
sition of such a uniform environment would probably be
met with only in the rarest of cases. And, as soon as it
changed, it would influence one individual differently from
the others. Moreover the characters do not unfold simul-
taneously, but successively, the higher one for the most
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 539
part later than the lower ones, mental characters later than
those of the body, the reason later than the memory. And
all those wheels work into each other so that small devia-
tions will rather tend to become greater than to be equal-
ized. Though children of the same parents but of different
age might, during their entire youth, live under the same
circumstances, they will yet react differently to them.
This also holds true for plants where, in the same bed,
a delay of only one day in germinating will, according to
the weather, lead either to equal or to quite surprising
differences in size and qualities.
If favorable and unfavorable conditions of life alter-
nate during the individual development, and if they strike
a group of individuals sprung from like seeds at different
periods of their growth, quite a considerable degree of in-
dividual differences must thereby result.
These differences play in nature the same role as in
human society. One is adapted for this kind of task, the
other for that. With men it is the duty of every one to
develop his own talents to the best of his ability, and to
render as favorable as possible the circumstance for the
most perfect development of his children. The highest
efficiency of society in general demands of each the
strongest effort in the direction of his most favorable
talents. To ascertain this direction ought to be one of
the chief aims of education and instruction. In animals
and plants this highest efficiency can obviously not be
achieved in the same way. And especially are the con-
ditions different for plants, which are tied for life to the
place where they germinated. Here, as is well known, na-
ture is assisted by the astonishingly great number of seeds ;
she sows so many in every individual spot that only the
best, that is, the individuals best adapted for the given lo-
cality, need retain life. But, by sacrificing countless seeds,
she also accomplishes here that adaptation of the individual
54° THE MONIST.
specimens which is the condition for the complete unfold-
ing of their abilities and advantages.
Very great weight is therefore given to individual dif-
ferences in the life of the entire species. The greater they
are, the greater the power of adaptation, the greater the
chance of victory.
And in this I see the significance of sexual reproduc-
tion. It mixes the potentialities that have developed in the
single individuals in the most complete manner imaginable ;
it achieves, at one stroke, all possible combinations. It
cancels, as Johannsen expresses it, the previous correla-
tions. Asexual propagation confers a certain degree of
variability, and this may be quite sufficient in many cases,
especially in the case of a low organization or of quite spe-
cial adaptation, as in many parasitic and saprophytic or-
ganisms. Under such conditions the variability remains,
in a certain sense limited, more or less one-sided, because
every individual is the result of the varying, but, on the
whole, one-sided environment in which his progenitors
existed. Only an exchange of qualities can help to over-
come this one-sidedness ; only this can cause all the com-
binations to arise which are demanded by the varying en-
vironments. If we assume that the bearers of the individ-
ual characters are, as a rule, independent of each other
during their exchange, and also that the latter is ruled by
chance, two pairs of characteristics would directly result
in four, three in eight, four in sixteen combinations. The
sum total of the points of difference of two parents must
therefore give rise to such an incredible number of possi-
bilities that no struggle for existence, no annual rejection
of hundreds and thousands of germs could demand a
richer material.
Hence sexual reproduction brings individual variabil-
ity to its highest point. It produces a material that cor-
responds to almost any environment. It is the principal
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 54!
condition for the greatest efficiency of cooperation, be it
by a selection as free as possible of the line of development
for the single individuals, or by a sacrifice of all the indi-
viduals that do not quite meet all the requirements.
This service of sexual reproduction is evidently not
limited to a single generation. It exercises its influence
throughout successive generations, and it is probably in-
different whether the effect follows directly, or whether it
manifests itself in the course of time. Even without that,
the complete utilization of all given possibilities requires,
as a rule, more individual beings than are born in a single
generation. And with this, the otherwise strange fact is
explained, that the exchange of the units does not imme-
diately follow fertilization, but only takes place a short time
before the succeeding period of fertilization. But obviously
an exchange, ruled by laws of chance, could not benefit
a given isolated individual or, more correctly speaking,
it would most likely, just as frequently be harmful as use-
ful. It can only be of use in connection with an increase
in the number of individuals, for it is its task to bring
about as great a variety as possible, and with that, the
highest possible prospect for the required quantity of su-
perior specimens. At the moment when the production
of the sexual cells begins, in such enormous numbers, it
also finds the best opportunity for fulfilling its task.
Thus, sexual reproduction has only a subordinate sig-
nificance for the children, while for the grandchildren it
is of the utmost importance, because only for them does
the urn mix up all its lots.
The same laws that govern normal fertilization, are,
of course, valid for hybrids also. There cannot be special
biological laws for them, because they are only derived
phenomena, deviations from the normal. Now the ques-
tion is, to which results, departing from the rule, will the
common laws lead in these special cases. And with this
542 THE MONIST.
it is clear that the phenomena must keep nearer to the
normal the less the deviation is from the type.
This type is conditioned by the fact that the two organ-
isms that fertilize each other belong to the same small or
elementary species. They have then, on the whole, the
same characters, even if these are, according to their en-
vironment in various degrees of development. There are
no differences among them independent of this, at least
if we consider the cumulative effect of uniform influences
in the course of several generations.
As soon as such independent differences occur, and as
soon therefore as there are present constant contrasts,
which are retained in the sequence of generations and can-
not be blended by environment, we call the sexual union of
two individuals a crossing or a hybridization. If the con-
trasts are slight, we call the two races varieties, if they
are greater, they assume the rank of species. The crossing
of varieties keeps quite near to normal fertilization; that
of the species deviates the more the slighter the relation-
ship between them. The crossing of varieties forms a
type complete in itself, that of the species forms a series
which descends from almost normal processes, by gradual
progress, to a complete reciprocal sterility. The variety-
hybrids are fertile like their parents, but in the species-
hybrids the diminished fertility indicates abnormal phe-
nomena either in fertilization or in the exchange of the
units.
We must therefore discuss these two groups separately,
and we shall begin with the varieties.
In daily life and in horticulture, any thing that deviates
from the normal is called a variety. Even the new forms
obtained by crossing are quite commonly counted among
the varieties. In science, therefore, the word would really
be useless. Nevertheless it has been retained and its mean-
ing has been gradually limited. Especially in describing
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 543
horticultural plants the conception is sufficiently restricted
by excluding on the one hand the hybrids, on the other hand
the improved races obtained by selection, and finally the so-
called elementary species that, taken together, form our
ordinary species.
Upen reviewing the cases that are left, two types
can be plainly distinguished, the constant and the incon-
stant varieties. The former are not inferior to true species
in point of constancy. Their character varies, in the single
individuals, around a mean, but in the main not more so
than the corresponding characteristic of the species. From
this they are separated by a decided chasm. In pure fer-
tilization they never bridge this chasm, or at least, ex-
tremely rarely, but in crossing they revert very easily to
the species. It is this very reversion that stamps them
varieties, and when the crossing is not artificial but natural,
brought about by insects, it escapes observation, and only
the fact of the reversion strikes -the gardener.
These constant varieties are, as a rule, distinguished
from the species to which they belong, by lacking some
striking quality that adorns the latter. Most frequently
it is the coloring of the flower or, in the case of flowers
with combined colors, as in the yellow and red tulips, one
of the individual colors, that is wanting. Often they lack
hairs or thorns, very frequently the development of the
blade is arrested, and split leaves originate. In all of these
cases there is no ground for the opinion that the failure of
the visible character means also the loss of the respective
unit. Rather does everything point to the fact that the unit
has simply become inactive, that it is in a state of rest, or
as it is usually expressed, that it has become latent. Es-
pecially the reversions, which in individual specimens of
such varieties are, at times, quite common phenomena,
betray this latent presence.
Inconstant varieties are distinguished by a strikingly
544 THE MONIST.
high variability, by an exceedingly great range of de-
parture from the norm. But here we encounter the double
meaning of the designation inconstancy. On the one hand
the word means a certain relatively great richness of indi-
vidual forms, on the other hand it relates to differences
between the parents and the progeny. In choosing from an
inconstant variety a single individual, and sowing its seed,
after pure fertilization, the whole play of forms of the
variety can be found again in the children, — hence a pal-
pable proof of the inconstancy. But, on choosing several
individuals, and on sowing their seeds separately, each of
them will produce almost the same series of forms. The
whole group is transmitted from year to year, and does
not change. The variety has a definite circle of forms
in which the descendants of every specimen choose freely
their place, but they do not go outside the circle. The
limits are constant, and remain so in the course of genera-
tions ; within the limits, however, a motley variety prevails.
Such is the concept of plants with variegated leaves,
of double and striped flowers, and many other most highly
variable garden-plants. The new character is not based
here on the loss or the latency of some characteristic of
the species. Indeed, on the contrary, it is usually a pecu-
liarity which is already present in the species itself, or at
least in one of its races, in a latent state. Especially do
variegated leaves occur, not so very infrequently, on other-
wise green plants, and the same is true of stamens with
petal-like broadenings. The relation of the inconstant
varieties to the species from which they are derived, is
therefore quite different from that of the constant vari-
eties.
Nevertheless, the two crossings behave in the same
manner in regard to their mother-species. From the latter
they are distinguished, for the most part, only in one point,
though sometimes in several. But we have always to deal
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 545
with the distinction between active as contrasted with
latent, be it that the given character is active in the vari-
ety and latent in the mother-species, or latent in the former
and active in the species itself.
If to this we apply the conception of the arrangement
of the units in rows on the nuclear threads, as explained
above, it is quite evident that everything will follow exactly
the same course as in normal fertilization. Every unit in
the paternal pronucleus corresponds to the representative
of the same peculiarity in the maternal one. The nuclear
threads fit as nicely into each other as in a pure species, and
all the units which do not directly bring about the point of
difference behave quite normally. Cooperation in vege-
tative life, and exchange during the formation of the sex-
ual cells need not be disturbed. We may confine our whole
consideration to the point of difference, and we shall select,
for the purpose, as simple an illustration as possible, one
in which there is only one difference between the species
and the variety, for example, the color of the flower.
The material bearer of the color-characteristic is situ-
ated in the mother-species so that it can display its full
activity while in the variety it is unable to do so. If the
paternal and maternal nuclear threads of the hybrid come
into contact for the purpose of exchange, and with the
same sequence of units in both, the active unit of coloring
matter naturally gets the equivalent inactive unit as an
antagonist. With this it must therefore be exchanged. We
assume that in this the latent condition is without signifi-
cance, that hence the exchange comes about in the same
manner as in normal fertilization.
Over this, however, the crossings of varieties have the
great advantage that there the origin of the characteristic
in question can always be clearly and positively recognized.
Both units of a pair of antagonists are otherwise distin-
guished only by a more or less of development, here by a
THE MONIST.
sharp contrast. And for this reason it is experimentally
much easier to discover the laws with varieties than with
purely individual differences.
In doing this, two points have to be distinguished ; the
consequences of fertilization and the consequences of the
exchange of the units. The former we see in the hybrid
itself, the latter in its descendants.* And since fertilization
and exchange are two such fundamentally different things,
we must not wonder that there exist such decided differ-
ences between a hybrid and its descendants. These differ-
ences show themselves essentially by the fact that the hy-
brids of a mother-species with a variety of the same are
alike, even if they are obtained in great numbers, while
their descendants always display a certain variety.
Let us first consider the first generation of variety-
hybrids. How do the two pronuclei, notwithstanding their
inequality, cooperate in order to regulate the evolution?
This question amounts to the same as asking, what is the
sum of the influence of an active and a latent unit ? At first
glance one would expect that this influence would corres-
pond to half the value of a pair composed of two active
units. Previously this opinion was rather generally ac-
cepted, and there was an inclination to regard plants with
intermediate characters as hybrids. Especially many
plants with pale red or pale blue flowers were regarded
as such. But the experience of later years has decided
differently.
Variety-hybrids generally bear the characteristic of
the species, sometimes fully developed, sometimes more or
less weakened, but this for the most part only so little that
* In the fertilized egg, resulting from the crossing, the chromatin from the
male and female parents is not completely fused. As pointed out in a preceding
footnote (p. 534), this fusion, called synapsis, occurs as almost the last step
preceding the nuclear and cell-divisions that give rise to the reproductive cells.
The characters of the first hybrid generation are a result of fertilization. Fol-
lowing synapsis, the pure bred offspring of this generation differ from their
parents and also among themselves. Tr.
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 547
superficial observation sees no difference. An active and
a latent unit are not essentially different in their coopera-
tion from two active ones; a fact which may probably be
best explained by the assumption that two cannot accom-
plish more than one already does. This conception finds
a very strong support in the results of the most recent in-
vestigations by Boveri on dispermia, which we have al-
ready partly discussed. By fertilizing one egg with two
spermatozoa the composition of the structure of the nuclear
threads can be altered in different ways, for instance, in
such a manner that in one nucleus there lie not two, but
three pieces of any one of its chromosomes. It might then
be expected that the given characters would be very
strongly developed, to about one and one-half of their in-
tensity. But, as far as can be judged from Boveri's ex-
periments, this is not the case, and the influence of the
three equivalent units is not noticeably greater than that
of two.
We come now to the progeny of hybrids, and we, of
course, presuppose self-fertilization. At the formation of
the sexual cells the two pronuclei separate; this happens
at the origination of the egg-cells as well as of the sperms.
Through exchange, the active unit of our differing pair
combines partly with new units of the other pairs, and
thereby new combinations originate as in ordinary fertili-
zation. But if we consider only the differing pair, exactly
one-half of the egg-cells must obviously have the paternal,
and the other half the maternal character. Or, in other
words, in one-half of the egg-cells the given character oc-
curs in the active, in the other in the latent state. Exactly
the same is true of the male sexual cells, the sperms, in ani-
mals as well as in plants, and independently from the cir-
cumstance that in the higher plants the sperm-cells are
conducted to the egg-cells in the pollen-tube.
548 THE MONIST.
The male sexual products of a hybrid are therefore un-
like each other, and the same holds true of the female. In
the simplest case selected both groups consist of two types,
in the more complicated cases this number will obviously
become greater. The paternal and maternal factors of
the hybrid become, in its progeny, grandpaternal and
grandmaternal. Hence, in regard to the point of differ-
ence, one-half of its egg-cells and one-half of its sperm-
cells have grandpaternal factors, while the other halves
possess grandmaternal ones.
By means of this principle the composition of the pro-
geny in the simple as well as in the complex cases, and for
constant as well as for inconstant varieties can be calcu-
lated. Thus we obtain the formulae which are now uni-
versally known as Mendel's law.
They indicate, for any given number of points of dif-
ference between two parents, how many children corres-
pond to every individual combination of the respective
character. And, on the whole, experience has so far
proven the reliability of these formulae for animals as well
as for plants.
It would be too great a digression to consider here the
formulae themselves. We shall therefore leave the field
of the variety-hybrids, and turn to the hybrids between
different species, especially between allied elementary spe-
cies.
In order to understand these we must get a clear idea
of the nature of the points of difference in this case, or in
other words, what is meant by relationship. Species orig-
inate from each 'other in a progressive way. The number
of the units in lower organisms is evidently only small,
and must gradually increase with progressing organiza-
tion. Every newly arising species contains at least one
more than the form from which it has arisen. Onlv in
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 549
this way can one imagine the progress of the entire plant
and animal world.4
It is indeed questionable whether the acquisition of a
single new unit, the increasing by one unit of the entire
stock, amounting to hundreds and thousands, would be
sufficient to make the impression of progress on us. The
difference will in most cases be too slight. Only when two
or three or more units have been added successively to
those already present, will we recognize an increase in the
degree of organization.
The progress of every individual species can appar-
ently take different directions. In some genera there are
species so typical that they may be regarded as the com-
mon origin of the others. Where these are lacking it is
manifest that the systematic relations are still too incom-
pletely known to us, or that the given forms have died out.
Every species can therefore be compared with its own an-
cestors or with other descendants -of the same ancestors.
This consideration leads us to the recognition of two
different types of relationship, and therewith also of two
groups of crossings between allied species, which have to
be kept absolutely apart. One of them we shall call the
avunculary, the other the collateral. In the first case we
cross a form with an "avunculus" or ancestor in the direct
line, in the latter case with one of its lateral relatives. Ob-
viously the first relation is very simple while the latter is
more complicated.
Every character and every unit corresponding to it,
4 A quite different hypothesis is thinkable, as, for example, that suggested
by G. H. Shull, "The Significance of Latent Characters," Science, N. S., XXV,
792, 1907.
"All the visible variations of the present plant and animal world were
once involved in some generalized form or forms, and the process of differen-
tiation pictures itself to us as a true process of evolution brought about by the
change of individual character-determining units from a dominant to a re-
cessive state. This conception results in an interesting paradox, namely, the
production of a new character by the loss of an old unit."
This hypothesis, however, as de Vries has pointed out, seems too much
like a revival of the old involution theory as opposed to epigenesis. (C. S. G.)
55° THE MONIST.
which in a crossing is present in one species and lacking
in the older one, forms a special point of difference. Hence
the simplest case is the one in which there is only one such
difference between the two parents of a cross. But gen-
erally several of them exist.
Now in such a cross, the differing factors evidently
do not find any antagonists in the sexual cells of the other
parent. When, during fertilization, the pronuclei unite
into a double nucleus, all the other units are present in
pairs. Not so the differing ones ; they lie unpaired in the
hybrid.
If we apply this reasoning to our conception of the
arrangement of the units in rows on the nuclear threads,
the immediate result would be that their cooperation must
be disturbed. The threads no longer fit, neither during
fertilization and in vegetative life, nor later when the units
are exchanged before the formation of the sexual cells.
If we imagine two corresponding chromosomes of the
two pronuclei placed exactly side by side, and in such a way
that every unit of the one has the corresponding unit of the
other for a neighbor, this will occur in a species-cross only
as far as the point of difference. Here one nuclear thread
has one unit more than the other. The latter has, so to say,
a gap.
The greater the number of points of difference, the
more numerous are these gaps, and the more will the co-
operation of the two nuclei be interfered with. And this
must diminish the vitality of the germ or at least the nor-
mal development of all characters.
If the differences between the two parents are too nu-
merous, a crossing, as is well known, remains quite with-
out effect. Crossings between species belonging to different
genera succeed in very rare cases only, indeed within by
far the most genera even the ordinary systematic species
are not fertile when united. Genera such as Nicotiana,
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 55!
Dianthus, Salix, and others, which are rich in hybrids, are,
as a rule the very ones in which the species are exceedingly
closely related to each other.
Even if the agreement of two species is great enough
for mutual fertilization, the life of the hybrid is by no
means assured thereby. Some of them die as seeds within
the unripe fruit, as has been specially described by Stras-
burger for the hybrid seeds of Orchis Morio after fertili-
zation with O. fusca.
Others become young plantlets, but are too weak to
develop any further, and perish during the first weeks
after germination, as I have frequently seen, for example
after crossings of Oenothera Lamarckiana and O. muri-
cata. Or only the most vigorous individuals continue to
grow while the weaker ones perish, and this, in dioecious
plants sometimes results in the male seedlings perishing
while some of the more vigorous female ones develop flow-
ers, as Wichura observed in several willows. Finally there
might originate hybrids that grow vigorously, but do not
flower at all or only incompletely, or begin too late to do so.
There is a whole series of cases between the unsuccessful
crossings and the development of hybrids into adult plants.
And on the whole this series runs parallel with the in-
creasing systematic relationship.
If the hybrid has succeeded in reaching the period of
flowering, that is, the period of the formation of the sexual
cells, a new difficulty arises at the moment of the exchange
of the units. Whereas, up to that time, the cooperation
of the two pronuclei was more or less disturbed, now the
gaps become very important. Hence the quite common
phenomenon that the production of egg- and sperm-cells
fails more or less completely, that the hybrids either pro-
duce no ovules that are capable of being fertilized, or no
good pollen, or neither. They are more or less or even
completely sterile. They either form no seed at all, or only
552 THE MONIST.
an insufficient quantity. Only where the differences be-
tween the parents are quite small, does one succeed in har-
vesting any seed, and even here, frequently only a little.
How the unpaired characters behave during the ex-
change, when they are not numerous enough to make a
failure of the entire process, is at present unknown. Ex-
perience teaches, however, that in these cases the descen-
dants of the hybrids do not display that multif ariousness of
type, nor those splittings that are characteristic of variety-
hybrids. They usually all resemble each other and their
parents, the original hybrids, and this constancy persists
through the course of generations. Accordingly there
originate races of hybrids which, apart from their possibly
diminished fertility, can hardly be distinguished from true
species. Sometimes they are found wild, as for example
a hybrid race between two Alpine roses, and other races
of the kind in the genera Anemone, Salvia, Nymphaea, etc.
Sometimes they have been obtained artificially or have
accidentally originated in the gardens. The genus Oeno-
thera is exceptionally rich in such constant hybrid races,
especially in the sub-genus of the common evening-prim-
roses, Onagra. Very frequently such hybrids are simply
described as species, on the one hand because they can be
reproduced, without deviation, from seeds, and on the other
hand because systematic works frequently do not suffi-
ciently consider the elementary species. The distinguish-
ing of the latter from hybrid races is frequently by no
means easy.
The purpose of my explanations compels me to restrict
myself to simple and clear cases. In nature these occur
relatively rarely, and the individual elements of the phe-
nomena are usually commingled in most motley variety. By
far the greater number of crossings take place between
parents, whose mutual relations do not wholly fit either
the one or the other concept, but where the characteristics
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 553
of the different types of hybrids are intermingled. I can-
not consider these cases here ; they are of too complicated
a nature for an address.
Only one point I wish to touch upon. In the preceding
pages I have always taken for granted that the species and
varieties are in their ordinary and unchanging state. But
this is by no means always the case. The origination of
new species and varieties demands that their immutability
should not be absolute, or at least should be suspended
from time to time. Experience confirms this by showing
that there are periods in the life of species, during which
they are, so to speak, especially inclined to produce new
types. At that time they produce the new varieties and
species, not only once but repeatedly, and not only a single
one, but frequently a considerable number. Genera rich
in species, such as the pansies and the rock-roses,5 are the
remains of such periods of variability, and everywhere in
nature we meet with similar ones. In garden-plants we
see, from time to time, periods during which certain varie-
ties occur by preference, as the double dahlia of about the
middle of the last century, the forms of tomatoes in recent
decades, and numerous other instances teach us. On its
first appearance the gardeners call the new form a con-
quest, the later appearances are only repetitions, and are
therefore of only very secondary practical value.
The power of reproducing one or more new species
indicates a condition of unstable equilibrium of the given
internal units. In the nuclei the new characteristic is al-
ready invisibly present, but inactive. Certain causes, un-
known to us, can transform this into a permanent condi-
tion. This state of unstable equilibrium may be main-
tained in the great majority of individuals, through a series
of generations, as is the case with my Oenotheras. But
from time to time, sometimes in individual cases, every
0 Sonnenroschen (Helianthemum').
554 THE MONIST.
year, there is a shock, and the equilibrium becomes stable.
The given individuals overstep their bounds, abandon the
earlier type, and form a new species.
It is evident that in crossings such unstable units will
behave differently from normal, stable ones. Their chance
of becoming stable is evidently considerable, owing to the
phenomena of fertilization and the exchange of units. In
this way constant races originate, at least in the genus
Oenothera, and this, on the one hand, with the respective
characteristic in an unstable condition, or in other words,
in a state of mutability ; and on the other hand with stable
equilibrium corresponding to a new species. But researches
in this field are only in their beginning, and do not yet
permit of a detailed analysis. Besides they represent, for
the present, a case in themselves.
On reviewing, in conclusion, the course of our deduc-
tions, we see that hybrids follow normal fertilization quite
closely, the more completely the less numerous and the less
pronounced the points of difference between the parents
of the crossing. If these are of such a kind that the num-
ber of units in one parent is different from that in the
other, disturbances take place which, if of lesser influence,
diminish the fertility of the hybrids, and if of greater sig-
nificance, affect their own power of development, or even
make the crossing a failure. If these units are present
in equal numbers on both sides, and if the differences are
limited to latency in one parent and activity in the other,
the normal process is not at all disturbed, but striking
phenomena occur, which find their explanation in the pe-
culiar manner in which the parental inheritances cooperate
in the hybrid and in the formation of its sexual cells.
This cooperation is reflected in the life of the nuclei.
In fertilization the nuclei of father and mother simply
FERTILIZATION AND HYBRIDIZATION. 555
touch each other. In the course of development the con-
tact becomes gradually closer, bringing their equivalent
elements as near to each other as possible, in such a way
that the latter finally all lie side by side in pairs. But the
pronuclei by no means lose their independence thereby, and
for the purpose of every nuclear division they separate
their component parts more or less distinctly. Shortly be-
fore their separation, their leave-taking, they are still the
same as before. But now they exchange their individual
units, and thus cause the creation of those countless com-
binations of characters, of which nature is in need in order
to make species as plastic as possible, and to empower them
to adapt themselves in the highest degree to their ever
changing environment.
This increase of variability and of the power of indi-
vidual adaptation is the essential purpose of sexual repro-
duction. It can be attained only by a mutual combination
in all conceivable forms of the. peculiarities developed in
different individuals in different directions and degrees.
To this end the pronuclei mutually exchange their units
from time to time, and by assuming, on the ground of ex-
periments with hybrids, that this takes place, on the whole,
according to the laws of chance, that is, according to the
theory of probability, we have gained a basis which allows
us to probe to its very bottom this most significant and
mysterious process.
HUGO DE VRIES.
AMSTERDAM, HOLLAND.
THE NATURE OF VITAL PROCESSES ACCORD-
ING TO RIGNANO.
[CONCLUDED.]
EXPLANATION OF ASSIMILATION.
(Rignano, p. 356) : "The fact that strikes us first of
all is, that the vital phenomenon depends upon continual
reproduction, for assimilation constantly reproduces the
substance which is gradually consumed. It is to be ex-
pected, therefore, that if there are any fundamental prop-
erties of living organic substance which explain the phe-
nomena of development or of reproduction in general, they
must then be capable of accounting for assimilation also
inasmuch as it is itself also a phenomenon of reproduction.
"That being granted it will be worth while that we
next stop for an instant to take a look at and consider
briefly a few of the principal conceptions which biologists
have put forward on the nature of either the vital phe-
nomenon or of assimilation, and which are of the greatest
interest from our point of view.
"Roux, for example, rightly urges that the nature of
life must be dynamic. 'Life is in its essence a process, and
cannot therefore have a static definition. It is therefore
only a processive and consequently functional definition
which can approximate the essence of organic life.'1
"On the other side we have already seen the reasons
1Roux, Ueber die Bedeutung der Kerntheilungsfiguren. Leipsic, Engel-
mann, 1883, p. 18. Gesamm. Abhandl, Bd. II, p. 142.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 557
for concluding that the essence of the vital phenomenon
consists in an activation of nervous energy. We recall
that according to Orr for example, the fundamental prop-
erty of living substance is an 'elemental nervousness/2
"We have already seen also that Claude Bernard, in
agreement with that, considers the sensibility of the ner-
vous substance as nothing else than a particular modality
of irritability, which would be a general property of all
living substance. 'Sensibility/ writes he, 'considered as a
property of the nervous system, is only a higher degree of
a simpler property which exists everywhere in all living
substance both animal and vegetable. It has nothing essen-
tial or specifically distinct. It is the special irritability of
the nerve just as the property of contraction is the special
irritability of the muscle and as the property of secretion
is the special irritability of the glandular element. These
phenomena are so many different degrees of one and the
same elementary phenomenon.3 -
"Bard also remarks, that, if the nature of the energy
constituting the basis of all vital phenomena must be single,
the infinitely varied modalities which these same vital phe-
nomena present must then be due to as many correspond-
ing modalities of this single energy."4
Here must be considered the conception which Rignano
has himself formed of the general nature of vital energy
and which has already been stated in the introduction. He
says (p. 361 ff.) : "Vital energy, nervous energy, we must
admit, will certainly be only a particular case of more
general physico-chemical forms of energy already known,
or yet to be known, and as such must necessarily be sub-
ject to the laws governing the latter, and also a fortiori to
8 Orr, A Theory of Development and Heredity. New York, Macmillan,
1893, p. 86.
8 Claude Bernard, Lemons sur les phenomenes de la vie communs aux ani-
maux et aux vegetaux, pp. 289-290.
*Bard, "La specificite cellulaire et ses principales consequences," La se-
maine medicale. Paris, 10. Mars 1894, p. 116.
558 THE MONIST.
the laws governing all energy in general. But also as. such,
i. e., as a particular case of more general physico-chemical
forms of energy, it will have in addition special laws of
its own, which are only experimentally to be determined,
and can not simply be deduced from the more general laws,
even though it must always be subjected to them also.
And these laws of its own are exactly what make of it, from
a simply physico-chemical energy, vital energy. It is just
this conception to which we have been led when we have
attributed to nervous energy, taken as the fundamental
basis of life, special properties, which electric energy, in
certain respects related to it, does not on the contrary
possess.
"If, passing on now to assimilation, we examine the
conception which the biologists have made of it, we shall
see that their opinions on that subject are quite remark-
ably concordant.
"Thus, for example, Lewes says: 'The peculiarity of
vital processes consists in this; that living matter under-
goes molecular changes of composition and decomposition
which are simultaneous, and by this simultaneity it pre-
serves its integrity of structure/5
" 'Life/ remarks in his turn Oscar Hertwig, 'manifests
itself, expressed in the most general terms, in this, that the
cell, by virtue of its own organization and under the in-
fluence of the external world undergoes continual changes
and develops forces whereby its organic substance, on the
one hand continually destroyed with determined mani-
festations of energy, on the other hand is regenerated.'
The life process depends then on a continual destruction
and re-formation of organic substance/6
"But the clearest and most suggestive of all is Claude
'Lewes, The Physical Basis of Mind. London, Kegan Paul, Trench,
Triibner & Co., 1893, p. 5-
' Oscar Hertwig, Die Zelle und die Geivebe, Bd. I, p. 54, and Bd. II, pp.
190-191.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 559
Bernard in the following celebrated passage, 'The char-
acters of life considered in their essence and in their en-
tirety can be classed in two great groups:
'i. The phenomena of consumption, of vital destruc-
tion, which correspond to the functional phenomena of the
organism.
" '2. Plastic phenomena or phenomena of vital creation,
which correspond to functional repose and to organic re-
generation.
' 'Everything which goes on in the living being is in
relation to one or other of these types ; and life is charac-
terized by the union and combination of these two orders
of phenomena.
; 'Disorganization or "dis-assimilation" uses up living
material while the organs perform their functions. Assimi-
lative synthesis regenerates the tissue. It reassembles the
reserve materials which the functioning organism must use
up. These two processes of destruction and renovation,
although inverse, are absolutely connected and inseparable,
in the sense at least that destruction is the necessary con-
dition of renovation. The phenomena of functional de-
struction are themselves the precursors and instigators of
material renewal of the formative process which completes
itself silently in the interior of the tissues/7
" 'But the underlying reason/ says Dastre, 'of this
interdependence between chemical destruction and function
is made recognizable by energetics. A part of the organic
material (reserve material, but also living protoplasm)
becomes decomposed, chemically simplified, reduced to a
lower degree of complexity, and abandons in this descent
the chemical energy which it enclosed within it in the po-
tential state.
" 'Every act which gives out energy, which produces
7 Claude Bernard, Legons sur les phenomenes de la vie communs aux ani-
maux et aux vegetaux, pp. 125-127; 157; 347-348.
560 THE MONIST.
heat, or movement, every manifestation whatever which
can be regarded as a transformation of energy, necessarily
consumes energy, and this is borrowed from the substances
of the organism. The functioning of muscle produces heat
and movement, the functioning of glands produces heat,
the functioning of nerve and brain produces a small quan-
tity of electricity and heat. All these manifestations of
energy rest upon a destruction of organic matter, a chem-
ical simplification as source of the energy manifested. In
this way material destruction not only coincides with func-
tional activity but is the measure and the expression of it.
" The reconstruction of protoplasm is on the contrary
a phenomenon of evident synthesis, of a certain chemical
increase of complexity, since this living protoplasm stands
in a way at the highest stage of complexity. Its formation
at the expense of simpler nutritive materials requires then
an appreciable quantity of energy.
The phenomena of living beings/ continues Dastre,
'may be divided into two categories. Some are intermit-
tent, alternative and are produced or accentuated at certain
times but can not be continuous. These are functional
processes. There are others in which this property of
sudden and intermittent expenditure of energy does not
appear at all. They are in general nutritive processes.
The muscle which contracts, functions. It has an activity
and a repose. During this apparent repose one could not
say that it was dead. It has life and this is here obscure
in comparison with the manifest activity of the functional
movement.
" The phenomena of functional activity are those which
catch the eye and by which we are inclined to characterize
life. These are conditional upon processes of consump-
tion, of chemical simplification, of organic destruction
through which energy is set free. And it is quite neces-
sary that it should be so since these functional manifesta-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 561
tions expend energy. These phenomena in which vital ac-
tivities are most apparent are the least specific. They
have only the character of general phenomena.
'The phenomena which accompany functional repose
correspond to the reconstruction of the reserve materials
destroyed in the preceding period, to organic synthesis.
This remains in the words of Claude Bernard, "internal,
silent, hidden in the expression of its nature, reassembling
silently the materials to be expended. We never see these
phenomena of organization directly. Only the histologist,
the embryologist tracing the development of the element
or of the living being notes the changes, the phases which
discover to him this homely work, here a deposition of
material, there the formation of a membrane or a nucleus,
yonder a cleavage or a folding, or a renovation." This
category of phenomena is the only one which has no direct
analogues. It is peculiar to the living being and limited
to it. This developmental synthesis is the true vital phe-
nomenon. Life is a creation/8
"This new formation of living matter which goes on
during the so-called functional rest we must then seek to
explain through the properties which we have postulated
above for nervous energy taken as the basis of the vital
phenomenon.
"For this purpose let us suppose in conformity with the
hypothesis set forth above that one could construct an ele-
mentary electric accumulator capable of furnishing a sin-
gle given intensity or specificity of current and that its
electro-motive force or difference of potential between the
poles is proportional to the mass of substance constituting
its charge ; as if each new increment however small of this
mass constituted an element by itself which would be added
in serial order to the others.
8Dastre, La vie et la mort. Paris: Flammarion, 1902, pp. 103, 107, 208-
209, 210-211.
562 THE MONIST.
"Let us consider two of these accumulators, A and A' ',
inserted with their poles inverted in the same circuit. Sup-
pose they are quite identical, except that the one, A', is
entirely without charge and the other, A, has its full
charge. Let us suppose that the current, c, generated by
A which tends to charge A' can under certain circum-
stances cause an oscillatory discharge, i. e., a continuous
oscillation of the current, now in the direction of c, now
in the contrary direction of c' , and that certain external
alternating currents could induce in the oscillating circuit
sinusoidal electro-motive forces of the same frequence as
this oscillating discharge and thereby strengthen the sinu-
soidal electro-motive force of the latter which at the be-
ginning was determined by the original difference in charge
of the two accumulators A and A '.
"Then with each half oscillation the one accumulator
will become more strongly charged in proportion as the
other discharges, and there will be produced as final result
a series of oscillations with a consequent continual increase
of the total mass of the two accumulators A and A', as long
as the saline solution serving as their common aliment is
not insufficient.
"If the amount of electro-motive force contributed by
the induction current at each oscillation is proportional to
the amount of electro-motive force which is directlv de-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 563
pendent upon the difference in charge between the two
accumulators existing at any moment, if for example, it
represents a definite fraction of the latter, and thereby
will gradually decrease in amount as this difference be-
tween the two charges becomes less with each oscillation,
then both the amount of this difference and that of the in-
duced electro-motive force will sink to nothing after a cer-
tain period of time, theoretically infinitely long, practically
more or less short, which we can call the period of recon-
stitution or of replacement of material consumed.
"As soon as the charges of the two accumulators have
become equal there will exist no more provocation of oscil-
lating currents and the total mass of the two accumulators
whose increase had become always smaller and smaller
will now not increase any further at all.
"But if at this instant either of the two accumulators
suddenly becoming inserted aside from its own oscillating
circuit at the same time also into one of the ordinary cir-
cuits, discharges into the latter wholly or partially, then
the difference between the respective charges of the two
accumulators will again be present and the former process
of oscillation will begin again. And this will result again
in the increase of the total mass of the two accumulators
above the amount which it had already reached before this
last discharge. We can compare this discharge of one of
the two accumulators outside the circuit of oscillation,
with the nervous discharge from the nucleus into its en-
vironment, that is, with the biological functional excitation
which produces the same trophic effect.
"Further, if at the moment when the two accumulators
have arrived at the condition of equality between their
respective charges and so of repose, one of them, instead
of becoming discharged into another circuit, becomes re-
placed by a third accumulator whose charge is different
from the other two now equalized charges, the result will
564 THE MONIST.
be the same. And the impulse given to the process of os-
cillation will be greater, the greater the difference between
the charge or electro-motive force of the new accumulator
and of the old one replaced. In other words, to make use
of biological expressions: the rejuvenescence of the spe-
cific potential elements formed by the pair of accumulators
will be proportionally greater, the more quantitatively un-
equal are the two half elements which have become thus
mutually fecundated.
"If we substitute for the conception of electro-motive
force that of nervo-motive force, our hypothesis concern-
ing the nature of the vital process in each specific potential
element or mnemonic element will consist simply in sup-
posing that the latter is comparable to this pair of accumu-
lators inserted with inverted poles in the same elemental
oscillating circuit, which we would call intra-nuclear cir-
cuit, but in which there enters into play instead of the
alternating electric induction current, general thermal en-
ergy in the same way.
"Assimilation, the new formation of living substance,
would then be dependent, according to this hypothesis,
upon a kind of rhythmic oscillatory charging and dis-
charging flux, upon a kind of intra-nuclear oscillatory
discharge which becomes induced by the extra-nuclear or
functional nervous discharge in consequence of the dis-
turbance of the equilibrium between the nervo-motive
forces of the two accumulators opposite each other. The
vital element would thus be conceived of as only a double
specific elemental accumulator of nervous energy in con-
tinual charge and discharge.
"As will be noted we have here a phenomenon in some
respects similar to the electric resonators of Hertz, in
which an electric discharge caused by the difference of
potential existing between the two armatures of a con-
denser, is transformed into an oscillating discharge. It
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 565
will be appropriate here to indicate briefly in just what this
phenomenon consists.
"Let A and B be the armatures of a charged condenser
which are suddenly connected with each other by an ex-
ternal conductor, ArMLB, in such a way that the latter
makes a circuit open only at the point D of the di-electric.
In the accompanying figure r represents the total resistance
of the circuit and L the inductance or coefficient of self-
induction of this circuit. When the capacity c of the con-
denser and the inductance L of the circuit are in a certain
relation to each other, and r is small, we can get an oscil-
latory discharge which forms as it were a sinusoidal alter-
A DB
M
nating current: that is, the electricity oscillates from A
toward B and from B toward A, with a frequency deter-
mined by the inductance L and the capacity c. If we cause
the resistance r of the circuit to become constantly less by
employing wires of constantly increasing thickness, we
approach the boundary at which this oscillation will be
able of itself to continue indefinitely.
"If in this case where r is very small, we excite in the
circuit by induction sinusoidal alternating electro-motive
forces of the same frequence as in the oscillatory discharge,
then there will arise in A and B differences of very many
volts even though the number of volts so induced be very
small.
566 THE MONIST.
"Upon this principle depends, as is well known, the
celebrated experiments of Hertz which in turn have formed
the point of departure for wireless telegraphy.
"It is well known also that such an electric resonator
has been rightly compared to a vibrating dynamic system,
to a pendulum that has an oscillation time of its own, to
a sounding chord which the smallest impulses having the
same frequence as itself can set in vibration, even in strong
vibration. What happens in it is a continual periodic trans-
formation of energy. At the instant when the sinusoidal
alternating current reaches its maximum intensity, one has
the maximum of actual energy, while the condenser, on
the other hand, possesses then no potential energy what-
ever. At the instant when the intensity of the current
drops to nothing, the condenser shows the greatest defor-
mation of the respective di-electric and possesses thus a
potential energy fully equal to the actual energy possessed
by the discharge at the moment of its greatest intensity,
the process being thus exactly the same as in a pendulum
in which potential energy is transformed continually into
actual and vice versa.
"It will be sufficient here, for the purpose of a remote
comparison, to note the fact just indicated, that an induced
sinusoidal alternating electro-motive force in such an
electric resonator, which need amount to only a very few
volts, provided that it be of the same frequency as the
oscillating discharge, will be able to induce in A and B
differences of tension which may amount to many volts.
For if we assume in the current so oscillating the faculty
of depositing in each of the armatures of the condenser
infinitely small particles of substance in series one after
the other, until the total of their mass and the conse-
quent electro-motive force surpass the electro-motive force
in the opposite direction, which this current possesses at
this point and at this moment, then it will not be diffi-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 567
cult for us to understand the case in certain respects anal-
ogous, which we have assumed for the oscillating nervous
discharges, in which the calorific oscillations which replace
here the oscillations of the induction current continually
increase the mass of living substance, which will in this
way be 'assimilated.'
"Let us note that in the case of nervous currents we
must assume that their specificity is constant even during
the oscillation. At the same time, however, the duration
of each nervous discharge, and hence of each oscillation
also, in cases where the specificity i of the nervous current
is something dynamically equivalent to the intensity of the
electric current, must be definite and constant for every
given specificity.
"For let us consider again an electric current. If its
intensity i persists for a time t, the total actual energy fur-
nished during the whole of this time by this current will
be Eit, where E represents the jelectro-motive force. But
this total energy will necessarily be proportional to the
mass M of the substance whose decomposition during
the time t has produced this current; one has thus Eit
= km, where h is a coefficient of proportionality, de-
pendent solely upon the units of measure selected. But
if the supposition which we have accepted for nervous
currents in general holds good also for this electric cur-
rent, namely, that the electro-motive force is proportional
also to the mass of substance which tends by decomposition
to produce the current, then also is E = km, where k again
is a coefficient of proportionality dependent likewise solely
upon the units of measure which are adopted. Conse-
quently the above equation would take on the following
form:
km.it = hm, that is,
it = h/k = H,
where H again is another coefficient of proportionality and
568 THE MONIST.
dependent alone upon the units of measure already fixed
above, that is, upon a selected, constant number. It follows
from this, that it is constant. And if i in its turn is like-
wise constant for each specific current, t must also be
constant; i. e., each definite specificity of current, i will
correspond to a likewise determinate and constant period
of discharge.
"If then, no matter what conditions the different dis-
charges of a current of the specificity i may induce, all
these discharges can have invariably only the same dura-
tion t and if this holds also for those which constitute the
oscillating discharge, then the oscillation itself, which con-
sists of a doubled discharge, of which each one has a di-
rection contrary to that of the other as we stated above,
will have necessarily a very definite and constant period
of its own which corresponds each time to the particular
specificity i of its respective current.
"It follows that of all the vibrations of the different
calorific rays, only those which have the same oscillatory
period as the element being reconstituted will be able to
some extent to give to the oscillating discharge of the latter
an impulse which will be added to that received through the
difference in potential of the pair of accumulators, and thus
to have identically the same effect as that which the sinu-
soidal electric alternating induction current has upon the
electric accumulator with an equal period of vibration. And
this becomes so much the more clear since Maxwell's theory,
of which it is scarcely necessary to remind any one, and
which was wholly confirmed by the Hertzian experiments,
has demonstrated the essential identity of these electric
induction oscillations across the di-electric formed by the
air, with light and heat vibrations in general. The only
difference consists in the period of vibration which in both
the latter is much more rapid than in the former.
"Thermal energy then, whether that which comes from
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 569
the irradiation of the sun and from the outer world in
general, or that which is developed from chemical pro-
cesses of decomposition and oxidation taking place in the
interior of the organism, would, in as far as it is composed
of heat rays of the most different periods of oscillation,
constitute the general external stimulus which actuates
indifferently all vital processes whatever. Particular kinds
of energy, which oscillatory periods varying within nar-
row limits and possibly even with a single vibratory pe-
riod, such as the rays of each of the elemental colors
of the solar spectrum would constitute on the other hand,
special external stimuli which activate only the vital en-
ergies of this or that corresponding specificity.
EXPLANATION OF NUCLEAR SOMATIZATION.
"Therefore if we suppose a cell to exist whose nucleus
contains at the same time various specific elements, each
having a specific vibration period of its own, and if we
assume that this cell is thenceforth always exposed to the
same external stimulus with a constant vibration period,
then among all the mnemonic elements, that one which is
syntonic with this external stimulus will increase in mass
since it absorbs always larger quantities of the nutritive
fluid, and at the expense of all the other elements, so that
in this way it may result that it supplant them all and
remain the sole survivor. We may express this process
by saying that the cell has undergone a complete nuclear
somatization.
"Let us assume inversely that a cell whose nucleus con-
tains one or several mnemonic elements is exposed at the
same time as to the other stimuli, also to a new external
stimulus, whose vibration period may differ from all those
of the mnemonic elements already present. Then we can
assume that this new vibration period may communicate
its own frequency to one of the oscillating discharges al-
57O THE MONIST.
ready present and probably not to the whole nervous cur-
rent constituting one of these discharges, but to only a part
of it, i. e., it will make it syntonic with itself. The result
will be the gradual deposition of a new specific substance
or mnemonic element which, if this new external stimulus
does not permanently displace all the others but co-exists
or alternates with them, will merely add itself to the pre-
existing. We may express this process by saying that the
cell has experienced the influence of the new stimulus to
which it has been exposed, or that it has experienced the
'imprint' of the new condition through which it has passed.
"It is the same thing if we say that instead of being
exposed to a new external stimulus, having a rhythm differ-
ent from all the preceding, the nucleus is constrained, in
consequence of any given new functional adaptation on the
part of itself or of its immediate environment, to divide
some one of its specific currents into two or more compo-
nents, or indeed, to receive some new specific current de-
rived from the combination of other specific currents of
the environment.
"In the circumstance that at each alteration of any
period of oscillation or of any specificity of current through
the action of a new stimulus, external or internal, there
follows immediately the deposition of a new substance
which adds itself to all the others already present and
remaining unaltered, and which is capable of exciting only
such currents as are syntonic or specifically identical with
that by which it was itself deposited; in this circumstance
the first and fundamental mnemonic process underlying
all living substance would consist. From it would then
spring directly all the other processes, from histologic dif-
ferentiation and the inheritance of acquired characters up
to mnemonic phenomena proper.
"Let us note that for each specific discharge, for the
intra-nuclear oscillating as well as for the extra-nuclear
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO.
functional, there will correspond very definite substances
of dissimilation, for the different specificities of the nervous
currents can be due only to the decomposition of sub-
stances similarly different. And even if the diversity of
these extremely complex and unstable substances consists
only in the different number and different mode of group-
ing of the same atoms of the principal elements which con-
stitute all organic substance, nevertheless the respective
substances of dissimilation to which each of these complex
substances will give rise, will necessarily be different from
one another. These substances of dissimilation, definite
and peculiar for each specific discharge, will in their turn
afford, by their entire or partial oxidation, products of ex-
cretion and secretion quite definite and differing from one
cell to another. These products, in their turn, thanks to
their peculiar physico-chemical properties, will impress
upon the protoplasm or cytoplasm a corresponding physico-
chemical character. And as at the same time the deposi-
tion and the arrangement of these materials in the body of
the cell is a consequence, in part of the physico-chemical
properties inherent in them, in part of the paths, which
the respective extra-nuclear nervous discharges or currents
will have followed in the cytoplasm according to their spec-
ificity, so it is conceivable how the ensemble of the mne-
monic elements constituting a given nucleus can determine
its own protoplasm or cytoplasm both from the purely
physico-chemical and from the properly morphological
point of view.
"We arrive thus at a constant double correlation be-
tween the cytoplasm, the species of nuclear excitation and
the substance of the nucleus. The nuclear substance, in
fact will determine at once the rhythm of charge and dis-
charge, and the specificity of the corresponding nervous
current; and this specificity of current, thanks to the sub-
stances of dissimilation to which it will give rise, will de-
572 THE MONIST.
termine the respective cytoplasm. Conversely, the rhythm,
once it is modified by the functional stimulus, will imme-
diately induce the corresponding modification of the speci-
ficity of current; and the latter in its turn will at once de-
termine the substance of synthetization or nuclear sub-
stance, as also the substances of dissimilation of which the
cytoplasm is constituted.
"It is not excluded either that chemical substances
which may act upon the cytoplasm and modify it chemically
can facilitate the formation of such or such substances of
dissimilation and thus facilitate the production of such or
such new specificities of currents which in their turn will
deposit or determine the respective nuclear substance. In
other words, we do not exclude that besides the physical
functional stimuli which preferably influence the vital
rhythm directly, there may also exist chemical functional
stimuli, which act directly, rather upon the nervous spe-
cificity. But thanks to the close correlation between the
specificity and the rhythm of these currents, both come to
the same result, namely that each contributes its respective
mnemonic element to the nuclear substance."
(Pp. 319-320) : "Let us note, parenthetically, that nu-
clear somatization conceded, we must regard each of the
substances which make up the different specific potential
elements of any nucleus as capable of gradually replacing
the others by continual increase of its mass, when the re-
spective specific current, on account of the incessant repe-
tition always of only one and the same stimulus passes
very frequently through the nucleus. A nucleus thus soma-
tized, — that is to say, one composed wholly of a single
specific substance and which would acquire in this way,
on account of the considerable mass of this substance a
potential energy capable of overcoming a considerable re-
sistance to its discharge, will then be able to respond to
stimulus always in that single way only which corresponds
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 573
to the single specific nervous current which it is able
to activate and which constitutes its irritability, even if it
be provoked to discharge by external influences or acci-
dental stimuli which are quite different from those to which
it is ordinarily exposed. 'A muscle cell/ says Oscar Hert-
wig, 'replies to every kind of stimulus by contraction, a
gland cell by secretion; an optic nerve can perceive only
light, no matter whether it be stimulated by light waves,
by electricity or by pressure. Similarly plant cells also are
endowed with their own specific energies : the reaction to
stimulation receives everywhere its specific stamp from the
particular structure of the irritable substance, or in other
words, irritability is a fundamental property of living pro-
toplasm, but under the action of the environment mani-
fests itself in specific reactions according to the structure
of that protoplasm.' "9
Resuming again (pp. 377 ff.) : "Let us summarize what
has been said. The specific potential elements which have
presented themselves above as specific elementary accumu-
lators, and as mnemonic elements, appear now as specific
vital elements, that is, as the smallest possible particles of
organic substance capable of life. At the same time the
denominations potential element and vital element, which
might at first have appeared incompatible with each other,
if the adjective potential had indicated a vital nonactivity
at that time, become entirely compatible in consequence
of the hypothesis which we have just set forth. According
to this hypothesis, the element would be potential in so far
as each of the two coupled accumulators would be able to
furnish at need its proper extra-nuclear functional ner-
vous discharge ; and it would at the same time he conceived
as in a vital process by reason of the intra-nuclear oscilla-
ting discharge, which continues incessantly between the
two accumulators. Vital energy could thus present itself
9 Oscar Hertwig, Die Zelle und die Gewebe, I, p. 76.
574 THE MONIST.
in three distinct modes : ( I ) In the potential, properly so
called, which expresses itself in the phenomena of effective
suspension of life or lethargy in its widest sense; (2) In
the oscillatory potential, or the intra-nuclear oscillating
discharge, which constitutes the essence of the period of
so-called 'functional repose/ 'organic reconstitution/ 'stor-
age of materials afterwards to be consumed/ 'assimilative
synthesis/ or Vital creation'; (3) Finally in the actual
proper, or the extra-nuclear non-oscillating discharge,
which constitutes the period of 'excitation/ 'functional
activity/ 'wear and tear/ 'consumption of material stored
up in the rest period/ 'disassimilation/ or Vital destruc-
tion/
"In this way, the fact upon which Dastre rightly insists,
that 'after the explosive destruction of a chemical reserve/
constituting the functional activity, the living substance
still always preserves in the state of repose which succeeds
the same properties though attenuated, which it manifested
in the state of activity, would find an immediate explana-
tion. Hence the period of repose cannot be of another
nature than that of the state of activity as Claude Bernard
was inclined to think. 'To-day/ writes Dastre, 'if we had
to express a more personal opinion upon this important
distinction of functional activity and functional repose,
we should say that, after having distinguished the two
categories of phenomena it is necessary to try to bring
them together. It is necessary, for example, to seek what
there is in common between the muscle in repose, and the
muscle in contraction, and to perceive in the muscular tonus
a sort of bridge thrown between the two conditions. The
function would experience no interruption, but it would
have its degrees. The muscular tonus would be the per-
manent condition of an activity which is merely susceptible
of being considerably heightened or weakened/10
10 Dastre, La vie et la mort, p. 212.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 575
"As conclusion of our exposition let us note very briefly
that for three more of the most fundamental phenomena
associated with vital activity this hypothesis upon the na-
ture of life presents at least the beginning of an explana-
tion. These are : rhythmicity, a characteristic property of
all life phenomena ; the phenomena of fecundation and re-
juvenescence in general; and nuclear division with all its
characteristic and remarkable details.
EXPLANATION OF RHYTHMICITY OR PERIODICITY.
"A whole series of facts forces us to the opinion, that
rhythmicity should be reckoned among the most general
characteristics of the modes of manifestation of vital en-
ergy. Beyond the fact that nearly all, and perhaps all
external physical stimuli, from the thermal and luminous
to the acoustic are characterized by vibrations ; and beyond
the other fact, a consequence of the first, of the physio-
logical action exercised by musical rhythms and intervals
for example, and by all the rhythmical manifestations of
the most diverse energies, we see that a more or less mani-
fest and more or less regular periodicity is a fundamental
character of all or nearly all biological functions. One
thinks at once for example of the synchronous rhythm of
all the peristomal cilia of an infusorian — a rhythm which
manifests itself in the two parts of an animal which has
been divided, provided these parts remain connected by a
bridge of protoplasm ; of the rhythmicity present in the pro-
tozoa in general, present even within the cells in the pulsa-
tion of contractile vacuoles, which empty and refill them-
selves continually at regular intervals; of the beat of the
heart, even independent of its connection with the nervous
system; of the similar pulsations of the whole vascular
system, the entire breathing apparatus, the uterus, and of
many other organs ; and finally of the periodicity of a whole
series of physiological variations, which animals and plants
THE MONIST.
undergo as a result of corresponding periodical variations
of the outer world, but which persist unaltered for some
time even when the outer world or the periodicity of its
variations may have changed.
"Now it is not difficult to conceive of this rhythmicity
or periodicity which nearly all biological functions present,
as a consequence more or less direct or indirect of the vital
phenomenon in all its generality, when this phenomenon,
be it only in so far as a phenomenon of assimilation, is itself
essentially a rhythmic phenomenon.
EXPLANATION OF FECUNDATION.
"In regard to fecundation we know that it was Spencer
who first recognized what has been more or less explicitly
accepted by others, that it consisted probably in a purtur-
bation of an equilibrium which tended toward a stability
unfavorable to vital activity.11
"Now we have already seen how our hypothesis set
forth above is able to make at once conceivable in what
this equilibrium unfavorable to vital activity may consist.
According to this hypothesis, it would consist in the equali-
zation toward which the masses, and the corresponding
potentials, of the coupled accumulators of each mnemonic
element would tend and which they would eventually at-
tain, and this equilibrium would be disturbed by the sub-
stitution for one of these accumulators of another specific-
ally equal to it but differing in mass and potential. And it
is precisely in this function of fecundation, of replacing in
each couple one of the specific accumulators by another
differing quantitatively as widely as possible that we find
an explanation of the fact that the rejuvenation of the
germ and the consequent vitality of the progeny to which
fecundation tends, are proportionally greater when fecun-
dation occurs not between individuals too closely alike, but
11 Spencer, Principles of Biology, I. pp. 340-34* ; II, PP- 614-616.
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 577
rather between individuals who belong indeed to the same
species but are somewhat dissimilar.
"According to the same hypothesis, this equilibrium
could also be deranged by the extra-nuclear discharge of
one of the two coupled accumulators, and this is just what
is demonstrated by the universally known experiments
upon the rejuvenescence of the infusoria, by which it ap-
pears that this rejuvenescence can be reacquired even with-
out any need of the ordinary fecundating conjugation,
simply by causing some change in the surrounding con-
ditions of life, and thereby provoking a strong renewal of
the functional activity.12
"Let us note parenthetically that if oscillating dis-
charges take place between the corresponding separated
specific accumulators or half mnemonic elements of the
egg and spermatozoon respectively even when the egg and
spermatozoon are still relatively distant from each other,
i. e., before they could coalesce .into a single fecundated
nucleus, we can then understand how the space between
each pair of these elements can and must function just as
the deformed dielectric between the two armatures of the
condenser of the electric resonator, and thus be constrained
to produce the attraction of each spermatic half element to
the corresponding half element of the ovum. And this
would have as a final result an energetic reciprocal attrac-
tion between the ovum and the spermatozoon.
"The real cause of the sexual attraction of the two
germs, male and female, would then reside in their capa-
city of vibrating in unison. Conversely, the absence of all
attraction between ovum and spermatozoon belonging to
animal or vegetable species distantly related would be due
to the fact that they would represent potential half ele-
ments, of which there would be too great a number, for
"Hartog, "Problems of Reproduction, etc." Contemporary Review, July,
1892, esp. pp. 94-95, TOO- 102.
THE MONIST.
example in the spermatozoon, completely different specifi-
cally from those of the egg, and they could not possibly,
therefore, have the same rhythmicity.
EXPLANATION OF KARYOKINETIC CELL DIVISION.
"As to indirect or karyokinetic cell division, let us note
that, when each of the two coupled accumulators, in con-
sequence of the continual increase of its mass attains too
high a potential, the two halves of each of these accumu-
lators will tend to repel each other, just as would, for ex-
ample, the two halves of a conducting sphere or disc,
charged with too great a quantity of static electricity of the
same sign.
"If we admit at the same time, that the separation of
the two halves of each accumulator would break abruptly
the circuit of oscillation, as would seem indicated by the
rupture, retraction, and disappearance of the meshes of the
nuclear reticulum during mitosis, and thus suspend tempo-
rarily the oscillating discharge, then the nervous energy
of this discharge being still at that instant in a dynamic
state along the same circuit of oscillation will remain no
longer actual energy, but on the contrary becomes trans-
formed into potential, and discharge itself upon the first
little bit of substance most capable of receiving it. And
this substance, likewise, when once charged with static
nervous energy of the same sign must divide also into two
parts and thus must form two distinct centers of attraction
which mutually repel each other. Consequently, without
pretending thus to be able to penetrate into the smallest
details of this phenomenon, we understand nevertheless
how vital phenomena of dynamic order, which are due to
the oscillating nervous discharge, must then necessarily
be followed by phenomena of static order, quite similar to
the corresponding phenomenon which the oscillating dis-
charge of an electric resonator would offer, if its oscilla-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 579
tion being suddenly interrupted it discharged itself straight-
way upon any heap of conductive metallic filings which it
encountered, transforming itself from dynamic to static
electricity.
"This view would find support especially:
"i. In Delage's observation that in indirect division the
longitudinal splitting of the chromosomes or of the nuclear
filament begins before achromatic filaments are present
which are capable of exerting upon them any pull what-
ever, from which it may be inferred that it is repulsion
which operates between the two halves;13
"2. In Hansemann's observation, that during karyo-
kinesis all the peculiarly vital functions of the cell, as
assimilation, secretion, etc., are completely suspended;14
"3. In Watase's observation, according to which the
centrosome in reality is only a simple cytomicrosome but
of greater circumference and greater force of attraction,
and that the cytomicrosomes which always lie at the meet-
ing point of three or more cytoplasmic fibres, likewise are
nothing else than small clumps once quite aspecific which
form anew in each cell division and from which arises the
contractile substance of the cytoplasmic fibres themselves ;15
"4. In Ziegler's experiment, in which the poles of the
horse-shoe magnet took the place of centrosomes and acted
upon iron dust strewn upon a thin horizontal wax plate
upon which previously pieces of iron wire of forms similar
to that of the chromosomes had been placed, and in which
figures were obtained which were quite similar to those
presented in nuclear division, which is a direct proof of
the conception already advanced by Roux, that in the
attraction exerted by the centrosomes upon the chromo-
18 Delage, De I'heredite etc., pp. 149-150.
"Hansemann, Studien iiber die Spezifisit'dt, den Altruismus und die An-
aplasie der Zellen, p. 10.
1BWatase, On the Nature of Cell-organization, Boston, Ginn, 1894, pp.
92-93 ; and Origin of Centrosomes, Ginn, 1896, pp. 282, 285.
580 THE MONIST.
somes there are in play static energies of nature similar
to that of magnetic force or of static electricity/'16
The hypothesis which Rignano suggests seems, then,
to show how very many of the characteristic phenomena
of living beings may be scientifically explained. It is a
simple hypothesis, based directly upon properties of phys-
ical energy which are well understood. The additional
specific properties which it attributes to vital energy, seem
to be quite in accord with the properties of physical en-
ergy so far as they are known, and to be such as they
might, under certain conditions, be expected to present,
seem also to be very directly indicated by certain biological
processes, especially by memory and ontogeny.
The great reason why it must be very seriously con-
sidered, lies in the fact that it explains so much which
heretofore has seemed beyond the reach of explanation
or even of speculation. Assimilation, rhythmicity and
periodicity, mitotic division of cells, fecundation, memory,
ontogeny with its orderly repetition of ancestral forms,
heredity — these phenomena, the most fundamental and
constant of all those manifested by living things, have been
just those most difficult to explain. Biological details have
been thoroughly worked over. The vast store of obser-
vations upon them, and upon the modes of action of the
fundamental vital processes, constitute the science of biol-
ogy to-day, but upon the essential nature of the productive
cause of all the varied phenomena of life, biology is rela-
tively silent. The problem has been so difficult that by
many it has been hopelessly abandoned, though surely hints
of the solution must come up before us constantly in our
daily work, if we could but understand them.
18 Ziegler, "Untersuchungen iiber die Zellteilung," Verhandl. der deutschen
soologischen Gesellschaft, Leipsic, 1895, pp. 78-83. Roux, Ueber die Be-
deutung der Kernteilungsfiguren, Leipsic, Engelmann, 1883, p. 18. — Marcus
Hartog, "The Dual Force of the Dividing Cell, Pt. I : The Achromatic Spindle
Figure Illustrated by Magnetic Chains of Force/' Proceedings of the Royal
Society, B, Vol. 76, 1905, esp. pp. 555-559-
VITAL PROCESSES ACCORDING TO RIGNANO. 581
Some have referred the vital process to the action of
spirit, shelving the problem in so far as science is con-
cerned as unreachable and unknowable. But its study
constitutes, as Rignano truly says, the real end and aim
of all biological study, none of which is without direct re-
lation to it. The conceptions of a few great naturalists
have been beacon lights, guiding the course of others, but
the fundamental causes are still in darkness. These causes
must be sought in the borderland between physical science
and biology, and here the help of the physicist is valuable
and indispensable, especially if like Rignano, he is able to
see clearly in what the fundamental problems of biology
consist, and is able also to think synthetically.
The hypothesis contributes to science a basis and guide
for further constructive thought and work, and as such
cannot fail to fulfil the modest hope of the author that it
might be a travail d'approche toward true conceptions.
And as such it is being gratefully received and carefully
considered by many who are still hopeful that these things
also will be clearly seen and understood.
Rignano concludes his book by saying that he will be
especially grateful to those biologists who will be so good
as to send him criticisms or objections, and also to advise
him of new facts which can be adduced either for or against
his conception.
BASIL C. H. HARVEY.
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY OF VITAL OR-
GANIZATION.
A MONISTIC philosophy that finds idealism and mate-
xV rialism alike inadequate as interpretations of nature,
and which essays to shift the entire epistemological struc-
ture upon a new and naturalistic foundation is offered by
Edmund Montgomery in his latest, and perhaps final, utter-
ance, Philosophical Problems in the Light of Vital Organi-
sation. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London.)
An ontography is here formulated which will go far,
its venerable author hopes, to recover philosophy from its
forlorn driftings on the unpathed and harborless seas of
metaphysics. He beckons back the thought from its wan-
derings in these intellectual infinitudes, and bids it find
in the most intimate and familiar of all things, the human
organism, with its phylogenetically developed memory and
conscious content, the veritable harbor of ultimate knowl-
edge. Philosophy, he asserts, must reach its truths through
physiological and not through speculative investigations.
Such an hypothesis, because of its revolutionary char-
acter, can scarcely fail of securing the attention of those
whose thought is devoted to either scientific or philosoph-
ical interpretation.
Montgomery has covered wide reaches of speculation.
Gathering data from the four corners of the philosophic
firmament, he has focalized his findings in the individual
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 583
microcosm, declaring that in the human organism are to
be found, wrought by vital interaction with its surround-
ing medium, such neural refinements of the ectodermic
structures as to harbor all the initiating marvels of man's
mentality. "Solely through close attentive investigation
of what is revealed in perceptual awareness regarding the
organism and its functions," says Montgomery, "can be
gained an understanding as to how the living substance
or organism comes to be alive, by what means it has struc-
turally and functionally developed so as to stand in defi-
nite, manifold interactive relations to its medium, and
which of its structures and functions are concerned in the
harboring and issuing of its conscious content, in the ac-
quisition of its accumulating and latently preserved expe-
rience, and its conduct of life through guidance of such
gathered experience." (Philosophical Problems etc., page
3290
With rare dialectic skill, and with an array of all known
pertinent facts of physiology, to which he has superadded
much valuable data as result of personal, scientifically con-
ducted investigation along biological lines, he essays to
demonstrate that there is a veritable physiological seat
or source of those potential efficiencies which, stimulated
into activity, resuscitate our evanished, though latently
enduring experiences imprisoned in the silence and the
glooms of the subconscious. Are we, indeed, to hope that
science will yet trace the processes which vitally alchemize
within the mysterious plexus of the living structure the
fleeting phantasmagoria of conscious states, and organize
them into the synthetized bodies of conceptual knowledge
which we denominate reason with its "universal prin-
ciples," its "categories," its "ethical imperatives," its "a
priori mathematics," its "logical norms"?
Adopting the basic postulate of idealism, Montgomery
recognizes consciousness as our only direct source of per-
584 THE MONIST.
ceptual and conceptual revelation: sense-effected on its
objective sides, there is revealed, albeit only symbolically,
a universe of abiding, though everchanging, sense-stimu-
lating, substantial efficiencies. Upon its subjective facets
arise memories, concepts, volitions, emotions and all the
deliverances of our apperceptive faculties.
The forcelessness and purely subservient character of
consciousness is strenuously insisted upon, it having, he
maintains, "no other significance than to render the living
being aware of his organically ingrained modes of inter-
relation with that which constitutes its real extraconscious
environment."
But here, let it be said, the reader loses the very essence
of Montgomery's thought if he permits himself for a mo-
ment to forget that, to our author, the great extracon-
scious, perception-compelling entity which we call the ex-
ternal world, including our own being, is only vicariously
known to us. What consciousness presents as perceptual
realities are fashioned from the radiated influences of
force-endowed existents subsisting outside mind, and
translated into mental simulacra by means of the func-
tional activities of brain and specialized nerve-structures,
themselves the developed creatures of this interplay.
But Montgomery's world is not the world of the ideal-
ist, for to him a not-I assuredly exists, though only em-
blematically revealed. To this contention many a para-
graph of his writings is devoted. "Perceptual mind," he
says, "is altogether moulded on the foreign powers which
appear to us as the outside world, and has therefore no
meaning save in relation to those outside powers. Con-
ceptual mind, in its turn, is significative of those perceptual
realizations, and has no value but in reference to them,
and the natural and genuine field of exertion for our will,
its objects of desire and aversion, lie likewise in the world
of foreign existents outside our individual mind. Thus not
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 585
only our bodily organization but our entire mental consti-
tution is fashioned in correspondence to a complex world
external to our own being." (The Index, Oct. 9, 1884.)
Thus unequivocally does Montgomery exclude from his
neo-vitalistic credendum all implications of transcendental
endowments miraculously infused into the organism. With
kaleidoscopic shiftings of the tenets of idealism, he attacks
them from every conceivable viewpoint, while materialism
suffers no less vigorous assaults from his dialectic "big
stick/'
It has been one of Montgomery's chief endeavors to
demonstrate the unity of the organic individual, and thus
to controvert the dominant theory of biologists, which
maintains that all organisms, vegetal and animal, are ani-
mated not by the vitality of a unitary protoplasmic sub-
stance, but by a plexure or aggregation of more or less
autonomous elementary cells, plastidules, micellae, gem-
mules, pangenes, biaphores, physiological units, or what-
nots,— not by an indiscerptible plasmogenic being, but by
morphological units, almost undifferentiated, working with
hyperintellectual endowments to execute the interdepen-
dent functions of a complicated living structure.
In short, Montgomery contends for a panzoism that
regards the organic being as bioplasmically unitary — a
synplasm, and a quasi "entellechy," possessing "the in-
herent activities of agencies specifically operative in the
production of all vital phenomena." He undertakes to
demonstrate scientifically and epistemologically that con-
sciousness and all psychic exhibits whatever are dependent
upon specific conditions of the vital organism as wrought
by interaction with its environment through ages upon
ages of vital toil and adjustment.
These specific, synthetized neural congeries possess, he
asserts, the intrinsic, though phylogenetically acquired,
properties which actuate the faculty of developed aware-
586 THE MONIST.
ness, and condition its deliverances by referring them to
the mnemonic thesaurus of the subconscious. He finds
also in this "intraconscious, microcosmic world/' with its
marvelous self-reintegrative efficiencies, an answer to the
ancient enigma of identity amid change, and a solution of
the perennial problem of substantiality. In this same proto-
plasmic substance, structured functionally into persistent
organization, he detects "the abiding matrix that harbors
within its trans-phenomenal, extra-conscious recesses ac-
cruing experiences, as memorized and systematized knowl-
edge/'
Thus, in the specialized sentiencies of the vital organ-
ism, and as a result of its physiophyly, appears that psychic
radium whose mutating identity, ever renewing, ever dis-
integrating, radiates all mental activities, re-absorbing
each fleeting mode of consciousness, and, touching it with
the immortalizing alchemy of memory, relegates it to the
under-world where abides the "ingathered Past" — the
great Subconscious, to whose marvelous functions Mont-
gomery, more than any other philosopher, assigns the vast
importance attaching to them as data of a correct epis-
temology.
Reason, he says, is inseparable from socially acquired
language, so that, with all its manifold deliverances, in-
stead of being a world-creating entity or demiurge, as
proclaimed by idealists, it is assumed to be a forceless by-
product of perceptual activity and sensorial elaboration,
wrought through age-long social and linguistic associa-
tion, and not an ab extra creative importation from tran-
scendental realms, projected through an undiscoverable
mystical medium.
This, in its boldest and most sensational features, pre-
sents the work to which Montgomery has devoted a long
life of patient toil. As this article, by editorial request,
is to incorporate somewhat more of the personal element
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 587
than is usual in The Monist's reviews of philosophic
works, something should be said of Montgomery's unique
literary style, a feature which elicits either the ban or the
enthusiasm of the reader, according to his temperament.
In Montgomery's mental processes there is neither hi-
atus nor elision. His very coherency subjects him to the
charge of over-elaboration. His intellect possesses a sort
of alkahestic quality. No composite entity but breaks under
his mental catalysis, and his sense of continuity seems to
dissuade him from dissipating his thought into such gram-
matical individualities as sentences, for he ramifies his
theme with clause after clause, in bewildering profusion,
till a sentence extends sometimes through a score or more
lines of his book, and mental continuity well-nigh exhausts
itself in wending the verbal causeway he throws across
his thought.
His diction is essentially poetic, because, with trenchant
insight, he explores the very soul of his thought, and be-
cause he adopts purely literary forms of expression, even
paraphrasing technical terms wherever possible, thus in-
cidentally rendering philosophy a unique service. In the
elucidation of his own theories he has practically devel-
oped a special Onomatology.
There is thrilling suggestiveness in some passages of
Montgomery's writings as they dart their illumination over
uncharted reaches of nescience or into murky nooks of na-
ture's arcana. This is because to Montgomery nothing
seems conventional or familiar. He stands before his
thought with an awe and intellectual alertness such as
Plato ascribes to his imagined cave-creature, who, reared
in subterranean glooms, was nurtured to intellectual ma-
turity, emotional normality and sensorial completeness,
then led forth to behold for the first time the splendors
of a sunrise. There are instances, it is true, in which
Montgomery seems to literally revel in linguistic intoxi-
588 THE MONIST.
cation; but an attempt to reduce the thought to greater
verbal sobriety would result in disappointment. Professor
James in a late Hibbert Journal has said of Hegel : "His
passion for the slip-shod in the way of sentence; his un-
principled playing fast and loose with terms; his abom-
inable vocabulary, calling what completes a thing its nega-
tive, for example; his systematic refusal to let you know
whether he is talking logic or physics or psychology; his
deliberately adopted ambiguity and vagueness, in short,
make his present-day readers tear their hair out in des-
peration/' Contrast this intellectual insincerity of Hegel
with the intensity and propagandic vehemence of Mont-
gomery, and we find at once the cause and justification of
his affluent utterance. Idiosyncrasies and mannerisms of
expression are not lacking, but these are easily mastered.
His subtle and intuitive grasp upon the salient features
of a philosophy or school of thought is notable. In the
alembic of his mind the essential components of a theory
loosen from their superadded composition and move, al-
most with the accuracy of chemical affinity, into their
proper places in his conception. An illustration of this
faculty will be found on page 101 of his Philosophical
Problems, where he specifies the dialectic subterfuges and
fantastic subtleties to which philosophers have been driven
in efforts to square their postulates with the psycho-phys-
ical entanglements presented by the interaction of body and
mind.
In the year 1852 Montgomery matriculated at Heidel-
berg as a medical student. His range of acquaintance even
then included many of the representative thinkers of Ger-
many, association with whom, owing to their conflicting
views, served to thrust our young student into a bewilder-
ing vortex of world-interpretations. Under the sway of
Moleschott and Vogt, medical science was being delivered
mainly in terms of materialism, these eminent teachers
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 589
having recently disavowed the conceptual vagaries of Oken
and Schelling. But the enthusiastic exposition of Fichtean
phenomenalism and of Hegelian ontology as proclaimed
by his friends Christian Kapp and Kuno Fischer almost
diverted our student from the philosophical faith dominant
amongst the expounders of his chosen science. As a
counter-check to his idealism, extended conferences were
held with the celebrated Ludwig Feuerbach, who, after
renouncing Hegel's solipsism, had become an ardent be-
liever in the real existence of sense-revealed perceptible
nature. Already Montgomery had read Schopenhauer,
and remembered his remark that materialism was fit only
for barber apprentices and apothecary assistants, a view
gleefully endorsed by most of Montgomery's philosophical
friends. But ever the old psychophysical riddle haunted
his thought. If no kind of matter can produce or secrete
thought, how is it, conversely, possible for any kind of
thought to produce matter? The existence of the body is
quite as certain as is that of mind. Can they be one and
the same entity? Is this tangible and visible body the ex-
ternal aspect of the same existent that reveals itself in in-
tangible and invisible modes of mental awareness?
Experience in the dissecting-room at Heidelberg for-
bade assent to this theory. The bodily structure remained
before him concrete and visible in all its features. The
mind, however, had departed, or rather had become wholly
extinguished. Mind, therefore, must be something rad-
ically different from body. His medical tutors assured him
that the body consists wholly of inert material particles
mechanically moved. This being true, is there not a wide
and essential disparity between it and mind? Neverthe-
less their interaction was undeniable, though a feeling,
thinking mind could not be conceived of detachable from
a body in which it had come into the world, and with
which it had correspondingly developed from infancy to
590 THE MONIST.
maturity. Are then the manifestations of mind and the
activities of the body, being experienced as inseparable,
concomitant and complemental, to be regarded as only dif-
ferent modes of one and the same entity or individuated
being ?
Descartes had introduced into biology the prevailing
mechanistic and materialistic views of vital processes, and
shortly after Montgomery's school days Dubois Reymond
and Huxley demonstrated conclusively that mind and men-
tal phenomena only ineffectively accompany the body's
mechanically-moved activities without having the least in-
fluence upon them. About that time the famous dictum
was formulated declaring that brain secretes thought as
the liver secretes bile. Physiologists were also proclaim-
ing that thought is accompanied with cerebro-molecular
agitation, and the world's best intellects were engaged
upon the problem of how the constant and manifold inter-
communication of two such incommensurable entities as
mind and matter is effected.
The occasionalism of the Cartesians ; the absolute, all-
involving Substance of Spinoza; the Preestablished Har-
mony of Leibnitz, and other equally fanciful hypotheses
were then engaging the serious thought of philosophers.
Descartes had bisected nature into two substances, an un-
extended thinking substance, and an extended material
substance. Intercommunication between two such dispar-
ate entities was, however, utterly unthinkable, for how
can an unextended substance enter into intercommunica-
tion with a spatially-divided or extended entity? Besides
there is nothing more surely extended in the world than
perceptual vision; yet this is a manifestation of the very
entity which is declared to be unextended.
In positing his Absolute Substance, Spinoza failed to
disclose any reason why the order of thought should cor-
respond or be identical with the order of things. The
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 591
Preestablished Harmony of Leibnitz seems too fantastic
to justify even an analysis in this day of severe thought.
His "two-clock" conceit serves only to loosen the brow into
smiles. Body and mind actually do work in harmony, and
the harmony is preestablished, following from the first
prenatal movement till death brings a period to vital mani-
festations. But in all these philosophic postulates there is
not a scintilla of explanation given as to how the harmony
was established and how it accomplished its results. Pri-
mordial fatality or divine fiat were the alternative answers
open to the interpreters of these irrational speculations.
The world-creating power of mind, exerted as will or
thought, was, in these early days of Montgomery's scien-
tific studies, receiving more serious consideration than was
any materialistic view. Kantian transcendental concep-
tualism, Hegelian ontology, Fichtean solipsistic idealism,
Berkeleyan non-substantialism, with their scores of deriv-
atives and interpretations, were rife in the philosophic
realm. " Concepts were declared to be the real enduring
entities in the world, the abiding archetypes, or compre-
hensive universals, of which all other modes of existence
are mere perishing copies or particulars." (Philosophical
Problems, etc., page 20.) But Montgomery detected no
creative power in his own will or thought, nor in that of
any of the idealistic expounders of conceptual potentiality.
The radical difference of nature obtaining between the
generally perceptible universe and the world of exclusive
subjective awareness constantly thrust itself upon his
thought.
At Bonn Montgomery attended the lectures of Helm-
holtz on the physiology of the senses, at which time Ber-
keley's theory of vision was discussed, and Montgomery
was led to read other works of the great idealist who, as
he wrote later, "extended the domain of consciousness by
despoiling physical nature of all perceived qualities what-
592 THE MONIST.
ever, proving that every thing which is realized as percep-
tion is of necessity a mental phenomenon." Previously
Locke had demonstrated that colors, sounds, odors and
tastes were subjective or conscious phenomena and not
properties of external existence. Kant had reasoned time
and space into mere modes of thought. "After such com-
plete draining into the sphere of consciousness of every-
thing which seemed to make up physical nature, it became
doubtful to philosophically trained minds," says Mont-
gomery, "whether there exists, in truth, anything in the
world save consciousness itself." But unlike our Huxleys
and our Tyndalls who eventually took refuge in idealism,
being unable to solve the psychophysical riddles of being,
Montgomery made his escape, figuratively speaking,
through the back door; for, pondering on the respective
parts body and mind are playing in seeing and hearing
and in sense-perception in general, he realized that if
everything which appears perceptually is of ideal and not
of material consistency, then, conversely, it must also be
true that nothing mental can be itself perceptible.
And here, indeed, is the very pith of Montgomery's
world-conception and interpretation. With almost tire-
some iteration, the classification of the perceptual and the
conceptual is presented to the reader's attention. If we
really consist of mind-stuff, is his contention, we should
be wholly imperceptible to others, indeed wholly non-exis-
tent. We cannot perceive, touch or see another person's
feelings, thoughts or emotions ; but we can see and touch
another's body. What we actually perceive as another
body, though itself a mere mental percept, must evidently
represent something of a nature entirely different from
that of its perceptual image within the percipient's con-
scious content.
This sense-hidden mental awareness has to be com-
municated to outsiders by means of bodily or tangible
MONTGOMERY S PHILOSOPHY. 593
signs through sounds, sights or gestures. And the mean-
ing of these signs must be interpreted by the observer's
own connatural experience. That which, through sense-
stimulation, arouses in beholders a definite percept is char-
acterized by Montgomery as a "power-endowed, relatively
permanent entity," while the aroused percept within the
conscious content is itself only a feature of "the panoramic
play of our fleeting modes of awareness" — a forceless,
evanescent ideal phenomenon. The former has power to
affect the senses in definite ways, and is hence called "phys-
ical" in radical contradistinction to the forceless mental
state called "psychical." In this light, Montgomery thinks
the problem of psychophysical parallelism becomes intel-
ligible: the mental awareness forms the psychical half,
while the observer's sense-imparted perception can be re-
garded as the physical half of the parallelism. But it must
be observed that the same vital process which awakens in
the subject a definite mental phenomenon, and elicits cor-
responding physical expression, evokes through sense-stim-
ulation, in the beholder, accordant motor signs. The per-
ceptual awareness of these physical tokens is just as much
a mental state as is the subject's imperceptible ideal phe-
nomenon. The term "physical," then, in this connection,
means the external, sense-compelling influence which af-
fects in definite, preestablished ways the beholder's recep-
tive sensibilities, and forces the presence, characteristics
and activities of its source of emanation to reveal them-
selves in mental representation.
It must be remembered that in Montgomery's episte-
mological system, everything is trans-phenomenal except
awareness and the actual content of consciousness, present
or memorized. Hence all activities that can cause con-
scious states to arise, whether of the perceptual or concep-
tual order must be regarded as extra-mental, that is, exter-
nal and physical. He says (Philosophical Problems, etc.,
594 THE MONIST.
page 145) : "These extra-conscious activities, resulting in
mental occurrences, are set going in the same power-en-
dowed sphere wherein our enduring self and its matrix
of consciousness have their real being. These specific ac-
tivities of the organic being are, consequently, as such,
unknown processes, processes taking place outside con-
scious awareness. They are, however, definitely signalized
by the specific conscious state to which they respectively
give rise." And that which evoked the conscious state is
henceforth preserved to reissue its efficiency as a memory
upon appropriate stimulation, all this occurring in the or-
ganic realm beyond any possible control of consciousness,
which indeed is only the interpretative outcome of these
processes. And this is also the explanation of the phe-
nomenon of volition or self-determination, a subject to
which Montgomery devotes much attention.
Sense-stimulated awareness is strictly compulsory. Its
content cannot in substance be volitionally changed. But
there is another set of mental phenomena more intimate
than that revealed by physical stimuli: it is the realm of
past experience systematized and memorized. This sub-
merged world can reappear in consciousness independent
of sense-incitement. Sense-awakened mental states, how-
ever, cannot appear without carrying with them, or, per-
haps, more correctly, concomitantly eliciting, as interpret-
ers, a wealth of complemental data from memorized past
experience. And this is one of the most remarkable facts
of psychic life. Some synthetizing property, doubtless
having its basis in neural or cephalic structure, appears
to be a function of the organism, as is regeneration. Some-
where and somehow within the recesses of the encephalon
this synthetizing function is ever carrying on its wonderful
processes, and returning its product in systematized and
therefore available memory of affiliated past experiences.
The transference of epistemological problems from the
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 595
realm of metaphysics to the domain of biology was first
essayed by Montgomery in discussions with Helmholtz,
and somewhat later advanced in a German work entitled
Die Kant'sche Erkenntnisslehre widerlegt vom Standpunkt
der Empiric. This rather elaborate attack on Kant's doc-
trine of the a priori bore the subtitle, Ein vorbereitender
Beitrag zur Begriindung einer physiologischen Naturauf-
fassung, and one of the chapters carried the rather start-
ling title : "The Necessary Synthesis of the Sensible Mani-
fold is a Physiological and not a Logical Action." The
following passage from that work gives, perhaps, the ear-
liest enunciation of a philosophy based upon vital organi-
zation: "The solution of philosophical problems is to be
found only by way of physiological investigation. Every
philosophical question, rightly put, is a physiological ques-
tion. We know that an organ repairs the waste it suffers
in functioning; that it restores itself to a state identical
with its former self without being assisted thereat by any-
thing mental. Thus it becomes unconsciously capacitated
to perform anew identical functions. It is this entirely
organic process which underlies all consciousness of iden-
tity, and certainly no spontaneous power of the transcen-
dental Ego, as assumed by Kant." (Pages 125-6.)
Another fact of nature which in Montgomery's philos-
ophy is deemed of paramount importance, is that actual
awareness takes place only in the real present, a mode of
time radically contradistinguished from the future and the
past. These present moments of awareness follow each
other uninterruptedly, passing away in "dissolving waves
of ever-lapsing Time," as Montgomery poetically says. If
the evanescent content of past moments of awareness were
not available to present consciousness, complete oblivion
of everything previously experienced would prevail. As
the content of these past moments of awareness cannot
possibly dwell in the transitory panorama of the conscious
THE MONIST.
phenomena themselves, there must, perforce, be some ma-
trix wherein their memory is enduringly preserved. "Time
itself cannot be apprehended, only its freight of succeeding
appearances is the object of apprehension. These appear-
ances supplant each other successively. And their definite
sequence in time must, then, evidently be necessitated by
the definite activity of the underlying substance which is-
sues them into actual awareness. They, therefore, neces-
sarily appear in definite order in subjective or empirical
apprehension, because they are thus definitely determined
in the realm of substantial existence." And this inter-
related, persistent, substantial entity, this extra-mental,
power-endowed sphere of real existence is of course the
perceptible body. For it must not be forgotten that to
Montgomery the living human organism, with its wonder-
ful endowments, is the veritable ens entium. It is the
basis of his epistemological structure. No notion of "gross
matter" inheres in his concept of the visible man. "We
touch heaven," said the devout Novalis, "when we lay
our hands upon the human body." Montgomery has reared
it scientifically to this pinnacle of piety. It is to him "the
matrix whence issues into actual awareness in unbroken
sequence the panoramic revelation of nature, conveyed in
ever-changing kaleidoscopic combinations of sensations,
perceptions, thoughts, feelings, cravings and emotions.
Such a matrix," he says, "must be in all verity a genuine
substance possessing the essential properties with which
advanced philosophical thinking has been led to endow the
inevitable notion of substantiality : a notion that alone res-
cues our world-interpretation from complete collapse into
the abyss of idealistic nihilism." (Philosophical Problems,
etc., page 109.) In further defense of the dignity of his
conception of organization, he says (pages 197-8) : "the
visible organic commotion we call life, which is sustaining
with its ceaseless activity all structures and all functions
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 597
of the living individual, reveals in its incomprehensible
potency the profoundly mysterious nature of our real extra-
conscious being, fully justifying us in regarding it as the
veritable source of the flowing phenomena of our conscious
content."
To establish his postulate as to the relation obtaining
between morphological structure, its physiophyly and con-
comitant psychic manifestations, Montgomery spent years
of patient toil as a microscopist in the study of proto-organ-
isms. Here he found further reason for opposing the mech-
anistic doctrines of the physicists, particularly as they ap-
plied to vital phenomena and organic deportment. No
physico-chemical hypothesis would cover the field, though
many of the vital processes formerly classed as purely
physiological he relegated to the realm of the chemical and
physical. Nor have developments in the meanwhile served
to eliminate the necessity of reckoning with an element
"not amenable to the ordinary yoke of physical laws." The
vaunted doctrine of endosmosis was heralded by Dutrochet
as a veritable explanation of life itself. Later investiga-
tions, however, demonstrate that the intestines are lined
with epithelial cells, themselves independent organisms con-
siderably specialized, and that the protoplasm of these cells
selects and appropriates proper nutriment in the same man-
ner as do the ciliate infusoria. And this selective process
unmistakably implies a nervous system. The psychical
element, therefore, enters at an early stage as a factor in
unicellular life; and as a functioning element plays a part
in morphophyly not at all inferior to the physico-chemical
forces.
What then is this most common and intimate thing
called vitality? — "this intangible something whose forma-
tive potency draws to itself stray stuff from the visible
world, coercing it into significant organic arrangement
and prescient aimful activity?" Vitality, Montgomery
59^ THE MONIST.
avers, is not a static property but the result of a dynamical
process. "It is not the property of any kind of mere chem-
ical compound. It is altogether a phyletically elaborated
chemical process taking place in strict dependence upon,
and interaction with, the stimulating influences of the me-
dium."
As to the origin of life itself, Montgomery, of course,
refers it also to molecular processes. He says (Monist,
Vol. 5, No. 2) : "Whenever a complex molecule, formed
during the chemical elaboration of our planetary material,
suffered slightest disintegration, that is, loss of any of its
constituent elements, and was thereupon able to re-inte-
grate itself by means of combination with complemental
elements offered by the medium, there life had its beginning,
... for its alternate disintegration and reintegration raised
it from the sphere of lifeless existence into that of living
activity."
That the protoplasmic individual is a chemical unit,
Montgomery has discussed in an article entitled "The De-
pendence of Quality on Specific Energies," published in
Mind, 1 88 1, wherein he essayed to demonstrate that no
number of qualitatively equal units can possibly, through
any kind of aggregation or juxtaposition, produce by such
summation anything qualitatively higher than themselves ;
no number of mere aggregations in whatever special posi-
tion a higher chemical compound; no number of mere
aggregated organic molecules a living organism ; no num-
ber of merely aggregated elementary organisms a higher
organism, and no number of merely associated psychical
elements a higher mental phenomenon.
Mayer, as a corollary to his doctrine of the correlation
and transmutation of forces, had proclaimed that vital ac-
tivity was solely a display of transmuted physical forces,
sustained and perpetuated as such by mere combustion of
the appropriated nutriment. Muscle was only "a machine
MONTGOMERY S PHILOSOPHY. 599
through whose instrumentality is brought about the trans-
formation of force. ... It is not itself the material by means
of whose chemical metamorphosis the mechanical effect is
produced." Montgomery was amongst the first to attack
this unphysiological view of vital organization, and in ar-
ticles published in Pfluger's Archiv (1881) he announced
his position after exhaustive studies of motility in micro-
organisms and in muscular fibre. His claim was to have
demonstrated that the force effecting vital movements is
in reality "mass-manifestation of a definite cycle of chem-
ical activity, occurring in the very substance which exhibits
the motion."
Minimizing the importance generally attached to mor-
phological appearances in biological study, Montgomery
discarded the use of powerful re-agents in the examination
of the visible details of organic structure as employed by
Virchow and his school. He examined tissues in serum
and, where possible, in their natural living state. Investi-
gating microscopically in living muscles their structural
movements, he found the striped protoplasm of such as
had been detached from the body of insects, when immersed
in distilled water instead of serum, to be suddenly con-
verted throughout into fine, wavy, fibrous tissue similar
to that of tendons. Then followed the rather startling dis-
covery that this complete disarrangement of the striped
structure of the muscular fibre was susceptible to perfect
restoration on the addition of a little salt or sea-water, a
substance chemically similar to blood. This experiment
forced the conclusion that muscular fibre is not stable ma-
chinery mechanically moved, but that it consists of a sub-
stance possessing its own actuating principle, and that its
minute structural organization is due to its intrinsic chem-
ical constitution and the specific vital activity attaching
to it.
In the logical development of his attack upon median-
6OO THE MONIST.
istic theories he questioned some of their fundamental pos-
tulates, energy and motion themselves being labeled "ab-
stractions." "In the whole range of thought/' says Mont-
gomery (Monist, Vol. 5, No. 2) "there exists no more fan-
ciful belief than that which makes so utterly inconceivable
an abstraction as pure energy or motion detach itself from
a moving mass to seize upon another mass which it thereby
energizes.1' The changes which are observed to occur in
groups of physical existents are wrought by powers in-
herent in the interdependent agents thus manifesting the
changes. "We become consciously aware of physical ex-
istents solely by their sundry characteristic activities stim-
ulating our senses." These activities merely stimulate our
senses, observe, not passing over into our being. In like
manner motion merely stimulates changes in other physical
compounds by affecting the latent energy within their own
intimate and inalienable natures. Experiments in catalysis
are corroborating these assertions more and more, while
observations on the nature of radium have confessedly
overturned theories of the conservation of energy. Even
the theory of the kineticism of gases must assume in the
gas-molecules the intrinsic endowments of elasticity and
motion. Energy therefore is not transmissible and inter-
convertible. It is not only constant as an innate property
of physical substances, but it is infinite and inexhaustible.
The energy, for example, which manifests itself in this
table to effect the visual sense would continue forever to
emanate its subtle force without diminution of its stored
potentiality. "Three principal facts fatal to the theory of
the conservation of energy .... are : first, the inseparabil-
ity of an activity from that of which it is the activity;
second, advantage of position due to forcible disequilibra-
tion ; and third, the intrinsic inexhaustible power possessed
by masses to resist and counteract over and over again
with undiminished efficiency, within certain limits, any
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 601
external disturbance of their equilibrated state." (Philo-
sophical Problems, etc., p. 291.)
Another of Montgomery's intellectual battles was
waged against the cell-aggregation theories of biologists,
in his contention for a purely unitary view of the organ-
ism. "The assumption of autonomous cells as aggregated
constituent elements of the out and out organized unitary
individual, and of the composition of such autonomous cells
by a further aggregation of secondary units, .... gives rise
to painfully labored, illogical theories of vitality and or-
ganization, wherein the imagined imperceptible units are,
to begin with, arbitrarily endowed with all the properties
they are invented to explain." (Page 161, Philosophical
Problems, etc.) If this theory be true the diversified tis-
sues of organisms must be products of a single reproduc-
tive germ-cell by a process of cumulative cell-division.
Somewhere Montgomery thus formulates the riddles
involved in these germ-cell theories : "How do the myriads
of differentiated cell-beings entering into the formation of
a complex organism manage to become potentially repre-
sented in the initial germ-cell from which they emanate?
and how do the potential differentiations enclosed in the
germ-cell manage to evolve the adult organism?" Darwin,
with his wonted frankness, fronts his provisional hypoth-
esis of pangenesis with a scarcely less unsolvable enigma :
"How can the use or disuse of a particular limb or of a
brain affect a small aggregate of reproductive cells seated
in a distant part of the body, in such a manner that the
being developed from these cells inherits the characters
of either one or both parents?" Verily the problems of
regeneration and heredity are the fundamental problems
and crux of biology ; and their solution involves a mastery
of the mysteries of the dim world of molecular activities.
And here indeed is where Montgomery has sought his an-
swer to the sphinx-riddle ; for to him it is the morphological
6O2 THE MONIST.
output effected through chemical reintegration of the pro-
toplasm of the spermatozoid with its inherent vital prop-
erties that forms the adult organism.
To Montgomery, protoplasm is not merely an aggrega-
tion of molecules preserved as a mass by physical cohesion,
but an indescerptible unit, cohering under such specific
chemical bonds as distinguish natural compounds. But its
vital functions, "due to a definite cycle of chemical activ-
ities," operate independently, and involve the entire sub-
stance in "chemical solidarity." That vital process which de-
velops the pseudopodium, and which causes it to withdraw
again into the emanating substance, depends upon chemical
avidity for restitution. Assimilation is merely reintegration
through combination with appropriate pabulum, and this
process, of course, involves the necessity of eliminating
waste material. This final act in the catabolic process is
accomplished by means of depurative vesicles. Assimila-
tion does not involve on the part of the living substance
a metamorphosing of the appropriated material into sepa-
rate vital beings like itself, as generally believed.
Montgomery thinks this account of the constitution of
the organic being lends itself readily as an explanation of
the problems of reproduction. His experiments in onto-
genesis verified this conclusion. He sliced into many parts
the rather highly differentiated stentor, each of which parts
developed a complete adult trumpet-animalcule. And this
morphological restitution was accomplished, he asserts, "by
dint of its unsaturated chemical affinities managing by de-
grees to reconstruct, through assimilation of complemen-
tary material, the chemical whole of which the fragments
formed a part." Metabolism finds here, then, a proper
and scientific explanation, as do fissiparity, the "budding"
process, and all other forms of organic regeneration.
This, it must be confessed, simplifies matters encour-
agingly; but observers of karyokinetic phenomena and
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 603
other processes of fissiparous division of cell-nuclei will
doubtless regard it as inadequate. It must be admitted
that Montgomery's direct methods eliminate many of the
difficulties injected into the problem by the cell-aggregation
hypothesis. It would seem, however, that he is not wholly
free from the philosophic vice of other biologists, so trench-
antly attacked by him in referring to their "surreptitiously
smuggling" into physiological units such plasomes as were
required to potentialize them with their requisite charac-
teristics. Montgomery's philosophic sins are not so sub-
tilly devised. They consist of attributing to phyletic pro-
cesses the development of qualities apparently incommen-
surable with the physical, chemical and vital substrata of
his evolving substance. Memory and awareness "intrin-
sically originate" from protoplasm, in which they, in weak
diffusion, inhere in the same manner as physical and chem-
ical properties inhere in non-vital substances. Their pro-
gressive sentient and conscious modes are then phyletically
developed outcomes, and structurally incorporated. The
sublimation of that chemical reaction known as "irritabil-
ity" into thought and the interpretation of relations be-
tween thoughts, seems a far leap. But his refutation of
the theory of functional indifference of structural elements,
as advocated by Lewes and Wundt, went far toward estab-
lishing his theory that all vital reactions are attributable
to the intrinsic endowments of their living substance and
its specific structural organization. He further fortified
his position by devoting years of study to protozoic organ-
isms, the results of which were published under the title,
"The Unity of the Organic Individual" (Mind, 1881).
In this valuable contribution Montgomery explains how
the all but homogeneous protoplasmic individual becomes
developed into higher organism by reason of its substance
being differentiated into a set of interdependent structures
which become more and more developed. In transparent
604 v THE MONIST.
Protozoa the whole cycle of activities in which vitality con-
sists can be directly observed in its entirety and simplicity.
The vital process brings nearly all the organism into inter-
active contact with the stimulating influences of the me-
dium, and preserves its integrity and efficiency unimpaired.
Moreover it leads to structural development, for function
develops structure.
And here is the foundation of Montgomery's biological
system. Primitive functions are phylogenetically elabo-
rated. Structure concomitantly develops: not through
conative or conscious processes, but through the activities
of the complemental, stimulating, non-mental power-com-
plexes beyond the conscious content, — entities which pos-
sess, he says, an apparently "creative trend/' The muscu-
lar development of the athlete is no whit the result of any
mental deposit. It is the inevitable effect of a transphe-
nomenal creative activity of which consciousness and all
mental processes are also manifestations. "Our fitful and
fragmentary consciousness is not at all concerned in the
never-flagging, vital activity whose toil alone maintains
intact the high-wrought possessions of life."
The continuity then of organic life is strictly dependent
upon "the maintenance of structural integrity and func-
tional efficiency." Upon this rests the stability and con-
sistency of the world as revealed in consciousness, and the
preservation of our gradually acquired experience ; for this
latently retained and automatically memorized nexus of
past experience has become inwrought into the ectodermic
structures. Without this systematic structural fixation of
the content of the past, there could exist no connatural
experiential formulae, no conceptional consistency, no log-
ical integrity, no formulation of universally valid concepts,
no categories, no norms of reason, no truth. It is this
structural identity, maintained despite changeful events
and the experiences of manifold varying actions performed
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 605
and re-performed, that constitutes, according to Mont-
gomery's creed, the veritable substance, which, as before
stated, philosophers are driven to postulate in order to
secure an unimpaired "issuing matrix" and a perduring
support for the perpetual flux and identical re-issue of con-
scious phenomena. There is no other actually known sub-
stance that meets the philosophic requirements, for no other
has the power to preserve its identity while emanating the
changeful pageantry of the physical cosmos or of the phe-
nomenal world of consciousness.
Looking then upon the human structure, so minutely
and so significantly organized, Montgomery finds both
biology and philosophy compel him to recognize it as the
veritable entity in whose being the representative world of
consciousness has been toilsomely fashioned in symbolical
revelation. For here again let it be remembered that the
perceptual mind deals only in symbols which but meagrely
represent the transphenomenal entities of the real world.
The images into which are translated the "ethereal vibra-
tions" impinging upon our specifically attuned sensory sub-
stance can possess no qualitative parity with the extra-
mental excitant of the molecular composition of the neural-
threaded sense-organ. What the real character of this ex-
ternal, sense-stimulating, changeful but perduring entity
actually is we have no powers for determining. But cer-
tain it is that within the vitality-touched fragment of the
great external world which we call our body is fashioned
the issuing matrix of consciousness, and all the mental
activity which delivers our world-revelation.
Whatever intellectual giant man may prove to be here
in his own sphere, he is, in reality, but a cosmic pigmy who
owes all his gifts to creative powers incomprehensible to
himself, and incommensurable to his own faculties. The
belief in the nature-constituting efficiency of one of her
late manifestations has led philosophers astray ever since
606 THE MONIST.
divine Plato elevated reason to supreme power. Philo-
sophic problems have ever since been treated deductively
from conceptual premises intuitively derived, mainly by
assigning to hypostatized abstractions creative potencies,
and regarding them as real objective existents. It is, how-
ever, becoming more and more evident that concepts are
mere subjective, transitory mental representations of or-
ganized and synthetized actual experience, which must be
scientifically verified as corresponding to conditions natur-
ally given before they can serve as reliable data for reason-
ing processes.
Hume and Kant perceived that analytical propositions
cannot enlarge our knowledge of reality; but they failed
to discover how synthetical, knowledge-enlarging experi-
ence had wrought upon reason. Habitual association of
given particulars, as Hume reasoned, or mind-made syn-
thesis of given appearances, as defined by Kant, fails to
give to concepts their necessary character of permanency.
According to Montgomery the explanation lay in the fact
that during the interaction of the organism with its phys-
ical and social medium, newly acquired experience be-
comes "creatively incorporated" into the structural matrix
which preserves past experience, the entire organism be-
ing, in every detail of structure, a perceptible record of its
entire racial experience. Concepts are therefore nucleated
bodies of thought organically synthetized subsuming ap-
prehended similarities, and lending themselves to "analyt-
ical judgments and dialectic evolutions in elucidation of
experientially accrued knowledge." (Philosophical Prob-
lems, page 12.)
Thus at a considerable expenditure of mental effort,
Montgomery refutes all conceptualistic theories that assign
to intelligence creative potency. "Neither Plotinus nor
Spinoza, neither Scotus Erigina nor Schelling, neither
Leibnitz nor Hegel have, in their various attempts, in the
MONTGOMERY'S PHILOSOPHY. 607
remotest degree succeeded in showing how the world of di-
rect, actual experience can in any way be evolved from an
ideally constituted Absolute, or indeed from any kind of
ideally conceived substance." (Philosophical Problems, etc.,
page 21.) The "psychical force/' a self-emanating activ-
ity postulated by Leibnitz, evolving its phenomenal pro-
ducts out of "an unsubstantial void," and the "hyposta-
tized beingless abstraction" to which Fichte's non-sub-
stantialism reduced the creative agency are shown to be
worthless as epistemological data. Spinoza's Substance
is but an arbitrarily endowed essence of all potentiality,
which Montgomery likens to pure white light potentially
comprising all colors. "But," he asks, "whence the activ-
ity, the power that shapes the definite form, that breaks
the single white radiance into variegated multiplicity ; that
segregates from homogeneous all-comprehension the spe-
cial attributes of 'thought' and 'extension' which are held
to constitute our world ?" No answer is afforded, he says,
by any absolutistic ontology. "Divine substance refuses
rationally to tear its perfection to tatters. If it does so
'irrationally,' as Schelling maintains, it then becomes guilty
of all the pitiful insufficiency that, then, follows from so
degrading an action. Schopenhauer's pessimism is the
consistent outcome of such a conception." (Philosophical
Problems, page 24.)
Montgomery's own naturalistic conception of Sub-
stance, then, affords a relief from the rarified subtleties of
the metaphysicians. Reason or intelligence in whatever
form objectified or hypostatized, is possessed of no crea-
tive efficiency. Its sole function is that of rationally as-
sisting the organism to adjustively meet the conditions of
a social and physical environment. This ability is con-
naturally and concomitantly developed with its phyletic evo-
lution, its increasing enlargement and specialization of
608 THE MONIST.
function being permanently and availably inwrought in
structural exponents.
The ethical creed deduced from these naturalistic prem-
ises, with much else of interest, must be left without com-
ment. Montgomery's books and papers should find a per-
manent place in philosophical literature. Sometime they
will be credited with yielding an illuminating glimpse into
the profundities of Nescience.
CHARLES ALVA LANE.
ALLIANCE, OHIO.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS.
"SELF-REALIZATION" AND THE WAY OUT.
As a theory the ethical doctrine of the English transcendentalists
is reconstructive rather than constructive. Since Green's "Prolego-
mena" we have had from them nothing in the way of new and
positive principles: at the most they have given us the formula of
"self-realization," which they have derived altogether by criticism
of the historical types of ethical theory. Though they differ from
their predecessors in a more scientific psychology, better method,
nicer illustration and finer literary style, they are still at the meeting
of the ways, because they mistake a secondary for the fundamental
fallacy in hedonism and rationalism," and thereby perceive not an
original constructive point of departure for their own doctrine.
That fallacy is not, as the English transcendentalists take it to
be, the sacrifice of the integrity of the self, on the one hand to sensi-
bility, on the other to reason, but the greater sacrifice of infinite
potentialities to an artificial general concept. In this essay I aim
to point out the fundamental fallacy in rationalistic ethics, and to
indicate a constructive way out for the self-realizationists.
We shall make a poor start if we attend at all to the traditional
distinction between sensibility and reason and their ethical values.
It is now a commonplace of moral philosophy that rationalism is
quite unpsychologically founded. We shall begin well, if for a
start we single out a central aspect of the Stoic ethics, against
which modern psychology can direct a valid, but ignored, criticism.
I mean the rationalistic attitude to "Fortune."
I.
In his De Consolatione Philosophiae (Bk. II, cap. 4) Boethius
reports Wisdom as saying, "Adeo nihil est miserum, nisi cum putes ;
contraque beata sors omnis est aequanimitate tolerantis," — which is
almost a literal anticipation of Hamlet's reflection, "There's nothing
6lO THE MONIST.
either good or bad but thinking makes it so." Modern psychology
would develop these maxims in two directions. First: human con-
sciousness, which only for analytic and expository purposes may
be divided into special parts and separate processes, is the source
of all value in the world, of good and evil in every sense. If we
were merely automata — and in this day when we have talking
machines and walking machines that do human things and feign
human ends, the conception is not irrelevant, — conceivably we might
come to make all those useful reactions on our environment which
we now consciously make, but without thinking, they could be
designated useful only by metaphor: to us as, ex hypothesi, autom-
ata, our environment and all its vicissitudes would be indifferent,
neither good nor bad.
Now, by certain inveterate habits of thought, or under certain
exigencies of explanation, we abstract from consciousness all its
vital and sensitive content until it becomes merely cognitive. Then,
forgetting that we have arrived by abstraction at this conception
of the human mind as an intellectus purus, we submit that from
reason alone the world and conscious existence derive all their
value. But if consciousness were merely cognitive, we should at
best be nothing more than intellectual automata; and thus our en-
vironment would be merely a system of mathematically related
objects, devoid of all that would make life worth living. Only
human consciousness, as phenomenally given in its integrity — cog-
nitive, appetitive, and volitional through and through — can con-
stitute excellence, establish ideals, and create an environment of good
and evil.
Fortune, then, has no other origin than this : — it is the offspring,
not, as the Stoics conceived it, of foreign and capricious fate, but of
our own nature and idiosyncrasy. In other words, fortune is a
short-hand term for all those things in the world which satisfy or
dissatisfy our vital impulses, which are dear or repugnant to the
heart, or delightful to the imagination.
Again: So far this is a very simple and obvious piece of psy-
chology ; but because the English transcendentalists, as before them
the Stoics, consider only its subjective meaning, they miss its appli-
cation and value in ethical theory. On the subjective side, while the
Stoics saw that by negating the world, that by consciously willing
to live without its goods, they could thus fortify themselves against
"the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune," they did not see the
deeper meaning of this attitude of spiritual detachment from the
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 6ll
world. Carry out this method of exclusion to its logical end, and
it must result that there will be neither a world nor a self at all.
Modern psychology, on the other hand, taking for its datum the
concrete phenomenal consciousness, not only names and describes
our psychic processes in terms of the objects on which they func-
tion, but views these processes as constituting both the active sub-
stance and the content of the self. This is a method of inclusion, em-
pirically based. But the inevitable abstraction which results from
the subjective method of exclusion, led the rationalists, from the
Stoics to Kant, to set up an artificial general concept as the real,
essential self. As, in the view of the Stoics, the self could "cut
loose" from fortune by denying the real existence of external goods,
so, too, the soul could escape fortune by affirming only the validity
and worth of intellectual processes as such. Psychologically viewed,
this is not losing the self to find it, but finding the self to lose it in
an empty form — and nothingness.
Under our analysis, it appears, fortune is but the complex of
our possible interests objectified in our material, social and spiritual
environment; and the concrete self is the complex of perceptive
processes and vital reactions that create our demands, interests and
ideals, and constitute the world of good and evil. Not, then, any
abstract, formal divorce between sensibility and reason, but the
insistence on a real, practical and absolute separation between the
substance of consciousness and its content, between self and fortune
(not-self), — this is the fundamental fallacy in all rationalistic ethics,
from the Stoics to the English transcendentalists.
Let me add, before we proceed, that there is in this no tendency
on my part to hark back to subjective idealism or solipsism. For,
as we shall see, while the distinction of self from not-self is a func-
tion of the process of perception, in practice it becomes a futility
and in ethical theory a superstition. The truth the distinction sig-
nalizes in ethics needs restatement. But as it stands historically in
the system of the monists it is literally, in the Hellenistic sense, a
o-KavSaAov, — a stumbling block. When we see how and in what sense
this is so, we have found a constructive point of departure for the
monistic theory of self-realization. To this we now turn.
ii.
The charge of formalism, which the self-realizationists bring
against Kant's doctrine may be as justly laid against their own ; and,
further, their concept of personality, for from being a principle
6l2 THE MONIST.
which overcomes the simple psychological dualism of the rational-
ists, only results in a profounder dualism. This outcome is alto-
gether the product of certain stubborn incoherences of thought,
abetted by an inherited apriorism.
When the self-realizationists work from the dignity and author-
ity of reason — which means that, a priori, sensibility is held in con-
tempt— they arrive at the "idea of self" as the constitutive principle
of morality. I do not deny the validity and worth of this principle ;
but I affirm that the constructive principle of morality is no such
abstract idea and has no such ground and origin in human nature
as the English transcendentalists allege. The authority of reason
does not come from itself, but from our irrational nature, — from
our despised sensibility and the moral consciousness, of which rea-
son and reflection are a part but the last part. Only a mind sophis-
ticated by idealistic tradition and inveterate abstract reflection can
credit reason with more inherent dignity and authority than it grants
to sensibility.
If we reduce the matter merely to verbal propriety, it is the
truth that far from feeling being, as it is traditionally conceived,
the servant of reason, reason is the servant of feeling. But in real-
ity it is so because vital impulse creates first the demand for life and
next for rationality in organizing our faculties and energies. In
short, the dignity and authority of reason and the rationalistic "idea
of self" are but contents of that very consciousness which they are
supposed to explain, — ideals which it creates and explains.
If the case stands thus with the transcendental "idea of self,"
if it is an empty a priori form, the self-realizationists must face a
still graver charge: their apriorism creates a profounder dualism
than anything Stoic or Kantian. We shall better see the truth of
this if we observe how a member of the pluralist camp puts the case
for the self-realizationists. Says Professor James Seth: "As the
watchword of hedonism may be said to be self-satisfaction or self-
gratification, and as that of rigorism [rationalism] is apt to be
self-sacrifice and self-denial, so the watchword of eudsemonism may
be said to be self-realization or self-fulfilment. It seems almost a
truism to say that the end of human life is self-realization. The aim
of every living being. . . .may be described as self-preservation and
self-development, or in a single term, self-realization. . . .Moreover,
every ethical theory might claim the term "self-realization," as each
might claim the term "happiness." The question is, What is the
"self"? or, Which self is to be realized? Hedonism answers, the
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 613
sentient self ; rigorism, the rational self ; eudaemonism, the total self,
rational and sentient."*
Now, I submit, if to the ethical command "Realize thyself," the
question keeps the form, "Which self?" then we shall only concern
ourselves again with the old problem of the relation of sensibility
and reason in the individual, and we shall never thus accomplish
anything more than a tentative reconstruction of the broken frag-
ments of the historical types of ethical theory. Positive construc-
tion will begin only with a direct empirical answer to the question,
'Who (or What) is my self?' There is in this question no reference
to sensibility or reason, or any merely conceived elements or pro-
cesses of consciousness. For the question starts an immediate psy-
chological investigation of the phenomenal consciousness as such,
but soon rises out of its empirical confines into the metaphysical
zone, without any violation of scientific method or human nature.
We proceed immediately from an irreducible datum of psy-
chology. The teaching of to-day is apt to describe consciousness in
terms of a few familiar characteristics : it is personal, always chang-
ing but sensibly continuous, selective, motor, etc. Paramount for
ethics is the fact that all these are realized and expressed in another
characteristic, namely, that consciousness is essentially social. How-
ever much theoretical psychology may insist on distinguishing in
the process of perception the substance from the content of con-
sciousness, the active knowing self from not-self, or "I" from
"mine," we must recognize in practice that these are abstract and
relative distinctions.
In its objective references, as well as in its inner essence, con-
sciousness is an inclusive activity. Prof. William James rather
understates, or too pragmatically puts, this truth. The "sense of
the shrinkage [and enlargement] of personality" is, he says, "a
psychological phenomenon by itself." It is not, however, so true
that the concrete empirical self shrivels or expands, as that it actually
is or is not, in direct proportion to the number and variety of the
objects which appeal to sense and imagination and satisfy vital im-
pulse. The phenomenon is an immediate and characteristic psycho-
logical datum. As, in perception, a taste which is not tasted, or
pleasure which is not felt, is nothing, so in practice the self is zero
if its activities center nowhere, and infinite if they have universal
content and direction. The indisputable proof of this is no mere
* James Seth, A Study of Ethical Principles, ist edition (1894), p. 204.
The italics in the quotation are Professor Seth's.
614 THE MONIST.
pragmatic test, but the sense and emotion of personality in the
presence of the world ; we actually feel ourselves, not only real beings,
but also greater or less individualities, according as our world and
interests are widened or narrowed, recognized or ignored.
On the other hand, this psychological phenomenon is the first
condemnation of the transcendental attitude to sensibility and rea-
son and the disproof of the abstract "idea of self" as the constitutive
principle of morality. Only a devotee of apriorism can dignify and
sublimate the so-called spiritual processes of the self into a separate
and authoritative unity on its own account, and name it par excel-
lence— the self. Our bodies, family, possessions, and even our
philosophies, no less han our spiritual processes as such, when they
are intimately related to our finite organization and felt to be ours,
are essentially part of the self.
We are ready now for the application, and for the formulating
of our constructive principle. The immanent social function of con-
sciousness— the innate tendency of self to inclusion of all reality —
is the fundamental datum which the self-realizationists have ignored.
In our view, the real and complete identification of self with universal
reality is as much a psychological necessity as a moral ideal. In
virtue of this social function of consciousness it is no longer pos-
sible either (i) to make self-consciousness idiocentric or (2) to
split the universe into self and not-self. Without here at all passing
into phenomenalism or solipsism, the ultimate and real distinction
is between the active, appropriating self and the potential self. And,
as in perception the apperceptive content of consciousness is the
mind which makes experience from nature (not-self), so in prac-
tice the concrete social self constitutes morality from the potential
self by appropriation and identification.
This distinction, from our point of view, is as relative and con-
ventional as the distinction between selfishness and unselfishness:
the difference is solely one of the universality and objectification of
human activities and interests. "O Universe, I wish all that thou
wishest," said Marcus Aurelius ; and thus by identifying his will
and interests with total reality, his own finite self became one with
the universal self. This, then, is the constructive way out for the
self-realizationists.
That the accidents of our physical nature, and of social and
cosmic evolution, prevent the actual absorption of universal reality
into the life of the human spirit, has nothing to do with the logical
issue. The question, "Who (or What) is my self?" is already an-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 615
swered. For objective reality — fortune, material goods, institutions,
offices and humanity and God — stands over against the finite self,
not as some absolute "other," but as its own potential self. The
Absolute, that is to say, is my real and complete self.
I may point the matter familiarly in this way. When we read
in the Scriptures that "God so loved the world," habitually we not
only misplace the emphasis but also suppose that this act of the
deity was wholly gratuitous and gracious on his part. But from the
very nature of consciousness as social, anything less than the com-
plete inclusion of the world (i. e., the totality of human spirits) in
God's love was impossible. And so must it be in our own case.
Anything less than the identification of our finite, actual self with
the Absolute, who is our infinite potential self, is logically impossible
and morally futile.
To sum up : When the self-realizationists charge the rationalists
with reducing morality to formalism, we may justly reply that their
own concept of personality is a pure a priori product and their
"idea of self" an empty abstraction. Their apriorism confines at-
tention too much to the subjective content and meaning of personal-
ity, and their maxim, "Realize self" compels us again to ask the tra-
ditional question, "Which self?" And thus we never get beyond the
problem of the relation of sensibility- and reason in the life of the
individual as such. On the other hand, the inquiry, "Who (or
What) is my self?" has a direct empirical answer in the social nature
of consciousness. On this datum of psychology as a stepping stone,
we may rise without fear of hindrance or contradiction into the
metaphysical zone. To be sure, psychology has nothing to say as to
whether the universe is a personality or not. But for ourselves, as-
suming the proof of spiritual monism, "Realize self" becomes a con-
crete, practical maxim. For although we must wait on experience
and social evolution for the knowledge of the means of self-realiza-
tion, we are always sure of the nature of self and the content of the
moral ideal. "Realize self" now means, "In your own finite life ful-
fil and perfect the life of the Absolute Spirit."
J. D. LOGAN.
TORONTO, CANADA.
A TWENTIETH CENTURY ZENO.
In considering any attempt to prove Euclid's parallel postulate,
it is well to consider first what is meant by geometrical proof. In
6l6 THE MONIST.
defining some terms by means of others, it is obvious that we must
begin primarily with some terms which are themselves left undefined.
To prove any statement is to show that it follows as a logical con-
sequence from relations already accepted, so that we must even-
tually begin likewise with statements for which no proof is offered.
These initial statements are frequently called "axioms" but had
better be called "assumptions," since we are at liberty to make choice
of these statements in any way we please, subject to but one con-
dition, namely, that they must not contradict one another. For an
ideal system they must be likewise independent — that is, such that
no assumption follows as a logical necessity from one or more of the
others.
It will be apparent, therefore, that our ability to prove any
theorem will depend upon our initial assumptions, and that without
a knowledge of the assumptions employed, the proving of a state-
ment is meaningless. Now from very early times it was thought
that Euclid's parallel postulate could be deduced from his other
assumptions, or, in other words, that his system was redundant ; and
the different places in the ancient editions occupied by this historic
statement would seem to indicate that Euclid himself was somewhat
in doubt as to the necessity of inserting it. Thus have arisen the
attempts to prove this assumption — that is, to deduce it from his
other assumptions ; and though all these attempts have failed, they
have nevertheless been most fruitful in illuminating the subject of
the foundations of geometry. By making some other assumption
we may easily prove Euclid's ; for example, it is now customary to
use some such modification of Playfair's assumption as "Through
a point without a line there cannot be two parallels to the line."
Such substitution, however, is not contemplated in an attempt to
prove the parallel postulate.
Conversely, to disprove a statement, is to show that it contra-
dicts, or leads to a contradiction of, some other statement logically
deduced from the original assumptions. That one discredits a state-
ment is no more a logical objection to it than is one's credence to
be regarded as logical proof. One is at liberty to replace any as-
sumption of an ideal system by any other likewise independent of the
remaining assumptions and evolve a geometry differing materially
from the former, the sole logical criterion being that of consistency ;
but one is not at liberty to add assumptions, not contemplated by the
author of a proposed system, nor can the latter be held responsible
for contradictions or inconsistencies in consequence of the liberty
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 617
so taken. Now the geometry of Lobatchevsky consists in replacing
Euclid's parallel postulate by an assumption which we may express
thus : "Through a point not on a given line we can have more than
one line not intersecting the given line/' the system being, of course,
co-planar. Any logical objection to the resulting system must not
therefore assume the Euclidean postulate directly or indirectly by
employing some theorem which is based on this postulate.
These considerations are evidently overlooked by the writer of
"A Modern Zeno" in the April number of The Monist. For example,
he says (page 294) :
"Now a right-angled isosceles triangle may be dissected into two other
half size right-angled isosceles triangles by a line drawn from the mid-point
of the hypotenuse to the vertex of the right angle "
If the author can prove this statement without using Euclid's
parallel postulate, or one equivalent to it, his demonstration will be
by no means "an imputation upon the reader." If, as we are certain
will prove to be the case, he finds it necessary to use this postulate,
then he has added it unlawfully to the system of Lobatchevsky and is
himself responsible for all resulting incongruities.
On page 301 he considers the following figure, where BB' and
CC are perpendicular to DD', A being the mid-point of DD' and
AH a parallel to DC through A :
He shows (as is easily seen by symmetry) that AH'|| D'B',
and then shows apparently that
B'D'B 1 1 H'AH,
H'AH 1 1 CDC,
and therefore B'D'B 1 1 CDC.
He seems to overlook the fact that in the geometry of Lobat-
chevsky parallelism is a sensed relation, a fact apparent enough,
however, in the author's own quotations, as for example,
"We must allow two parallels, one on the one and one on the other side"
(page 292).
"Under this assumption we must also make a distinction of sides in paral-
lelism" (page 292).
6l8 THE MONIST.
"The farther parallel lines are prolonged on the side of their parallelism,
the more they approach one another" (page 294).
In other words, if AH 1 1 DC, then AH is not parallel to CD.
By keeping this in mind one can easily discover the fallacy of his
course of deduction "no step of which is unsanctioned by the 'system'
of Lobatchevsky" (!) by which he proves that in the above figure
KAK' is parallel to HAH". These, among many other fallacies to
which attention might be called, show that the author's criticism of
the system of Lobatchevsky is not very formidable.
The author appears to be likewise unfortunate in his construc-
tive work. In proposing a definition for a straight line, he says
(pp. 304 and 305) :
"Take any two points, say A and B. With, say, A as a turn-point (it
might just as well have been B) and with the interval AB as the compass
opening, scribe the circle BXiX2, etc. clear around complete. Then with B as
turn-point and with any opening of the compass, short of 2AB, mark off on
the first circle two points, say Xi and Yi. The same will be, of course, at
equal intervals from B. Then from each of the points so marked scribe circles
with the compass opening the interval AB. Such circles will all pass through
A, but besides that they will otherwhere intersect and determine a point as,
say Zi" (Z probably stands for Zeno).
JT7
X8
Vll
Y5
Now what is AB? A straight line segment (or sect, to use Dr.
Halsted's happy term) ? If it be a sect, then he is using a sect in
defining the property of straightness ! If it be not a sect, then what
significance has 2AB? In speaking of the points X, Y, Z, he as-
sumes (apparently unconsciously) that under certain conditions
which he does not explicitly set forth, two circles may have two
common points, but no more. The condition under which they have
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 619
only one common point is involved in his construction by circles
centered at X6 and Y6, yet logically he cannot consider this important
exception to his own statements. Again, in assuming that two circles
cannot have three common points he is virtually assuming Euclid's
parallel postulate with a few theorems included. The conditions
under which they have two common points require for their con-
sideration the definition of points within and without a circle, which
definition requires a comparison of sects, the conditions involving
in their ultimate analysis the assumption that a straight line through
a point within a circle has one point (and therefore two points) in
common with the circle! Also, the transition from an aggregate
of distinct points (and these ununiformly distributed) to that of a
continuous line is, if not impossible, at least quite difficult.
Another point which should be considered is that of simplicity
in the initial assumptions; just as chemistry is founded on elements
and biology begins with single cells, so geometry should have for
its basis the simplest possible assumptions, each consisting, so far
as possible, of a single statement. It was in all probability, the com-
plexity of Euclid's parallel postulate, "If a Right Line, falling upon
two other Right Lines, makes the inward Angles on the same side
thereof, both together, less than two Right Angles, those two Right
Lines, infinitely produced, will meet each other on that Side where
the Angles are less than Right ones," which maintained interest in
it, even if it did not afford the initial grounds for suspicion, rather
than with regard to the relatively simple assumption which usually
immediately precedes it, "Two Right Lines do not contain a Space."
This simplicity which is in accord with the treatment of geometry
by all modern critics is at variance with the course pursued by the
author of the article in question.
Again, referring to AH as the boundary of lines from A cutting
DC, as AF, and not cutting DC, as AG, he says (page 297),
F
"But he definitely puts his parallel among the lines that do not cut But
how about the relation of that parallel to the next line, that is, the last of the
62O THE MONIST.
lines that cut DC? Does it make an angle with the parallel or is it the same
line?"
Consider the same argument in connection with the following
figure in orthodox Euclidean geometry, where AE and DC are per-
pendicular to AD and are therefore parallel. All other lines (or
rays) in the angle DAE intersect DC. Let AK be "the last of the
lines that cut DC. Does it make an angle with the parallel or is it
the same line ? . . . .
A
K
"If the lines make an angle I suppose that that angle can be bisected, in-
deed «-sected, and such section-lines will be lines that neither cut nor non-cut.
If the lines are only one single line then we have a line that both cuts and
non-cuts."
Of course this argument is entirely fallacious, but it applies
equally badly, nevertheless, to the geometry of Euclid and to Lobat-
chevsky. Other portions of the article are, of course, equally vul-
nerable.
G. W. GREENWOOD, M. A. (Oxon).
DUN BAR, PA.
Mr. F. C. RUSSELL STILL DEMURS.
To the Editor of The Monist:
I wish to thank the Editor for his considerate notice of my
article "A Modern Zeno" in The Monist of April, 1909. I think,
however, that he is in error as to my assumption of the straight
line. It was my special and paramount solicitude to avoid that as-
sumption, and it seems to me that I have succeeded. But a discussion
of the points involved would make this reply too prolix.
I intended to make, and I thought I made, my article a distinct
plea for better information. I judged myself an example of a nu-
merous class who seem to themselves to have good geometrical
faculty, and who are warranted in that persuasion by a body of con-
firmations independent of their own esteem, and yet who are per-
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 621
plexed and mystified as they study to understand the non-Euclidean
doctrines. So I judged it to be eminently conducive to my purpose
to exemplify in my article the manner and fashion after which such
minds as mine are apt to conceive and deal with the elements of
geometry. I hoped that my gropings would more or less reveal to the
non-Euclideans the matter or matters at fault in my class of minds,
and that some one or more of them would take the pains to so ex-
plain their doctrine as to put it within our compass.
I am a little surprised to observe that some of my critics pre-
sume a hierarchy in the domain of mathematics and would have
the truths of geometry and the issues arising therein depend upon the
authority of that hierarchy. Now while I am in no wise indisposed
to defer largely to such an authority, I must protest that any blind
subjection would outrage the crowning honor of mathematics, viz.,
that, unique among the sciences in that regard, it asks absolutely
nothing on the ground of authority but appeals solely to insight
and reason. Geometry, especially, walks by sight and not by faith.
Besides, the matters I agitate pertain to the very elements of
geometry, and as to these how is it that the professional expert has,
on account merely of his professional expertness, so much the ad-
vantage of the amateur? Of course professional expertness is an
index of intellectual quality, but if other things be equal (an im-
portant condition truly) how is the professional expert better fitted
to see more lucidly in dealing with the elements of geometry than
any other person of good geometric faculty?
Since all of my professional critics have gone at once at that
discourse of mine concerning the right-angled isosceles triangle
I take it that my doctrine in that point is regarded as conspicuously
vulnerable. I said in my article, "The proof that the two secondary
triangles are exactly equal to one another, that they are right-angled
and isosceles, and that the four tertiary triangles are in all respects
precisely in the same case, is so simple in more than one way that
it would be almost an imputation upon the reader to spread it be-
fore him." In saying this I was guilty of a mortifying inadvertance
and of an unwarrantable presumption. Still, unless I am very, very
sadly mistaken, the doctrine I laid down is quite sound and can
be geometrically proved. So as a further exemplification of the
geometrical inveteracies of such minds as mine I will now spread
before the reader in detail what seems to me to be good geometrical
proof of my proposition.
Consider and refer to the following figure.
622
THE MONIST.
Here are three quadrilateral figures ABED, a(3t8 and HMEN.
They are really squares, but as yet we do not know that and so we
will for the present call them even rhombs. (The word "even" will
get its justification in due course.) ABED we will call the outer
even rhombus, apeS the inner even rhombus and HMEN the corner
even rhombus. a/3e<5 and HMEN are equal as we shall see. Each
rhombus has two sets of triangles, for example, in the outer even
rhombus ABED such triangles as ABE, BED, etc., to be called here
its major triangles, and such triangles as AyB, ByE, etc., to be called
here its minor triangles. So far all is loose preliminary, intended
only as an aid in understanding the language I use.
The figure is constructed as follows:
Draw the straight line AaHyeE and the straight line B/?y8D
so that they intersect one another at y at right angles. Take the
M c
H
points a, (3, c and 8 so that any one of the intervals ya, y/3, yc and y8
shall be equal to any other of them. Join a and /?, a and 8, c and /8,
and c and 8, by right lines. The four minor triangles ayp, ay8, ey/?
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 623
and ey8 are made. Since any and every one of these triangles have
been made right-angled and equal-sided about the right angle and
any one side equal with any other, any one of the triangles is equal
to any other of them, and hence any one of the sides a/?, a8, e/3 and
ۤ is equal to any other of them. Furthermore on account of the
equality and isosceles nature of these (minor) triangles any one
of the eight angles a0y, /?ey, e8y, Say, a8y, 8cy, e/?y and /Jay is equal
to any other of them. Since we do not as yet know how these an-
gles last mentioned compare with the right angle, and since it will
be necessary to have immediately a name for them we will for the
present call such angles u-angles. These w-angles are not in any
wise indeterminate. They are just as determinate as is the right
angle, and they might be defined as being such angles as the sides
of an isosceles right-angled triangle make with the hypotenuse.
Only it is not yet determined how they compare with the right angle.
The angles a/?e, a8e, /?e8 and /3a8 being each and every one of
them composed of two u-angles, are, on that account, as yet un-
determined in their relations to the right angle, but they are inde-
terminate in no other respect. We will for the present call such
angles w-angles. Any one of them is equal to any other of them.
The four major triangles of the inner even rhombus, a/?8, c/?8, a/3c
and aSe, being each w-angles between pairs of equal sides, any one
of which sides is equal to any other of them, are any one of such
triangles equal to any other of them. The thoroughgoing evenness
of the inner rhombus should now, I think, be abundantly manifest.
Now take A and E on the line AaHycE and B and D on the
line B/?y8D so that any one of the intervals yA, yB, yE and yD
shall be equal to either one of the (equal) sides of the inner even
rhombus. Join A and B, A and D, E and B and E and D with
right lines. Then there will be made an outer even rhombus with
minor triangles, the sides of the rhombus, the angles of the minor
triangles, the corner angles of the rhombus, the major triangles, etc.,
all equal homologously as in the inner even rhombus, such angles as
ABD, BAE, etc., being w-angles and such angles as ABE, BED, etc.,
being w-angles.
Now take on BE the point M so that the interval EM shall
equal the interval Ey (or the equal interval /?c, or etc.) and take on
ED the point N so that the interval EN shall equal the same interval
as above prescribed for the interval EM. Take on the line AaHyeE
the point H so that the interval EH shall equal the interval BE
624 THE MONIST.
(or the equal interval AB or etc.). Join M and N, M and H, M and
y, N and y, and N and H with straight lines.
Now pursuant to Euclid I-V, MH equals By which equals Ey,
either being equal to fit (or etc.) which equals ME which equals
EN (or etc.), and pursuant to the same Euclidean theorem, NH
equals Dy which equals By, etc., so that MH equals NH and so that
any one of the four sides, MH, NH, ME and NE, is equal to any
one of the others. Now the angle MEN being a w-angle equals
the angle /?e8, while the sides of the triangle MEN, viz., ME and
NE, are both equal to each other and either side equal to either side
of the triangle /?e8. Hence the two triangles MEN and /JeS are
equal. But the triangle NHM equals the triangle MEN (three-
sides equal). Now the angles MHN and MEN have heen shown
to be both w-angles, and since the triangle MEN is equal to the
triangle /?e8 it is further shown that the angle EMN which cor-
responds to the angle ef38 (or etc.) is a w-angle and that the angle
ENM is also a w-angle is shown by a precisely like argument. But
since the triangles EMN and HMN are equal, the angles HMN and
HNM are also w-angles, so that the angles HME and HNE are
shown to be zf -angles. Now the triangles a/3e and HME have the
angles a/3c and HME equal to one another (both being wrangles),
which angles are in either triangle included between a pair of sides
equal to each other and equal any one such side in either triangle
to any such side in the other triangle. Hence the two triangles
are equal and the side ac is equal to the side HE which was made
equal to the side BE of the outer even rhombus. But it has just
been shown that in the triangle a(3t the side ac is equal to the side
BE of the triangle ByE, and it was heretofore shown that the side
By (or Ey) was equal to the side /?€ (or f3a). Hence the triangle
ajSc is equal to the triangle ByE and the angle aft* homologous to the
angle ByE is equal to the same. But ByE is a right angle. Hence
the until now named w-angle a/?c is now shown to be no other than a
right angle, and its half, the until now called w-angle, is shown to
be precisely half of a right angle.
The rest now goes almost of itself. In a right-angled isosceles
triangle the acute angles are half right angles and equal to either
one of the sections of the bisected right angle of the triangle. Hence
in such a right-angled isosceles triangle the line from the vertex of
the right angle to the mid point of the hypotenuse divides the pri-
mary triangle into two equal isosceles right-angled triangles, and the
bisecting line is precisely one-half of the hypotenuse. Of course if
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 625
the above argument is sound the angle-sum of the right-angled
isosceles triangles, at least, is precisely two right angles. If this
is true I suppose it to be not very difficult to prove first that the
angle-sum of any right-angled triangle is the same, and then that
the angle-sum of any triangle is the same. There is very possibly
some flaw in my course of argument. I can only say that up to
the present time I have not been able to detect it.
It is objected against my remarks on the system of Lobatchevsky
beginning about the middle of page 301, Vol. XIX of The Monist
(April, 1909 number) that I have ignored the fact that Lobat-
chevsky distinguishes between sides in parallelism and that the state-
ment of his Theorem 25 ought to be glossed by inserting the words
"on the same side" in about the middle of that statement. Some of
my critics make this gloss in their statement of said theorem. I
avow that I honestly thought that the omission of the condition was
deliberately designed by Lobatchevsky, for it seems to me that the
reason of the matter justified the omission. Let us see. Loba-
tchevsky says in effect (Theorem 16 — [Monist, Vol. XIX, pp. 291-
292] ) that in the uncertainty that obtains whether there may not
be other lines than the perpendicular AE that do not cut DC, he will
assume that such lines are possible, in plurality. The boundary line
of such lines he takes as his parallel and, of course, makes it make
the angle n(/>) an angle less than a right angle. This leads him to
remark that on the assumption he makes there will be two lines
through the same point both parallel to the BDC line. This is his
distinction of sides in parallelism, and it goes no further. As to
such an idea as that two lines may be parallel if they are taken in
the same sense, and yet not parallel if taken in opposite senses, I
fail to find any vestige of it in Lobatchevsky's text. That would
be to make Lobatchevsky's system a system of vectors instead of a
geometry, and I am sure such a system as well as the idea of a
sensed relation would put me to permanent intellectual confusion,
should I endeavor to find any sense in either of them.
But Lobatchevsky, in his Theorem 17, stated thus, "A straight
line maintains the characteristic of parallelism at all its points,"
shows by his figure and demonstration that he had plainly in mind
that a parallel was parallel as well on the other side of the II (p)
line as on the one side. So I fail to see how my figure on page 301,
April 1909, Monist, and my remarks in connection therewith ignore
or violate any of the principles laid down by Lobatchevsky. I did
not aver that he drew the consequences that I did. I plainly started
626 THE MONIST.
out with the remark, "But it is time to search for results ourselves,"
and it seems to me that I showed that the principles of Lobatchevsky
lead to contradiction. At any rate, I cannot see how the distinction
of sides in parallelism avoids the consequences I drew. It is true
enough that Lobatchevsky, keeping (with the single exception I
have mentioned) always on one side of the TL(p) line, falls into no
contradiction. With a parallel differing only infinitesimally from
the ordinary parallel, and keeping always on the same side of the
!!(/>) line, how could he fall into contradiction? It may be noticed
in passing that Lobatchevsky makes nothing whatever turn upon
any of the assumed plurality of lines that lie between his parallel
and the perpendicular AE. It is probably of no consequence unless
for the notice it gives us that so far as the system of Lobatchevsky
is concerned there are no lines on the same side that pass through
A that are of any consequence except the perpendicular AE and the
parallel AH, the latter differing from AE by only an infinitesimal
shade.
I cannot admit that my definitions of the straight line and the
plane are amplifications of definitions previously published in Pro-
fessor Halsted's Rational Geometry. Had I so esteemed them or
either of them, I should not have published them as my own. It
would be quite idle, however, for us two to dispute over the matter.
We are both on record and whoever feels interest enough in the issue
to inquire will decide irrespective of any clamor of ours. I may
say, however, that definitions are a matter of words, apt for the
publication of enough of the proper marks of the thing defined to
make fully determinate all the other proper marks without making
any use of the thing defined either expressly or by implication. I
do not, as does Professor Halsted, make the straight line and the
plane "aggregates of points." True, in leading up to my definition
I make use of triads and aggregates of points. But when all is
ready I drop those ideas and define a straight line as a certain kind
of a line, and a plane as a certain kind of a surface, neither of which
would I think of defining as an aggregate of points. As a matter of
fact much of my method in geometry is the result of a practical
business with linkages. Almost any one can see that my straight
range is a virtual though mechanically unrealizable linkage. I may
say that I have a linkage of thirty-seven links, any link of which is
identical with any other link, with which linkage with two points
fixed I can by continuous motion draw a limited straight line (in
fact two) in line with the two fixed points. But this linkage did not
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 627
reveal the essence of the straightness of the straight line, as did the
straight range. The latter is three-dimensional. The former only
planar.
If it be asked what use can be made of my definition of the
straight line, I can only say that I have not as yet found it of as
much use in elementary geometry as I had anticipated. I can say,
however, that it follows quite readily from the definition that two-
intersecting straight lines can have only the intersecting point in
common, and quite as readily that the straight line cannot return
into itself; that is to say, that the straight line is infinite, a result
which alone would sadly mar the symmetry of the non-Euclidean
system.
CHICAGO, ILL. FRANCIS C. RUSSELL.
AN OPEN LETTER.
To the Editor of The Monist:
It was with great interest that I read your reply, in The Monist
for July, to my article entitled "A Biochemical Conception of the
Phenomena of Memory and Sensation" which appeared in the same
number. It is not my intention to attempt anything approaching an
exhaustive critique of the philosophical position which you assume,
— an attempt which, as some four thousand years of sterile discus-
sion have demonstrated, would be entirely useless. I am never-
theless constrained to draw your attention to certain points in which
I am of the opinion that you have not represented my position, and
that of a number of scientific colleagues, with that fairness which,
I believe, we have a right to expect from the editor of a journal
"Devoted to the Philosophy of Science." Since a charge of mis-
representation affects not only the accused, but also his readers, I
have taken the liberty, Sir, of addressing you in the time-honored
form of an "open letter."
In the first place, Sir, I must take exception to the style in which
you have expressed yourself concerning my formulation of my hypoth-
esis of memory in mathematical terms, and in which you have alluded
to Professor Loeb's term "associative hysteresis," which he has
proposed to substitute, in scientific literature, for the popular term
"memory." I know that any suggestion that the mathematical or
scientific author is seeking to "impress" or mystify his readers by
the use of mathematical symbols or of scientific terms is welcomed
by that type of general reader, who, with the common dislike of
628 THE MONIST.
humanity for concentrated and specialized effort of any description,
is angered by the suggestion, which such terminology conveys to
him, that there are problems which cannot be solved off-hand by
virtue of a superficial acquaintance with the semi-popular literature
of the subject, — that there are intellectual goals which cannot be
won without effort, — or, to return to the instance in hand, that the
recondite problems of brain-physiology, or, as you prefer to term
it, psychology, cannot be solved by one who has not at least that
degree of technical knowledge of the subject in hand which is re-
quired by the Artisan who would construct a steam engine. I rec-
ognize, I say, the literary effectiveness of your mode of expression,
— but I deny its legitimacy. Your appeal to prejudice is unworthy
of you, Sir.
But to return to questions less personal than that of controversial
style. — On page 390 of your article you state your hypothesis of
parallelism as follows: "There are not two separate factors, the
psychological and the physiological, running parallel to each other,
but there is one reality which has two aspects, — the one being the
internal or subjective, the other the external or objective. The two
are as inseparable and yet different as the internal and external
curves of a circle." If I recollect my Euclid aright, a circle is a
line which is without breadth, so that the internal and external
curves are coincident and identical. Doubtless you will reply to
this that I am pushing a material analogy to the extreme, — that I
am taking advantage of an unavoidable imperfection of illustration.
But I too am employing analogy, and my illustration of the diffi-
culty which attaches to your theory is more pertinent than it may
at first sight appear. What, I inquire, is the "one reality" to which
you refer? In what does it differ from the "substance" of Spinoza?
In what do the "two aspects" of the "one reality" differ from his
"attributes"? Are they not merely the expression of that disparity
between the extent of our "internal information" concerning our
own cerebral states, and that of our information concerning the
cerebral states of others, upon the origin of which I have dwelt in
my article? To pursue our analogy further, — is there any space
which separates the internal from the external curves of the circle,
— and, if so, what is its content? I will refrain, however, from
pursuing the metaphysical side of our discussion further, — meta-
physical beliefs are so essentially temperamental in origin that the
only logical end to such discussion, between courteous controver-
sialists, is agreement to differ.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 629
Your reminder that Professor Haeckel employed the expres-
sion ''gaseous vertebrate" in reference to the anthropomorphic con-
ception of the deity and not in reference to the dualistic concep-
tion of the sonl was not, perhaps, wholly necessary. Professor
Haeckel's works are well known and widely read, and it may be
presumed that a writer does not quote such an expression without
being perfectly aware of the connection in which it was employed
by its author. Yet my extension of the phrase to include the dual-
istic conception of the soul is not, I venture to affirm, so inapt as
you would appear to believe. I grant that the philosophers them-
selves have, perhaps, never represented the soul in this manner, —
but then it is universally admitted that philosophers are men of
exceptional intelligence. Would you seriously seek to deny that
the dnalistic conception of the soul, which is held by the rank-and-
file of the uneducated and of the cultured alike, is not that of a
"gaseous vertebrate, immanent within but independent of the ma-
terial organism"? How, then, would you account for the belief in
ghosts, — so generally denied, so universally entertained, — for the
success of its fashionable expression, — the spiritualistic seance?
I am, however, constrained to call you to account for yet an-
other and a more serious misrepresentation. On page 396 of your
article you state that: "In spite of the merits of Professor Loeb
especially in the line of physiological experiments, in which spe-
cialty he has distinguished himself, we can not see that psychol-
ogy would be helped by calling some definite reactions which take
place under some definite conditions 'tropisms/ We do not gain
a scientific comprehension of these transactions until we gain an
insight into the mechanism which upon a definite irritation causes
organized life to move in a special direction and in a special way."
While I, in common, I believe, with all my biological colleagues,
heartily endorse the second of the above two sentences, it is possible
that I share with a number of your readers an inability to perceive
the precise connection between the two sentences, — or, I may men-
tion in passing, the exact nature of the part played by "the merits
of Professor Loeb" in the question under discussion. Do you
really suppose, Sir, as your statement would appear to imply, that
the term "tropism" is nothing other than a name employed by Pro-
fessor Loeb to conceal lack of "a scientific comprehension of these
transactions"? Since it is impossible to suppose that this implica-
tion is a deliberate attempt to misrepresent, one can only conclude
that you are either unacquainted with the literature on the subject
630 THE MONIST.
of Tropisms, or else that you have utterly failed to grasp the sig-
nificance of the evidence presented therein. True, the evidence
is as yet, in the main, of a qualitative rather than of a quantitative
character, — but we learn from your article that the "notion of qual-
ity" is "tolerated" by you, and this fact should therefore not deter
you from perceiving that the investigations which have been carried
out by Loeb and his pupils have at least carried us some way
towards "an insight into the mechanism which upon a definite irrita-
tion causes organized life to move in a special direction and in a
special way"; — that they have shown that these movements can be
controlled by physical and chemical means and are therefore, in all
probability, the expression of physical and chemical occurrences within
the organisms ; and, finally, that they have shown that many of the
more complex reactions which we term "instincts" are analysable
into simpler elements which are tropisms, i. e., controllable by phys-
ical and chemical means. If, indeed, you do not perceive in Loeb's
theory of tropisms anything other than an empty nominalism, — it
is regrettable, but it does not deprive the theory of its value, even
in the exclusive domain of psychology. You will recollect Words-
worth's character of whom it is said:
"A primrose by the river's brim
A yellow primrose was to him,
And it was nothing more."
It is usually conceded that these words were not intended to imply
default on the part of the primrose, — I leave the further pursuance
of the analogy to you, Sir.
Abandoning, however, the language of metaphor (although,
Sir, in view of your artistic reference to the Sistine Madonna, I
may be pardoned my short excursion into the realm of poesy), and
returning to the more prosaic vocabulary of scientific discussion,
I venture to insist that a statement of a theory is not, in itself,
adequate evidence of its validity. It is a simple matter to propound
theories, Sir, but it is quite another matter to apply to them the test
of fact, — indeed it is for this reason that philosophies and religions
are so incomparably more popular than science.
In objecting to a theory which is supported by experimental
evidence the burden of proof is thrown upon the objector, — he is
expected, in scientific discussion, to demonstrate that the theory to
which he takes exception is insufficient, and, if at the same time he
advances a theory of his own, to demonstrate, not only that his
theory is sufficient where the other is insufficient, but that it is also
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 63!
in agreement with the facts upon which the opposing theory was
based. In your article I find a statement of a theory of memory,
which regards this phenomenon as an expression of "the preserva-
tion of living forms," and I find it stated that my theory of memory
is inadequate. Yet I am unable to ascertain from your article what
are the facts with which you support these statements. I find, in
your article, statements based upon statements, and I find hypotheses
evolved from preconceptions, but I do not find statements based
upon facts.
Finally, Sir, I may be permitted to draw attention to the mis-
leading nature of your dictum that "Professor Robertson's reduc-
tion of this statement to a mathematical formula, log n = Kr + b,
where n is the number of syllables memorized, r the number of
repetitions, and K and b are constants, .... adds nothing to the ex-
planation of the phenomenon itself." While it is perfectly true
that the mathematical formulation of an hypothesis adds nothing
whatever to the content of the hypothesis, yet when that mathe-
matical formulation is applied to quantitative measurements, and the
identity between the demands of theory and the facts of experiment
is established, then much is added to the "explanation of the phe-
nomenon itself," for the validity of the hypothesis is rendered pro-
portionately the more probable. Quantitative evidence differs in no
respect from qualitative evidence, save in the fact that the qualities
compared are expressed in numerical units ; but since the acquisition
of qualitative must necessarily precede that of quantitative evidence,
our knowledge of a phenomenon is the more complete the more it
assumes a quantitative character.
T. BRAILSFORD ROBERTSON.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
DR. EDMUND MONTGOMERY.
Dr. Montgomery is a unique figure in the philosophical world.
Having been a prominent member of the Concord School, he belongs
to the history of this country, though he has contributed voluminously
to the periodicals of the Old World, and is credited with having
blazed new paths into biological fields.
By descent, Scotch ; by birth, English ; by education, German ;
by residence, American, Dr. Montgomery's life has been more than
ordinarily eventful; yet he wrote recently in response to a request
for autobiographical data : "Long ago I resolved that if a call should
632 THE MONIST.
come during my lifetime to furnish notes concerning my personal
history, I should ask permission to keep silence with regard to
everything not directly connected with my work. I think that with
the exception of very eventful careers, run by extraordinary char-
acters, it is inflicting a grievance on the reading public in these
crowded times to thrust one's personal matters upon their attention.
It would not greatly disappoint me to learn that my name and per-
sonalities would not long be remembered; but it would discourage
me to learn that after close examination my biological researches
and my thoughts proved not to have probed deeper, a little deeper
than hitherto, the secrets of life and nature."
At Frankfort young Montgomery participated enthusiastically in
the German Revolution of 1848-9, following with absorbing interest
the parliamentary discussions, and eventually taking active part in
the building and defense of the barricades. It was here, too, he
experienced struggles with the problems of religion which drove him
almost to suicide. Susbsequent years brought him into intimate
relations with many of the world's foremost workers in science and
philosophy.
While on the Medical Staff of St. Thomas' Hospital in London,
and in consequence of a dissecting wound, his lungs became effected.
Residence in a milder climate seemed imperative. He went, there-
fore, greatly dejected, to Madeira. There his medical practice in-
creased overmuch, and placed too great a tax upon his strength.
Again changing residence, he went to the Riviera and eventually to
Rome. But tiring of having no settled home, he harkened to the
call of the new world, whither friends, similarly afflicted and in-
stigated with the same ideals had preceded him, sending back most
encouraging reports. In the year 1873 ne purchased the Liendo
Plantation near Hempstead, Texas, where he has ever since lived,
enjoying until lately good health, and devoting himself to his cher-
ished biological researches and philosophical studies.
His wife was the well-known sculptor, Elizabet Ney, whom he
first met in his school-days at Heidelberg, and whom he married
at Madeira in 1863. Together they shared the joys and sorrows
of life, engaged in their separate fields of labor, until June 1907,
when the artist-wife, after an illness of about one month, died of
heart disease. In October of that year an article by Mrs. Bride
Neill Taylor appeared in The Open Court which gives a detailed
account of the life and work of this famous artist, and is accom-
panied with illustrations of her most notable works of art.
CRITICISMS AND DISCUSSIONS. 633
Dr. Montgomery worked out his philosophy in a period when
metaphysician] was confronted with materialism, and no middle
ground was recognized. Being a physician by profession, and hav-
ing specialized his work in physiology, Dr. Montgomery was too
much of a naturalist to accept the idealistic horn of the dilemma,
while, on the other hand, he was too well acquainted with the insuffi-
ciencies of naturalism to fall a prey to materialism. So he steered
a middle course and found a solution of the world-riddle in "vital
organization." His solution consisted in pointing out, with much
attention to detail, the mystery of mysteries which is the wonderful
activity of purpose-endowed life with its powers of choice and self-
adaptation; and so it was but natural that his whole philosophy is
tinged with a poetical mysticism.
The matured fruit of Dr. Montgomery's life has appeared of
late in a stately octavo volume of 462 pages, entitled Philosophical
Problems in the Light of Vital Organisation, and we deem it proper
to have a summary of the work presented by a man who, for more
than twenty years, has been an ardent admirer of the Scotch-German-
American hermit-philosopher of Texas. We cannot help thinking
that Dr. Montgomery's solutions of the several problems are often
unsatisfactory, however elegantly they may be worded. They dis-
cuss, but do not adequately answer the questions presented, and
sometimes read more like prose poems than philosophy. But he
assigned himself large tasks, tasks that involved intellect of an un-
usual type — the periscopic sweep of the pansophist and the thorough-
going patience of the scientific specialist. In magnis voluisse sat est.
So Dr. Montgomery is a remarkable figure, and as we do not mean
to restrict the pages of The Monist to our own type of thinking, we
gladly welcome to our columns a presentation of Dr. Montgomery's
philosophy of "vital organization." EDITOR.
MALAY NOT ACCEPTABLE.
To the Editor of The Monist:
There are one or two points in your remarks in the July Monist
where in my opinion you seem to err. You consider the present
situation as a good parallel to that when Volapuk fell. It is a par-
allel in one way, but a counterpart in another. The Volapuk reform-
ers did have to create an entirely new language, on a basis vastly
different from Volapuk. It did, of course, take them many years
to bring out "Idiom Neutral," and in the meantime they could not
but lose the great public. Now, the public is simply invited to choose
634 THE MONIST.
between two ready made dialects which are so similar that the tran-
sition can be made after an hour's study. The main idea is that
many arbitrary features have been removed, and international ones,
known to everybody, substituted. Both Ido and Esperanto recog-
nize exactly the same principles, theoretically. In one sense the
strenuous opposition of the Esperantists (which is much more vig-
orous than was that of the conservative Volapukists) is a good sign,
even for the Idists. It proves that if even a language with relatively
large imperfections can take root so strongly with many, Ido will,
after it has overcome this resistance, be well-nigh proof against all
attacks and further reform attempts, so far as they shall concern
more than trifles. It may take a few years time to get there; but
then things will settle down to a state of great relative stability.
As to Malay: are you not afraid that The Monist would look
a little queer in that tongue ? Have the Idists deserved a suggestion
of that caliber, or are you in earnest in imagining that the European-
American world would be inclined to relinquish the forms of thought
that have come to them in two thousand or more years of history?
You said something at a time about "improving living languages,"
and we are trying to present the quintessence of western European
speech, with everything a priori strictly excluded. Between modern
English, modern Malay, and an unheard-of though ingenious pasig-
raphy you seem to have touched several of the possible extremes ;
what's the matter with a scientifically constructed a posteriori tongue
ay a compromise? O. H. MAYER.
EDITORIAL REPLY.
In reply to Mr. Mayer's questions, I will say that probably the
European-American world will not be any more "inclined to relin-
quish the forms of thought that have come to them in two thousand
or more years of history," for the sake of Malay than for Esperanto
or Ido. I believe that they will simply go on improving their own
speech and world language will thus develop in the natural way.
An artificial language should in my opinion not reject the a priori
elements, but on the contrary should be based on them. It ought
to be an algebra of thought constructed a priori, and the a posteriori
meaning ought to be inserted just as in mathematics algebraic sym-
bols whenever applied receive a definite meaning. Upon the whole
we may leave the formation of an international language to its fate
and watch the efforts of those who try to construct it artificially
with critical sympathy.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES.
LETTERS TO CASSITE KINGS FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES AT NIPPUR. By Dr.
Hugo Radau, Ph. D. Price $6.00. Royal quarto ; paper covers.
This is marked Volume XVII, part I, of the Cuneiform Texts of the
Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania ; and in it Dr. Radau
gives us 190 pages of preliminary discussion and notes, and 80 beautifully en-
graved plates and photogravures of 131 cuneiform texts from the archives of
the temple of En-lil at Nippur in Babylonia.
The Cassite dynasty of Babylonian kings reigned for nearly 600 years ;
from 1814 to 1238 B. C. according to the chronology favored by Assyriologists.
And yet their exact racial origin is still undetermined. They were certainly
neither Sumerians nor Semites, as the character of their names sufficiently
indicates. Their especial title was "King of Karduniash," a name that still
awaits explanation. The most likely guess identifies them with the Kossaeans
of the Zagros river, while their original home was, some say, in Northern
Elam, and others even suspect Hittite affiliations.
But although Babylon was their chief and capital city, yet Nippur was
ever their favorite residence; and the official title which they most greatly
valued was that of shakkanakku Enlil, or "Lord Chancellor of the god Enlil."
All transactions of and for the Temple needed their seal [kanaku] to be legal,
so that every Cassite ruler was also, in a special sense, the High-priest-king of
Nippur.
Furthermore, the period during which these tablets were written, namely
1440 to 1320 B. C., was a most vital epoch. For then, for the first time so far
as we know, Babylonia came into communication with age-old Egypt on the
one hand, and was attacked, on the other hand, by the newly rising power of
Assyria, to this time belonging the famous Tel-el-Amarna cuneiform tab-
lets of Amenhotep III and IV. The Berlin museum has three letters of the
Cassite Kadashman-Bel to Amenhotep III ; and 4 letters of Burnaburiash II,
the son of Kadashman-Bel, to Amenhotep IV (the heretical Khu-en-Aten),
the son of Amenhotep III, while the British Museum has a cuneiform tablet
written by Amenhotep III to Kadashman-Bel; and two written by Burnabu-
riash to Khu-en-Aten.
Then, we have in 1421 B. C., the punitive invasion of Babylonia by Asshur-
uballit, King of Assyria, for the purpose of avenging the assassination by the
rebellious Cassites of their king Kara-Hardash (or Kadashman Harbe), the
husband of Muballitat-Sherua, the Assyrian King's daughter; and of seating
upon the Babylonian throne Kuri-Galzu II, their young son and heir, who was
the Assyrian King's grandson, the temporary Cassite usurper Nazi-Bugash
being either driven out or slain.
636 THE MONIST.
This is the first evidence, with the two exceptions yet to be noted, of the
existence of Assyria, hitherto apparently a mere vassal colony, but destined
to grow ever more powerful for the ensuing 800 years. The only evidence of
any earlier contact is found, first, in the "Synchronistic History" from Asshur-
banipal's library, wherein it is stated that nearly nine centuries previous, in
1500 B. C, a treaty had been made between Asshur-bel-nishishu, King of
Assyria, and Kara indash, the "king of Karduniash" ; this latter being also the
as yet unexplained title employed for Cassite rulers in the letters of Amen-
hotep III and IV, previously noted.
And the other mention of Assyria is in the tablet, also noted above, in
which Burna-Buriash writes to Amenhotep IV, warning him against encour-
aging in their plots the Assyrians, "my vassals."
The tablets under review, however, published by Dr. Radau, and written,
as their title states, to and not by Cassite kings, deal with no such lofty themes
as international history or diplomacy. On the contrary they are merely busi-
ness documents from the Nippur temple archives, many of them nominally or
formally addressed to the sovereign, as the titular chancellor — while practically
they are merely requisitions for urgently needed supplies from the surly and
parsimonious Head-Bursar of the temple. Other letters, again, are reports
by generals, architects, or physicians of the temple, and all ranging in their
dates from the reign of Burna-buriash II (1440 B. C) to that of Shagarakti-
Shuriash (1320 B. C.) and Kashtiliashu (1309 B. C.)
Extremely useful tables of the masculine and feminine names, and those
of places, gods, etc., etc., occurring in the tablets, close Dr. Radau's introduc-
tory text. And then follow the 80 finely engraved plates and photogravures,
showing in all 131 inscriptions ; so that, manifestly, the publication is designed,
like the others in this series, not for the general reader, but rather for the
student and expert in Sumerian andAssyriology.
And to such a one Dr. Radau's exquisitely clear transcriptions of the texts
will surely be of the utmost value. Those who have at any time endeavored,
with straining eyes and befogged brain, to identify — let alone coherently read —
even a few of the signs upon one of these overcrowded and wellnigh illegible
half-baked or unbaked clay tablets, will appreciate to the full the vast labor
Dr. Radau has undergone, and the great amount of eye-strain, temper, and
time, the subsequent student is spared.
Indeed in the tablets themselves we have an amusing illustration of their
inherent difficulties and obscurities even to the men who wrote and used them,
for one writer, about 1370 B. C., dejectedly complains that he had requested
"earthen pots," but his correspondent had misread, and sent him "straw" \
Now if an old Babylonian of 33 centuries ago could make such a blunder
in his own script; surely we alien scholars of so widely different a race and
age, can be pardoned if we too occasionally err.
In closing we may note that the dates for the Cassite dynasty adopted by
Dr. Radau and Assyriologists in general, are earlier, by about 50 years than
those favored by Egyptologists, who give either 1383 to 1365 B. C, or 1377 to
1361 B. C. as the date of Amenhotep IV; thus making Burna-buriash II, who
was his contemporary for seven years, reign from about 1401 or 1395 to 1376
or 1370 B. C., in place of 1440 B. C., as preferred by Assyriologists.
Dr. Radau, the author, Dr. Hilprecht, the editor, and the University of
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 637
Pennsylvania are all to be warmly congratulated on this addition to their
series. For it will be an enduring monument to the ripe scholarship of Dr.
Radau and of his mastery of the exceedingly difficult script, languages, and
history of early Babylonia.
ALAN SPENCER HAWKESWORTH.
HISTORY OF THE MEDIAEVAL SCHOOL OF INDIAN LOGIC. By Satis Chandra
Vidyabhusana. Calcutta: Calcutta University, 1909. Pp. 188.
This is a pioneer work in so far as the author has scarcely any predeces-
sors in the field of Indian logic. Buddhist logic has been treated by several
scholars, but for his sources of the Jaina logic he has to fall back mainly on
unpublished and unedited manuscripts scattered all over Western India and
the Deccan, and also preserved in some libraries. The book would have been
more useful to Western people if he had considered the general ignorance of
Sanskrit which prevails outside of India. A Western reader will probably be
deterred from venturing into further study of the book if he reads the first
sentences: "Logic is generally designated in India as Nyaya-shastra. It is
also called Tarka-shastra, Hetu-vidya, Pramana-shastra, Anviksiki and Phak-
kika-shastra." (We here replace in this quotation the accented "s" by "sh.")
Since the book is meant for Sanskrit scholars this is scarcely a drawback,
but we would suggest to the author if in a future edition he would feel the
need of elaborating his work, to take into consideration also the uninitiated
who are willing and anxious to learn. The book is very scholarly and is a
new evidence that the Hindu race has worthy representatives who are well-
trained thinkers. The book is divided into two parts: (i) The Jaina Logic,
pages i to 55, and (2) The Buddhist Logic, pages 57 to 144. Three appendices
contain some historical notes about the university of Nalanda (about 300 to
850 A. D.), and the Royal University of Vikramasila (about 800 to 1200 A. D.)
DIE DREI WELTEN DER ERKENNTNISTHEORIE. Von Dr. Julius Schultz. Gottingen :
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1907. Pp. 104. Price, 2.80 m.
Dr. Julius Schultz is a philosophical author who writes in a popular and
sprightly style. In criticizing the views of others he employs sometimes the
weapon of humor without however yielding to malevolence. He points out
that the philosopher starts with the data of experience, but the question is,
what are these data? The logician declares that thought is given; the sen-
sualist, sensation; and the empiricist, the naive world-conception of man.
Dr. Schultz shows that a point commonly overlooked is the question, to whom
are the data given; for the same object may be different to different observers.
The first world of which he speaks is the empirical world, which has to be
analyzed through the forms of thought, or as Kant would say, the categories.
The second world is truth, and the object of the second world, matter. The
third world, when trying to attain to ultimate certitude, is not, as Descartes
says, cogito or the "I think," nor is it as his critics would say, cogitat, an im-
personal thinking, but the imperative cogita. The last certitude is the content
of every moment. It is the psychical expansion of our life, or as Dr. Schultz
expresses it in his native and untranslatable German, das Erlebnis des Er-
lebens.
638 THE MONIST.
Our author lacks perhaps the method of a trained philosopher, but his
mode of treatment is nevertheless interesting because he is possessed of com-
mon sense and is entertaining even where his ultimate thought is still subject
to criticism.
SEMITIC MAGIC. Its Origin and Development. By R. Campbell Thompson.
London: Luzac, 1908. Pp. 283. Price, i6s. 6d.
This volume forms a very interesting contribution to Luzac's Oriental
Religions Series. The theories contained in it are based on a most careful
study of the development of demonology in Western Asia from the time of the
cuneiform incantation tablets through the periods of rabbinical tradition, Syriac
monkish writings and Arabic tales down to its present survival in modern
Oriental superstition. Studied in connection with the parallels offered by
Aryan and Hamitic notions, these superstitions combine to throw light on the
origin and significance of many of the peculiar customs of the Old Testament.
The author divides his subject in the light of certain deductions gleaned from
a particular study of the characteristics of the evil spirits which the Semites
believed to exist everywhere. These deductions, bearing on the primitive sys-
tems of tabu, are as follows: (i) all evil spirits could inflict bodily hurt on
men; (2) the relations between human beings and either evil or divine spirits
were close enough to allow of intermarriage; (3) from this belief in inter-
marriage with spirits originated the sexual tabus; (4) since a man might
suffer from an unwitting tabu it was necessary to exorcise the demon by trans-
ferring the evil influence to some external object; (5) from this idea arose
the atonement principle and idea of sin offering; (6) from this stage would
naturally arise the substitution of sacrificial animals for the first born.
The book is furnished with a careful and detailed index, followed by a
list of Biblical quotations.
THE BURMESE AND ARAKANESE CALENDARS. By A. M. B. Irwin. Rangoon:
Hanthawaddy Printing Works, 1909. Pp. 92. Price, 55. net.
This book serves as a second edition to "The Burmese Calendar," pub-
lished in 1901, but the author states in his preface that he has been able so to
complete by further researches his former work that he is fully justified in
giving it a new title. This is made necessary by including the Arakanese
calendar together with the Burmese. The book is carefully prepared, the
author's object being to make it intelligible and useful to both Europeans and
Burmans. Mr. Irwin first describes the calendars as they are, next he shows
certain errors in these calendars and points out their cause, suggesting also
some alterations. The last part of the book consists of tables by the aid of
which English dates may be changed into Burmese and vice versa. Tables 1
to III cover a period of 262 years, table I serving for past years and the
others for the future. Table IX supplies the means for changing any date
within these years from one calendar to the other.
HINDU TALES. Translated by John Jacob Meyer. London: Luzac & Co.,
1909. Pp. 305. Price, 8s. 6d.
This volume is an English translation of the Ausgew'dhlte Erzahlungen
of Jacobi, to whom the author dedicates his work. With regard to the interest
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES. 639
of the stories here collected the translator sums them up in his preface with
the following criticism: "The first story in the following collection is de-
cidedly the poorest — a most insipid and tiresome performance. The tales in-
crease in interest as we go along. The novella of Muladeva, which comes
toward the end of the book, will fascinate many a reader. From the literary
and from some other points of view the best of all these selections is the last
— the poem of Agadatta. So I hope the general reader will not despair when
he is confronted at the very outset by that wooden statue of a sensualist called
Bambhadatta. The student will find much valuable matter in all the stories."
ETUDES SUR LEONARD DE VINCI. Par Pierre Duhem. 2. ser. Paris: Hermann,
1009. Pp. 473, Price, 15 fr.
This second series of studies on the most versatile of Italians, consists of
four parts, of which the first treats of Leonardo da Vinci and the two infinites,
the infinitely great and the infinitely small. The second part discusses his re-
lation to the plurality of worlds. The third compares him with Nicholas de
Cues, that philosopher of the Middle Ages who in his liberality of thought
was virtually not a Mediaeval philosopher at all, but an over-conservative
modern. The fourth part deals with Da Vinci and the origin of geology.
L'ANNEE BIOLOGIQUE. Comptes rendus annuels des travaux de biologic gene-
rale. Publics sous la direction de Yves Delage. Paris: Soudier, 1909.
Pp. 508.
The nth number of this valuable annual has come to hand. It gives a
comprehensive survey of all the work done in the biological field in the year
1906. Its preliminary essay is on Les colerations vitales. It reviews work
along 20 special lines as divided in as many chapters, and each of these chap-
ters contains discussions of perhaps 50 authors and their publications in
magazine and book form. Thus specialized the annual is of invaluable service
to the specialist in any branch of biology, whether he is most interested in the
cell, fertilization, ontogenesis, heredity, variation, or any other of the 20 main
subjects included.
BIOLOGY AND ITS MAKERS. By William A. Locy. New York: Henry Holt &
Co., 1908. Pp. 469.
In this volume Professor Locy undertakes to bring under one view the
broad features of biological progress, including not only the various phases of
the evolution theory, but also the other features of biological research, some
knowledge of which is essential to an intelligent comprehension of the former.
He has endeavored to increase the human interest by centering his story
around the lives of the great leaders in the various movements. The book is
divided for convenience into two sections. In the first are considered the
sources of the ideas that dominate biology, while the doctrine of organic evo-
lution on account of its importance is reserved for special consideration in
the second section. The text is illustrated very fully with portraits. Some
of the rare ones are unfamiliar even to biologists, and have only been dis-
covered after a long search in the libraries of America and Europe. The first
640 THE MONIST.
chapter treats of the origin and history of biology in general. Then follow
chapters on Vesalius, Harvey, the pioneer microscopists, the minute anatomy
of the 1 8th Century, Linnaeus, Cuvier, Von Baer and the rise of embryology,
the cell-theory, protoplasm, Pasteur, the theories of Mendel, Galton and
Weismann on heredity, and fossil life. In the second part evolution is defined
and the various theories of Lamarck, Darwin, Weismann and De Vries are
discussed in detail.
The following books have been received at this office :
Dr. P. Haberlin, Herbert Spencers Grundlagen der Philosophic; eine
kritische Studie. Leipsic : Earth, 1908. Pp. 205. Price, 5.40 m. — Josef Popper,
Voltaire, eine Charakteranalysc, in Verbindung mit Studien zur Aesthetik,
Moral und Politik. Dresden: Carl Reissner, 1905. Pp. 388. — Josef Popper,
Fundament ernes neuen Staatsrechts. Dresden : Carl Reissner, 1905. Pp. 86.
— Charles S. Myers, A Text Book of Experimental Psychology. New York :
Longmans, Green & Co., 1909. Pp. 432. — Wilbur Marshall Urban, Valuation,
Its Nature and Laws : Being an Introduction to the General Theory of Value.
London : Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1909. Pp." 433. Price, los 6d. — William
Wilberforce Costin, Introduction to the Genetic Treatment of the Faith-Con-
sciousness in the Individual. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1909. Pp. 45.
Price, 65 c., mail, 71 c. — Raymond Weill, Les origines de I'Egypte pharaonique.
ire partie, "La lie et la Ille Dynasties." Annales du Musee Guimet. Paris:
Leroux, 1908. Pp. 510.— Edward Bradford Titchener, A Text-Book of Psy-
chology. New York: Macmillan, 1909. Pp. 311. Price, $1.30. — Charles Gray
Shaw, The Precinct of Religion in the Culture of Humanity. London : Swan
Sonnenschein, 1908. Pp. 279. — Dr. Berthold Kern, Das Problem des Lebens
in kritischer Bearbeitung. Berlin: August Hirschwald, 1909. Pp. 592. — Ar-
nold Reymond ,Logique et mathematiques ; Essai historique et critique sur
le nombre infini. Saint-Blaise : Foyer Solidariste. 1908. Pp. 218. Price, 5 fr.
We are glad to welcome Volume IV of the New Schaff-Herzog Encyclo-
pedia of Religious Knowledge which proves to be a monitor of the passing of
time as it marks the end of another three months with the precision of the
calendar. Its range is from "Draeseke" to "Goa." It contains articles of
interest in archeological, historical, biographical and purely religious subjects
treated by specialists. A few suggestive headings are Duns Scotus, Erasmus,
Dunkers, Eastern Church, Egypt, France, Society of Friends, Eden, Ecstacy,
Faith, Gesenius. This volume is also furnished with a bibliographical appendix
which brings bibliographies for the articles contained in all four volumes, down
to July, 1909.
The collected works of A. Spir, edited by Helene Claparede-Spir, are now
complete in two volumes. (Leipsic: Earth, 1909. Pp. 390, Price 8 m.) The
second volume which has just appeared contains his essays on "Morality and
Religion" and "Right and Wrong," besides some lesser miscellaneous writings.
The Monist
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