Montrose and Covenanters, their characters and conduct, illustrated from private letters and other original documents hitherto unpublished, embracing the times of Charles the First, from the rise of the troubles in Scotland, to the death of Montrose

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THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

MONTROSE

AND

THE COVENANTERS,

THEIR

CHARACTERS AND CONDUCT,

ILLUSTRATED
FROM PRIVATE LETTERS AND OTHER ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

HITHEUTO UNPUBLISHED,

EMBRACING THE TIMES OF CHARLES THE FIRST, FROM

THE RISE OF THE TROUBLES IN SCOTLAND,

TO THE DEATH OF MONTROSE.

t
BY

MARK NAPIER, Esq.

ADVOCATE.

VOLUME SECOND.

LONDON:

JAMES DUNCAN, 37, PATERNOSTER- ROW.

M.DCCC.XXXVIII.

PttlNTEU BY JOHN STARK, F.DINBURGH.

J03.7

ftsMi

CONTENTS

OF

THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

1641.
Lord Loudon opens the Scotch Parliament of 1641 — Recep-
tion of the King's instructions — The Earl of Traquair —
Loudon supports the King's intercession in his favour —
Loses cast with the Covenanters in consequence — Argyle's.^ir=^
influence in the Parliament — Indictment ag-ainst Traquair
— Fragment of Traquair's defence from the original manu-^
script, throwing farther light upon the falsehoods of Walter
Stewart, and the fictitious nature of the prosecution of .3
Montrose and his friends, . . Page 1

CHAPTER IL

1641.
The pi'ocess against Montrose and his friends pressed in Par-
liament— Napier petitions that they be not prejudged in
their absence — Articles of impeachment prepared against
them, and ordained to be read publicly in Parliament, in
absence of the accused — Original draft of the substance -^=r^
of the articles — Articles passed — Montrose, Napier, and
Keir called to the bar of the House — Their respective ap-
pearances— Argyle's favour to Blackball — Lord Napier's
manuscripts containing a defence of " the Plotters," and
a history of the real state of the case — His character of
the Duke of Lennox, .... 28

CHAPTER IIL

1641.
Lord Sinclair employed to search the private repositories of
Montrose, in order to make a case against him — Result of ^^=;
the search — Montrose's declaration, from the original ma- ^^-—
nuscript, containing his own account of his correspondence
with the King, and of the transactions for which he was

J_ \„> i^ i.^ 'iJ'^ »

IV CONTENTS.

imprisoned — Contradicts the evidence of Walter Stewart
— — Disreputable and illegal proceedings of the Parliament
against Montrose — Endeavour to excite the General As-
sembly against him — Balmerino defends Montrose, and
the Assembly evade the propositions of the Parliament —
Their overture rejected by the Parliament — Reference
to Montrose's oath — Montrose claims the benefit of the
rules of law in such references — His declaration upon
oath, from the original manuscript — His dignified and
composed demeanour throughout his persecution — Frag-
ment of the original libel against Lord Napier — A proof
of the dishonesty of the prosecution — Sir George Stirling
of Keir's depositions and disclosures, from the original MS.
— Indirect practising of the faction — Their tyrannical and
illegal treatment of Montrose — the King arrives in Scot-
land, ..... Page 48

CHAPTER IV.

1641.
The King and the covenanting Parliament of 1641 — Death
of Rothes — His character — His apotheosis by act of Par-
liament— the King's speech — Its coincidence with the ad-
vice of Montrose and Napier — Argyle's insolent reply

Attempts to humble Montrose — Charles's anxiety for the
fate of Monti'ose and his friends, expressed in his corre-
spondence with Sir Edward Nicholas, - 66

CHAPTER V.

Examination and refutation of the calumny that Montrose
made an offer to assassinate Hamilton and Argyle — Mr
D'Israeli's injustice to the character of Montrose, 78

CHAPTER VI.

1641.

Scramble for office among the leading Covenanters at the
close of the King's visit — New agitation of " the Inci-
dent"— Its relation to the Plot — Hamilton's conduct to
Charles — The King's indignation and distress — History
of the Incident — Its real nature and bearings detected —
Mr Hallam's unsatisfactory and eiToneous comment upon
it — William Murray of the bed-chamber, the secret emis-
sary of Hamilton and Argyle in those transactions — Mr

CONTENTS. V

Brodie refuted in his assei-tion that Montrose was the in-
stigator of the incident— The contrary proved — Sir Pa-
trick Wemyss's pathetic account of the insulted King —
Charles rewards his enemies — Alexander Leslie created
Lord Balgony and Earl of Leven — Privy- councillors named
— Loudon Chancellor — The factionists rewarded — The
equivalent to Charles, that Montrose and his friends be
released on caution, and, after trial by a committee, their
sentence referred to his Majesty — Argyle made a Marquis
— Riding of the Parliament — Montrose and his friends
excluded from the pageantry, and prohibited from approach-
ing the King — Parting Banquet in Holyrood, Page 110

CHAPTER VIL

1642—1643.
Review of Montrose's character and position — Malcolm
Laing's theory of Montrose's connection with the inci-
dent— Result of the impeachment of Montrose and his
friends — Montrose in retirement — State of his family — His
nephew married to the Lady Elizabeth Erskine — Fresh
impulse to the movement — Covenanting army re-organized
— Tyrannical agitation against the conservative party —
Original draft, in the Napier charter-chest, of a conserva-
tive petition — Montrose, Lord Ogilvy, and Keir, endea-
vour to communicate with the King at York — Agitation
at the meeting of council in Edinburgh, 23th May 1642 —
Conservative attempts crushed by Argyle and his party —
Montrose and Ogilvy again seek the King — Hamilton
offers to go to Scotland, to restrain the Scots from joining
the rebel Parliament — Hamilton universally suspected by
the loyal, and by the King himself — Hamilton's myste-
rious junction with Argyle in Scotland — Original docu-
ments in the charter-room of Fyvie illustrative of the pe-
riod— Royal standard hoisted at Nottingham, 25th August
1642 — William Murray of the bed-chamber joins the ca-
bal in Scotland — Montrose joins the Queen on her return
from Holland, February 1643 — Attack upon her Majesty
by the rebel ships under Admiral Batten — Montrose's ad-
vice to the Queen, and to Charles — Is supplanted by Ha-
milton, who is trusted and made a Duke — Hamilton not
trustworthy — Original document in the Napier charter-
chest illustrative of Montrose's counsel to the King, and

VI CONTENTS.

principles of action — Result of Hamilton's management of
Scotland — Montrose tempted by Argyle — Sees through the
desig-ns of the Covenanters — Loyal schemes of Antrim,
Nithisdale, and Aboyne — Meetings in the north between
Montrose, Huntly, Marischal, Aboyne, Og-ilvy, Banff, and
Haddo — Montrose's conference with Henderson on the
banks of the Forth, - - - Page 169

CHAPTER Vni.

1643.
Mr D' Israeli's commentaries on the character of Hamilton,
Lanerick, and Montrose — Conduct of the Hamiltons ex-
amined— Montrose endeavours to undeceive the King- —
Alexander Leslie, Earl of Leven, again accepts the com-
mand of the covenanting army — A Covenanter's conscience
— Preparations to assist the rebel parliament — Montrose
sent for by the King — Their conference — Montrose's plan
of operations — Return of Hamilton and Lanerick to court
— The Hamiltons disgraced — Burnet and Malcolm Laing
refuted in their assertions against Montrose — Montrose's
conservative association and bond at Oxford — Hamilton
sent to Pendennis — Lanerick escapes from Oxford, and
joins the Covenanters — Their cordial welcome of him, 216

CHAPTER IX.

1644.

Montrose commissioned as Lieutenant-General of Scotland
under Prince Maurice — His slender resources — State of
Scotland — Montrose's relatives and friends at the Keir —
Conservative ladies — Sir James Turner, the prototype of
Sir Dugald Dalgetty — His account of conferences between
Montrose's relatives in Scotland, and the officers of Lord
Sinclair's regiment — Proposal to invite Montrose to take
immediate possession of Stirling and Perth — Montrose's
niece. Lady Stirling of Keir, sends him a well known
token that he may believe the messenger — Montrose's
first check in his attempt to enter Scotland — Perfidy of
Calendar — Covenanting excommunication — Montrose's
successes in the north of England — Is created a Marquis —
Result of the King's defeat at Marston Moor — Montrose's
offer, to cut his way through Scotland with a thousand of
Rupert's horse, not accepted — Desperate state of his re-

CONTENTS. Vll

sources for the invasion of Scotland — His satirical verse
against Hamilton, from the MS. of Sir James Balfour —
Montrose and his cavaliers leave Carlisle to join the King

Montrose secretly leaves them under command of Ogil-

vy — Ogilvy and his party taken prisoners — Montrose
reaches Scotland in disguise — His retreat at Tillibelton
with Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie — State of H untly and
his family — Haddo's raid — Huntly disbands his followers —
Cruelty of Argyle to the ladies at Drum — Death of Haddo

His character by Spalding — Flight of Huntly — IMon-

trose and the Gael — MacCoU Keitache — The cross of fire

Montrose and young Inchbrakie join the Highlanders

and Scoto-Irish under MacColl — Montrose's garb — His
reception by the Highlanders — State of his little army —
Immediately leads them into action, . . Page 241

CHAPTER X.

1644.
Montrose's system of war — Marches against Perth — Is joined
by the forces under Kilpont — The battle of Tippermuirand
its results — Defence of the kirk militant's surrender of
Perth, drawn up by the two ministers of Perth, from the
MS. — The Highland clans — Montrose the first to bring
them into their martial repute, . . 298

CHAPTER XI.

1644.
Drawbacks upon Montx'ose's victory — Highlanders return
home with their spoil — Lord Kilpont assassinated in Mon-
trose's camp — Family tradition of Ardvoirlich — Original
MS. record of Ardvoirlich's pardon for committing the
murder — Disproves the family tradition — Proves that the
murder was deliberate, and approved of and rewarded by the
covenanting Parliament, and Argyle — The covenanting
clergy justify the deed — Such assassinations publicly declar-
ed by the Argyle government, to be " good service to the
public," and rewarded accordingly, . . 317

CHAPTER XII.

1644.
State of Montrose's army — Defeats Burleigh at Aberdeen —
Extract from the Council Books of Aberdeen recording the

Vlll CONTENTS.

battle, and accounting for the severity exercised by the
victors — Argyle's movements and policy — Montrose's rapid
march into Badenoch — Again threatens 'Aberdeen — Meets
Argyle at Fyvie — Routs the horse of Lothian and baffles
Argyle — Gaiety of the Irish soldiers — Arts of Argyle —
Departure of some of Montrose's friends — Newcastle taken
by the Covenanters — Fate of Montrose's friends and rela-
tives— Montrose chases Argyle from Dunkeld — Follows
him to Inverary — Flight of Argyle from his stronghold —
Montrose ravages the country of Argyle — Three armies
against Montrose — Argyle's exertions to redeem himself —
Montrose's extraordinary march upon Inverlochy — Battle
of Inverlochy — Argyle's account of the battle to the co-
venanting Parhament — Baillie's notice of Montrose's vic-
tory, Page 329

CHAPTER XIII.

1645.

Montrose and his adherents doomed as rebels and traitors by
the covenanting Government — The General Assembly urge
the Parliament to execute Crawford and Ogilvy, and the
rest of their prisoners — The Parliament commend the zeal
and piety of the Assembly, but di'ead the retaliation of
Montrose — Their harsh treatment of Ogilvy and Dr Wish-
art — Sufferings of the family of Drum — Fresh impulse to
the Movement — Montrose spares Aberdeen — Nathaniel
Gordon suprised by Hurry — Death of Donald Farquharson
— Montrose's only son carried off from school with his tu-
tor, by Hurry — Earl of Airly taken ill and compelled to
quit Monti'ose — Montrose summons and wastes Dunnoter
— Montrose routs Hurry — Challenges General Baillie —
Storms Dundee — His masterly retreat — Alleged cruelties
of Montrose refuted — Malcolm Laing, and Mr Brodie's
mis-reading of Spalding on the subject — Mr Hallam's crude
adoption of the theory of Montrose's cruelty — Character
of Montrose's camp, . . 363

CHAPTER XIV.

1645.

Correspondence between the King and Montrose after the bat-
tle of Inverlochy — Mr Hallam refuted in his view of the ef-
fect «)f Montrose's successes upon the treaty of Uxbridge —

CONTENTS. IX

Montrose's letter to Charles, giving- an account of the bat-
tle of Inverlochy — His spirited and prophetic advice to the
King — Charles' mission to Montrose — The Covenanters
organize new armies against him — Movements of Montrose
— His nephew, the Master of Napier, and the young Laird
of Keir break from their confinement and join Montrose
— Aboyne cuts his way through the covenanting forces from
Carlisle and joins Montrose — Cruel execution by the Co-
venanters of the King's messenger carrying letters to Mon-
trose— Character of the covenanting clergy — Their pulpit
eloquence, ..... Page 387

CHAPTER XV.

Montrose destroys the army of Sir John Hurry at Aulderne
— Young Napier, distinguishes himself at Aulderne —
The Covenanting Government imprison Lord Napier,
and the ladies of his family — Letter of remonstrance
from Napier to Balmerino — Montrose's nieces — Their se-
vere imprisonment — Extracts from the original MS. Par-
liamentary record relative thereto — Montrose threatens
Baillie at Strathbogie — Baffles him in Badenoch — His
forced march against Lindsay in Angus — Is deserted by
Aboyne and his northern forces — Lord Gordon adheres to
Montrose — Montrose recruits his forces and challenges
Baillie at Keith — Destroys the army of Baillie at Alford
— Death of Lord Gordon — Montrose threatens the Cove-
nanting Parliament at Perth — Cruelty of the Covenanters
— Airly and Ogilvies rejoin the Standard — Gallantry of Sir
William RoUock and Nathaniel Gordon — The Macleans
burn Castle Campbell — Montrose feasted at Alloa — De-
stroys the army of Argyle and other Commanders of the
Covenant at Kilsyth — General Baillie's account of the bat-
tle— Dr Wishart's account of the battle, . 405

CHAPTER XVL

1645.
Results of the battle of Kilsyth — Reaction against the Co-
venant— Original MS. of Montrose's orders for the Mas-
ter of Napier and Colonel Nathaniel Gordon to proclaim
a Parliament — Young Napier releases Montrose's rela-
tives and friends, and his ov/n, from the prison of Linlith-
gow— Montrose's son a prisoner in the Castle of Edin-

X Contents,

l)urg-h — Lord Graham refuses to be exchang-ed — Submis-
sion of the town of Edinburgh — Montrose's friends releas-
ed from the Tolbooth — Sir Robert Spotiswood joins Mon-
trose at Bothwell, bearing a new commission to him from
the King, with the power of conferring knighthood —
Aboyne's desertion of Montrose — Montrose knights Mac-
Coll Keitach, who forsakes the standard and takes with
him the flower of the troops — Montrose endeavours to
rouse the spirit of the border nobles, and the prickers of
the south — Montrose marches to the bordei^s with the re-
mains of his army in fulfilment of the King's command to
meet him there — Obtains intelligence of David Leslie and
the rebel horse at Berwick — Presses on to meet Douglas
andOgilvy — Is disappointed in ihe southern levies — Feeble
and doubtful conduct of Traquair, Home and Roxbui'gh —
Home and Roxburgh taken prisoners by David Leslie —
Fatal effect of the defection of the Gordons — Ogilvy's
letter of remonstrance to Aboyne, from the MS. in the
Advocates' Library — Refutation of the Historians who
ascribe Montrose's failure to his vain-glorions dispositions,
and defective system of war — Spotiswood's letter to Digby
— Montrose surprised and defeated by David Leslie at
Philiphaugh, - - - Page 446

CHAPTER XVH.

1645-1G46.

Massacre of the pi'isoners taken at Philiphaugh — Doom of
Montrose's friends — Dr Cook's condemnation of the Cove-
nanting clergy — Malcolm Laing and MrBrodie's refutation
of Wishart, founded on their misconception of his text — Exe-
cution of Sir William Rollock — Anecdote of Argyle's at-
tempt to persuade Rollock to assassinate Montrose — Exe-
cution of Young Ogilvy of Innerquharity — The Reverend
David Dickson's proverb — Execution of Sir William Nis-
bet — Montrose overawes the covenanting committees —
Endeavours in vain to bring the covenanting- horse to ac- .
tion — His march through the snow into Athol — Death of
Lord Napier at Fincastle — Douglas, Erskine, and Fleming-,
provide for their safety — The old Earl of Airly refuses to
quit Montrose — Parliament meets at St Andrews— Speech
of the covenanting Procurator calling for blood — Ministers
preach to the same text — -AH the Irish prisoners ordered

CONTENTS. XI

for execution without trial or jury — Executions of Sir
Robert Spotiswood, Nathaniel Gordon, William Murray of
Tullihardine, and Captain Andrew Guthrie — Spotiswood's let-
ter, on the eve of his execution, to Montrose — Ogilvy escapes
— Hartfell spared — Siege of Montrose's Castle of Kincardine
by Middleton — Narrow escape of young- Lord Napiei', and
Druramond of Balloch — Kincardine destroyed and twelve pri-
soners shot — The covenanting committee threaten to raise
from the g-rave and bring- to judicial trial the body of old
I-,ord Napier — Are diverted from this purpose by a sum of
money from his son, . . . Page 472

CHAPTER XVIII.

1646.
Montrose endeavours to bring Huntly to co-operate — Sur-
prises Huntly into a personal meeting- at the Bog- — Result
of Huntly's loyal exei'tions — Montrose's prophecies in the
course of fulfilment — Charles determines to live like a
King or die like a gentleman — Escapes to the Presbyterian
camp, and trusts the covenanting Scots — His desire that
Montrose should be admitted to his councils, and protect
him with his troops — Treatment of the King — His spirit-
ed rebuke of Lothian's insult to Montrose — Culcreuch's
letter to Napier eloquently urging him to forsake Montrose
— The King's letters to Montrose, commanding him to dis-
band his forces, and retire abroad — Montrose's obedience
to those commands and departure into exile, . 490

CHAPTER XIX.

1647-1648.
Montrose in exile — Affecting letter of the King's to him —
Account of Montrose's movements and reception abroad, in
a letter from his nephew. Lord Napier, to Lady Napier —
Huntly and Hamilton reappear — State of parties — The en-
gagement— Death of Charles I. — Effect of the tidings upon
Montrose — Montrose's vow, . . . 506

CHAPTER XX.

1649-1630.
Executions of Hamilton and Huntly — Death of Aboyne in
Paris — Lord Byron's account of the parties at the Hague

XI i CONTENTS.

— Sir Edward Nicholas's account of thera — Unprincipled
cabal against Montrose — Letter from Charles II. to Mon-
trose— Letter from Dr Wishart to Lord Napier — Letter
from Charles II. to Lord Napier — Account of Mon-
trose's movements abroad — His descent upon Scotland —
Failure of his resources — Is surprised and overwhelmed by
David Leslie and other Covenanting commanders — His
escape from the field — Reduced to extremities in his flight
— Discloses himself to Macleod of Assint — Macleod gives
Montrose up to David Leslie, for the sake of the price of
his blood — Contemporary narrative of his brutal treatment
by the Covenanting Government — His noble and indomi-
table bearing — Manuscript account, in the Advocates' Li-
brary, of Montrose's persecution in prison by the Cove-
nanting ministers, and of his demeanour — The Lord Lyon's
notes of Montrose's appearance and demeanour when re-
ceiving sentence — Account of his demeanour from the MS.
diary of one of his clerical persecutors — His composure on
the eve of his execution — His metrical prayer — Adorns
himself for death — Contemporary accounts of bis death, and
treatment after death — The bloody clothes preserved in the
Napier Charter-Chest — Lady Napier secretly obtains his
heart from his grave under the gibbet on the Borough
Moor, and has it embalmed — Contemporary anecdote of
Montrose's head on the pinnacle of the Tolbooth — Fate of
the Kirk's king, the Marquis of Argyle — Fate of the Kirk's
minion, Archibald Johnston, . . Page 521

The Heart of Montrose.

Extraordinary fate of Montrose's heart, narrated in a letter
from the Right Honourable Sir Alexander Johnston, . 559

Montrose's Poems, . 560

Additional Notes and Illustrations.
I. Montrose's assassinations.
II. Montrose's siege of Morpeth.
III. Montrose's defence and dying speech, . . 574

MONTROSE

AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER I.

IN WHICH TRAQUAIR SPEAKS FOR HIMSELF.

On the 15th of July 1641, Lord Loudon opened tlie
Scotch Parliament by a speech, in which he delivered
the substance of the King's Instructions, and these, ac-
cording to covenanting tactics, were received with a
display of cordiality and gratitude more insulting than
sincere. It was found and declared that nothing should
be done before his Majesty arrived, by act, sentence, or
determination of any kind, except to prepare, accom-
modate, and ripen the business of Parliament. To this,
however, was added the large exception, which, along
with every other conceivable case, comprehended the act
of taking off the head of John Stewart, younger of Lady-
well, namely, " except any such occasion occur which
the Parliament shall find to concern the public good, and
peace of the kingdom, and present necessity thereof."

There was one clause of the Instructions to which
Dunfermline and Loudon appeared anxious to obtain a
favourable answer, and that was on the subject of the
Earl of Traquair. It is a curious trait of the working
of the covenanting machinery, that nothing, even at

VOL. II. A

2 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

this monientous crisis, seemed to be considered of such
vital importance as the case of this persecuted noble-
man. Traquair had become unpopular with all parties,
in consequence of a vain attempt to steer a middle course.
One while he was in bad odour with the Covenanters,
and the next with the King. He had the reputation
of being a mortal enemy to the bishops, and at the same
time was devoted to Charles with a warmth of affection
never sufficiently appreciated. His name is conspicu-
ous in the history of the period, yet can he hardly be
said to be recorded, for his character has been abandon-
ed to the mists of prejudice and passion, so industrious-
ly raised around him by his personal enemies. Cla-
rendon, indeed, has left some conjectures as to his equi-
vocal policy, or what was deemed so, in reference to
the hierarchy, at that stormy and difficult crisis when
the Covenant arose ; but the only decided protraiture
of him afforded by the great historian makes us curi-
ous to know more of its subject. " Though he was a
wise man," says Clarendon, " the wisest, to my under-
standing, that I have known of that nation, he was
not a man of interest and power with the people, but
of some prejudice."'

But all Traquair's unpopularity, all his faults, nay, all
of which he was ever coherently accused, are quite in-
adequate to account for the extraordinary excitement
which seemed to prevail against him during the treaty
of London, and when the King proposed to visit Scot-
land. It was impossible for Charles to understand why
this nobleman, discountenanced at Court, inclined to re-
tire from public life, and possessing no great influence
in any quarter, should be pursued with an unrelent-
ing animosity that too clearly indicated a thirst for his
blood. We have seen that even the Scotch Com mis-

TRAQUAIR S DEFENCE. 3

sioners, while they pressed the inntter as a condition
of the treaty, could not discover the propriety or ne-
cessity of their own obstinacy. Traquair too was
bewildered by the rapid rising of the tide of faction
against himself. The colour the agitation had now
taken was the idea of a desperate and devilish plot, in
which Traquair, with the assistance of Montrose, was
said to be working upon the King, for the repeal of
the covenanting constitutions, and the destruction of
Hamilton and Argyle. It was circulated that all this,
through the good providence of the Almighty, had been
detected and unravelled from the examinations of Walter
Stewart and the Plotters. The few who were behind
the scenes of the Covenant must have known the utter
worthlessness of Stewart's evidence, and that Montrose
and his friends had deponed in terms to have reliev-
ed them, from that violent scandal, in the eyes of
all honourable and honest men. And the elect also
knew the real key to the vicious excitement, those male-
volent letters, namely, of Archibald Johnston's, in which
he so passionately applies himself to rouse the revenge
or the fears of the democratic clique. But Traquair
himself knew something of Walter Stewart, and when
the vague and exaggerated rumours of the Plot reach-
ed his ears, and the King's, they both naturally sup-
posed that this calumny would be dispelled by their
own statement of the truth. Charles repeatedly de-
clared, in corroboration of 7^raquair's earnest assevera-
tions to the same effect, that no plotting or communi-
cations, of the kind said to have been deponed to by
Walter Stewart, had occurred. The King assured the
Scotch Commissioners of this upon " his trust and cre-
dit," and they reported accordingly to the Committee
of Estates, before the King arrived in Scotland. John

■h MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Stewart was now on his trial for that very question-
able charge of leasing-making, which consisted, not of
defaming the King to the subject, not even of carrying-
false reports of the subject directly to the King, but of
defaming one subject to another, whereby, it was in-
ferred, the falsehood might reach the King's ear. For
this, Argyle pursued his victim unrelentingly to the
death. But how did Walter Stewart stand upon all
the depositions ? He was contradicted by the sepa-
rate depositions of Montrose, Napier, Keir, and Black-
hall. His Majesty and Traquair had declared his state-
ment to be groundless, so far as they were concerned,
and he had also contradicted himself. The very in-
spection of his papers must have satisfied his exami-
nators that his story was false. Now his fabrications
directly implicated the King himself. He had sworn
to the effect that Charles was in a Plot with Traquair
and Montrose for subverting the Liberties of the Coun-
try, and encompassing the lives of the Patriots. His
case was of that manifest character of defaming the
King to the subject, and surely it did not take him
out of such a charge, that his leasings occurred in the
form of perjury upon judicial examination. Could the
crime of leasing-making be now committed only against
Argyle ? Where upon this occasion was his Majesty's
Advocate for his Majesty's interest, that veteran law-
yer who obtained the convictions against Balmerino,
and John Stewart ? The case against Walter Stewart
was clearer , under the statutes, and yet he is ke})t
in prison, not to answer for falsehoods affecting the
Throne itself, as well as the liberty and lives of various
noblemen and gentlemen, but simply as one of " the
Plotters," or rather as King's evidence against them
and the King. Then the cool effrontery of the Scotch
Commissioners, — who in their hearts believed the King,

traquair's defence. 5

and knew that the informer was a rogue, — is certainly
unparalleled in any age of faction, when they say, after
stating the contradiction which the evidence had met
with from his Majesty and Traquair, — " but it is not
liivcly that Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Stewart, his re-
lation to the Earl of Traquair being considered, would
to his prejudice have invented them."

At the opening of the present Parliament an attempt
was made, both by the King and Traquair, to remove
this stumbling-block in the way of peace. Dunferm-
line and Loudon were commanded by his Majesty to
present to the Parliament Traquair's submission, which
Uiat nobleman had laid before the King, who kept the
original in his own possession, sending a copy to the
Parliament, with this message, that his Majesty. would,
if acceptable, transmit the original. In that paper,
Traquair submits himself to the House with all pos-
sible respect, and expresses unfeigned regret that
any statements or actions of his should have given
discontent to the Parliament of Scotland, and he con-
cludes by expressing his willingness to withdraw him-
self from Court, and from all public employments, until
the King and the Parliament demanded his services
again. Dunfermline and Loudon exhibited this sub-
mission to the Parliament, saying, that " if the same
were acceptable, as they hoped it would, the principal
would be sent in all haste, and that if they would grant
his Majesty's desire he would take it as a very great de-
monstration of the affection of his people, and as a sin-
gular testimony of the Parliament's respect to his Ma-
jesty." Besides this ample submission, the Commis-
sioners presented a declaration, signed by Traquair, in
which he met certain rumours that had reached hiin of
Walter Stewart's depositions. It appears that John

O MONTROSli AND THE COVENANTERS.

Stewart had reported to this worthy some expressions
indicative of Argyle's designs against the Monarchy,
which Walter carried with him to Court. Upon this point
he had been examined by the Committee of Estates, when
he declared, that in a paper given by " Mr John Stew-
art to me, to be carried to my Lord Traquair, it was
said, that some of my Lord Argyle's men had said, ' King
Stewart has reigned long enough, King Campbell must
reign time about.' "* He adds, in the same declaration,
" I acknowledge that my Lord Traquair gave me di-
rection to assure Sir Thomas Stewart, and Mr John
Stewart, that if they would put under their hands that
which they had spoken of my Lord Argyle, and make
it appear to be true, that each of them should have two
hundred pounds Sterling of pensions, — 1 mean that
which was spoken by my Lord at the ford of Lyon, —
which I proffei-ed to them, and thereafter they set under
their hand that which they had said before they had
spoken to me."f

Of all this calunmy Traquair had been vaguely in-
formed, and, at the opening of the Parliament, Dun-
fermline and Loudon also presented, —

" The Earl of Traquair's earnest desire, signed by
himself, that the Parliament of the kingdom of Scot-
land will be pleased to bring him to his trial for what
captain Stewart's depositions may seem to concern him,
which his Majesty desires may be read to the Commit-
tee and to the Parliament.

*' It is a great misfortune and unhappiness for me
that I cannot conveniently be at this meeting of the Par-

* Original M.S. dated 19th June 1641, and signed, " W. Stewart. —

Sr A. Gibsoue, I. P. D."

f See another version of this, from Walter Stewart, Vol. i. p. 446-7.^

See also infra, p. 16.

4

TRAQUAIIl S DEFENCE. 7

liament of Scotland, before whom (as those whose judge-
ment I shall most willing submit myself unto,) I might
clear the truth of all that has passed betwixt Captain
Stewart and me. In consideration whereof, and of that
duty I owe to Parliament, (who, as I hear, have taken
particular notice of his depositions,) and that his follies,
or knavery, may neither wrong my innocency nor the
truth, I do by these declare, that I had no negotiation
with him, concerning public business, but such as was
fitting for one who had sworn and subscribed the con-
fession and Covenant of Scotland ; and this and all
that was herein, betwixt him and me, was upon such
generals as I shall be glad, and by these I do most
heartily and freely offer myself to the trial and censure
of the Parliament of Scotland, for any thing that past
betwixt him and me. And if in any thing I shall be
found to have departed either from the duty of a good
Christian, and one who had subscribed the Covenant,
or if therein it shall appear that I have done any thing
that may appear factious, or contrary to the hapj)y con-
clusion of this treaty of peace. Jet my censure be upon
me accordingly. As for these informations he brought
first by word, and thereafter by writ, against the Earl
of Argyle, they were from (Walter) himself, without
either procurement or foreknowledge of mine, — never
entertained by me, nor thought I them considerable, as
my answer, both to his verbal and written informa-
tion, (and which I am very confident he cannot deny)
will clearly evince. Likeas, I never did so much as take
notice thereof to King or subject. What his, or his
complices, if any he had, their Plot against the Marquis
of Hamilton may be, I know not. I, and divers others,
have heard him express foolish and impertinent speeches
of the Marquis and others, (but nothing in particular

8 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of hiiD or any otlier,) and for which he was checked by
me, and others to whom he kept the like discourses. It
is not for me to descend to particulars, or, at this dis-
tance, to offer anything, to the consideration of the Par-
liament, which by undeniable circumstances will make
the truth and ingenuity of my carriage herein appear,
and will make him appear either a very weak busy
body, or a very great and malicious knave, one or other
of which I shall most clearly evince, if his informations
and depositions be such as I am n)ade to believe. In
the meantime, my humble and earnest suit to the Par-
liament of Scotland is, that, upon what comes from him,
I suffer no further prejudice in their good opinion."

Lord Loudon, it seems, had pressed all these Instruc-
tions so faithfully and sincerely, in name of his Majesty,
upon the acceptance of the Argyle Parliament, that for
an instant the storm of faction wasdirected against him-
self. " Divers," says Baillie, " began to misunderstand
him, as if he had turned an agent for the King." Lou-
don appeared to take this much to heart, and not being
very anxious to return to the Commission, and the Earl
of Dunfermline desirous to look after his own affairs
at Court, " Loudon had well near shuffled off a commis-
sion to return, which exceedingly had prejudiced us in
our common affairs." " This," adds Baillie, " made Ar-
gyle and friends, yea all, awake ; they answered that if
his faithfulness none did doubt ; that to exoner him of
his commission they could not till the treaty were closed;
that he behoved to return with the treaty when it was
revised, as after some days he did, and he only. As for
Dunfermline, Argyle obtained to him, some ten days
after, that he also should be sent up with some instruc-
tions for disbanding of the army." The same chroni-
cler informs us, — "Traquair's submission they rejected."

TKAQUAIIl's DEFENCE. 9

As for the instruction to pass from all who had been
cited, unless some great crimes were proved against
them, " they thought meet to suspend a particular an-
swer till it were given to his Majesty in person, or his
Commissioner." All this occurred on the 15th of July.
On the 16th, the very next day, with a precipitancy that
evinced a determination to insult his Majesty and do
injustice, — " the Earl of Traquair's charge, containing
tvv^enty-six sheets of paper, this day read in the House,"*
— and upon the 17th " the incendiaries were called on, by
tlieir names, by three macers, at the two bars, and the
great door."

The indictment against the Earl of Traquair, doubt-
less a curious chapter of what maybe termed SirThomas
Hope's Secret Practicks, t is not now known to exist.
But we may imagine the outrage to justice, judicial
decency, and civilized procedure, that would be com-
mitted in that monstrous libel, whose compilation was
engendered by Sir Thomas Hope's successor in office,
Archibald Johnston, in the manner we have disclosed.
I'raquair of course never did obtain a fair trial, any
more than Montrose and the rest of the Plotters. When
the Argyle faction triumphed over Charles at that fatal
crisis, the noblemen and gentlemen whom they per-
secuted were ungraciously released, and the violent
charges against them bequeathed to history in the
cloudy form of their original conception. At the time,
Traquair was not suffered to right himself, before his
peers and his country, and from that hour to this has
never been fairly heard in his own defence. It is time
that he should. When we consider how much of

* See before, Vol. i. p. 350.

f III the liepartnient of l;i\v, Sir Thomas Hoi)e is well known as the
author of Major Practicks and Minor I'racticks.

10 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

this calumny rests upon the character of Montrose,
and that all the horrid imputations of projected as-
sassinations and massacres, — which some modern his-
torians have woven into their dark narratives against
the principal subject of these illustrations, — depend upon
that calumnious obscurity, it is of great importance to
his memory also, to dispel in every direction the phan-
tasma of the Plot.

I have been so fortunate as to discover a fragment of
Traquair's defence, which throws considerable light
upon this subject. There is among the Wodrow i)apers,
part of an original manuscript, which that collector
describes, in his index, as, — " part of the answers of

to his lybell about his concern with
the M. of Montrose." The blank indicates that Wod-
row had not discovered the name of the party defend-
ing himself. There can be no question, however, that
the manuscript is a few pages of Traquair's reply to
the libel of twenty-six sheets. And this, too, is sin-
gular, that the fragment, thus accidentally preserved,
happens to commence precisely at the reply to the
charge of a plot with Montrose.

FiiAGMENT OF Traquair's Defence.

" The fifteenth article charges me for being instigator,
at least art and part, of certain treasonable plots with
the Earl of Montrose, and others, for subverting the
acts of the late Parliament, and for subverting the late
treaty, and for having laboured to suborn and corrupt
witnesses, treasonably to have accused or surprised
some of the principal nobility, as is inforced and proven
by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart's characters, tablets, and
depositions. And in this same article some presumptions

TRAQUAllt'S DEFENCE. ] 1

are adduced to prove tlie truth, at least the probability,
of these characters, tablets, and depositions, and of the
said Lieutenant's his ingenuous and true dealing, as
proceeding from remorse of conscience, and after solemn
oath. The informer of my process labours much to
make this appear. But if he had been no more able to
take him out of the summons than to evince this i)oint
with reason, he had been in this same condition his
folly, if not knavery, has left us, and for which good
service he is so ivell rewarded.

" But all this great structure is built upon so sandy a
foundation as the characters, tablets, and depositions,
made up by him who has ever been known for a fool,
or at least a timid half-witted body, and so, if chosen
by the Lord Montrose, and others, for negotiating such
deep plots as are alleged in my summons, they have
been wonderfully mistaken in their choice. Neither
can I be persuaded that, if they had been about any
such plot or jjlots, men of their judgment, and under-
standing, could have been so far mistaken as to have
made use of such a weak and foolish instrument, * for
negotiating therein. The foundation, I say, is so slip-
pery, that I shall not have much pain to overthrow
the same, and consequently all the building, as shall
easily appear by this my subsequent answer, wherein
I shall truly and faithfully set down, to the best of my
memory, all that past betwixt him and me, concern-
ing any of these particulars wherewith my summons
charges me.

" And first, I say, I had no hand with the Earl of
Montrose and others in any plot or consj)iracy. Neither,

* This cli.iracter of Walter iStewart, vvliich is to be found no where
else, throws additional light upon the nature of the prosecution against
" the Plotters."

12 MONTKOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

for any thing' is known to me, had he or these others
any such plot for reversing the acts of the late Parlia-
ment, nor for subverting the treaty then depending.
Neither yet did I corrupt, nor deal for corrupting and
suborning witnesses. Neither did I receive from Cap-
tain Stewart these instructions, alleged sent to me by
the Earl of Montrose, and Lord Napier, wherein, un-
der the name of beasts and letters, as is alleged, * they
craved that the Offices of Estate should be kept up, — that
the same should not be disposed by advice of the Mar-
quis of Hamilton, — to assure the same that, Rehgion and
Liberties being granted, he would crush all his oppo-
sers — to assure the Duke and Traquair that Montrose
would take them by the hand and lead them through
all difficulties. Neither did I ever acquaint his Ma-
jesty, neither yet reported to the said Walter that I had
acquainted his Majesty therewith. Neither had he
any commission, or direction, or answer thereanent,
from me. And as I believe these instructions were fan-
cies of his own, so do I believe the ' Tablet ' to have
been his own, which was never neither helped nor mend-
ed by me, or sent down by me. And if any answer be
made thereto in his Majesty's name, it was without any
warrant or direction of mine, for he had no other di-
rection, or warrant from me than these I shall express
in my subsequent discourse. So if, notwithstanding of
what is alleged by me anent the relevancy of this
argument, it shall be found that the Captain's pre-
tended instructions. Tablet, and answers made there-
to, will infer a plot to reverse the acts of Parlia-
ment, June 1640 — to subvert the treaty — to cut off^ the

* Traquair only had his knowledge of these characters from the libel
against him, in which, as in Lord Napier's, all these papers were " pro-
lixly set down."

TIlAQUAlll's DEFENCE. 13

power of Parliament in time coming — let the author
and informer of these instructions, Tablet, and answers,
be called to his account for the same, and censured and
punished accordingly.

"As for the Captain's vSending or coming to London, I
knew nothing of him nor his coming until I saw him
at Whitehall. Neither know I of any other letters he
brought to the Duke of Lennox, from Montrose or any
other person, except a letter which did import or con-
tain nothing but a civil answer to my Lord Duke's
recommendation of me and my particular. Neither did
I ever give him any instructions to try out what he
could find against the Marquis of Argyle, and, to the
best of my memory, M'Lane's name never occurred in
any discourse betwixt him and me. But, howsoever, I
am most certain he had no direction, by word or writ,
to try out any of my Lord Argyle's actions with the
said M'Lane by the Earl of Seaforth, or any of the
Clan Donald. And if at any time I have said, that so
long as the Earl of Argyle was my unfriend I stood in
fear to go home to Scotland, as I do not remember any
such words to have escaped me, so may it easily be
made appear, as it is too notorious, that there were
many other reasons to induce me to apprehend the Earl
of Argyle's misconceptions of my intentions against him,
and of his power, than that the Earl of Argyle miglit
conduce Highland witnesses of the Donalds and Mac-
Donalds.

" And whereas my plotting to seduce and suborn
false witnesses is offered to be proven by the said
Captain Walter's depositions, made upon rexnorse of
conscience and upon his great oath, wherein, as is
alleged, he declares that I gave him warrant to offer to
Sir Thomas Stewart and Mr John Stewart, to each one
of them, a hundred pounds Sterling a year, to set down

14 MONTKOSIi AND THE COVENANTERS.

under their hands, and so to make good these words
alleged to have been spoken by the Earl of Argyle, — I
answer, first, that giving, and not granting, that upon
his relation and information, made by him to me with-
out any procurement or foreknowledge of mine, I had
desired to cause his informers set the same down in
writing, that thereby I might be the more able to judge
of the probability and certainty of a business of so higii
a nature, and wherein both King and kingdom were so
nearly concerned, I conceive it can never be interpreted
to be a seducing of witnesses to have offered a hundred
pound Sterling by year to any who should have cleared
and discovered so high and damnable a treason. But
leaving to dispute this point, I answer, secondly, that if
behave made any such declaration, it must have proceed-
ed rather from a cauterized consciencej than from any con-
science sensible of its duty either to God or man. For,
upon my honour and cotiscience, he had never any such
warrant nor commission from me ; and I am very con-
fident that the truth of this particular being ripped up,
would give just ground and occasion to the honourable
Committee to believe, that, as in this he has made up
and fancied to himself employments without any ground
given him, so may he have done in all the rest of his
pretended employments. For as he had never any such
warrant nor direction from me, so can I not conceive
upon what ground he has made any such motion to
Mr John or Sir Thomas Stewart, (if any su.cli did he
make,) except it be upon that which he heard or knew
to be in debate before my coming from Scotland, and
in the time of the Parliament, when I was Commis-
sioner, betwixt Sir Thomas, Mr John Stewart, and me.*
" Sir Thomas at that time moved in his father's name,

* That Traquair did make such an offer, is stated by Malcolm Laiiig
■as an unquestionable historical fact. See Hist. Note vi. Vol. i.

traquair's defence. 15

that he might have soniethiiig from the King in lieu
of the feu-duties which are now paid to the Exchequer,
and that because, when the action for reduction of in-
feftments with conversion was intendit by the King's
Advocate, and thereupon every man required to pay
into the Exchequer ipsa corpora, I dealt with Sir
Thomas's father not to contest with the King, but did
assure him that if he would begin and pay in ipsa cor-
pora, and so give good example to others to do the
like, I would intercede with his Majesty to give him
some pension, or something equivalent to his loss.
In the second place, Sir Thomas desired of me, that
seeing the Bishopric of Dunkeld was fallen in his Ma-
jesty's hands, and that he had been Bailie to the late
Bishoj), that I would procure to him a new gift of the
Bailiery, as also a gift of the Chamberlanry of that
Bishopric. At or about that same time, Mr John
Stewart came likewise to me, and desired me, that see-
ing he had been Chamberlain to the late Bishop by
my means, he might have a new gift from the King,
both of the Chamberlanry and Bailiery thereof. To
Sir 1'liomas Stewart's first proposition, I told him, as
I had done before to his father, that whenever any
such motion should be made to his Majesty anent his
loss, I should not be wanting to do him all the good
offices of a friend. As to the proposition anent the
Bailiery and Chamberlanry of Dunkeld, I told both
him and Mr John Stewart that I did respect them so
much that I would willingly engage my credit with
my master for either of them in a business of greater
consequence than T conceived the Bailiery or Cham-
berlanry of Dunkeld to be; but that I would not wil-
lingly engage myself for either of them in that parti-
cular, whereby to displease the other. ^Vhereupon I
advised them to agree betwixt themselves, and accord-

16 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ing as they did agree either of them to cede to the
other, I should move his Majesty therein. Mr John
Stewart came to me, two days before my parting from
Edinburgh, and gave me two gifts, yet extant, of the
said Chamberlanry and Bailiery, and desired I might
procure his Majesty's hand thereto, alledging Sir
Thomas would not be displeased therewith. Where-
upon I took the gifts from him, and promised that
whenever he should send me a certificate under Sir
Thomas Stewart's hand, that he had ceded to him, I
should intercede with his Majesty to sign the same in
his favour. Whereof from that time I never heard
any more until Captain Stewart's coming to London,
who being acquainted, as it seems, with the foresaid
passages, and inclining more to Mr John Stewart than
Sir Thomas, did one day, by way of discourse, inquire
if I had procured his Majesty's hand to Mr John Stew-
art's gifts, to whom I replied that I neither had nor
would move therein, unless Sir Thomas were satisfied
therewith, or that Mr John and he did advise thereupon.
" And as this is the simple truth of what I know
in this business, so whatever dealing he had with ei-
ther of these parties, was without any ground or di-
rection from me, other than what I have here set down.
Neither upon his return did he ever motion to me any
thing concerning any pension to any of them. Nei-
ther did I ever know of these gifts of pensions alleged
drawn up by one of the parties themselves, and found
in his trunk and cabinet. Neither yet of the offer
made by him, and alleged acknowledged, until his de-
positions and the summons told it me. I remember I
have heard him speak of the warrant given for demo-
lishing the King's houses, and withal told it v/as much
regretted by many good men of the kingdom ; but

thaquair's defence. 17

whether it was done by way of commission, or of two
commissions, or what way it was done, whether by the
Committee of Parliament, I knew it not ; neither do I
yet know any thing of it more than this summons tells
me, nor was I curious to know any thin^ thereof.

" The bond which his papers or memorandums men-
tions I had given orders to draw up amongst my Lord
Duke's friends, is no better warranted than some other
such allegeances whereof I have been challenged here-
tofore. And why papers, or writings, which he, upon
confrontation with some of these parties against whom
he has deponed, did acknowledge to have been written
by himself, or his own memory as he calls it, why, I
say, any such papers, without any other adminicle of
witness, or writ or direction from the parties alleged
plotters with him, should have more faith, or be more
considered, than as fancies or conceptions of the writer,
I cannot understand. That such scribbling:s of his
should give a ground for such a pursuit of treason, ap-
jDears to be without example. For in all his depositions,
neither amongst all his papers, is there any thing found
alleged directed to me, or from me, but what his own
foolish scribblings mentions. The Earl of Montrose
Lord Napier, Lairds of Keir and Blackball, have upon
oath declared that he had never any direction from them
to me. And if any direction he had at all, or if any
discourse passed betwixt him and them, I was not the
party to whom he was allowed to communicate the same,
as will appear by their depositions.

" The truth of all these things (the charges) is further
enforced by a number of presumptions. And first, that
he was my cousin and domestic. As both are true, so
is it also true, that — ' it is a poor kin wherein are not
either whore or knave,' — neither am I the first man

VOL. II. B

18 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of inany who have nourished serpents in their own
bosoms, and I think my interest of blood and personal
kindness to himself, should rather be an argument to
prove his ingratitude, than any ways to infer any thing
against me. And as to the forty pieces, they were lent
money, at his earnest and pressing desire, and, as he
then pretended, urgent necessity, whereof I hope justice
will see me repaid by him.

"Christianity tells us that nothing befalls to man in
this world but by God's providence. All the circum-
stances of jjrovidence adduced in this part of the article,"^^
as, the Earl of Montrose'supgivingof Mr John Stewart, —
Mr John Stewart's at first confessing nothing upon Wal-
ter,— Walter's coming post the next day, and not know-
ing of Mr John's imprisonment, — his being brought
to a confession upon the sight of some riven pieces of
paper, — the finding of his instructions and tablets in a
cabinet within a trunk from London, — do no ways import
any thing against me, for in chanty and justice I am ob-
liged to believe what the Earl of Montrose spoke of
Mr John Stewart was truth. Mr John Stewart's not
naming of the Captain upon his first examination may
have proceeded either from the questions made to him,
or from his unwillingness, in so dangerous and ticklish
times, to bring his friend upon the stage. The Cap-
tain's not confessing of any of those things he has since
deponed, till his riven papers and characters were found
in his trunk, all written with his own hand, and no-
thing found amongst any of these papers, or any of
those trunks and cabinets, of any other man's hand writ-

* Cant and blasphemy had, as usual in a Covenanting process, been
made to supply the place of legal evidence, truth, and common sense.
" Thinkon matters against them," — " bediligent with your lawyers, — pay
them largely before hand," — were precepts of Archibald Johnston that
liad not been thrown away.

TRAQUAIRS DEFENCE. 19

ing, to justify these his fancies and inventions, doth ra-
ther evince that his first confession was truth, and that
his second was an act of cunning in him, either to con-
ciliate to himself favour, or, at the least, thereby to jus-
tify his own imaginations, by which, in all probability,
he was like to have suffered if he had not thus justified
the same by laying the blame and burden of all upon
others.^ If the Earl of Montrose, Lord Napier, Lairds
of Keir and Blackball have acknowledged any, or the
most part, of his depositions, as that makes good what
he and they agree upon, so, upon the other part, their
all unanimously agreeing, that neither by word or writ
had he any direction from them to me, does clearly
evince that what he has deponed concerning his nego-
tiating with me, further than is here set down, is most
false.

This [the charge] is further enforced from the
Duke of Lennoxf and my carriage. What concerns the
Duke of Lennox herein, is to the best of my knowledge
made up of a number of untruths, and, I am very con-
fident, the Honourable Committee of Parliament will
seriously take to their consideration this injury done
to the Duke of Lennox, wherein I conceive him to be
so much concerned, as that I will not take upon me to
•make any particular answer, but in the general I will
aver, and am able to make it good, that the Duke of
Lennox spake nothing in the Parliament of England
either concerning the incendiaries, or procedures of
Scotland, but what befitted a good Scots subject, and
one who hath the honour to be the first Peer in the
kingdom. We may very well acknowledge that he
had written a letter to Montrose, and received an

* See Vol. i. p. 456. f Ibid. p. 359.

20 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTEUS.

answer from him, (the letter being of the same tenor
he had written to others, and containing nothing but
a fair and general recommendation of me and my par-
ticular, as will appear by the letter itself,) but that he
has acknowledged that he has seen the Captain's mystic
instructions, under the name of Serpent, Elephant, &c.
is more than I do believe. But, howsoever, if he has
seen, or acknowledged the seeing of any such instruc-
tions, it is probable enough that he has given the an-
swer set down in the Captain's depositions, which is,
that he would meddle with no such business. And if
my offering to speak or write without his own warrant
might not argue a presumption, or too great boldness
in me, 1 would offer to justify, with the hazard of my
life, that in this and in all his carriage towards this
kingdom, his actions have been such as became a faith-
ful servant to his master, and true patriot.

" My carriage is enforced by a number of expres-
sions of mine, made at Court and elsewhere. Wherein
appears their unparalleled malice, and neither charity
nor Christianity in the informer.* As I never did nor
will question the justice and honour of the Parliament,
but will and was ever ready with my life and fortune
to maintain the true honour, dignities, and privileges
thereof, so I hope your justice and goodness is such as
to consider, that although, in following my master and
his commandments, my actions and courses in these
troublesome times have in some things appeared offen-
sive to some, — yet being in this not singular, no not
equally guilty with many others, and my punishment
and persecution singular and without example, — and
so, out of the sense thereof and grief therefore, if at
any time I have expressed myself more freely, and pos-

* See Vol. i. p. 338-360.

TllAQUAlR'S DEFENCE. 21

sibly passionately, charity would have passed by such
expressions. But since I must now in a singular way
answer singularly for all my actions and words herein,
not only to the gross, but to the subtle and I may say
unjust and unchristian, inferences the informer makes
thereupon, I will here set down the truth, to the best
of my memory, of all these particular words wherewith
I am charged.

*' And first, whereas it is alleged that I have said
that before I perished I should mix heaven and earth
together, I remember so well of all that passed be-
twixt that party, who is the informer of this,* and me,
that I shall not insist to dispute the relevancy thereof,
or what it might import, or could infer, if, out of the
true sense of my sufferings, I expressed any such things.
Neither yet will I recriminate, or obtrude to him his
words and expressions, (which he used to me at that
conference where this discourse should have escaped
me,)f Avhich if they were known it would not be thought
very strange if I had uttered as much as this comes to.
But as his wickedness appears in relating what he must
acknowledge to have been spoken in a private dis-
course, so his averring more than was said, and mis-
construing, what was said, to a bad sense or to my pre-
judice, does clearly manifest his unjust dealing with
me, but can infer no more against me than that saying
of Juno, —

Flectere si nequeo Superos, Acheronta movebo, —

which Virgil sets down as the passionate expression
and relasche of an angry goddess, for, as Ovid says,
tang'it et ira Deos, And yet the poet makes no mention
that any of these were called in question, in ilie'w Jicti-

* Archibald Johnston. See Vol. i. p. 360.
f i. e. Ditl, or is saiil to have escaped me.

22 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

tio Consessii, for their words ; for, as the same Ovid says,
7mte Deum numen. But to leave the Poets to their
fictions, I shall conclude this with holy Augustine's
true and Christian saying, vcb vites quantumvis laudabili
si remotd misericordid discutias earn, Domine.* And
what shall become of the best man living, if he shall be
called to so strict an account of all his words, yea his
words spoken in private and in passion, or out of grief,
since unwarrantable words have escaped the most holy
men in Scripture, as Job and Jeremiah.

" There be a number of other passages of my speeches
adduced to infer the same thing, but so far strained,
that I can hardly think them worthy the answering.
And first, that I have said that if they would not make
peace without my ruin, I should cause many ruin be-
fore me. I do not remember that ever I said any such
word or words. But if I had, (I speak as a natural man,)
I see not where the error, far less the treason lies, to
strive to ruin those who are the authors or causers of
my ruin. And considering that justice should, and I
hope shall ever, be in this kingdom alike patent to all,
and knowing other men's guilt, of these particulars
wherewith I am charged, to be far more than mine,
and withal finding divers of them to be main instru-
ments of my ruin, I had just reason to say, and no less
reason to rest confident to bring them under the same
danger (under which) I was brought ; which my for-
bearing to do should conciliate me more favour than
thus to object against me my words, and thus wrest

* This occurs in St Augustine's works, Confessionum, Lib. ix. C. 13, in
a prayer for the soul of his mother, Monnica. The above varies a little
from the original, which is, — et vw etiam laudabili vitcB hominum,si remota
misericordia discutias earn ; but the sense is the same,—" wo worth the
holiest life of man, if, without mercy, thou were to judge it. Lord." Com-
pare this with Archibald Johnston's style of Christian sentiment.

traquair's defence. 23

tJiem to a wrong and unchristian sense. I am still hope-
ful that my own innocence, and the justness of my cause,
shall procure me more friends than foes, and so much
do I confide therein, that whether the army were dis-
banded, or whatever condition it be in, I wish with all
my heart, those who have, and in reason should have
most power therein, were joined judges of my cause,
with the honourable Lords of the Committee.

" That no subject should take or intromit with my
escheat, or that, if the Parliament should have offered
to take my head, I would have forty thousand men to
take me from the bar, — are such senseless discourses,
that I cannot spend time to answer them. I conceive
myself not so contemptible a subject as that any other
subject will offer to meddle with any thing that is mine,
but by order of law, and as I have ever been to my ut-
.termost power a maintainer of all legal courses, so de-
sire I nothing more than that I and all my actions may
be judged by the laws of the kingdom. And as for the
forty thousand men should rescue me from the bar, this,
I believe will prove an error in the writer, neither was
I ever so foolish as to think it was in the power of any
subject to bring such numbers of men together. Nor
could I ever believe, before my summons told it me,
tliat any man could make such inferences, upon any
such discourses, as that thereby the Commissioners were
dishonoured, or that thereby my confidence in this al-
leged plot did appear. I never hoped, neither yet
wished to see the time wherein any subject should give
the law to others ; far less did I ever say any such
thing. But if I have either hoped or wished better
times to myself, wherein I might have as much power
to maintain my right and just cause, and to vindicate

24 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

myself from the malice and oppression of my enemies,
as my enemies now have to work my prejudice, it is a
very venial fault — sperandum est vivis — and I never
heard nor read that any man was blamed for hoping the
best for, or to, himself ; but if his hopes were ground-
less all the punishment that was to ensue, that as they
were groundless, so also fruitless.

" If at any time I did affirm that I had accusations
against sundry noblemen in writ, or did aver to the
Lord Lithgow, and Sir William Stewart, that some
noblemen in Scotland had said there would never be
peace in Scotland so long as there were a Stewart liv-
ing, or that if I were not passed from, I would recrimi-
nate, &c., the reason thereof has been that these infor-
mers against me, — whose conscience behoved to tell them
of that whereof I know them guilty, — might thereby be
persuaded to relent of their malice against me, when they,
should hear that I could inform or recriminate, and yet
was so desirous of peace as not to do it. And as hither-
to I have forborne to recriminate in particular, or to
bring any man's name on the stage, either for his ac-
tions or speeches, but with all humility to justify my-
self, and clear the innocency of my own intentions and
actions, so, if the honourable Committee of Parliament
think fitting, and be desirous to know the truth and
grounds of these discourses, and particulars of that dis-
course to the Earl of Lithgow, and Sir William Stewart,
I shall truly and faithfully depone what I know there-
in, for my informers will not deny their informations to
me.

, " The King's own justice and goodness, sense of his
own honour, and care of his servants, made him stick
much for passing the act of oblivion without any excep-
tion, and if at any time he has used this as an argu-

traquair's defence. 25

ment, — that if they would except such or so many of
those whom they conceived opposers of them, and their
business, he would except and reserve to himself the
like number of those whom at that time he conceived
to be of the contrary opinions with him, — 'tis nothing
else than that which might justly have been expected
from a gracious King and kind master. And as I was
neither the inventor nor divulger thereof, so can I not
conceive that, although I had moved his Majesty to use
any such argument, to have exeemed or excepted some
few particular persons, whereby to have facilitated to
myself the like benefit of the act of oblivion, it should
conclude against me an act of treason against the
State, — except we will conclude and acknowledge that
these few persons are so essential, as individual mem-
bers of the State, that the State cannot subsist without
them, which I hope is more than they will assume to
themselves, or than the Estates will ever allow of.
Neither do I see how any man's pressing to keep these
persons under the lash, whom they supposed were the
causes of their danger, (that thereby out of the sense of
their own hazard they might be the more ready to yield
and cede to the liberation and freedom of others,) neither
how the pressing of any such fair and just courses, if any
such had been, for a man's own safety, should suffer the
interpretation of making division betwixt the King and
his people, [or] evince any truth of the Captain's in-
structions anent sending up of informations against
[Argyle and Rotjhes, or that I should not only have
been a receiver, but suborner or urger of these [infor-
mations ag]st Argyle and Rothes. For first, in all
that ever passed betwixt the Ca])tain and me, there is
not [neither wi]ll there be found to have been any men-

26 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

tioii of Rothes.* Secondly, what I have said is * * * * *|
and so cannot be appHed to any particular of Captain
Stewart's tab[lets] * * * plots, especially seeing, as
said is, if the Committee of Parliament shall think [fit
to order me} to condescend upon particulars, I am wil-
ling, in obedience to their commands, to express myself
[therein. And] whereas it is libelled that during my
abode at Court, I was making motions * * ^ * * * * *
the country should make bonds amongst themselves,
&c. This plirase, making mo[tions, is an] illegal and
unusual expression in a criminal summons ; yet for sa-
tisfaction of * * * * * I will declare the truth, and
that I was so far from moving for any such bonds, that
none yet studied more to remove all occasions of mak-
ing of bonds, and to the uttermost of my power [did
la] hour, that all divisions and distractions might be re-
moved ; wherein I appeal to the conscience [and know-]
ledge, both of councillors and others who best know the
truth of all that passed at Court. Mr John Stewart's

* Walter Stewart deponed upon oath, that besides the paper contain-
ing the reference to Argyle's treasonable ambition, (see p. 6,) he had
carried another paper to Court, of which he gives this account : " It
was said in the other letter, that my Lord Rothes sould have said, he
feared, if the name of Stewart hold on the course they were in, that they
would ruin themselves, and the King with the first ; and that he sould
have (i. e. had) written a letter to Mr John Stewart, desiring him not
to rely upon my Lord Traquair, for, come war come peace, he would
never be a Scotchman. This is all I can remember of that was contain-
ed in the said two papers, delivered by Mr John Stewart to me, to be
carried up to Court, to my Lord Traquair, as said is, and which I deli-
vered to my Lord Traquair accordingly. This which I have set down,
does noways oblige me to prove the same, or that I am anyways acces-
sory thereto, seeing I have only done it at command of the Committee
from Parliament, who desired me to set down the truth and verity of
the same, in so far as I could remember thereanent." — Original MS.
Signed, W. Stewart.

f Some parts of the manuscript arc destroyed.

traquair's defence. 27

depositions cannot concern any part of this article,
whereby the informer ****** would inforce and
prove my accession to Captain Stewart's plots and cha-
racters, or * * * * * Montrose's pretended plots, &c. ;
for it is notorious that since my parting from Scot[land,
I had} no correspondence with Mr John Stewart, ex-
cept what is set down before in this answer, and * * *
* * * by Captain Stewart. And if before my parting
from Scotland, I have desired [that the Earl of] Athol
should forbear subscribing of bonds, although I do not
remember of any such discourse, I see not that there
was any error to have done so."

The remainder of the fragment is much torn, but the
substance is, that Traquair disclaims all knowledge of
any such leagues until his summons informed him. He
adds, that " the Covenant requires us to defend our Re-
ligion, Laws, Liberties, and the King's sacred person
and authority, and each other," in maintaining the same,
and seems earnestly and emphatically to say he had no
other object.

This able and gentlemanly defence is but the reply to
the fifteenth article in the summons against Traquair, and
judging from that specimen, and the nature of the pro-
secution, we may be well assured, that, in so far as rea-
son, truth, and eloquence were availing against an un-
principled pursuit, the covenanting libel, of six-and-
twenty sheets, was utterly destroyed.

28 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER 11.

THE PROCESS AGAINST THE PLOTTERS, AND LORD NAPIER's DEFENCE

FOR THEM.

As the secret history of Montrose's " defection" had
been unexplored, historians have hitherto assumed that
the occasion of his imprisonment in 1641 was the Cum-
bernauld bond ; * and as the terms of that document
were also unknown, a general impression, (derived from
such allusions to it as we find in Baillie,) has prevailed,
that there was something desperate, violent, and even
treacherous in the measure, which therefore fell of ne-
cessity under the lash of covenanting law. We have
shown, however, that the bond was something totally
different. Though suggested by a sudden and well-
grounded suspicion of the Argyle bonds, it was per-
fectly temperate in its expressions, and, though loyal in
its object and principles, was sincerely covenanting in
the only respectable sense of that term. But we have
also shown that Montrose was not imprisoned for this
act at all. The bond had been burnt, and all hope of
destroying Montrose upon that pretext abandoned, be-
fore " the Plot" was made a new source of agitation
against him. Walter Stewart's false depositions afford-

* See Burnet, as quoted before, (Vol. i. p. 469,) also Hume, Vol. vii.
p. 44. Sir Walter Scott's 'I ales of a Graudfather, Vol. i. p. 421. Edit.
1836. Mr Laing and Mr Brodie, who both rely upon Burnet, give the
history of this crisis in Montrose's life, with the air of historians con-
densing superabundant information, while in reality they are riding
rough-shod over facts in their want of knowledge of the details.

PROCESS AGAINST THE PLOTTERS, 29

ed the pretext for confining Montrose under a vague
charge of leasing-making ; but no more could at this
moment be attemj)ted, for John Stewart's confession had
completely exonerated the Earl from the statutory-
offence, and Walter Stewart's evidence was so palpably
false, that the faction knew it would not bear the most
partial inspection.

This being the true species facti of Montrose's im-
prisonment, — notwithstanding the uninformed assertion
of Hampden's biographer, that it was for " a complica-
tion of proved offences of the highest sort," — the question
occurs, by what means then were the faction enabled
to keep him in solitary confinement, for the best
part of a twelvemonth, upon so baseless a charge, and
one which involved some of themselves in the very
highest and most malignant species of the crime where-
with they charged him ? The answer is, that a total
disregard of truth, of every principle of substantial
justice, and every rule of established law — a course of
procedure the most tyrannical and unprincipled that
ever took the sacred names of Religion and Liberty in
vain, — alone enabled them to do so.

Immediately on the meeting of Parliament, the young
Lords Erskine and Fleming appeared for Montrose and
Keir, and the young Master of Napier on the part of his
father, in support of their respective petitions, to be
heard in their own defence. It was far from the object
of the faction, however, that their case should be brought
to that fair and speedy conclusion, unless it could have
been disposed of as John Stewart's was, and then, pro-
bably, it would have been concluded on the same scaf-
fold. It was objected that the Petitions were not sign-
ed, and the reply that they were all in the handwriting

30 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of the parties themselves, and that the young noblemen
presenting them held respectively a mandate, signed by
each party, to appear for them, was disregarded. In
the afternoon, however, they produced the same peti-
tions signed by Montrose and the rest, when the Estates
pronounced for answer, that they would hear the Peti-
tioners when they, the Estates, thought it expedient.
INIontrose solicited the House to grant warrant for him-
self, Napier and Keir to meet, in presence of the Con-
stable of the Castle, and consult together for their com-
mon defence. Napier urged the equitable request, that
nothing should be done to prejudice the House against
any of them in their absence, until they had been allow-
ed an opportunity of clearing themselves. The answer
was, that the House would take all these petitions to
their consideration in due time, and at their most con-
venient leisure. In the meantime, however, voluminous
"articles,"' — no doubt mightily improved by the indus-
try of Archibald Johnston, who was so anxious to " win
down to prepare matters," — had been concocted against
Montrose, Napier and the rest, which, after a keen de-
bate, were voted and ordained to be read publicly in the
House, " extra 'mcarceratorum presentiam,'"' that is to
say, in absence of the accused, contrary not merely to
the petition of Lord Napier, but to the most obvious and
essential rule of justice fortified by the act 1587.

On the 23d of July, " queries against the Plotters,"
digested from the articles produced the day preceding,
were read, and the question was moved, whether these
articles were a sufficient ground of citations against
them ? The House, in the afternoon, found " after much
debate and reasoning," by voices, that there was suffi-
cient ground of citation against the Plotters, in these
articles, and ordained them to be cited to answer before

PROCESS AGAINST THE PLOTTERS, 31

the Parliament, and the King's Advocate to pursue, and
concur with the Advocates of the Estate, for the pro-
secution of the same.

These articles of impeachment I have not discovered.
But among the manuscripts of the Advocates' Library,
there is an original draft of the queries that were read
out to the Parliament, and these it will be necessary to
lay before the reader, in order fully to illustrate this in-
famous prosecution.

" 1. Whether in law and equity there be a sufficient
ground for citation of perjury in the oath of the Cove-
nant, oath at the receiving of the charge of the Com-
mittee, oath at the subscribing of the band of mainte-
nance, which is instanced, besides many other particu-
lars, in the Articles. By his divisive motions, by his
false accusations of the Committee of Estates of perjury,
by his underhand dealing contrary to his public subscrip-
tion, and public course of the Committee, by his seeking
particular preferment contrary to public warrant, by his
delaying of his companies to the great prejudice of the
public, by his Plots, without the knowledge of the
Estate or General, for disbanding our army, by his
intelligence with the enemy, by raising division betwixt
the nobility and Committee of Estates, by his dealing
for Traquair contrary to his public oath, and protesta-
tion.

" 2. Whether in law and equity there is sufficient
ground for a citation of a leasing-maker and leasing-tel-
ler, which may engender discord betwixt the King and
his people, especially when the lies are invented and
vented against a Parliament, and the Committees there-
of, as intending to depose the King, or to destroy his

32 MONTROSE AND THE COVEIJJANTERS.

royal authority, as is more largely instanced in the 2d
article.

" 3. Whether in law and equity there be sufficient
ground of citation of any who enters in treaty of com-
bination and friendship with a notorious enemy of the
State, avowed and declared so often by the Estates, and
by him as one of the members of the Estate. The par-
ticulars hereof are largely set down in the 3d article.

" 4. Whether in law and equity there be a sufficient
ground for citation of any who has used dishonourable
and reproachful speeches of the King's majesty, and of
his government, as is largely instanced in the 4th article.

" 5. Whether in law and reason there be sufficient
ground for citation of any ])erson who has combined
with the avowed and public enemy of the State, for
reversing of some acts of the last Parliament, and ar-
ticles of the treaty, notwithstanding of the subscribing
the band of maintenance and public instructions con-
trary thereto, as is largely instanced in the 5th article.

" 6. Whether in law and reason there be sufficient
ground for citation of any person who procures the di-
minution and innovation of the dignity and authority of
Parliament, whereof the particulars are instanced in the
6th article.

" 7. Whether there be sufficient ground in law and
reason for citing before the Parliament such contuma-
cious persons as will noways answer unto, nor ac-
knowledge, the Committee of Estates, as is more largely
set down in the 7tli article.

" 8. Whether there be a sufficient ground for citing
any who, contrary to their oath and subscription, prac-
tises and intercommunes with the avowed enemy of
the State, as is more largely instanced in the 8th ar-
ticle."

PROCESS AGAINST THE PLOTTERS. 33

<(

111 regard of all these articles, there can be no
question of the sufficient grounds for citation of the
said Earl of Montrose."*

Such was the farrago of violent assumptions, un-
warrantable inferences, and positive untruths, which,
in the face of all that their own investigations had
brought out contradictory of these malicious charges,
was voted in the covenanting Parliament of 1641 as
" sufficient ground" for citing Montrose and his friends
to their bar as delinquents and traitors !

The question having been disposed of according to
Argyle's notions of law and equity, and the Parlia-
ment now completely prejudiced against the accused in
their absence, the Earls of Mar and Wigton, on the
27th of July, moved, that " the Plotters in the Castle "
might be heard, in terms of their petitions. After some
debate, the question was put, " when and how the pri-
soners in the Castle should be heard ?" and it was car-
ried that they should be heard publicly in the House, in
the afternoon, Montrose first, then Napier, and lastly,
Keir ; but they were " to abstain from particulars,
or speaking any thing in the cause." The following-
scene then occurred, which we extract from the original
record of this inquisitorial convention, f

The Earl of Montrose declared in presence of the

* Orig. MS. entitled," Grounds of citation of Montrose." It was ap-
plied to all the Plotters, however, and so read in Parliament against
them.

f There has been lately deposited in the Register-House, Edinburgh,
the original Record of such of the acts and proceedings of the rescinded
Parliaments, from the year 1640 to 16.5 1, as they were not ashamed to put
in writing. This was not known to exist until very recently, when five
volumes of it were found in the State Paper Oflice, London. (See the
evidence of Thomas Thomson, Esq., in the Report of the Record Com-
mission, 1836.) It is from this MS. Record that the scene of the ap-
VOL. II. C

34 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Lords of Parliament, that he had formerly desired to
be heard, that he might know the command or plea-
sure of the Estates, to which he would endeavour to
give all the satisfaction in his powder. It was answer-
ed to him, that the present hearing had been granted
upon his supplication often presented and pressed in
Parliament, and that the Estates now permitted him to
say what he thought fit to propone to them. Upon
which Montrose declared, that albeit some great impu-
tations be laid to his charge, yet he is so confident of
his own innocency that he will not deprecate hwi suppli-
cate for justice and trial. The Estates, having advised
therewith, declared that they will take to their con-
sideration what course next to adopt in the matter,
and in the meantime command my Lord to return to
the Castle. This being pronounced to Montrose, he
declared that in all humility he received the sentence
of the Parliament, and expected, confidently, justice in
all their proceedings. It was then determined that a
citation on fifteen days was sufficient time, and that
Montrose be cited accordingly.

Lord Napier was next heard in support of his sup-
plications. He declared he had done nothing against
the law of God, or nature, or municipal law, and if the
contrary should be tried, he submitted himself in all
humility to the censurement of the House, but desired
them to be careful, that in their proceedings nothing
might be done derogatory to the glory of the Scottish
Nation. Whereupon the Estates remanded him back
again to the Castle till he were insisted against accord-
ing to justice.

pearance of Montrose and the rest before the Parliament, given in the
text, is derived. Balfour in his MS. had only left a meagre and malicious
account, in which it is very obvious that hehad no desire to do justice to
the demeanour of the Plotters.

PROCESS AGAINST THE PLOTTERS. S5

Sir George Stirling then appeared before them. He
declared that, ever since the beginning, he had heartily
joined in the good cause, and had never swerved from
the straight way of advancing the same, and if any
suspicions were now against him, he hoped to purge
himself thereof, and in the meantime desired the Estates
to suspend any prejudicial opinion of him till he were
tried ; and craved that when summoned, he should have
liberty to meet with Montrose and Napier, that they
might advise together upon their common defence. To
which the Estates replied that they would proceed le-
gally according to [covenanting] justice, and vi^hen, after
citation, any supplication were exhibited, the same
should receive an answer.

It would seem that Sir Archibald Stewart did not make
his appearance upon this occasion, for all that the record
says of him is that it was voted by the Estates, that Sir
Archibald Stewart of Blackball shall be committed to the
Castle, and accordingly a warrant was subscribed by the
Preses of the Parliament for that effect. This would seem
to say that Blackball had obtained some relaxation of
his confinement, and was again sent back. Baillie in his
Journal of the Parliament 1641, throws a little more
light on the subject. '* In the afternoon" (27 July,) he
says, " Montrose, Napier, and Keir were heard ; Black-
hall was voiced to have a chamber in the Castle. The
reason of his liberty was thought to be Argyle' s fa-
vour^ to whom, they said, he made confession of sun-
dry of the Plotters' mysteries." The historians inimi-
cal to Montrose always appeal to Baillie. But this is
one of many indications that he was not behind the
scenes of the Covenant, Blackhall's depositions differ in
no material degree from those of his fellow prisoners, and
completely contradict those points of Walter Stew-

36 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

art's evidence, upon which the libel was mainly found-
ed. It is not unlikely, however, when we consider the
scene with Lord Napier, that some attempt was made
to tamper with Blackhall, though certainly it did not
succeed, as he was ultimately cited with the rest.

Archibald Johnston's instruction to make every ex-
ertion to insure the success of their prosecutions by
monopolizing the strength of the bar, was particular-
ly attended to. The Lord Advocate Hope, Sir Tho-
mas Nicholson, and Messrs Nicholson, Mowat, Pear-
son and Baird, were ordained to draw up and pursue
the summonses against the Plotters. On the 29tli
of July (the day after John Stewart's execution,)
Montrose petitioned the House that Sir Lewis Stewart,
and Messrs Nisbet and Gilmore, should be appointed of
counsel for him, and that he might meet and confer
with Napier and Keir. The House took this petition to
consider until the next day, and in the meantime or-
dained Nisbet and Gilmore to go to Montrose and coun-
sult with him. On the following day the Lords Erskine
and Fleming present another petition from the Earl,
that Sir Lewis Stewart should be commanded to con-
sult and plead for him, that he, Montrose, might be al-
lowed to consult with his fellow prisoners, and that the
fifteen free days, on which they were cited, should rec-
kon from the period of consultation with their coun-
sel. Upon this petition a debate ensued, and, by a plu-
rality of voices, it was determined, that any advocates
not appointed for the State, should, if required, consult
with Montrose, but as for pleading that was taken to
consideration. The Plotters, however, were not to meet
together until they were cited, and until a committee had
reviewed the processes against them, and had deter-
mined whether there were any more " interrogatories

PROCESS AGAINST THE PLOTTERS. 37

to pose them on ;" and, it was added, after expiry of the
first fifteen days the House would consider the ques-
tion as to the time of com})earance. It was also de-
creed that the accused were bound to answer all Inter-
rogatories that the Committee proponed to them, even
after their citation. *

Baillie records, that, upon the occasion of this au-
dience, Montrose " having ended, they sent him back
again to the Castle, and heard read a very odious libel
against him, whereupon they voiced him to be cited
to answer within fifteen days." The libel against
Montrose, or any answer he may have put in writing,
I have not been so fortunate as to discover. But there
can be no doubt that the queries quoted before contain
the epitome of that proces monstre^ and the unprinci-
pled character of the pursuit will be sufficiently il-
lustrated by the notes of Lord Napier's defence for the
whole party, written with his own hand, in his so-
litary prison. Let it be remembered that the Committee
of Estates, in their private examination of Napier, had
actually admitted his innocency, complimented him
greatly on the integrity of his whole life, and urged him
to accept a private acquittal. The result of his spirited
and honourable rejection of their favour will be further
seen from the following defences, with which he was
nevertheless constrained to meet the libel againt him.

* It is essential to the credit of that peculiar species of evidence,
which is derived from the declaration of the accused previous to trial,
that it shall have been his own free and advised act. He ought to
be warned, when so examined, that what he may then say will be used
against him at his trial, and he ought to be informed of his privilege to
refuse to answer. The Argyle government of Scotland reversed all the
golden rules of justice, in their criminal processes. They read the
charge in absence of the pannel, — endeavoured to extort from his own
mouth the case against him, — and virtually made conviction take pre-
cedency of probation.

t38 montrose and the covenanters.

" Memorandum."

" To desire an advocate, — to preserve privilege of a
Scots subject, — who by the law may have procurators
even in cases of treason,* — and not for us, for we intend
to plead for ourselves, and be sufficiently able to do it
in so honest a cause. Then to say to the Estates, that
we think ourselves happy to speak for ourselves before
the honourable court, where are so many men of judge-
ment and honour and conscience, and where, we are
confident, neither passion nor partiality reigneth, and
where malice, spleen, and envy, if any be, shall be ruled
and overswayed.f Then, when the libel is read, we
shall say, that we wonder extremely how our cause
comes to be joined and made out with Traquair's, there
being no relation nor affinity betwixt them, but a direct
contrariety, for he is cited as an incendiary, and it shall
appear that the drift of all our endeavours was to quench
the flame, and to extinguish the combustion. But it is
to make us odious, and savours too much of spleen.
Then to divide the libel, and say that we are charged
with a deed done, and with ways unwarrantable for the
doing the same. To answer for the deed by making a
true relation of our three meetings, and complainings
for the state of the country, of our judgements for the
remead, and our employment of Walter Stewart, the

* This, as well as the debates upon Montrose's reiterated petitions,
proves that it was with great difficulty Montrose and his friends ob-
tained the benefit of that clause of the act 1587, which says, (and to
which Napier appears to allude,) — " that all and whatsoever lieges of this
realm, accused of treason, or for whatsoever crime, shall have their ad-
vocates and procurators to use all the lawful defences, whom the Judge
shall compel to procure for them."

f This was a figure of speech, by which his Lordship pictured the
court rather as it ought to have been than as it was.

4

NAPIER'S DEFENCE. 39

sum and extent whereof we shall prove out of Wat's
l)apers, and the King's answer made to all our de-
sires. After ample relation of the same we shall
refer to the Estates to judge whether or no this deed
of ours, considered simply without the circumstances,
be not allowable."

Accordingly, that distinct relation, of the full extent
of the conservative Plot, is among these manuscripts,
as already quoted in a previous chapter of our illus-
trations.* And we find, moreover, the following ad-
mirable reply to every charge contained in the dis-
honest libels against the Plotters.

"1. The first thing imputed to us is perjury, as
contravening our oath at our admission upon the Com-
mittee, and our subscription of the general band, by
which oaths and subscription we stand bound to enter-
tain no divisive motion to the prejudice of the Estate,
but to use all lawful means to promote the public good.
Yet (it is said) we have entertained divisive motions,
in so far as we sent, with Lieutenant Walter, instruc-
tions to the prejudice of the State, to Traquair, that
the Offices might be kept up, without the knowledge
of the Committee in a private and clandestine way,
and that an act of pacification and oblivion should be
made whereby we intended to free the incendiaries from
their intended punishments.

" To which it is answered : — A commission was given
by the Parliament to a certain number, whereof we
were, to manage the affairs of the State, and to do the
country their best service ; whicli commission did not
bar any private subject from doing what he could for

* Vol. i. p. 420.

40 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS. .

the country's good. Our dealing in a private way, un-
less it be to the prejudice of the State, and cross the
public proceedings, is neither a divisive motion, nor
unlawful. Having sworn to use our best means for
securing our Religion and Liberty, if we had neglected
this private way, — which has been in some degree a
means to further his Majesty's presence, by which our
Religion and Liberty are both secured, and wherein, if
anything be omitted condvicing thereto, it is not his
Majesty's faulty — we had, far rather, been perjured. We
have hazarded our lives, and spent our means, for our
Religion and Country, as much as any others, and have
not withdrawn ourselves from them, but expressed in
our dealing the same desire with them, so that we
have not divided from them to the prejudice of the
public in desiring his Majesty to come hither, unless
they will say that they did not desire it, and then they
have left us and the Covenant, and not we them.
Neither is it to be blamed because it was done without
the Committee's knowledge. It must either have been so,
or not at all. For the means we used was the Duke of
Lennox, a nobleman without exception, sound in the
Protestant religion, and in his affection to his Majesty,
and to his Country, who in the beginning of these trou-
bles did give his Majesty good and wholesome counsel,
and never to this hour spoke or did anything to the
prejudice of the Cause or the Country. Him the Com-
mittee had never made use of in all their affairs, but,
on the contrary, had used with some disrespect, and
therefore it was not likely they would have used him
in this, nor that he would have accepted this employ-
ment, being in all others neglected. * Neither had any

* This character of James Duke of Lennox and Richmond is thus slight-
ly varied, on a different scrap of paper, in Lord Napier's hand-writing : —

NAPIER'S DEFENCE. 41

such motion been acceptable from these, and so that
worthy action would have been crossed. Neither is it
a divisive motion, but rather a conjunct one, for it was
the very same the Committee did enjoin their commis-
sioners to persuade, and to which the said parties con-
curred, and set to their hand with the rest, and, besides,
did use their own private means to the same purpose.*
Neither was it therefore unlawful, because it was pri-
vate, but had been so if it had tended to the prejudice

" The Duke of Lennox, a nobleman sound in his religion, well affected
to the country, one who did give the King good counsel in the begin-
ning of this business, and, not being followed, did never do us prejudice,
nor our cause, by word or deed." It is interesting to compare the
above with the characteristics of Lennox, so well known to the
world in the writings of Clarendon. Of these we can only afford to
quote the following : — " He was a man of honour and fidelity in all
places, and in no degree of confidence with his countrymen, because he
would not admit himself into their intrigues." He escaped the scaffold
as if by a miracle, for with all his dignified repose of character, his spirit
was chivalrous, and his magnanimous love for his master ever unshaken
and unconcealed. At his own request he was suffered to lay the
mangled remains of Charles in his hidden tomb, and then retired to
indulge that sorrow of which in a few years he died. There is a cele-
brated picture of him by Vandyke, iri the attitude of being roused from
repose by a favourite dog, which, it is said, had thus saved him from a
midnight assassin, and was honoured in consequence with a collar set with
pearls. The original of the following beautiful letter from this Duke's
widowed mother to James VL, the promise of which was not belied, is
preserved in the Advocates' Library.

" My Sovereign Lord : According to your Majesty's gracious pleasure
signified imto me, I have sent a young man to attend you, accompanied
with a widow's prayers, and tears, that he may wax old in your Majesty's
service, and, in his fidelity and affection, may equal his ancestors de-
parted. So shall he find grace and favour in the eyes of my Lord the
King, which will revive the dying hopes, and raise the dejected spirits
of a comfortless mother.

" Your Majesty's most humble Servant,

" Ka. Lennox."

* Montrose and Napier's " private practising" will certainly stand a
comparison with what we have exposed in the corresj)ondence of Archi-
bald Johnston.

42 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of our Religion or Liberty, to the good of which it con-
tributed not a little. Neither are all private ways un-
lawful, for we are obliged, by the law of God and na-
ture, to maintain our Religion, and the Liberty of our
country, by all means, private or public. Neither do 1
see how a public employment takes away our obligation
to perform our private endeavours, authorised and
warranted by the law of God, unless we will say that
the law of man will derogate from the law of God,
which is blasphemy, — hoc oportet agere et illud non
omittere, — we ought to do the one, and not omit
the other. If a councillor be sworn to maintain the
King's person, estate, and authority, and to concur
with the rest to do it, may not he, if a conspiracy
against the person of the King be revealed to him,
discover it to the King unless the rest be made
acquainted ? If a minister, admitted and sworn to
teach the gospel publickly, teaches any man privately
the same doctrine, is he perjured ? If any of these
parties had been at London, and in person advised
his Majesty to give his people satisfaction in point of
Religion and Liberty, would it have been a crime de-
serving so sharp punishment, or any crime at all, not-
withstanding that there was a Committee at Edinburgh,
another at Newcastle, and Commissioners at London ?
I think not. How then come they to be blamed for do-
ing that same by the mediation of another more power-
ful, they being absent ?

" As to the keeping of Offices undisposed of till his
Majesty's coming, that might have been done, and
yet his Majesty used the advice of his Parliament. So
their advice in that was in favour of the Parha-
ujent. But, (says the libel) it was given that they
might possess themselves of these places ! And yet so

NAPIERS DEFENCE. 43

far doth the lying libeller forget himself, as thereafter
he says, that they gave that advice that by these Offices
others might have been corrupted ! How then could
they both desire them themselves, being but three or
four, and desire also that other men might have them ?
It is a mere calumny. We never dealt with his Majesty
for office nor benefit, but merely out of respect to our
duty to him and our country. And that we sold our
voices, for any respect, is as false as God is true. We
desired the King to forbear disposing of the Offices till
himself came, — therefore we thought to have them our-
selves,— we desired to have them ourselves, — therefore
we sold our voices to get them, — these are , inferences
of malice, as far contrary to logic as truth. To desire
Offices, for our own good or to prevent our enemies, is
not, simply, ill or unfit, we being men made of the same
wood that those in office are made of. But to desire
them for prejudice to the King or country, or to oppress
thereby his Majesty's subjects, or to compass them by
selling our voices, and so our consciences, that is the
fault. But if ever we motioned either office or benefit
for ourselves in any sort, we are content that all be true
they say.

"As for the act of oblivion, which they say was
urged to free the incendiaries, if the parties question-
ed had intended to have any other act of oblivion
passed than was conceived by the Committee, then
certainly they would have drawn up the tenor of it. If
they had intended to free the incendiaries, they would
have desired that exception of incendiaries contained in
the act to have been expunged out of it. And if they
desired the act to be passed in the terms the Com-
mittee conceived it, where is the fault?

" '^. It is said that we have combined and entered in

44 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

friendship with an enemy to the State. And to prove
this there is prolixly set down all Lieutenant Stewart's
characters found about hiin, and alleged to be instruc-
tions from Montrose and the rest. To answer to which :
" Traquair was called an incendiary, and suppos-
ed to have done ill offices, but was not yet tried, or
declared to be so. He was not excommunicated- —
The subjects w^ere not discharged intercommuning
with him, nor any thing done to put them in mala
fide to deal with him. Neither was it ill done of
our Commissioners to deal with him to gain some
point of advantage for our affairs, (as I believe that
was their end,) till they were discharged.* But why
do I trouble myself and others to defend an action
which was never either thought or done by us. And if
that be true, as it is most true, then is Dagon fallen
before the Ark, and that great Colossus of theirs, got
out and enlarged with all the railing and lying art and
eloquence possible, and reared up for vulgar adoration,
fallen to the ground. As for the Lieutenant's charac-
ters, it did import us nothing to carry things in clouds
which were justifiable before God and man.f But it
concerned Mm much, that had made a memorial of all the
surmises and whisperings he had heard here, to make
his use of them there, wherein there was certainly a
great deal of vanity in the man, to shew what good
intelligence he had of the state of affairs, and of men's
affections here, and how handsomely he had covered
his intelligence, so as might make him appear an able

* i. e. Prohibited.

t It is manifest that, as the head and front of their oflFending was their
private dealing, apart from the Committee, it would have added to their
danger, and not to their secmity, to have given instructions in this mys-
tical form to their emissary.

napiek's defence. 45

man, and fit for employments of greatest consequence.
For that these characters were his own invention ap-
pears by this one, — ' to try if reik aims upwards,' — that
is, if Keir seeks preferment.* If any of the parties had
told him so, then it might be supposed that they either
invented or assented to that. But that is denied by
himself, and if it were so, he would not have set it
down doubtingly, or to try it, but confidently, without
if or and. To charge then the parties questioned with
these characters wherein they had no hand, nor any-
ways concerned their business, or his employment from
them, it savours of spleen and malice^ more than o^ jus-
tice or care of the j)nhUc.

" 3. To the third, whether I shall answer or no I
know not ; no school-boy could reason so scurvily ; and
even if it were not against these parties towards whom
the libeller carries so great malice as blinds, the eye
of his reason, and eclipses his judgment and learning,
he might justly be suspected of prevarication. In this
business it convicts him of malice, and lying against
his own knowledge and conscience. For if it be true,
as is alleged, that tliese parties desired the King to
keep up the Offices that they might get them for them-
selves, and that they have perjured themselves, and
combined with Traquair, (who is one, if he were never
so ill othervvays, that loves the King,) for their own
ends, is this a way to compass them, to speak disre-
spectfully of iiis Majesty ! f And is it likely that Mon-
trose would otter his service to the King, at one word,
and at the next, speak disdainfully of him ! But what
are the words ? ' Let not L drink water unless he pro-

* See before, Vol. i. p. 459.

f Lord Napier had great reason to be indignant at this charge, the ri-
diculous dishonesty of which was very characteristic of the faction.

46 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

mise not to cast it up.' The comparison (forsooth) is re-
proachful, and a leasing ! As if the greatest and most pre-
cious things in the world may not, in a simile, be com-
pared, in some things, to the vilest, without reproach to
the best. And how it is made a leasing is beyond my
reach. These excellent wits can make any thing out of
any thing. That the word let'is always imperative, is ill
grammar ; and if it be imperative it is not to the King,
but to the Lieutenant, supposing these parties had dic-
tated them. To take the King by the hand, is to as-
sist him, with his best service, and not to make him
a bairn. But I am exceedingly ashamed to answer
that haberdasher of small wares, which, if they were
proven, are nothing worth, and not proven, proves the
libeller somewhat else than an honest man.

" We never entered treaty with Traquair, and were
not accessory to Wat Stewart's cabalistic fancies, and
therefore this ground failing, all builded on it proves
ruinous.

" 4. The assumption in the fourth charge is most
false, and, to make a great noise of words where there
is no new matter, is reiterated, — and answered before
fully in every point to which I refer the reader.

*' 5. The fifth and last. These parties (it is said) have
endeavoured to diminish the power of the Parliament,
in so far as it is said by them, that his Majesty's sub-
jects will suffer no innovations ! Truly they wrong the
Parliament, and diminish the power of it, who affirm
that they can or will make innovation, which is ever
taken in the worse sense, and is impotency, and not
power, and tends to the prejudice of the public peace
and happiness. But making of new laws, or correcting
the old, was never called innovation, in any language,
but that of malice. That the desire that the acts of

Napier's defence. 47

Assembly, and that the act of recission may be esta-
blished, is a way to re-establish Bishops — and that,
that our Religion and Liberty may be reserved, is a way
to overthrow both, — will require some other sort of rea-
son, than that which mortal men have, to prove. What
those arguments which spring from the spirit of gold ^
may do, I am not so good an alchemist as to know.

" In all this matter they still run upon our intentions,
and make sinister constructions of them. But we must
either make our interpretation of our intentions, (if
they be not clear) or else we are not punishable for our
intentions by any human power. And when they
want actions to charge us with, to fill up the libel, we
are quarrelled for intentions, which are known to God.
As for our dealing with Traquair, it is utterly denied ;
and although granted, I see no reason why any man
should suffer for that, not being proven an incendiary,
but called so in Montrose's protestation, f for that were
to make sentence go before probation."!

• A shrewd hit against this venal process, though Napier was not
aware of Archibahl Johnston's secret instructions to pay the lawyers
largely before hand. The expression is pointed at the Lord Advocate, of
whom Napier, in one of his manuscripts, notes that " all his gettings,
which arc very great, are put in a bottomless purse."

f In the Scots Parliament 1641, before the King arrived, a protest
was taken, in the names of all the estates, against Traquair being under-
stood to be the Royal Commissioner, pending the proceedings against
him as an incendiary. This formal step is taken at several sederunts,
and is sometimes moved, for the nobility, by Montrose, and sometimes
by Mar.

X Original in Lord Napier's hand-writing. Napier charter-chest.

48 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER III.

HOW THE COVENANTERS TRIUMPHED OVER THE ESTABLISHED RULES OF
JUSTICE, BUT NOT OVRR THE SPIRIT OR TEMPER OF MONTROSE.

The faction were now, to use Baillie's phrase, some-
what at a 71071 plus. A " very odious libel" had been
drawn up, and read in Parliament against Montrose,
in his absence. * They were conscious that this same
libel was itself one monstrous leasing-making, and that
every step they had taken to further the process had
only tended to exonerate the accused. But his Majesty
was on the eve of arrival, and their unprincipled inge-
nuity must again be taxed to ferret out the semblance of
a case against Montrose. His lodgings in the Canon-
gate were searched, for papers to criminate him, in
vain. Lord Sinclair was then commissioned to go to
the house of Old Montrose, and institute a search for
the same purpose. Accordingly, this nobleman, very
much degraded by the office, and, says Bishop Guthrie,
" then more furious in the cause than afterwards,"
broke open Montrose's cabinets, but, adds the same
chronicler, " found nothing therein belonging to the

* The principle of substantial justice protected and enforced by the
act 1387, c. 91, 92, was, that the party accused should not be "pre-
judged, in any sort, before he be convicted by lawful trial ;" and the ge-
neral enactment was, " that in all times coming, the whole accusation,
reasoning, writs, witnesses, and other probation and instruction, what-
soever, of the crime, shall be alleged, reasoned, and deduced, to the as-
size, in presence of the party accused, in face of judgment, and no other-
wise."

THE LORD SINCLAIR'S EMPLOYMENT. 49

public affairs, only, instead thereof, he found some let-
ters, from ladies to Montrose in his younger years,
flowered with Arcadian compliments, which, being di-
vulged, would i)ossibly have met with a favourable
construction, had it not been that the hatred carried
to Montrose made them to be interpreted in the worse
sense. The Lord Sinclair's employment having been
only to search for papers of correspondence betwixt his
Majesty and Montrose, in reference to public affairs,
he was much blamed, by men of honour and gallantry,
for publishing those letters, but the rigid sort had him
in greater esteem for it." *

Another document, however, was discovered in Mon-
trose's cabinet, of which as much was made as possible.
It would appear, that owing to the vague and violent
rumours on the subject, so industriously spread by
his enemies, Montrose had considered it necessary to
preserve some record of his conduct, and that of his
friends, in the private archives of his family. This
paper I have not succeeded in discovering, but from
the style of the " damnable band" itself, and from every
other indication of Montrose's style that can be found,
we must be perfectly satisfied that its tenor was dignified
and rational. Nor is this opinion to be altered, because
Sir James Balfour tells us, that upon Friday, 6'th Au-
gust ]641, "a scurvy infamous libel, found in the Earl
of Montrose's cabinet, penned by himself against the

* These letters have not come down to us, as most assuredly they
would, had they contained any th'wfr against Montrose's character. By
Lord Sinclair having publislied them, (iuthrie can only mean that he
disclosed them, or discoursed of tlieni, for they are now unknown and
not to be found among the pamphlets of the day. It is possible that
some of Montrose's poetical effusions were what Lord Sinclair had raised
some calumny about.

VOL. 11. D

50 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

country, in defence of the divisive band and banders,
was read publicly in the house ; it was written by the
hand of John Graham, his servant, and interlined with
his own." We have produced that of Montrose's writ-
ings, which proves him to have been incapable of pen-
ning a scurvy infamous libel. Such, however, was the
usual covenanting mode of characterizing any opi-
nions that militated against the progress of the move-
ment, and the principles of the faction, though they
had been recorded with the temper of a saint, and the
pen of an angel. The discovery was seized with avi-
dity as an excuse for reviving a clamour against Mon-
trose on the subject of the bond, and for pressing him
with new interrogatories as to the grounds of it, and
his connexion with John Stewart, though the bond had
been burnt, and Stewart beheaded. We will be able
to form a juster estimate, of the relative conduct and
demeanour of Montrose and his persecutors, from that
nobleman's own deposition, than from the records of
such prejudiced chroniclers as Baillie and Balfour.
Upon the 5th of August 1641, after his private reposi-
tories had been broken open with so little success, he
was again compelled to appear before the Committee of
Estates, when the following scene passed, which we
quote from the original manuscript.

" The Earl of Montrose being interrogated whether
or not his Lordship knows any who have been prac-
tising or dealing for their own private ends, to the pre-
judice of the public, and what their practices were,
declares, that that bond, which his Lordship and others
did conceive, was built upon some indirect practisizig, as
they did understand it, — did consist of two points, — the
one, anent jealousies and presumptions touching a Die-

MONTROSE'S DECLARATION. 51

tator, the other, concerning the encantoning of a part of
the country. For the persons, his Lordship knows
of none, to his memory, for the present, except the
Earl of Argyle, who was suspected for the Dicta-
tor, and named for the other. Being interrogated
what hand the said Earl of Argyle or any others had
in these particulars, declares, that, for the time, his
Lordship's memory does not serve him to show any
more than what is before set down. * Beinff interro-
gated whether his Lordship had written any letters
to his Majesty the time he was in Berwick, declares,
to his memory, he did write none, but that in
the time of the Parliament or Assembly, his Lord-
ship did write one, or two, and after that time, to his
Lordship's memory, did write none till the army was
at Newcastle, at which time his Lordship did write
one letter ; neither does his Lordship remember par-
ticularly the tenor of any of those letters, f Be-

* These questions and answers show that the paper whicli Baillie
declared to he full of " vain humanities," — " debasing to Hell his op-
posites," &ic., and which Balfour calls " a scurvy infamous libel," had
contained nothing relative to the motives for the bond, or against any
individual, beyond what Montrose had previously declared, both pub-
licly and privately, and which he repeats in the above deposition.

f It is worthy of remark that Bishop Burnet's story (see before. Vol. i.
p. 321,) cannot be easily reconciled with the original manuscript quoted
above. If, as the Bishop asserts, the Covenanters came by their Icnow-
ledge of the contents of that letter, in consequence of Montrose having
obeyed the injunction to produce a copy of it in 1610, the above question
and answer could scarcely have occurred in 1641. In the passage of
his History of Hamilton, where Burnet tells that tale, (p. 179.) there are
some very shuffling expressions, which indicate that the Bishop had ac-
tually found some of Montrose's letters to the King among Hamilton's
papers. " In October and December," he says, " of the former year (1639,)
Montrose had writ much in the same strain to the King, which letters
the King gave Hamilton, and are yet extant, but were never heard of
till now that the writer gives this account of them." But he gives 7io
account of them. He suppresses all information as to their contents,

52 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ing" interrogated upon the paper coneerning the bond
which was burnt, declares, that he did avow the
paper, and acknowjege that it was helped with his
Lordship's hand. Being interrogated what was the
reason why such a paper should have been drawn
up in justification of the bond which was burnt and
disclaimed, answers, that it was not intended as a jus-
tification of the bond, for they did imagine that all
of that kind was already assojnat, * but that it was
his Lordship's own private thoughts, which was not to
come without the bounds of his own charter-chest, for
what his Lordship did intend for the time, and that the
paper was written by James Graham, his Lordship's
servant. Being interrogated whether or not his Lord-
ship had given direction to umquhile Mr John Stewart,
to try out all he could against the Earl of Argyle,
anent thebonds,or his other particular carriage, answers,
not, unless it may have appeared by consequence ;
for, whereas the said umquhile Mr John averred such
and such things for truth, his Lordship did conceive his
warrant too mean a ground to let them come to the
public ear, (although it seemed to be, as conceived by
them,) but if thereafter he did make them appear such
as there were any real grounds for, howsoever there
were appearances of jealousies, then such ways might
be taken in them as did most suit with the jmblic in-

which from Burnet, speaks every thing in their favour. Yet clearly they
were before Burnet, else how did he know their dates ? And those two
dates agree with the fact above deponed to by Montrose, of his having
written one or two letters to the King during the Parliament of 1639.
Are those letters extant yet ? The honest Hardwicke, it seems, had not
seen them, when he extracted from the Archives of Hamilton those il-
lustrations of the Scotch troubles, which we find in his collections pub-
lished in 1778.

* i. e. Laid asleep or set at rest.

Montrose's declaration. 53

terest. Being also interrogated whether or not there
was any appointment made with the Earl of Athol, or
the said umquhile Mr John, for making ready, and
bringing over witnesses to the Parliament, declares, there
was none. * Being interrogated what his Lordship
meant by the word jewel, in his Lordship's letter to
Walter Stewart, penult April, answers, that it was
anent a letter from the Palsgrave, for calling his Lord-
ship up to court, for the Palsgrave's own particular,
which came upon a discourse betwixt Walter and him
at Broxmouth, and which Walter thought a good occa-
sion to deal with his Majesty, and the Commissioners,
for his Majesty's down coming to Scotland. Declares,
that there passed some discourse betwixt his Lordship
and Colonel Cochrane, on the way betwixt Newcastle
and Chester, as also in his Lordship's lodging at New-
castle, anent the reasons of the burnt bond, but does
not remember the particular words or expressions.
Declares he had heard much noise and buzzing anent
the words for deposing the King, alleged spoken at the
ford of Lion, but that he had never heard it from
any particular man, which his Lordship could bruik
upon, until he heard it from Mr John Stewart, which
was at Scoon. Being interrogated upon the first gene-
ral article anent Walter Stewart's instructions, whe-
ther the same were by word or writ, whether dictated
or helped by them, &c., declares, that, to his Lord"
ship's knowledge, he had nothing but a general com-

• We venture to say that Mr Brodie and Lord Nugent would
have done more for the cause of historical truth, by discovering this
manuscript containing Montrose's account of liis dealings with John
Stewart, than by frauung their own violent theories on the subject. — See
before, \'ol. i. p. 477.

54 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

mission to the Duke, neither did they know at all any
thing of these characters, * nor does his Lordship re-
member any thing else, excej)t such purposes as did fall
in by discourse, wherein he had no commission. Being
interrogated whether or not his Lordship did see, and
kept by him a day or two, the propositions to his Ma-
jesty, and answers thereof, dated 3d March 1641, at
Whitehall, and the paper being shewn to the deponer,
answers (after reading of the said paper,) that the Laird
of Keir had told his Lordship some such purposes as
are contained in the said paper, but does not remember
that he did see, or kept the said paper. Being inter-
rogated anent the other paper, brought down with
Walter Stewart, declares he never did see this paper,
or heard any thing of the purposes thereof."!

Nothing could be more disreputable on the part of
the Parliament, — after the libel against Montrose had
been read in his absence, and a few days before that on
which he was to appear at their bar,^-than this attempt
to involve him by new interrogatories upon the subject
of every clamour raised against him since his first alarm
for the monarchy. We say nothing could be meaner
or more iniquitous — in a government, too, professing
to be based on the liberty of the subject, — unless
it were the step by which they followed up an ex-
amination that had brought out nothing but an ad-
ditional testimony of the truth, dignity, and temper of

* Montrose's statement alone is conclusive against Walter Stewart's, as
the Committee must have known, for it was a characteristic of Montrose
to avow, when challenged, whatever he had done.

f Original MS. Signed by Montrose on each page, and by Balme-
rino, as President, at the conclusion.

THE BURNT BOND REVIVED. 55

Montrose. Though divided on the proposition, tfie Ar-
gyle Parliament now endeavoured to put in motion
against him that too effective engine of agitation, the
covenanting Church. Upon this occasion, however,
the appeal was a failure, as is manifest from Baillie's
own account of the matter. He says, that upon Sa-
turday the 7th of August, two days after Montrose's
deposition, " The Parliament sent in to us the Earl of
Lothian, one from the barons, and one from the burghs,
requiring our judgement of the band, the tenor where-
of was read.* The reason why they required our de-
claration in that matter was, because they said the Earl
of Montrose had professed the other night in his ex-
amination before the Committee that, however thatband
was burnt, all the subscribers were yet by oath obliged
to the matter of it. Also they read a paper in our audi-
ence, written by Montrose's hand, after the burning of
the band, full of vain humanities, magnifying to the skies
his own courses, and debasing to hell his opposites.
Here great wisdom was requisite. It was remitted first
to the afternoon, and then to Monday. Sundry of the
banded Lords compeared. We feared their stirring.
Montrose's advocate craved to be heard. A supplica-
tion to us, written by his hand, was read, desiring our
good opinion of him, offering to answer all we could lay
to his charge to our full satisfaction. He said the band

* Probably from the copy we have given in Vol. i. p. 325. It appears
from the above that when the original bond was burnt, the covenanting
church had not been informed of its actual tenor, but generally and
falsely that it was scandalum maynatum. Hence Montrose's anxietj', when
his eyes were open to the ultimate aim of the faction, to explain the mat-
ter to the Rev. Robert Murray. See Vol. i. p. 373, 377. Blackliall's de-
]K)sition (Vol. i. p. 4G1.) also proves how virulently the vague scandal
had been propagated against Montrose.

56 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

was destroyed by the Committee of Parliament, — that the
paper was but a private memorandum for himself, never
to have gone without his charter-chest, had not my Lord
Sinclair been pleased to make it public, — that that which
was alleged of his words in the Committee was not any
written part of his deposition, — that he had only spoken
of a common guiltiness of all the subscribers with him,
— that he had spoken of their obligation only in relation
to his accusation. Balmerino, moderator of that Com-
mittee, spoke very pathetically for the truth of Mon-
trose's words.* The Assembly passed by what concern-
ed Montrose, or any particular person." They caused,
however, Baillie proceeds to say, all the banders who
were present, namely, Kinghorn, Seaforth and Lour, to
sign a paper declaring their bond unlawful. A depu-
tation of the clergy was sent to Montrose in prison, to
inform him of this, — " He spoke to them with a great
deal of respect to the Assembly, seemed to insinuate his
willingness to subscribe what the Moderator and clerk
would require," — but it is not added that he signed the
declaration. It was also moved in the Assembly, that
they should use their endeavours to restore harmony
among the members of Parliament. This, adds Baillie,
was from their zeal for peace, his own opinion being,
however, that matters could not be so adjusted, as " the
difference was not betwixt any particular men, but al-
leged crimes of high treason against the State." The
peaceful overture was nevertheless carried from the As-
sembly to the House, " the impertinency whereof the
Parliament miskent, and passed without an answer."
So ended this second investigation of the "Damnable
Band."

* That Balmerino defended him is the best possible proof that Mon-
trose was unjustly dealt with.

REFERENCE TO MONTROSE's OATH. 57

The day upon which Montrose was cited to appear
and answer to the libel against him was the 14th of
August. Yet, to the very last, was he pursued with
malicious interrogatories before the Committee. " At
Edinburgh, 12th August 1 ^41, in presence of the Com-
mittee, compeared the Earl of Montrose, to whom was
intimated the warrant from the Parliament to examine
his Lordship upon oath.^' or to confront if need be.
Whereunto his Lordship answered, that he was willing
to give his oath upon these terms, viz. if it concerned
himself, and his own process, that for the point he should
be examined, when he should swear and depone, it
might heji?iis litis -f in as far as concerned that article
of the libel ; and if what his Lordship should depone
upon oath concerned other men and not himself, he was
content to declare simply, and freely ; which those of
the Committee thought reasonable, and accorded there-
unto. His Lordship likewise desired, that, after this
his examination upon oath, what he shall declare may
make an absolute close to whatsoever his Lordship shall
be asked. The Earl of Montrose being required to
depone upon oath his knowledge of any practises, or
persons that practised in prejudice of the public, for
their private ends, since the first subscribing of the na-
tional Covenant, did answer, that he w as in ajl humility
most ready to give his oath, or do any thing else com-
manded by the Parliament, or the Committee in their

* It required a special statute, (1600, c, 7,) to make it lawful, in the
particular case of usury, to refer the criminal libel to the^oath of party.
The whole proceedings against IMontrose, in this baseless pursuit, are re-
pugnant to every notion of civilized practice.

f i. e. Conclusive of the process, as an oath of reference always infers.
Yet there was no chance of any article in the Iil)el being departed from,
whatever might be the terras of Montrose's deposition, as indeed the
vesult proved.

58 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

names, but since that general, anent practises, was so
vast as he could not trust to his memory therein, under
oath, his Lordship humbly desired that he might be
posed either upon particulars, whereunto he would most
willingly and heartily answer, or otherwise have such
a sufficient time to recollect himself, as he should not
appear to dally with his oath. This his Lordship de-
sired the Committee to represent to the Parliament, be-
fore any further inquiry."*

Balmerino reported the matter to the Parliament,
who immediately issued their warrant and command
that he should answer, and depone upon oath, to
the interrogatories of the Committee, and especially
should answer the question whether or not it was
consistent with his own knowledge that any individuals
had been guilty of indirect practises, since the signing
of the national Covenant, and what persons had thus
practised in prejudice of the public. But Montrose was
not to be thus hunted, and driven into the toils of their
covenanting version of the law of leasing-making. All
that he had hitherto projected in opposition to the de-
mocratic movement was justified, not only by the posi-
tive information of John Stewart, but by what was daily
passing around him. His principal informer, however,
had been destroyed, and Montrose was in no position
to depone upon oath, and of his own personal know-
ledge, as to the treason of any individual. The object
of those endless examinations, unparalleled for their
shameless injustice, was, as Lord Napier had anticipat-
ed, to " ensnare and entangle" him. It is fortunate
for his fame that so many of those secret papers of the
inquisitorial Committee have been accidentally preserv-

* Original MS. signed by Montrose and Balmerino.

REFERENCE TO MONTROSE'S OATH. 59

ed, and can now be brought to bear the witness of an
enemy in favour of his consistency, firmness, and tem-
per, at the same time that they expose the iniquity
of his persecutors and judges.* It was upon the 13th
of August that Montrose was again summoned before
them to hear this order of Parliament, and again the
insidious question was put to him. " Being," says their
secret record, " solemnly sworn to declare the verity up-
on the foresaid question, declared, as his Lordship had
done in his depositions of the 4th of August instant,
that that bond, which his Lordship and others did con-
ceive, was built upon some indirect practising, as they
did understand it, — did consist of two points, — the one,
anent jealousies and presumptions touching a Dictator,
the other, concerning the encantoninga part of the coun-
try,— and declares that his Lordship does not now de-
pone or affirm of his own knowledge that these grounds
were truly so, but that his Lordship and others at the
time conceived them to be so ; and declares that no
further consists in his Lordship's knowledge of private
or public practising at home or abroad ; and siclike de-
clares that his Lordship knows nothing of any indirect
practising or dealing, either by the Earl of Argyle, or
Lord Lindsay,! or any other Scotsman."^

* The MS. Record of the rescinded acts, to which we have referred be-
fore as having been recently discovered in London, does not contain
any of those proceedings Ijefore the Committee, for our ivnowledge of
which we have been indebted to the original papers preserved in the
Advocates' Library, and to Lord Napier's private notes.

f It would have been still more instructive could we have seen the
particular interrogatories which brought out Montrose's replies. From
the very first he declared he meant not to accuse Lindsay at all, and he
had already deponed to and produced his authority for his suspicions of
Argyle. But conscience made cowards of the Argyle incjuisition.

X Original MS., signed by Montrose on each page, and " lialmerino
L P. D." at the conclusion.

()0 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Montrose had now suffered two months of solitary
confinement, continually harassed by these lawless pro-
ceedings, and treated with such indignity as mean minds
delight to exercise over lofty ones, when they can do it
with impunity. Yet from first to last we observe in
him the same remarkable demeanour that a few years
afterwards attracted the sympathy and admiration of
Europe to his scaffold. Throughout the whole of those de-
clarations and depositions we have now brought to light,
and which had been taken down by those who would do
the least possible justice to his words and demeanour, no
symptom of excitement or violence appears, not one un-
gentle expression of impatience or disrespect to his un-
generous pursuers. Even in his enemies' record of his
" contumacy," we trace nothing but his calmness and
self-possession, combined with the dignity of a nobleman,
and the firmness of an invincible spirit, and thus we ob-
tain a new portraiture of Montrose, and become more
conscious of the hero than hitherto in contemplating
his struggles in the field, and his victory over death.

The original papers from which we obtain this in-
sight into the cloudy history of Montrose's departure
from the Covenant, brings out another fact, hitlierto
imknown, which is well worth the attention of those
historical and biographical writers who, still recording
our hero in the vein of his contemporary persecutors,
allow no other theory of his change than a jealous and
interested temper. Upon his own personal experience
he would not swear to or particularize any act of trea-
sonable dealing (beyond what he so repeatedly narrat-
ed,) against any one of the revolutionary faction. But
he had other sources of information on the subject be-
sides the unfortunate John Stewart. His nephew. Sir

INDIRECT PRACTISING. 61

George Stirling, had become aware of a private traffick-
ing among some of the " prime Covenanters," for the
principal Offices in the kingdom, even while the army
was at Newcastle in 1640. This is the more worthy
of attention, seeing that the gravamen of the capital
charges against the Plotters was their dealing private-
ly, apart from the rest of the Committee of which they
were members.* Now not only was Archibald John-
ston thus acting privately and apart with his pet fac-
tionists, but so it seems was the Earl of Rothes with
Argyle. Sir James Balfour, in his Journal of the Scots
Parliament 1641, notices, cunningly and meanly enough,

■ A single tattered page of the libel against Lord Napier is all that has
been preserved. It is in the hand-writing of Sir Alexander Gibson,
(the son of "Quid Durie,") who became Clerk-Register in the scramble
for office in 1641. It is curious to compare the charges which appear in
this fragment with that previous scene before the Committee, when Du-
rie and the rest even stayed Napier by the cloak in order to persuade
him to accept Xhvivc: private declaration of his innocency. The leading
charge is interested perjury, — " In so far as, hy a private and clandestine
way, apart by himself, being one of the number of Committee of Estates,
without knowledge of the Committee, and no ways imparting the same
to them, he in his private instructions sent by Lieutenant-Colonel Wal-
ter Stewart to Traquair," &c. " desired that the offices, and others his
Majesty's royal favours, should be keeped up undisposed on, and to be
conferred upon them who should deserve best at Parliament, and,
namely, upon himself, Montrose, and Keir, under the letters of A, B, C,
albeit by the instructions directed by the Committee of Estates to the
Commissioners, subscribed by himself as one of the Committee, they had
warrand not to deal for any of the said offices to themselves, but, on the
contrary, humbly to suit his Majesty that they might be conferred by
his Majesty with the advice of this Parliament ; wherein the said Ar-
chibald Lord Napier, his indirect and underhand and divisive dealing is
manifest," &c. No wonder Lord Napier expressed himself so indig-
nantly in his defences to this dishonest libel. Sir Jolm Hope of Craig-
hall presided on the occasion, when the Committee, upon whose report
the libel professed to be groimded, actually acquitted Lord Na})ier in
private; and yet Sir John's father, the Lord Advocate, pursues this
charge, in which it was perfectly well known to the faction that there
was no truth.

62 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

(a characteristic of all his notices of Montrose and his
friends,) that on the 6th of August, " the Committee for
the Plotters in the Castle makes the report of Montrose
and Keir's depositions, which were publicly read. A
parcel of a letter of the Earl of Rothes to the Earl of
Argyle, read in the house, for clearing some passages
of Keir's depositions, which he would have laid on my
Lord Argyle." In vain do we look in the original re-
cord for any notice of this incident, and Balfour's refe-
rence to it has hitherto only afforded the inevitable im-
pression that Argyle had been calumniated by some ul-
troneous accusation from Sir George Stirling. For-
tunately, however, his deposition also we can now pro-
duce, and it will be found to tell a very different story.
Upon the 5th of August 1641, Sir George Stirling
" being interrogated, if he knows any who have been
practising or dealing for their own private or particular
ends, he desired that he might not be put to it to answer
thereto, because he thought it came not within the
compass of this Committee's commission." On the same
day Balmerino complained of this contumacy to the
Parliament,* and accordingly, in the afternoon : — " The
Laird of Keir being commanded by the Parliament to
declare to the Committee what he knows of any who
have been practising or dealing for their own private
or particular ends, declares as follows, viz. shortly
after the army came to Newcastle, one with a message
or commission came to Newcastle. Thereafter, Mr
EleazarBorthwickf was dispatched and sent away, with-

* Baillie,in his Journal of the Parliament of 164 1, notes, " Thursday,
5th August, Balmerino complained that Keir refused to answer some
interrogatories of the C^ommittee. The Estates ordained him to answer
all."

f See before, Vol. i. p. 180.

INDIRECT PRACTISING. 63

out consulting of the Committee who were commanded
by the Parliament to attend the army. Those who re-
ceived the commission, and dispatched away MrEleazar,
were some of the Committee. The deponer could not
condescend upon their names, and, in respect the de-
poner was urged by the Committee to show, and set
under his hand, what further he knows upon the fore-
said question, being loath to touch upon these parties,
whom he respected, desired to be delayed until he had
acquitted himself to them, which being refused by the
Committee, he declared that he understood, by the
Earl of Argyle, that the Earl of Rothes had written to
him, to let him know if his Lordship had a mind to he
Chancellor of Scotland, and likewise did see the Earl
of Argyle's answer to the Earl of Rothes, wherein he
did* show that he had no such intention."

Nor did Keir retract what he had said, for it ap-
pears that on the 12th of August he was again examin-
ed, and pressed upon the allegation of the " indirect
practising of a few," when he " declares, as in his for-
mer deposition of the fifth day of August in the after-
noon, after he was commanded by the Parliament to
depone, to which deposition he adheres." f

The fact thus brought out was of course not made
the subject of inquisitorial investigation, it being no
part of the covenanting scheme to convict either Rothes
or Argyle of " underhand dealing," or " seeking pre-
ferment to themselves." But in this anecdote we may
perceive the real object of the leading factionists, in
wresting from the King his most valuable prerogative
of selecting his principal functionaries, and one of the

* How little truth there was in this declaration of Argyle's, will be
seen afterwards,
f Original MS. signed by Keir and Balmerino.

6*4 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

many simultaneous circumstances that checked the
heady current of Montrose's early politics.

And now, that he had been compelled to depone upon
oath in the criminal process against him, was Montrose
released, or even brought to the speedy and public trial
he so respectfully, though firmly and incessantly demand-
ed ? In the matter of Argyle he had produced his in-
former, who had been executed. In the matter of the
King and Traquair, he had cleared himself upon oath,
and the falsehood of Walter Stewart was made mani-
fest even by the King himself. Did these prime minis-
ters of Religion and Liberties extend to the accused
the benefit of Christian feeling or legal right ? They did
not. On the very day after the reference to his oath,
being the 14th of August, " this," says Balfour, " being
the peremptory day to which the Earl of Montrose was
cited to answer before the Parliament, after some de-
bate, by voices, he was ordained to compear in person
at the bar, as a delinquent, in the place appointed for
the common incendiaries, which he in all humility obey-
ed, and his trial was delayed till the 24th of August
instant." But we now know how to interpret the ma-
licious " in all humility obeyed," with which Balfour
dismisses the dignified resignation and gentlemanly
bearing of Montrose. He rose superior to their indig-
nities then, as when he had to drain to its dregs the bit-
ter cup of covenanting malice. And Balfour might
have been more honest in his notice of what passed
upon this occasion, for, by the original record, it ap-
pears that Montrose, when placed at their bar, " of-
fered himself ready to answer, and desired no con-
tinuation, and desired the extracts of the depositions

INDIRECT PRACTISING. 65

and papers whereupon his summons is founded," * —
but he pleaded and protested in vain.f

It was on the evening of this same day, being Satur-
day, 14th August l641,:j: that the King arrived at Holy-
roodhouse, accompanied, among others, by his nephew
the Palsgrave, the Duke of Lennox, and the Marquis of
Hamilton.

* MS. Orig. Record of Pari.

•f- From one of the original manuscripts, signed by Balmerino, it ap-
pears that on the 4th of August, when Montrose was pressed with in-
terrogatories,— " his Lordship answered that he was now, by warrant
from the Parliament, cited to appear before them, who had warranted
his Lordship to advise and consult with Advocates and Lawyers, in
whose hand he had referred his whole process, and himself also, to whom
he was bound that he would do nothing but with their advice and ap-
probation ; and declared he was willing in all humility to give obedience
to any of the Parliament's commands, if it were in his power, but being
tied to his procurators, he could do nothing herein till they gave his
Lordship resolution thereanent," &c. The Inquisitors " represented to
his Lordship that their interrogatories were all upon fact, and not in
law, and so needed no resolution," Sec. Montrose answered, " that his pro-
cess consisted of two halves, the one in law, the other in fact, both which
parts he had referred to his lawyers and procurators." — Orig. MS.
This plea of Montrose's was treated as contumacious I

X I have not discovered the authority upon which Dr Alton, (Life of
Henderson, p. 475,) who has noted none, asserts, that, — " In the after-
noon his Majesty did not return to church, but exercised himself at golf,
a play with a ball and club, somewhat like pell-mell, which was the
only recreation the place afforded. Henderson took an early opportu-
nity of hinting his error in this respect to him, when he promised not to
be guilty of giving such ofiFence again." Now, it is not likely that
Charles, who had only arrived on Saturday night after an extraordinary
rapid journey, should on Sunday afternoon be playing at anything
" somewhat like pell-meli," — a game, by the way, rather requiring ex-
planation than golf. Sir James Balfour, who could scarcely be misin-
formed, notes, " 15th August, Sunday, his Majesty, afternoon went not
to sermon, but bcinff weary reposed himself in private." Baillie says, —
" afternoon he came not, whereof being advertised by Mr Alexander,
(Henderson) he promised not to do so again."
VOL. IT. E

G6 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER IV.

THE KING AND THE COVENANTING PARLIAMENT OF IG^I.

Charles, notwithstanding his haughty aristocratic
bearing, and that effervescence of his royal and hasty
blood so frequently roused to his lips by the rude shocks
of the times, was harmless as a dove when brought to
the proof, and, when left to his own resources in diffi-
culty, was undecided and helpless as a child. On his
throne of Scotland, at that Parliament in 1641, he was
even less of a Monarch than the Duke of Venice, whom
Montrose describes as no more than the idol to whom
ceremonies and compliments are addressed. Charles,
however, was rather in the position of a delinquent at
their bar. All those warlike projects and feelings, —
which Hamilton had stirred within him only to his
ruin, — withered by the same influence, had passed
away, and left a broken spirit behind. How strange,
that the nobleman on whom alone the King leant, — and
trusted with a love surpassing the love of women, — he
who had confidentially urged the King to carry fire
and sword into covenanting Scotland, should now
be in high favour with that very faction, while those
whose most secret advice to Charles had been, ' prac-
tice, Sir, the temperate government, — it fitteth the
humour and disposition of Scotland best, — it gladdeth
the hearts of your subjects, — strongest is that power
which is based on the happiness of the subject — one

DEATH OF ROTHES. 6?

peace is better than a thousand triumphs', — should he
in prison, as plotters, incendiaries, traitors, invoking
the names of Justice and Liberty in vain !

But where was Rothes, — the father of the Covenant, —
the primo hiiffo of the Cause ?* ^Vhere was the camiy
Rothes, who had so pertinaciously haunted the foot-
steps of Charles, when last in Scotland, that the people
might see whom it was the King delighted to honour ?
He had died, and even Mr Brodie admits that, " Rothes,
an offer of a place in the bed-chamber, and the promise
of a great marriage had so vi^on, that it is extremely
probable, in spite of his professions to his old friends, a
premature death alone rescued him from the disgrace
of apostacy." But surely the apostacy that can be thus
hypothetically declared of him, must have left some
token against him e'er he died. It is not to the rescue
that Death steps in, when the approaches of disgrace
have become apparent. The King of Terrors, indeed,
baulked Rothes of his reward, but as for his apostacy, —

The sin where Death hath set his seal,
Time cannot cancel or anele,
Nor falsehood disavow. —

It was indeed a scene in the Dance of Death. In

* Tlie shewy appearance and facetious address of Rothes told ad-
mirably, upon the niobocracy, from the first hustings of the Covenant,
when protestation met proclamation in conflicts so fatal to the mo-
narchy. He appears to liave been not a little proud of his political con-
vert Montrose, whom he loved to parade as an eUve of his own in de-
mocracy. The following anecdote is told by James Gordon in his ma-
nuscript. The Covenanters, he says, who were protesting, " had a
scaffold ordinarily reared opposite the Cross, and there stood the noble-
men and other prime men, and such as read the protestation. It is re-
ported that at one of tliese protestations at Edinburgh Cross, Montrose
standing up upon a puncheon that stood on the scaffold, the Earl of
Rothes in jest said to him, ' James, you will not be at rest till you be
lifted up there above the rest in tiirce fathom of a rope.' "

68 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

1638, when Rothes was in the ascendant of his factious
career, he wrote, — " but God hath a great work to do
here, as will be shortly seen, and men be judged by
what is passed." In 1640, his sense of the progress of
the great work is indicated by that letter wherein,
crouching to Argyle, he asks him, " if his Lordship had
a mind to be Chancellor of Scotland." But, in 1641,
the great work, so far as Rothes cared for it, had reached
its consummation. In that year he writes in deprecat-
ing terms to Archibald Johnston, — " prepare the Earl of
Argyle and Balmerino, * for if I defer to accept the
place^ times are uncertain, and dispositions. If Argyle

* Lord Hailes (Memor. Vol. ii. p. 135,) quotes the following fragment
of a letter, in the Advocates' Library, from Balmerino to a person un-
known,— " Among other mysteries of these times, one seemeth strange
that some, having no principles of religion to lead them, should fall
fairer in the present course of church affairs, than others that have both
professed and practised, both and suffered; but as crimen ambitus is
against our Covenant, so I see 9/x«t§>wg««t jravrair t«v kukui g»^«t. I have
retained so much of the liturgy as to say, " Good Lord deliver us." Lord
Hailes notes, that he cannot ascertain the date of this letter, and that he
wUl not " presume upon simple conjecture to determine against whom
the charge of a loose life, with great seeming zeal of ambition, and of
avarice is here brought." But we must be forgiven for conjecturing that
Rothes is here pointed at by his old colleague. Clarendon records the
particulars of the place at Court, and the rich marriage, as the price of
Rothes, of whom he says, after eulogizing his appearance and address^
that he was " unrestrained in his discourse by any scruples of religion,
which he only put on when the part he was to act required it, and then
no man could appear more conscientiously transported." Baillie, in a
letter to his wife, (not in the printed edition of his letters) dated 2d June
1641, says,—" Show to my Lady [Montgomery] and to her only that my
Lord her father [Rothes] is like to change all the Court, that the King
and Queen begin much to affect him, and if they go on he is like to be
the greatest courtier either of Scots or English. Likely he will take a
place in the Bed-chamber, and be little more a Scottish man. If he
please, as it seems he inclines, he may have my Lady Devonshire, a
very wise lady, with L.4000 Sterling a-year. The wind now blows fair
in his topsail. 1 wish it may long continue, but all things are very
changeable. Thy own, R. Baillie."

APOTHEOSIS OF ROTHES. 69

and Balmeririo be pleased, then you may labour to
move Lothian and Lindsay ;" and after a miserable at-
tempt to excuse his venal retreat, and thrusting in one
sentence of cant, he concludes, — " but this is an age of
unjust censuring," — and so saying, the father of the Co-
venant * (which was the very charter of unjust censur-
ing) died.

Montrose has been bitterly maligned, upon what proof
we have seen, for having been tempted at Court to turn
against the Covenanters. But it was Rothes, and not
Montrose, who forsook his party solely from such selfish
and mercenary motives. Montrose they decreed to be
a bloody murderer and excommunicated traitor. The
memory of Rothes was protected by the Parliament,
on the petition of his son, in an act whereby they
" do honour the said umquhile Earl of Rothes with
this their national testimony, that he had deserved well
of the public as a loyal subject to the King, a faithful
servant to the Estates, and a true patriot to his coun-
try,"— in short lauding and exonerating him " in his
whole actions and carriage." Thus, with every virtue
under the sun was Rothes gifted — by covenanting act
of Pari i a ment.

If Charles never received that letter, of the Plotters,
disclosed in the preceding volume, the coincidence is
very remarkable that his demeanour, upon meeting the
Parliament, the sentiments and propositions he held out
to them, nay, his very expressions, were what might
have been expected had he taken that letter as the
guide and ground-work of his own j)lans and address.
On Tuesday, 17th of August, the King proceeded to

* lie became unexpectedly ill on the eve of the King's (lejKirtdrt.' tor
Scotland, and died at Richmond, 23d August 16-H.

70 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Parliament, Hamilton bearing the crown and Argyle
the sceptre. Yes, under the malign conjunction of the
serpent in the bosom, and the snake in the grass, was
the tlirone now destined to fall prostrate. His Majesty,
" kindly saluting the house," spoke of the unlucky dif-
ferences and mistakings that had happened betwixt him
and his subjects, how deeply he regretted them, but
that he hoped by his presence to settle, and " rightly to
know, and be known of my native country." He ad-
verted to the difficulties and obstacles cast in the way of
this progress, yet, he added, " this I will say, that if
love to my native country had not been a chief motive
to this journey, other respects might easily have found
a shift to do that by a Commissioner which I am
come to perform myself." Then he called upon their
loyal feelings in support of his authority, and as if
mindful of that eloquent assurance to himself, that
thousands in Scotland would shed their hearts-blood
e'er his throne departed, and that he was not like a
tree lately planted which oweth the fall to the first .
wind, he now cast himself upon the affections of his
people for the maintenance of his royal power, " which,"
he said, " I do now enjoy after a hundred and eight
descents, and which you have so often professed to
maintain, and to which your own national oath doth
oblige you." And, as if also mindful of the injunction
to satisfy them in point of Religion and Liberties in a
loving and free manner, but to stand on his prerogatives,
and to make the dispensing of offices his last act there,
Charles thus concluded : *' Now the end of my coming
is shortly this, to perfect whatsoever I have promised,
and withal to quiet those distractions which have and
may fall out amongst you ; and this I mind not super-
ficially but fully and cheerfully to do, for I assure you

THE king's speech. 71

that I can do nothing with more cheerfulness than to
give my people content, and a general satisfaction.
Therefore, not offering to indear myself to you in words,
which indeed is not my way, I desire in the first place
to settle that which concerns the Religion and just
Liberties of this my native country, before I proceed to
any other act."

Baillie, in one of his letters to William Spang, giving
him the details of this Parliament, says, that " about
the time Walter Stewart's informations had come to
the King, giving probable assurance for convicting
Hamilton and Argyle of capital crimes, if the counte-
nance of a present King* might favour the accusers, our
commissioners of the best note, and the leaders of the
English Parliament, by all means laboured to make
the King's journey difficult." Yet he was now met with

* i. e. The King in person. This passage, hitherto relied upon as con-
taining the true historical facts, only servos to show how prejudiced and
darkling Baillie was on the subject of the Plot. The depositions and
statements of Montrose, Napier, Traquair, Keir, and Blackhall, prove that
Walter Stewart was charged with no such informations to the King, and
the draft of the })rivate letter found in the Napier charter-chest, com-
pletely corroborates those declarations, and proves what inducements
really were held out to the King, by Montrose and his party, to further
his presence in Scotland at this time. Historians are greatly mistaken
who assume for facts all Baillie's positive assertions, on the sul)ject of tlie
Plot, and the Incident, or any other covenanting xnyster\-. Had Mon-
trose been a free agent, and in his place in Parliament, the informations
of John Stewart, and other circumstances, would probably have come
to a very different issue. But it would not have been by the secret ma-
chinery of Conindttecs, that Montrose would have put the liberty or the
lives of Hamilton and Argyle in jeopardy. They would not have called in
vain, as Montrose was now dohig, for an open and fair trial. Montrose
was anxious for the meeting of Parliament, that any charges he miglit
find it necessary to prefer should be preferred in that constitutional form.
And why was the mere rumour that Montrose intended this, so alarm-
ing to the faction '? Why were Hamilton and Argyle determined that
Montrose should become their victim by foul means, e'er he shouUi be-
come their open accuser in Parliament ?

72 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

covenanting greetings, in which the faction took all
the credit to themselves of his presence among them,
and of the peaceful settlement proposed. When the
President of the Parliament had made his acknow-
ledgments in reply to the speech from the throne, up
rose the " man of craft, subtilty, and falsehood," — up
rose " King Campbell." He answered the King, says
Baillie, with a " cordial harangue of welcome." He
compared the kingdom of Scotland to a ship that had
been long tossed in a tempestuous sea, and which his
Majesty was now steering through rocks and shelves
to safe anchorage. But the man of craft was not con-
tented with this complimentary application of his si-
mile. By a sentence of unequalled insolence, referring to
those whom Charles vainly struggled to protect, Argyle
gave him to understand how slight was the Monarch's
control of that vessel, which he did humbly intreat
his Majesty that now he would conduct safely to har-
bour, " since that for her safety he had given way
to cast out some of the naughtiest baggage to lighten
her." Thus intimating not only that the loyal must
be thrown over-board, but that the King must father
the act.

Accordingly we find that a mean attempt was now
made to humble Montrose before the inquisitorial tri-
bunal of this Parliament, and to make it appear as if
the King himself was really a party to these tyrannical
proceedings. And, as if to fulfil the dictum of Archibald
Johnston, that the King and kingdom could never end
with honour except Balmerino had his revenge, " this
same pardoned Balmerino" the King was now constrain-
ed to name as President, in which exalted position he was
accordingly placed by the acclamation of Parliament.
On the 21st of August, another petition from Montrose

DESIRE TO HUMBLE MONTROSE. 73

was read to the House in presence of the Kin^. We
have no other means of ascertaining the terms of this
petition, than through the prejudiced and partial me-
dium of Sir James Balfour, who says, it " humbly be-
seeched his Majesty and the honourable House of Par-
liament, to take his, Montrose's, restraint to their con-
sideration, and his willingness to obey their determi-
nations,— in fine, a submission to the House in obscure
terms." The meaning of this is, that the faction
thirsted for an abject submission from Montrose, in
the hearing of the King, and they tried to extract it
from the temperate tone and dignified expressions by
which Montrose evinced the greatness of his own mind
— the same mind that in its hour of utmost agony failed
not in a single circumstance of calm and studied respect
towards those who sat in the name of the King. A de-
bate of two hours occurred upon this petition, and it
would seem that some, friendly to Montrose, were in-
clined to suffer the interpretation to be put upon it of
a submission beyond mere respect to his Majesty and
the House. This judgment was pronounced, that the
House required to know from Montrose whether the
petition implied his desire for submission, accommoda-
tion, or a speedy course of justice ; and the Committee
for the Plotters were enjoined to receive the explanation
from himself, and report to Parliament whether it was
an accommodation, a legal trial, or to be allowed to sub-
mit himself to the King and Parliament, that he hum-
bly craved. Now Balfour's own record will suffice to
prove that his first statement of the tenor of Montrose's
petition is inaccurate, if not unfair :

" 25th August, Wednesday. In presence of the King.
The petition exhibited to the House on Saturday last
by the Earl of Montrose was read over again, with his

74 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

aiisw^ers to the Committee,* wherein he does not desire
any accominodation, as some of his friends did imply,
but only a speedy just trial, with those papers that he
had petitioned often before for ; and withal he desired
to know the will of the King and Parliament, if they
did desire him to require of them an accommodation."

Every possible vinfair advantage had been taken of
Montrose. Not a rule of law or maxim of justice had
been adhered to. He had been violently accused to his
Judges behind his back. He had been again and again
compelled to declare in the case against himself, and lat-
terly, after having been indicted and cited, he, the accus-
ed, was compelled to depone upon oath, in the matter for
which he was about to be tried. While the machinery
of his prosecution was thus got up, what were his means
of defence ? He had been served with a libel, the volu-
minous falsehoods of which, from the nature of their
construction, it was impossible for him to unravel and
expose without comparing the accusation with all those
intricate declarations and depositions on which it de-
pended, commencing with the Reverend Robert Mur-
ray's, and including those of the two Stewarts, his own,
and his fellow prisoners. The case against him could
be met in no other way, and therefore he incessantly de-
manded copies of all these papers. But when the Ar-
gyle Parliament received that spirited reply from him
on the 25th of August, after another debate of two
hours, they wrote this deliverance on the back of his
petition. That as for those papers he demanded, he

* It is to be regretted after what we have seen of those proceedings,
before the Committee, that Montrose's answers upon this occasion are
not to 1)0 found among the Wodrow manuscripts. Nor are even the
above details in the Record of Parliament.

DESIRE TO HUMBLE MONTROSE, 75

producing the like practique, should have as much fa-
vour as any in the like case ; and that the King and
Parliament would take the judicial trial of his process
to their consideration, in their own time, and when they
thought it convenient. That in the meantime, however,
they afforded him an opportunity of giving the House
satis/action, by petitioning them to be allowed to accom-
modate and submit. Such is Sir James Balfour's record
of the matter, and from Baillie we learn the result. It
seems that the form of a submission to the Parliament
had been drawn up for Montrose's signature, which he
refused to adhibit. Many deliberations, says Baillie
in one of his letters, occurred upon Montrose's petition
to have his cause discussed, but " since he refused to
subscribe the submission, which the King saw and did
not disallow, the cognition of his cause was cast by till
the Parliament had dispatched their more weighty af-
fairs." A petition was then presented in the names of
Montrose, Napier, Keir, and Blackball, praying that
they might be released on sufficient caution. This
petition, after much debate, was ordered, by plurality
of voices, to have no answer at all until all public busi-
ness was ended !

Their anxiety to implicate the King in these pro-
ceedings will be observed in Baillie's assumption of his
Majesty's negative approval. But Charles was helpless.
The nod of one man in that Assembly would have suf-
ficed to release Montrose, but that was not the KiiiP-'s.
Had Argyle said, ' let Montrose go free,' who would
have dared to say no ? But not the most impassioned
speech that Charles could have uttered in his favour
would have shaken his prison door. The King had
already been told so. He had struggled hard to obtain
the benefit of oblivion for the comparatively innocent?

76 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

as it was to be extended to the guilty, and that those
who " have only left the cause and adhered to us be
past from." Even Loudon and Dunfermline had pressed
upon the Parliament that gracious message of the King's.
But it had been peremptorily and insolently rejected by
Argyle, who, moreover, had reminded the King of the
" naughty baggage" thrown over-board. Charles, de-
serted and betrayed by Hamilton, and unable to stand
alone, gave up that contest for their immediate liberty,
in the silent hope of saving them eventually from the
fate of Strafford. It was no idle or calumnious notion
that Montrose had adopted from his conversation with
Lindsay. Argyle was now as effectually Dictator in Scot-
land, as if the nation had proclaimed him so. And
Montrose himself now felt practically the truth of his
own sentiment, — " weak and miserable is that people
whose prince hath not power sufficient to punish op-
pression, and to maintain peace and justice."

When we turn, however, to such sources as enable
us to look into the heart of this unhappy monarch,
we discover that he laboured for the release of Montrose
and his friends, as a point of justice and honour, though
he could not venture to interfere with the disposal of
their petitions, especially as he was kept in the dark
as to the details of the case against them. But he
knew generally that their crime was adherence to him.
He knew that their advice to him was that very policy
which the Parliament had just accepted from himself
with expressions of satisfaction and gratitude. And he
also knew that the colour of a case had only been extort-
ed against the Plotters by those falsehoods of Walter
Stewart's which, his Majesty had heard, even implicat-
ed himself. His honest and affectionate Secretary, Sir Ed-
ward Nicholas, a green spot to Charles in the turbulent
desert of his councils, was at this time the sympathiz-

king's anxiety for the plotters. 77

ing depositary of his wishes and distracted feelings.
Fortunately their correspondence has been preserved,
and of late years published. In one of those most in-
teresting letters, Sir Edward thus writes to the King :
" I pray God there be not some design in detaining your
Majesty there till your affairs here be reduced to the
same state they there are in. I assure your Majesty the
opinion of wise men here is, that to have what officers
you desire in that kingdom, cannot make so much for
your service there, as your absence hence at this time
will prejudice you in business of more importance here.
And as for the Lord Montrose and the rest, some here
(that pretend to understand the condition of their case)
are of opinion, that their innocency is such, as they will
not fare the worse for your Majesty's leaving them to
the ordinary course of justice there."

But little did the honest Secretary know how extra-
ordinary was the course of justice now in Scotland. How
pleasant is it to turn from that mean and paltry insinua-
tion of the covenanting Baillie, — " the King saw and
did not disallow," — to the note, written by the hand of
Charles himself, on the margin of Sir Edward's letter,
in reply to the passage we have quoted : " This may be
true that you say, but I am sure that I miss somewhat
in point of honour if they all be not relieved before I
go hence.

" #

* See the correspondence printed in tlie second volume of Evelyn's Me-
moirs,p. 31. quarto edit. 1819. The letter quoted is dated 5th October
1641. It shows that, four months after their imprisonment, the crime of
the Plotters was a mystery to all but the faction, and that only a few
wise men could pretend to conjecture the condition of their case.

78 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

CHAPTER V.

EXAMINATION OF THE CALUMNY THAT MONTROSE MADE AN OFFER TO
ASSASSINATE HAMILTON AND ARGYLE.

It is not alone by the calumnies of his contemporary
enemies, and by those modern writers who follow con
amore in their footsteps, that the fame of Montrose has
suffered. We have already referred to the fact, that
even from the pen of Clarendon, the heaviest charge
against our hero has come down ; and in modern times,
Mr D'Israeli, who so ardently espouses the cause of
Charles, has, without the slightest investigation, lent
the authority of his popular name to the worst calumny
existing against Montrose. Why is it that this ele-
gant and critical writer, so skilled in tearing the spe-
cious veil from the most imposing counterfeits of his-
tory, while he has devoted to the martyr monarch
a work that must be interesting so long as our history
is read, leaves the character of the martyr nobleman
imbedded, as he found it, amid the rank nettles of fac-
tion, and the slime of her toads ? Mr D'Israeli, like
the great historian he so justly reveres, is weak in
those pages of his Commentaries which depend upon
a minute knowledge of the sources of secret history in
Scotland ; and, apparently satisfied with breaking his
lance for the King against the champions of democracy,
he unhesitatingly sacrifices ]\Iontrose at the shrine of
Clarendon. But to redeem- the character of our hero
from the dark calumnies of Scottish faction, is so far to

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 79

redeem the character of the monarch himself, whom they
invariably implicated in all that they feigned or fancied
against Montrose.

From its unsubstantial nature, the calumny we are now
to consider presents itself in two shapes, and, strange
to say, the modern edition of it differs essentially from
the contemporary version, upon which alone, however,
it depends. We propose to examine both of these theo-
ries, and to demonstrate that the story of Montrose hav-
ing made an offer to assassinate Hamilton and Argyle
with his own hand, is a fable, — that in its terms, as first
recorded by Clarendon, the anecdote is physically im-
possible, and that the modern modification of it is mo-
rally impossible, and utterly baseless.

Clarendon in one of his various and intricate manu-
scripts, and in that well known passage where he speaks
of the rivalry betwixt Montrose and Argyle, proceeds
to say : — " But now, after his Majesty arrived in Scot-
land [1641,] bythe introduction of Mr William Mur-
ray of the bed-chamber, he (Montrose) came privately
to the King^ and informed him of many particulars from
the beginning of the Rebellion, and that the Marquis
of Hamilton was no less faulty and false tow^ards his
Majesty than Argyle, and offered to make proof of all
in the Parliament, but rather desired to kill them both,
which he frankly undertook to do ; but the King, ab-
horring that expedient, for his own security, advised
that the proofs might be prepared for the Parliament.
When suddenly on a Sunday morning, the city of Edin-
burgh was in arms, and Hamilton and Argyle both gone
out of the town to their own houses, where they stood
upon their guard, declaring publicly that they had
withdrawn themselves, because they knew there was a

80 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTJERS.

design to assassinate them ; and chose rather to absent
themselves, than, by standingupontheirdefence in Edin-
burgh, (which they could not well have done,) to hazard
the public peace and security of the Parliament, which
thundered in their behalf."*

After the illustrations we have produced of the co-
venanting machinery working at this time against Mon-
trose, and the unquestionable evidence of the jealousy
with which he was secluded in the Castle, it will
at once occur to the reader, that if a crude, confus-
ed, and ill-informed passage of secret history were
ever left in manuscript, it is the above. Was William
Murray of the bed-chamber constable of Edinburgh
Castle? And if he were, is it possible that, without the
knowledge and concurrence of the Covenanters, he could
at this crisis have brought Montrose privately to the
King ? The word " privately," in the passage quoted,
can have no other meaning than that the faction were
kept in ignorance of this stolen interview. But it will
be remembered that when Stephen .Boyd permitted
Montrose, Napier, and Keir, to hold some casual meet-
ing together, within the walls of their prison, not only
was the fact instantly known, but Stephen Boyd lost
his office for presuming to relax their confinement. His
successor. Colonel Lindsay, dared not even receive a

* The above is from the edition of ClarendoD's History, (Vol. ii. p. 17.)
published in 1826, with the suppressed passages, and is the genuine text
of Clarendon's original manuscript. In the former edition, given to the
public by Clarendon's sons, the words " to kill them both" had been
suppressed, and the less startling expressions, " to have them both made
away," substituted. It is difficult to reconcile this pious fraud, — which,
however inefficient for the purpose, could only have been intended to leave
room for charitable interpretation, — with the opinion of Dr Bandinel,
under whose excellent auspices the perfect edition appears, that " the pre-
sent collation satisfactorily proves that the noble editors have in no one
instance, added, suppressed, or altered any historical fact."— Preface.

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 81

petition from Montrose, to be delivered, by the Consta-
ble himself, to Montrose's friends, without first going
to the Parliament for his warrant. The petitions of
Montrose, to be allowed to meet with Napier and Keir
within the Castle, and in presence of their jailor, were
repeatedly pressed, down to the period when the King
arrived in Scotland, and as constantly refused. His legal
advisers even, could not obtain admission to him, with-
out the special warrant of the Parliament, and by that
alone was the jailor's presence dispensed with upon the
occasion of those consultations for Montrose's defence.
Did he possess any greater facilities for a private inter-
view with the King ? The principal object of his pre-
sent restraint was to separate him from Charles, so long
as his Majesty remained in Scotland. From the first
moment of his arrival, every motion of the Monarch
was closely watched by the Covenanters. At no time
could he have countermined that Argus-eyed faction ;
and Mr D'Israeli himself has well observed, that there
is not wanting certain evidence that the King was ever
surrounded by spies, prying into his movements, watch-
ing his unguarded hours, and chronicling his accidental
expressions. The King and Montrose could only have
accomplished such an interview by means of the en-
chanter's wand. How rigorous his confinement was, to
the very last, is proved by the journal of Sir James Bal-
four, who records that, on the first of November, there
was presented to the Parliament, and still without suc-
cess, " the humble petition of Montrose, Napier, Keir,
and Blackball, desiring that now, after seven* months

* So it is written in the MS. note-book of the Lord Lyon ; but the
figure 7 was probably a mistake for 5, as Montrose was sent to the
Castle early in June.

'^OL. II. F

8S MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

imprisonment, they might be enlarged upon what surety
the Parhament should think fit ; and that they might
have that favour that has been shown to thieves, rais-
ers of fire, and other malefactors, by the Justice Gene-
ral, as the practiques produced by them do clearly de-
monstrate." Neither throughout that minute journal,
nor in the voluminous and gossiping correspondence of
Baillie, nor in any other record, is there an idea or sur-
mise of the King and Montrose having met upon that
occasion, or of such a proposition having come from
Montrose in any shape whatever. If Clarendon meant
that Montrose was not under restraint at all, when thus
introduced to the King, his entire ignorance of what
was taking place in Scotland at the time is mani-
fest. And it is scarcely less so upon the supposi-
tion that the historian was aware of Montrose being a
prisoner, and yet supposed that he could nevertheless
obtain a stolen interview with his Majesty, through
the instrumentality of a gentleman of the bed-chamber.
We cannot avoid, then, coming to the conclusion that
when Lord Clarendon penned that unhappy paragraph,
he was grossly misinformed, and that his anecdote is
absolutely disproved by its own terms. We think it
cannot be doubted that had this great writer been
aware of all the circumstances we have developed, at
the time when he recorded the calumny, either it would
not have appeared at all, or have been modified in
some manner which it is now impossible to conjecture,
and therefore most unwarrantable to assume. Let us
turn, then, to the modern theories on the subject.

David Hume had learnt, from Rushworth's Collec-
tions, that Montrose was a prisoner when Charles came
to Edinburgh in 164L The plan of Hume's work
did not lead him to investigate the details further, but

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 83

the use he made of the fact serves to illustrate, what
we have elsewhere observed of him, that he could do
more for history with imperfect materials, by his na-
tural penetration and philosophical reflection, than
other less gifted but more laborious authors, who have
ransacked the records from one end of the island to the
other. " It is not improper," says Hume, "to take notice
of a mistake committed by Clarendon, much to the dis-
advantage of this gallant nobleman, (Montrose,) that
he offered the King, when his Majesty was in Scotland,
to assassinate Argyle. All the time the King was in
Scotland Montrose was confined to prison." * And
with that single observation, our composed historian
dismissed, and probably thought he had destroyed the
anecdote of Clarendon.

Malcolm Laing, however, at a later period, took up
the pen, apparently ambitious of recording Scotland
with the classic elegance of Hume and Robertson,
enriched by tliat rigorous investigation of the sources
of secret history which characterizes the historical anti-
quary. His chapter of Montrose, at least, is no evi-
dence that his powers were equal to his pretension.
Among his elaborate misconceptions on the subject,
occurs the following : " According to Clarendon, Mon-
trose, by the introduction of Murray of the bed-cham-
ber, was admitted privately to, the King, informed him
of many particulars from the beginning of the rebel-
lion, (to which, as a memberof the Committee of Estates,
he was necessarily privy, f ) asserted, and offered to

* Hume's Hist. Vol. vii. p. 44.

f This is a weak observation, and shows that Malcohii Laing's re-
search on the subject was any thing but deep. It was not from being
privy to the secret machinery of tliese committees that Montrose was
prepared to inform, or to warn the King. He was nominally and
officially a member, but from the very first excluded from their privacy,

84 MONTllOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

prove in Parliament, that Hamilton was not less faulty
and false than Argyle ; but rather advised that they
should both be assassinated, which, with his usual frank-
ness, he undertook to execute. As Montrose was then
in prison, the interview was obtained indirectly, through
the intervention of Cochrane, but Clarendon's informa-
tion is otherwise correct. The assassination of Argyle
and Hamilton was characteristical of Montrose."

This is a curious version of the calumny. It is
Clarendon's anecdote, and it is not Clarendon's anec-
dote. Here is an admission that the historian of
the Rebellion had recorded an impossibility when he
said that Montrose came privately to the King. But
Malcolm Laing is too fond of the scandal to dismiss it
as David Hume had done. So he invents a new theory
on the spot, and then issues a ridiculous fiat, that
" Clarendon's information is otherwise correct." In no
other record, contemporary or modern, but MrLaing's,
is it to be found that Montrose transmitted the mon-
strous and insane proposition through the intervention
of Cochrane. Then how incongruous is our historian's
rifacimento oiCXiivenAon. The " frankness" of Montrose's
offer, is obviously a trait belonging to that picture of a
private and personal interview, betwixt the daring chief
and the harassed monarch. Mr Laing grafts it upon his
own extravagant idea, with vvhich it is not in keeping,
namely, of an offer, transmitted through some inferior
emissary, from a captive within the walls of his prison.
Were the idea conceivable, under the circumstances of
Montrose's position at the time, for Jra?ikness we must
read insanity. And in his anxiety not to lose hold of
the only authority he possesses, our ingenious historian

to which he was no ways committed, and therefore did not hetray. The
very fact of his exclusion was one of the sources ofhis suspicion against
them.

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 85

sacrifices sense to the sound of the word " inter-
view," which he is loath to part with. He will not
say in plain terms that Montrose, when under strict
confinement, told one Cochrane to go and tell the King
that he, Montrose, would assassinate, with his own
hand, Hamilton and Argyle. That, indeed, is what
Malcolm Laing means, though he prefers still to say that
there was an interview hetwixt the King and Montrose,
but, as the latter was in prison, it was " obtained in-
directly through the i7itei'vention of Cochrane," which
certainly is not history, should it happen to be sense.

But where had Malcolm Laing obtained his new
theory of the interview by intervention ?

When " the Plot," received its fresh impulse, in the
fracas of " the Incident," the nature of which equally
dishonest agitation we shall have to consider in ano-
ther chapter, the share and influence of Murray of the
bed- chamber, (who had been long connected with the
secret machinery of the Covenant,) in these disreput-
able transactions, became more apparent. Sir James
Balfour kept notes at the time of what depositions were
read in Parliament, on the report of the Committee for
the Incident, before which they had been taken, and
among the rest, it seems there was read, " William
Murray, one of the grooms of his Majesty's bed-cham-
ber, his depositions taken by the Committee, 25th Oc-
tober (1641,) anent a discourse betwixt the Earl of
Montrose and him, which he confesses he declared to
his Majesty, and of his delivery of three letters from
the Earl of Montrose to the King, and of his Majesty's
answer to them. Item, The said William confesses his
taking of' Colonel Cochrane to the King's bed-chamber,
but does not know what the Colonel said to the King."*

* From the^irecdom of examination, exempt from all legal rales, in-

86 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

This note of the covenanting Lord Lyon's, which
Malcohn Laing had found among the manuscripts of
the Advocates' Library, might have induced our histo-
rian to look a little more doubtingly upon Lord Cla-
rendon's anecdote. It is manifest that in Murray's de-
position, (though, like the rest of the evidence before that
Committee, it was not given to the world, and has never
since been discovered,) there was not a single word to
indicate that this worthy of the golden key had introdu-
ced Montrose to the King. From the former depositions
extorted by the Committee, which we have now brought
to light, the unscrupulous and searching nature of these
secret examinations is abundantly proved. And we
will presently see that William Murray was not the
man to withhold his knowledge from a covenanting
Committee. Fortunately Sir James Balfour has pre-
served, even in his note, the sum and substance of that
evidence, so far as relates to Murray's intervention be-
twixt Montrose and the King. It seems that Marray had
not brought Montrose to the King ; he had only been the
bearer of some conversation, and of three letters. Why
then did Malcolm Laing not controvert the anecdote of
Clarendon by this unquestionable evidence, instead of
labouring to palm it upon the incautious reader by
avoiding all allusion to the manifest contradiction, ex-
cept such as he thought necessary to bolster up the
blunder ? It was betraying the cause of history and
truth, to adopt, in the insidious manner he has done,
the imposing authority of Clarendon, in order that a

dulged in by these committees, it is impossible to say, without seeing
Murray's deposition, whether the conversation mentioned in this note
had occurred at this time, or formerly when Montrose was at large ; or
whether all the three letters had passed on this occasion.

M{3NTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 87

scandal might still pass current, for refuting which the
modern historian had ample materials before him. For
there is not a syllable to be met with in any record
whatever, to give the slightest countenance to Malcolm-
Laing's unfair assumption, that Cochrane had sought
that interview as being fraught with a message from
Montrose. On the contrary, it is absolutely proved
that such could not have been the case. Our historian's
theory would not even stand his own inspection, and
he appears to have hurried it over, in those ill concert-
ed phrases, as if anxious to conceal its faulty character
from his own misgivings. We now see where he obtained
his fancy of Cochrane's intervention, — a fancy which, be
it observed, he presents to the reader as a fact, without
a word of explanation. But he had omitted to supply
a most material link, without which his theory is
incoherent. Who had ushered Cochrane into the iwison
of Montrone to receive that desperate proposal of which
Mr Laing says he was the bearer ? That William
Murray had obtained admission is true enough, and
the source of his facilities for seeing Montrose shall be
presently considered. But Cochrane, unquestionably,
had not the entree to our hero, nor is it hinted, in any
record of the period, that any one of the depositions
brought out the fact of this emissary having been
with Montrose during any period of his confinement.
All our illustrations of the strictness of that confine-
ment, which demonstrate the impossibility of Montrose
having quitted for a moment his prison, without the per-
mission of the faction, equally prove that no one could be
admitted to him, far less such an emissary, without their
order to the Constable. If Cochrane was in confidential
communication with Montrose in the Castle, the faction
must have been privy to the interview, and if the re-

88 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

suit had been that insane proposal to his Majesty, co-
venanting Scotland would have been ringing with the
scandal not many hours afterwards. William Murray
did act as a letter-carrier, and anon the Covenanters
not only knew the fact, but they were masters of the
contents of the letters, from which, as we shall find,
they vainly endeavoured to extract new matter against
Montrose. Now if Cochrane, under these circumstances,
really had carried the offer of assassination from Mon-
trose, is it conceivable that the first person to hint or
surmise the fact would have been Malcolm Laingin the
nineteenth century ?

But there is another passage in the Lord Lyon's
notes, so conclusive against the theory of Mr Laing that
we can scarcely believe he had examined the manuscript.

Lord Amond, who was implicated in the Incident,
made a motion in Parliament, upon the 14th of Octo-
ber, to the effect of exonerating himself. Upon this.
Sir James Balfour notes, — " His Majesty said, that
since my Lord Amond went about to clear himself, so
would he also. Since Colonel Home's depositions did
bear that Cochrane was brought to his bed-chamber
by William Murray, one of his grooms, it was true,
indeed, he said, that Cochrane was brought by him
there, being particularly recommended to him by his
sister. When he came in, he shewed me, said his
Majesty, he had some matters to impart to me, which
did nearly concern the welfare of my affairs, but with-
al he adjured me not to reveal him, which on my
word I promised him. * I confess he had many
discourses to me, and most of his oivn praises. I will

* In the MS., it is not "reveal them," as Laing has printed it, but " re-
veal him," clearly importing that the Kingwas not to give up hisinformer
Cochrane. This is important in reference to the theory that Cochrane
was u[)on this occasion the delegate of Montrose.

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 89

tell no more, unless the House's curiosity urge me to it,
and that I may have his leave for the same. Only I
would have my Lord Chancellor to find a way to clear
my honour, that I be not esteemed a searcher out of
holes in men's coats. I need not do so, for in the way
of justice I will not stand to follow the best subject in
all my dominions." The result of these conversations
in Parliament belongs to our chapter of the Incident.
Here we may remark, that this statement of the King's
was soon after followed up by the rej)eated examinations
of William Murray, and Cochrane, beforethe Committee,
from which inquisitorial investigation, not a hint of the
theory, first broached in MrLaing's History of Scotland,
was elicited. And is it possible to read even that state-
ment of the King's without being satisfied that Coch-
rane had brought no such frightful offer, and, indeed,
had not entered the bed-chamber as an emissary from
Montrose at all, but had given the information on his -
own account. Neither from Murray, Cochrane, nor the
King himself, did the covenanting inquisition elicit
what Malcolm Laing records as a fact, and therefore
we say it is a fable.

When we find, from a further inspection of Sir James
Balfour's notes, that the Cochrane here mentioned was
Colonel John Cochrane, a new light breaks upon our
investigation. It was the same Colonel Cochrane whose
deposition before the Committee of Estates, on the
subject of a conversation held with Montrose at New-
castle, we have laid before the reader in the previous
volume. * It will be observed that Charles, in his ex-
planation to the Parliament, mentions that his sister,
(the Queen of Bohemia and mother of the Palsgrave,) had

* See Vol. i. ]). 328-330.

90 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

particularly recommended Colonel Cochrane to the
King*. This patronage identifies the Colonel Cochrane
of the Incident, with that other whose deposition we
have disclosed, wherein he speaks of his negotiation
betwixt the Palsgrave and Montrose. Now let us look
again at Malcolm Laing's story. Would Colonel Cochrane
have been the man selected by Montrose to carry such
a proposal to the King ? Montrose knew that Cochrane
had already furnished some of that evidence, such as it
was, upon which the present summons against him
depended. Montrose had petitioned Parliament, on the
3d of August, to be allowed a copy of Colonel Coch-
rane's deposition, along with the others out of which the
accusations against him had been framed. * Would he
have intrusted him, at this dangerous crisis, with an
offer to the King to assassinate Hamilton and Argyle,
— that nervous colonel, who, when told by Montrose at
Newcastle, that high treason was abroad, replied, " that
these were discourses whereof he desired not to hear,
and entreated his Lordship not to enter any further in
that purpose, but to leave it and speak of some other
subjects." f

And so much for Malcolm Laing's reading of Lord
Clarendon's anecdote. We now come to the version of
Mr Brodie.

*' But Charles still did not despair, and the spirit of

* " Tuesday, 3d August, Fintry (Graham) gave in a supplication in
Montrose's name, to liave a double of the depositions of Mr Robert Mur-
ray, Mr John Roberton, Napier, Keir, Blackball, Walter Stewart, Mr
John Stewart, and Cochran, and of his own," — which petition was re-
fused.— Baillie^s Letter to Spang.

f We will presently find that Murray was at the bottom of this inter-
view of Cochrane's, and thereby playing the game for the faction.
Cochrane'sdisclosures were manifestly nothing obtained from Montrose
at this time, though probably they comprehended the conversation at
Newcastle.

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 91

Montrose was unsubdued. Even in prison he hatched
new plots, and the time consumed about the trials of
the incendiaries and banders was favourable to his
schemes. * Having opened a fresh correspondence with
his Majesty, through William Murray of the bed-cham-
ber, he still insisted that evidence might be procured
against the Hamiltons and Argyle, but advised, as the
simplest way, to cut them oif by assassination, which
himself " frankly undertook" to furnish the means of
accomplishing. According to Clarendon, to whom we
are indebted for this portion of secret history, the King
abhorred that expedient, though for his own security,
and advised that the proofs might be prepared for the
Parliament." f

Here again we have Clarendon's anecdote, and not
Clarendon's anecdote. That to Clarendon alone Mr
Brodie is indebted for the welcome fact against Montrose,
he expressly admits. But he too had his misgivings
about the accuracy of the anecdote, and our lawyer-like
historian handles it as if it were burning his fingers.
How warily does he avoid the rocks and shoals of this
ticklish calumny. He will not say that Montrose went
personally to the bed-chamber, — and yet he will only
leave to inference that the proposal was transmitted
through Murray. As to Cochrane's intervention, he
rejects that theory in silence. Then mark the con-
venient paraphrase of Clarendon's expressions, " which
he frankly undertook to do," into " frankly undertook
— to furnish the means of accomplishing." This avoids
that want of vraiseinldance, which characterizes the

* IIow ridiculous does this appear when compared with the transac-
tions we have traced. Was the lawless tyranny of Montrose's confine-
ment favourable for hatching such plots ?

t Brodie's Hist. Vol. iii. p. 150.

92 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

picture of Montrose clutching a dagger himself, and at
the same time enables the calumny to dovetail with the
species facti of the Incident, the theory of which is,
that the Innocents were to be murdered, in a more or
less^martial manner, by a band of military desperadoes,
at the head of two or three hundred men. And how
scientifically calumnious is the notion of Montrose
coolly advising all this " as the simplest way." He was
closely confined in a fortress, unable to hold converse
with a human being, but by the warrant of Parliament,
and strictly watched by those who thirsted for an ex-
cuse to lead him to the block. To an ordinary mind
it might have occurred, that to plunge a dagger into
the hearts of the most powerful noblemen in the coun-
try, or to induce others to do so, was a scheme, un-
der the circumstances, as far removed from simplicity
as it was certain to prove ruinous to the perpetrators.
But Montrose, it seems, was a born assassin, ever apt
to council such bloody deeds, as the readiest and se-
curest^policy, as the " simplest way."

Such is Mr Brodie's reading of Clarendon. But it
is too bad, in the Historiographer Royal for Scotland,
not only to withhold Clarendon's real narrative, but, on
the subject of that narrative containing its own refuta-
tion, to remain, if we may adopt Baillie's expressions,
" as mute as a fish." He seizes with avidity the sole
authority. Clarendon, — quotes his very words where
they do not betray the blunder, — fills up the gaps, of this
damaged picture, by conjectures of his own given as
facts, and so presenting the cobbled performance, tells us
that " to Clarendon we are indebted for this portion of
secret history."

We must presume that the theory now is, that Wil-
liam Murray^had carried Montrose's proposition to the

MONTKOSE NO ASSASSIN. 93

King, either in that conversation he had with our hero
in prison, or in one of the letters of which he was the
bearer. And surely we are entitled to demand very sub-
stantial proof, before admitting that Montrose, in what
Traquair terms " so dangerous and ticklish times," had
entrusted to the conveyance of athird party, or ventured
toput into writing, any offer of the kind. Now Clarendon
does not say so, nor is there a hint of the fact in the
contemporary annals of the Covenanters, the most un-
scrupulous that ever darkened historic truth with the
muddy stream of calumny. How comes it then that
Mr Laing and Mr Brodie, (who tell different stories,
however,) are in this particular less merciful than the
Covenanters, and labour to bolster up the blunder they
had not failed to observe in Clarendon ? The fact ap-
pears to be, that these historians, in their anxiety not to
suffer Montrose to escape, had overlooked the circum-
stance that the covenanting faction were in such know-
ledge, of Murray's share in these dark proceedings, as
prevented the idea ever occurring at the time of working
with a desperate calumny of the kind against Montrose.
The faction had discovered, as may well be supposed,
Murray's intervention, and their own record puts us in
possession of all they were able to extract from this cor-
respondence betwixt the King and the object of their
bitter persecution. It was upon the 25th of October
that the Committee elicited, in private, William Mur-
ray's deposition containing the facts that he had carried
Montrose's conversation and three letters to the King.
Upon the 30th of the same month, by which time
they were sufficiently informed, the " Speaker for the
barons," — no less a personage than Archibald Johnston's
" A. B." correspondent, who was so deeply read in
Buchanan, — brought the matter to bear upon the pur-

94 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

suit against Montrose. Of that date, in his place in
Parliament, Sir Thomas Hope, in name of the barons,
humbly intreats his Majesty, for better clearing the
great business (the Incident) in hand, that he would
give his subjects that contentment to let the Committee
see the last letter which Montrose wrote to his Majesty.
There can be no doubt that with regard to the other let-
ters, and the conversation, deponed to by Murray, the In-
quisitors had no questions to put to his Majesty, and that
there remained no other point in the investigation on
which to satisfy themselves, but that letter to which
their curiosity was limited. Did the demeanour of
Charles indicate that he had just been the depositary
of a proposal to assassinate Hamilton and Argyle ? On
the instant his Majesty replied, to this demand of un-
paralleled effrontery, that he would at two o'clock show
it to the Committee, at Holyroodhouse, provided they
added some more of each Estate to that secret tribunal.
He at the same time requested that the House would
direct their warrant to the Constable of the Castle, to
have Montrose brought down under a sure guard to
the Abbey, when he himself would clear the business
to them. This proposition was acceded to, and Mon-
trose was ordered to be brought down at one o'clock.
It is much to be regretted that no record of his decla-
ration and demeanour, before his Majesty and this "Com-
mittee for reading of the letter from Montrose to the
King," is to be found. But we are not left entirely to
conjecture. From the Lord Lyon's notes, and the re-
cord of that Parliament, it appears that on the follow-
ing Monday, Montrose, Napier, Keir, and Blackball,
presented that petition in which they craved the same
relaxation which had been accorded even to thieves, fire-
raisers, and other malefactors, and the House ordained

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 95

that this should receive no answer at all, with regard
to any of the petitioners, until Montrose gave a positive
declaration and answer, in explanation of certain words
in that letter to his Majesty upon which he had been
questioned. It was further ordained, that he should be
again examined before the Committee for the Incident
at two o'clock.

Accordingly : — " At Edinburgh, 2d November 1641.
In presence of the Committee appointed by the Parlia-
ment, conform to the tenor of the Commission above
written, compeared the Earl of Montrose, who being
interrogated, what was the meaning of the letter sent
by his Lordship to his Majesty on Monday, the eleventh
of October last, bearing these words, or the like, —
' that his Lordship will make known to his Majesty no
less than what may concern the standing and falling of
his Majesty's crown both and honour,' — answered, that
for the words his Lordship did write he does not parti-
cularly remember, but, as his Lordship did understand
them, their meaning was such as he did already declare
before his Majesty and such others as were there pre-
sent, which was, that being questioned whether or not
his Lordship meant thereby the accusation of any
particular persons, answered then as now, that his Lord-
ship did not thereby accuse, or intend to accuse, any
howsoever. And being also asked what was understood
by the affirmative part of these words, answered, that
he did mean nothing mainly in particular, but only
what his Lordship, in his humble opinion, did conceive
might contribute and concern the peace and quiet of the
public." *

Sir James Balfour notes, that, on Wednesday 23d
November, the Committee reported Montrose's answers,

* Origiiijil. Signed by Montrose, and Balmerino as President.

96 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and that, " being read, under Montrose's hand, to the
House, it did not give them satisfaction." That is to
say, instead of obtaining from Montrose's own lips
such a commentary, upon the letter submitted to their
inspection, as they desired, they had only met with a
repetition of that firmness and self-possession with
which Montrose had already declined being driven into
rash or particular accusations, in such a maimer, and
while thus at the mercy of the faction. But is thivS,^ —
the last examination and declaration of Montrose in
the matter, — consistent with the theory, that, in that
letter, or by any other means, he had made the proposal
of assassination to the King ? That by means of a third
party the proposal must have passed, if it passed at all,
and that the agent could be none other than William
Murray, seems to be proved. That it was not contained
in those letters, seems also proved. Let us see then
if that slender thread to which the story is now redu-
ced, namely, the possibility of Murray's having carried
it, from Montrose's conversation, verbally to Charles, be
tenable or not.

When we find that, to the very last hour of his con-
finement, Montrose was only to be arrived at through a
warrant from the Parliament directed to the Constable of
the Castle, and that he was never " brought down" ex-
cept under " sure guard," the question occurs, how did
William Murray come into this private contact with
the imprisoned nobleman ? Had he been a covenanting
agent, there would have been no difficulty in under-
standing how and why he came there. But a groom
of the chamber, — the long-trusted body-servant of
Charles, — the enemy, ex officio^ of the faction — was not
he, of all persons, next to the King himself, to be kept
away from Montrose ? In the scraps of his secret de-

4

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. ' 97

position, preserved to us in Sir James Balfour's notes,
we discover no symptoms of a scrutiny as to how he
reached Montrose, nor is there any record of the Con-
stable of the Castle having lost his office in consequence.
By the sufferance, by the desire of the Covenanters,
and by that alone, could William Murray have accom-
plished his confidential interview with Montrose. In
that case, however, Murray must have been a rogue, —
another serpent in the bosom of the deluded Charles.
And if such were his character, nay if a single cove-
nanting inclination had entered the composition of that
worthy, the idea is inconceivable that he was the medium
of Montrose's alleged frank offer, and that without
the faction, who had elicited from Murray all the other
circumstances of the interview, having obtained a hint
of what would have crushed Montrose at once. It be-
comes then of great importance to illustrate the degree
of confidence and favour with the Covenanters, enjoy-
ed by Murray at this time.

We have elsewhere mentioned, on the authority of
Bishop Guthrie, * that the time arrived when Mon-
trose obtained " certain knowledge" that William Mur-.
ray was the man who stole copies of Montrose's letters
to the King, in order to send them to the Covenan-
ters. The infatuation, with which Charles continued
to trust those who had been about his person from boy-
hood, was a marked trait in his character that ever
continued till reflection came too late to save him.
From one of Sir Edward Nicholas's letters to him at
this time, f we find an indication of the same infamous
system still working against the devoted King, and of his
slowness or disinclination to believe the fact. " I assure

* See Vol. i. .322. f Dated 29th October 164.1.

VOL. II. G

98 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

your Majesty," says Sir Edward, " I have been warned
by some of my best friends, to be wary what I write to
your Majesty, for that there are many eyes upon me,
both here and in Scotland, and that letters that come
to your royal hands, do, after, oft miscarry, and come
to others' view." Upon which Charles had noted on
the margin, — " it is a Ley." The King, however, in
that very correspondence refers to facts which appear
for a moment to have startled himself. * Yet his trust
in Murray seemed still unshaken. In a marginal note
of the 5th of October, to a letter of his Secretary's on
the subject of his return, Charles says, — " when ye shall
see little Will Murray, then ye shall know certainly not
only of my return, but also how all will end here."
This affectionate epithet had arisen in other years.
Like the Marquis of Hamilton, William Murray had
in boyhood impressed himself upon the too plastic

* The Secretary having written that the Queen had been for some
days disappointed in her expectations of letters from his Majesty,
Charles notes on the margin, " I wonder at this, for all this last month,
every third day at furthest, I have written to her." Letter, 21th Sept.
1641. Again: "Your Majesty's letter to my Lord Keeper was care-
fully delivered to his own hands yesterday before the sitting of the
Parliament ; but his Lordship tells me that the effect of it was known
here some days before he received it ; which is an infinite prejudice to
your Majesty's affairs here ; such anticipations of your Majesty's direc-
tions in business of importance renders the same impossible, or extremely
difficult to be effected; and \ ohserve \hsit the perfect intelligence that
is here, of all your Majesty's resolutions there, puts life and spirit into
some here, who, without that encouragement and light, would, I believe,
pay more reverence to your Majesty's counsels and actions." Letter
dated 2\st October 1641. To which C^harles replies, on the margin : — '* Of
this I much wonder, for, on ray credit, I acquainted no body with the
contents thereof, and am very confident that none here knew whether
I writ to him or not ; therefore I think it fit that you should try as
much as may be how this has come, and whether it be an intelligence,
or conjecture."

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 99

heart of Charles. He was the son of William Murray,
minister of Dysart in Fife, and through the interest of
an uncle about Court had been brought as a playmate
to the young prince. * Another uncle, however, (the
Reverend Robert Murray, already so prominent in our
illustrations,) was a powerful link on the side of the
Covenanters, and the position of little Will Murray with
that faction will be seen from what follows.

Immediately after the King's return to England, a
letter or petition was addressed to him on the affairs
of the Kirk by the Commissioners of the General As-
sembly, in which this remarkable passage occurs : "And
seeing William Murray, — of whose faithful service
your Majesty has had long proof, and of whose abilities
and good affection we have experience * * * * -j- this time
in the public affairs of the Kirk, — hath the honour
to attend your Royal person in your bed-chamber, and
thereby continual occasion of giving information, and re-
ceiving direction from your Royal Majesty in the affairs
of the Kirk, therefore, we do, with all earnestness and
humility, intreat that your Majesty may be pleased to
lay upon him the charge of the agenting of the affairs
of the Kirk, about your Majesty. Likeas we, for our
part, do heartily recommend him to your Majesty for

* Bishop Burnet says, — " Murray of the bed-chamber had been page
and whipping-boy to Charles I., and had great credit with him, not only
in procuring private favours, but in all his councils ; he was well turned
for a court, very insinuating, but very false ; and of so revengeful a
tem])er, that rather than any of the counsels given by his enemies should
succeed, he would have revealed them, and betrayed both the King and
them. It was generally believed that he had discovered the most im-
portant of all his secrets to his enemies. He had one particular (juality,
that when he was drunk, which was very often, he was upon a most
exact reserve, though he was pretty open at all other times." — Hist, of
his own Time, p. 423.

t Manuscript torn.

100 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

that effect, being confident that the General Assembly
shall approve this our recommendation, and prove thank-
ful to your Majesty for this and all others your Ma-
jesty's Royal favours to the Kirk of Scotland."*

The last stronghold of the calumny against Montrose
is thus broken down. If it were conceivable that, with
all his frankness, he would ever have deputed the ne-
phew of his own clergyman, and clerical adviser Robert
Murray, to be the bearer of an offer of assassination to
the King, would the Covenanters have continued in
total ignorance, as they ever were, of this important
fact in possession of their favourite agent, who at the
very time was betraying to them Montrose's confidence ?
We can now perfectly understand William Murray's key
to the Castle as well as to the bed-chamber. He had
been used by the Covenanters, in their anxiety to ob-
tain a case against Montrose, to decoy the frankness
of that nobleman's nature into a more perilous predi-
cament, and the raanceuvre had to a certain extent suc-
ceeded. From this, and other services of the kind,
arose the gratitude of the Kirk to William Murray.
And so much for Mr Brodie's theory of the calum-
ny, upon which he so exultingly founds his severe asser-
tion that, — " Montrose, who had already so fully shown

* Contemporary manuscript. Advocates' Library, endorsed, " Coppie of
Letter sent from the Commissioners of the Assembly, and his Majesty's
answer thereto." To the recommendation of Murray, the King replies :
•' Likeas we, having had long proof of the faithfulness of William Mur-
ray, who attends us in our bed-chamber, do hereby declare that we most
willingly accept of your recommendation of him for his receiving of
these leets [of six, out of which a vacancy in churches was to be filled,]
and agenting the other affairs of the church, directed to him from the
Presbyteries and Officers of the church," &c. " Whitehall, the 3d of
•January 1642."

See also a private letter from Robert Baillie to William Murray, print,
ed by Lord Hailes, (Memorials, Vol. ii. p. 180,) in which Baillie signs
himself, "your loving friend and agent, R. B."

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 101

liis aptitude to commit the base and dastardly crime of
assassination," &c *

We must now return to Clarendon, who after all is
the heaviest metal against Montrose. The calumny is
found in Clarendon's manuscript, and therefore he must
have heard it or imagined that he had heard it. We
hold the passage to be destroyed by itself, and that it
is noways essential to the defence of Montrose, or in-
cumbent on his apologist, to elucidate the source of the
great historian's error, any more than it is admissible
for Montrose's eneinies to redeem that error by fancies
or fictions of their own. When we find, however, such a
writer as D'Jsraeli, — et tu J^rufe, — asserting, or rather
insinuating, that Clarendon had obtained this improba-
ble story from the King himself, it is time to look more
closely at the history of its propagation. But we ap-
proach the noble historian with a respect that is not
to be diminished by the unique opinion of Mr Brodie,
who has " no hesitation in pronouncing" that the au-
thor of the History of the Rebellion was guilty of forg-
ing documents for the purpose of supporting his own
views and political opinions.

Lord Clarendon left his works in manuscript, and con-
sequently there is this dilTerence betwixt him and those
who have adopted his blunder, that they have published
to the world what he only recorded in his closet. Is it

* Lord Nugent's version of the calumny, in his life of Hampden, (Vol.
ii. p. 96.) is not worthy of particular examination. It is a weak repeti-
tion of Mr Brodie's, whom the nohle autlior i)liudly follows. He might
have sifted the matter in Clarendon with greater effect than Mr Brodie
had done, for the edition of Clarendon with the suppressed matter had
been published between and Mr Brodie's work. It is amusing to find
Lord Nugent giving as Lord Clarendon's words, — thus, " wliich he
frankly undertook himself to mannf/e," — a variation of Mr Brodie's
reading.

102 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

demonstrated that if the historian had lived to publish
his own works, the calumny in question would have
seen the light of day ? Is there not rather a presump-
tion to the contrary, afforded by the fact that the anec-
dote had been noted when Clarendon was so ill informed,
(as to the by-play of the Scotch troubles,) that he did not
know Montrose was a close prisoner in the Castle ? The
Clarendon manuscripts, very voluminous, and intricate
in arrangement, were left in a state that necessarily
qualifies with more or less of conjecture the explana-
tions of their latest and most accomplished editor, as
to the precise plan of the noble author. It is surely
not too much to assume that, if they had passed through
the press under his own correction, they might have
been purified from the calumny in question. The
Earls of Clarendon and Rochester, sons of the Great
Clarendon, first took upon themselves the responsibili-
ty of presenting to the world the gift of their father's
history, or historical memoirs. They possessed for that
important task various manuscripts, partly in the shape
of a History of the Rebellion, and partly in the shape
of a Life of the great author by himself. In the manu-
script of the Life certain passages had been marked
to be extracted, and inserted in corresponding places
of the manuscript of the History ; and the theory is
plausible, though founded on conjecture, that after hav-
ing been engaged for a time in preparing the History
of the Rebellion, Clarendon had been induced, by the
persecution against himself, to alter his original plan,
into a history of his own Life, but that his patriotic
spirit had subsequently recalled him to his first inten-
tion. Besides these involved manuscripts, the noble
editors possessed a complete transcript that had been
made by Clarendon's secretary, Mr Shaw, and in which

MONTROSE JSJO ASSASSIN. lO^i

the extracts from the manuscript of the Life were in-
serted in the places marked out for them. Upon this the
editor of the latest edition passes the material observa-
tion, that " this transcript could not have been finished
long before Lord Clarendon's death, for the original
manuscript was not completed till 1673, and his Lord-
ship died in the following year ; it is natural, there-
fore, to suppose that the transcript was never revised
by the author." Dr Bandinel proceeds to prove that it
could not have been revised by Clarendon, for his se-
cretary had in some places inserted a phraseology that
was only accurate and intelligible when understood of
a person writing his own life, a palpable blunder which
of course was not permitted to go forth.

Now that passage, which contains the anecdote against
Montrose, is an extract from the manuscript of the Life
inserted into the complete transcript of the History ; and
the question is, are we to assume that, had Clarendon
himself re vised that transcript, he would havedeliberately
and advisedly retained the anecdote under which the me-
mory of Montrose has suffered. Unquestionably he would
have found, in the transcript by his secretary, various
blunders and misapprehensions of his task, and most
probably some errors and crudities of his own. Would
the corrective pen of the great author have passed, in-
uoxiously, that passage which, from all that Clarendon
himself has taught us in general of mankind, and in par-
ticular of Charles and Montrose, is as destitute oVvrai-
semhlauce^ as, on searching the Records of Scotland, we
find it to be mistaken in point of fact ? liven had Cla-
rendon published the passage, it must have been rejected
for the reasons we have shown, though the source of his
error could not be ascertained. But until the question
we have put can be answered with absolute certainty

104 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

in the affirmative, which we apprehend it never can, the
calumny in question never attains the value some have
attached to it, of being the deliberate historical record
of Clarendon against Montrose.

The recent perfect edition of the History has, more-
over, revealed a fact very important to the present in-
quiry. While, into the transcript from which the work
was originally i)ublished, had been taken that calumni-
ous passage from the original manuscript of the Life,
another passage, in the original manuscript of the His-
tory, had been excluded and suppressed. It is now re-
stored, with the necessary explanation, in the appendix
to the last edition.* We have seen that, no doubt with
the best intentions. Lord Clarendon's sons had modified
to a less startling form the alleged offer by Montrose.
On perusing the passage whicli had been suppressed,
however, we cannot help thinking that if the former
had been entirely suppressed, and that now restored
given in its place, the noble editors would have gone
nearer to put the world in possession of that version,
the publication of which would have been sanctioned
by Clarendon himself. For the suppressed passage is
not only fuller in its narrative of these transactions con-
nected with the King's visit to Scotland in l641, but
it is suhstantially accurate, and will stand the test of
comparison with the secret history of Scottish affairs
that has been discovered since. It avoids the leading
mistake of the other passage, for it mentions that Mon-
trose was under restraint, and the causes of that re-
straint. Indeed it would have been surprising had the
same ignorance appeared in this passage, for it is ex-

* Vol. ii. Appendix B. referred to in p. 13 of that volume. I need hardly
say that I have relied Avith perfect confidence on the accuracy of Dr
iUilkeley Bandinel's explanation of the state of the Clarendon manuscripts.

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 105

pressly founded upon what, says Clarendon, " the King
hath told me," and what " I have heard the Earl of
Montrose say." And after a much more particular ac-
count of the Plot and the Incident than is found in the
former narrative, but without a hint of Montrose hav-
ing ever made any violent proposition to his Majesty,
beyond the proposal to impeach Hamilton and Argyle,
Clarendon adds, — " whatever was in this business, I
could never discover more than I have here set down,
though the King himself told me all that he knew of it,
as I verily believe."*

Mr D'Israeli, apparently not attending to the history
and structure of the two passages, has framed his
chapter of the Incident upon an indiscriminate con-
sideration of them both. Hence he appears to have
assumed that Charles himself told Clarendon the anec-
dote of assassination, and that consequently it is not to
be doubted. Still, however, the critical commentator
had not failed to observe the error in point of fact.
But willing, as we have said, to sacrifice Montrose
at the shrine of Clarendon, he accepts, adopts, and
blends together both accounts, and then si)eaks of " that
frank offer of assassination, which the daring and vin-
dictive Montrose would not have hesitated to have per-
formed by his creatures, for he was himself then confin-
ed in the Castle by the Covenanters." f But Charles,
who must have well remembered the imprisonment of the
Plotters, and how completely they were in the power of

* The entire passage will be found at the end of this volume.

-j- Commentaries on the Life and Rei<;n of Charles I. Vol. iv. p. 330.
chapter of the Incident. Mr D' Israeli's chapter on the Marc^nis of Ha-
milton is also weak, though ingenious and amusing. After much ser-
pentine ingenuity he loaves the ]irobleni of the Marquis's character
more perplexing than he found it.

106 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the Covenanters, could not have furnished Clarendon
with that erroneous version. And yet, since our com-
mentator will refer the anecdote of assassination to the
King's own narrative, we cannot understand the prin-
ciple upon which he rejects the terms of it as given. To
us it appears that the two passages are not only distinct
and separate, but incongruous ; that they are different
versions of thesame transactions, and that both could not
have been intended for publication. The one originally
published, and which contains the admitted mistake in
fact, is also more meagerly informed in the details. It
does not profess to have been derived from the King or
Montrose, and bears internal evidence of not having been
derived from either. The other passage, accurate in
its facts, and fuller in its details, refers to the direct
authority of both, and contains no allusion whatever to
the story of Montrose's offer of the dagger. Then its
details are in perfect keej)ing with all the light which
secret history has shed upon the characters of Hamil-
ton and William Murray. Clarendon declares that the
King himself told him that it was Murray who pressed
upon his Majesty the impeachment of Hamilton and
Argyle, before the storm of the Incident broke loose.
He declares, too, that Montrose told him that Murray,
after he had been " a principal encourager" of the im-
peachment, and after undertaking to prove " many no-
table things" himself, "was the only man who dis-
covered that whole counsel to the Marquis." If, then,
the calumny had ever for a moment dwelt with the
King, from Murray's foul whisperings it must have
arisen, but whisperings so cloudy and false as not even
to be adopted, though they may have been secretly in-
stigated, by the Covenanters. When we know all this,
and discover that Murray, instantly after the bruit of

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 107

the Incident, was not only the confidential creature of
Hamilton, but the pet agent of the Kirk, and when we
connect these proceedings with the more than equivocal
conduct of Hamilton and Murrayduringtheprior stages
of the covenanting revolution, then even were it proved,
as it is not, that Charles told Clarendon that Murray
had brought him such a proposal direct from Montrose,
the only legitimate conclusion would be, that it was a
falsehood of Murray's, to effect the destruction of him
who was the enemy of double-dealing traitors and
" seditious preachers."

Clarendon knew the dispositions of Charles the First.
So we find recorded, even in that crude and hasty anec-
dote, that the King abhorred the expedient. But, at
that time at least, Clarendon knew not the dispositions
of Montrose, or he never would have imagined such a
difference between them, that Montrose could offer and
frankly undertake what raised the instant abliorrence
of Charles.* It is known that Charles trusted and
honoured Montrose after this period more than he had
ever done before. But unless the King's character too
be given up to infamy, it is impossible to reconcile that
alleged abhorrence with his subsequent conduct. And
surely Montrose, and Napier who had reared Montrose,
and by whose advice and approbation he was guided,
knew the character of Charles the First. Would the
ghastly frankness of that offer not have been checked

• Lord Nugent observes, (Vol. ii. p. 95,) that " Clarendon, forget-
ful of the crimes which be imi)utes to Montrose in the early part of bis
history, says, in the latter part of it, that he was not without vanity, but
his virtues were much superior." His Lordship seems not to have
reflected, that Clarendon neither published his own history, nor revised
the transcript. The fact of his finished ciiaracter of Montrose being so
inconsistent with the calumny in question, is another reason for believ-
ing that it would never have seen the light under Clarendon's own aus-
pices.

108 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

by the certainty of the feelings with which it would be
rejected, by the most pious and Christian King that
ever looked beyond an earthly crown. No knight of
romance ever devoted himself to serve his mistress with
more honour and purity, than Montrose his King. He
might offer him the incense and the services of an en-
thusiast, but of an assassin, never.

" I'll serve thee in such noble ways

Was never heard before,
I'll crown antl deck thee all with bays.

And love thee ever more."

And could he have borne that lofty port, — for, says
the malicious Burnet, he was stately to affectation, —
if in an evil hour he had thus elicited the abhorrence
of him to whom he was so devoted ? Or would he have
dared to look heaven in the face as he reared the stan-
dard, of that Christian King, to surround it with a halo
of heroism that will be the star amid those troubles till
History is no more.

Mr D'Israeli, after adopting, though in a confused and
slovenly manner, the alleged authority of Clarendon,
offers the miserable defence for Montrose, that his times
were not abhorrent of such deeds. Nay he even hints
that our hero had served a sort of apprenticeship in a
great school of assassination. * But of the King's
part in this fanciful scene, the same author says, —
" forbidding with abhorrence the horrid expedient of
the military adventurer, Charles, however, consented
that the proofs of treason should be laid before Parlia-

* " Events of this nature the still barbarous customs of the age had
not rendered so singular and repulsive as they appear to our more sub-
dued manners; the Court of France, where Montrose had some time re-
sided, offers several remarkable instances, even under the eyes of Louis
XIII., called the Just."— Com?>ze??/. Vol. iv. p. 322.

MONTROSE NO ASSASSIN. 109

ment." How unjust is this to Montrose ! Upon no re-
flection or information as to his education, his habits,
or his private pursuits, is that severe remark founded.
Was the mind of Montrose less enlarged by knowledge,
his passions less purified by a lettered genius, than the
King's ? Read his Essay on the Supreme Power, — read
those poetical compositions written during the few mo-
mentshis genius could snatch from that shortandstormy
career, — read his speech upon the scafibld, — and say if
such a mind could uj)on any pretext have placed assas-
sination under a category of virtue. Did he really say
to Charles, — ' practice. Sir, the temperate government,
it gladdeth the heart of your subjects, and then they
erect a throne there for you to reign — but Hamilton and
Argyle must be removed, assassination is the simplest
way, I will do it myself, as they manage such matters
in France' !

The universal silence of his contemporary enemies,
who could not fail to have known the fact had it occur-
red, is sufficient to neutralize the single record of Cla-
rendon, even had the terms of that anecdote not de-
stroyed itself. And against the remark of Mr D'Israeli,
that Montrose had learnt to consider assassination a
virtue, we may place the hero's own words : —

" Reciprocal the flame must prove,

Or my ambition scorns to love;

A noble soul doth still abhor

To strike, but where 'tis Conqueror.'''*

* Montrose's lines in praise of Woman.

110 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER VI.

HISTORY OF THE INCIDENT.

We have now seen upon what authority it is that
Montrose has been branded with the name of assassin.
But he is, moreover, accused of having " projected the
massacre of the Covenanters in an hour of unsuspect-
ing confidence,"* and the same author adds this impres-
sive admonition : " Should there be any who still la-
ment the death of Montrose, let them yet not be over
hasty in the condemnation of his enemies for inflicting
it ; but reflect, that men who had narrowly escaped
his assassinations and massacres, were naturally steeled
against compassion." The allegation of this wholesale
murder depends upon the truth, in all its details, of a
new plot, which, says Mr Brodie, " was, from its unex-
pected nature, denominated the Incident." But it was
rather from its baseless nature that it obtained this
denomination. Cloudy in its conception, and care-
fully withheld from the light of truth, it was never even
susceptible of a definite or intelligible name. Hume
has characterized it as having neither cause nor effect
that was visible, nor purpose, nor consequence. It
ended, indeed, when the factionists were glutted with
the spoils of monarchy, as if it had never been. But
its cause was too surely that malign conjunction, be-
tween Hamilton and Argyle, to which we have already

* Mr Brodie.
3

THE SCRAMBLE FOR OFFICE. Ill

pointed. Its effect was a tempest of agitation to de-
lude the people through their fears, and to rouse that
indignation in the King which, having reached his lips,
was sure to subside and leave him to his fate. The
purpose was, that traitors might pursue their prey in
troubled waters, — and the consequence, that they tri-
umphed. *

Charles having granted " Religion and Liberties" be-
yond the original demands of the covenanting insurrec-
tion, the scramble for place and power, the grand object
of the faction from the very outset, now commenced in
earnest. " The tough dispute," says their own excited
chronicler, " betwixt the King and Parliament, was
about the election of Officers of State, of the Council and
Session. Upon this point much dispute had been in the
treaty at London. We alleged it was our law, and old
custom,! to have all these elected by voice of Parlia-
ment,— that the election of these by the King alone had
been the fountain of our evils, and was like to be a con-
stant root of corruption, both in Kirk and State, if not
seen to. His Majesty took the nominations of these to be
a special part of his prerogative, — a great sinew of his

* The Historian of the Church of Scotland, although he had by no
means thoroughly investigated the secret history of this period, had form-
ed a just estimate of the Incident, Speaking of the King's concessions
in 1641, Dr Cook observes — " the regulations indeed struck at the very
existence of the Monarchy, leaving the Sovereign only the shadow of
royalty; but had not new commotions exasperated the passions, and in-
flamed the bigotry of the Covenanters, these regulations would in all
probability have been modified, and a government nearly similar to that
under which we now live might have been established," — Hist, of the
Church, Vol. iii. p, 28.

t By " old custom" is not meant existing and long established cus-
tom, but some " antient practique," alleged for the nonce. We have seen
that the great anticpiaries of the Covenant were Sir Thomas Hope of
Kerse, and Archibald .lohnston. — See anecdote of the latter in reference
to this. Vol, i. p. ;^4I.

lia MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

government, — thelongposseasion of Kings in Scotland, —
the unquestional)le riglit of the Kings in England. Much
dispute in private was about this great matter."* In this
dispute the King as usual went to the wall. Well know-
ing that the demand, to have all those appointments
made by " advice of the Parliament," intended to deprive
himself of any power of choice whatever, Charles had
struggled hard to save that vital prerogative, the design
of attacking which Montrose, too, instantly appreciated.
Charles, naturally unequal to such a contest, and now in
the hands of the faction, could do no more than make an
effort to break his own fall. He flattered himself that the
demand would be satisfied with a prudent selection on his
part, and with the concession of the Parliament's right
to scrutinize the list he presented to them. On Thurs-
day, the l6th of September, the draft of the act of
concession was read in the House, when the King rose
and said, that their answers to his doubts having mani-
fested to all, and satisfied himself, that they would never
knowingly derogate from his just power, and that they
would have forborn to press this unusual demand, had
it not been from a just sense of his necessary absence
from this country, therefore, without further delay,
his answer was briefly, that he accepted of that paper ;
and that he would renew the commission of the council,
with their advice, and would condescend upon a certain
number, which hereafter he would not exceed, and did
openly declare that by their advice he would take the
like course with the Officers of State, and Lords of Ses-
sion, and would give in a roll of them to-morrow. His
Majesty hoped that his selection would be such as they
would accept without question, but if by chance they

* Baillie's Letter to Spang.

THE SCUAMBLE FOR OFFICE. 113

took exception to any, he did persuade himself they
would do it with reason. " Howsomever," adds Sir
James Balfour, " the House had received this gracious
answer from his Majesty's own mouth, they all arose
and bowed themselves to the ground. Then was the
act voted without a contrary voice, the Lord Yester's
only excepted. After which Kerse, the speaker for the
barons, had a pretty speech to his Majesty,* in name
of that body, for his so gracious answer to their de-
mands."

The King seemed mindful of that advice not to choose
men factious, nor popular, nor much hated, but those of
whose worth he had personal experience, and whose ap-
pointment would create as little bad blood as possible
among the disappointed. As the whole appointments,
however, were now thrown open, the selection upon this
principle was by no means easy. Baillie observes, that
when they obtained their demand, " there fell in for the
nomination of the persons to their places vaiking, ques-
tions inextricable. For the Council and Session, there
was not much dispute ; neither for the continuance of
Roxburgh in the Privy-Seal, or the Advocate, Treasur-
er-depute, or Justice-clerk. But the question was for
the Chancellor, the Treasurer, and the Register^
Now it happened that these desirable offices were all
bespoke by the faction. The seals had been in the cus-
tody of Hamilton ever since the resignation of Arch-
bishop Spotiswood in 1639. Argyle, with vvliom the
double-faced favourite was now so unnaturally colleagu-
ing, had destined for himself that first place in the king-
dom, for which he had been an unsuccessful competitor
in 1635, when the churchman acquired both the place

* Probably Sir Thomas did not quote Buchanan on this occasion.
VOL. IF. H

114 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and the bitter enmity of Argyle. The treasnrership
was to be taken from Traquair, (who was lucky if he
escaped with his life,) and given to Loudon; and the
Clerk-Kegister, Sir John Hay, at this time confined in
the Castle of Edinburgh, was to be the prey of Archi-
bald Johnston, who thirsted even for his blood, rather
than not get his place. The new roll of privy-council-
lors might well have satisfied them, for it embraced every
leader of the faction, except the ungrateful Balme-
rino, while the names of Montrose, Napier, (who had
been a privy-councillor for nearly thirty years,) Keir,
and Blackball, were not of the number. In the roll
of Officers of State, Sir Thomas Hope retained his
place of Lord Advocate, and the King acceded to the
general desire that Loudon should be Treasurer. But
the Earl of Morton was named for Chancellor, and Mr
Alexander Gibson, younger of Durie, as Clerk-Register,
to the bitter disappointment of the other two expectants,
whom Charles rightly judged to be the most dangerous,
and the most disreputable of the faction.

Argyle, notwithstanding his having shown to Rothes
that " he had no such intention," had deternjined to be
Chancellor, and when Charles presented to Parliament
the list excluding him, his rage was vmgovernable.
Though the Act professed that the King was to ap-
point with the advice or consent of the Estates, Argyle
never meant it in any other sense than that the Estates
were to appoint without consent of the King. The
appointment of Morton was an excellent one, under
the circumstances, and being the father-in-law of Ar-
gyle, seemed sufficiently politic. But no sooner was
the list presented than the Dictator rose, and, with one
of those bursts of passion so characteristic of him, pro-
tested against Morton, for four reasons. In the first

THC SCRAMBLE FOR OFFICE. 115

place, he said, that high place would shelter Morton
unjustly from his creditors ; in the second place, he was
a contemptuous rebel, being often at the Jiorn ; thirdly,
he deserted his country in her greatest need ; and
fourthly, he was decrepit and unable. Sir James Bal-
four, who noted the scene on the day it happened, (20th
September,) says that Morton " replied with great mo-
deration." He took the King and Parliament to wit-
ness, that never had he, directly or indirectly, wronged
my Lord Argyle, nor any other, far less his country.
As for his debts, he and his friends would take such a
course therein that no man would suffer by him in a
penny. * The Earl of Argyle,' said Morton, ' I edu-
cated for twenty years, and esteemed it an honour. It
was myself and my friends who moved King James to
pass from a process of forfeiture actually raised against
the Earl of Argyle's father, and his family. When he
had no right to the office of Justice-General, but an
old lease expired a hundred years since, I moved his
present Majesty, who will bear me witness, to grant
him the office of Justiciar of his own country, and the
whole Isles, with four thousand pounds Sterling in
njoney. When his brother had sold Kintyre to the
Earl of Antrim, and the surety was signed, I moved
his Majesty, at Argyle's earnest desire, to cause Antrim
quit his bargain that Argyle might have Kintyre. And
these, I publickly protest to God, are the worst offices
I have ever done to the Earl of Argyle.' This cutting
rebuke would have silenced an ordinary factionist,
but it was only in the battle-field that Argyle felt
abashed. He had nothing to urge against Morton but
his debts, so he replied with, the disreputable argu-
ment that, although he would neither compete with nor
answer this speech of benefits conferred, he was sure he

116 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

had engaged his wliole estate for Lord Morton, who but
for hirn would not have been sitting there. *

While this barrier remained, the King could obtain
no answer to his repeated demands for an explicit re-
ception or rejection of his list. Two days afterwards.
Sir Thomas Hope, in the name of the barons, came for-
ward with an act, (fitly presented by one who was in
the habit of signing his letters A. B.) " for giving their
voices in the election of the Officers of State, and Coun-
cillors, &c. by billets, or schedules," instead of viva
voce. In the debate upon this proposition, the chief
reason urged was this insulting one to the King, " that
men, for fear or hopes, might stand in awe to use the
liberty of their consciences." To which his Majesty
made this reply, —

The King. — " For myself I protest to God I should
never be displeased with any man for his free voice
giving, neither for that shall I ever sit on any man's
coat, and, in my opinion, the man that fears to voice
freely is not worthy to sit in this House." f

In the afternoon of the same day, as if to increase
the confusion, the Laird of Innes presented a formal
complaint to the House, that their speaker. Sir Thomas
Hope, had been slandered in the forenoon by these
words from the Earl of Home, viz. "thathe, Sir Thomas,
had reason to alledge the Session, because he had won
most by it." This complaint was dismissed on the
mediation of the King, who desired they would allow
words spoken of no evil intention or reproach to pass,
and that they would enter on the business for which
they came there. The Earl of Morton then rose, and
entreated his Majesty to name some one else to be
Chancellor, since the naming of him had bred such a

* Balfour. f Ibid.

THE SCRAMBLE FOR OFFICE. 117

Stir in the House ; and, as he would rather never have
been born than become an instrument of division be-
twixt the King and his people, thanking his Majesty
for such a testimony of his favour, he did lay it down
at his feet. His Majesty willed the House to proceed,
and give him an answer to his list ; but being answered
with silence, then he said : —

The King. — " My Lord Morton has done worthily
and nobly, like himself, and as a man of honour. * His
offer I very unwillingly accept. But since I perceive
him to be ungracious to the House, I will name another,
and remember him at whom, without any reason, you
have so stirred."

For once Charles took a firm position, and deterniined
not to name Argyle. But he again made a selection
that ought to have been unexceptionable even to
Argyle himself. He named Loudon, who was not only
a favourite leader among them, but one of the clan
Campbell. Not an objection could be stated, but
Argyle betook himself to this plea, that before any
answer could be given to his Majesty upon the new
nomination, there were two questions to be disposed
of; the first was, that the precise meaning of the
act, by which the King was to make these appoint-
ments with the advice of his Parliament, should be
explained ; the second, whether the vote should be
viva voce, or by billets. On the 28th of September,
Charles entreated the House, that since he had grant-
ed what none of his predecessors had ever done be-
fore, they would leave off their disputes about words,
and come at once to the point of voting Loudon to
be Chancellor, yea or nay. He protested that new

* This is the same Lord Morton of whom Lord Napier had recorded,
ten years l)efore this scene, that "in liis own nature lie was nohle and
generous." — See before, Vol. i. p. 55.

118 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANrTL:PtS.

questions and difficulties emerged daily, which appeared
to hiin to spring up in a night's time, like mushrooms, to
stop the business in hand. ' Yea,' he added, ' it grieves
me to find the House meet my frankness so ill, and,
seeing how it is, I put it to you once more, Loudon to
be Chancellor, fit, or unfit ?' — Cassillis said, he did not
like to walk in darkness, and would have the act ex-
plained first. Roxburgh replied, that he lamented this
stumbling-block, that none could pretend to say that
the King was not to nominate, and that no other answer
or advice could be returned than fit, or unfit. His
Majesty added, that contrary to his usual custom, he
would make this boast to them, that never King had
done more for subjects, that he had expected a better
return, and since they thought so little of his nomina-
tion as not even to give him an answer, he would no-
minate no more to thein. ' These questions,' said the
captain of the covenanting body-guard of lawyers, ' be-
twixt his Majesty and his Parliament, are like the
stretching out of two lines which, the further they are
prolonged, the wider they separate. Therefore, in
name of the barons, and in all humility, I intreat his
Majesty to be graciously pleased to make such a no-
mination as will be acceptable to the House, and so put
an end to these questions and difficulties.' — ' Proceed,'
cried the King, ' and leave off all new questions, else, I
protest to God, I will name no more to you.' The
debate ended with a determination that the Estates
would consult apart that evening, under a positive
promise to answer the question, fit or unfit, next day in
Parliament. Accordingly, on the 29th, his Majesty
again put his question, and urged that, in civility, he
was entitled to an answer. Argyle, however, main-
tained that the previous Cjuestions must be first
disposed of, before they could proceed to vote on the

IHE SCUAIVJBLE FOR OFFICE.

119

subject of Loudon's qualification ; and he was sup-
ported by the Earl of Cassillis and Sir Thomas Hope.
' I have heard,' said the King, ' so much debate on
the subject that I desire to hear no more, and I give
the House till to-morrow to advise, otherwise Lou-
don shall have no office at all,' Cassillis caught the
advantage, and humbly intreated his Majesty not to
threaten his Parliament so. To which Charles replied,
that he neither did nor would threaten them, and that
whoever thought so wronged him. A compromise was
at lengtli j)ro})osed, by the speaker for the barons, to
this effect, that they should proceed to the vote upon
Loudon, reserving entire all questions on the subject
of the approval of all the other appointments. To this
the King acceded, and, on the 30th of September, the
act of nomination of Loudon to be Chancellor was una-
nimously passed.

The private correspondence of Charles with his se-
cretary, recently published from the Evelyn Collection,
aftbrds a light which renders the notes left by Sir James
Balfour, of this struggle for the Chancellorship, perfectly
intelligible. In a letter, dated Westminster 29th Sep-
tember 1641, Sir Edward Nicholas thus writes: "By
letters to particular persons, which I have seen, dated
25th September, it is advertised from Edinburgh, that
your Majesty hath nominated the Lord Lodian to be
Chancellor." On the margin, Charles had noted in reply,
" it is Loudon not" (Lodian.) In a subsequent letter,
dated 3d October, the Secretary again writes : — " The
party here who we say hath the best intelligence from
Scotland, which is Mr Pym, and young Sir Henry
Vane, report that the Earl of Argyle is Chancellor of
that kingdom ; it seems /V was sodesignecL'' This calls
forth another note on the margin from the King, namely,

120 monirosp: and the covenanters.

" ye may see by this that all their designs hit not, and
I hope before all be done, that they shall miss of more."
This, and the struggle in Parliament on the subject af-
fords a curious illustration of that anecdote of " indirect
practising," which the Committee of Estates extorted
from Sir George Stirling. Sir George had been shown,
probably by Argyle himself, that nobleman's reply to
Rothes, disclaiming a desire to be Chancellor, and the
Parliament had indignantly white-washed what " Keir
would have laid upon my Lord Argyle." Yet it is mani-
fest there was a deep design, in which the corresponding
faction of England was participating, to effect this ap-
pointment ; and Charles flattered himself he had in a great
measure succeeded in saving hjs prerogative in Scot-
land, by defeating Argyle. It may be seen, too, from the
above, that Montrose had the better side of that argu-
ment with the Reverend Robert Murray, in which it
will be remembered Murray maintained that the Scotch
Commissioners were doing no more than " sweetly seek-
ing peace." Nor had Montrose erred in his anxious es-
timate of the crisis when he honoured this clergyman
with his explanations and views. Six months after
their conversation had scarcely elapsed, when the blow
he anticipated was struck, and " the tyranny of sub-
jects" prevailed in Scotland. Neither was he wrong in
his anticipations of the effect of such a measure. " I
assure your Majesty," says his honest secretary, writing
on the third of October, " it is here resolved, (if my in-
telligence doth not much deceive me,) to press your Ma-
jesty at the next meeting in Parliament for the like act,
touching the election of Officers and Councillors here,
as your Majesty hath granted to the Scots ; and in this
I believe your Majesty will find a more general concur-
rence and accord than hath been in any one thing this

4

THE SCRAMBLE FOR OFFICK. 121

Parliament ; for many here say that otherwise all the
great offices and places of Councillors here will be fill-
ed up with Scotsmen. I beseech your Majesty to vouch-
safe to consider well of this particular, and be pleased
to conceal that you have the advertisement of it from
me." To which Charles replies : " You shall do well to
advise, with some of my best servants there, how this
may be prevented, for, I assure you, that I do not mean
to grant it."

Next to the stir about the Chancellorship, there was,
says Baillie, " most ado for the Register." This was
the place upon which Archibald Johnston had set his
heart, and the remark of his reverend partisan, that, —
" the body of the well fiffected States , thought that place
the just reward of Mr Johnston's great and very happy
labours, — notwithstanding, by Argyle's means most,
whereof many wondered, Durie got the prize" — is ludi-
crously illustrative of covenanting patriotism. Betwixt
the disappointments of Argyle and Archibald Johnston,
however, a factious episode occurred, which troubled
the waters more effectually than any of the previous
agitations of the secret machinery of the Covenant.

When the storm of the Incident arose, there were at
least three individuals, all of them very influential in
the progress of the movement, somewhat discontented
with the King, and not a little alarmed at the prospect
of any settlement of the troubles in Scotland, that was
to leave them in their present position. The INIarquis
of Hamilton found himself, and most deservedly,
in mauvais odeur even with the King. There can be
little doubt that Montrose had detected or acquired the
strongest grounds for suspecting the mal})ractises of
the favourite, and that he considered it his duty to en-

122 iVJoNTllOSE ANIJ THE COVENANTERS.

deavour by all means to rouse the too confiding Mo
narch to a sense of the dangers that beset his throne
and the constitution. But this opinion of Hamilton
was not peculiar to Montrose, and every i)age of se-
cret history on the subject, that has been since dis-
closed, proves that the impressions against the favour-
ite were as just as they were general. For many years
the King had supported Hamilton against every hint
and information to his disadvantage. But if Charles
ever indulged in one moment's solitary reflection upon
the progress of the Covenant, his eyes could not fail to
be more or less opened to the duplicity of him he had
trusted. That he had expressed himself most severely
of the Marquis, even before the story of the Incident
broke out, is narrated in no doubtful terms by the Earl
of Lanerick, Hamilton's own brother, and one who
was duped by him even longer than was the King.

While such was Hamilton's position at this crisis, Ar-
gyle had just " missed of his end," which was to attain
his old ambition, the Chancellorship of Scotland. And
Mr Archibald Johnston had as yet not been able to dis-
cover his own name in any list of Councillors or Officers
of State, presented by the King for the approbation
of Parliament. It is worthy of remark, that Baillie
connects the storm which now arose, with these dis-
putes and discontents of the faction. And this is most
likely to be true, though not in the sense of Baillie's
theory of the connection. In the account of it which
he transmitted to his correspondent abroad, he declares
it to be the general belief, that " from these divisions
the last plots (the Incident) which brake out, did either
arise originally or were resumed ; for, — when a while
they had slept and were laid aside before his Majesty's
coming, and all that was alleged, about Montrose's in-

THE INCIDENT. 123

tentions to accuse Hamilton and Argyle in face of Par-
liament, was made grossly odious, and by the behead*
ing- of Mr John Stewart, the confessed calumniator, the
progress of these designs were choaked, — behold at this
time, the same or the like counsels are taken up again."
The reverend partisan then proceeds to give his own
prejudiced and excited account of the matter which will
be found in the note below.* The Plot and the Inci-
dent were indeed very nearly related, and the latter was
but the resuming, in a more monstrous and mystical
shape, of those calumnious tactics, against the King and

* " Sundry wise men even then began to smell some worse thing. For
at once there broke out a noise of the most wicked and horrible plots
that has been heaid of, that put us all for some days in a mighty fear.
It was noised everywhere that, upon Captain Waltei- Stewart's relation,
Hamilton, Argyle, and Lanerickort/y_/b?'com/)ow^, should have been called
for out of their beds, that same night it was revealed to Amond, as it
were to the King's bed-chamber. When they should have come, they
were to have been arrested as traitors, and to have been delivered to the
Earl of Crawford, waiting on with armed soldiers at the foot of the
Blackfriars in the garden, by them to be cast in a close coach and car-
ried to the shore ; for there was a boat attending for their convoy to
one of the King's ships, which for some weeks had been in the road,
for no other purpose, that was known, but that that should liave been the
prison out of the which they were to be brought before the Parliament
to answer challenges of the highest treason. But in their arresting, if
they should have made any resistance, Crawford and his soldiers were
ready to have stabbed them. Cochrane was said to have given assur-
ance for bringing his regiment from Musselburgli to command the causey
of Edinburgh ; and that night, with the assistance of many friends in
the town, to have made fast or killed, if need had been, so many of the
Parliament men as were suspecttd might have been heady. For the
prisoners' relief, wai/s were made to deliver the Castle to Montrose
and his felloic prisoners. The Kers, Humes, Johnstons, and the most of
the borders were said to have been in readiness, and under warning to-
wards march to Edinburgh ; the soldiers of Berwick also, who were yet
not disbanded. These horrible designs breaking out, all the city was in
a llought. Hamilton, Argyle, Lauerick, took a .short good-night with
the King, and fled to Kinneel." liaillie's Letter to Spang. It will be seen
that this account, (apparently in good faith,) from the over-excited clergy,
man, dilfers from Ltaierick's, and also implicates Montro.se.

124 MON IROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Montrose, which we have been enabled to expose in our
ilhistrati ons of the former.

On the 30th of September, the King informed the
House, that the author of a certain public and notorious
slander, against a very eminent and noble member of
it, had been with his Majesty, to ask pardon for the
offence, to acknowledge that the slander was groundless,
and humbly to make his submission. This was the
manner in which the excellent King had hoped quietly
to dispose of the rash act of a young nobleman, wiiose
spirit appears to have outstripped his judgment. Lord
Henry Ker had sent a challenge to the Marquis of
Hamilton, proclaiming him a traitor, and defying him
to mortal combat. This was publicly presented in the
presence-chamber, by the hand of the Earl of Craw-
ford. But Hamilton was too old a courtier not to be
able to turn this challenge to account, and in the most
insidious and hypocritical manner, he made a merit
with the King of disregarding and forgiving this rash
act of a hot-headed youth, and accepting of the apology
his Majesty insisted upon. But the Argyle Parliament
took up the case for Hamilton. The Duke of Lennox
and the Earl of Mar endeavoured to persuade the
House that his Majesty's condescension in making this
explanation was sufficient, and more than if the offend-
er had done it in person ; and that, as the Marquis
had expressed himself satisfied, the affair should be
dropt. Such was the desire of the King. But the
Parliament determined that he who had thus called in
question the loyalty of the long-tried friend of the Co-
venant, and present leader of the movement, should ap-
pear before them, and put his hand to the recantation
they dictated for him, to stand in the Record of Parlia-
ment. To this ignominious sentence Lord Henry was.

THE INCIDENT. 125

with great difficulty, compelled tosubinit. Immediately
afterwanis the House bestowed that very equivocal
boon upon the Marquis, namely, a character, " as a true
patriot, and faithful and loyal servant to his Majesty,"
by act of the Parliament 1641. No steps appear to have
been taken at this time against the Earl of Crawford for
presenting the challenge, although he had done so with
the good will of one who had long despised Hamilton.
But we shall find that his temerity did not remain un-
visited.

Upon Tuesday, 12th October, the storm burst.
On that day his Majesty came to the House, accom-
pained by many followers, and more than usually ex-
cited. The President alluded to " this day's accident,"
ashaving interrupted the good progress of affairs, which
they had hoped to have reported. Charles replied by
a statement, which we must give in the precise words
of the very interesting note of it, taken by the Lord
Lyon at the time.

" His Majesty ansvvered, that he behoved to con-
fess the fault was not theirs. But, let it light where it
might, he came there to settle their Religion and Liber-
ties, which he had done, and none should ever draw
him from that, neither should the devil prevail in the
country. ' Yea, my Lords, I must needs tell you a very
strange story; yesternight (Monday the 11th,) my
Lord Hamilton came to me, I being walking in the
garden, with a petition of very small moment, and
thereafter, in a philosophical and parabolical way, as
he sometimes had used, he began a very strange dis-
course to me, showing me how his enemies had used
all the calumnies, envy and malice could hatch, to mis-
inform and exasperate my wife against him, which
very much grieved him, and he would never believe
that his Majesty were any ways accessory to such

128 MONTIIOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

base plots, and withal craved pardon to retire him-
self this night from Court.' His Majesty having
thus spoken, took out of his pocket a letter, writ-
ten from the Marquis of Hamilton to him this morn-
ing, and commanded the clerk to read it openly in
the House, containing a relation of his Majesty's fa-
vours to him, and concluding with his sworn loyalty
and best service during his life to his Majesty. The
King, with tears in his eyes, and, as it seemed, in a very
great grief, said that he did very much wonder at this
letter, for it was very well known that if he had be-
lieved the reports, of those of nearest respect and
greatest trust about him, long before now he had greater
reasons than at present to have laid him fast. But he
must tell them he had not only then slighted all such
reports, but contrary wise took him by the hand, and
maintained him against them all."

The Earl of Lanerick, Hamilton's brother, who was
now Secretary of State for Scotland, wrote a letter to
some friend unknown, dated, " Kenneel, this 22d of
October 1641,"* containing a relation of the Incident.
He says, — " You should blush when you remember to
have owned so much friendship for one branded with the
black name of a traitor ; or to have loved a person that
was capable of ingratitude to a deserving master ; for
though I should have forgot the duty I owe his Ma-
jesty as a subject, whereunto I am sworn, and tied by
the strictest oaths can be imposed upon a Christian, yet,
if I had retained the least sense of honour, I could never
have forgot his Majesty's particular favours to me, who
from nothing hath heaped both fortune and honours on

* Printed in Hardwicke's State Papers, from the Hamilton Collec-
tion. The name of the person to whom it was addressed does not ap-
j)ear.

THE INCIDENT. 127

me."* It is impossible to read this letter without being
impressed with the belief, that, however credulous and
duped in the matter, the writer is perfectly honest.
And this is confirmed by all that is known of Lane-
rick. He was led by his brother, who was consider-
ably his senior, into positions hostile to the interests
of Charles, and detrimental to the stability of the throne,
and of which he afterwards bitterly repented. He
could not believe that his brother was a selfish, cal-
culating traitor. Clarendon records of Lanerick many
noble characteristics, and among others that, " he was
in all respects to be preferred to his brother ; a much
wiser, though it may be a less cunning man ; for he
did not affect dissimulation, which was the other's mas-
terpiece ; he had unquestionable courage." Sir Philij)
Warwick drew precisely the same distinction betwixt
the characters of the brothers, and that excellent loyal-
ist had heard Montrose pronounce the same judgment, f
But what is yet more interesting, Lanerick himself tells
us in this letter, and with a naivete illustrative of the
very fact, that Charles, too, had at length discovered
the distinction. :j: Do these concurrent testimonies not
outweigh the artful page of Burnet ?

" He was created in the year 1639, Baron Polraont, and Macanshire,
and Earl of Lanerick or Lanark. In 1640, he was appointed Secretary
of State for Scotland, and was allowed to retain that office in 1641.
His aspect, in Vandyke's portrait of him, is in keeping with a sen-
tence in the above letter, viz. — " Truly I was not so much troubled
with the hazard of losing a life wherein, (iod knows, these many years
I liave not taken great pleasure, as with the prejudice I saw this would
bring to his Majesty's affairs, and the peace and (^uiet of this poor king-
dom."

t See before, Vol. i. p. 123.

J " Since my coming into Scotland, his Majesty can bear me witness,
if, in every particular wherein I conceived he had an interest, 1 have not
carried myself as a dutiful subject, and an affectionate servant to him.

128 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Upon the narrative of this nobleman, then, so far as
he narrates facts of his own knowledge, we may safely
rely.

Late in the evening of Monday, the 11th of Octo-
ber, the day alleged as that of the intended Plot, and
when " the hour was near past that this should have
been put in execution," Lanerick, in whose mind were
neither plots nor suspicions of plots, was sent for by
Hamilton and Argyle. " After," he says, " I had re-
fused four several times to come to them, for I was
engaged in some company I was loath to leave, I went
and found them in my brother Lindsay's* house, where
they acquainted me with every particular ; and Cap-
tain Stewart and Hurrie, being present, said they
would make good their depositions with the hazard of
the last drop of their blood." This was immediately
after Hamilton had delivered himself to the King in
the manner described by his Majesty. When Lane-
rick joined them, he obtained the following very
marvellous information, which we cannot do better
than give in his own words.

"Upon the 11th of this current f (October,) General

It is true, the opinion I found he had of my brother, I conceived, made
him in some measure jealous of me, whereof^ upon divers occasions, I
strove to clear myself, and professed to him that my affection to his
service was such, as, if 1 believed my brother were not so dutiful to him
as he ought to be, no man should more willingly contribute to bring him
to his deserved punishment than myself. His Majesty then, and upon
divers other occasions, was pleased to say he believed me to be an ho-
nest man, and that he had never heard any thing to the contrary, but
that he thought my brother had Ijeen vei-y active in his own preserva-
tion." Lanerick proceeds to state, that he watched his brother's actions,
but could detect no interested treachery.

* Lord Lindsay was married to Lady Margaret, the sister of Hamil-
ton and Lanerick ; the same Lord Lindsay, be it remembered, who
had " named the Earl of Argyle to be Dictator."

f In the Hardwicke collection this is printed, " Upon the 2d of this cur-

THE INCIDENT. 1 29

Leslie sent to the Parliament House to desire ray brother
and the Earl of Argyle, before their return to Court,
to come speak with him at his house, with as great
privacy as could be, which they did ; and with him they
found one Lieutenant-Colonel Hurrie, to whom, the Ge-
neral said, my brother and Argyle were much obliged ;
and desired Hurrie to acquaint them with that particular
which he had already discovered to him; which Hurrie
did, and told them that he was informed there was a
plot, that same night, to cut the throats both of Argyle,
my brother, and myself ; the manner of the doing of
it was discovered to him by one Captain Stewart, who
should have been an actor in it ; and should have been
done in the King's withdrawing chamber, where we
three should have been called in, as to speak with his
Majesty about some Parliament business ; and that im-
mediately two Lords * should have entered at the door
which answers from the garden, with some two hundred
or three hundred men ; where they should either have
killed us, or carried us a board a ship of his Majesty's,
which then lay in the road."

Such was the disclosure to Lanerick, and all the par-
ticulars he could give his friend, on the 23d of October.
Never was there a story that more manifestly bore the
stamp of falsehood than this. The King throughout is
made the leading conspirator. This bloody scene was
to be enacted in the King's private apartment, where
the victims were to be called in to have their throats
cut, or (for it seems this was a plot with an alternative)
carried on board a ship of his Majesty's !

Hamilton and Argyle stood second and third on

rent," clearly a mistake for the 11th, as the Lyon's notes prove. The
date is important

* Noodle and Doodle ?
• vol.. II. I

ISO MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the list of privy councillors, of which Lennox was
at the head. Did they send for Lennox upon this occa-
sion ? Theyhad just listened, by their ownaccount, to the
most monstrous example of the highest class of leasing-
making that could possibly occur. When a hint was
abroad of the treachery of Hamilton or Argyle, the sys-
tem was, not even to investigate the truth of the ru-
mour, but instantly to crush both the scandal and the
promulgator. But his Majesty, it seems, was not to be
so protected, though falsehood was stampt on the face
of the accusation. Charles himself, not a fortnight be-
fore, had been mainly instrumental in quashing that
appeal to mortal combat, from Lord Henry Ker against
Hamilton as a traitor. It was Charles, too, who in for-
mer years had arrested the career, when the comba-
tants were in the lists, of Lord Reay against the bosom,
not of Hamilton, but of a creature of his, in a question
deeply affecting the Marquis's honour and fidelity. Was
it within the possibilities of nature, that this same Mo-
narch could have lent himself to a plot for the butchery
of Hamilton, Lanerick, and Argyle, in his own cham-
ber? Sir James Balfour slurs over, in his notes, the
contents of Hamilton's letter ; but it is obvious, from
his Majesty's speech after it was read, that it had con-
tained, in more explicit terras, Hamilton's by no means
equivocal insinuation to the King, on the previous even-
ing. Well might the lips of Charles boil with indigna-
tion, and his gentler heart overflow at his eyes, when
complaining, to that rebellious Parliament, of this insult
from the cold-blooded traitor he had so long protected
and cherished. When, in former years, Hamilton was
accused of a treasonable design upon the crown of
Scotland, an accusation never cleared up in his favour.

THE INCIDENT. 131

and when the Earl of Portland even cautioned Charles,
for the sake of his personal safety, not to suffer Hamil-
ton to he in his bed-chamber, the high-minded Monarch,
affectionately and in private, told Hamilton of the ru-
mours against him, assured him of his unalterable love
and confidence, and that very night made him sleep in
the bed-chamber. But now, when the case was reversed,
not a step was taken to clear the honour of Charles. No
meeting of the privy-council was called, to sift and dis-
pose of this matter as a monstrous and palpable leasing-
luaking against the King. Under pretence of present-
ing a petition, the conscious Hamilton went forthwith
to the King himself, and with that foul scandal
wounded the bosom wherein he had been cherished.
And this, too, upon no other grounds than a wild im-
possible story from that equivocal character Colonel
Hurry. " This," continues the Earl of Lanerick in his
letter, " was only the deposition of one witness ; on
which my brother and Argyle* would not so far build
as to form any accusation ; nor yet so far undervalue
it, as not to labour to bring it to light, if any such thing
there were. Therefore, my brother, when he spoke to
the King, told him only in general that he heard there
was some plot intended against his life, the particulars

* " My brother and Argyle !" Did Hamilton ever tell his colleague
Argyle, that upon the 27th of November 1639, he, Hamilton, thus wrote
to the King : " The I!arl of Argyle is the only man now called up as
a true patriot, a loyal subject, a faitiiful counsellor, and above all, right-
ly set for the preservation of the purity of Religion. And truly. Sir, he
takes it upon him. He must be well looked to, for it fears me he icill
prove the dangerousest man in the St(de. He is so far from favouring
Episcopal government, that with all his soul he wishes it totally abolish-
ed. What course to advise you to take with him, for the present I can-
not say ; but remit it to your Majesty's serious consideration." — Hard-
vncke\<i State papers.

132 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

whereof he could not then condescend upon, because he
could not sufficiently prove it. But thereafter * Ca]>.
taiu Stewart being sent to him, confirmed all Hurrie
had said in his name. There were likewise great
presumptions found, from the depositions of one Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Home, and divers others who had been
spoke to, to be in readiness against that night, and pro-
mises made to them of making their fortunes, if they
would assist in a design which was intended. These were
motives enough to move my brother and Argyle to look
to themselves, and not to return to Court that night."

The first advantage, which the champions of Religion
and Liberties made of these " horrible designs," was to
take military possession of the town and castle. The
Covenant had been accomplished, or greatly aided, by
means of continually collecting together the mobo-
cracy, and raising them to the highest pitch of fa-
natical excitement. The " grand national movement"
was upon the present occasion of a very different
description. The Argyle faction issued its fiat by
proclamation that, as there was too great a conflux of
people to the town, all who were not there of absolute
necessity should quit it immediately. The superiors of
various districts were commanded to give in lists, to Ge-
neral Leslie, of all lodgersand other inhabitants, in order
that it might be known precisely who were in the town.
Strong guards were placed in every direction, and, in
short, a military despotism was established in the course
of a few hours in this land of unanimity and cove-
nanting liberty. And what is well worthy of remark,

* i. e. After Hamilton's interview with the King in the garden. It
is obvious that Hamilton had not told his brother all that he had said
to the King.

THE INCIDENT. 138

it appeai-s tliat, so early as the 14th of October, a flam-
ing- account of the new plot had been transmitted to
the corresponding faction in England, who in like man-
ner made it the excuse for taking military possession
of London. * But while the intelligence was sent there,
upon which the resolutions passed, as noted below,
not an explanation of the matter in favour of the King
was tran^^mitted. Sir Edward Nicholas writes to the
King, on tlie 20th of October, in the greatest anxiety
and agitation, sajsing, that the well affected in Loudon
were applying to him in vain for information. " It is
thought," he says, " that this business will this day in
Parliament be declared to be a greater plot against the
Kingdoms and Parliament in England and Scotland,
than hath been discovered at all." He then intreats
his Majesty to send an authentic account of the matter,
and adds, — " if Mr Secretary Vane had written to me, or
any of his friends here, a true narration of that business,
it would have given much satisfaction here, and stopped
the causeless alarms that are here taken upon the noiseof
it ; that business being now, hy the relation of clivers

* In the English Parliament, on the 20th of October, " Mr Pym doth
report the heads for a conference to be desired with the Lords, concern-
ing the safety of the kingdom. First, tliat a letter from the Committee
in Scotland, dated October 14th, be read at the conference, and that this
House hath taken into consideration that there was a design somewhat
of the same nature in this kingdom to seduce the King's army, and in-
terrupt the Parliament here, that there was the like design at that time
in Scotland. Next, to mention that the principal party named in that
design in Scotland, the Lord Crawford, is a person suspected to be po-
pishly affected, and therefore may have correspondence with the like
party here. Next, that it hath been lately published here, that some
things were to be done in Scotland, before it broke out there, there-
fore we may suspect some correspondence here ; and so upon these
grounds propound that a strong guard bo kept in the cities of London
and Westminster ; and, secondly, that care be taken for the future for
the defence of the whole kingdom." — Rnshrvorth.

J34f MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Scotchmen here, made mvich worse than I believe it
will prove in the end." Charles notes on the margin, — -
" it is now under examination, which, as soon as it is
ended, you shall be sure to have."

We must now return to the conversation in Parlia-
ment on the 12th of October, and mark the difference
between the treatment of a foul and manifestly false ac-
cusation against his Majesty, and an accusation against
Hamilton or Argyle most likely to be true.

The depositions taken that morning from Captain
William Stewart, Lieutenant-Colonel Hurry, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Home, were read to the House.
The King then desired that the Marquis of Hamilton
should be restrained from coming to Parliament, and
" that the House would give him justice of him, since
he had so calumniated him, otherwise they could not
deny him to take it in the best way he could." The
Earl of Roxburgli, and Lord Amond, it seems, had
been implicated by the depositions ; for after they were
read, Roxburgh on his knees, solemnly disclaimed that
ever, directly or indirectly, he did know any thing of
this business ; and Lord Amond said that he was never
commanded by any but his Majesty and the Lord
General, neither did he think that any one else could
command him, as they did not, to have any hand in so
base a plot. Sir James Balfour then notes another
affecting and cutting speech from the King. " His
Majesty," says the covenanting Lord Lyon, " still exag-
gerates my Lord Hamilton's going away after that man-
ner from his Court, neither did he think that he could
have found, if any such thing had been, a surer sane-
titary than his hed-chamher. But since he had made
such a noise and business, it surely behoved to be for
one of two reasons ; either fear, which he thought

THE INCIDENT. 135

could not be inherent to many Scots, far less to him, or
else a great distrust of him. His Majesty said, more-
over, that he would undertake that William Murray
and the Lord Kilpont should compear and answer, when-
ever the House should be pleased to call them to an ac-
count."

The Chancellor then proposed a thorough investiga-
tion of the whole matter in a " Parliamentary way,"
and the parties implicated to be put under arrest. We
have seen that, much to the annoyance and detriment of
Montrose and his frielids, the accusation against them
had been investigated, or rather conducted and or-
ganized, by means of endless examinations taken down
in writing before the Committee in private, of which
copies were afterwards refused. The present affair
was equally abhorrent of the light, and the faction de-
termined to take the benefit against the King of the
same lawless machinery. The nobleman who now
rose to make this proposal was Lord Lindsay, whose
own case of calumny had been so tenderly treated,
and so instantly cleared by the Parliament. * He in-
sisted that the witnesses ouffht to be examined by a
Committee. The Earl of Roxburgh maintained that
in justice the examination should be a public one, and
the witnesses so examined. Lindsay continued to urge
his proposal, and said that his Majesty's Advocate,
and the Advocates for the Estates, would show tiiat
such a public examination had never hitherto been
adopted by any Parliament. The King answered, that
Parliament was not tied to the rigour and form of laws,

* See before Vol. i. page 38G. It is worthy of remark, tliat although
Montrose petitioned in vain for the depositions upon which he was ac-
cused, yet when " the Lord Lindsay desired to know what was spoken
by the Earl of Montrose which reflected upon him, the paper was read,
and delivered to him that he might consider thereof."

1S6 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

but to make laws, and only to follow them in such cases
as they pleased. " Some people," he added, " underhand
endeavour to raise jealousies betwixt me and my good
subjects, whom God, I am confident, in his own time
will discover. Therefore my desire is, that the House
do proceed in a public examination of these men, for
/ do not understand private examinations'' Lauderdale
proposed an impartial Committee, to be drawn off the
House. Montrose's father-in-law, Southesk, declared
for a public examination in the face of the whole Parlia-
ment. Mar urged the same. Sir Thomas Hope (of
Kerse,) was for a Committee, " as the only surest way
for examination and trial of the whole business." But
Charles again replied that he wanted a public trial,
and protested that he was wronged if any other mode
were adopted. The House adjourned without coming
to any resolution except that the Earl of Crawford,
Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, and Colonel Cochrane,
should be separately confined.

The debate or rather the dispute was resumed on
the following day, being Wednesday the 13th of Octo-
ber, when the same disposition to compel the King to
submit to a secret process, that placed his character and
crown at the mercy of an unscrupulous faction, was
manifested. The following dialogue then occurred as
noted at the time by Sir James Balfour.

The King. — " I have been in great conflict with
myself, that Hamilton shovild have thus so scurvily used
me. Now I hear he has gone, and has debauched the
other two with him. As for his brother Lanerick,
he is a very good young man and I know nothing
of (against) him. * As for Argyle, I wonder what

* It is remarkable that this speech of the Kind's had been falsely re-

THE INCIDENT. 531

should move him to go away ; I know not what to say
of him, and am in a very great doubt whether or not
I should tell what I know of Hamilton ; but now I will
not."

Loudon, — " If the Parliament do not command all,
his Majesty will quickly see the Parliament turn into
a convention of .the whole kingdom, and so in a most
dangerous confusion."

Sir Thomas Hope. — " In the name of the barons,
I desire that His Majesty will be pleased to remove
from about his person and court those that are cited
to the Parliament, * and now are the common incen-
diaries of the kingdom, and the stirrers up of such tu-
mults,"

The King. — " In my judgment it will nowise con-
duce towards the peace of the kingdom, which is the
aim of all, to put public aflVonts upon men of quality.

ported to Laneiick. For in his letter of the 22d October, already quoted,
he says: " The next day (the 13th) I was informed, his Majesty had
let fall some expressions to my disadvantage in the Parliament House ;
whereupon I again sent to him, begging him to believe that 1 had not
a heart capable of a disloyal thought to him ; and that if I believed
my brother had any, he should not be troubled with thinking how to
punish him, for I had both a heart and a hand able to do it." Mr
D' Israeli in his chapter of the Incident, (much too slight and crude we
presume to think, considering its importance to the character of Charles,)
quotes this passage in Lanerick's relation, and exclaims, " Here is an
offer of assassinating his own brother, should that brother prove to be a
traitor ! What extremes of passion agitate politicians in theii" crooked
course." Is not this remark hasty, and unjust to Lanerick? The source
both of Montrose and Lanerick's heroism towards Charles must have
been downright insanity, if they imagined that assassination was a way
to extricate him, or that the King would receive such a proposal but
with theextremest horror. We rather understand the excited expressions
to mean no more than this, that lie had the heart to denounce even his
own brother as a traitor, if he thought hlin one, and the hand to make
good his accusation in the lists.

* i. r. To tlie bnr of the Parliament. Here the cloven fool peeped
out.

138 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

It is better to quench a flame with water, than add oil
thereto."

The rest of this stormy dispute consisted of the de-
mands of the factious nobles on the one hand, that the
King should exile from his person and court all upon
whom the seal of their displeasure had been fixed, while,
on the other hand, Charles raised his voice in vain for
justice, against the foul calumny that had now been cast
upon himself. He demanded, — as Montrose had done,
and like him, too, the King demanded in vain, — " that
now they would go on in a public and speedy trial, that
those implicated, especially himself, might have their
honour cleared." Day after day he represented to the
Parliament how deeply his honour was wounded — that
he called for a speedy, exact, but a public investigation
— that if they refused their King a request so reason-
able, he knew not what it was they would do for him.
In vain every nobleman of right feeling, with the Duke
of Lennox at their head, pleaded for the honour of the
King, and for even-handed, day-light justice. The
speaker for the barons, who had learnt from Buchanan
that " Parliaments have judged Kings," perseveringly
struck in with some proposition or other to save the
machinery of the faction, and was ever seconded by
Lord Lindsay. But even the Chancellor declared that,
" to avoid jealousies on either hand, he thought that a
public trial was most fit." And what is yet more re-
markable, although Lindsay had pledged himself to the
House that he would obtain the opinion of the first law
officer of the crown, against the practice of an open in-
vestigation, (speaking no doubt from experience of the
Advocate's secret counsels to the Covenant,) when Sir
Thomas Hope was called in to plead the point, upon
this occasion at least, he neither betrayed his high call-

THE INCIDENT. lijQ

ing, nor his beneficent master. " The King's Advocate
being licenced by the House, pleaded long, and at last
concluded that uo trial could be so clear as that which
was public, for the King's honour ; for a Committee
would still in some men's minds leave some jealousies
and suspicions on the King's honour ; for what touch-
ed his Majesty, it of necessity behoved to be kept up."
Those distinguished factionists, the Chancellor and the
Lord Advocate, having thus both decided in favour of
the King's demand, nothiiig,itmight bethought, reinain-
ed but to obey it. No sooner, however, had the Ad-
vocate ceased, than up rose the Advocate's son. Sir Tho-
mas the younger, and thus delivered himself.

Sill Thomas Hope. — " The most secret way is the
best way, and yet both ways are legal, and the Parlia-
ment have it in their power which of the two ways,
either public or private, to do it, but for secret and ex-
act trial, i\\e private way is undoubtedly the best."

The King. — " If men were so charitable as not to
hiiV\ey(iJ(dse rumours^ Sir Thomas, I would be of your
mind. Since I see the contrary, you must give me leave
to think otherwise. But, however the matter go, I must
see myself gQiJuirplay. I protest that if it come to a
Committee, neither my honour, nor those interested
can have right. Nam aliquid semper adherehltf'''''

Morton. " The King is slandered in this business,
and himself seeks the best way ; for Veritas non querit
ang-ulos.f And since his Majesty seeks the best way,
the public way, I do not see how the House, in justice,
can deny it."

* i. e. Some of the dirt will be sure to stick. Tliis reply of tlie King's
was well founded. See the false rumours on the subject of" the Plot"
contained in the excited letters of Baillie ; and which we have only now
been able fully to expose, by bringing the secret depositions to light.

•j- i. e. Truth seeks no corners.

140 MONTKOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Roxburgh, " {o7i his knees.) — I beg at the King and
Parliament, tliat since it did begin in public, so it should
begin and end."

Marischal supported the King's demand. Glen-
cairn opposed it. At length the King, highly and most
justly indignant, declared that, in presence of God he
would speak it, by Hamilton he had learnt, on the night
before he went away, that he was slandered, yea base-
ly slandered, and withal he desired the President to
put this question to the House, why they deny his just
and reasonable request ? and he added, ' if they will
refuse me this, I protest to God I know not what they
will grant me.' The question was either not put, or
not answered ; for the House immediately took up the
petitions of the Earl of Crawford and Colonel Cochrane,
who prayed that they might be heard in their own de-
fence, which were read, and then his Majesty spoke
again :

The King. — " Now I must begin to be a little evil
natured, which is to desire that these two petitions
n]ay receive no answer at all, till first I get an answer
to my just and reasonable demand ; which if you will
not do, then will I be forced to make a public declara-
tion to all the world, that my Parliament has refused
me justice."'

But the King got no answer, and thus stood the
matter at the close of the debate, on the 15th of Octo-
ber. In the meanwhile. Lord Lindsay had been with
Hamilton and Argyle, and from the following dialogue,
(derived from the same authentic source,) which occur-
red in Parliament on Saturday the l6th, it will be seen
that the factionists varied their tactics a little in sup-
port of their disgraceful cabal.

The King.—" I have nothing to say this morning
k

THE INCIDENT. 141

to the Lords, but only to the barons and burgesses, from
whom I do expect that justice which is due to be given
to a loving Prince by good subjects.

Sir Thomas Hope, " (for the harons.) — I would
have the parties interested, Hamilton and Argyle, to be
present, * before any thing be done, since their away
going was only for avoiding tumult."

The King. — " For my own part, I will never have
a hand in recalling them. I do protest, that if I were
to recall them it might reflect on me. But if the House
will condescend to a public trial, they have friends
enough, let them send for them, for I will not do it."

Lindsay. — " I have been with them, and have not
only heard from themselves, but vmder their hands,
that they never had any the least jealousy of his Ma-
jesty ; and for him, his service, and the peace of the
country, they would lay down their lives and fortunes ;
and as for the away going they will shew very good
reason for it."

Lennox, — " I would have a public examination,
without their being called here by the King, or Parlia-
ment."

The King. — " I have granted many things of im-
portance to the House, and I desire you to shew me
any thing that ever you have granted me. And if it
be come to this that we must ask the opinion of two

* When the subject matter, however, was the accusation against Mon-
trose, even in the, shape of a criminal libel read against him before his
judges, his presence was dispensed with. Had the same law that was
so recently enforced in favour of Argyle been held to operate equally
in favour of Charles, both Hamilton and Argyle would now have been
iu the Castle on more substantial charges than Montrose ; and the only
reason why they would not have suffered the fate of John Stewart
would have been, that Charles would not have permitted them to be ex-
ecuted.

142 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

or three noblemen that are gone away, before I can
have justice, it is a thing most strange."

KiNNOUL — " A public trial were just. It is our
King that demands it."

The King.—" Sir Thomas Hope's motion is a new
one, and, by the orders of the House, mine ought to
have precedency. And if the House use me thus, e'er
long I will make my declaration to all the world, that
it may see what I have done to you, and for you, and
how you have met me. If these be the fruits of your
Covenant, I call the Lord to judge it."

The Lord Advocate. — " I am of opinion that
since this trial is ex nohili officio, it will be more con-
ducive to the clearing of all parties that the trial be
public ; but if the noblemen that are away will peti-
tion, either by themselves or their friends, that they
may be heard before any thing be done, it behoves his
Majesty and Parliament to give them an answer, yea
or no."

Spynie. — " In my judgment there be only two
reasons why the House will not grant his Majesty's
demand, — either ignorance or obstinacy. Ignorance it
cannot be. Nor will I say that the House will be ob-
stinate,— to do their King and Sovereign justice."

LiKDSAY. — " I still insist that these noblemen may
be present, either by themselves, friends or lawyers, be-
fore any thing be concluded in this business."

Seaforth — " By the Covenant we are all tied to
see that the King's honour be not wronged ; and as
leaving this business to be tried in a public way does
nearly concern his Majesty's honour, I do not see why
it should not be so granted by those that have sworn
the Covenant."

The Earl of Mar then proposed, that the friends of

3

THE INCIDENT. 143

the fugitive noblemen should write to them to re-
turn, and that in the meantime matters should re-
main as they were. In this proposition his Majesty
appears to have acquiesced in silence ; and on the 19th,
when he met the Parliament again, the following short
but excited conversation occurred.

The King. — "■ My Lords and gentlemen, this day,
as I conceive, was for the trial of this business. If
their friends have nothing to say, then I desire this mat-
ter should be publicly tried. And I desire to know
of my Lord Chancellor, whether or not he sought my
leave to go to them, or if it was I who sent him."

Loudon. — " Humblv on mv knees I beg-g-ed his
Majesty leave to go to them. I have been with them,
and they humbly beseech each member of the House
to rest assured that they would sacrifice their lives and
fortunes for his Majesty's honour and the peace of the
country."

The King — " By God, the Parliament, and they
too, behove to clear my honour." *

The Chancellor then requested that the Estates might
have that afternoon to consult about the mode of pro-
cedure, and the King adjourned the House according-
ly. But on the two following days a repetition of the
same scene occurred. Lord Lindsay distinguished
himself by " speaking long for a private examination,
as the most fit way of all other, and that in his opin-
ion the most fit way was the most lawful way." The

* Churk's, it seems, had lost none of that energy of manner and ex-
pression, M'hen excited, winch, twelve yeais before. Lord Nupier liatl
noted of him. (See Introductory Chapter, p. 37.) The coincidence be-
tween the notes of Napier and Sir James Ball'our, taken at very differ-
ent periods, verifies the picture, and indicates that each hud on those
several occasions taken down the precise expressions of the King-. l>iit
his violence (so shamefully provoked) was little deeper than his lips.

144 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Lord Chancellor again declared, " that these noblemen
that are away, when they shall have the honour to
be here, would clear to the House, his Majesty, and to
the whole world,* that they never had of his Majesty
the least jealousy or suspicion^ To which Charles re-
plied, " that their so away going had given too much
reason."

At last, however, the supporters of the King, and
the King himself, gave way, in this fruitless strug-
gle to save the justice and honour of the kingdom.
The Duke of Lennox observed that they were no fur-
ther advanced than the first day, that his Majesty's ho-
nour was suffering all the while, and that he would ra-
ther agree to a private examination of the matter than
none at all. Charles then declared, that had Hamilton
and Argyle come to him and demanded justice, instead
of the public proceeding they had adopted, he might
have agreed to a private consideration of the matter.
" But," he added, " as my Lord Duke hath said, rather

* Yet they have bequeathed their calumny to history. The histo-
ries of Mr Laing, Mr Hallam, Mr Brodie, nay, even of Mr D' Israeli,
are disfigured with the adoption of it still. The sincerity of the Earl
of Lanerick's declaration (who was the dupe of his brother) may be
believed. But that Hamilton and Argyle (by withdrawing as they did,
instead of scorning the rumour, or summoning a council to protect the
King from leasing,) meant to indicate a belief, with which they were not
impressed, tliat Charles was of a plot to destroy them, is beyond a doubt.
Their loyal messages now were the usual covenanting tactics. They
now confessed that " they never had of his Majesty the least jealousy
or suspicion !" Yet even the King's friends in London had already been
half persuaded that his Majesty was really implicated. On the 20th of
October, Sir Edward Nicholas complains that he has only got " a few
words from Mr Secretary Vane" to show the King's friends, at which
" they seemed much troubled, as not knowing what to say to it." And
on the 2lst he writes entreating the King to send him a true relation of
the matter, " for I find that your servants here are much disheartened
that they are kept so long in darkness, in a business so highly importing
your honour, and your Majesty's own personP

4

THE INCIDENT. 145

than no trial, if there be a private way of hell, (with
reverence I speak it,) let it be used. And if they will
shew me that the private way is freer of scandal than
the public, I will then be of their mind." His Majes-
ty further requested that, since he thus condescended to
a Committee, they would that very afternoon (21st of
October) proceed to chuse the members of it, which
was accordingly done, and four from each estate were
elected. The noblemen were, Lennox, Loudon, Bal-
merino, and Lauderdale.

The details we have already derived, from the most
unquestionable contemporary sources, will enable us
sufficiently to test the accuracy, and depth of research,
of those modern writers who, upon the memory of the
King and Montrose, still cast the stigma of this baseless
Incident. Leaving the violent assumptions of Mr Brodie
and Lord Nugent, the chief object of whose writings
would seem to be that of calumniating Charles the First,
we turn to the Constitutional History of Mr Hallam.
" Rumours," says this distinguished writer, " of pretend-
ed conspiracies by the Catholics, were ])erpetually in
circulation, and rather unworthily encouraged by the
chiefs of the Commons. More substantial motives for
alarm appeared to arise from the obscure transaction in
Scotland, commonly called the Incident, which looked
so like a concerted design against the two great leaders
of the constitutional party, Hamilton and Argyle, that
it was not unnatural to anticipate something similar in
England."* This unsatisfactory passage we cannot
think worthy of a History of England such as Mr Hal-
lam's. It seems as if it meant, noth withstanding a phra-

* Hallam's Hist, of England, Vol. i. p. 586.
VOL. II. K

1 46 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

seology implying doubt and conjecture, to afford the sanc-
tion of an historic pageof high pretensions to an " obscure
transaction," of whose history at the same time is evinced
the very crudest conception. What is there, in the de-
tails we have traced, that " looked so like" that con-
certed scheme, the dishonest allegation of which, by a
faction against Charles, was carefully withheld from
the investigation integrity demanded ? Whether we con-
sider, on the subject, the wild tale of the Earl of Lanerick,
or the half-crazy calumnies of Baillie, the honest indig-
nation of the King in the Parliament of Scotland, or
the democratic agitation of Pym in the Parliament of
England, we must reverse the dictum of Mr Hallam,
and say that it looked very like the concerted design of
the two most disreputable leaders of the covenanting
faction, Hamilton and Argyle, to e^Qcit per Jus et nefas,
the selfish objects of their own miserable ambition, which
eventually produced anarchy, and made them both
" shorter by the head." If there was any such concert-
ed design as our historian points to, unquestionably the
King was a party to it, for that is essentially involved
in the story. But is the likelihood of it to be discovered
in the fact, that after these privy -councillors had given
such eclat to the calumny by their flight, after Hamil-
ton, both in person and by letter, had insulted with that
odious suspicion the monarch to whom he owed even
his life, nay, after London was arming against the King
in consequence, — these skulking noblemen, frightened at
their own leasing-making, sent the hypocritical message
to Parliament, that " they would clear to all the world
that they never had of his Majesty the least jealousy
or suspicion." ? Then Mr Hallam admits, that the fac-
tion " unworthily encouraged" false rumours of popish
plots. But when he called the obscure Incident a more

thp: incident. 147

substantial ground of alarm, had he read in the corre-
spondence of Secretary Nicholas that that very Incident
was immediately proclaimed in London as a popish plot?
"Upon letters," writes the Secretary to his Majesty on the
20th of October, " from the English Committees now
in Scotland, to the Committee here, relating the news
of Marquis Hamilton's, the Earl of Argyle's, and Earl
of Lanerick's abandoning the Court and Parliament
there, our Committee here was yesterday in a great
fright, and, declaring that they conceived the same to
be a i^lot of the Papists there, and of some Lords and
others here, sent present orders to the Lord Mayor, &c.,
to double the guards and watches of this city and sub-
urbs." And there are other important considerations
which ought rather to have induced Mr Hallam to
clear history altogether from the factious cloud, that
has haunted it too long, and the memory of Charles
from a baseless calunmy. All the informers and al-
leged conspirators were examined, cross-examined, and
re-examined, before the Committee for the Incident, on
the 22d, 23d, 25th, and 27th of October. If the story
upon which Hamilton and Argyle had now excited the
whole island, and the details of which we find in the
letters of Lanerick and Baillie, were a true story,
all must now have come out. That nothing of the
kind would come out, some of the faction knew well
when they persisted in their demand for private inquiry,
and the very thing happened which is only consistent,
with the theory that the Incident was itself a cove-
nanting plot. A scene most disgraceful to Scotland,
and the Cause, occurred. No two witnesses agreed
in their depositions, and the evidence consisted of the
most violent and inextricable contradictions of each other
upon their great oath. Nothing was brought out or

148 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

established beyond this, that William 3Iiirray had been
passing betwixt the prison of Montrose, and the King's
bed-chamber, (as we have illustrated in the previous
chapter,) with certain letters and conversations which
not the utmost efforts of this unscrupulous faction could
connect with the species facti of the Incident, and that
the same worthy had introduced Cochrane in the man-
ner and for the purpose explained by the King himself.
There appeared, indeed, to hav^e been occasional conver-
sations, at some private parties in noblemen's houses,
(as no doubt there were in many quarters,) relative to
the prevalent, though fearfully whispered, impression
that Hamilton was a traitor, and that Montrose was
anxious to denounce him as such to the King, and
able to prove it. These various and contradictory de-
positions were taken down in writing, read to the King
and Parliament on the 28th of October, but carefully
withheld from the knowledge of the public at large.
They were then sent off to England, from whence they
have never been recovered.* How they were dealt
with there we learn from the following passage of Sir

* Malcolm Laing supposed that they had heen suppressed by the Es-
tates in Scotland, in consequence of the King's concessions ; and he
leaves the inference, indeed argue* the point, that if fully revealed
they would have proved the Incident against the King. But the
above passage from Secretary Nicholas's letter shows both the fate of
the documents, and the groundless nature of Mr Laing's argument.
Fortunately Sir James Balfour had noted, though very shortly and
with manifest partiality, his remarks upon the depositions read to the
Parliament. These notes, with a reply to Mr Laing's argument deduced
from them, will be found in our note upon the Incident, at the end of
this Volume. It would be of great consequence to the memory of Char-
les the Fii-st, (since such historians as Mr Hallam still persist in pointing
the obscure calumny against him,) if the depositions in question could
yet be discovered in the State Paper Office. We have seen how the de-
positions we have recovered, in reference to the Plot of Montrose, tend
to destroy that factious calumny.

THE INCIDENT. 149

Edward Nicholas's letter to the King, dated 4th Nov^cni-
ber 1641.

" The Lords of your Majesty's priv^y- council here
have heard read all the examinations concerning Mar-
quis Hamilton's, and the Earls of Argyle and Lane-
rick absenting themselves ; and since they received no
directions to communicate those examinations to any
other than to your privy-council, they think not fit to
publish the same, otherwise than by declaring, (to such
as they shall have occasion to speak with about that
business,) that they find notliing in all those examina-
tions that in any sort reflects upon your Majesty's
honour. The examinations themselves are by their
Lordships left in my hands unsealed, that any of the
Lords of your Privy-Council may see and read them ;
but I am to give no copies of the same, and the Lords
willed me to signify to Mr Treasurer, that if your Ma-
jesty please that there shall be any further publication
thereof, they expect further directions therein. I have
communicated to the lords, and given them copies of
Marquis Hamilton's third letter to your Majesty, which
doeth give great satisfaction here to all men, that no-
thing in that unhappy business doeth in the least man-
ner reflect on your Majesty's honour T *

Charles had been compelled to yield to the determina-
tion of the faction in Scotland, which was to keep the
examination of this matter as private, while they made
the false scandal as public as possible. He was now thus
far exonerated, however, and in reply to his Secretary's
remark, as to publishing this contemptible evidence,

* This is important also as proving that his Majesty's honour had
been implicated in the bruit of the Incident, which could only have
been by means of the Hamilton and Arj^yle faction propagating the
scandal for their own purposes.

150 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

he notes upon the margin, — " they need to do no more,
but as they have, and resolve to do. There needs no
more." But the principal aim of his enemies had been
attained. The mystery observed in the matter was
whispered to be consideration for his Majesty s cha-
racter, and, in covenanting Scotland, the usual dis-
honest means were taken to raise a public and popular
scandal from a lurking falsehood. A vicious pleading
was drawn up by some zealous partisan, the object of
which was to prove, that, notwithstanding the witnes-
ses had all destroyed each other's testimony, enough
could be gathered, from the disjecta memhra of the evi-
dence, to render it quite certain that the wild tale of
" the arresting, taking, and killing," Hamilton, Argyle,
and Lanerick, was perfectly true. And this ex parte
paper contained not the depositions, but only such al-
lusions to their contents as suited the purpose of the
writer. The eighth and last head of this convincing
document serves as a key to the good faith and com-
mon sense of the whole. While in England the In-
cident was declared to be a popish plot, under the di-
rection of the popish Earl of Crawford, in Scotland, it
seems, the theory was industriously circulated that it
was a branch of the former plot, or a last and despe-
rate struggle on the part of the " Plotters in the Castle."
For the paper to which we allude is thus wound up :
" The deposition leads the business to the direct tract
of Lieutenant-Colonel (Walter) Stewart's instructions,
from Montrose and the rest, to Traquair, and from
him to them, as may be seen in the removing of the
Serpent out of the bosom — getting information against
the Dromedary — fair promises — R. and L., which is Re-
ligion and Liberties, being granted, and so forth." *

* The whole of this paper will be found quoted in our note to the In-

THE INCIDENT. 151

This glimpse of the evidence is edifying. Happily we
have been enabled thoroughly to expose the Covenan-
ters' proceedings as to the Plot, and if the Incident be
referred to that basis, by the Covenanters themselves,
we may say, in the words of Lord Napier's honest and
indignant defence against the calunniies of the Plot, —
*' then is Dagon fallen before the Ark, and that great
Colossus of theirs, got out and enlarged with all the
railing and lying art, and eloquence possible, and rear-
ed up for vulgar adoration, fallen to the ground."

Yet the idea that Montrose was the secret leader
and prime conspirator in the Incident, as well as in the
Plot, has come down to us, and has been adopted by mo-
dern historians of ever^ complexion. We may consider
the two extremes of these modern authorities. From Mr
Brodie, the champion of democracy, we are not to ex-
pect an exposition of the matter favourable for any
party but the Covenanters. It required, however,
some hardihood even in that writer to put down for
history, that when Charles I., as he assumes on Cla-
rendon's authority, had put an end to Montrose's pro-
posal of assassination, by rejecting it with abhorrence,
his Majesty " did not on that account cool, far less
drop his connection with Montrose, so the result of

cident, at the end of the volume. It is among the manuscripts of Ro-
bert Baillie, and appears to liave been either his handiwork, or Archi-
bald Johnston's, to whom Baillie himself tell us he used to apply to
draw such papers. The one in question had been circulated over Scot-
land; for there is a copy of it in the Bannatyne Club edition of the His-
torj^ of the Troubles, by the loyal Spalding, who thus comments upon
it: "This piece came from Edinburgh to Aberdeen in writ, whilk 1
copied verbatim, but whether true or not, I cannot say; nor may tiie
same be weill understood, but in so far as it is conceived in the Mar-
quis's favour; made up by some of his friends, as may appear, and that
the Committee, doubtless his asstnx'd friends also, has had some hand
in the trial of this business; but all turned to nocht."

152 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

their deliberations was sufficiently atrocious, and in-
deed partly involved the same conclusion."* Then
follows Mr Brodie's version of the Incident, in which
of course not one word of this bold assertion is prov-
ed, or even rendered plausible. But, on turning to
the loyal commentaries of the champion of Charles the
First, we are more surprised to find that not only has he
cast the odium of the pretended Incident upon Mon-
trose, but his defence of the King is of that slight and
conjectural nature most acceptable to his enemies, who
thus find the character of Charles uncleared by an able
and enthusiastic apologist. Our author, however, ar-
rives at this not very satisfactory conclusion : " The
plot, (of the Incident,) whatever it was, may have been
the contrivance of the daring Montrose, who consign-
ed the management to the Earl of Crawford ; but even
this point is difficult to conceive, for Montrose, who
was then soliciting the royal favour, would hardly have
ventured to lose it, by an assassination which had been
solemnly interdicted by the King." This reasoning
is surely somewhat crude. Montrose is alleged to have
been " soliciting the royal favour," ever since the treaty
of Berwick in 1639- Yet Mr D'Israeli has no doubt
that Montrose sent that proposal of assassination which,
he adds, Charles " solemnly interdicted." Did our
hero require such a rebuff in order to make him see the
risk of losing the favour of Charles I., by the insane
proposal of assassination in cold blood ? We venture
to think that the following considerations, suggested by
the history of the Plot and the Incident as now illus-
trated, will afford a more substantial defence both for
the King and Montrose.

* Mr Brodie's Hist. Vol. iii, p. 150.

THE INCIDENT. 153

In the first place, we think that whoever fairly appre-
ciates the dispositions and mental accomplishments both
of Charles and Montrose, mnst be satisfied that they
were incapable of such atrocious designs, and that
that consideration alone is sufficient to destroy a calumny
so extravagant, bloody, and impracticable in its scheme,
as the Incident. But, in the next place, all these theories
of Charles and Montrose having formed such a scheme
at the time, or of Montrose having planned it himself,
" leading the management to Crawford," rest upon the
assumption of an impossibility. At this time Mon-
trose could no more have laid a plan with another per-
son, to " massacre the Covenanters in an hour of un-
suspecting confidence," than if he had been immured
in the dungeons of the Inquisition. He could neither,
while the prisoner of this faction, see a human being,
nor write or utter a syllable, without their knowledge
and sufferance. Thus against the truth of the In-
cident, as a plot of Montrose's with the King, there
stands both a moral and physical impossibility. And,
accordingly, we find that although the deluded Bail-
lie, in his fanatical and darkling report of the matter,
speaks of ways being found for delivering the Castle
to Montrose and his friends, and although, in the cove-
nanting papers circulated on the subject, the Incident
was made to grow out of the Plot, Montrose's name
was very little connected with the matter at the time.
He was not alluded to in the debates in Parliament,
until his letter to the King came to be discussed,
which letter betrayed no connection with such a story
as the Incident. In the Earl of Lanerick's minute
relation Montrose is not hinted at. In England this
terrible plot appears to have been entirely imputed
to the Earl of Crawford and papistry, and Montrose

154 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

himself appears not to have had any idea that he was
accused of this new plot. * That they would if pos-
sible have implicated him, is obvious from the excited
gossip on the subject transmitted by Baillie to his corre-
spondent abroad; and, indeed, thoy made something like
an attempt to do so. On the 2d of November, by which
time the Committee for the Incident had reported the
depositions, Montrose petitioned, in the name of com-
mon justice, at least to be liberated on caution. Had
it been the understood theory that he was the principal
of the Earl of Crawford in the Incident, that would
have been made the ground, expressly, for now refus-
ing his petition. But all that was said was, that he
must first explain certain expressions in a recent letter
from him to the King. The letter had been produced
by the King himself, and read to the faction, and the
nature and terms of it are absolutely exclusive of the
theory, that Montrose had any thing to do with such
a scheme as the Incident was said to be. Upon Mon-
day the 11th of October, that letter was carried by
William Murray to the King. It was found to contain
general expressions, indicating Montrose's anxiety to
convince his Majesty of the machinations of a faction
against his crown and honour. We only see the letter
through the medium of that sentence of it, loosely re-
peated from memory, in the record of Montrose's second
examination on the subject, f Montrose declares that,
by any expressions he had used in that letter, the pre-
cise words of which are not upon his memory, he did
not intend the particular accusation of any individual.

* Dr Wishart refers to the persecution, of the Plot, against Montrose,
but does not mention the Incident at all, and Bishop Guthrie and Sir
Philip Warwick, in noticing the latter affair, do not hint that Montrose
was said to be implicated.

f See before, p. 95.

THE INCIDENT. 155

Andnowthatweknowhisletteron the Supreme Power,
and the letter of advice from the Plotters to his Majesty,
we can easily understand how much Montrose might
have to say on the general question. The place and
the occasion, when he would have made his special ac-
cusations against individuals, was before a constitution-
al tribunal, in presence of the Parliament, and in face
of day ; and the whole machinery of the Plot and the
Incident arose out of the fact, that neither Hamilton
nor Argyle dared to meet in that manner such an ac-
cusation, or such an accuser. But when the Commit-
tee examined Montrose as to the meaning of his last
letter to the King, not a question was put on the sub-
ject of a confederacy with the Earl of Crawford, or in
relation to the Incident. Indeed the letter itself ex-
cluded an idea of the sort. For it was upon the night
of Monday the 11th of October, that, according to
the story, the King's withdrawing-room was to have
been flooded with the blood of Hamilton, Argyle, and
Lanerick. Would a letter in such terms have passed
on the very morning, from Montrose to the King, with-
in a few hours of the performance of that tragedy, if
Montrose had been in any degree participating, or if,
as our historiographer asserts, the Incident was the re-
sult of atrocious deliberations between the King and
Montrose ?

But the characters of Hamilton and Argyle will not
stand the test of the same close ins|iection. They never
demanded an open trial as Montrose did. Their policy
was ever to evade it, and to crush those who might
bring them to answer before a fair, and, to the inno-
cent, a safe tribunal. Then mark the moment when
their Plot disclosed itself. William Murray had been
with Montrose in prison on the morning of the 11th of

156 MONTllOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

October, — a materia] fact not observed by the various
historians to whom we have alluded.* We think it now
beyond question, that he could not have got there with-
out the knowledge and connivance of the covenanting
faction. We have proved, under their own hand to the
King, that at this same time he was the favourite agent
of the Kirk. Montrose, however, certainly did not know
this, or he would never have intrusted such an emissary
with the warning letter to the King, or held conversa-
tions on the subject with him. William Murray, then,
must have contrived at those interviews to deceive Mon-
trose as to his, Murray's, position with the revolutionary
party, in which case there must have been a covenant-
ing plot to " ensnare and entangle" Montrose. If our
theory be the true one, what might be expected to hap-
pen would be this : Murray having induced Montrose
to commit himself even to the extent of a letter to the
King, and having implicated his Majesty in the matter
as far as possible, would reveal every thing to Hamilton
and Argyle, who would take their measures according-
ly. Now it is in the afternoon, of the very day when
that letter was delivered, that Lanerick is sent for by
his brother and Argyle to listen to the bloody tale.
It is on the same evening that Hamilton insults his
Master in the garden. Not a word, however, is said
of the correspondence on that day betwixt the King and
Montrose. Hamilton pretends to no knowledge of that
letter, but " in a philosophical and parabolical way,"
talks vaguely of " base plots" against him, and insult-
ingly expresses scepticism as to his Majesty's partici-
pation. Yet Hamilton knew the facts of the recent cor-

* The date is given in the original record, quoted p. 95. Malcolm
Laing had only observed an inaccurate note of that examination in
Balfour's MS. where the date of the delivery of that letter is not given.

3

THE INCIDENT. 157

respondence with Montrose as well as the King did ; for
it had, indeed, been immediately revealed to him by Mur-
ray, as we learn from Clarendon, who tells us, — " I have
heard the Earl of Montrose say, that Will Murray was
the only man who discovered that whole counsel to the
Marquis, after he (Murray) had been a principal en-
courager of what had been proposed to the King, and
an undertaker to prove many notable things himself."
And this declaration of Montrose's precisely agrees
with our j)reconceived theory of Montrose having been
duped, and Hamilton informed, by this creature Murray,
who had pretended both to the King and Montrose,
that he was the enemy of the Marquis ! Charles him-
self told Clarendon that Murray informed his Majesty
of Hamilton's treachery, and urged an impeachment,
to which his Majesty would not consent. It was Mur-
ray who induced Cochrane to go to the bed-chamber
and burden the mind, and compromise the safety of the
King, with certain disclosures to be kept secret. And when
the mine was sprung, and had taken effect, in favour of
the factions, from one end of the island to the other,
it was Murray who instantly " grew to be of a most
entire friendship with Hamilton, and at defiance with
the Earl of Montrose," and it was for Murray that the
Kirk of Scotland at the same tirne expressed such pa-
tronising affection in their letter to the King.

While the character of Charles was left to the deadly
effects of this latent and hypocritical calumny, the cove-
nanting faction, with the greatest possil)le parade, issued
their written manifesto, that the peace and prosperity
of the country required the presence of the fugitive
nobles in Parliament, exonerating them at the same
time from all the odium of their flight, and adding pro-
lix and elaborate reasons for the propriety of every

158 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

step they had taken. The}^ were recalled, in a triumph
most insulting to the King, by a complimentary vote
of the House, i'rom which various noblemen dissented
in vain. " Sure their late danger," says Baillie, " was the
mean to increase their favour with the Parliament ; so
whatever riding they had before, it was then multi-
plied." And this reverend partisan proceeds to display
himself in not the most reputable light. He declares,
(an assertion disproved by every circumstance of the
history we have developed,) that Argyle had been ex-
erting himself in favour of Montrose and his friends,
and had nearly accommodated matters, in terms of the
King's desire, on the very day he was forced to fly !
On his return, adds Baillie, he begun where he had left
off, but found a difficulty in the way of his, Argyle's,
desire to allow these delinquents to be passed from ;
" thegreatknot was, the oath whichhehad invented ohWg-
ed the Parliament, in direct terms, to an accurate trial of
all Incendiaries and Plotters." But the Plotters had been
in vain demanding " an accurate trial" for the last six
months, and now this omnipotent Parliament could not
find the means of escaping an obligation invented by
Argyle for the purpose, it would seem, of saving him-
self from the chance of being just or merciful. Alex-
ander Henderson, at the head of the covenanting cler-
gy, and both an abler and more honest fanatic than
Baillie, saw how disreputable was this pretended diffi-
culty. So in their church meetings he redargued it by
some sound distinctions, and spoke for passing from
those trials. " I," writes Baillie in triumph, " I con-
tradicted him at some length ; Mr Archibald Johnston
was very infirm, and dangerously sick for the time,
yet I moved him to draw up that paper as he did many
more." Montrose's father-in-law, Southesk, then sug-

THE INCIDENT. 159

gested a question to the dissentient church, which Bail-
lie calls a very captious one, namely, whether, in con-
science, the trial of the Incendiaries or Plotters might
be dispensed with by the Parliament, if they conceived
that passing from those trials would be a mean of the
country's peace ? The Church (whose prime minister
was Argyle) stood out successfully against this act of
grace and justice. Yet the Church cunningly deter-
mined not to bear the odium. Baillie declares that the
jet of Southesk's interrogatory was, that " sundry of the
Parliament would have the envy, of refusing the King's
demand, to fall on the Church, — but, by an overture
cast in by our good friend Mr George Young, we got
the thoi'ii put in the right foot. We required, before
we would give an answer, our interrogator's declara-
tion, whether they, in conscience, thought, that the pas-
sing of that trial was a sure mean of peace, without
which it could not be heard ? Upon this, without
further troubling us, the States resolved, as you have
it in the printed act, for taking the trial, Jhr their
oath's sake, but remitting the sentence to the King."
But it was not until the faction were thoroughly tri-
umphant, in their scramble for place and power, that they
thus virtually confessed they never had a case against
Montrose and his friends, or the alleged incendiaries.

The King was now exhausted both in mind and
body, and completely at the mercy of those who show-
ed none. Even before the calumny of the Incident,
by which he was so excited and harassed, had fallen
upon him, his state was very wretched. Hamilton,
though still dear to him, he could no longer trust, and
the few in Scotland who really loved him, dared not
prove their affection, or were in prison for doing so.
In a letter to the Earl of Ormonde, dated from Ed in-

160 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

burgh, 25th September 1641, Sir Patrick Wemyss
draws this most affecting picture of the King : " What
will be the event of these things God knows ; for there
was never King so much insulted over. It would pity
any man's heart to see how he looks ; for he is never
at quiet among them, and glad he is when he sees any
man that he thinks loves him. Yet he is seeming mer-
ry at meat." * After the date of this letter the Inci-
dent occurred, and, when we read the above, we feel
there must have been more of anguish than of passion
in those bursts of impatience with which Charles met
the lawless and low-minded tactics of those who were
goading him to his destruction. In the midst of this
excitement there came upon him a shock yet more se-
vere. The Catholics in Ireland, as if to teach the Cove-
nanters the difference betwixt Episcopalians and Pa-
pists, and as if to assert their right, too, of covenanting
for their faith, got up a Covenant after theirkindL^ which,
if they did not sign with their own blood, they saturated
with the blood of Protestants. The day on which
Charles announced this rqw horror to the Parliament
was the 1st of November, that on which they voted
the recall of Hamilton and Argyle.

Upon Saturday, the 6th of November 1641, a new
scene was enacted in the Parliament House, at which
our chronicler, Sir James Balfour, was more than
usually important. The Parliament was assembled,
and the King on his throne, when a procession en-

* Carte's original papers. In the same letter Sir Patrick Wemyss
says : " His Majesty has engaged his royal promise to Montrose not to
leave the kingdom tUl he come to his trial; for if he leave him, all the
world will not save his life." Was this like plotting assassinations,
and massacres ?

A SCOTTISH MERCENARY. l6l

tered the House in the following order : First came
six trumpets, in their liveries. Then the pursui-
vants in their coats of office. Then the heralds, in
their coats, the eldest of whom carried the coronet
of an Earl. Next came Sir James Balfour him-
self. Lord Lyon King-at-arms, bearing in his hand
the patent of a newly created Earl. After the Lyon
came the Duke of Lennox, in his robes, as great Cham-
berlain of Scotland, followed by the Earl Marischal,
who ushered to the throne the hero of this pageant
conducted by two Earls, Eglinton on his right hand,
and Dunfermline on his left. The individual that
now, " after three several low cringes," ascended the
throne, and knelt before his Majesty, to have the usual
oath of an Earl administered, by Lanerick as Secretary
of State, was a little crooked old weather-beaten soldier,
bending under the gorgeous and weighty trappings of
his new order. It was Felt Marshal Leslie, his Excel-
lence, inferior to none but the King of Sweden, coming
to receive the wages of his latest and most lucrative, if
not the most glorious of his mercenary adventures.
Charles himself placed the coronet on his head, and
the crooked figure rose, Lord Balgony, and Earl
of Leven. Then came the covenanting protestations
and tears, for the little Earl wept upon the royal hand
he kissed, and swore unalterable inalienable loyalty,
and that his own hand would ever after be with the
King, whatever might be " the Cause."*'

Charles now scattered honours and rewards, at the
bidding of his enemies, in such a manner, says Claren-

* " The Earl of Leven telling his Majestj', as Marquis Hamilton assur-
ed me in his hearing, that he would not only never more serve against
him, but that when his Majesty would require his service, he should have
it, witliout ever asking what the cause was." — Clarendon.
vol.. II. L

162 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

don, " that he seemed to have made that progress into
Scotland only that he might make a perfect deed of
gift of that kingdom," and which called forth from the
Earl of Carnwath the melancholy jest, " that he would
go to Ireland, and join SirPhelim O'Neale, chief of the
rebels there, and then he was sure the King would pre-
fer him." It is obvious that Charles was now in a
state bordering on distraction, from the additional blow
of the Irish rebellion falling upon him so suddenly.
The grand Committee, of accommodatio7i as it was
termed, seemed wilfully to retard his return, their ob-
ject being to glut themselves w ith the prey they were
pursuing, e'er the King should be suffered to depart.
In the meanwhile Secretary Nicholas was continually
writing that his Majesty's absence was the ruin of his
affairs; and the state of Charles's own feelings is evinced
in his entreaties to the Pariiament. On Thursdav, 11th
of November, " his Majesty said that he saw now bu-
siness still to draw in length, and his urgent necessity,
on the other hand, forced him to entreat them earnestly
to accelerate matters to an end, for he protested to God
he could stay no longer than Thursday, for his staying
went well near to. lose him a kingdom ;"* and on the 12th
" his Majesty said he was confident they had not for-
gotten what yesternight he had spoken to them, for his
journey behoved to begin on Thursday, and he solemn-

* Meaning Ireland. Even this horrible insurrection was pretended,
by the democratical faction, to be secretly instigated by Charles, and this
wild calumny, too, has been adopted and elaborately argued by Mr
Brodie. But his whole argument is sufficiently tested by this, that its
most plausible inference against Charles is derived from the baseless as-
sumption that the King and Queen were caballing with Montrose in
the Incident, &c. Vol. iii. p. 173. Yet even Baillie rejected that ca-
lumny of the King and Queen's participation in the Irish Rebellion, as
being " put out of every equitable mind."

PRIVY COUNCILLORS CHOSEN. l63

ly protested that he could stay no longer, and al})eit he
was not obliged but once in three years to a Parliament,
yet he would faithfully promise them, if need required,
they should have one sooner, yea, whensoever their af-
fairs required it." On the follo^ving day the Parlia-
ment took in hand the lists of Councillors and Officers
of State. From the roll of the Council they struck off
the Marquis of Huntly, the Earls of Menteith, Lin-
lithgow, Home, TuUibardine, Galloway, Dumfries, and
Carnwath ; and substituted tlie Earls of Sutherland,
Lothian, Dalhousie, the Lords Yester, Sinclair, Bahne-
rino, and Burleigh. On the election of Loudon to be
Chancellor, the place of High Treasurer had been propos-
ed for Argyle. His Majesty named Lord Amond. But
the Dictator would not suffer the appointment, although,
writes Baillie, " Argyle has been before always to that
man a most special friend ; but he said he behoved to pre-
fer the public good to private friendship, and so avow-
edly opposed that motion ; as indeed it was thought
Amond in that place might have been as good a head
and leader to his old friends the handers and malcon-
tents, as any other of our nation." How capable this
weak and vacillating nobleman was of heading the
banders and leading Montrose, may be seen from the
fact of his becoming the puppet of Argyle, after having
signed the conservative league he betrayed. He was
now raised, by the title of Earl of Calendar, to the same
grade in the peerage with him to whom he had acted as
second in command. This elevation affords another
curious reflection in reference to the machinery of
the Covenant. Montrose was still in ])rison, on charges
ridiculously baseless, without a trial, and yet in danger
of his life. Amond, w!io had signed Montrose's
bond, and who, it was pretended, had still such an in-

16'4 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

cli nation, to " head and lead his old friends, the ban-
ders," that he must not be Treasurer, was rewarded with
an Earldom ! " For the Treasury," adds Baillie, " see-
ing it could ?iot he got for Argyle, it was agreed to
keep it vacant till the King might be got down ; and,
in the meantime, after the English fashion, to serve
it by a commission of five, two of Hamilton's friends,
Glencairn and Lindsay, the Chancellor, and Argyle
himself, with the Treasurer-Depute." But Argyle
was created a Marquis, and Mr Archibald Johnston,
who at this time was disappointed of the office he
long coveted and got at last, was in the meantime
" made content with knighthood, and a place in the
Session, and L.200 pension." To make way for this
worthy on the Bench, and for his two secret corre-
spondents Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse, and Mr Adam
Hepburn of Humbie, the names of Sir John Hay and
Sir William Elphinston were struck off; Sir Thomas
was moreover made Justice-General, and John Leslie
of Newton, the uncle of Rothes, came in place of Sir
Robert Spotiswood, President. Argyle, Angus, Lind-
say, and Balmerino, (the last of whom Charles re-
solutely refused to be compelled to honour,) were
made Lords Extraordinary of Session. Mr Alexan-
der Henderson, who had become somewhat of a cour-
tier, obtained the rich gift of the revenue of the chapel
royal. But the inferior clerical factionists were, as
usual, disappointed, for Argyle and others seized the
richest spoils of the bishopricks. * Thus by force and

* It is manifest from Baillie's letters, that he was out of humour at
the division of tlie spoil, and he thus alludes to the trimming disposition
of the Advocate : " In the end of the Parliament, the Advocate's idleness
put the King on an humour of protesting of saving his right. This dan-
gerous novelty, of casting all loose, his Majesty at last was moved to

THE PLOITERS RELEASED 165

fraud, and fear, was the deed of gift accomjilished, and
the kingdom of Scotland transferred to the faction of
Argyle.

Charles might well exclaim, ' I have granted you more
than ever King granted yet, and what have you done
for me?' The principal equivalent for these enormous
and fatal concessions was, that the Incendiaries and
Plotters, against wiiom in law and equity not a ves-
tige of a case existed, instead of being deprived of their
liberties and lives, under a mockery of the forms of jus-
tice, should be released on caution ; and although tried
in secret, that the punishment to follow their predeter-
mined conviction should be referred to Charles. A Com-
mittee for their trial was appointed, and, on the I6th
of November, the humble petition of John Earl of
Montrose, Archibald Lord Naper, the Lairds of Keir
and Blackball, to the King and Parliament for their
liberation, being read, the House ordained them to
be liberated on caution, that from henceforth they
carry themselves soberly and discreetly^ and that they
do appear before the Committee for their trial, on the
4th of January thereafter. But, in fact, these inno-
cent parties were now condemned, and actually punish-
ed, without any trial at all, and in spite of private
evidence contradictory of their libels. From the Re-
cord it appears that the Parliament took great credit
to themselves for remitting these trials to a Com-

give over, most by Morton's persuasion. The Advocate, for this and
others hia needless offices, obtained to his sou Sir Thomas, not only a
place in the Session, but also, to the indignation of the nohility, a patent
to be General-Justiciar, at least for one year. Poor Mr Elphinston, who
had it before, was cast by witliout any challen<re, as a man contemned
by all." Baillie, however, not being behind the scenes, had but a dark-
ling notion of the machinery he blindly aided. These elections depend-
ed upon the will of Argyle and not of the King.

166 MONTROSE AND THE COVENAN TERS. |

inittee, whose proceedings were to be limited to the
first of March, and they " declare that they will not
proceed to a final sentence, nor insist upon the punish-
ment of thesaids persons, but that they do, for the rea-
sons foresaid, freely remit them to his Majesty." The
reason foresaid is worthy of the most impudent cabal
that ever ministered to injustice and anarchy, namely,
"thathisMajesty may joyfully return a contented prince,
from a contented people."* There follows, of the same
date, a declaration of the King's, that, " taking in good
part the respect and thankfulness of this Parliament,
in remitting- to me those who are cited as Incen-
diaries, and others, I will not employ any of these
persons in offices or })laces of Court or State, without
consent of Parliament, nor grant them access to my
person," &c. On Wednesday, the 17th of November,
the ceremony of " riding the Parliament," from the
Palace of Holy rood, to the great hall of the Parlia-
ment, was solemnly performed. From the hereditary
and constitutional right of their places in this pa-
geant, Montrose and Napier were of course excluded.
The Parliament sat till eight o'clock that night, and
the closing scene was Argyle on his knees before
Charles, receiving the patent of his Marquisate, and
" randring his Majesty humble and hartly thanks for so
great a grace and favour, far by (beyond) his merit and
expectation." And thus ended this fatal Parliament.
Baillie, when writing in all the elation of heart conse-
quent upon their first successful expedition into En-
gland, records a sentiment that has sometimes been ap-
pealed to with admiration. He says, " we sought no
crowns, — we aimed at no lands and honours, — we de-

* Act dated 16th November 16+1. MS. Record.

COVENANTING HUMILITY. 167

sired but to keep our own in the service of our Prince,
as our ancestors had done, — we loved no new masters,
— had our throne been void, and our voices sought for
the filling of Fergus's chair, we would have died ere
any other had sat down on that fatal marble but Charles
alone." The lip-service to God, and their King, cost
the Covenanters nothing, and they were ever lavish of
that. But two years had now elapsed since Baillie
wrote this fine sentiment, and his disinterested and pa-
triotic party had received three hundred thousand
pounds Sterling, " a pretty sum in our land," for their
brotherly assistance — they had virtually deprived the
King of his crown in Scotland — they were glutted with
honours and emoluments — and the chair of Fergus was
filled by " King Campbell."

On the same night, " his Majesty solemnly feasted his
haill nobility present, in the great hall of the palace, and
after supper solemnly took his leave of them, he taking
his journey for England on Thursday, by eight in the
morning, 18tli November 1641." This recalls to us
the affecting expression of Sir Patrick Wemyss, —
" yet he was seeming merry at meat," — and to this oc-
casion we may apply the verse that was composed for
another, —

Old Holy-Rood rung merrily
That night, with wassell, mirth, and glee :
King Charles, within her princely bower,
t'easted the chiefs of Scotland's power.
Summoned to spend the parting hour;
For he had charged, that his array
Should southward march by break of day.

To that banquet Montrose and Napier were not
bidden ; and as the Castle of Merchiston stood at the
opposite extreme, of the town of Edinburgh, to the Pa-
lace of Holyrood, and as the Plotters would be inclined

168 MONTllOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to betake themselves as far as possible from the sound
of that merriment, we may assume that, always ex-
cepting Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Stewart, they sup-
ped that evening, with what appetite they might, under
the curiously stuccoed ceiling of the little quaintly
panelled chamber, where their luckless plot had been
laid. *

* The conduct of Charles to Montrose and his friends can only be
accounted for by the fact, that he was not a free agent, and that, as Sir
Patrick Wemyss intimates, only by such concessions could he save their
lives. The act of their liberation is entitled, " Act anent the liberation
of these men, in the Castle, viz. Erie of Montrose, Lord Naper, Lairds
Keii", Blackball, Sir Walter Stewart, Sir Robert Spotiswood, and Sir
John Hay." The new Clerk-Register had knighted Walter Stewart
by mistake, in his title of the act. The condition of liberation is, —
" they and every one of them finding sufficient caution to behave them-
selves in such a quiet manner as may conduce most for the weal and
peace of the kingdom, and according to the acts of Parliaments, wherein
if they fail, the favoti?- granted to them by the King and Parliament, to
be null," &c. On the 17tli November the Earls of Mar, Wigton, King-
horn, Seaforth, and Southesk, appear as cautioners for Montrose, Na-
pier, and Keir ; Sir Ludovick Houston of tliat ilk for Blackball, and
Gabriel Cunningham for Walter Stewart. The Earl of Crawford, and
the rest confined on the subject of the Licident, were released without
being required to find caution, another evidence, if more were wanting,
of the utter baselessness of that charge. But this was done, " on the
humble supplication of the Marquises of Hamilton and Argyle, to the
King and Parliament !"

MONTROSE'S POSITION IN 1642. l69

CHAPTER VII.

HOW MONTROSE DID HIS BEST TO PREVENT A CONTENTED PEOPLE FROM
FOLLOWING THE PATH OF REBELLION.

With the last chapter we have conckided an his-
torical investigation of all the circumstances tending to
cast light upon the political character and position of
Montrose, from the time when he was induced to join
the Covenanters, to that of his liberation after the King's
visit to Scotland in 1641. Dr Wishart, not anticipating
that subsequent writers were to surpass even Montrose's
contemporary enemies in calumnies against him, had
left his whole conduct, throughout the field of troubles
we have surveyed, defenceless, and almost without no-
tice. It is, consequently, from that cloudy portion of his
career that the writers inimical to his fame have latterly
endeavoured to extract the most serious charges against
him, and we pause for a moment to consider how far,
upon an impartial estimate of the passages deve-
loped, he may be said to stand acquitted.

That Montrose had joined the Covenanters in a hasty
moment of displeasure towards the Court, and from
the impulse of a mere ebullition of selfish temper, ap-
pears to have been groundlessly assumed. The more
closely that first crisis of his political life is examined,
the more reason is discovered for the belief that he
was actuated partly by reflections of his own, which he
never needed to disclaim, and partly by the persuasions

170 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of deeper and less honest factionists than himself. From
such alloy of delusive and contradictory views, and
selfish feelings and interests, as will be found to mingle
with the actions of all public men, especially in the
times that produced the Covenant, we neither feel war-
ranted, nor much interested, to declare that Montrose
was absolutely free. But this may be safely said, that
while more has been alleged against him of that kind,
less can be proved, than against any public character
of his times. From the charge of having selfishly,
meanly, and treacherously quitted the cause he had
thus joined, we venture to think Montrose stands fully
acquitted, even by the illustrations we have been en-
abled to produce. His own exposition, and Lord Na-
pier's, of the feelings and principles by which they and
a few others were actuated in their opposition to the
dominant Covenanters, is more than sufficient to dis-
pel for ever those vague and virulent rumours, which
composed the tactics of their persecuting adversaries,
and which have been in modern times by some dogma-
tically offered, and by others too hastily admitted, as
history. We have not been able to detect any very
manifest indiscretion, in Montrose's management of the
schemes by which he conscientiously endeavoured to
save the monarchy, when he discovered its peril. But
whatever may have been rash or desperate in the at-
tempt, is too sufficiently accounted for, by the posture
of affairs, to render even that criticism of much force.
The lavish application of the term treason to Montrose's
opposition, merely illustrates the factious and false po-
sition of his adversaries ; nor do we see how, under all
the circumstances, his remaining for a time with the
loyally professing Covenanters, even after he had de-
termined to thwart their practical democracy, can be

MONTROSE'S POSITION IN 1642. l?!

justly characterised as treachery. But"supposing that
his latent opposition derogates in some degree from his
naturally open and heroic character, the hyi)ocritical
deceit, the unscrupulous faithlessness, the lawless and
merciless tyranny of those with whom he had to deal,
utterly destroys any argument of the kind used by the
apologists of the Covenant. That the Plot and the In-
cident, hitherto almost universally admitted to have af-
forded the Covenanters at least plausible grounds for
their pursuit of Montrose, were in reality plots got up
by that faction to destroy all conservative attempts,
and in a manner that set at nought truth, justice, and
mercy, honour and common honesty, seems to be proved
beyond the shadow of doubt. And as for the charge
that Montrose either counselled or imagined assassina-
tions, or murderous conspiracies, we may say in the
words of Lord Napier's honest and indignant defence
against a less atrocious charge, that " it is as false as God
is true." What precise information, or counsels, Mon-
trose had given the King, is a matter that admits of
more doubt. If it were proved that he really obtained
an opportunity of making such explicit disclosures to
Charles as induced that monarch to project the arrest
of Hamilton and Argyle, preparatory to impeachment,
when the factious storm of the Incident saved them, and
that the same disclosures impelled the King upon his fa-
tal attempt to seize the refractory members within the
Parliament of England, however unfortunate the re-
sults, we can have no doubt, on tracing the secret his-
tory of the factions, tliat Montrose was well founded
in his accusations, and justified in making those dis-
closures. But there seems to be no evidence whatever
for a theory that has nevertheless passed current with
most modern, historians. We believe that Charles had

17S MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

formed no intention of arresting Hamilton and Argyle
in 1641. Clarendon tells us, (in the passage that had
been suppressed until of late years,) that the King him-
self told him, that WilUcmi Miuray pressed such a pro-
position upon his Majesty, who rejected it, and left the
impeachment of the noblemen accused, to those who had
the means, and would incur the risk. That Montrose,
had he been free, might have constitutionally im-
peached Hamilton and Argyle, before the Scotch Par-
liament of 1641, is not improbable. But that he had
made any explicit proposal even of that kind, or any
particular disclosures on the subject to Charles, is not
only a theory without proof, but absolutely disproved
by the terms of the last letter he then wrote to the King,
and in which the faction could only discover a vague
and general offer, contradictory of the idea of any pre-
vious disclosures or meetings between the Kinar and
Montrose.* Up to this period, then, of his career, we

* It is a favourite theory of Malcolm Laing's, plausibly argued, but
rather with elaborate ingenuity than accuracy of lesearch, that the In-
cident in Scotland, and the rash attempt of the King's to seize Lord Kira-
bolton, Pym, and the other four members of the Commons, even with-
in the walls of the House, were one and the same plan, suggested by the
counsels and positive disclosures of Montrose. But we can arrive at
no other conclusion, than tliat Mr Laing's theory is chimerical. When
Charles returned from Scotland, he was nearly distracted by the undis-
guised treason that beset him in every direction, and by the bitter con-
sciousness that the Parliament of Scotland had just succeeded in tramp-
ling upon his crown. In one of those hasty and transient fits of deter-
mination, that always left the deserted and betrayed monarch weaker
than ever, he went in person to demand that the' refractory members,
whom he had charged with high treason, should be instantly given up.
There is provocation enough to account for this rash act in the King,
■without imputing it to the disclosures of Montrose. Malcolm Laing says,
(Vol. i. p. 213, edit. 1800.) " When the information is once traced to Mon-
trose, the intended arrest and the escape of Hamilton and Argyle from
Parliament, the alarm and subsequent violence of the English Com-
mons, the impeachment and attempt to secure the persons of their lead-

MONTROSiC's POSITION IN 1642. 173

may venture to assume, that Montrose's character stands
as clear as the imperfection of human nature admits of,
in the trying circumstances his times produced, and that,
even in the most unfavourable view of his false position,
he was infinitely more sinned against than sinning.

Daring the months of January and February 1642,
Montrose, Napier, and the rest of the Plotters were re-
peatedly called before the Committee for their trial, and
the case against them was closed, as the act required,
before the first of March. These proceedings were kept
a profound secret, nor do they appear in any record.
But the case consisted of the private depositions we
have already brought to light, and which are so
completely met by the separate defences of Tra-
quair and Napier. In terms of the dearly purchased

ers, are intimately connected, and exhibit a series of transactions derived
apparently from the same source." However irigh the pretension of his
history, we cannot help thinking that this and tlie whole of oar historian's
disquisition on tire subject is a fanciful and baseless theory. Montrose had
never got further in his propositions and disclosures to Charles, than that
letter, of which William Murray was the bearer a few hours before the
alleged perpetration of the Incident was to have occurred. The glimpse
of the terms of that letter, produced from the Record, (see p. 95,) of
itself destroys Mr Laing's theory; for it only speaks vaguely of advice
to be given, or disclosures to be made, and yet it is the /a^esf correspond-
ence Montrose had with the King at the time. The theory is much
more tenable that Charles was goaded by the insidious aud treacherous
informations of William Murray, who probably took every lil)erty with
Montrose's conversation, upon these occasions. Malcolm Laing has en-
listed not only Mr D' Israeli, but the illustrious name of Sir Walter Scott
in favour of his theory. The latter says, — " Montrose contrived, how-
ever, to conmiunicate with tiie King from his prison in the Castle of
Edinburgh, and disclosed so many circumstances respecting the pur-
poses of the Marquis of Hamilton, and the Earl of Argyle, that Charles
had resolved to arrest tiiem both at one mon)eiit, and had assembled
soldiers for that purpose." — Tales of a Grandfather. But Ciiarles him-
self told Clarendon he had no intention of the sort; and there seems no
reason for doubting either Clarendon or Charles in the matter.

3 74 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

act the case was referred to the King, no more was
heard of the Plot, or Incident, and throughout the coun-
try it was generally understood, by all who retained
their senses, that nothing whatever had been substanti-
ated against Montrose and his friends. The whole affair
was a characteristic specimen of a covenanting process,
a covenanting trial, and a covenanting acquittal.

After these harassing events, Montrose spent some
months of the year 1642 in domestic retirement with
his family and friends. It would have been most in-
teresting to have followed him there, but unfortunately
even Dr Wishart, the author most likely to have satis-
fied our curiosity in that respect, has failed to do so. He
merely remarks, that when Montrose was set at liber-
ty " he went to his own house, and remained there some
time." Elsewhere, however, he tells us that " Montrose
was a man of an excellent genius, and when he had any
spare time from public business, used to divert himself
with poetical compositions, in which he succeeded very
happily." It is a singular and unquestionable fact,
and one totally at variance with the calumnious theory
of Montrose's savage dispositions, that upon the two
occasions on which his feelings were most dread-
fully excited, namely, when he first heard of the mur-
der of Charles, and when the barbarous details of
his own sentence were announced to him, he al-
most immediately gave vent to those feelings in verse ;
and among the other fugitive pieces that have come
down to us as his, we think there may be traced not
only the disdain and disgust he had now been taught
for Committee government and justice, but a strain of
deeper and more melancholy feeling at the prospect, to
King and country, too surely disclosed by the abandon-
ed faithlessness of the times. It will be remembered that
in the letter urging Charles to come to Scotland, the

Montrose's POSITION in 1642. 175

King is solemnly warned to distrust those about him, —
"they are flatterers, and therefore cannot be friends, they
follow your fortune, and love not your person ;" and the
lines we now quote, from a poem of Montrose's " on
false friends," and which we elsewhere give entire,
will be found to contain the very idea explained and
enlarged.

Then break afflicted heart, and live not in these days.

When all prove merchants of their taith, none trusts what other says ;

For when the Sun doth sliine, then shadows do appear,

But when the Sun doth hide his face, they with the Sun reteir;

Some friends as shadows are, a.n()i fortune as the Sun,

They never proffer any help till fortune hath begun ;

But if in any case, fortune shall first decay,

Then they, as shadows of the Sun, with fortune, pass away.

It is remarkable that no notices are to be met with
of Montrose's Countess, * the daughter of Southesk,
whom he had married in his boyhood, and the infe-
rence would seem to be that she had died before the
young Earl went abroad in the year 1633. The fact,
that Montrose's family consisted only of two sons, the
youngest of whom was born about the year 1631,
tends to confirm the supposition. But his domestic
circle may be said to have embraced the families of Mer-
chiston, and the Keir, with whom he was in constant
social intercourse. This interesting fact, too, is deriv-
ed from the Merchiston papers, that at the very time
when Montrose and the rest were so strictly confined,
with every prospect of sharing the fate of John Stew-
art, and when the Lord Erskine and the Master of

* I find no mention made of the Countess by Wishart, Guthrie, Spald-
ing,norin the notesof Sir James Balfour which furnisha copious obituary
of the nobility of the period. During the confinement of the Plotters in
the Castle, tlie lady of Sir George Stirling obtains a warrant from Par-
liament to visit her husband ; but no mention is made of the Countess of
Montrose. Lady Napier was dead.

17(3 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Napier were daily presenting petitions in their behalf
to the Parliament, the marriage settlements of the lat-
ter, a youth of sixteen, with the Lady Elizabeth Ers-
kine, also a minor, were in preparation. Their mar-
riage contract was signed by the Master, at Edinburgh,
28th May 1641, (the day after Montrose's declaration
to the Committee, M'hich commenced the agitation of
the Plot,) and by the Lady Elizabeth at Stirling, on
the 13th of June, two days after the Plotters were sent
to the Castle ; and Lord Napier signs the charters of
the young lady's tocher, on the 20th of July, in his
prison, the witnesses being his own servant, and his
jailor Colonel James Lindsay. The happy event was
probably a source of enjoyment to our family party of
Plotters when they obtained their release ; but little
did they think that the young lady now added to their
domestic circle was, at no very distant period, to
purloin, at the risk of her life, the heart of the hero
from his mangled body beneath the gibbet, and em-
balm it as a sacred relic for her descendants.

During the whole of the year 1642, Montrose, Na-
pier, and Sir George Stirling, who never swerved from
the conservative position they had taken, as Covenant-
ers, when their conscientious opposition was so law-
lessly crushed, remained for the most part mute spec-
tators of the events that were ushering the great Re-
bellion. But we shall immediately produce some in-
teresting proofs that they were not inattentive to the
progress of the mov^ement, now with rapid strides ful-
filling their worst anticipations. The inclination of the
dominant factionists, including Hamilton, not to suffer
the insurrection of Scotland to be brought to a close at
this period, arose out of no better principle than a con-

I

FRESH IMPULSE TO THE MOVEMENT. 177

sciousness of their own perilous position, if the waters
now subsided, which they had so industriously troubled
by means that vTould not bear the light. But this prin-
ciple was powerful to create the predetermination still
to make common cause with those who were assailing*
the throne in England, and to discountenance and crush
in others every indication of sincere and grateful loyal-
ty. At the close of the triumphant Parliament of 1641,
"there was a Committee," says Baillie, " of our Estates
appointed to attend the Parliament of England, not so
much for the perfecting of our treaty, as to keep good
correspondence in so needful a time. None of the for-
mer commissioners were employed, but Sir Archibald
Johnston, and Sir John Smith ; for the most of all the
rest werejhllen in the coiintrifs dislike, complying too
much with the King. Certainly Dunfermline, VVaugh-
ton, Sheriff of Teviotdale, Riccarton, Clerk of Dundee,
tint (lost) all credit with the States.* Our new commis-
sioners obtained warrant of the Parliament to chuse for
their service what ministers they thought meet. They
agreed on Mr Harry Pollock, and Mr (Eleazer) Borth-
wick."f Thus were the revolutionists in England secure
of co-operation from the " contented people," even at the
very time when Charles returned to London, where he
experienced those renewed attacks upon his rights, and
those disgraceful insults to his own person and the
Queen's, that drove him from Whitehall. Vainly he
had endeavoured to stem the torrent by an impeach-

* ^imply because Dunfermline, and the others named above, had not
gone the whole way with tiie demagogue Archibald Johnston, as he in-
dicates in the secret correspondence in reference to the former commis-
sion. The movement had now received a material impulse.

-f- Two of the most notoriously factious of the Scotch clergy. Lindsay,
Lothian, Balmerino, and Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse, were put upon this
new commission.

VOL. H. M

178 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ment, the result of which, in that thoughtless attempt
to seize the refractory delinquents within the Parlia-
ment, at once afforded, to a ruthless and dishonest fac-
tion, an excuse for their now rampant democracy. That
hasty step of the distracted monarch's, was to the great
Rebellion what the ill considered scheme, of imposing
the service-book in Scotland, was to the troubles there,
namely, a welcome excuse for a conflagration, the com-
bustibles of which had long been prepared by those who
were afraid to fire the pile. That Montrose had anything
to do with counselling the King in this matter we have
disproved. But it is not so certain that William Mur-
ray had done nothing towards infusing this rashness
into his measures. We now know that it was Murray
who urged the impeachment of Hamilton and Argyle,
and then held secret council with them ; and we are in-
formed by Clarendon, that upon the present occasion,
" it was generally believed that the King's purpose of
going to the House was communicated to William Mur-
ray of the bed-chamber, and that it was betrayed by
him." In that same month of January 1642, the King
quitted London, and her Majesty went over to Hol-
land. In the beginning of April, Sir John Hotham
closed the gates of Hull against his Sovereign.* Gene-
ral Leslie, whom we must now call Leven, was, more-
over, once more placed at the head of a Scottish army,
whose insidious organization was the first fruits of

* Clarendon, in a suppressed passage, declares, that " it was then be-
lieved, and Hotham himself made it to be believed, that Mr Murray of the
bed-chamber, who was the messenger sent by the King in the morning
to give Sir John Hotham notice, that his Majesty intended to dine with
him, had infused some apprehensions into the man, as if the King meant
to use violence towards him, which produced that distemper and resolu-
tion in him ; but it was never proved, and that person who was very
mysterious in all his actions, continued long after in his Majesty's confi-
dence."— Vol. ii. p. 608.

FRESH IMPULSE TO THE MOVEMENT. 179

the new cabal with the Parliament of England, and
had for its immediate and avowed object, (in cove-
nanting history never the real object) the subjugation
of Ireland. Many, says Clarendon, believed that the
Scotch nation were now so abundantly satisfied, that
they would carry their projects no further against
England, but make their fortunes in Ireland, where,
" according to their rules of good husbandry, they
might expect whatsoever they got from the rebels to
keep for themselves." In this army, however, Argyle,
Lindsay, Lothian, and all the "rigid Lords," held com-
mands ; and Dr Wishart, who could not well be mis-
taken, asserts that the Covenanters " endeavoured all
they could to draw Montrose over to their side, as he
was the only person of whom they were afraid ; they
offered to make him Lieutenant-General of their army,
and to do for him whatever else he should demand that
was in their power; but he rejected all their offers."
That such, about this time, was the policy of those
who had so lately treated him with tyrannical indig-
nity, we shall find to be otherwise abundantly proved.
Montrose saw their drift, and too surely prophesied
that these warlike preparations were at no distant pe-
riod to be brought to bear against the Monarchy of
England.

It was novv manifest enough that the determination
of the ruling faction in Scotland was to join the Par-
liament against the King, and it was not an easy mat-
ter for those who had the best interests of the country,
no less than of the King, sincerely at heart, to bring
their honest and anti-factious principles effectually into
play, or under fair consideration. If they met toge-
ther in private, they were denounced as Plotters. If
they dared to make their appearance in public, with

J 80 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

such following as their rank entitled them to, and as
the state of the times, and the example of Argyle and
other agitating chiefs, fully justified, they were ex-
claimed against as a hostile array, about to deluge the
country with the blood of its inhabitants, and, moreover,
in reference to Montrose's bond, were virulently distin-
guished as " the Banders," while the revolutionary clique
arrogated to themselves the lofty title of " Conserva-
tors of the Peace" between England and Scotland. How
far these titles were respectively due, we proceed to il-
lustrate.

In the Napier charter-chest is the following corrected
draft of a petition, all in the handwriting of Lord Na-
pier, and probably his composition, or concocted in con-
clave with Montrose and Keir.

" To the Bight Honourable the Lords of his Ma-
jesty's Privy Council, the SuppUcatio7i of the
Lords and Gentlemen under sigyiing^ — With all
due respect, —

*' Sheweth, — That whereas it is more than manifest
that his Majesty's honour and lawful authority, upon
which the preservation of our Religion, Laws, and just
Liberties, the happiness and peace of this Isle, next un-
der God, dependeth, — which can never long continue if
the Sovereign power which unites us together be weak-
ened or disabled, and which by the law of God, our
national allegiance, and solemn oath at his Majesty's co-
ronation, and by our National Covenant, we are bound
to maintain, — .hath not only of late suffered detriment
and diminution, but, from his Majesty's letters, an-
swers, declarations, and other papers coming to our
hands, we conceive just cause of suspicion that the di-
minishing of his Majesty's royal power is further in-

CONSERVATIVE PETITION. 181

tended,* in a higher measure than can stand with the
duty or security of good subjects to suffer : We, there-
fore, undersubscribers, out of our thankfuhiess to his Ma-
jesty for his many and great favours bestowed of late
updn this nation, and out of sense of duty to God, our
Country, and our King — which can never without im-
piety be disjoined — do in our own names, and their's
who will adhere to us in this supplication, and are not
present, humbly desire that your Honours will be pleas-
ed to take the present state of affairs into your serious
considerations, and that you will take some such solid
and vigorous resolution for re-establishing and main-
taining his Majesty's authority and royal power, — upon
which dependeth the peace and prosperity of all his
Majesty's dominions, and which Almighty God it seems
hath put in your hands, — as in your wisdom you shall
think fittest. And we, in all humility and loyalty, shall
not be wanting to assist and second your endeavours
to that end, with our lives and fortunes, to the effusion
of the last drop of our blood. And your Honours' an-
swer is expected by your " f

This manuscript is neither dated nor signed. On com-
paring it, however, with contemporary history, the occa-
sion of its composition is not to be doubted. Clarendon
informs us, that his Majesty, during the progress of
events from his return out of Scotland to the period
when rebellion stared him in the face at the gates of
Hull, had " from time to time given his Council of
Scotland full relations of all his differences with the
Parliament, and had carefully sent them the declara-

" t e. By the Parliament of England.

t Original MS. In the handwriting of Lord Napier.

182 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

tions and public passages of both sides ; and they had
always returned very ample expressions of their affec-
tions and duty, and expressed a great sense of the Par-
liament's proceedings towards him." * These informa-
tions from the King are clearly alluded to in the peti-
tion we have quoted, and the precise time when it was
presented may also be distinctly traced. The Chancel-
lor, Loudon, had been sent to the King at York, with
further instructions to proceed to the Parliament, and
mediate, as they called it, betwixt these contending
powers. The interference was of a nature still more
to disgust and alarm the King. Instead of permit-
ting Loudon to go to the Parliament, he commanded
him to return to Scotland, and call a full meeting of
the Council, in order to press upon their good faith and
loyalty an impartial consideration of the wrongs his
Majesty had recently met with, as displayed in the do-
cuments he had sent them, and to obtain from the
Council a declaration of their intention to support that
authority, which indeed they were bound to support
by their oaths and protestations. Loudon appears at
the time to have been persuaded of the jr.stice and pro-
priety of these instructions, and actually wrote, in the
name of the Privy-Council of Scotland, to the Scotch
Commissioners in London, enjoining them to lay before
both Houses their deep sense of the King's injuries,
and to entreat them to heal the wounds they had made.
But that evil spirit, Archibald Johnston, was now more
than ever the life and soul of the Commission at Lon-
don. True, as formerly, to the designs of those who
placed him there, his policy was to conceal the instruc-
tions he had received from the Chancellor, and to come

* Hist. Vol. iii. p. 310.

CONSERVATIVE PETITION. 183

in person to Scotland, charged with a declaration from
the Parliament, amounting to a justification of every
step of their rebellious proceedings, to be laid before
the great council which his Majesty had ordered to be
held at Edinburgh on the 25th May 1642. Early in
that month Montrose, and his nephew Keir, accompa-
nied by tile Lord Ogilvy, rode to York, apparently to
hold some communication with the King. Spalding
records that his Majesty, referring to the act by which
they were excluded from his presence, expressly prohi-
bited their approach to him nearer than one post ; but,
adds Spalding, " it was thought that they had confe-
rence with some of the King's servants, wherewith they
were content, and so returned home again." Probably
this expedition had no other object than to assure his
Majesty of the loyalty of many noblemen in Scotland,
and their determination to support his throne. When
the council met on the 25th of May, " there convened,"
says Spalding, " in the Canongate, about four-and-tvven-
ty Earls, Lords, and Barons, called Banders, and their
followers, who were contrary to the Covenant, still
showing them to be King's men ; they attended to hear
the contents of the King's letter sent to the council ;
and withal they themselves send, as was said, a petition
to the said Lords of Council, under the subscription of
the Earl of Montgomery, first a strong Covenanter, and
now left the same, desiring them to remember their na-
tional oath, and oath of allegiance to his Majesty con-
tained in the Covenant, and as good and loyal subjects
to defend the King's royal prerogative, now impaired,
and encroached upon by the English Parliament ; the
council give no answer to this petition."

Here, it will be observed, we have the substance of
that petition, the draft of which is in Lord Napier's

184 MONTKOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

handwriting. Baillie alludes to it as " my Lord Mont-
gomery's petition," and declares that it was " so evil
taken," that although the council had for the most part
nearly determined to frame a threatening remonstrance
against the Parliament, they gave up the idea, listened
to the arguments of the " Conservators of the Peace,"
and were especially moved in favour of Parliament by
a paper of Sir Archibald Johnston's, which he had put
in the form of a letter to a friend. * It is worthy of
remark, that another Incident was got up at this time,
in order to overwhelm, by the usual covenanting means,
the loyal and rational petition. " The Banders" had
mustered in considerable numbers, being well attended,
but without the slightest indication of hostility. The
Chancellor and Argyle, according to Baillie, were more
slenderly backed, and therefore, adds this reverend par-
tisan, " there was a gTeat rumour raised of a wicked
design against Argyle^s <perso7i ; but incontinent the
gentry and ministry of Fife running over in thousands,
and the Lothians, with the town of Edinburgh, cleav-
ing to Argyle above expectation, the Banders' courage
and companies of foot and horse melted away as snow
in a hot sunshine." Notwithstanding this excited ac-
count of the matter it is obvious, from all the contem-
porary chronicles, that not an idea of violence or hostile
collision, at this meeting of council, had entered the
minds of one of these loyal petitioners. Had such been
their object, it is not likely that Montrose would have
held back from the warlike array, as he appears to have

* Such, too, we have seen, was the form in which Montrose had put
his sentiments upon the state of the monarchy. It is possible that the
date of Montrose's letter (Vol. i. p. 397) was the period we are now
considering, although the reasons for the date we have assigned appear
the most plausible.

CONSERVATIVE PETITION. 185

done for the very purpose of preventing a clamour, or
rendering the conservative meeting obnoxious. Neither
is Lord Napier's name mentioned as having been pre-
sent upon this occasion, although there is every proba-
bility that he had both advised and drawn the petition,
of which the draft remained in his charter-chest. Ar-
gyle, not contented with the agitation he had success-
fully raised against it, took measures in the General
Assembly, (which met in the month of July thereafter,
the Earl of Dunfermline being Commissioner,) to pre-
vent all such attempts in future. " Montgomery's pe-
tition," writes Baillie, " came in hands ; sharp enough
flyting there was about it betwixt his Grace and Argyle;
always for time to come we made an act against such
j)resumptiony

The first conspicuous position in which we discover
Montrose, after his release from the Castle, is that of
his meeting with the Queen in the month of February
1643,thesceneat which DrWishart'sdetailsof his hero's
career may be said to commence. This sudden move of
Montrose's attracted immediate notice, and the terms of
its announcement by Baillie to his foreign correspondent,
(in a letter of the 18th of February,) prove that in the
previous proceedings to which we have referred, Mon-
trose had taken no prominent part. " Our heart-burn-
ings," says Baillie, " increase, and with tliem our dan-
gers; somuchthe more as Montrose, Ogilvy, and Aboyn,
who this long while have been very quiet, are on a sud-
den to the King, for what we cannot tell."* According

* At the end of this letter Baillie adds : " I?y no means give over your
task, but be gathering troni all hands materials ; what I know I shall
ever give you an account of soon or syne." Here the object of these
letters appears, and the result was, Historia Mutuum, the chronicle so
fondly quoted by the apologists of the Covenant.

186 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

toWishart, the reason of Montrose's journey was that he
perceived the coming storm, and that taking only Ogilvy
along with him as his companion and confidant, he went
to furnish the King with that true and faithful account of
the state of affairs in Scotland, the absence of which had
been the bane of his government, from the commence-
ment of his reign.* And in the interval of eight
months, which had elapsed since the conservative peti-
tion was treated with such factious contumely, cir-
cumstances had occurred in Scotland sufficient to have
removed every doubt from Montrose's mind, if any re-
mained, that Hamilton was still betraying the King,
under pretence of serving him. These we must shortly
trace e'er we follow Montrose into the presence of her
Majesty.

The mysterious Marquis was now regarded with dis-
trust and suspicion by every right thinking man in the
kingdom. Upon no theory of honesty could his con-
duct from first to last be explained. Yet Charles, though
his countenance to the favourite was altered, and his
confidence in him greatly impaired, still regarded the
faithless companion of his life with a tenacity of affec-
tion fatally characteristic, and his heart yearned to trust
him again. When the intelligence reached York that
the Council in Scotland, and the Conservators of Peace,
had rejected with disdain and menaces a most respect-
ful and constitutional petition, simply because it was
loyal, the real intentions of those who ruled Scotland
could no longer be doubted by the King and his friends.
Hamilton felt himself at this time in a very uncomfort-

* Spalding says, that Montrose and Ogilvy were commissioners from
" the Banders," and others who felt themselves grievously oppressed at
this time by the exactions and taxations of their new masters, Hamilton,
Argyle, Loudon, Lindsay, Balmerino, and others.

HAMILTON JOINS ARGYLE. 187

able position, for so suspiciously was he now regarded
by all who rallied round Charles, that the whole gentry
of Yorkshire had it in contemplation to petition his
Majesty to remove the Marquis from his Councils and
Court, as one too much trusted by those who would
not trust the King. Under these circumstances, the wily
favourite made an offer to go into Scotland, adding, says
Clarendon, " many assurances and undertakings, that he
would at least keep that people from doing anything
that might seem to countenance the carriage of the Par-
liament." This offer was accepted, and the letter of
Charles to Hamilton upon the occasion, so different from
the former outpourings of his deep affection for this
ungrateful nobleman, conveys no slight reproach.

" Hamilton. — I have no time to write particulars.
And to persuade you to serve me, I suppose that I have
less need than time. Therefore, in a word, this is a
time to shew ivliat you are, assuring you that at all
times I will shew that I am, your most assured and
constant friend, Charles R."

Hamilton arrived in Scotland in the month of July,
towards the close of which the General Assembly,
in other words, Argyle's conclave of agitation and
revolution, sat down at St Andrews. It is illustra-
tive of the history and progress of the movement,
that the royal Commissioner, Dunfermline, so lately
a leader of the faction, was now sincerely exerting
himself for the honour of Scotland, and the safety of
the King, while " the Serpent in the bosom" was do-
mesticated with Argyle. " The Marquis of Hamil-
ton and Argyle's intimate familiarity," says Baillie in
his account of this Assembly, " kept down the malcon-
tents from any stirring." By the following sentence

188 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

in the same letter, it appears that Hamilton's first act
upon arriving in Scotland, was one of disobedience,
and desertion of the King in favour of Argyle : " The
King had written to the Marquis of Hamilton, Argyle,
and the Chancellor, Morton, and Southesk, to attend
and assist the Commissioner. Argyle read his letter,
but professed his presence there alone in quality of a
ruling elder from the Presbytery of Inverary. South-
esk sat at his (the Commissioner's) footstool, and oft
whispered his unsavoury advice. None of the rest ap-
peared." This Assembly, or the ruling party in it,
manifested, as might be expected, their deference and af-
fection towards the Parliament of England, and a cor-
responding enmity to the King.

The insurrection of Scotland possessed one, and but
one feature of respectability. The clamour that na-
tional establishments ought not to be infringed, or in-
terfered with at the arbitrary will o a Monarch, had,
it is true, not much sense in its violent application to
the Episcopal measures of Charles. But it was cer-
tainly plausible, and there was sufficient rashness in
the councils of the King to render the opposition pa-
triotic, provided it was honest. But now the unre-
mitting attacks of the presbyterial power upon the
Episcopal establishment of England, and the shameless
effrontery of their combination with an unprincipled
faction in England, to plant the Covenant there, utterly
effaced the only feature of respectability to which that
document could ever pretend, and displayed it in all
the naked deformity of its dishonest origin. Argyle
was the controller of this omnipotent lever against the
Monarchy of England. The inexorable demand for
uniformity, upon the presbyterian model, of church go-
vernment throughout the kingdoms, which, while it so

CHARLES'S LETTER TO DUNFERMLINE. 189

grievously vexed and insulted, completely exonerated
Charles, was carried to England by Lord Maitland,
the selection of whom was a motion and contrivance of
Arsvle's to insure to the factious movement its full
effect. * The Earl of Dunfermline exerted himself,
even to tears, (a fashion, it seems of the oratory of
those days,) that he might turn the tide in favour of
his Royal Master; but he wept in vain. From the
originals of two unprinted documents, (preserved in the
venerable charter- room of princely Fyvie Castle, still
rejoicing in the Seton crescent, carved upon its oaken
panels,) we may illustrate this crisis.
" Charles R.

" Right trusty and right well beloved cousin and
councillor, — We greet you well. By the order of our
two Houses of Parliament, whereof we have herewith
sent a copy, we perceive that it is insinuated as if we
were not disposed to peace, but inclined to make war
in this our kingdom. We have therefore thought good
by these to require you to make known, as well to the
Assembly now at St Andrews, as to all our good sub-
jects in that our kingdom, the gracious answer we
gave to that petition, and to let them understand how
far our life and practice hath been from using any
ways tending to the effusion of blood, — that there is
no party of Papists about us, which is a suggestion

• " Upon Argyle's contriving and motion, Maitlanfl unanimously was
sent as our commissioner to King and Parliament, wherein he proved
both wise, industrious, and happy." Baillie. This was the Lauder-
dale who was the bitter enemy of Montrose, and became the first and
last Duke of Lauderdale. His Duchess was the no less celebrated
Countess of Dysart, a title that lady assumed in her own right, in con-
sequence of her father having obtained the patent of the Earldom from
Charles I. ; but it never i)assed the seals. Her father was " little Will
Murray of the Bed-chamber."

190 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

feigned merely to render us disgustful to our subjects,
— and we doubt not but our real actions will have
more credit with our subjects there than the bare words
and assertions of any disaffected to our person and
government. You shall hereby likewise receive a copy
of the reply of our two Houses to the answer we sent
to their petition, whereby they absolutely refuse all our
gracious and just propositions for a means to reconcile
all differences, and to settle peace and quietness in this
our kingdom. As for the matter of Religion, and Go-
vernment of the Church, we are resolved to maintain
it as by the law it is here established, until it shall be
legally reformed and altered ; and to this we are bound
by oath, and in conscience. Thus much we would have
you to communicate to the Assembly there in our name,
and to assure them that if we had any other affections
than a desire to settle peace here, both in the Church
and Kingdom, we should not so easily have passed by
the many affronts done to our person, and the slaughter
and daily injuries done by Sir John Hotham, and his
adherents, upon our good subjects. Of your perfor-
mance hereof we shall expect a particular account from
you in convenient time. Given at our Court at Be-
verley, the 29th day of July 1642."*

" Most Sacred Sovereign. — Whether matters
please or not, I must, according to your Majesty's trust,
make a true and tirnous relation, knowing that your
Majesty will put no more, of all that is done, upon my
attempts, but that which I assent unto in your Majesty's
name. The Assembly hath made choice of the Lord
Maitland to be the bearer of their answer of the declara-

* Original. Addressed, — " To our right trusty and right well be-
loved cousin and Councillor, Charles, Earl of Dunfermline."

3

Dunfermline's letter to charles. 191

tion sent from the Parliament, and of their supplica-
tion to your Majesty, which I could not hinder. He
is directed first to come to your Majesty with them,
and (then) go to the Parliament, of which I conceive it
to be necessary to give your Majesty timous advertise-
ment, that before his coming your Majesty may, in
your royal wisdom, consider whether it be more for
your Majesty's service that he be stayed, or permitted
to go forward, both which (in my weak judgment,)
have their own inconveniences ; for his stay may be
evil construed here, and his going may prove prejudi-
cial to your Majesty's service there ; for certainly if he
had no other business, they would send another bearer ;
and I know they have sent it to their commissioners
already. Whatsoever be the impressions your Majes-
ty receives of my carriage, I wish at God 1 may no
longer live than I continue your most sacred Majesty's
obedient subject,
*S'^ Andrew's, 5th August 1642. Dcjnfermline."

On the 25th of August the royal standard was hoisted
at Nottingham. In the meanwhile Hamilton was col-
leaguing, in the most confidential and secret manner,
with Argyle in Scotland, doing nothing, and worse than
nothing, for the King, but at the same time, by his
plausible letters, persuading his Majesty that he, Ha-
milton, was acting honestly and zealously, and earning
a riffht to return to the bosom of his infatuated mas-
ter. In the month of September, Charles sent his bed-
chamber man, William Murray, to assist his cause in
Scotland. The agent of the kirk, whose own " loving
friend and agent" was the Reverend Robert Baillie, had
something else to do there. Yet he was a mystery to
Baillie, though Hamilton and Argyle understood him

192 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

well enough. " I was ever fearing," he says, " what
William Murray, who was in the depth of all the Kings
A'^cr^^*, his long stay in the Abbey, and his frequent meet-
ing with Hamilton, might produce." He need not have
been alarmed. The result of their secret deliberations
was all that the Covenanters could have desired. Bi-
shop Guthrie records that it was the opinion of the
royalists that William Murray was caballing with Ha-
milton and Argyle against the King, and that their al-
leged disagreements were all simulate. Secret his-
tory sheds no light upon the characters of this trium-
virate that does not confirm the scandal.

Upon the 2.Sd of October was fought the battle of
Edge-hill, the first between the King and the Parlia-
ment. The royal forces were sufficiently successful to
" abate the courage" of the Parliamentarians, and Ha-
milton now made a fashion, after his miserable kind,
of opposing Argyle. Baillie, alluding to the loyal-
ists, says, that now " the faction had got the new ac-
cession of the Hamiltons." Such was the posture of
affairs when Montrose made that sudden move to the
Court, the announcement of which, to the Reverend Mr
Spang, we have already quoted from our invaluable
chronicler.

When Montrose arrived at Newcastle, he learnt
that the Queen had landed at Burlington, on her re-
turn from Holland. His approaches in that quarter
not being prohibited by the act which excluded him
from the presence of Charles, he proceeded at once to
her Majesty, whom he informed of the critical state
of affairs in Scotland. At York, when the Queen,
had recovered from the fatigues and agitations of
her voyage, she sent for Montrose, to continue the

MONTROSE ADVISES THE QUEEN. IQS

conference. There, however, Hamilton also joined her,
and the high-minded impetuous Montrose, who had
never been suffered by the favourite to enter the court
circle, was no match for a practised diplomatist, and
plausible double-dealer, who from his youth had been
as it were a member of the royal family. The result
of this conference is well known. When the Queen
put to Montrose the despairing question, — ' what is
to be done,' — the Graham's answer was ready : ' Re-
sist,' he said, ' resist force with force, — the King has
loyal subjects in Scotland, — they have wealth, and influ-
ence, and hearts stout and true, — they want but the
King's countenance and commission, — the only danger
is delay, — if the army of the Covenant be allowed to
make head, loyalty will be crushed, — the rebellious
cockatrice must be bruised in the egg, — physic is too
late when the disease has overrun the body.' But
Hamilton, waiving his anecdotes of the immortal Gus-
tavus, and dismissing the many chivalrous recollec-
tions of his own military career, forgetting ev^en,
that once upon a time he had called Scotland " this
miserable country," and had spoken of the " insolency
of this rebellious nation," and urged the King to
visit it with fire and sword, — thus spoke to the Queen :
' That stout and warlike nation,' he said, ' is not to be
reduced by force of arms, but with gentleness and cour-
tesies. Civil war is a thing to be avoided by all means.
It were but a sorry triumph should the King succeed,
and my soul abhors to speak the consequences if he
fail. Let there be peace by all means, nor ought the
King yet to despair of amity with Scotland. If his
Majesty will invest me with sufficient authority, and
trust the conduct of aflairs to me, I will take their settle-
ment upon my own responsibility.' ' I see,' replied
VOL. II. N

194 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Montrose, ' what the end of this will be. The traitors
will be allowed time to raise their armies, and all will
be lost.' But the declaration of Hamilton, whom her
Majesty imagined to be omnipotent in Scotland, that
he would take upon himself the cause of the King, and
support it by a diplomacy more secure and powerful than
an immediate appeal to arms, the result of which appeal,
he declared, would in all probability be a failure, pre-
vailed with the Queen. Montrose was discomfited and
dismissed, his proud heart swelling with a consciousness
of truth and loyalty disregarded, and with a sad fore-
boding that Charles was mistaken when he said, in the
Parliament of Scotland, that " the Devil shall not pre-
vail in this country."* Her Majesty, having promis-

* Dr Cook (Vol. iii. p. 74,) characterizes Montrose's spirited offers to
the Queen as a " feeble effort to save Charles from the degradation which
awaited him." He add^, that Montrose's " sentiments respecting the
state of the public mind were well founded, but the counsel which he
gave, he had taken no prudent method to carry into effect. Bold and
ardent in his resolutions, and disgusted at the popular faction with wliich
he had once acted, he was deficient in that calmness and solidity of judg-
ment which the critical period at which he lived so much required."
This polished sentence is unjust to Montrose, and will bear no inspec-
tion. What are those prudent measures which Montrose at this crisis
either could or should have adopted, and omitted ? How had he failed
in calmness and soliditj^ of judgment? Did the calmness of Hamilton
save Charles from degradation ? Baillie's account is : — " On the report
of the Queen's landing, the most of our evil Lords went to York. God
divided their tongues there for our good. The common report among
us goes, to the which the parties themselves give grounds, that Montrose
having a writ, as he said, from twenty-two noblemen, or many of chief
respect, did offer to the Queen a levy of ten thousand vScots, and for
this should have received ten thousand Sterling ; that Hamilton being
advised, demonstrated the impossibility of that performance; for this
disappointment Montrose refused to have any society with Hamilton, not-
withstanding of all her Majesty's endeavours." Will it be said that if
countenance and authority, and all possible means, had been confer-
red by their Majesties u|)on Montrose at that time, and Hamilton cast
off, that the aspect of affairs would not have been changed, and a loyal
army on foot ? The calm counsels, and solid judgment of Hamilton,

HAMILTON SUPPLANTS MONTIIOSE. 1^5

ed a Dukedom to Hamilton as the reward of his services,
communicated the result to the King at Oxford, and the
Marquis returned to his secret conclaves vvith Ar-

Montrose, Napier, Erskine, Ogilvy, and Sir George
Stirling, to whose councils was now added the wisdom
of Sir Robert Spotiswood, and the dangerous aid of
such a waverer as Calendar, (once more with Mon-
trose,) held frequent meetings together, and, notwith-
standing the late persecution of the Plotters, contrived
to transmit the same propositions that were offered to
the Queen. But Hamilton had also replaced himself in
the confidence of Charles, and Montrose was again reject-
ed. It had been the policy of the jealous favourite, from
the time when he first excluded Montrose from the pre-

brought this about, that, in the beginning of the following year, the army
of Scotch rebels crossed the borders. Calmness, as contradistinguished
from the advice of Montrose to the Queen, could be nothing but cowar-
dice or treachery. A rebel army was opposed to the King in England;
and the moment the Queen landed, she was bombarded in her bed-room
on the key, with cross-bar shot, by the gallant Vice-Admiral Batten,
and, adds I'larendon, " forced out of her bed, some of the shot making
way through her own chamber, and to shelter herself under a bank in
the open fields." Spalding narrates it thus: — "Her Majestj^, having
mind of no evil, but glad of rest, now wearied by the sea, is cruelly as-
saulted J for these six rebel ships sets their broad-sides to her lodging,
batters the house, dings down the roof, or (before) she wist of herself.
Always she gets up out of her naked bed, in her night waly-coat, bare
foot and bare leg, with her maids of honour, (wlieieof one through plain
fear went stark mad, being ane nobleman of England's dochter.) she gets
safely out of the house. Albeit the stanes were flisting about her bead,
yet courageously she goes out, they shooting still, and by providence of
the Almighty she escapes, and all her company, except the foresaid
maid of honour, and goes to ane den, which the caimon could not hurt,
and on the bare fields she rested, instead of stately lodgings, cled with
curious tapestrie." Montrose may be excused if he were not calm in
such times, nor was there any want of solidity of judgment in recom-
mending ten thousand loyalists in arms as the best Scotch receipt
against the crisis illustrated by Admiral Batten's cross bar shot.

196 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

sen ce-ch amber, to represent him as a forward and pre-
sumptuous, but shallow enthusiast, whose best princi-
ple was vanity, and his best policy an impracticable ro-
mance. The present faction of Hamilton, composed of
the trimming and the treacherous, who, by their lead-
er's junction with Argyle, formed the link betwixt the
King and his ruin, now industriously promulgated the
same estimate of Montrose, which has been prolonged
to the present day, through the artful medium of Ha-
milton's apologist Burnet. Yet the advice of Montrose
to her Majesty was as sound as it was honest ; and it
could not have failed of success, if Hamilton had not
been deficient both in honesty and courage. The broad
question, in that struggle for ascendency with the Queen,
was how to prevent the covenanting Scots from aiding
the Rebellion in England. Montrose had already satis-
fied himself, and the result proved how accurate were
his anticipations, that everything was in train in Scot-
land, for a combination with the English Parliament
against the Throne. The army was revived, even as
the King quitted Scotland, and in this Montrose refused
to take command, for the manner of its resuscitation
belied its professed object, and indeed the whole state
of the covenanting councils clearly indicated that army
to be Argyle's, and that its military leader, instead of
being the King's Earl of Leven, was still the little
crooked mercenary, Alexander Leslie. Though now in
Ireland with their commander, these forces, as Montrose
foresaw, were ready to return in support of the move-
ment, whenever the Dictator beckoned to them. Argyle
only waited for a Convention of the Estates, and a Ge-
neral Assembly, the fields in which he was omnipotent.
By the late treaty, Charles had granted triennial Par-
liaments to Scotland, and the first was to be in the month

HAMILTON TRUSTED AND ADVANCED. 197

of June 1644. But to further the schemes of the fac-
tion, (whose present plea of agitation was that inconsist-
ent and shameless one, uniformity, in the mode of wor-
ship throughout the whole kingdom,) an immediate
Parliament was importunately demanded, and the King,
who saw the drift, resolutely referred them to the ap-
pointed time. In tlie month of February, when Mon-
trose and Hamilton were with the Queen, the Chan-
cellor Loudon, and Henderson, the leader of the Scotch
clergy, were executing a commission at Court, their prin-
cipal instructions being to obtain a warrant for calling a
Parliament in Scotland, and to urge the absolute neces-
sity of a uniform mode of worship, in other words, that
the Presbyterian Covenant should be extended to Eng-
land. This impudent mission was of course unsuccess-
ful, except for the purposes of agitation, and when the
commissioners returned to Edinburgh, the Council, the
Conservators (so called) of the peace, and the Commis-
sioners of the Assembly, met in grand conclave on the
10th of May. "Because the matter was of import-
ance," says Baillie, " Argyle contrived it so, that the
three bodies, all much interested, should be called to-
gether."

By this time Hamilton, whose success with the Queen
of course implied the same with her devoted consort,
was not only invested with the command he had former-
ly abused of the affairs of Scotland, but the inducement
held out to him by the Queen to perform his promises
was realized, and the favourite was now a Duke.
When he supplanted Montrose at York, Hamilton pledg-
ed himself to effect two principal objects, by means of
his superior tactics, and influence over the councils of
that kingdom. He was to prevent a Scottish army taking
the field in aid of the Parliament, and he was by all means

198 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to prevent a meeting of the Estates of Scotland, until the
time appointed for their triennial Parliament. " There
were," says Clarendon, in a passage that had been sup-
pressed until the late edition, " many persons of honour
of that kingdom, who professed entire submission and
devotion to his Majesty, and who, I believe, really were
not inclined to that faction which his Majesty appre-
hended. All these were directed privately to be ad-
vised and disposed by the Marquis of Hamilton, (whom
the King had now raised to the dignity of a Duke,)
who had solemnly promised his Majesty, either by his
interest in the councils, to prevent the resolution to in-
vade England, or by his power and the assistance of
his party there to resist it ; and, therefore, all those
Lords, and persons of honour, whom the King relied
upon, were directed to be entirely guided by him ; all
that the King desired from his subjects of that his na-
tive kingdom being, that they would not rebel." * But
while Charles thus fatally repeated the confidence in
his favourite by which Scotland was lost to him in
1639, there was scarcely an honest and reflecting mind
in either country that did not regard him with more or
less of the feelings by which Montrose was continually
impelled to denounce him as a traitor. Among the
Ormonde papers is a letter, dated 1st June 1643, from
Sir Robert Poyntz to the Marquis of Ormonde, con-
taining a curious passage, from which we learn the
on dit of the day, on the subject of Montrose's confe-
rence with the Queen, and the respective characters of
the parties : " They say a Scottish nobleman, Montrose,
with a knight. Sir Robert Spotiswood, came to the
Queen with good proffers of real service, which were

* Hist. Vol. iv. p. 624.

HAMILTON NOT TRUSTWORTHY. 199

seconded by a Popish Lord, Nithisdale. They were per-
suaded the safest way was by the Queen, whose course
by many is judged very constant and fixed, whereas
other courses are too moveable. But the Marquis of
Hamilton, and another nobleman (whose name I have
forgotten, not being well acquainted with the Scotch
Lord's titles, but sure I am he was Treasurer in the
time of the Scotish troubles)* came too, knowing Mon-
trose's intentions, and was so powerful with those whom
her Majesty primely trusts, that he did defeat all their
course and intentions, and made the Queen give little
countenance to Montrose, who (as his countrymen say)
is a generous spirit, but hath not so good a head- piece
as Hamilton. Hamilton hath undertaken to the Queen
to keep the Scots at home. Montrose, when he came
home, being discontented, hath reconciled himself to the
Marquis of Argyle ;f yet I hear understanding Scots say
the quarrel and wrong is irreconcileable, and Argyle
of his own nature implacable, yet is so subtle that he
can hugely dissemble. If the Marquis of Hamilton
keep what he hath promised to the Queen, all will he
well. But the wiser sort suspect him, and e'er long hy
the consequents it will appear, ^i'here be more than
pregnant reasons to suspect him and fear the worst,
as some inform. For Montrose was the only man to
be the head and leader of the King's party ; and, being
of an high spirit, cannot away with contempts and af-
fronts."

That the feeling of the best men in both countries
was with Montrose, (even at this time, when, according

* This was Traquair, whom the plausible Hamilton now carried along
with him in his policy, and who had some reason to dread being found
in the same boat with Montrose.

f The origin of this rumour will be apparent presently.

200 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to our modern historians, he had just been darkly plot-
ting assassinations and massacres,) and that Hamilton
and Argyle were properly appreciated already, is suffi-
ciently manifest from this dispassionate account, al-
though the utterance of honest opinions was now
smothered by the pressure of faction. * Even before
the date of this letter, Hamilton had grossly fail-
ed in the performance of his pledges. At their con-
clave, of the 10th of May, when the King's determina-
tion was announced not to grant a Parliament until the
diet that had been fixed, it was immediately proposed
to call a Convention of the Estates without his sanc-
tion ; and although Hamilton, with the covenanting
Lord Advocate for his counsel, (against whom, how-
ever, was set off Sir Thomas Hope the younger,) op-
posed this motion, or rather made a fashion of doing
so, it was carried almost unanimously, and the Conven-
tion fixed for the 22d of June, f

Thus in any view of the matter Montrose was right.

* Sir Robert Poyntz begs the Marquis to burn his letter, a direction
not unfrequently disobeyed.

■f " Hamilton, Southesk, and the good advocate, urged that the three
bodies were met only for consultation." This was carried against them,
" The next question was more hotly handled, of their power to call the
Estates. This Argyle and Wariston made clear by law and sundry pal-
pable p^'actigues.'" — Baillie. Here Wariston was fulfllUng his old threat
to Charles, that he would seek out old practiques against him ; but he
was not very nice as to their being in point, and could have convinced
the mystified Baillie that black Avas white. The act of calling the Es-
tates together, under all the circumstances, was, as a constitutional or
legal act, unprecedented, and indeed an unequivocal declaration of
open rebellion. Hamilton craved delay, which was granted for one
night. He then gave it as his opinion to his friends, that the best way
was to allow the convention to be called, and then to absent themselves
from the convention. Accordingly, on the 11th, when the measure was
triumphantly can led, Hamilton, the Advocate, and a few others, did not
appear.

HAMILTON NOT TRUSTWORTHY. 201

If Scotland was so completely at the mercy of the Ar-
gyle faction that the voice of the illustrious Hamilton, *
clothed with vice-regal authority, was powerless in that
conclave, he had grossly misinformed, and fatally misled
the Queen, both as to the state of Scotland, and his own
influence there. If, on the other hand, his opposition
was simulate, and merely for the purpose of enabling
him to sustain his double part, then he was the traitor
Montrose ever declared him to be. But his next act
was one of more palpable and positive duplicity. In
the plausible correspondence by which he still persuad-
ed Charles that the present crisis could not be impu-
ted to his prime minister, he further impressed him
with a belief that the loyal Scottish Lords were una-
nimously of oj)inion that they should not absent them-
selves from the Convention, but make their stand there
for the King. Upon this the King wrote a letter con-
taining a qualified assent to the presence of his friends
in that Convention, and of this letter Hamilton made
a use, (the evidence for which seems unquestionable,)
that stamps his character at once. The truth appears
to have been that, instead of inclining to attend, t he
unanimous feeling of the loyal noblemen was, that
they should rendezvous in arms, and plans were laid to
that eifect, some feeble demonstrations of supporting
which were made by Hamilton himself. But to him
these noblemen looked, as commanded by the King, for
advice and instructions at this critical juncture. The

* Clarendon, in the suppressed passage from which we have already
quoted, assigns this reason why their Majesties could act no otherwise
than they did by Montrose. " Hamilton was by much, in alliance and
dependents, the most powerful man in that kingdom, and so, if he were
willing, was unijuestionably able to give life and head to any party that
should stoutly declare for the King, which no other man in Scotland,
how well affected soever, was able to do."

202 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Duke used his whole influence to persuade them that
the best mode of supporting the King was to attend
at the Convention, and when he found them more scep-
tical than he anticipated, he betook himself to the dis-
graceful juggle of telling them it was the King's own
opinion and desire. Then from the Royal letter, he
quoted to them a single sentence, which, thus taken
without the context, seemed to prove his assertion,
and silenced, if it did not satisfy, the majority of the
loyal noblemen.

But Montrose had fathomed the wily favourite, and
was not to be so persuaded. One inducement Hamil-
ton particularly pressed, and that was, that if they would
all attend to support him in the Convention, the moment
it opened he would rise and protest that it was illegal, in
which they were to follow his example, and this, he ar-
gued, would have the effect of dissolving the Estates.
But, he added, if this did not succeed, the appeal to arms
would be in good time. Hamilton now strenuously
exerted himself, through the medium of others, to in-
duce, by these arguments, Montrose to put himself un-
der his auspices, and attend the Convention. ' I am
ready,' said Montrose, ' to grapple with any difficulty,
especially under the command of one who has the high
honour to be his Majesty's chief Commissioner ; but
the Convention I will join only upon this one condition ;
the Duke must engage his honour, that, if justice and
equity be not obtained from the Convention, he will
seek it by the sword.' ' I will jyrotest^ replied Hamil-
ton, ' but I will not fight.' * So Montrose shook the

* Thus in the Latin of Dr Wishait, — " ut fidem daret, si justum et
tequum in conventu inqjetrare non posset, se illud armis repetiturum-
Ille protestaturum se respondit non pugnatiirum. Quibus perpensis'

Montrose's honest counsel. 203

dust from his feet, and departed to his own home, to
watch the event.

There can be no doubt as to Montrose's meaning
when he claimed, from that meeting of Estates, justice
and equity. The King had come in person to settle
Scotland, and, according to the words of their own
acts, had returned a contented King from a contented
People. He had given up to them his most important
prerogatives, granted every demand in reference to
Religion and Liberties, agreed to an act of oblivion,
and, moreover, bestowed rewards upon the most guilty.
On their part the covenanting leaders had deeply
pledged themselves, not to diminish his royal autho-
rity, or suffer a diminution of it by others. Upon
their asseverations of positive loyalty, Charles had no
reason to rely. But he might at least exjDect the negative
fulfilment of their part of the treaty, in sustaining the
character of a contented People. Montrose's notions
of justice and equity led him to this simple conclusion,
that any meeting of Estates called at this juncture could
be justified upon no other grounds than a determina-
tion, on the part of Scotland, to make good their loyal
pledges by now declaring for the King against the rebel
Parliament. Ill is was no romance, or fantastical as-
sumption of heroism, but the dictates of common ho-
nesty. Nor was it a mere ebullition of spleen against
Hamilton and Argyle. Montrose was sanctioned in
his present policy by the approbation and advice of his
excellent relative. Lord Naj)ier, who also kept himself
unsullied from this unprincipled Convention. Among
the Naj)ier manuscripts, there is one which clearly re-
fers to the present crisis, and may unquestionably be

Montisrosanus, ut se purum conservaret, rei eventwn prcestolatunis domi
fie continuit."

204) MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

taken as the exposition of the sentiments of that small
conservative party, of whom Montrose was the chief in
action, and Napier in council. Let it be remembered,
that at the time when the manuscript we are about to
quote was written, Montrose and his friends had just
been released from a most tyrannical imprisonment, and
were even now excluded from the presence and councils
of their Sovereign, as imworthy and dangerous persons.
Yet we find in their own deliberations at this time,
no symptoms of virulent or vindictive feelings against
their enemies, no abatement of their loyalty, nothing
but the calm reflections and argfuments of honourable
and single-hearted statesmen.

" IVhethe?' the King's authority should he maintained
hy us, or no ?

" It seems strange to me to enter a dispute whether
we should be dutiful subjects or no, — for in effect that
is the state of the question. It is a principle, and is
not to be controverted, nor put in deliberation — nam
qui deliherant desciverunt — but the affirmative is to be
firmly holden by good subjects, without dispute. That
which is opposed against it is, our late treaty with
England, which is very compatible with the duty of
subjects, and neither doth, nor can it prejudice our duty
to our Sovereign, although it were (as it is not) con-
ceived and expressed in terms derogatory to the same.
For if all the princes of the earth should league toge-
ther to take from God his due (who is their Sovereign,
and lord paramount over them all,) their league would
not be obligatory. Even so no treaty among subjects
to the detriment and prejudice of their Sovereign's
right, expressed in what terms soever, can oblige them-

Montrose's honest counsel. 205

selves, or any other. At the best our treaty with Eng-
land is but a civil, a legal, or politick faction of men,
which can never be destructive of our obligation to our
Prince, imposed upon us by the law of God and nature.
For if voluntary pactions should be able to cancel divine
and natural obligations, then should our will be our
law, which is absurd, especially seeing of late in a most
solemn manner we have covenanted the observation of
the same before God and his people. Besides, that
treaty was made for a durable peace betwixt the Eng-
lish and us, which cannot possibly be maintained unless
the bond that unites us, (which is the sovereign power
over us both) be strong, and in its own natural vigour.
And it is not to be imagined that these two warlike na-
tions, ancient enemies, and bordering one upon another,
can be kept in peace, (where there is daily cause of
quarrelling, and some too ready to take hold of the oc-
casion)* if the bond that unites them be weak, disabled,
or dissolved. To desire, then, that treaty to be kept,
and not to maintain the authority that is only able to
do it, is, by a most senseless solecism, to desire the end,
and not to endure the means, which, in the terms,
things now stand in, seems to be the only means under
heaven to procure peace, which Almighty God has put
in our hands, and which, if we neglect, we shall never
be able to answer, but must both be, and reputed to be,
the cause of all those miseries and calamities that a ci-
vil war brings with it. 7'his, by only performance of
our duty, may be prevented, for he that may and will
not prevent a mischief acts it.

" That our maintaining the King's lawful authority
is the only means of peace appears by this reason.
When men leave the highway of reason and equity,

* See Montrose's Letter, Vol. i. p. 408.

206 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and follow that of interest and passion, there is but two
ways to reduce them, persuasion or force. The dis-
tractions and mutual jealousies of these times are too
far advanced for persuasion or accommodation ; but if
there were hopes of that course, who is he that is able
to set down marches betwixt a King and his People. It
requires more than human sufficiency to walk so even
a pace betwixt the prerogative of a ])rince, and the
privilege of the subject, as shall content both, or be
just in itself; and where it hath been attempted (as in
England and other places it hath) it was but a plaster-
ino", and the skin drawn over the wound, which fester-
ed after, and was ever cured by the sword. There
rests, then, no other means but that of force ; for as it
is violence that has dispossessed the King of his autho-
rity, it is force on the other side that can repossess
him.

" And certainly it is in our power, by the favour of
God, to re-establish him, and, consequently, a settled
peace betwixt the King and his subjects, and the sub-
jects among themselves, by only doing that which by
all the laws of God and man we are obliged to do ;
which is, to declare ourselves willing to maintain his
Majesty's lawful authority with our persons and for-
tunes. For if the adverse party shall find the King
possessed with the hearts of this people, together with
these forces which in England (where there is no doubt
many loyal subjects) will stick to him, it will make
them hearken to reason, and yield to his Majesty those
rights justly belonging to monarchy, which his royal
predecessors enjoyed ; and further, I persuade myself,
he will never desire nor demand, having by experience
found the danger of his power too highly strained.
And to grant him that, rather than adventure a dan-
gerous war, will never, I should think, be refused by

RESULT OF Hamilton's counsel. 207

wise men, who know that it is not the way of peace to
bind the lion so hard that the blood burst out, (the
sight whereof enrages him, and makes him break his
bands), but they will suffer him to enjoy his natural
liberty, who is so noble and generous, that he will only
prey for necessary food, and not for destruction like the
base beasts of the field."*

The result of the Convention, which Hamilton by
his juggling neither could nor cared to prevent, is well
known. In conjunction with the General Assembly,
which sat down in August thereafter, it gave birth to
the two measures that may be said to have turned the
scale against the monarchy. It decreed the army,
that, under the command of the perjured Earl of Le-
ven, entered England, as auxiliaries of the Parlia-
ment, on the 15th of January 1644 ; f and that Assem-
bly, at which his Majesty's Advocate was Commis-
sioner, :j^ repeated, in a form deprived of its only credi-

* Original MS. in Lord Napier's handwriting. . This must have been
written before it had been openly determined to invade England, with
the army that crossed the borders six months after the meeting of the
Convention in Jun^ 1643.

f In a letter dated 2d June 1643, Baillie, writing in one of his half-
crazy fits of excitement at a new impulse given to the movement, indi-
cates that the object of the convention just carried was well understood :
" We are all a-tlight for this great meeting. It is expected there will
be Commissioners from the Parliament of England to require us to arm
for them. We have a solemn fast in all the land Wednesday before the
2-2(1, and Simday before the Wednesday. We had never more need of
(jod's mercy — our sins are many — the divisions of our nobles open and
proclaimed — the divisions of our church nothing less than they were."

X Baillie makes some curious confessions as to Sir Thomas Hope's
api)()intment. The royal conmiission it seems, had been sent " from Ox-
fortl to the Secretary Lanerick, blank, to be filled with whose name he
and some others thought expedient." (ilcncairn and Lindsay were each
named, but refused, because they felt that they could not fulfil the in-
structions of the King, and keep their position with the faction. The
Lord Advocate's name was then inserted without his knowledge, orde-

208 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

table feature, their Covenant of the year 1638, under
the infamous name of " the Solemn League and Cove-
nant," which was embraced, by its new proselytes in
England, with all the honest enthusiasm of puritanical
democracy, in the month of August 164)3, and return-
ed in October following, to be rebaptized with the pre-
cious tears of covenanting Scotland.

As Montrose watched this rapid fulfilment of his
own predictions, the result of Hamilton's magnificent
promise and solemn pledges, his blood boiled within
him, and he became more and more bound to the despe-
rate resolution, of spending every drop of that blood in
defence of the King and the Throne, though he were left
alone in the contest with their destroyers. We cannot
resist the temptation of here anticipating, from a ma-
nuscript we must afterwards give entire, a reply of
Montrose's to the clerical tormentors who attended
him to the scaffold, showing the indelible impression
made upon his mind by the crisis we have just consi-
dered :

" Then falling on the main business, they charged
him with breach of Covenant. He answered, — ' The
Covenant I took ; I own it and adhere to it. Bishops, I
care not for them — I never intended to advance their
interest.* But when the King had granted you all
your desires, and you were every one sitting under his

sire, for, adds Baillie, " of him they had small care whether he lost him-
self or not. The instructions were thought to be very hard ; yet the
Advocate did not execute, nor name any of them to count of; for he
was so wise, and so well dealt ivith by his two sons, that he resolved to
say nothing to the church or country's prejudice." Again, — " The
Moderator (Henderson) and Argyle did so always overawe his Grace,
that he made us not great trouble."

* This was precisely the opinions of his friend Lord Napier, who
wrote against " Churchmen's greatness," and yet maintained the doc-
trine of the divine right of Kings.

MONTROSE TEMPTED BY ARGYLE. 209

own vine and under his fig-tree, that then you should
have taken a party in England by the hand, and enter-
ed into a league and covenant with them against the
King — was the thing I judged my duty to oppose to
the uttermost. That course of your's ended not but in
the King's death, and overturning the whole of the Go-
vernment."

Montrose had no doubt that the intention of the Cove-
nanters was to join the Parliament, when he proposed
those energetic measures to the Queen, and although
rejected in that quarter, he neither indulged in splenetic
feelings, nor for a moment relaxed his exertions in
favour of the desperate cause of the Throne. Had
he possessed the wayward and irritable temper at-
tributed to him, there was now reason and opportu-
nity for its excitement and indulgence. To the meaner
mind of Argyle, the moment seemed favourable for
drawing Montrose into the schemes of the faction.
Accordingly, soon after the triumph of Hamilton at
York, Argyle commissioned two of his emissaries, Sir
James Rollock, and Sir Mungo Campbell, to make a pro-
posal to our hero, similar to the temptation offered
Huntly at the commencement of the troubles. It was
intimated to Montrose that he would be relieved from
all pecuniary embarrassment, by the discharge of his
debts, and himself preferred to the highest place of com-
mand among them, next to the Earl of Leven, as the
price of apostacy in favour of the democratic move-
ment. Montrose, adds Bishop Guthrie,* in order to

* Dr Wishart refers in more general terms to these attempts to gain

Montrose, and both authors are confirmed in theii- statement by a curious

reference to the fact in a letter of Baillie's, written in July 1643, Mhere

he says,—" Argyle and our nobles especially since Hamilton's falling off

VOL. II. O

210 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

gain time, gave them a dilatory answer. In a fortnight
they returned to him with the same offers, but still striv-
ing for delay and information, he professed some scru-
ples of conscience, and told them he must first hold a con-
ference with theirgreatapostle, Henderson, (who had not
yet returned from his mission at Court with the Chan-
cellor,) before his doubts and difficulties could be solv-
ed. Thus, without compromising his principles, our
hero contrived to elude persecution for the time, while he
strenuously exerted himself, in the north and elsewhere,
to organize a party in support of the Throne. Hender-
son, as already noticed, returned early in May ; but it
was not until shortly before the meeting of the Conven-
tion on the 22d of June, that Montrose held the con-
ference he had proposed. In the meanwhile the Earls
of Antrim and Nithisdale, and the young Lord Aboyne,
their spirit roused and their hopes excited, by the ar-
dent counsels of Montrose at York, were in anxious cor-
respondence on the subject of raising a force to keep the
rebel Covenanters in check. About the beginning of
May, the Earl of Antrim, then at York with the Queen,
received a letter from Nithisdale, in which he says, —
" Hamilton, I do fear, hath done bad offices to the King
since his return. My Lord, I am very confident Montrose
will not flinch from what he professed at York." There-
after, on the 8th of May, the same nobleman writes, in a

would have been content /or the peace of the country, to have dispensed
with that man's (Montrose) by-past misdemeanours ; but private ends
misleads many. He, Antrim, Huntly, Airly, Nithisdale, and more, are
ruined in their estates. Public commotions are their private subsistence."
The fact here alluded to with such spleen, — that Montrose was incorrup-
tible,— is not the best evidence that he lived by public commotions, or lov-
ed to fish in troubled waters. It is amusing to find this factious and de-
luded clergyman charging Montrose M'ith the notorious vice of the party
who wished to gain him.

SCHEMES OF THE LOYALISTS. 211

letter to the same, as if he had doubts of Montrose, a sus-
picion probably arising from the circumstance, that the
latter was at this time in communication with the emis-
saries of Argyle. " I am not," says Nithisdale, " alto-
gether desperate of Montrose; but say he were changed, I
am in good hope, you shall not lack well-affected subjects
in Scotland to prosecute that point we resolved on. One
thing I think strange, that the ammunition granted to
your Lordship and Aboyne should be stopped. My
Lord, without that, neither can the Marquis of Huntly
do service, nor can your friends in the Isles and Highlands
be useful to you. So do your best to have it sent quickly
away, and be confident you shall have assistance, though
it must take a longer time, of the which I shall give
your Lordship notice. So let no alteration be thought
upon, though a little it must be deferred."*

But there was no change in Montrose. Upon Sa-
turday, the 3d of June, the Marquis of Huntly came
quietly to Old Aberdeen, where he directed the Lord
Aboyne to go and meet the two individuals he expected,
who were no less than Montrose himself, and the
eldest son of the Earl of Airly, Lord Ogilvy, who

* This correspondence, (which will be found in Spalding,) along with
letters from Aboyne on the same subject, was taken from the pockets of
the Earl of Antrim, who was captured by the covenanting Major-Gene-
ral Munro, about the '23d of May 1643. The Earl was on his way from
York, and endeavouring to land in Ireland, to further the schemes in fa-
vour of the King, when he was seized by the Covenanters, under pretext
of his being " a notorious rebel." The usual tactics were adopted upon
this occasion. The discovery of the correspondence of the loyalists was
made a handle of the most violent agitation, and the " conservators of
the peace" issued a flaming declaration to inform the people of both
kingdoms, of" this treacherous and damnable plot of the Irish, English,
and Scottish pajjists." The Earl of Antrim contrived to make his escape
to the King at Oxford before the end of the year 1643, wliere we
will find him concerting measures with Montrose, for counteracting
the rebellion of the Covenanters.

212 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

shared the affections and companionship of Montrose
equally with the young Lord Napier. These, Aboyne
conducted to his father. Huntly and Montrose now
met under very different circumstances than when
the Covenant was imposed upon the good town of
Aberdeen. That night the whole party supped and
lodged together in the house of one George Middleton.
On the next day, which was Sunday, they attended di-
vine service, forenoon and afternoon, and thus remain-
ed living together until Tuesday morning, when Hunt-
ly left them, and rode to Haddo's house of Kelly. On
the following day, Montrose, Ogilvy, Marischal, and
Banff, having met together, went in company to join
Huntly at Kelly, where, says Spalding, they all re-
mained that night in a very joyful manner. On the
morrow they parted. Huntly rode to Strathbogie,
Marischal to Inverugie, and Banff to Raittie. Mon-
trose and Ogilvy returned to George Middleton's house,
and from that rode south, on their way to the King.
Such are the facts noted by the immortal Aberdonian,
Spalding, who had watched the movements of these
distinguished individuals with much interest. If they
had only invited him to their merriment at Kelly, how
much might we have known of the state of affairs that
are now in darkness. This meeting was evidently con-
nected with Montrose's scheme in support of the King,
and, from Spalding's account, it would appear that the
parties had separated mutually satisfied with each
other. Yet, if Baillie's information is to be trusted,
the result was unfortunate, owing to the waywardness
of that unsettled youth, the Earl Marischal, who ap-
pears to have been sometimes swayed by his compa-
nion in arms, Montrose, but more frequently by his
cunning and powerful relative, Argyle. " Montrose,"

MONTROSE AND HENDERSON. 213

says Baillie in his letter to Spang of the 2l6th July,
" called a meeting at Old Aberdeen, of sundry noble-
men, to subscribe a writ for an enterprize, under Mon-
trose and Ogilvy's conduct, which Huntly subscribed ;
but Marischal refused absolutely, and made Huntly re-
call his subscription, which, in the great providence of
God, seems to have marred the design."

It was immediately after this expedition to the north,
that Montrose effected his interview with Alexander
Henderson, whom he was very anxious to sound, that
he might positively assure himself of the measures to
be })roposed at the Convention now about to meet. But
he was careful not to compromise his character, in those
calumnious times, by a private meeting with the Mode-
rator of the Kirk, unaccompanied by such witnesses as
would be a sure guarantee of the integrity of his own
position in this delicate affair. On a day between the
10th and 32d of June, another scene of the Plotters
occurred well worthy of the pencil of Vandyke. There
came to a spot, on the banks of the Forth, hard by the
Bridge of Stirling, the celebrated political clergyman,
whose head and hand were never away from the work
of revolutionary agitation, although the clamour against
the Bishops for their connection with secular affairs,
was a war cry of the faction whom this zealot so
ardently aided. Henderson was the very Don Quix-
ote of Presbyterianism, and all his recent misgivings
at the crooked ways of the Covenant, and something
like a yearning towards the more honest and enlight-
ened paths of loyalty, — not unmarked by thedetermined
democrats whose tool he became, — were now merged in
the new insanity of this Presbyterian crusade against
Episcopal England. But his lucid interval came again,
and, broken hearted, he died ere the murder of his So-

214 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

vereign had consummated that crusade. He was at-
tended on the present occasion by Sir James Rollock,
whose first wife was the sister of Montrose, but now
he was married to the sister of Argyle. To meet these,
came the family party of Plotters, — Montrose, Napier,
and Sir George Stirling of Keir, — and, according to
Wishart, some others, probably Montrose's constant
aide-camps, the Lord Ogilvy, and the Master of Na-
pier. For two hours, " by the water-side," did this
conference continue. Montrose commenced by ex-
pressing his sense of being honoured by the visit of so
excellent a person, upon whose faith, honesty, and
judgment, he much relied. ' To allow,' he added, ' the
ill opinion of my enemies to breathe itself after some
little mistakes, I have been contented to remain in do-
mestic retirement, and am altogether ignorant of your
Parliamentary affairs ; indeed, I am at a loss how to
comport myself in these very ticklish times, and must
beg of you, for old acquaintance sake, to tell me frankly,
what it is you mean to do.' The apostle of the Cove-
nant, who mistook this for the signal of Montrose's
apostacy, replied without reserve, that it was resolved
to send as strong an army as they could raise, in aid of
their brethren of England, and that the Covenanters in
both kingdoms had unanimously agreed to bring the
King to their lure, or perish in the attempt. Then
he uttered hallelujahs over the supposed acquisition
of Montrose, and thanks unto his Lord God, who had
vouchsafed to make use of himself as the minister
and mediator of so great a work. Finally, he entreat-
ed Montrose to cast off all reserve, and abandon himself
entirely to his guidance and confidence, with regard to
every thing he might desire from the Parliament, either
in relation to his honour or his profit. But Montrose

MONTROSE AND HENDERSON. 215

had already obtained all he desired from the Reverend
Alexander Henderson. They had endeavoured to al-
lure him from the path of honour, and he had out-
manoeuvred one of the most wily of the faction, whose
confessions to Montrose completely justified all the
counsels of that loyal nobleman to his sovereign.
He had only now to withdraw himself from the con-
ference, without compromising his safety by a quarrel,
or his honour by a pledge he meant not to fulfil.
Turning to Sir James Rollock, he inquired if their pre-
sent proposals were in consequence of a direction from
the Committee, or out of their own good wills. ' I
conceive,' said Sir James, ' that Mr Henderson is com-
missioned from the Parliament to this effect.' ' Not
exactly so,' replied the Moderator, ' but I doubt not
the Parliament will make good whatever I pro-
mise.' ' Gentlemen,' rejoined Montrose, * I wish you
good evening. In a matter of so high importance, I
can form no positive resolutions, where there is not the
public faith to build upon, and where the messengers
disagree among themselves.' And so saying our hero,
who " was stately to affectation," departed with his
relatives, leaving the Representative of the Kirk, and
the Representative of Argyle, disputing on the banks
of the Forth, as to whose fault tlie omission was, in not
coming provided with the credentials of plenipoten-
tiaries.*

* That Montrose in this interview had not the slightest intention of
selling himself to the Covenanters, and that he did nothing therein to
compromise his honour, is sufficiently guaranteed, even by the fact, that
his advisers and companions in that matter were such men as Lord
Napier, and Sir George Stirling of Keir.

216 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER VIII.

HOW THE KING TOOK MONTROSE TO HIS COUNCILS, AND SENT HAMILTON
TO PRISON, WHEN IT WAS TOO LATE.

In the passage quoted below * it will be found,
that, while the character of Hamilton is occasionally
handled with a tenderness strangely contradicted by
the overwhelming details adopted against him in the
same chapter, the notices of Montrose are, from such
a writer, unaccountably crude and unjust. A chap-

* " The mysterious conduct of the brothers still continued. Two
years after the affair of the Incident, when in 1643 the Scots had re-
solved to raise an army to maintain their " cause," the Marquis sate among
them, and seemed only a looker on; while his brother Lanerick, who
had the custody of the Kinjjj's signet, put it to a proclamation to raise
this very Scottish army. This extraordinary act done, the ambiguous
brothers hastened to Charles, at Oxford, to justify their proceedings, and
to explain that inevitable crisis which affairs had taken. They had,
however, been anticipated by the zealous friends of the Monarch, and
the ever watchful and vindictive Montrose had again denounced the
Ilamiltons for their infidelity. Yet even in the present alarming event
Charles seems to have seen no treachery, but only misfortune in the
brothers. Had they been criminal would they have returned to Court
— they who could have framed apologies for their absence ? The char-
ges against Hamilton were, however, of so high a nature, and took so
wdde a view of all his proceedings, and were so positively asserted by the
Marquis of Montrose, that, to satisfy the friends about him, the King
was compelled to put both brothers under arrest. The Marquis had of
late been created Duke of Hamilton, and he who had so long deprived
Charles of the zealous services of Montrose, and whose rankling jealou-
sies of that aspiring genus had induced him to pursue the meanest arti-
fices to accomplish Montrose's ruin, now drank himself from the poison-
ed chalice returned to his own lips." — D' Israeli's Comment. V. iv. p. 312.

CONDUCT OF THE HAMILTONS. 217

ler composed of damning facts, and severe expres-
sions, against Hamilton, alternated with merciful doubts
and deprecating conjectures, is at least in keeping with
his double career, and wofully impotent conclusion.
And such conflict of judgment, upon the character of
the man who of all others was dear to Charles I.,
may be pardoned in so loyal a writer. But why is
Montrose — the brave, the unflinching, self-sacrificed
martyr of loyalty — made to occupy so dark a spot in
that picture ? A poisoned chalice, it seems, mingled
with rankling jealousies, and the meanest artifices, had
been presented by Hamilton to Montrose, which Mon-
trose now returned' to the lips of the falling favou-
rite. Deprived of its dramatic ornament, and in its
naked sense, this can only mean that Montrose was
no less depraved, in his jealousies and duplicity, than
Hamilton, and that his present political position was
simply that of one treacherous statesman repaying
another in kind. In the same breath, however, we
are told of the zealous services of the ever watchful
Montrose — which can mean nothing else than his
devoted loyalty at the most hopeless crisis for mo-
narchy,— and of, " that aspiring genus," — a meagre
allusion to the very characteristics by which Montrose
is so brightly distinguished from Hamilton, no less than
from Argyle. Yet, after all, the same paragraph in-
sinuates that the Hamiltons were denounced for their
infidelity solely by one individual, that individual be-
ing the " vindictive" Montrose. And then comes, as
if to break the fall of these Hamiltons, the deprecating
question, — " had they been criminal, would they have
returned to court, they who could have framed apolo-
gies for their absence?"

218 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Against such elegant and ingenious commentaries
let us place facts.

It will admit of no doubt that Hamilton supplanted
Montrose at York, by deeply pledging himself to her
Majesty, and afterwards to the King, in the manner
we have detailed. Clarendon fully records the fact,
which even the correspondence produced by Burnet
sufficiently proves. The payment in advance to Ha-
milton was the dukedom, the first rumour of which is
thus noticed by Baillie : — " The report goes, which to
me is ajable, of Hamilton's advancement to a duchy,
and marriage with one of the Queen of Bohemia's
daughters." The first fruits of Hamilton's policy, that
appears in the Memoirs of his house, is a letter to the
Queen, dated 21st April 1643, in which he tells her
Majesty there is little change in the affairs of Scotland,
or likely to be until the meeting of the Council in May.
He refers to the rumour (but without condemning it
as false and factious,) that the Chancellor, and other
Scotch Commissioners then in London, were prisoners,
and even in danger of assassination, and he urges the
propriety of instantly despatching them to Scotland.
He also earnestly recommends that all the loyal Scotch
Lords at Court should be sent to Scotland to aid the
royal cause. If this advice was sincere, the results at
least were unfortunate ; and whether they intended it
or not, in this matter both brothers most effectually
played into the hands of the Covenanters. The Com-
missioners came down, and Argyle refused to postpone
the motion for a Convention, any longer than to the
11th of May. It was of great consequence that the
Secretary of State should have been present, in order
to lay before the Council, and the Country, a paper
of admirable instructions, and a most satisfactory de-

3

CONDUCT OF THE HAMILTONS. 219

claration from his Majesty, calculated to quiet e very-
honest mind in Scotland. The Convention was car-
ried, and after that irreparable injury to the King's
cause, Lanerick appeared with his instructions, on the
15th, and was, or pretended to be, much enraged at
what had taken place. Baillie, however, tells us, in a
sentence where first and secondary causes are curious-
ly mingled, that the Secretary having posted to the
Queen at York, " for the perfecting of his instructions,
his stay was much longer than the affairs he was en-
trusted with did require ; for it seems his Majesty did
reckon to have had his mind by Lanerick declared to
the Council, as soon as the Commissioners could make
their report ; but, whether by Lanerick's design, or ne-
gligence, God's providence carried it otherwise."

The summoning home the loyal Scotch Lords had
an equally providential result for the faction. No
sooner were they " sent home," than a storm of perse-
cution, in which the English Parliament combined with
the Covenanters, assailed them as incendiaries, while
Hamilton, under whose orders the King had placed
them, tied their hands with his plausible juggling, and
cheated them of their loyalty. One of the most dis-
tinguished of these was the Earl of Carnwath, whose
bitter jest against the King's misplaced favours we have
noticed. He was summoned " within twenty-four
hours, to present his person in the tolbooth, under the
pain of ten thousand pounds." This nobleman found
it necessary to fly, and his money was seized where the
faction could find it. The principal charge against
him is also recorded by Baillie. " My Lord Carnwath,
that monster of profanity, hath before sundry said to
the King, when our Commissioners came to Oxford,
' that Scotland was not content by their own rebellion

220 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to have trovibled the King, but also would yet again
join with the rebels in England for to ruin the King
and his children,' " — than which a declaration more
literally true, or breathed in a more honourable spirit,
was never put on record. Carnwath, along with Mor-
ton, Roxburgh, Kinnoul, Annandale, and Lanerick, on
their way through Lancashire, had been induced, it is
said, by the Earl of Derby, to write to the Queen, that
that county was lost to the King's cause, unless her
Majesty sent a supply of troops. This letter was in-
tercepted, or, according to Guthrie, it was reveal-
ed by one of themselves, alluding no doubt to La-
nerick. Be this as it may, the result was a requisi-
tion from the English Parliament, to have the whole
of these loyal Lords, who were of the best of the King's
advisers for his affairs in Scotland, prosecuted there
as incendiaries. " This accident," says Baillie, " puts
these men from all thoughts of that service they came
to do." Such was the great object to be attained, and,
accordingly, when after much discussion and excitement,
these new incendiaries actually agreed to write a letter
of apology to the English Parliament, to the effect that,
" in the meantime, they would give no offence by their
intermeddling with any thing that concerned England,"
Sir Archibald Johnston insisted it should be conceived
thus, " and in the meantime they should not intermed-
dle^''— which motion he carried, and thereby prevented
all accommodation on the subject.

The King's friends of the intermediate, or moderate
party, betwixt the faction of Argyle, and such loyalists
as Montrose and his friends, being destroyed in council,
and branded with the name of incendiaries, looked
anxiously and most doubtingly to their leader Hamil-
ton. How he induced them to attend tlie Conv^ention

CONDUCT OF THE HAMILTONS. 221

we have seen. When that memorable conclave open-
ed, the protest of Hamilton, which was to retrieve
every lost step, and supersede the necessity even of
arms, was expected with intense anxiety. But the
Duke, instead of manfully fulfilling that pledge, was so
equivocal in his opposition, that the Dictator, in his
most insolent manner, demanded to know if Hamilton
meant to protest. Lanerick tlien rose to speak for his
feeble brother, but not in support of the King. " The
Earl of Lanerick, brother to the Duke, stood up and
said, that noble Lord (the Duke) understood himself too
well, and the high jurisdiction of the court where they
were, to protest against the wisdom of the whole king-
dom, and besought their Lordships to have a more fa-
vourable opinion of him ; to which the Duke by his
silence consented ; and so there were no more replies
upon the matter."* Upon which the loyal Lords quit-
ted their obnoxious leader, and the Convention in dis-
gust.

Hamilton had alsopersuaded the Queen at York that
the warlike counsels of Montrose were unnecessary, for,
he said, the army, under the Earl of Leven in Ireland,
would remain true to the King, while, on the other
hand, any demonstration in arms on the part of the loy-
alists, would be an infraction of the treaty, and a pro-

* Clarendon. Suppressed passage, Vol. iv. p. 626, Appendix. See
also, same volume, p. 295. Burnet's defence of Hamilton in this matter,
(p. 234',) amounts to a confirmation of the charge, that after inducing
all the loyal Lords to countenance this convention by their presence, on
the understanding that they were all to protest in so determined and
unanimous a manner that it would have the effect of destroying the
convention, he suddenly left them in tlie lurch, by opposing in such
terms as indicated respect, and deference towards this national assem-
bly. Burnet says he was induced to do so by the Lord Advocate, who
told him that to protest would be treason, that he should only deliver
his opinion, and take instruments.

222 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

vocation to rebellion. In his letter to her Majesty, of
the 21st of April, this important point is thus alluded
to : " By the Lord Montgomery, your Majesty will
know how far the General hath i^romised his best en-
deavours that his Majesty shall receive no prejudice
from the army under his command in Ireland ; the same
he hath confirmed to me with deep j)rotestations, and
truly I take him to be a man of that honour that he will
perform it." Was Hamilton, — who, upon one pretext or
another, had been so long in the secrets of the Covenan-
ters, whose own mother was the leader of the female
kirk-militant, and the oracle of her sons, — really igno-
rant of the fact, that Argyle and the Church of Scotland
were themasters of that army, including its commander?
Never for a moment had the prime Covenanters left the
determination to join the Parliament in arms against the
King. The oath of a Covenanter was more brittle than
that of a Papist, whom, indeed, the former meanly re-
sembled in the worst characteristics.* It was the express
doctrine of Wariston, the Procurator of the Church, that
every oath implied such mental reservations as render-
ed it an empty sound. And such was the doctrine of
the Earl of Leven. We need go no further than the
confessions of Baillie, (who was yet only half in their
secrets,) for the fact, that the Covenanters were steal-
ing into open rebellion, according to their usual tactics.
In the month of July, alluding to some advice which
the Parliament had craved from their Scotch brethren in
writing, their chronicler says, — " in this we carefully ab-
stain from ihementioniugoi arms, that the envy (odium)

* This truth we remember to have heard thus expressed in a dog-
gerel verse, probably from some broadside of the day.

A Covenanting Presbyter is neither more nor less,
Tlian a power-seeking Papist, in a very dirty dress.

CONDUCT OF THE HAMILTONS, 223

of this conclusion should not justly be put on us." Scot-
land in general was not with the Argyle faction, though de-
luded and subjugated by the arts of a tyrannical demo-
cracy. About the time when the Assembly ofDivines at
Westminster, called together at the desire of the Covenant-
ers, was announced to them by an English emissary, and
shortly before the General Assembly of the Kirk sat
down in August, " for our borders, or rather to hold
our country quiet, there is appointed a levy of six hun-
dred foot, and two hundred horse." These troops, com-
manded by Sir John Brown, under pretext of hunting
moss-troopers, scoured the whole country hi tei'rorem
of loyal inclinations, and whisperings among the vulgar
against the Cause. When the Solemn League and Co-
venant was found to be enthusiastically embraced by
the English Parliament, the covenanting Convention is-
sued a proclamation on the 24th of August, command-
ing all between sixteen and sixty " to be in readiness
in full arms, with forty days provision, to march to the
rendezvous, the Convention or their Committees should
appoint." But to delude the people, this proclamation
was issued in the King's own name, under the pretext
of opposing a popish and prelatic army arrayed against
" Religion and Liberties," and to this the Secretary of
State, Lanerick, affixed the royal signet, in his kee})ing,
an act scarcely to be accounted for by any theory of his
honesty.

Such was the crisis when Montrose once more held
a consultation with his friends on the prospects of the
Country. He endeavoured to persuade the loyal noble-
men to proceed in a body to the King, and, with their
united voices, awaken his Majesty to a sense of the ap-
proaching storm. But they for the most part were heart-
less and hopeltss, and replied, that, having acquitted

224 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

themselves before God, they would meddle no more in
civil commotions, but would trust to Providence for
better times. Montrose, whom nothing ever depressed
or daunted, determined to go without them, and taking
along with him his constant companion. Lord Ogilvy,
obtained an audience of the Queen at Oxford, towards
the end of August. But her Majesty was still in cor-
respondence with Hamilton, and her ears were imper-
vious to all that Montrose could say. Charles was at
this time occupied with Gloucester, and thither our hero
proceeded, shortly before the King had raised that ill-
judged and disastrous siege. But Charles had deter-
mined to be guided by the counsels of Hamilton, whose
advice was, that peace with Scotland should be pre-
served, even until their hostile army threatened the
borders. Montrose told the King plainly how the fa-
vourite had betrayed his cause in Scotland, that the
armies of the Covenant, in which a high command
had been offered to him, Montrose, were on the eve of
mustering, and instantly bound for the borders, and,
adds Clarendon, he " made some smart propositions
to the King for the remedy." Charles returned to his
winter quarters at Oxford unconvinced by the informa-
tion or entreaties of Montrose, who was still represented
to him, by the friends of Hamilton at Court, as a rash
though daring and ambitious youth, jealous of the trust
reposed in the discretion and fidelity of the Duke.

The predictions of Montrose were fulfilled to the let-
ter. No sooner was the cordial reception in England
of the new Covenant ascertained, than the levies pro-
ceeded vigorously in Scotland. It is curious to contrast
the letter which Hamilton wrote to the Queen in April,
assuring her of the loyalty and honour of General Les-
lie, and to which her Majesty replies, — ** I am very

4

A covenanter's conscience. 225

glad to know, by your letter, as likewise by what my
Lord Montgomery hath told me, the protestations Ge-
neral Leslie makes concerning the armies in Ireland,"
— with a letter from Baillie to Spang, narrating the
grand result of the Hamiltonian policy. He tells his
friend that — " upon the certainty of that Covenant's sub-
scription by any considerable party there, and the pro-
vision of some money, we mind to turn us to God, by
fasting and prayer, and to levy twenty thousand foot,
and four thousand horse. General Leslie is chosen, and
has accepted his old charge. It is true he passed many
promises to the King, that he would no more fight in
his contrare (against him,) but, as he declares, it was
with the express and necessary condition, that Religion
and the Country's right were not in hazard ; and all
indifferent men think now they are In a very evident
one." Such was a Covenanter's conscience. But the
change of circumstances to justify this rebellion was not
apparent to all. His old place of Lieutenant-General was
offered to Amond, now Earl of Calendar, who could not
at once bring himself to that traitorous position. "As yet
Amond is come no further than to serve for puttino- the
country in arms for defence at home." Monto-omery, the
very nobleman who, a few months before, carried the as-
surance of Leslie's fidelity from Hamilton to the Queen
and who had been so forward with the conservative pe-
tition, seeing how desperate were the affairs of his Majes-
ty in Scotland, accepted of a regiment in this rebel army.
But no entreaties could prevail on Lord Erskine, now
domesticated with Napier and Montrose, to accept the
regiment of Stirlingshire, importunately pressed upon
his command. Baillie, who became so conspicuous
as Lieutenant-General of the Covenant, and from whom
Montrose reaped fruitless laurels, is mentioned by his
VOL. II. p

226 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

reverend namesake, (in a sentence whicli also demon-
strates the universal opinion of Hamilton,) as being
" much dependent on Hamilton, who as yet is somewhat
amhiguous, suspected of all, loved of none ; but it is
like he will be quiet." Dear Sandie, the brother of the
Earl of Haddington, took his former command of the
artillery ; and, anon. Lord Sinclair is sent with three
troops of newly levied horse, and six hundred foot, to
assist the Parliament in seizing Berwick. " So," says
Biiillie, " the play is begun — the good Lord gave it a
happy end, — we had much need of your prayers — the
Lord be with you, — your cousin, Robert Baillie."

Such was covenanting Scotland. The movement
was again in full play, and a new Covenant most
tyrannically pressed upon the Country. It was now
sauve qui pent with Hamilton and his brother. Would
they, asks Mr D'Israeli, if criminal, have returned to
Court — they who could have framed apologies for
their absence ? The Duke, at least, had been criminal
for years — and his crime was douhle-dealing betwixt
the King and Covenant, dictated by his own vague
and impotent ambition. His return to Court at this
time was not only natural but inevitable. What apo-
logies could he have framed for his absence now ?
It was not his game to join the Rebellion. His double-
dealing had ever some dreamy reference to future ag-
grandizement, but his factious star paled before Ar-
gyle's, and as the Snake in the grass controlled the Re-
bellion, the Serpent glided back to the bosom of his
master.

Charles, we are informed by Clarendon, had for
some time past been much troubled at the continual
rumours brought him of the rebellion of the Scots, but

MONTROSE SENT FOR BY THE KING. 227

was the last man in believing that they were visibly
armed, and upon their march into England. When too
late to stop or divert them, his eyes were opened, and
he listened with painful anxiety to the irresistible evi-
dence of the hostile approach of his " contented people,"
and the treachery of his favourite. But Mr D'Israeli's
picture of Montrose returning the poisoned chalice to
the lips of Hamilton, is scarcely true to history. It
was not the reiterated warnings of Montrose that
awakened the King — it was not upon his evidence or
assurances that Charles was now compelled, against the
most powerful pleading of his own affections, to con-
sider the Hamiltons as his enemies, and treat them ac-
cordingly. The fact of an invading army of Scots, on the
very borders, was pressed upon the King from many
quarters, and spoke for itself. It was principally the
Earls of Kinnoul, Roxburgh, Morton, Annandale, and
Carnwath, who brought the tales of Hamilton's trim-
ming policy, and deceitful conduct to themselves, by
which the present crisis had arrived without the slight-
est check given to the movement. These loyal noble-
men were not of the party of Montrose, who had long-
advised the most determined, or, as they were called,
the most desperate measures. The former were more
anxious to exonerate themselves, than to accuse the
Duke, and by them, says Clarendon, the " instances of
Hamilton's wariness was alleged with great temper and
sobriety." Then it was that Charles awoke to the
truth and value of all IMontrose's unheeded coimsels.
William Murray and other emissaries of the Duke pre-
ceded him with letters and information, from which,
notwithstanding the plausibility of the favourite, the
King could gatlier no more than this, that having be-
lied every hope, and forfeited every pledge, Hanjil-

228 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ton was now hastening to Court, with an army of re-
bel Scots hard at his heels.

About the close of the year 1643, when the faithless
Covenanters had broken their triumphant treaty of
1641 like a cobweb, the King, whom the proceedings
of the faction had long released from his declaration
that he would take no counsel from Montrose, sent for
our hero, now at Court, and put the tardy and difficult
question, — * Montrose, what is to be done?' — ' Why,
please your Majesty,' replied Montrose, ' the state of
affairs are not the same as when that question was put
to me by her Majesty at York, some twelve months
ago. During the interval I have not ceased to be im-
portunate, with both your Majesties, on the subject of the
impending danger, and although hitherto unsuccessful
to a mortifvina: decree, I trust that the sincere endea-
vours of a most faithful servant will no longer be attri-
buted, by so good a master, to ambition, or avarice, or
envy towards the Hamiltons, but to their real motives,
love for your Majesty, and a sense of my bounden duty.
The case seems desperate, which yet had been easily re-
medied, if the ignorant had not been roused into open re-
bellion by the arts of some who, possessing the royal
confidence, have used the King's own name to ruin and
betray himself.' — ' I have indeed been shamefully be-
trayed,' exclaimed the King, ' by those in whom I had
placed the mostimpiicit confidence — the safety of a king-
dom— my own honour, and my life,' — and again his
Majesty earnestly demanded the ad vice of Montrose, who
replied, that, desperate as the crisis seem.ed, he would yet
engage to bring the rebels to their allegiance, by force
of arms, or sell his life dearly if he perished in the at-
tempt. The King, adds Dr Wishart, much encouraged
by the constancy, and fearless magnanimity of the man.

MONTROSE'S PLAN OF OPERATIONS. 229

commanded him to consider the matter for a day or
two, and return to deliberate.

At their next conference, Montrose still pledged him-
self to save the throne in Scotland or die, if his Ma-
jesty would only bestow his countenance and authori-
ty, and what means he could spare, towards the despe-
rate attempt. But as the garrisons and passes of Scot-
land were now in complete possession of the Covenan-
ters, who had, moreover, solemnly confederated with the
Parliament, Montrose requested an order upon the
Marquis of Newcastle, who commanded for the King
in the north of England, to provide an escort of horse
sufficient to protect him across the borders, and enable
him to make such head in the Highlands of Scotland,
as would eventually encourage every loyalist to rally
round the standard of the King. He proposed that at the
same time the Earl of Antrim should be commissioned
to raise what forces he conld in Ireland, and make a de-
scent with them on the west coast of Scotland, while
Denmark was applied to for some troops of German
horse, and aiTUS and warlike stores otherwise obtained
from abroad.

Such was the state of matters at Court early in De-
cember 1643, when Hamilton and Lanerick came post
to Oxford, says Sir Philip Warwick, to tell a fair
though lamentable tale. In the private correspondence of
the period, may be traced the universal understanding
that Hamilton had deceived the King. " We hear,"
writes Baillie from London, " of Hamilton's coming to
Oxford, and of the King's sadness after his assurance
of our nation's moving truly,"'''" the contrary whereof he

* i. e. Being assured tliat the Scots were actually on their march. The
miserable defence, for the invasion of England by the Scots in 1643,

230 MO>fTROSli: AND THb: COVENANTERS.

was ever made to believe." Upon the lOtli of Decem-
ber, Arthur Trevor writes to the Marquis of Ormonde,
that " the alarm of the Scots (invasion) heightens, and
I do believe more of it than I did yesterday, being sa-
tisfied that the Marquis of Hamilton — a constant appa-
rition before the rising of that people, and their swel-
ling over the banks of Tweed — is come to Newcastle."
It was upon the l6th of December that the bird of ill
omen arrived at Oxford. The loyal noblemen at Court
had unanimously declared, knowing his witchery over the
King, thatnothing could bedone to retrieve his Majesty's
affairs if the Duke were suffered to be of their Councils,
or taken into favour. Montrose, seeing the reluc-
tance of his Majesty to part with Hamilton, begged
permission to retire abroad, if the last hope of saving

is, that the success of the monarchical party there would enahle the
King to recover his prerogatives in Scotland, — the argument, at best,
of a robber, who, having extorted a purse under promise of spar-
ing the life of his victim, immediately cuts his throat to prevent retribution.
There is a secret letter from Baillie to Wariston, dated from London, De-
cember 2S, 1643, which proves that the former (considered the most
loyal and conscientious of his party) looked to no less than a complete
overthrow of the constitution of England in Church and State. He urges
. Wariston to send a committee from Scotland, for, — " it is thought by all
. our friends, that if a well-chosen committee were here, they would get
the guiding of all the affairs both of the State and Church." The Com-
mittee he presses for is Lord Maitland, Wariston himself, and some of the
most fanatical of the clergy, by which he thinks " the Church and State
of England is to receive a new framed He concludes, " burn this my
free letter, except you will keep it, and say it is burnt." Baillie's mo-
rality sat very loosely on him. He tells, with affectionate commisera-
tion of the delinquent, how " Mr James Houston, a pious and very zeal-
ous young man, minister at Glasford, in the time of his trials, and after
his admission, had fallen in fornication." Such was Baillie in politics
and morals ; take a specimen of his religion :— " I hope God will take
order with that wicked faction, as insolently wicked as ever," — meaning
Montrose and the loyalists at Oxford. He speaks of the Almighty as
familiarly, and as immediately in connection with every movement of the
rebels, as if he meant General Leslie.

THE HAMILTONS DISGRACED. 231

the Throne was to be entrusted to those who had so
often betrayed it. We could ahnost believe it to have
been love and anxiety for Charles, that Montrose had
figuratively clothed in those verses to an imaginary
fair-one :

But if by fraud, or by consent.

Thy heart to ruine come,
I'll sound no trumpet as 1 wont,

Nor march by tuck of drum ;
But hold my arms, like ensigns, up,

Thy falsehood to deplore,
And bitterly will sigh and weep,

And never love thee more.

I'll do with thee, as Nero did

When Rome was set on fire.
Not only all relief forbid,

But to a hill retire,
And scorn to shed a tear to see

Thy spirit grown so poor.
But smiling sing, until I die,

I'll never love thee more.

Charles himself must have been inwardly satisfied
that the hero of the Incident was not the victim of
slander, when, with a heavy heart, he ordered the Duke
of Hamilton to be detained a prisoner in his own cham-
bers, in Oxford, and forbade Lanerick from appearing at
Court, though he was permitted the freedom of the town.
But the King had not taken this step without such
consideration of the matter as must have satisfied every
upright man in England of its absolute necessity. He
appointed a committee, composed of the highest func-
tionaries of the kingdom, to take, for his Majesty's
private and merciful consideration, the depositions upon
oath, and in writing, of every Scotch nobleman who had
advised the disgrace of Hamilton, as to what they had
to allege against him. These examinations were sub-

232 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

mitted to the King, and, says Clarendon, " there ap-
peared too much cause to conclude that the Duke
had not behaved himself with that loyalty he ought
to have done." Some noblemen, of whom the Earl
of Kinnoul was the most forward, deponed to the
treacherous conduct of Hamilton in his recent govern-
ment of Scotland. But the depositions of Montrose,
Nithisdale, Aboyne, and Ogilvy, unquestionably the
highest minded noblemen in Scotland, and the least
likely to compromise their honour even by the bare as-
sertion of what they did not believe, embraced the most
comprehensive and serious charges against the Duke.
These noblemen, whom Baillie terms the " good quater-
nion," pledged themselves, without the slightest hesita-
tion, to make good the charges they signed. There was no
absurdities, confusion, or contradiction in this evidence,
as in the covenanting processes in Scotland. Nor were
there any concealments from the party accused. From
Montrose, the informations, upon which his caricature
of a libel had been framed, were obstinately and con-
stantly withheld. But on the first night of Hamilton's
restraint, the excellent Secretary Nicholas, (who had been
one of the committee of investigation, along with the
Lord Keeper, the Master of the Rolls, and the Chan-
cellor of Exchequer,) was sent to him by his gracious
master, not only with assurances of ample justice, but
with a full copy of the depositions which had been
emitted against him.

However the deliberate information of Montrose
miirht influence and excuse the Kino- in the measures he
now adopted against Hamilton, still, we are positively
assured by Clarendon, it was not that which determin-
ed his Majesty. The principal charges, by which Mon-
trose and the rest meant simply to justify their anxiety

THE HAMILTONS DISGRACED. 233

to exclude him from the King's councils at this critical
period, referred to Hamilton's secret connections with
the Covenanters prior to the act of oblivion in 1641.
That act Charles was willing to extend even to the
very peculiar case of his favourite. But there were two
circumstances, in the conduct of both brothers, which no
plausibiHty could evade, and which was proved to the
King by evidence not to be redargued. Kinnoul, Rox-
burgh, and others, unanimously declared they were in-
duced to join the late Convention in Scotland, by hav-
ing been made to believe that such was the wish of the
King, whose letter had been garbled to sustain that be-
lief. Lanerick himself had applied the privy seal to
the proclamation which called together the very army
now on its march against England. These were the
facts which determined Charles at this time to place
the Duke under restraint, and to exclude from Court
his Secretary of State for Scotland, — and not the infor-
mations of Montrose, (to which alone Hamilton's fall is
generally attributed,) although the Duke was furnish-
ed with a full copy of all the charges. *

* Modern historians who characterize Montrose as being actuated at
this period at best by a thouglitless and rash spirit of enterprize, wliile
Hamilton merely erred on the side uf prudence, and can be charged with
nothing worse than a timid policy, are genoi'ally satisfied with appeal-
ing to Burnet's Memoirs. Malcolm Laing refers to no other authority
for the following sentence, (Hist. Vol. i. p. 235,) which is all the history
Mr Laing afforcls of the incident in question : — " The Manpiis of Hamil-
ton was ariested on his return to Court, and accused by Montrose of an
uniform and treacherous connivance with the Covenanters to promote
his ambitious pretensions to the crown. The charge was ohviouslij false
and malicious; for a timid or prudent moderation was his only crime."
Thus is it constantly assumed that Montrose was the sole accuser, where-
as he was only the boldest and most unHinching. The most serious in-
formations against Hamilton were signed at least by Ogilvy, Aboyne,
and Nithisdale, on their own responsibility, as well as by Montrose.
Lords Crawford and Reay were also accusers. Bishop Burnet's object

234 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

The modern criticism of Montrose, namely, that at
the crisis in question, he was rather actuated by rival-
was to make a case for Hamilton, instead of honestly proving one, and
when this is detected, the fact is severe against the sul)ject of his eulogy.
The following (one of many instances that might be selected) will serve
for illustration.

In reference to the accusations against the Duke, signed by Montrose
and the rest. Bishop Burnet says, — " I shall here premise what I copied
out of an original letter of one of the most zealous Covenanters (who was
a very considerable man among them, and one of the junto,) to his cor-
respondent, by which the reader may judge what he is to think of the
truth of matter of fact alleged in the charge. I have seen the charge
against the Dtike, and though he has been a great enemy to our cause and
work, I cannot hut pity him, since he suffers from their hands whom he
has been serving : and after that he adds. He is in no hazard if he yet
justice, for the accusation is fcdse, and can never be proved. This will
discover both what the secret thoughts of the Covenanters were of the
Duke, and how false the charge was in matter of fact." — Memoirs, p. 259.

Here Burnet not only cunningly conceals that the letter to which he
alludes was from Robert Baillie, but he garbles and gives a false impres-
sion of the real state of Baillie's sentiments as to Hamilton. Baillie's
correspondence, when fully considered, affords the strongest evidence
that Hamilton was a treacherous double-dealer, and the particular pas-
sage, when fairly quoted, tends to confirm the charges against the Duke.
Baillie says, " The good quaternion, Montrose, Nithisdale, Aboyne, and
Ogilvy, had subscribed his (Hamilton's) accusation. * * * Many
here think him a gone man ; not so much for the fury of his accusers,
as the desperate malice of the Queen against him, and her fears, if he
were freed, of his power with the King. The matters laid to his charge
will never be proven; and he is in no hazard if he might have justice;
but he has been foolish in his ivisdom. Meikle Jo. would have been in
to visit him, as he said, to give him his coat, as the greater fool than he
for coming hither. However, he has, in my mind, done our nation and
cause great wrong ; yet since all his suffering is for the court's hatred of
our cause and nation, I think all Scots hearts must pity him, and pray
for him, and make either for a speedy rescue of him, if living, or a severe
revenge of him, if dead." In as much as Hamilton went not avowedly and
constantly with the Covenanters, but only played into their hands, and
still saved himself with the King, Baillie considers he wronged the cause.
But manifestly he i-egards the Duke as a most important friend of the
faction. Then Burnet produces letters from the Queen, full of affection
for, and trust in Hamilton, until his signal failure. The fact of her in-
dignation, when the bubble burst, is evidence that she too was persuaded
that Hamilton had deceived her. Burnet's sly quotation from Baillie in-
cognito is scarcely honest.

Montrose's bond at oxford. 235

rv of Hamilton, and hatred of Argyle, than love for
his King and country, and that, moreover, he took " no
prudent method to carry into effect the counsel he gave,"
is certainly crude and unjust. It would have been
well for the fabric of Church and State, had all the
loyal noblemen who surrounded Charles at Oxford
possessed precisely the characteristics of Montrose. It
was not his object to monopolize the royal councils, or
create a faction subservient to himself. The exclusion
of Hamilton from those councils, he considered, in com-
mon with every man of sound judgment in the king-
dom, absolutely essential to the redemption ofthe King's
aifairs. But he cared not with whom he were now
joined, could he only be assured of their loyalty and
truth. He well knew that the bane of the King's coun-
cils had ever been the trimming or the treacherous dis-
positions of seeming friends ; and he was anxious at this
moment to make the Scotch courtiers submit themselves
to some test, or tie of uncompromising fidelity to the
Monarch, whose throne and person were now so greatly
endangered. In particular, and with good cause, he
suspected William Murray of the bed-chamber, the
creature of Hamilton, though still possessing the con-
fidence of Charles. Traquair, too, was not unreason-
ably doubted, considering his recent intimacy with the
Duke ; and although we may believe Lord Napier's
characteristic of him, — " Traquairwho is one, if he were
never so ill otherways, that loves the King," — the policy
of that nobleman, which was ever the hopeless attempt
to steer a middle course " in so dangerous and ticklish
times," had become more and more undecided, and chary
of confederating with Montrose, in consequence of the
persecution against himself, which he says was " sin-
gular and without example." AVith a view, then, to

236 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

test the treacherous, and fix the wavering, Montrose
adopted a measure which affords another proof that his
character has been misunderstood by those who pour-
tray him as exercising no solidity of judgment at this
hopeless crisis, and destitute of every characteristic but
the rash impetuosity of a military adventurer, and the
malicious rivalry of a political partisan. He drew up
a declaration, and bond of union, the terms of which,
when compared with the history of those times, will be
found consistent with every sentiment of exalted prin-
ciple, and sound sense, and will triumphantly endure a
parallel with the political ravings of Baillie, who, from
considering Montrose as " that generous and noble
youth," now execrated him as the Devil's vicegerent
upon earth. This bond was to be signed by all the
Scotchmen then at Court, and the propriety of the mea-
sure may be gathered from Baillie's excited condemna-
tion of it.''" He writes to Spang, on the 1st of January
1644, that " the fools at Oxford are now beginning to
fear us, and yet have no grace to do any thing right.
I hope God will take order with that wicked faction,
as insolently wicked as ever." In his information to
Scotland dated two days later, he says, — " Montrose has
contrived a wicked band and oath, against all who have
taken the Covenant for the assistance of England, as
traitors, which, we hear, Kinnoul, Traquair, and others,

* It appears by his letters that Baillie was not a little conceited at
the injportant part the fanatical and factious clergy of Scotland now
played in London. At the time of Strafford's trial, Baillie's whole cor-
respondence is engrossed with it. Now Laud was about to sufi^er ; but
our chronicler thus dismisses the subject, upon Avhich his faction no longer
depended : " Canterbury every week is before the Lords for his trial j
but we have so much to do, and he is a person now so contemptible,
that we take no notice of his process." And yet what was Baillie but a
contemptible tool, insanely paving the way for the Independents, whom
he fancied his faction was resisting.

Montrose's bond at oxford. 237

have refused with disdain. However, you will look to
yourselves, and know well whom you trust. Yet we
hope in God that our army in England shall break the
neck of all these wicked designs."

The principles of Montrose, religious, moral, and po-
litical, were indeed very different from that of the re-
verend chronicler of the Covenant, and the bond in
question must be allowed to speak for itself.

Montrose' fi hond at Oxford, 1643-4.

" We, his Majesty's subjects of the Scottish nation,
whose names are under-written, havinga right and faith-
ful sense of the undeserved sufferings of our gracious
Sovereign, and of the sad condition at present of all his
Majesty's dominions, through the disloyalty and re-
bellion of a traitorous and most ungrateful faction iu
both kingdoms; and being, as becomes us, most parti-
cularly and most deeply afflicted that any of our nation
should liave had, and still have, so great a hand in in-
ducing and continuing those public calamities ; as (also)
thatfor the treacherous and i)erfidious practices of some,
our whole nation is in danger of suffering the detesta-
ble imputation of partaking in this odious rebellion, —
which misunderstanding is principally occasioned by
the power which those unnatural and disloyal persons
' have gotten, of countenancing their most treasonable
actions with the forms and glosses of public authority,
— we being desirous not only to vindicate ourselves, but,
as far as in us lies, our nation, from that infamy which
some of our traitorous countrymen have drawn upon
themselves, and would gladly involve the whole in their
crime, have thought fit to express, in this solemn de-
claration, our hatred and detestation of the rebellion in

238 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

both kingdoms, and of the present invasion of this of
England, by those of our nation ; and also our judg-
ment of the late pretended Convention, the source and
fountain of these treasons and impieties. And we do
hereby profess and declare, that we esteem the said pre-
tended Convention to be a presumptuous, illegal, and
traitorous meeting, as being designed to excite sedition
and rebellion in that kingdom, and a most unjust in-
vasion of this. And as we do utterly disclaim and ab-
hor the same, so do we in like manner all committees,
general or particular, flowing from the same, and all
acts, ordinances, and decrees made and given therein,
and particularly that traitorous and damnable Covenant
taken and imposed by the rebels of both kingdoms,
which we heartily and unfeignedly detest, and shall ne-
ver enter into by force, persuasion, or any respect what-
soever, as being a most impious imposition upon men's
consciences, to engage them, under false pretence of re-
ligion, in treason and rebellion against their Sovereign.
And we do further renounce and detest any authority,
either of the convention or Parliament, as to the levy-
ing of arms, upon any colour whatsoever, \^ ithout his
Majesty's consent. And we do sincerely profess, that
we do esteem our countrymen's present taking of arms,
and their invading this realm of England, to be an act
of high treason and rebellion, and hold ourselves ob-
liged by allegiance, and by the act of pacification, to
oppose and withstand the same. Likeas we promise
upon our honour, every one of us faithfully to employ
our uttermost power and abilities, both with lives and
fortunes, to suppress the said rebels now in arms against
his Majesty, and his crown of England. In which just
cause we do make the like engagement firmly and con-
stantly to adhere to one another, and to all his Ma-

HAMILTON SENT TO PENDENNIS. 239

jesty's faithful subjects that shall join with us in that
endeavour, and in this declaration of our fidelity."^

Such are all the particulars, of Montrose having'sup-
planted Hamilton that can now be gathered. But
it was the voice not of Montrose alone, but of the
most honourable of the Scottish nobility, that accused
the favourite of having brought on the present crisis,
by that meanest of political iniquities, selfish double-
dealing. And powerfully as the tenacious heart of
Charles yet pleaded for his evil genius, the internal
conviction, that Hamilton had been " very active
in his own preservation," at length so far conquered
his affection as to induce him to place his minion,
for a time at least, where he could play no double
game. At the crisis of the Incident, Hamilton knew
well the charges against himself harboured by Mon-
trose and others. All open investigation of such charges
he then eschewed, and made common cause with Ar-
gyle in smothering the determined voice of constitu-
tional loyalty, by means the most tyrannical and illegal.
At this moment, when, in consequence mainly of Ha-
milton's own policy, the power of administering justice
was wrested from the hands of the King, and Scotland
was in a state which rendered a judicial trial of his

* Ormonde papers, published by Carte, from tlie orif;ina1s. This is ob-
viously Montrose's declaration at Oxford, mentioned by Eaillie, and
Wishart. The latter says that the two who were most backward to sign
it were Tra(|uair and William Murray, and lie accuses Tra(|iiair through-
out of being equally treacherous as Murray to the King, and the royal
cause. But Tra<juair's conduct is susceptible of a much more favourable
interpretation than Murray's. The names of botii a])pear at the above
declaration, which is also signed I)y the Earls of Montrose, Kinnoul,
Forth, Crawford, Abercorn, and Nithisdale, Lords Ogilvy, Aboyne, and
Reay, Sir Robert iSpotiswood, Sir Thomas Ogilvy, and a few other
gentlemen then at Court.

240 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

minister's conduct there totally impracticable, the Duke
(accordino^ to Baillie and Bishop Burnet) became cla-
morous for a trial. The King himself, as Burnet ad-
mits, felt the utinost anxiety to afford every opportu-
nity for the lost favourite to clear himself. But, says
Clarendon, as " in many respects it was not a season to
proceed judicially against him, it was thought enough
for the present to prevent his doing further mischief,
by putting him under a secure restraint ; and so he was
sent in custodv to the castle at Bristol, and from thence
to Exeter, and so to the castle at Pendennis in Corn-
wall, where we shall at the present leave him."*

* Lanerick fled from liis arrest at Oxford, and his conduct tends
strongly to confirm the accusations against the brothers. He proceed-
ed instantly to the Parliament of London, and made common cause
with the Scotch faction against the King. Baillie writes to Scotland,
— " Lanerick, the night before he was to be sent to Ludlow Castle, in
Wales, came away to Windsor as James Cunningham Robertland's
brother's groom. When he comes to Scotland he will tell many tales.
Since he came here (London) he has had my chamber and bed."
Surely this indicates a good understanding previously betwixt the co-
venanting faction and the Hamiltons. We learn from Bishop Guthrie
the nature of the tales Lanerick told in Scotland. " The Earl of Lanerick
being lately come down from the Commissioners at London, appeared,
and gave such evidences of his deep sorrow for adhering to the King so
long, with such malicious reflections upon his sacred Majesty, that I for-
bear to express them, as made his conversion to be unfeigned, and so
was received to the Covenant, and acted afterwards so vigorously in the
cause, that ere long he was preferred to be a ruling elder." Lanerick,
be it remembered, is invariably distinguished as honest and loyal com-
pared with the Duke.

MONTROSE'S COMMISSION. 241

CHAPTER IX.

HOW THE KING HONOURED MONTROSE WITH A COMMISSION AND A MAR-
QUISATE, HOW THE KIRK HONOURED HIM WITH EXCOMMUNICATION,
AND HOW HE RAISED THE ROYAL STANDARD IN SCOTLAND.

It was in the first month of spring, in the year 1644,
that Montrose obtained the royal authority for his de-
voted adventure against the triumphant career of the
Presbyterian dictatorship, eating its way like a cancer
to the heart of the monarchy. With a foresight and
moderation belying the theories of his thoughtlessness,
and boundless ambition, he declined the command in
chief, and j)referred to place himself under the orders
of his Majesty's nephew. Accordingly his'commission,
dated at Oxford on the 1st day of February 1644, and
still })reserved in the Montrose charter-chest, bears that
he beLieutenant-General of all his Majesty's forces, rais-
ed or to be raised in Scotland, or brought thither from
England or elsewhere, that he act under Prince Mau-
rice, who is styled Lieutenant-Gov rnor and Captain-
General of Scotland, and receive his orders from the
Prince, if present in Scotland, or from his Majesty,
but with all the privileges of the commission of Prince
Maurice in absence of the latter.

The principal difficulty, which now presented itself to
Montrose, was that of reaching in safety the district of
Scotland where he hoped to resuscitate and reunite the
still existing, though crushed and scattered. loyalty of
his country. But the King of England was totally un-
able at this time to bestow upon his most devoted Ge-

VOL. II. Q

i?42 MONTROSK AND THE COVENANTERS.

neral, in the most vital expedition, even a single regi-
ment or troop, to protect his person across the invaded
borders. His commission and his sword were the ma-
terials in possession of Montrose, when he pledged him-
self to do or die. But already had the Earl of Antrim,
impelled by the resistless enthusiasm of our hero, and
further encouraged by a marquisate from Charles, taken
his departure to perform his pledge of descending from
the north of Ireland, upon the country of Argyle, with
ten thousand of the wild men of Ulster, as early as pos-
sible in the month of April. In that month, accord-
ingly, Montrose M^as on the banks of the Annan in
Scotland, with a train of about two hundred horse, in-
cluding the noblemen and gentlemen of his own party,
and with an additional force not exceeding; eijjht bun-
dred foot, and three troops of cavalry, belonging to the
militia of the northern counties of England, which he
had obtained by his personal entreaties from tiie Mar-
quis of Newcastle, who with difficulty was prevailed
upon to weaken his own forces by affording even
this aid to Montrose. But it proved of little avail.
Corrupted by Sir Richard Graham, a renegado courtier
whose influence prevailed in the north of England,
most of the Cumberland and Westmoreland militia
very soon left Montrose to his fate, who, under all
these disadvantages, contrived to take possession of
the town of Dumfries. There, about the middle of
April 1644, he endeavoured to raise the royal standard,
supported by the Earls of Crawford, Nithisdale, Tra-
quair, Kinnoul, Carnwath, the Lords Aboyne, Ogilvy,
Herries, and a few other loyalists of distinction.

Even at this period, when the Covenant, with its
monstrous addition of the Solemn League, appeared to
be carrying all before it, " the grand national move-

STATE OF SCOTLAND. 24.3

ment" was less than ever a unanimous or spontaneous
im})ulse throughout Scotland. The burghs for the
most part had been drilled, by the Committee of Estates
and the clergy, into hopeless disloyalty, and even the
good town of Aberdeen was now, thani<s to our hero's
mistaken zeal, almost entirely under the yoke of the
faction, from contest with which Huntly himself ap-
peared to slirink more and more, as troubles and family
misfortunes depressed his gallant spirit, while tiiat of
his early companion, and once covenanting opponent,
Montrose, rushed to its meteor career of loyalty and
honour. The Western Highlands, where the sway of
Mac Cailinmor, surrounded by the subordinate rulers
of the clan Diarmed, was omnipotent, were of course
sufficiently subservient to the fanatical virulence and
hypocrisy of the Cause. The clerical cancer had also
eaten deeply into the good sense and wholesome prin-
ciples of the western shires of Galloway, Carrick, Kyle,
Cunningham, Renfrew, and Clydesdale. As for the land
of Fife, it had ever been half-crazy with democracy and
cant. The southern borders were only redeemed by the
names of the loyal Earls of Nithisdale and Hartfell.*
In the north, the Forbeses and Frazers, with Gordon
Earl of Sutherland, were still a formidable excej^tion
to the loyalty of the Huntly Gordons, (and other gallant
barons there,) and in their covenanting pride "croj)ped
the causey" of Aberdeen, to the infinite distaste of its
ever memorable historian. But there were strong-
holds of loyalty, in the north of Scotland, destined to add
the name of Montrose to their many undying historical

* This was James Lord Johnston of Lorh wood, created Earl of Hart-
fell in 1643, to whom Archibald Johnston wrote in foiincr years, de-
siring liim to take example by Montrose. See VoL i. p. 300. He was
now indeed following Montrose, but in a better cause.

244 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and romantic associations. The districts of Athol, Mar,
Badenoch, Lochaber, Kintail, Strath-don, and Strath-
spey, with most of the Isles, obtained the proud distinc-
tion oUnaliguant, which, so applied, indicates the purest
loyalty and the brightest honour abhorrent of the arts
of Presbyterian democracy. The very heart of Scot-
land, too, was at least comparatively sound. In the fer-
tile shires of the Lothians, Angus, Mearns, Perth, and
Stirling, lay extensive baronies of Montrose himself.
Lord Napier, Sir George Stirling of Keir, and other loy-
alists, whose influence greatly redeemed those districts
from the disloyalty of the capital, and the other important
towns they comprehended. To this rich centre of Scot-
land, accordingly, Montrose would instantly have pene-
trated, could he but have mustered a sufficient force to
cut his way from the borders.

At this time, " the Keir"* was the scene of many an

* The ancient and extensive barony of Keir (still in possession of the
same family) adjoined the estates of Lord Napier in Menteith, and for
a long period there had been a close alliance betwixt the families. Sir
George Stirling's grandfather, Sir James, was joint Justice Depute with
Sir Archibald Napier of Merchiston, the father of the great Napier, and
grandfather of Lord Napier, whose mother was the daughter of this
Sir James Stirling, and aunt of Sir George. Consequently Lord Na-
• pier, and Sir George Stirling, were cousins german. Moreover, Sir
George's lady was the daughter of Lord Napier and Montrose's sister.
Some of the few letters of the great Napier's extant are dated from his
father-in-law's house of the Keir, which was finely situated for astro-
nomical purposes. It is otherwise celebrated in history and song. Short-
ly before the battle of Sauchieburn, James IV., then Prince of Scotland,
was routed by his father's forces near Stirling, and took refuge in the
Keir. He was driven out, and the place burnt to the ground by his
pursuers. When he gained the throne, he granted new charters of all
the lands to Sir William Keir, whose writs had been destroyed, and also
L. 100 to " Schir Wdzeam of Stirling, to the bigging of his place." —
Treasurer's Accounts, 1488. Mag. Sig. xii. 64. After the battle of Lang--
.side, the privy-council of the Regent issued letters, charging certain ba-
rons, who had held their strongholds for the Queen, to deliver them up

3

MONTROSE S FttlEMDS AT THE KEIIl. 245

anxious consultation amongst Montrose's relatives and
dearest friends, who there awaited, with breathless ex-
pectation, tidings of the result of his warlike counsel at
Oxford, and it might be his presence with a loyal army at
" the bulwark of the north," the neighbouring town and
castle of Stirling. Montrose himself, when on the borders,
received an affecting intimation of their longing for the
re-union, in shape of a " well known token" sent him by
his favourite niece, Margaret Napier, the Lady of Keir.
For the family party of Plotters, over which the vene-
rable Lord Napier, now about seventy years of age, still
presided with wonderful vigour both of body and mind,
included three ladies, who took the deepest interest in
all that concerned the fate of Charles and Montrose.
These were Keir's Lady, and her younger sister Lilias
Napier, who had not completed her eighteenth year,
and though last not least the Heroine of tiie Heart, Lady
Elizabeth Erskine, whose husband, the young Master
of Napier, was burning to join his uncle, though
restrained at this time by the vindictive jealousy with
which the Committee of Estates condescended to watch
this interesting group. To the individuals of it above
named we must add five gallant youths, who became
particularly distinguished in the approaching ill-fated
struggle to save the Throne. We have elsewhere af-
forded some anecdotes of William Graham, seventh

to the bearers, within six hours, under pain of treason ; and among others,
" James Striueling of Keir, tiie house and fortalice of Keir. The said
James Striuevling of Keir, the tour and fortalice of Cadder." — Privy-
Council Record. Sir Walter Scott thus celebrates tiie Keir in the Lady
of the Lake.

Blair Druunnond sees the hoofs strike lire,

They sweep like breeze through Ochtertyre,

They mark, just glance and disa})pear,

The loftv \now of ancient Keir.

246 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Earl of Menteith, aftervvardvS Earl of Airth, that kins-
man of Lord Na[)ier"s whom he brought to such
shame before the Privy-Council of Scotland.* During
the succeeding troubles the Earl had lived in retirement,
taking as little share as possible in the progress of the
Rebellion. But his eldest son, the Lord Kilpont, now
held out the brightest promise of ilhistrating what
his father had unfortunately boasted of as the "reddest
blood in Scotland." All the unpleasant collisions of
former years with the Earl of Menteith, might well
have faded from the mind of Lord Napier amid the
many agitations it had suffered since, and certainly they
did not interfere with his affection for this young
nobleman, who became devotedly attached to Montrose
until the tie was severed by the red hand of Ard-
voirlich.f The next we nmst mention of the family
party, so intently watching the motions of Montrose, is
David^Drummond, the Master of Maderty, a most ac-
complished youth of not more than one and twenty,:]:
now married to his second wife. Lady Beatrix Graham,
the sister of Montrose, and aunt to the Master of
Napier. Young Maderty's own sister was married
to another important member of the group in ques-
tion, namely, Montrose's fond and faithful adherent

• See Introductory chapter, pp. 54-58.

■f It is scarcely necessary to mention, that to the cruel fate of the
young Earl of Menteith we are indebted for the Legend of Montrose,
which Sir Walter Scott himself tells us," was written chiefly with a view
to place before the leader, the melancholy fate of John Lord Kilpont,
eldest son of William Earl of Airth and Menteith, and the singular cir-
cumstances attending the birth and history of James Stewart of Ard-
voirlich, by whose hand the unfortunate nobleman fell." — Introduction.

J John, second Lord Maderty, (ancestor of the Viscounis of Strath-
allan,) was married to Helen Leslie, by contract, dated 3Uth April 1622.
Their eldest sou David, above-mentioned, is called, by Wishart, " virum
nabilem et omyii virtutum genere cumiilatissimum."

Montrose's fkii-NDS at the keiu. 247

and relative, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, of whom,
to ado})t the words of Dr Wishart, we shall often
have occasion to make mention and never with-
out honour. To these were added a nephew of Lord
Naj)ier's, John Druminond, younger of Balloch, (who
greatly distinguished hiniselfin the service of Montrose,
and shared with him in exile, as he did in honour,)*
and John Lord Erskine, who shed no more tears in
honour of the Covenant. Such were the confidential
relatives of Montrose, all of them possessing extensive
interests either in the Lothians or in the more romantic
districts of the Lennox and Menteith, who now wislied
him to come and take possession of the town and castle
of Stirling, (of which the Erskines of Mar were here-
ditary Keepers,) and even contrived to communicate
with him on the borders, not through the medium of
Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Stewart, but inconsequence
of consultation with another soldier of fortune, who ac-
cidentally came in contact with the family party of
Plotters in the manner we proceed to narrate.

Lord Sinclair, who was so active for the Committee
of Estates in the discreditable employment of breaking
open Montrose's private repositories, had accepted of
the command of a regiment in the army sent to Ire-
land in 1642, which he accompanied there, but re-
turned in the following year, leaving his regiment in
command of its Lieutenant-Colonel, his own brother.
Lord Sinclair's Major, also left with the regiment
in Ireland, was a perfect specimen of the subordinate
mercenary Scotch officer characteristic of the times ; not
indeed so well qualified, or so fortunate, as to rise like the
Leslies to a peerage, but endued with all the capacities

♦ H.s mother, Agnes Napier, who married George Drummond of Hal-
loch in 16.i0, was the fifth daughter of the Inventor of Logarithm*.

248 MONTKOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

requisite for the sordid ambition of turning the indivi-
dual sword to account of the pocket of him who wield-
ed it. This worthy, according to his own history of
himself, which he left in manuscrijit, obtained a learned
education at a Scotch university, and moreover, though
undeservedly as he says, the title of Master of Arts.
In his youth he entered, with considerable ardour and
success, the formidable fields of humane letters, history,
philosophy, and religious controversy, opened to him
by that education. But his peculiar bent was the prac-
tice no less than the theory of arms, to which he very
soon betook himself, and accordingly went abroad to be
an actor in those wars, which, to use his own words,
" at that time made so much noise over all the world,
and were managed against the Roman Emperor, and
the Catholic league in Germany, under the auspicious
conduct of the thrice famous Gustavus Adolphus, King
of Sweden." In that renowned service, he went through,
and always with an eye to the main chance, no small
proportion of battles and sieges, involving, besides his
share of immortal glory with the greatest commanders
of the age, such severities of military privations and
discipline, as caused the learned mercenary to exclaim,
dulce helium inexpertis,^ He was witli Banier and
Alexander Leslie, — for says he, " old Leslie is made our
Felt Marslial, Kniphausen being killed," — when victo-
rious at Woodstock, over the imperial army under the
Duke of Saxe, and was also the companion in arms of
David Leslie, who afterwards reaped his most impe-
rishable laurel in the surprise of Montrose at Philip-
haugh. Into his discjuisitions on the art of war as well as
his general conversation, he carried much of his Scotch
pedantry, combined, however, with no slight practi-

* i. e. War is all very Avell till you know it.

Montrose's friends at the keir. 249

cal skill and experience, which rendered him exceed-
ingly critical, and somewhat conteraptnous of the mili-
tary operations of others whom he judged inferior. If
this he not Ritt-master Dugald Dalgetty of Drum-
thwacket, it is something very like him in the person of
Major James Turner, who eventually rose to consider-
able distinction, and the honour of knighthood, in the
reign of Charles II.

The mere accidents of war, to which this character
had entirely abandoned himself, again cast liim on his
native shores, in search of military service, when his
old commander Leslie had commenced his covenanting
career, and was occupying Newcastle vvith the Scotch
army in 16I0. Turner had small chance of employ-
ment there, having Cj[uarrelled in Germany with Les-
lie's brother, whom, in his prolix and peculiar manner,
he had accused of eleven points of treason, but he adds,
" the controversy between him and me was decided by
a cannon bullet, which took away his head." The
Earl of Rothes, however, made interest for him with
the General at Newcastle, and Turner obtained a ma-
jority in the covenanting army, in which he served
till the treaty of Rippon. During all this period,
" I did not (he says) take the national Covenant, not
because I refused to do so, for I would have made
no bones to take, swear and sign it, and observe it
too, — for I had then a princij}le, having not yet stu-
died a better one, that I wronged not my conscience
in doing any thing I was commanded to do by those
whom I served, — but the truth is, it was never offered
to me, every one thinking it was impossible I could get
into any charge unless I had taken the Covenant either
in Scotland or England."

It was early in the year 1644 that Turner came over
from Ireland, where he had been actingas Lord Sinclair's

250 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Major, to report upon the distressed and nearly muti-
nous state of the Scotch regiments there. Sinclair him-
self was then with the invading arinybefore Newcastle,
where his doughty Major came to seek him, and amused
himself for a while aiding and criticising the military
operations of Argyle, old Leven, Dear Sandie, and some
others with whom he had borne arms abroad, and whom
he conceives to have become, under the influence of the
Covenant and Mac Cailinmor, the veriest old women
that ever brought discredit on the art military. Mean-
while Sinclair's regiment, followed by some others, ar-
rived of their own accord at Port Patrick, and in such
a raerffed and disaffected condition as very much to
alarm the Committee of Estates, who immediately or-
dered Lord Sinclair and the Major to hasten to meet
their regiment and keep it well affected to the cause.
They were subsequently marched to Stirling, and Lord
Lothian's regiment to Perth, in order to be a check
upon the motions of Huntly, who was making a great
bustle in the north, apparently with the view of com-
bining forces with Montrose, at this time hovering on
the borders. But Major James Turner was very much
disgusted with the ungrateful proceedings of his coun-
trymen against the King, in their new Presbyterian
crusade, and, moreover, was beginning to be somewhat
ashamed of the maxim, " tfiat so we serve our master
honestly, it is no matter what master we serve," a
maxim which, he says, he had hitherto swallowed
without chewing, like most military men in Germany.
Now, however, he tells us, " I looked a little more nar-
rowly into the justice of the cause wherein I served,
than formerly I used to do, and found I had done well
enough in my engagement against the bloody rebels in
Ireland ; but the new Solemn League and Covenant,
to which the Committee of Estates required an absolute

Montrose's friends at the keir. 251

submission, siiinmoned all my thoughts to a serious con-
sultation, the result whereof was, that it was nothing
but a treacherous and disloyal combination against law-
ful authority. Some Captains of my Lord Lothian's,
(who were well enough j)rincii)led, and had got good
information of the designs of the prime Covenanters
from the late Lord Chancellor, Earl of Glencairn,) and
I communicated our thoughts one to another, and then
I broke the matter first to my Lieutenant-Colonel, and
then to my Lord Sinclair. All of us thought it our
duty to do the King all the service we could against his
ungracious subjects, and therefore resolved not to take
theCovenant, but to join with the Marquis of Montrose,
who had the King's commission."

This happened about the middle of April, when Mon-
trose had reached Dumfries, where he found it impos-
sible either to fortify himself, or make head against the
superior covenanting forces, now rapidly collecting to
oppose him. Consequently he was compelled to fall
back upon Carlisle, to the great disa})pointment of his
anxious friends in Stirling, and the disap})robation of
the critical Ritt-mast.r Turner, whose narrative of the
event it would be injustice to him to give in other
words than his own.

" Meanwhile," he says, " my Lieutenant-Colonel and
I had our several consultations with my Lord Erskine,
my Lord Napier, the Master of Napier, the Master of
Maderty, and Laird of Keir, all of them very loyal
persons, with whom we concluded it was fit to send
two, one from them and another from us, to Montrose,
who was then in the border, to invite him to come to
Stirling, where he should find castle, town, and regi-
ment at his devotion, and St Johnston [Perth] like-
wise. And least he might think we meant not honest-

252 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS

ly, in regard there had been no good understanding
between him and my Lord Sinclair formerly, his niece,
the Lady Keir, sent him a well known token with
Hary Stewart, who was the man we sent, and this he
received. The messenger they sent was young Bal-
loch, Drummond, then very loyal whatever he was af-
terwards. I believe he got not to him. But Montrose,
having a little too soon entered Scotland, and met with
a ruffle near Dumfries, and upon it retired to England,
it seems he thought it not safe, with so inconsiderable
troops, to hazard so far as to Stirling, perhaps not giving
full trust to our promises ; and chiefly because the
Committee had appointed a second levy, which then was
far advanced, under the command of the Earl of Calen«^
darwho (with the deepest oaths,even wishing the supper
of our Lord to turn to his damnation, which he was to
take next Sunday, if ever he should engage under these,
or with these Covenanters,) had persuaded me in his
own house of Calendar, and upon a Lord's day too,
that he would faithfully serve the King ; — I say, by
Montrose's neglect, and Calendar's perfidy, was lost the
fairest occasion that could be wished to do the King-
service. For if that levy had been suppressed, as very
soon it should, and Montrose have come to Stirling, and
joined with our two regiments, as easily he might, he
would, with the assistance of Huntly in the north, and
those Irish who soon after came over from Antrim,
have reduced Scotland without bloodshed to their duty
and obedience, or else the Scots army had been forced
to have left England, and marched home to oppose us ;
upon whose retreat it was more than probable most of
England would have embraced the King's interest, the
reputation of the Scots army at that time keeping up
the English Parliament's interest. But the inauspi-

PERFIDY OF CALENDAR. 253

cious fate, and disastrous destiny of the incomparably
good King, would not have it to be so."*

It is a new criticism of the career of Montrose,
that, from over-caution and tardy action, he neglected
to strike a decisive blow for the King, or seize the
golden opportunity of fighting, " as easily he might" !
And surely the gallant Ritt-master reasons the matter
somewhat hastily and incoherently, for he says that
Montrose had entered Scotland too soon, and had not
sufficient troops wherewith to meet the new levies of
the Covenanters, which were now J(ir advanced. It
was certainly not Montrose's neglect, however it might
have been the perfidy of Calendar and others, that
now compelled him to retreat to Carlisle. Just as
Calendar's army was on the eve of marching against
him, he had to encounter at Dumfries a covenanting
force superior to his own, led on by the Sheriff of
Teviotdale, and before whom the disaffected militia of
the north of England, JMontrose's principal force, fled in
dismay or treachery. He moreover obtained the tidings
that Calendar, with whom he had so recently been in
confidential consultation upon the subject of persuading
the King to vigorous measures, f had accepted, almost
without the expression of a scruple, the command of
the new army, directed, at the instigation of Ar-
gyle, (who had returned to Scotland, and was taking
active measures to crush both Montrose and Huntly,)
against the loyalists on the borders. This first check
must have been a bitter moment to IMontrose, for there
reached him at the same time the well known token

* Turner's Memoirs. Printed from the Original Manuscript for the
Bannatyne Club.

f Calendar was obviously all along the Aveak, if not the dishonest,
tool of Argyle and Hamilton.

254 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

from his niece, and the invitation from his anxious
friends to take possession of Stirling. But it found
him deserted by his miserable fraction of English
troops, * and incumbered by a train of noblemen, for
the most part comparatively timid and wavering,
brought thus far by his heroic ardour, but whose heart
and constancy entirely depended upon his own imme-
diate success. Then the tidings that, while Calendar was
so false, the covenanting nobleman, who had rifled Mon-
trose's secret repositories to discover his loyal corre-
spondence, was now ready to aid him, with his cove-
nanting regiment, to secure Stirling for the King, might
well raise his doubts and suspicions, despite the token
from his niece. And at that anxious and disastrous
moment we can easily suppose his ardent spirit to have
expressed its agon}'^ in the sentiment, —

Then break afflicted heart, and live not in these days,

When all prove merchants of their faith, none trusts what other says.

It was on the 25th of A})ril, that the faithless and
ungrateful Earl of Calendar mustered his covenantinof
army at Douglas, about five thousand strong, with which
he forthwith marched to take possession of Dumfries.

* Dr Wishart says that the English militia mutinied and left Mon-
trose whenever he reached the river Annan, about the 13th of April,
and that he entered Dumfries with the few that adhered to him. Guth-
rie's account is, that when Montrose came in contact with the Cove-
nanters of Teviotdale, the English soldiers ran away. Probably the fact
is, that some tied then, and others deserted before. All accounts agree
in imputing their disaffection to the influence of Sir Richard Graham.
The Earl of Nithisdale, in a letter to Antrim, dated from l arlisle, May 2,
16+3, speaks of the treacherous disloyalty of" good Sir Richard Graham,
and a number of round heads in these parts," and adds, that Sir Richard
is the head of the puritans of this country, "as in acquittal to your
Lady for raising him out of the dunghill." — See Sir Richard mentioned
before. Vol, i. p. 459. Antrim's Countess was the widow of the favourite
Buckingham. 4

PERFIDY OF CALENDAR. 255

Lord Sinclair's regiment, now suspected by the Commit-
tee of Estates, was ordered to quit Stirling, and follow
Calendar, whom they joined at Dumfries on the 6th
of May. If Montrose was prevented from attempting
to reach Stirling, with his slender backing, from
misgivings as to the sincerity of Sinclair and Lothian,
or the loyalty of their respective regiments, he probably
now thought himself fully justified in his doubts, for
the very regiment he had been invited to take com-
mand of at Stirling arrived about a fortnight after-
wards at Dumfries, with an army whose principal ob-
ject was to crush Montrose. And, moreover. Sir James
Turner himself was with that army, the observed of
all observers in their military operations, and ap-
parently a most sincere and sanctified Covenanter.
His own account of the matter is, that the united
voices of the military commanders, consulted in ren-
dering this new army as effective as possible, named
himself as the fittest person to be Adjutant-General to
the Earl of Calendar, and the situation was immediate-
ly offered to him, without prejudice to his commission
in Lord Sinclair's regiment. But the conscientious
Ritt-master refused, alleging that he was unequal to
both charges, but in reality, l.e adds, because " I ex-
pected Montrose, and was with good reason dissatisfied
with Calendar. Notwithstanding of all this. Calendar
did not give over to give me all imaginable assurances
that he would act for the King." Finding himself
vehemently suspected by the Committee of Estates, and
that to throw up his commission at this monient was
equivalent to casting himself into prison, persuaded
also, by the assurances of the General, that he might be
instrumental in saving the King, Turner lent his valu-
able aid to this expedition. " Upon these grounds,"

256 montrosp: and the covenanters.

he says, " my Lord Sinclair's regiment marched into
Eno-land, and I with them, and made a fashion, (for in-
deed it was no better,) to take the Covenant, that un-
der pretence of the Covenant we might ruin the Co-
venanters ; a thing, though too much practised in a
corrupt world, yet in itself dishonest, sinful, and disal-
lowable ; for it is certain that no evil should be done
that good may come of it. Neither did any good at
all come of this, for Calendar all along proved true to
his own interest and gain, and false to the King's, never
laying hold on any opportunity whereby he might, with
small difficulty, have done his Majesty signal service."

The Dictator, while he thus put matters in train to
effect the destruction of the mortal being of his dread-
ed rival, at the same time set his principal machine,
the Kirk of Scotland, at its highest pressure, and most
rampant action, against the soul of Montrose.

The grand excuse of the national movement was
ever the tyranny of Charles the First. To establish
that accusation, in its ordinary and flagrant sense of
despotic cruelty, against a Monarch who was as much
inclined to peace, who looked as kindly on his neigh-
hour, and turned as truly to his God, as any Christian,
not to say King, on earth, was certainly no easy mat-
ter. But the imposition of the ritual in Scotland afford-
ed a powerful handle, and simply because of all tyranny
that which would enslave the understanding and the
conscience is most to be dreaded, as it comprehends
every other species, and would interfere even with the
eternal welfare of the individual. Hence the value to
the faction of the clamour raised upon this bad policy
of Laud's, — hence the value of the clergy as political
agitators. For tlie moment the people were persuaded.

COVENANTING EXCOMMUNICATION. 257

— and over a religiously disposed people who have
such powers and opportunities of persuasion as the
clergy ? — that such was the nature of Charles's tyranny,
what was wanting in the quantity of despotism, to cause
excitement against him, was made up by the quality,
and thus faction obtained its most powerful lever. No
sooner, however, was the clerical constitution established,
than the love and abuse of power, in other words tyran-
ny, the existence of which in the character of the King
was little else than a fiction of his enemies, became ac-
tively developed, in its most vicious kind and most
inordinate degree, by the very Movement that professed
to be a imnacea and an end to all sufferings from ty-
ranny. Whoever doubts this, let him read and pon-
der even the printed selection from the letters and
journals of the Reverend Robert Baillie, which, for
talents and Christian feelings, furnish perhaps the most
reputable, and certainly the most instructive and amus-
ing, of covenanting records. It was not merely in the
frown of the aristocratic factionists, or in the feudal
power of democratic chiefs, that Proteus-like tyranny
was again to find a shape. In the men who called
themselves of God, and who quoted, — when the ques-
tion was massacre or mercy, — " what means this bleat-
ing of sheep in mine ear," — and who said, when anar-
chy prevailed or blood flowed, — " business is going in
God's old way," — and — " the work goes bonnily on," — •
was it most frightfully to re-appear. It was not merely
that every baronial leader, of this faction of freedom,
was inclined to play the tyrant, and, as Montrose ex-
pressed it, to bring the supreme power again into the
hands of o«^, — but every sanctified leader of a covenant-
ing flock, pretended to a Vatican of his own, and was
but an ill-conditioned and petty Pope, with a giant's

VOL. II. R

258 M0NTR08E AND THE COVENANTERS.

inclination for power. The appetite of the Pope him-
self, to command the consciences and control the un-
derstandings of those subject to him, was not so glut-
tonous as that of the most orthodox Covenanter that
ever thundered from a wooden desk and a rusty gown.
Hence the covenanting Presbyter merged so soon in
the King-killing Independent, an easy transition and
inevitable connection, which Montrose himself, on the
eve of h,is execution, so admirably illustrated, when, to
the crafty or crude distinctions of his clerical torment-
ors, he simply replied, — " error is infinite."

Then how terrible was the scourge of their combined
domination as a court of law ! Baillie appears not to
have been aware of the commentary he suggested, when,
from the many cross-lights of his bewildered brain, he
threw out this, — " the commission from the General
Assembly, which before was of small use, is like almost
to become a constant Judicatory, and very profitable,
but of so high a strain, that to some it is terrible al-
ready." And no wonder it was terrible, for the most
conscientious and honourable opposition to the demo-
cratic movement, it crushed with the thunders of ex-
communiadion, a sentence combining, in its unhallovved
connection with the secular power of Argyle, the pre-
tensions of papal impiety with the policy of the Irish
savage, who significantly chalks a death's head and
cross bones upon the threshold of his enemy.

Montrose, accompanied by his useless staff of nobles
and chiefs without their following, had crossed the
borders with the King's command and commission to
arrest rebellion. Consequently they must be excommu-
nicated. The Committee of the General Assembly or-
dained thatjUponthe 26th of April 1644, the sentence in
question should be pronounced in the Great Church of

3

COVENANTING EXCOMMUNICATION. 259

Edinburgh, against Montrose, Crawford, Nithisdale,
Ogilvy, Aboyne, and Herries. Peremptory orders were
sent to all the ministers throughout Scotland, to repeat
the same from their perverted pulpits, a task which
most of them infinitely preferred to preaching the peace
of the gospel. It is curious to observe that one vehement
charge, against some of the non-covenanting clergy who
were so illegally crushed by the Assembly of 1638, was,
that they were addicted to pronouncing excommunica-
tions, not, indeed, for the mere purpose of furthering a
secular faction, but in protection of the rites and cere-
monies of their church. " He, " says Baillie, speaking
of Dr Hamilton of Glassford, who declined their juris-
diction, " was a violent persecutor, even to excommu-
nication, and denying of marriage and baptism of those
who would not communicate with him kneeling. Many
such things were libelled against him." But while
such things were lihelled against the Episcopal clergy,
they were notoriously committed and gloried in by their
more intolerant and self-constituted judges. * We

* The following instances among others are recorded by Spalding.

" Upon Sonday, 8 October, Mr Thomas Blackball and bis vvyf both
excommunicat as Papists. [A character which Episcopalian principles
were sufficient to confei'.] And likeas * ** Menzies, spouse to Thomas
CoUeisoune, excommunicat as ane Papist. Strange to see, the wyf to
be excommunicat, and the husband not to keep societie with her ! Mr
Andrew Cant, minister to thir excommunications."

" Mr Thomas Blackliall, ane burgess of the toune, causit bring his
lawfull bairn to the kirk to be baptisit upon the 10 April 1643, and
held up the bairn in his own hand, as the custom is, but Mr Andrew
Cant would not give the bairn baptism in the fatiier's hand until ane
gossop got the bairn in his hand, alledging he was ane Papist, syne bap-
tisit the bairn."

He tells also that the wife of a town officer of Aberdeen, " turned her
face to the wall, and through j)lain displeasure deceissit innnediately,"
her husband having brought back her child unbaj)tized, which the mi-
nister refused to make a Christian of, " because the bairn was not brocht

260 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

have already had occasion to notice that Baillie's better
feelings at first revolted against the proposition Of im-
mediately excommunicating the bishops who declined
the Assembly's jurisdiction,* This was but a shudder
of his conscience ere the Covenanter plunged into the
stream. However rational may be the idea of exclud-
ing from the benefits of any human society those who
obstinately refuse to conform to its rules and re-
gulations, the covenanting doctrine of excommunica-
tion cannot be defended, for it was carried to the
most frightful extent of tyrannical and irrational im-
piety. Not contented with the temporal ruin such a sen-
tence involved, the zealots, who anathematized Epis-
copacy, arrogated to themselves the keys of Paradise
and Hell, and offered the one or the other to their victim
in articulo mortis^ according as the sufferer chose to sub-
mit his conscience to them. From the mouth of one of
the clergy who pursued Montrose tothe scaffold it comes,
(as we shall afterwards show,) that when he met their
latest persecution of him with the firmness of a man,
the spirit of a Christian, and the temper of a saint, they
told him,—" We had, if we found you penitent, power
from the Commission of the General Assembly to re-
lease you from that sentence of excommunication under
which you lie. But now, since we find it far other-
wise with you, and that you maintain your former
course, and all those things for which that sentence
passed upon you, we must, with sad hearts, leave you
under the same, unto the judgment of the Great God,
having the fearful apprehension that what is bound on
Earth God will hind in Heaven^

to him when he was bapteizing some other bairns." These are not the
only examples that could be adduced.
* See Vol. i. p. 197.

4

COVENANTING EXCOMMUNICATION. 26l

While the Covenanters were thus impiously pretend-
ing to close even the gates of Heaven against our hero,
he was recruiting, as he best might, the handful of
troops with which he had retired upon Carlisle, and hav-
ing again brought some militia of the north of England
to his standard, did all that his means enabled him
towards sustaining the Royal cause, in the counties of
Northumberland and Durham. In this he was suffi-
ciently successful to alarm and enrage the Covenanters.
It was expected that Calendar, notwithstanding his
alleged partiality " for his old friends the Banders,"
would devour Montrose before a month elapsed, and that
Argyle, now so busy in the north, and whose digestion
was understood, by the Scotch clergy, to be very power-
ful, * must already have utterly decomposed Huntly.
Baillie, at this time a delegate to the Westminster As-
sembly of Divines, writes, on the 3d of May, — " Ar-
gyle, I hope, by this, has gotten order of Huntly, and
Calendar of Montrose." On the 31st of the same
month, however, he says, — " Montrose ravages at his
pleasure in all Northumberland, and the Bishopric —
we ho})e it shall not be so long," — and, in the following
month, — " the delay of Calendar in coming, so long,
has given time to the Marquis of Montrose to make
havoc of the northern counties, which will make the
siege of Newcastle the longer, and without Newcastle

* Some popular biographies of Argyle labour to prove him not only
a saint, but a hero, and point withal to his conduct on the scaffold,
a very equivocal field of heroism for those in whose favour no other can
be appealed to. It is added, however, that " thougli he had eaten a whole
partridge at dinner, no vestige of it was found in his stomach after death ;
if he had been much affected by the anticipation of death, his digestion,
it may be easily calculated, could not have been so good." — Chambem'
Biog. Diet.

262 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

this city will hardly put off this winter." To relieve
Newcastle, and harass the rebels in the north of Eng-
land, was the important object to which Montrose now
directed his efforts, with resources so precarious and
slender that nothing but his genius could have ven-
tured or succeeded in any attempt of the kind. The
principal results of" his ravages" in those counties were,
that he took the Castle of Morpeth, (a recent acquisi-
tion of the Covenanters) after an obstinate siege of
twenty days, in which Montrose suffered the loss of 1
major, 3 captains, 3 lieutenants, 4 ensigns, 180 soldiers,
and an expenditure of 200 cannon shot. From his
prisoners, whom he treated and protected in a man-
ner totally inconsistent with the calumny of his cruelty
in war, he exacted the brittle promise that they
would never more fight against the King, and so dismis-
sed them. * He also stormed a fort at the mouth of the
Tyne, which had been lately taken by the Scots, and dis-
missed the garrison upon the same terms as he had done
that of Morpeth. Moreover, he cast plentiful supplies
into Newcastle, of corn and other provisions gathered
from the neighbouring counties, an exploit which
could only have been effected by the greatest skill and
daring.

It will be observed that in the passage we have
quoted from Baillie's letter, dated in the month of
June, Montrose is styled Marc^uis. He had not, how-
ever, as generally supposed, departed from Oxford with
that elevation, the patent for which is dated three
months later than his commission as Lieutenant-Gene-

* The garrison marched out, and the keys of Morpeth were delivered
on the 29th May IGi-i, to Montrose, who thereafter gave an entertain-
ment to the principal officers of his enemy. For some further particu-
lars of this siege, see note at the end of the volume.

MONTROSE CREATED A MARQUIS. 263

ral of Scotland. There is still preserved, in the char-
ter-chest of his family, the warrant for a patent under
the Great Seal of Charles I., for creating James Earl
of Montrose, and the heirs-male of his body. Marquises
of Montrose, dated at Oxford the 6th of May 1644,
snpersigned by the King, and countersigned by Sir
Robert Spotiswood, Secretary.* This was about the
time of Montrose's dashing and successful evolutions
in the north of England. But the partial gleam was
destined too soon to be clouded. Prince Rupert, with
ill-judged impetuosity, hastily risked and lost the bat-
tle of Marston Moor, and Montrose, who, in obedience
to letters just received, was making all the speed pos-
sible to join the Prince on the battle-field, could only
be in time to meet that luckless commander, in full re-
treat, the day after the battle. " If," says Bishop
Guthrie, " his highness had lingered till the Mar-
quis of Montrose's arrival, who hasted towards him
with the men he had drawn together in the north of
England, he had been much the stronger ; but be-
fore Montrose could reach him he went towards them

* The King gave the signet to the persecuted President, when Lanerick
fled from Oxford to the Covenanters. The following extract from Sir
James Balfour's MS. notes of the covenanting Parliament, 1644-, will serve
to illustrate Lancrick's real dispositions towards his al)used Sovereign,
and the royal cause : " Thursday, 18th July \6ii, petition exhibited to
the House by William Earl of Lanerick, against Sir James (ialloway, for
his usurping the othce of Secretary ; as also against Sir Kobert Spotis-
wood, now using the said office at Court ever since tlie petitioner's re-
straint at Oxford, at which time his Majesty required the said signet
from the petitioner, who delivered it to Lord Dighy, and Sir Edward
Nicholas, He desires the House to take to their consideration the dcserv-
ed ptinishinent oj'l/ic tivo usurpers, contrary to two acts ot Council, and
one of Parliament; and that by act they would declare his office and
place of Secretary, to be free of any prejudice by the usurpation of these
enemies to t/ieir country"

264t MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and engaged in battle." This fatal blow, which hap-
pened in the commencement of the month of July, com-
pletely paralyzed any efforts Montrose had been enabled
to make. It left him defenceless in the midst of hostile
and victorious armies, and even induced him to go to
the King, and tell him that it was not in the north of
England he could be of further service to his Majesty.
It is manifest, however, from Baillie's correspondence,
that in a very short time Montrose had rendered him-
self not a little formidable there, and also to the Ge-
neral who had been sent to crush him. "Calendar,"
he writes, " with about five thousand foot and horse,
came over Tyne, about the 20th of July, got Hartle-
pool and Stockton on Tees, the 24th, went thereafter
to Newcastle, &c. Prince Rupert had sent the most
of his horse with Clavering and Montrose, northward.
We were the more willing to be sent north, because of
Calendar's danger from Montrose ; also to be near Scot-
land if any need were." But Montrose was only lin-
gering, in longing admiration, with this splendid body
of Rupert's cavalry, (from five to six thousand strong,)
in the vain hope of obtaining resources for his own des-
perate adventure. ' Give me,' he said, ' but a thousand of
those horsemen, and I will cut my way into the heart
of Scotland.' The Prince whom he addressed, though
possessing less talent and judgment, was as gallant, and
romantic, and impetuous, as Montrose himself. But
he was impracticable, and, says Sir Philip Warwick,
" a little sharpness of temper of body, and uncommuni-
cableness in society or council, by seeming with a pish
to neglect all another said and he approved not, made
him less grateful than his friends wished." Carried
at first by the irresistible gallantry of the Scottish hero,

RESULT OF DEFEAT AT MARSTON MOOR. 265

he frankly offered him a thousand of his horse to take
into Scotland. But the very next day, moved by the
cautious counsel of some around him, when caution
came too late, or by the caprice of an irritable temper
at a trying crisis, he withdrew his grateful offer, and
added one to the many pangs of indignant disappoint-
ment which those faithless times inflicted on the tower-
ing spirit of Montrose.

His little army dispersed, or left with Prince Rupert,
and his noble associates dispirited and wavering, Mon-
trose returned to Carlisle. The first expedient of his
fertile and romantic genius, in this critical and hope-
less posture of affairs, was to send Lord Ogilvy and
Sir William RoUock into Scotland, so disguised as to
elude the merciless vigilance of the covenanting rebels,
in order to ascertain the state and feeling of parties
there, and to gather tidings of Antrim and his army of
Irish loyalists. These two executed their perilous
mission with fidelity and courage, and returned to Mon-
trose in safety, about a fortnight after they had quit-
ted him, but with the unwelcome intelligence that Scot-
land, including all its strongholds and the border pas-
ses, was entirely in the hands of the covenanting fac-
tion, who were ready to visit even a whisper in favour
of the King with the pains and penalties of high trea-
son. Moreover, that there were no certain tidings
of the promised aid from Ireland. Such was the posi-
tion of matters when Montrose held a consultation,
with the noblemen and gentlemen who had hitherto
followed him, as to what proceedings they should now
adopt. Some advised him to return to Oxford, and in-
form his Majesty that under all the unforeseen circum-
stances his, Montrose's, adventure was utterly hopeless.
Others said, that he ought to inclose his commission

266 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

with an explanatory letter to the King, and retire abroad
until a more favourable opportunity presented itself.
All agreed that the contemplated expedition into Scot-
land was now impracticable. Just a twelvemonth had
elapsed since Montrose held a consultation of the same
kind, at the Keir, immediately after his interview with ^
Henderson on the banks of the Forth at Stirling. Upon
that occasion Lord Napier, and his other friends there,
had expressed an opinion, that the offer of their services
to redeem his Majesty's affairs in Scotland was not to be
thought of, as the attempt seemed utterly hopeless. Ne-
vertheless, Montrose had persisted, and,aftef atransitory
gleam of better fortune, found himself, chiefly in con-
sequence of the battle of Marston Moor, in a situation
more critical and hopeless than ever. There now re-
mained with him only about a hundred cavaliers, of
whom the great proportion, however loyal, were quite
averse from following the adventure further. Montrose,
whose determination to support the cause of Monarchy
was absolutely unique in his times, and only to be com-
pared to that of the Knights of Chivalry, with whom
seeming impossibilities were no reason for turning back
from whatever adventure they addressed themselves to
achieve, acted precisely as he had done before. He ac-
ceded, or seemed to accede, to reasoning which was too
well founded, but at the same time he inwardly adopted
the resolution to make the attempt, and incur the risk,
in his individual person. If at this time the crisis was
more desperate than ever, and his resources more limited,
on the other hand, he felt himself more deeply pledged
than when he met the King at the siege of Gloucester,
in the former year. Since that interview he had been
entrusted with the military command of Scotland, at his
own earnest desire, and if he returned to his Sovereign

ANECDOTE OF MONTROSE AND HAMILTON. 267

SO soon with nothing but a tale of disaster and despon-
dency, his appearance would be more disreputable than
the foreboding " apparition" of Hamilton. He had
already been honoured with a marquisate for the gal-
lantry of his first attempts, and if he now retired abroad,
without a blow struck in Scotland, Hamilton's enjoy-
ment of his Dukedom, within his prison of Pendennis,
would be enviable by comparison with the fame of
Montrose. And upon the memorable occasion, when
Henrietta Maria listened at York to the peaceful coun-
sels of the former favourite, we may believe that the
ardent and indignant feelings of the discarded hero
had led him to express himself, against his successful
rival, in a manner that now the more imperatively re-
quired him to do or die. Sir James Balfour has ac-
cidentally preserved to us an anecdote characteristic
of Montrose's thorough and irrepressible contempt, not
merely for Hamilton's counsel to the Queen at the col-
lision in question, but generally for his character as a
soldier. It seems that a dog belonging to the Earl of
Newcastle's son was engaged in single combat, (pro-
bably with some such privileged and provoking ques-
tioner as " the Prince's dog at Kew,") in the Queen's
garden at York, when the Marquis came behind the
animal and ran it through with his sword.* The in-

* Although the epitaph, quoted in the text, has not been printed with
the poetry of Montrose hitherto collected, there can be no doubt of its
authenticity ; for it appears in the handwriting of the Lord Lyon, Sir
James lialfour, (among his manuscripts preserved in the Advocates'
Library,) who thus entitles it : " Some lines, — on the killing of the Earl
of Newcastle's son's dog by the Martjuis of Hamilton, in tiie Queen's gar-
den at York, — written then l)y tlie Earl of Montrose." For the know-
ledge of these lines, 1 am indebted to the researches of an indefatigable
and accurate antiquary, James Maidment, Esq. Advocate. The incident
must have occurred, when Montrose and Hamilton were in keen oppo-
sition at York, in the councils of the Queen. Other pasquils in the same
MS. vol. are dated 164-3*

268 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

cident elicited from Montrose the following pasquil
against Hamilton, which, if it be not the best example
of our hero's poetical powers, is sufficiently characte-
ristic, and affords a curious historical illustration, when
connected with the reasons of these two rivals being
then together at York.

Epitaph.
Here lies a Dog, whose qualities did plead
Such fatal end from a renowned blade, —
And blame him not that he succumbed now,
For Herc'les could not combat against two, —
For whilst he on his foe revenge did take,
He manfully was killed behind his back.

Then say, to eternize the Cur that's gone
Hejleshed the maiden sword o/" Hamilton.

Some time, then, about the end of July, or beginning
of August, Montrose and his hundred cavaliers, of whom
the greater proportion were noblemen and gentlemen,
left the town of Carlisle with the purpose of joining
his Majesty. The Earl of Crawford, however, retired
to the garrison of Newcastle, which had not yet fallen
into the hands of the Covenanters, and Lord Aboyne
preferred remaining for a time at Carlisle. But Mon-
trose had reserved a scheme of his own, which he
only imparted to his friend Lord Ogilvy. To that
gallant youth he gave in charge the band of crest-fall-
en cavaliers, with instructions to go forthwith to Court,
and urge his Majesty to hasten a supply of men, and
arms, to enable his Lieutenant-General to prosecute the
enterprise in Scotland. On the third day of their jour-
ney, the whole equipage of Montrose, including his ser-
vants, horses, and baggage, being still with the party,
as also his constant companion Ogilvy, it was never
doubted that their illustrious leader was with them

Montrose's perilous adventure. 269

loo. But he had secretly quitted the cavalcade after
the second day's march, and left them to Ogilvy, who
unfortunately was not destined to reach the King
with Montrose's message. For these cavaliers were
attacked on their way through Lancashire by a supe-
rior force of rebel horse, and, after defending them-
selves bravely, were, for the most part, made prisoners,
including, among others of distinction. Lord Ogilvy
himself, and Henry Graham, Montrose's natural bro-
ther. They were all sent off to Hull, the governor of
which immediately escorted them to General Leslie,
who, in junction with Calendar, was now laying siege
to Newcastle, where in the meantime we must leave
them.

Montrose, when he thus gave his companions the slip,
returned forthwith to Carlisle, and imparted his project
to Aboyne, but at the same time persuaded that gallant
and loyal young nobleman, whom nevertheless he deem-
ed somewhat too unsteady for the critical adventure, to
remain in possession of Carlisle, while he, Montrose,
should make the all but impracticable attempt of thread-
ing his way in disguise, through passes and districts
completely occupied by Covenanters in arms, (who
would have obtained a large price for the capture of
Montrose, dead or alive,) even to the Highlands of
Scotland, where he still hoped to be joined by the pro-
mised forces of Antrim. Selecting only two compa-
nions, namely, his trusty friend Sir William Rollock,
and an officer of the name of Sibbald, a man of known
courage, experience, and tact, (though he too after-
wards proved false,) Montrose set out uj)on this pe-
rilous expedition, some time in the month of August
1644. There is not in the annals of fiction a more
interesting or romantic incident than this undoubt-

270 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ed historical fact, that Montrose, disguised as the groom
of two covenanting troopers, whom Rollock and Sib-
bald personated, mounted on a sorry nag, and lead-
ing another in his hand, rode, in the rear of his two
companions, to the borders, where he narrowly escaped
a detection that would have brought him instantly to
the scaifold, on which the gallant Gordon of Haddo
was already sacrificed. Their first peril was a conver-
sation with a servant of Sir Richard Graham's, who,
mistaking the trio for soldiers of Leslie's army, enter-
tained them with the information that his master. Sir
Richard, had undertaken to act as a spy upon the bor-
ders, for the very purpose of conveying to the Cove-
nanters intelligence of the motions of the royalists, and
of making prisoners any of Montrose's adherents who
might be returning to Scotland. This troublesome com-
panion at length separated from our adventurers, with-
out having observed anything to excite his suspicions,
far less to inform him that it was Montrose himself with
whom he had been conversing. No sooner, however,
was this peril past than a greater one occurred. They
were suddenly accosted by a Scotch soldier, who had for-
merly served under the Marquis of Newcastle, and who
was well acquainted with the person of Montrose.
Against the scrutiny of this old campaigner no masque-
rade was availing. Montrose's" quick and piercing eye,"
and " singular grace in riding," were not to be disguis-
ed, and, accordingly, this soldier, passing the seeming
officers, at once addressed himself to their servant, and
respectfully saluted him as my Lord of Montrose. In
vain the latter endeavoured to evade the compliment
and sustain his part. " What," exclaimed the soldier,
still preserving the utmost respect in his countenance
and manner, " do I not know my Lord Marquis of

MONTROSE AND INCHBRAKIE. 271

Montrose ? Go your way, and God be with you where-
soever you go." Montrose bestowed a few crowns upon
his unwelcome admirer, who left them to their journey
and never betrayed the secret, though he might have
made his own fortune by the discovery.

These adventures, however, induced Montrose to
make all possible speed, that he might reach his secret
destination ere the news of his presence in Scotland
had gone forth, and accordingly we are informed by
Dr Wishart, that he spared not horse flesh, and scarce-
ly drew bridle until he arrived at the house of Tillibel-
ton, hard by the Grampians, (those mountains he had
so often traversed,) where dwelt his dearly beloved
cousin, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie. To him the
hero was most welcome, for Inchbrakie was one ever
ready to sympathise with the gallant sentiment of Mon-
trose's own characteristic stanza, —

He either fears his fate too much.

Or his deserts are small.
That puts it not unto the touch.

To win or lose it all.

Even in this retreat Montrose was obliged to keep
himself closely concealed, in order to elude the vigilance
of the Covenanters. Assuming the garb of a moun-
taineer, he remained, so long as the night lasted,
among the neighbouring mountains, and returned be-
times to a little obscure cottage, near the mansion of his
cousin, where he lay concealed during the day. It
was only for a short time, however, that he remain-
ed thus unheard of. He had sent his two compa-
nions to inform Lord Napier, and the rest of his con-
fidential friends, that he had reached the Grampians in
safety, and that he was anxiously waiting for intcl-

272 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ligence of the state of parties in Scotland, especially
as to how the Huntly Gordons were sustaining the
royal cause, or if they were ready to assist him in sup-
porting- the Standard. But his friends returned after a
few days, with tidings any thing but encouraging.
Ruinous fines, imprisonment, and death, were the cer-
tain portion of every loyal person in Scotland who fell
into the hands of the Committee of Estates, now wield-
ing in the most lawless and tyrannical manner the whole
powers of the executive, under the sinister but far-
sighted policy and dictation of Argyle. Huntly had
fled into the wilds of Strathnaver, the western portion
of Caithness, and the rudest and most inaccessible dis-
trict of the Highlands. There he sought refuge in the
house of that ever loyal Highland chieftain, Donald
Mackay, Lord Reay, who himself at this time was be-
sieged in the town of Newcastle, along with the Earl
of Crawford and other friends of Montrose, among
whom was his faithful chaplain and historiographer,
Dr Wishart. It may be as well, before proceeding
with the adventures of Montrose, to glance at the cir-
cumstances which seem to have deprived Huntly of all
heart or enthusiasm in his still unquestionable loyalty,
and Montrose of that indispensable aid which he had
expected from the powerful and gallant Gordons.

In one respect only was the loyalty of Huntly
above that of Montrose, namely, in having from the
very first rejected the Covenant, as a seditious impo-
sition and no national charter of Religion and Li-
berties. Of the Solemn League and Covenant he en-
tertained, and fearlessly expressed, the same abhor-
rence as did the reclaimed chief of the Grahams. In
every other respect, however, Huntly was inferior to
Montrose. While the latter, with comparatively no

STATE OF HUNTLY AND HIS FAMILY. 273

local influence, or "following," and with scarcely any mi-
litary resources whatever, did all but conquer covenant-
ing Scotland and save the King, the former, always
able at a moment's warning to attract to his banner a
considerable army, composed of the very chivalry of Scot-
land, and feudally attached to his person, never effected
any thing in a cause to which, nevertheless, he was the
nobleman of his country the most invariably true, and
for which his blood flowed upon the scaffold. Had he
not established a fame in arms on the continent, although
his military movements at home would have sufficed
to redeem him from the ridiculous charge of cowardice,
brought against him by that great kirk-warrior the
Reverend Robert Raillie, still something would have
been awanting to prove that h- possessed the keen
natural propensity to arms, which so gloriously cha-
racterized his gallant name and race. Many domes-
tic troubles and distresses no doubt accompanied that
superiority of feudal resources which he possessed
over his illustrious rival. He had been left with the
cares of a young and very numerous family, by the
death of his excellent lady about the commencement
of the troubles in Scotland. Unfortunately this lady
was the sister of the evil genius of the times, Argyle,
who, up to the period we are considering, had exercised,
by means peculiar to himself, and in which the bridle
and whip of patrimonial interests were not forgotten,
a control over the sons and daughters of Huntly, much
beyond that exercised by their own father, whose enor-
mous load of debt afforded facilities which were seiz-
ed with all the tyrannical meanness and cunning of
his oppressor's dispositions. Thus the House of
Huntly, whose high-blooded scions might have been
a bulwark to the throne in Scotland, was thrown into
VOL, II. S

274 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

a state of disorganization, that may probably account
for that more or less of heartlessness, or feebleness,
with which the most loyal demonstrations of its chief
were ever tainted.

In this year 1644, and when the first rumour of
Montrose's enterprise was already causing great ex-
citement throughout covenanting Scotland, Huntly's
eldest son. Lord Gordon, who in the following year
fell desperately fighting by the side of Montrose, was
at variance with his father, and at the disposal of Ar-
gyle, with whom he then appeared to be co-operating
against the royal cause. But there can be no ques-
tion that he was virtually detained prisoner by his
uncle, and compelled for a short time to act in a man-
ner most contrary to his own inclinations. Aboyne, the
second son, had already taken a decided part against
the Argyle faction, in his correspondence with the Earls
of Nithisdale and Antrim, and in his expedition with
Montrose. The consequence, however, was, that he now
lay under a doom of forfeiture by the covenanting Par-
liament, and a sentence of excommunication. But there
is evidence (to be afterwards adduced,) that Argyle was
still using every means towithdra\v this young nobleman
from a cause in which hitherto, however unsuccessful-
ly, he had been very active, and that Montrose and his
friends foresaw that the arts and instigations of his
uncle were likely to prevail with the jealous temper,
and somewhat unsettled humours of Aboyne. The
third son. Lord Lewis, as we have already had occasion
to mention, actually robbed his father of some valuable
jewels, with which he made his escape to Holland early
in the year 1641. Spalding records nothing further of
this wild youth until the month of March 1644, when
he says,^ — " Lewis Gordon, the Marquis's third son,
hapi}ened to come to Edinburgh ; where he met with

STATE OF HUNTLY AND HIS FAMILY. 275

his sister, the Lady Haddington ; but he was appre-
hended, and forced to find caution not to go out of the
town, until the Marquis of Argyle came to the town of
Edinburgh. But when the Marquis of Huntly heard
this, he took little thought of him, for he had not seen
him since he went away with his jewels. Always he
remained in free-ward within Edinburgh awhile, and
when Argyle came, he was put to liberty." Imme-
diately after this we find both Lord Gordon and Lord
Lewis in arms for the Committee of Estates, at the head
of some of their father's retainers, and under the com-
mand of Argyle.

Besides exercising this control over the members
of Huntly's family, Argyle contrived to acquire a
legal grasp of some of his finest territory, which
greatly facilitated the objects of the Dictator's sinis-
ter ambition. Elsewhere we have mentioned cer-
tain bonds, pressed by him upon the loyal districts in
the year 1640. In particular, a bond by the feuars and
tenants of Badenoch, for payment of their duties, and
for " doing their duty in the public."* Of this lord-
ship of Huntly's, Argyle had possessed himself by the
following means: The Lady Ann Gordon, Huntly's
eldest daughter, who, says Spalding, " was a precise pu-
ritan, and therefore well liked in Edinburgh," was mar-
ried, in 1639, to James Lord Drummond, eldest son of
the Earl of Perth. Argyle, who made the marriage, be-
came cautioner for the lady's dower, being forty thou-
sand merks. About the same time, Lady Henrietta
Gordon, Huntly's second daughter, was married to
Georo-e Lord Seton, eldst son of the Earl of Wintoun,
also under the auspices of her uncle, who in like man-

* See before, Vol. i. p. 502.

276 MONTUOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

iier became cautioner for her dower to the same amount.
Very soon afterwards, Argyle made the marriage be-
tween Huntly's third daughter, the Lady Jane, and Tho-
mas second Earl of Haddington, and also took burden up-
on himself for the lady. To meet these obligations for his
nieces' portions, Argyle obtained a wadset of Huntly's
lordships of Lochaber and Badenoch, being a complete
right in the person of Argyle to the profits of these ex-
tensive districts, so long as they were unredeemed by
Huntly from the debt incurred for his daughters. There
can be no doubt that Argyle's principal object in all
these transactions was, to extend his own feudal power,
to be enabled to oppress and concuss the districts where
democracy was least prevalent, and to destroy the in-
fluence of the loyal house of Huntly.

While the family and territories of this unfortunate
nobleman were thus over-ridden, another circumstance
appears also to have operated as a check upon the
ardour v.ith which it might have been expected
that the chivalry of the Gordons would have rushed
to the royal standard. When Montrose obtained his
commission as Lieutenant-General of the kingdom un-
der Prince Maurice, a separate commission, of the same
date, was bestowed upon Huntly, as the King's Lieute-
nant-General be-north the Grampians. But unfortu-
nately the terms of their respective commissions ren-
dered the latter subordinate to Montrose, whose com-
mand extended over the whole of Scotland, subject only
to tlie orders of his Majesty, * or Prince Maurice, when
present. But few years had elapsed since our hero

* " The words of Huntly's commission are, — and you yourself care-
fully to observe and follow such farther orders and directions as you
may or shall receive from us, under our signet or sign-manual, or from
our General, or Lieutenant-General of our kingdom of Scotland." — MS.
History of the Gordons, Advocates' Library.

STATE OF HUNTLY AND HIS FAMILY. 377

himself planted the Covenant in the north, and carried
Huntly, (at that time, also, commissioned as the King's
Lieutenant,) and Lord Gordon, to their oppressive cap-
tivity in the Castle of Edinburgh. Montrose, ration-
ally redeemed from his false position, had since earned,
above every loyalist in Scotland, a just claim to the
military command of his country. Even with his co-
venanting career thrown into the scale against him,
Montrose's pretensions at this time to raise the Stan-
dard were superior to Huntly's. But the magnani-
mity which the latter might now have displayed was
more perhaps than could be well expected from human
nature, and, for the covenanting crusade of his youth,
our hero paid the penalty of his ultimate failure and
destruction, which is mainly to be attributed to the
backwardness of the Gordons, and their desertion of
him at the most critical moment.

In the month of March, immediately before Mon-
trose first crossed the borders and took possession of
Dum.fries, Huntly made some demonstrations of co-
operating, by raising the north in virtue of his com-
mand there. But whatever warlike designs he may
have contemplated, his published declarations bear that
he had only taken up arms to defend himself against
the tyrannical and lawless commands and processes of
the Committee of Estates, who had directed a commis-
sion to the Sheriffs of Aberdeen and Banff to seize his
person, houses, rents, and goods, without the form of
a trial or sentence ; and that, says Huntly in his decla-
ration of the 16th of March 1644, " for no other true
cause but that I refuse to concur with them in the levy
of men and monies for assisting the present invasion
of England, contrary to my conscience, incompatible
with my humble loyalty to our gracious Sovereign, and

278 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

SO destructive to the late pacification solemnly ratified
by his Majesty and the Parliament of both kingdoms,
as no honest Christian, being of this my opinion, can
willingly condescend to be contained in it." Upon this
ground Huntly protests, that if any bloodshed, or dis*
turbance of the public peace, be consequent on his ris-
ing, the responsibility rests with those who had driven
him to such measures in self-defence.

It was not after this fashion that Montrose stood for
the King. The personal following of Huntly, under all
the disadvantages of the depressed spirit of their leader,
amounted to upwards of fifteen hundred foot, and three
hundred horse, completely armed, and longing for the field.
Had the electric spark of the genius of Montrose been
communicated to them, had he led them to action, they
might have traversed Scotland, gathering as they went,
and Argyle never have found even the opportunity of
disgracing himself at the head of his well appointed
armies. As it was, a raid or a foray, suddenly arising
out of the irrepressible ardour of those northern barons
who looked to Huntly in vain, was all the fruit of his
transitory appearance in arms. It was upon the 1 9tli
of March that some of the elite of Huntly's staff", in
particular, young Irving of Drum, (who had been lately
married to Huntly's youngest daughter, the Lady
Mary) his brother, Robert Irving, Sir John Gordon of
Haddo, Sir George Gordon of Gicht, and his cousin, the
gallant Major Nathaniel Gordon, with some other war-
like lairds, and about sixty horse, dashed into the town
of Aberdeen, early in the morning, and, without meet-
ing the slightest opposition, made prisoners of some of
the leading and most obnoxious Covenanters, including
Provost Leslie himself, all of whom were carried to
Huntly's castle of Strathbogie. " But (without) bo to

HADDOS RAID. 279

their hlanket,'' says Spalding, " they rode down through
the Gallowgate, and came back up through the Gallow-
gate, none daring to say it was evil done." This ob-
tained the name of Haddo's raid, that distinguished
baron being: the leader of the worse than fruitless ex-
ploit, and some of the captives his personal enemies.
A month afterwards, when Montrose was at Dumfries,
the very same gallants, annoyed and disgusted with
Huntly's inactivity, attacked the town of Montrose of
their own accord, an adventure yet more daring, and
just as fruitless as the former. It illustrates the dif-
ference betwixt the genius, or dispositions, of Huntly
and Montrose, in their support of the royal cause, that
the latter, too, commenced his operations by successive
attacks upon the principal towns in the hands of the
Covenanters, but with a v^vy different result. His mi-
litary means were in every respect inferior to Huntly's.
But he left no time to his followers to waste their
strength in petty raids. In person he instantly led his
whole disposable force to action — came down upon the
cities of the Covenant " like a speat," — and each suc-
cessive blow he struck was a victory, at which tyranny
and hypocrisy grew pale.

At length the gallant and loyal heart of Huntly ap-
pears to have left him altogether. Or it may be that
unfortunately his character is not liable to the modern
criticism pointed against Montrose's, namely, of having
been " deficient in that calmness and solidity of judg-
ment which the critical i)eriod at which he lived so
much required."* Certainly Montrose, whenever his
desperate fortunes required him to hold consultation
with his adherents, invariably found a great preponde-
rance of voices for giving up what they considered a

* Dr Cook.

280 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

hopeless adventure, while he himself urged them to
proceed, and inwardly determined, if they would not
follow him, to make the attempt alone. The converse
was the case with Huntly. At a council of war, which
he held upon the 29th of April, — in consequence of
the murmurings of the gallant barons who surround-
ed him, at his inactivity and delay in going through the
north with '* a flying army," to break the power of the
Covenanters, — Huntly alone opposed the warlike pro-
positions of his followers. ' Let us go instantly,' said
Haddo, Gicht, and the Marquis's own son-in-law, the
young Laird of Drum, ' to the Mearns, and to Angus,
and break their forces, otherwise we are all lost.' But
the Marquis reasoned against this as a desperate at-
tempt, and with difficulty was prevailed upon to accede
to another proposition, that they should hover upon
the flanks of the covenanting armies, now coming
against them from the south, that they should foray
and live upon the estates of the disloyal, and, when
hard pressed by superior numbers, retire to the strong-
holds of Strathbogie, Auchindoun, or the Bog of Gicht.
*By this means,' they said, ' the enemy will be exhausted,
and ourselves enabled to keep the field until the King
can send us succours.' Huntly had already lost one of
the most efficient of his officers, Nathaniel Gordon, who
quitted him in disgust upon being " reproved very bit-
terly," by the Marquis, for having wrested, without
orders, a Danish prize from an English pirate, who re-
taliated severely upon the coast. But he acceded to the
proposition of mustering an army at his own residence,
and, accordingly, on the 1st of May, Sir George Gor-
don of Gicht, Alexander Irving yovmger of Drum, Ro-
bert Irving his brother, followed by about sixty horse,
rode in high spirits, and with new white lances in their

HUNTLY DISBANDS H!S FOLLOWERS. 281

hands, to the rendezvous at Strathbogie. There also
came Haddo, and many another gallant heart beating
high with loyalty and courage, and the King's Lieu-
tenant already found his standard supported by a brave
little army of fifteen hundred foot, and three hundred
horse. But, to their bitter disa})pointment, Huntly
greeted them with the discouraging words, — ' we are
unequal to give them battle.' The indignant reply of
the barons was, — ' We have show^i ourselves foolishly,
and will leave the field shamefully — we thought never
better of it.' But their leader persisted in disbanding
them, although young Drum repeatedly stayed his fa-
ther-in-law, as he was mounting his horse to be gone,
and with so little ceremony, or so "' weil rudely," as
Spalding expresses it, that the Marquis was offended,
and separated in anger from his gallant followers,
whose honour and safety were thus compromised by
their disheartened chief.

The adventures of the disbanded leaders were various
and distressing. Young Drum, taking with him his
wife, Lady Mary Gordon, (who shortly before had been
rudely thrust out of the house of Drum by her uncle
Argyle,) and two female attendants, together with his
brother, Robert Irving, embarked secretly for Holland.
But the lady became so ill from sea-sickness, that they
were forced to land on the shores of Caithness, and a
price of eighteen thousand merks having been ofllered
by the Committee of Estates for the ajiprehension of
Alexander Irving, and five thousand for his brother,
they were shamefully betrayed into the hands of the
Covenanters by Francis Sinclair, a relative in M'hom
they had confided, and were cast into the tolbooth of
Edinburgh, to suffer a loathsome confinement, in which
Robert Irving died. Haddo and Gicht retired to their
respective houses, where they fortified themselves in

282 montrose'and the covenanters.

vain. The'day after that on which Hiintly quitted
Aberdeen for the rendezvous at Strathbogie, the army
which the Estates had raised and placed under the com-
mand of Argyle for the subjugation of the north, entered
that persecuted town, with the Lords Elcho, Burleigh,
Arbuthnot, Kinghorn, and Carnegie, being about two
thousand foot, and four hundred cavalry. But Argyle
himself, with a like number of horse, had remained at
Dunnotter, with his cousin the Earl of Marischal, whom
he still contrived to keep from the royal cause, and his
nephew the yet more unwilling Lord Gordon. Being-
joined here by the Irish regiments of Lothian and the
Laird of Lawers, five hundred strong, they proceeded in
the first instance to the place of Drum, to enact some of
Argyle's characteristic sieges. The Laird of Drum (whom
Spalding describes as a very innocent old gentleman, not
inclined to take part in the troubles in which, without
consulting him, his sons were engaged,) was from home,
and the young laird and his brother at the rendezvous
of Strathbogie. But Argyle and his company were
received with trembling hospitality by two forlorn
ladies resident at Drum, namely. Lady Irving herself,
and her daughter-in-law, Argyle's niece, the Lady Mary
Gordon. Their female arts proved no protection against
the King of the Kirk. Argyle immediately ordered
them to be forcibly thrust out of doors, with all their
domestics, and the two ladies, wrapped in gray plaids,
and riding on work-horses, found their way in sorry
plight to Aberdeen. * Then followed the scene of plun-

* " Sir Alexander Irving of Drum was not at home when Argyle and
the rest came ; but his ladj^ and his gude-dochter, Lady Mary Gordon,
sister-dochter to Argyle, were present. He and his company were all
made welcome, according to the time. The Marquis shortly removed
the two ladies, and set them out of yettis (doors) per force, albeit the
young lady was his own sister's dochter, with two gray plaids about
their heads. Their haill servants were also put to the yett; but the
ladies came in upon two work naiges, in i)itiful manner, to New Aber-

DEATH OF HADDO. 283

der and devastation at Drum, whose richly and curi-
ously furnished mansion and well-stocked lands, were
swept of every animal and article of value, including a
chest, which the destroyers were so fortunate as to dig
up from its concealment in the yard, containing plate
and jewels estimated at twenty thousand pounds. Little
they left of that stately dwelling but its dilapidated walls.
And to this fate, the ever-loyal house of Drum had so
frequently to submit, that at length it learnt to endure
it, as the live eels the stripping of their skin.

Argyle then proceeded to the house of Kelly, where
Haddo was better prepared for his reception. But this
brave and memorable loyjdist, unable to infuse his own
determined spirit into his little garrison, and vainly re-
lying upon the interest of his relative Marischal, and his
young chief Lord Gordon, who were both with Argyle,
put himself into the hands of his besiegers, and became
the prisoner of the covenanting Parliament. His fate
was sealed. No law existed that could reach his life
for any thing he had done. But his merciless enemies,
anxious to strike terror into all who were still inclined
to suj)port the monarchy, removed this slight difficulty
by first making a law to meet his case, and then ap-
plying it retrospectively. He was beheaded at the cross
of Edinburgh, with the instrument called " the maiden,"
on the 19th of July 1644. The Argyle kirk-men, as
usual, haunted his exit like unclean birds, and labour-
ed meanly, but in vain, to shake his constancy, and
turn his Christian resignation, and confession of un-
worthiness before God, into an obeisance to the Cove-
nant. His conduct on the scaffold was consistent with
his gallantry in the field, and his virtues at home.
" Thus,". — says Spalding, who mourned over him, in a

(leen, and took up their lodging beside the good wife of Auchluncart,
tlien dwelling in the town.''

284 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS. .

strain as pathetic as Mark Anthony's, — " thus ended
this worshipful gentleman, borne down by the burghs
of Scotland, ministry of Edinburgh, and Parliament of
this land, especially by the Marquis of Argyle, the
Lord Balmerino, and the Kirk, because he would never
subscribe the Covenant, but stoutly followed the King
in thir troublesome times, and lived and died a good
Protestant. And albeit Haddo was an auncient baron of
good estate, and still ane loyal subject to the King —
hardy, stout, bold in all hazards — friend to his friend,
and enemy to his enemy — of a good life and conversa-
tion— moderate, temperate, and religious — loth and
unwilling still to give offence, and as loth to take of-
fence— and, withal, a good neighbour, loving and kind
tohis tenants, kinsfolks, and friends — yet thus he end* !"*

* Even ill his wild raid through Aberdeen, Haddo, at the same mo-
ment when he carried off the provost, " takes his young bairns, at the
school, hame behind some of his servants, and sent them back upon the
morn, except his eldest son." But he had them all with him at Kelly
when taken : " He had six young children within the place, which, when
it was randerit, were all put to the yett, safe and sound. Friends took
three of them, and other three were sent into Old Aberdeen for learn-
ing at the schools; but not ane penny of their father's estate bestowed
upon them." Nothing but the blackness of ashes did Argyle leave at and
around the princely place of Kelly: " Stately was the plenishing with-
in this house, and pleasant yards and planting about the same." The
lineal male representation of Haddo, is in the noble family of Aberdeen,
whose seat of Haddo House is, we presume, what formerly was called
Kelly. Of the six children mentioned above three died young. The
eldest son, Sir John, died without issue male. His brother George, about
seven years old at the time of the siege, carried on the family with great
distinction, became Chancellor of Scotland in 1682, and was raised to the
peerage by the titles of Earl of Aberdeen, Viscount Formartine, Lord
Haddo, &tc.

The same scene was enacted at the house of Gicht. Sir George Gordon,
also compelled to surrender, was sent prisoner to Edinburgh, where he
narrowly escaped the fate of Haddo. As the place was taken, the young
Laird of Gicht saved himself by a desperate exertion. Being uncom-
monly well mounted, he leaped Jiis horse over the park walls, and got
safe away, to the great disappointment of some of Argyle's cavalry, who
were in keen pursuit of him.

FLIGHT OF HUNTLY. 285

In the meanwhile, the Marquis of Huntly, after dis-
banding his host at Strathbogie, had provided for his
own safety. In the month of May he went to the Bog
of Gicht, and taking from thence some trunks filled
with gold, silver, and rich costly apparel, sent the keys
of his castle, *' with his stately saddel horses." to his
son Lord Gordon, and having restored Provost Leslie,
and all his prisoners, to their liberty, he took his soli-
tary departure, riding by the water of Spey, clad in
Highland coat and trews, with a black bonnet on his
head. But James Gordon of Letterfury, to whose
charge he had consigned the precious trunks, suddenly
took shipping with them to Caithness, leaving the
King's Lieutenant to his fate, who shortly afterwards,
however, finds his own way to Caithness, and by a for-
tunate accident rencountered his faithless clansman,
and recovered the treasure he scarcely expected to see
again. Huntly had landed on Sutherland with but a
single attendant, with whom he " speiris (inquires) for
ane ale-house, calls for ane drink, and sends for Gordon
of Syddra, dwelling hard beside." From this clansman
the illustrious wanderer obtained a lodging that night.
Next morning " the Marcpiis with his man" rode to
Caithness, and slept in very dangerous quarters, namely,
the house of his cousin-german, Francis Sinclair, who
soon afterwards so venally betrayed the Irvings of
Drum. On the following day Huntly accidentally
stumbled upon Gordon of Letterfury, " and gave him
no thanks for leaving of him behind, takes order with
his trunks, dismisses him home, and himself with his
man, upon the morn, takes horse, and to Strathnaver
goes he." It was in an open fisher boat that the King's
Lieutenant escaped to Sutherland, from whence he em-
barked in another boat at Caithness, and went by sea

286 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to seek refuge in the wild country of the loyal Mackays,
where he remained from this month of May till Oc-
tober in the following year.

King Campbell, though much chagrined at the escape
of Huntly, whom he was most anxious to intercept, and
still more uncomfortable in his reflections on the sub-
ject of Montrose, whose motions were yet a mystery,
was now in complete possession of covenanting Scot-
land, and having re-organized his recent conquest of the
north with his usual far-sighted ability, " upon Friday
(says Spalding,) the last of May, took his leave of Aber-
deen, where all this time he was lodged in the Provost
Patrick Leslie's house most honourably. And \^ hen he
went to horse, he was convoyed with nobles, barons,
burgesses, bare-headed for the most part, so highly was
he in thir days exalted, little inferior to ane King." He
went that night to Dunnotter, promising to return to
preside at the great Committee appointed to be held
in Aberdeen on the 24th of July. Ere that day arriv-
ed, however, the attention of his covenanting Majesty
was somewhat distracted by the arrival of one Allcister
MacColl Keitache 3facGillespick MacDo7iald, with
whom we shall presently become familiar.

Such, generally, was the deplorable position of the
gallant Gordons, and such the tidings with which Sir
William Rollock and Colonel Sibbald returned to our
hero, when, about the end of August 1 644, he was im-
patiently abiding in his solitary eyrie among the Gram-
pians, and brooding over his royal commission, which
happened at the moment to be his sole and only ma^
teriel. But his heart failed him not, and his spirit
soared as his fortunes seemed to sink. He turned a
glance, like the eagle's, to those mountains, and to the
land of the Gael. No chieftain, of the purest Highland

MONTROSE AND THE GAEL. 287

breed that ever wore a badge of brakens, was a better
mountaineer than the Graham. His own romantic
domains, and those of the nobleman who was to him
as a father, * had rendered his boyhood familiar with
mountain and flood.

Trained to the chase, his eagle eye
The ptarmigan in snow could spy ;
Each pass, by mountain, lake, and heath.
He knew through Lennox and Menteith;
Right up Ben Lomond could he press,
^ And not a sob his toil confess ;

And scarce the doe, though winged with fear.
Outstripped in speed the mountaineer.

He well knew, moreover, the history and peculiar ha-
bits of those independent Pictish tribes who had obtain-
ed the characteristic appellation of ** Redshanks." Dis-
organized and broken as the Highland clans had be-
come, Montrose could yet appreciate the value of their
combined enthusiasm, in such a cause as the support
of a Scottish King on his native throne, threatened and
shaken by the rebellious power of Argyle. For Charles
was as the chief of Scotland, and Mac Cailinmor was
the chief of that once inferior race, the vast encroach-

* It is curious to observe the secluded and philosophical Inventor of
Logarithms entering into a formal written contract, with Sir James
Camjjbell of Lawers, (father of the Chancellor,) and others, for recipro-
cal defence and retribution, " in cais it sail happin the said Johnne Na-
peir of Merchiston, or his tennentis of the lands within Menteith and
Lennox, to be trublit or oppressit in the possession of tlieir said landis,
or their guidis and geir, violently or be stouth of the name of M'Gri-
gour, or ony utheris heilland broken men." The contract is dated 24th
December 1611, and is still preserved in the Napier charter-chest. See
Memoirs of Merchiston, ji. 32G. Lord Napier inherited one fourth of
the whole Earldom of Lennox, a co-heiress of wliich, as also of Itusky
in Menteith, he represented ; and the present Lord Napier has a com-
peting claim with Ilaldane of Gleiieagles, (the only possible competi-
tors,) for the honours of that ancient Earldom.

288 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ments of whose faitour policy and aggrandizement had
done, and was yet doing, so much to destroy the inde-
pendence of the Highlands. So Montrose, when he
found that the chivalry of the Gordons had utterly fail-
ed him, and was even turned against the King, still
bethought him of those who were wont to rise, and
rush like their torrents, at the summons of the cross of
fire.

About the time when his companions returned with
their bad tidings, an incident occurred which had the
electric effect of that summons upon Montrose himself,
and very soon hurried him into action. From the shep-
herds on the mountains, among whom the romantic nights
of his concealment were spent, he had gathered vague
reports of a predatory descent of some Irish Caterans
upon the Isles, and west coast of Scotland. It imme-
diately occurred to him that these might be a portion
of the long-looked for army from the Earl of Antrim,
and the conjecture was soon realized by a letter secret-
ly placed in the hands of his host. Montrose was at
this time understood to be still at Carlisle, and the lea-
der of Antrim's wild and desultoiy levies, having landed
in the west of Scotland upwards of a month before Mon-
trose reached the Grampians, addressed a letter to him
at Carlisle, which, as the surest medium of transmission,
was brought to his cousin Inchbrakie at Tillebelton, the
messenger little knowing how near at hand was the ob-
ject of that anxious mission.

It was early in the month of July that, to the great
consternation of the Covenanting Parliament then sit-
ting, the celebrated Allaster or Alexander Macdonald,
so well known in the annals of Montrose's wars by the

AL ASTER MACDONALD. 289

coiTUjited j)atronyinicColkitto,* descended upon the west
coast of Scotland, with a small fleet, and about twelve
hundred Scoto-Irish, miserably appointed, being the
whole result of the Earl of Antrim's promises at York, and
negotiations in Ireland. When it was found impossible
to furnish Montrose with the means of penetrating into
Scotland, his Majesty had sent new instructions to
Antrim, requiring him to co-operate in the north of
Scotland with the Royal Lieutenant, Huntly, as also
with Seaforth, and others in the western Highlands.
For it was expected that the expedition from Ireland
would effect a landing before Montrose could enter
Scotland. Accordingly, Alaster Macdonald, having
disembarked his troops at the point of Ardnamurchan,
sent various letters and commissions, with which he
was charged, to those who were expected to join him.
But he found so little encouragement from any quarter,
as to be on the point of betaking himself again to his
ships, and returning to Ireland. Huntly, as we have
seen, had disbanded his followers and was not to be
heard of. The Earl of Seaforth, Lord of Kintail and

* Malcolm Laing calls this Highland hero, " MacDonald of Colkitto."
Sir Walter Scott says, " their commander was Alaster Macdonald, a
Scoto-Irishman, 1 believe, of the Antrim family. He was called Coll
Kittoch, or Colkitto, from his being left-handed ; a very brave and dar-
ing man, but vain and opinionative, and wholly ignorant of regular war-
fare."— Tales of a Grandfather. But in a " History of the Western
Highlands and Isles of Scotland," by Donald Gregory, Esq. will be
found the accurate history of Macdonald's race and name. Coll Kei-
tach MacGillespick Macdonald of Colonsay was the father of Montrose's
friend, whoso proper name, therefore, was Alaster or Alexander MacColI
Keitache (i, e. son of Coll Keitache) Macdonald. Kcitachc means left-
handed. Coll Keitache, the father of him improperly called CoUkittoch,
was the grandson of Coll, a brother of James Macdonald of Duny veg and
the Glens, and of the celebrated Sorley Buy Macdonald, who was father
of the first Iv<irl of Antrim, and grandfather of Montrose's friend, the first
Marquis of Antrim.

VOL. H. • T

290 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

chief of the Mackenzies,* whose loyalty had been amply
professed, and particularly relied upon, most unexpec-
tedly joined, at this critical juncture, the covenanting
party of Sutherland and Forbes, (being married to the
daughter of the latter nobleman) instead of declaring
for the royal cause, to which his heart inclined. This
was a severe blow, for the power of the Mackenzies
pervaded the north-west of Scotland, from Ardnamur-
chan to Strathnaver, and was only second to that of
Argyle. Neither was the name of Alaster Macdonald,
with all its imposing adjuncts, of sufficient weight to
rouse the enthusiastic loyalty of the Highland clans,
an achievement reserved for the talisman of the name
and presence of Montrose.

But no sooner was there certain intelligence of the in-
vasion, than Argyle projected the destruction of Mac-
donald's flotilla, which was effected accordingly by a
fleet of Scotch and English vessels immediately sent for
that purpose, and thus he was left without the means of
re-embarking his little army. In the meanwhile, this ses-
sion of the Scotch Parliament was hurried to a conclu-
sion, and Argyle himself, being commissioned to raise an
army at the expence of the Estates, and to go in person
to crush the invader, followed him as usual at a respect-
ful distance. Macdonald, thus hemmed in, attacked the
country of Argyle, with that desperate bravery for
which he was more celebrated than for military talent,
and the hereditary feuds of his own family with the
Campbells, operated powerfully as a stimulus to his
predatory warfare in the western Highlands and Isles.
He besieged and took the castle of Mingarry, an ancient
residence of the Macdonalds, on the Ardnamurchan
coast, and performed a few exploits of the same nature,

* The Sujnor Fvritano of " the Plot." See Vol. i. p. 486.

THE CROSS OF FKIE. 291

accompanied with their due proportion of fire and sword,
from Ardnamurchan to Sky, and from that to Kintail.
Disappointed in his hopes of Huntly, Seaforth, and the
Macdonalds of Sleat, he attempted to raise Scotland in
the name of the King, and of Montrose. To the Com-
mittee of Moray, sitting at Alderne, he sent a charge,
commanding all manner of men within that country to
rise and follow the King's Lieutenant, Montrose, under
pain of fire and sword, and this summons he eloquently
enforced with the dread symbol of a cross, every point
of which was seamed and scathed with fire :

Woe to the wretch who fails to rear.
At this dread sign, the ready spear !
For, as the flames this symbol sear.
His home, the refuge of his fear,

A kindred fate shall know ;
Far, o'er its roof, the volumed flame.
Clan Alpine's vengeance shall proclaim.
While maids, and matrons, on his name
Shall call down wretchedness and shame.

And infamy and woe 1

When the covenanting Committee, whose nerves were
never of the strongest, received this significant cross,
they sent it in haste and terror to the Committee of
Aberdeen, who retained it, and the Committee at Edin-
burgh being apprized of the event, the Estates instant-
ly summoned to arms every man be-north the Gram-
pians, betwixt sixty and sixteen, and required them to
be at the various places of rendezvous before the mid-
dle of August. While thus in the very jaws of destruc-
tion, Macdonald, who had marched into 13adenoch, di-
rected to Montrose the despatch which came so fortu-
nately into the hands of Inchbrakie.

Montrose thus learnt, very soon after his arrival
at Tillibelton, that every hope he had so rationally de-
rived from the known disj)ositions of the Gordons, the

292 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Mackeiizies, and the Macdonalds, had utterly and most
unexpectedly failed. Somewhere in the rear of Alaster
Macdonald was Argyle himself with a nvuTierous and
well appointed army, while our hero had not even the
means of arming, far less of paying, the few miserable
wanderers he was called upon to command. But he hesi-
tated not for a moment to share the fate of those whom
he had been instrumental in bringing into their present
predicament, and the plan he instantly adopted evinced
the superiority of a genius that was in itself a host.
The Highland clans, with whom the Scoto-Irish were
nearly identified in their history and habits, he knew to
be capable of extraordinary achievements, if roused by
a skilful application to their peculiar propensities. He
knew, moreover, that their pursuer, Argyle, with all his
vast preponderance of civil, religious, and military power
in Scotland, was singularly cautious and slow in his war-
like evolutions. Montrose's first idea, then, was to take
the Highlanders by surprise, and in a manner that may
be called dramatic, so as communicate the electric spark
to their ardent and romantic dispositions ; and having
thus kindled their enthusiasm, he determined instantly
to lead them, far in advance of Argyle, where they
might destroy in detail the resources and courage of
the enemy, by a series of desperate blows and rapid
evolutions, calculated at once to strike terror into the
Covenanters, and to attract the loyal to the standard
of their King and Country. Montrose accordingly
answered Macdonald's letter as if he had received it at
Carlisle, and instructed him to march into Athol, where
the Royal Lievitenant would join him as soon as pos-
sible. The rendezvous was well chosen, for it was the
district where the oppression of Argyle had been se-
verely felt, and where the most enthusiastic admiration

4

MONTROSE AND THE HIGHLANDERS. 293

of Montrose was cherished. Macdonald accordingly
laid siege to, and took the Castle of Blair in Athol,
some time about the end of August, where he remained
for further orders.*

Attired in the garb of the Gael, and attended by his
cousin and host, Patrick Graham, younger of Inch-
brakie, also in the habit of a mountaineer, Montrose
set out on foot to discover himself to the predatory band
in Athol, who were looking for his coming under more
or less of the imposing and effective insignia of the
royal Commission. But in this sudden apparition of the
hero, without even the ordinary attendance of a High-
land chieftain, the men of Ulster at first perceived only
the fine figure of a distinguished-looking Dune Uasal, or,
as they might express it when they had learnt to speak
good English, a very pretty man. But those of Athol
and Badenoch, who well knew the Graham, greeted him
with enthusiasm amounting to adoration, and the con-
genial Irish were not slow to appreciate and to share
their frantic joy. It was in presence of about tvvelve
hundred Scoto-Irish, slenderly accompanied by the High-
landers who had joined the forlorn hope of MacColl
Keitache as he traversed the above districts, that Mon-
trose displayed his commission from Charles the
First. When the surrounding scenery, the actors,
the occasion, and the results are called to mind, few
finer subjects for an historical painting can be con-
ceived than this. And we may be excused if we pause
for a moment to consider the precise costume in which
Montrose now appeared before them, and instantly led
them to victory.

From a work of great ability and research, recent-

* MS. Pari. Record of process of forfeiture ugainst Montrose and his
adlierents.

294. MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

]y published on the subject of the antiquities, man-
ners, and customs of the Highlanders of Scotland, we
learn that there are three varieties of the Highland
dress that can be traced to remote antiquity. " There
is thus," — says our author after a most satisfactory ex-
jiosition of authorities for the first variety, or dress of
the Highland gentleman, — " a complete chain of au-
thorities for the dress of the Highlanders, from the
fourteenth to the seventeenth century, having consisted
of the Highland shirt stained with saffron, the Breacan
or belted plaid, the short Highland coat, and the Cuaran
or buskins, and that their limbs from the thigh to the
ancle were certainly uncovered."* In illustration of the
second variety, or dress of the common people of the
Highlands, we may adopt Mr Skene's quotation from
Taylor, the water poet, who describes their dress very
minutely in 1618 : ''And in former times were those
people which were called Redshanks, f Their habite is
shoes with but one sole a-piece ; stockings, which they
call short hose, made of a warm stuff of divers colours
which they call tartane. As for breeches, many of
them nor their forefathers never wore any, but a jer-
kin of the same stuff that their hose is of, their garters
being bands or wreaths of hay or straw, with a plaid
about their shoulders, which is a mantle of divers co-
lours, much finer or lighter stuff than their hose, with
blue flat caps on their heads, a handkerchife knit with
tAVO knots about their neck, and thus are they attyred."
The third variety was that of the Triiis, a dress not
so ancient (contrary to the general impression,) as the
former, but which can be traced back to the year 1538.
Mr Skene mentions, that this third variety is thus de-

* Skene's History of the Higlilauders of Scotland, Chap. ix.
t See before. Vol. i. p. 459.

HIGHLAND COSTUME OF MONTROSE. 295

scribed in 1678, by Cleland, who wrote a satirical poem
upon the expedition of the Highland host :

" But those who were their chief commanders,
As such who bore the pirnie standarts,
Who led the van and drove the rear.
Were right well mounted of their gear;
With brogues, trues, and pirnie plaides,
With good blue bonnets on their heads.
A slasht out coat beneath her plaides,
A targe of timber, nails, and hides."

As Dr Wishart only says, that Montrose was —
jyedes, et in montano habitu, — on foot, and in the ha-
bit of a mountaineer, — we might be left to conjecture
which of these three varieties he had adopted, were it
not that other eye-witnesses afford some notices that
enable us to picture him very accurately. Spalding
records, that Montrose, when he reached the Grampians,
was " cled in coat and trewis, on foot." Elsewhere, he
thus speaks of the Royal Lieutenant, from ocular in-
spection of him in Aberdeen : " This Lieutenant was
cled in coat and trewis, as the Irishes were cled. Ilk
ane had in his cap or bonnet ane rip of oats, quhilk was
his sign." It is obvious, therefore, that Montrose's cos-
tume was the third variety described by Cleland, and
that, with admirable tact, while he assumed a dress suf-
ficiently Celtic to please every Highlander, he adopted
the modification most likely to take the fancy of the
Scoto-Irish. For Mr Skene observes, that, " the truis
cannot be traced in the Highlands previous to the six-
teenth century, but there is undoubted evidence that it
was, from the very earliest period, the dress of the gen-
try of Ireland. I am inclined, therefore, to think that
it was introduced from Ireland." Nor was Montrose
without the memorable ai)pen(lage of " a targe of tim-
ber, nails, and hides," — as we learn from a slight,

296 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

but very interesting notice by another eye-witness.
Among the original letters and papers of the Duke of
Ormonde, printed by Carte, is a manuscript that had
been written at Inverlochy in Lochaber, on the 7th of
February 1644-5, by an Irish officer of some distinc-
tion under Alaster Macdonald * It gives a short sketch
of Montrose's successful career up to that date ; and,
speaking of his first victory at Perth, the writer says,
that his Majesty's forces being utterly destitute of horse,
" that day the Marquis of Montrose went on foot him-
self, with his target and pike."

We may then accurately picture Montrose in the
costume which, as appears by the Treasurer's accounts
for the year 1538, was worn by James the Fifth of
Scotland, when hunting in the Highlands, namely, the
tartan truis, (or long hoiss, which meant the same,) the
Highland shirt, the short Highland coat also of tartan,
(though probably not upon this occasion oi variant cul-
lorit velvety as was King James's,) the plaid thrown over
the shoulders, the Scotch bonnet, (with " ane rip of oats,"
for badge,) the broad sword by his side, the Highland
targe upon his arm, and in his hand a pike, or "ane speir
of sax elne lang or thereby," an ancient weapon of the
Highlanders of Lochaber and Badenoch, which at the
time we speak of was still in use among them.

The very day after Montrose declared himself, he
was joined by eight hundred men of Athol. To these
were added three hundred of Huntly's retainers out of
Badenoch, and of the Irish under Macdonald there
were at this time three regiments amounting in all to
not more than twelve hundred, and these neither pos-
sessed of pikes nor swords, indifferently armed with

* It was written for the information of the Marquis of Ormonde, Lord
Lieutenant -General of iiehmd.

THE STANDARD RAISED. 297

muskets, clubs, and battle-axes, and still worse provid-
ed with ammunition. The Highlanders proper were in
no better condition. Their weapons were principally
broadswords, pikes, and bows and arrows. But a great
proportion were without any other weapon than the
stones with which, on the plain of Tippermuir, they
compelled the panting burgesses of Perth to furnish
them with better. As for cavalry, Montrose possessed
three horses, which Dr Wishart calls omnino sirigosos
et emaciatos, — altogether skin and bone, — probably the
very same whose flesh he had not spared on his way
from Carlisle, and which he kept with the army princi-
pally for the use of his gallant and faithful companion,
Rollock, who had been lame from childhood. Such was
the army of Charles the First in Scotland, upon which
either Sir James Turner or Sir Dugald Dalgetty would
have pronounced that no one, above the condition of a
madman, would have dreamt of leading it a mile beyond
their own wild fastnesses. But Montrose instantly gave
the Royal Standard to the breezes of the Tummel and
the Garry — suffered not a doubt of success to enter the
minds of his enthusiastic followers, or his own, — and
pointing his pike in the direction of Stratherne, where
stood his own castle of Kincardine, led on to the pass of
Killiecrankie, after just such an oration to his new fol-
lowers as we may give in the words of one who has en-
twined his own immortality with Montrose's, —

When bursts Clan-Alpine on the foe.
His heart must be like bended bow,
His foot like arrow free.

298 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER X.

THE BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR AND ITS RESULTS.

Montrose's system of tactics, and military capaci-
ties in general, have been criticised by some modern
historians, anxious to depreciate his character at all
points, without, apparently, considering that the art of
war was nearly in its rudest state in Britain at the pe-
riod, and especially so among the too independent ma-
rauders from whom he was to derive the desultory and
faithless following that constituted his army. More-
over, these critics seem not to have observed, or are
pleased to forget, that throughout the whole of his
brilliant campaigns, Montrose's resources were so limit-
ed and uncertain, that his success seemed to be the re-
sult of magic. That magic was his genius. Contem-
porary writers characterize his unexpected appearance
in arms by the romantic simile of the sudden irruption
of a speati oi* mountain torrent. This says more for
his military capacity than perhaps these descriptive
chroniclers themselves were aware of. Montrose's policy,
repeatedly pressed by him in vain, throughout the
whole of the year 1643, upon Charles and his con-
sort, was, — instant, determined, and rapid action.
* Strike a blow at once,' he said, ' in Scotland — and let
it be a hard one — ere the armies of the Covenant are
fairly on foot — and then Scotland is your own.' Such
was Montrose's counsel in the Cabinet, and such was
his system in the field. To his modern depredators,

Montrose's system of war. 299

who still call it no system, but the rash proposition of
overweening vanity, we reply, that it is comprehend-
ed indeed in few words, — and so is the tactic of Na-
poleon. It may be well doubted, if any one of the
great military geniuses of modern times would have
offered other counsel than Montrose did at York and
Gloucester, or could have offered better under the cir-
cumstances. Montrose himself has placed it beyond a
question, that had his advice been instantly and fully
adopted by the King and the loyal noblemen, the re-
sult must have been what he anticipated. But, as if
royalty and loyalty had both combined to despite Mon-
trose, at the expence of their own ruin, he was sudden-
ly left alone, to the tardy and perilous experiment of
the system he recommended, when the tide, which it
was that system to seize, had already been suffered to
turn. Yet still he did all but redeem the polden mo-
ments lost, and afforded the most brilliant demonstra-
tion of his capacity for executing in the field what he
had urged in council. Between the 18th and the 22d
of August, he achieved the no small adventure of pas-
sing from Carlisle to the Grampians in disguise. There
he had not the prospect of raising ten men in arms.
A few autumn nights he spent among the mountains,
wrapped in his Highland plaid, seeking his destiny in
the stars, or communing with the unconscious shej)-
herds. A rumour and a letter sufficed to make him
be up and doing. On the sixth day from his solitary
arrival at Inchbrakie's, he was at the head of about
three thousand ragged enthusiasts — ere the tenth was
past he had fought a pitched battle of his own seek-
ing— gained, over an army complete in all its parts,
a victory that shook the Covenant, and instantly he
was master of Perth.

300 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

When it was known that the Irish invaders had sud-
denly descended into the plain of Athol, intelligence
soon followed by the yet more startling announcement
that Montrose himself was at their head, the Committee
of Estates took measures to circumvent their prey.
They commanded Lord Drunimond, (the same who
had been married to Huntly's daughter under the aus-
pices of Argyle,) and the Earl of Tuliibardine, to raise
Perthshire, and co-operate with Lord Elcho and the co-
venanting forces of Fife and Angus, by which means, as
Argyle was in the rear of the Irish, it was not doubted that
Montrose and Macdonald would be hemmed in and de-
stroyed. The covenanting Government also "took order"
inthisemergency withthemalignantdistrictof Menteith,
whose young Earl, the Lord Kilpont, they called upon
to bring out his father's retainers, and those of Napier,
Keir, and others to the west of Perthshire, and to lead
them forthwith against the men of Ulster, who were
termed the common enemy. Accordingly this young no-
bleman, with whom were theMaster of Maderty,and Sir
John Drummond a younger son of the Earl of Perth,
very speedily brought to his banner about four hundred
followers, principally bowmen, with whom he marched
in the direction of Perth, being more anxious, however,
to obtain certain intelligence of the position of Mon-
trose than to obey the orders of the Estates.

Montrose meanwhile had commenced his march from
Blair Athol, the very day on which the Stewarts, Ro-
bertsons, and other clansmen of that district came to
his standard. As he passed through the country of
the Menzieses, who had harassed his rear and treated
ignominiously one whom he sent with a message to the
castle of Weeme, he retaliated by wasting their fields,

MONTROSE MARCHES AGAINST PERTH. 301

and burning a few houses in bis progress. * By the
morning of the 31st of August, however, his whole
forces, about 2500, were across the Tay. Inchbrakie,
who, at their own particular request, took charge of
the Athol men, being sent in advance with some of the
most active of those Highlanders, to reconnoitre, re-
turned with the intelligence that a large body of troops
were drawn up on the hill of Buchanty, as if to oppose
their progress. Montrose marched to meet them, and
very soon came in contact with his friends, Kilpont,
young Maderty, and Sir John Drummond, who, the
moment they understood that he was acting in virtue
of the royal commission, joined him with the utmost
alacrity. At the same time Montrose learnt that the
Covenanters were to rendezvous in great force at Perth,
and were preparing to attack him whenever he appear-
ed. Instantly he determined to strike his first blow
there, and if possible rout the army of the low country
before Argyle arrived, who was at least five days be-
hind him, and in no hurry to come up. On the morning
of Sunday, the 1st of September, he commenced his march
against Perth in the order thus described by the officer
present, who sent the account to the Marquis of Or-
monde. " They marched to St Johnston, where the
enemy had gatliered together 8000 foot and 800 horse,
with nine pieces of cannon; his Majesty's army not hav-
ing so much as one horse ; for that day the Marquis of
Montrose went on foot himself, with his target and
pike ; the Lord Kilpont commanding the bowmen, and
our General-Major of the Irish forces commanding his
three regiments."

* He sent a messenger to request provisions, and otiier aids to liis
army, in the name of the Kinj^. Tliis was refused, and his messenger ill-
treated. Meuzies of Weeme was a friend of Argyle's. — See Vol. i. p. 4-99.

302 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Before eight o'clock that morning, they came in
sight of the army of Elcho, drawn up in battle ar-
ray on the wide plain of Tippermuir, some miles from
the town of St Johnston or Perth. The spectacle
must have been somewhat startling even to Montrose.
From six to eight thousand foot were extended, so as
to out-flank his little army, and at either extremity of
Elcho's line was placed a division of his cavalry, which
in all amounted to seven or eight hundred well-ap-
pointed horsemen. There was thus every appearance
of his being surrounded, and, moreover, the Covenant-
ers were formidably provided with " the mother of the
musket," having nine pieces of artillery in front of their
battle. The right wing was commanded by Elcho, the
left by Sir James Scott, their stoutest soldier and most
experienced officer, the main body by Tullibardine, and
at the head of their cavalry was Lord Drummond.
The covenanting clergy, too, claimed no small share in
the command of this array. They impiously christened
it " the army of God," and, in their preparatory devo-
tions of that morning, their most popular preacher, Fre-
derick Carmichael, declared in his sermon, " that if ever
God spoke truth out of his mouth, he promised them
in the name of God, a certain victory that day."

The modern historian most anxious to depreciate
Montrose has upon this occasion complimented him in-
directly. " We are told," says Mr Brodie, when re-
cording the battle of Tippermuir, " that the amount of
Montrose's force did not much exceed 3000 men ; but
as his panegyrists ever diminish his numbers, to ren-
der his exploits the more marvellous, and so many clans
joined him, we can scarcely believe that it was so di-
minutive." Notwithstanding this sentence, we must

state, on the concurring testimony of every con-

3

BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR. 303

temporary chronicler, that such and no more was the
amount of Montrose's army. Nor does the evidence
rest alone upon his panegyrists. Baillie himself, whom
upon all other occasions our historian quotes, is con-
clusive against his depreciating doubt. He says, in a
letter to Spang, — "Some 1500 naked Scots Irish hav-
ing leaped from isle to isle, till at last getting away
through Ba(]eiiocTi, they brake down on Strathearn.
The country forces of Fife and Strathearn were three
to one,* well armed on Tij)permuir, had horse and can-
non." And elsewhere, when speaking of the augmen-
tations of Montrose's force, occasioned by the victory,
Baillie thus describes the Royal army : " Kinnoul, Ma-
derty, Fintry, Braco, and a number of note, did increase
the army ; yet they were but a pack of naked runa-
gates, not three horses among them, Jew either swords
or rmishetsr

Montrose arranged his battle with consummate skill.
In order to extend his front as far as possible, consistently
with any strength, he drew up his whole army in one line
of three deep. In the rear he placed the tallest men, who
were commanded to stand erect, while the front rank
knelt upon one knee, and the intermediate, in a stooping
posture, overlooked them. The main body were composed
of the Irish Highlanders, because, being neither provided
with pikes nor swords, (the bayonet was not then in
use,) they would have been too much exposed to the ene-

* i.e. Against Montrose. Mr Brodie calls thn Irish 1600. But the
best contem])orary authorities only reckon them at loOO wlien they
first arrived, and it is said that not more than 1:^00 came to Montrose.
Besides this, he had about 800 men of Athol, 300 from Badenoch, and
400 under Lord Kilpont. Certainly the highest possible estimate of M on-
trose's force is 3000 foot, three emaciated horses, and no arfillery. Our
historian evinces a corresponding indniatiuii to under-rate the covenant-
ing forces.

304 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ray's cavalry had they been placed on the flanks. Alaster
Macdonald commanded them. Lord Kilpont and his
bowmen composed the left flank, and Montrose, on foot,
with his target and pike, placed himself at the head of the
Athol men, who were directly opposed to the most formi-
dable pointof the enemy's battle commanded by Sir James
Scott. These arrangements being made, our hero sent his
own brother-in-law, the Master of Maderty, as a flag of
truce to the covenanting chiefs. His mission was to tell
them that the Royal Lieutenant was anxious that no blood
should be shed, and that he declared solemnly before
God he desired neither the places, honours, nor lives of
any of his countrymen, but simply to do his duty to his
Sovereign : He conjured them, therefore, in the King's
name to lay down their arms, and return to their al-
legiance. The Covenanters were ever famous for dis-
regarding a flag of truce, especially if coming in the
name of the King. Young Drummond was instantly
made prisoner.*

' Now then,' said Montrose, ' be sparing of your pow-
der,— we have none to throw away. Let not a musket be
fired except in the very face of an enemy. Give but a
single discharge, and then at them with the claymore, in
the name of God and the King.' While the armies
were yet only within cannon range of each other, a
skirmish took place betwixt some of Lord Drummond's
cavalry and a few active Highlanders, probably bow-
men, who were sent out to meet the advancing horse.
The latter were driven back upon the ranks of the Co-

* By the MS. Parliament Record, it appears that the Master of Mader-
ty was not released until the 21st February 1645, of which date appears
an act for his release on payment of two thousand merks, and caution to
the amount of twenty thousand merks, that he would not be an enemy to
the Estates.

THE BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR. 305

venanters, where they created some confusion, and Mon-
trose, seizing the happy moment, gave the word for his
whole line to charge. The cannon began to play upon
the advancing loyalists, but with no effect, and not a
Highlander this time minded the " musket's mother,"
more than if it had been the voice of his own. The
cavalry charged, but the Highlanders received them
on their pikes ; those who had no pikes poured in vol*-
lies of stones, and the covenanting horse were shamefully
routed. The issue was doubtful but for a moment, and
that was on the wing where Montrose was engaged
with the stout Sir James Scott, who obstinately main-
tained his battle, and made a desperate struggle to gain
the advantage of the rising ground. Well was it then
for those who could press up the mountain of Ben-Lo-
mond, " and not a sob the toil confess." Montrose and
his " Redshanks," outstripped their competitors in this
race like the deer, and came down upon them like the
torrent. The rout was now complete. " Although,"
says the officer from whom we have already quoted,
" the battle continued for some space, we lost not one
man on our side, yet still advanced, the enemy being
three or four to one ; however, God gave us the day ;
the enemy retreating with their backs towards us, that
men might have walked upon the dead corps to the
town, being two long miles from the place where the
battle was pitched. The chase continued from eight
o'clock in the morning till nine at night. All their can-
non, arms, munition, colours, drums, tents, baggage,
in a word, none of themselves nor baggage escaped our
hands but their horse, and such of the foot as were taken
prisoners within the city."*

* Ormonde Papers.

VOL. n. u

306 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

The most important result, however, was the undis-
puted possession of Perth, where Montrose obtained
arms, clothing, and money for his army. It was the
capital of his own district, and in this town, it will be
remembered, some four years before, he had endeavour-
ed to explain his political sentiments and views to its
clergyman Mr John Robertson, who was afterwards
examined as a witness against him by the Committee of
Estates.* This reverend gentleman was still minister
of Perth, and being one of those who had pledged them-
selves for the success of " God's army," the covenanting
Government, in their dismay and rage at their defeat,
appear to have thought of holding the clergymen re-
sponsible for the loss that had been sustained. Accord-
ingly the following exquisite defence of the Kirk mili-
tant was drawn up by Montrose's old friend, and as
it contains the very best account of the battle extant,
no apology is necessary for giving the illustration
entire.

" Reasons for the Surrender of Perth, f

" If Perth be blamed for any thing, it must be either,
first, that they did render it at all, or, second, because

* See Vol. i. p. 373-383.

-f- Thisis from a contemporary manuscript, preserved byWodrow, and
now in the Advocates' Library, entitled : " Gopie of the paper given in
by Mr John Robertson, and Mr Geo. Halybirtoun, ministers at Perth,"
It is curious to contrast this with an entry in Sir James Balfour's notes
of the year 1650, when Charles the Second passed through Perth. "Mr
George Halybrunton, one of the ministers of the toune, had a prettey
congratulatorey oration to his Majesty." As for Mr Johne Robertson, he
at length met with a commander who was neither so merciful in conquest,
nor so condescending in conversation as Montrose. On the first of Sep-
tember 1651, after the Kirk had wreaked its vengeance on Montrose, the

THE KIRK MILITANT. 307

the terms of rendering were not honest and honour-
able, or, third, because the carriage of the inhabitants
was bad after the entry of the enemy.

" As for the first. We could not but render, upon
these grounds. 1. The strength of the town was not
in their own walls, or inhabitants, but in the army of
friends that were in the field, which being shamefully
beat, and fully routed, did so exanimate and dishearten
the poor inhabitants that they could not exert the very
natural act of moving, let be of resolute reason. For
that miserable flight was for suddantie and unexpect-
edness as the clap of Judgement. And then 2. a rea-
son of great amazement — for they shall be confound-
ed that trust in the arm of flesh. The trust of the in-
habitants was, as the trust of their friends, too, too,
great — yea the mean was more looked to than the prin-
cipal efficient cause. Which self-trust God punished
justly both in the one and the other."

" Secondly. Our men were very few, not extend-
ing to six score. For we had in the field a company
of musketeers, (under Captain Grant, who was there
killed,) which for the most part fled, suspecting that
the town should become a prey to the enemie's cruelty.
Others of the town, confident of the victory, went out

town of Dundee, in which was Mr John Robertson, was taken by storm :
" They having refused quarters several times, Mouncke commanded all
of whatsomever sex to be put to the edge of the sword ; there were 800
inliabitants and soldiers killed, and about 200 women and children."
Mr Robertson escaped this fate, but, with several other clergymen, was
sent oflF by sea prisoners to England, although he had recommended
the authorities not to hold out the town, " Notwithstanding, the col-
lericke and merceyless commander wold not hear them speake one word,
in their auen deffence, hot in a rage commandit Mr Jo. Robertsone not
to speake one word, wich, if he presumed to doe, he wold scobe his
mouther — Balfour's Notes.

308 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to the muir carelessly, and so in the flight by running
were made useless. A third part of the town timo-
rously fled at the first report of the enemies' victory.
Could the town trust itself to the defence of so few,
and so disheartened men ?

" Thirdly. Our friends in Fife and Strathearn that
came unto us, they were either unwilling or unable to
assist us. Their unwillingness kijthed^ in this, that all,
when they came in at ports, either went to the boats, or
to houses out of which no entreaty could draw them.
The truth of this is proven ; for the Provost of the
town, with a minister, going alongst the street with a
trumpet, three times, could not, of inhabitants and
friends both, make up so many as to guard three ports,
let be five, forby f all the walls and posts of the town.

" Whereas its said, or may be said, that the Fife-
men offered to assist us. Its truth there were seen
twelve, or thereabouts, armless men, and some of them
drunk, come to the Provost, in the porch of the Kirk,
offerina: themselves to serve. But such a few number
could not be trusted to, so many having feared the
enemies' faces before and fled. They were unable who
came in, for, first, they were all forefainted and hursted
with running, insomuch that nine or ten died that night
in town without any ivoiind ; \ and, second, an over-
whelming fear did take them, that did absolutely dis-
able them from resistance of such a cruel enemy. Their
fear kythed in this, that multitudes breaking up cel-
lars did cast themselves down there, expecting the ene-

* i. e. Manifested itself.

•j- i, e. Besides.

J Baillie confirms this. He says : " A great many burgesses were
killed, twenty-five householders in St Andrews, many were bursteu in
the flight and died without stroke." — Letter to Spang.

THE KIRK MILITANT. 309

rnies' approach. The Provost came into one house,
amongst many, where there were a number lying pant-
ing, and desired them to rise for their own defence.
They answered, their hearts were away — they would
fight no more — although they should be killed. And
then, although they had been both willing and stout,
yet they were unable to resist, for they had casten all
their arms from them by the way, and we in town had
none to spare. In town we had no amunition, for Dun-
dee refused them, and that which was got out of Cupar
was for the most part had out in carts to the muir.
Our enemies, that before the fight were naked, iveapon-
less, amunitlonless, and cannonless men, and so unable
to have laid siege to the town, by the flight of our
friends were clothed, got abundance of arms, and great
plenty of amunition, with six peice of cannon. So, our
friends, disarming us and arming our enemies, enabled
them and disenabled us. If our friends had not come
and fled at our ports, and forsaken us, we would, with
the assistance of honest men about, defended ourselves.
The Master of Balmerino, and the Laird of MoncriefT,
can witness the town's resolution the Friday before the
fight, when we were alone. For then we would expect-
ed help from Fife, and Angus, and Strathearn, in twenty-
four hours, to have raised the seige ; but after the fight
and flight, we were out of all hopes. For, on the north,
Athol was an enemy. On the east, Angus, on the re-
port of the defeat disbanded, or at least a few of them
fled to Dundee. For Fife, they were so disbanded that
there was little hope of a sudden levy. For my Lord
Marquis of Argyle, we knew not if he was come from
the Highlands or not."^^ And so this proved. For the

* My Lord Marquis of Argjyle Avas taking it leisurely, having no
stonaach for figiiting. Baillie's apologetic notice of liis motions at tiiis

310 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

first friends that we saw was the eleventh day after the
dismal fight. If so few faint-hearted men, without meat
and drink, (of which the town was very scarce,) could
have staid so long against so many cruel desperate ene-
mies, let the reasonable judge. The hounds of Hell
were drawn up before our ports, newly — deeply bath-
ed in blood, routed with hideous cries for more, and in
the meantime there abode not one gentleman of Fife to
give us counsel, save one who is an useless member
amongst themselves at home, and consequently could
not but be useless to us. Neither a gentleman of our
own shire save Balhousie. So, exanimate with fear,*
and destitute of counsel, we could not stand out. After
the sight, and sericms consideration of thir reasons,
and of the miserable consequents of outstanding, being
so unable, as, namely, the razing of the city, the loss
of all our means, and the cruel massacre of our own
persons, we began to think upon a surrender of the
city, if in any terms we could have our conscience and
our Covenants preserved entire. If any ways the ene-
my would meddle with these, the ministers gave coun-
sel to lose life and all, which was accorded to by all the
town-council, as may appear by the town's letter of an-
swer to Montrose's demand.

" So to the next point. Being by strength of reason
and extreme necessity urged to render, we thought on
articles to propone, which not being satisfied we all re-
solved to die before we gave over. In the meantime,
a letter came from Montrose, desiring us to join in ser-

time is very amusing. Alluding to Alaster Macdonald's march into Athol
to meet Montrose, he says : " Argyle after he had learnt the way whither
the miscreants had run, followed as armed men might, which was four or
five days journey behind them."

• Fear is a novel defence against a charge of cowardice.

THE KIRK MILITANT. 311

vice to his Majesty. We answered, if by joining in
service he meant all that civil obedience that did tie
our free subjects to be performed, we would join with
all good subjects. But if by joining he meant to en-
croach upon our consciences, and to make us break any
point of our Covenants, we would not join with him,
nor any, lest by so doing God should be highlier pro-
voked and moved to bring down a heavier judgement
than he had done that day on us. The articles pro-
poned with the answer wer thir five.

" 1. That our town and parish should not be urged
with any thing against their conscience, especially
against their two Covenants. 2. That the town should
not be plundered or rifled, neither the adjacent land-
ward. 3. That in all things we should be used as free
subjects, and so that none of our men should be pres-
sed. 4. That no Irishes should get entry or passage
through our town. 5. That all our good friends and
neighbours in town should have a pass safely to go to
their own homes. The honesty of thir articles may be
proven by the first article — the honourableness of them
by the rest. It's honesty to adhere to our Covenant
and honour, hehig not able to do otherwise, to keep our-
selves and friends free of skaith, and give our enemy
no full entry.* Look what hath been called honest
and honourable capitulations in the like cases of ren-
dering abroad, and we in thir articles shall not be found
Jhi' short of them.

" As for the third point, the gesture and carriage of
the town towards the enemy. If by the town be jneant
the ministers, they are here, let them be tried. If by

* This is Falstrtflf's idea of honour,— wlio loved not " sucli grinning
honour as Sir Walter hath."

312 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the town be meant the magistrates^ they did show no
countenance, either welcoming them, eating or drink-
ing with them. If by the town be meant the body,
welcomes were so far that we wish to God the voice of
such joy be never heard in the streets of Edinburgh.
We may boldly say, in the face of any will say the con-
trary, that consider the number and our weeping was
as great as lamentings of Achor's valley. We will be
bold to say it was the saddest day that ever the town
did see, and that enemy the saddest sight, nay it was
to them as the very sight of the executioner on the
scaffold. If by the town be meant particular men, we
cannot be answerable for every particular man's car-
riage. If any man can found, let these be tried and
punished for being so unnatural. The hearts of none
we know, but the outward carriage of all our town was
humble, demisse, sad, and sorrowful, very far from the
expressions of any joy.

" Two things are proponed to be considered. 1. Whe-
ther the rendering of the Jield or the town was most
disgraceful and prejudicial to the cause and country.
The town was rendered, — not being able for the former
reasons to stand out, — upon honest and honourable
capitulation. The field was rendered, — having two to
one, of which many horse and good cannon, — by a
shameful groundless tergiversation. 2. The town's
rendering, being unable to stand out, saved the effusion
of much blood. For being unable, and yet stand out,
we should have been accessory to our own massacre.
But the field's render was the cause of much blood, ten
only being killed standing, and all the rest fleeing, so
that being able to stand, and yet fled, they seem to be
accessory to much blood they might have saved. The
town's rendering was the very immediate necessary ef-

3

THE KIRK MILITANT. 313

feet of the field's rendering. Let any man, having con-
sidered this, infer the conckision.

" Again, let the events of rendering and not rendering
the town be compared, and see which should have been
most hurtful to the cause and country. By rendering,
not being able to stand, we kept our cause and Cove-
nant unviolate. We kept our city, we kept our lives,
and our means for maintainance of the cause and coun-
try in time coming. * By withstanding, being so un-
able, the country had lost a city, a number of poor souls,
men, women, and babes, with all their fortunes and
means. Was it not better, then, to have rendered with
such honesty, than to have resisted with such certainty
of danger ?

" As for that the town held in their friends to be
captived. It's true, for a little while they were de-
tained ; but how soon we saw it impossible to stand
out, we let all our boats pass, and Fife men with other
men so thronged, that sundry were drowned, both horse
and foot. Our boats passed that night till eleven hours
at evening. Our j)ort we could not open, neither could
they pass. For the cruel dogs were even hard at the
Inch, and had a comj)any betwixt that and the bridge,
waiting the massacre of such as we should let out.
Its apparent, if we should have let out the Fife men,
and they been killed between the town and the bridge,
that they should have said in Fife, that we would not
harbour them, but chase them out to the slaughter.
God judge us according to the charity some of us
showed to them."

• The reverend gentleni;in hud the more merit in this argument, that
the celebrated metrical version of it was not yet written, namely,

He that runs may fight again,
Which he can never do that's slain.

314 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

The Reverend Robert Baillie, in one of his letters,
imputes the disaster to the " villany of Lord Druin-
mond," * and in another, he assigns " Elcho's rashness"
(with three to one !) as a cause. Certainly the merit of
Montrose in this achievement was not that of having car-
ried off the palm from a hard fought field. But the ob-
servation of his modern calumniator, namely, that *' his
panegyrists forget, that the utter worthlessness of the
opposite troops bereaves him of all glory in vanquish-
ing them," f is unworthy of that historian's penetration
and reflective powers. The laurel acquired by mere
physical exertion in the hour of strife, or the most
skilful manoeuvre on the field of battle, is insignificant
by comparison with that which may be claimed for
Montrose upon this occasion. An array of six or
seven thousand completely appointed troops, flank-
ed by cavalry in proportion, and covered by can-
non, must no doubt be considered utterly worthless if
routed by three thousand half-armed and half-naked
runagates. The glory was not in the act of vanquish-
ing them, but in making the experiment with such

* Baillie says that Lord Drum mond " exhorted" those whom he com-
manded to flee, when on the point of joining battle, " according as by his
letters he had appointed the night before." Mr Brodie eagerly seizes
this statement which, however, is improbable, and Baillie is bad autho-
rity, when his covenanting blood is up, for facts against his enemies. If
Lord Drummond had been so determined to aid Montrose, he would
have gone over to him at once, as his brother Sir John Drummond had
done. Undoubtedly Lord Drummond's heart was with the royal cause,
and probably he made no efi'orts to redeem the day for the Covenan-
ters ; but he was under the influence of Argyle,and both of his brothers-
in-law. Lord Gordon and Lord Lewis, also held commands at this time
under Argyle. I cannot find Mr Brodie's authority for saying that
Lord Drummond went over to Montrose immediately after this victory.
Bishop Guthrie records that Drummond did not join Montrose until after
the battle of Kilsyth.

t Mr Brodie, Vol. ii. p. 532.

THE HIGHLAND CLANS. 315

means, and putting their worthlessness to the test.
Can the man of his times be named, besides Montrose,
who would have made that experiment, and with the
same success ? Would the same result have happened
if Montrose had commanded the Covenanters ? But
Montrose's praise is not merely in the desperate bravery
of that experiment. He had made his reflections upon
the character of the Highlanders, he extracted new
resources from the fleet-footed mountaineer, and, in a
few days after he had placed himself at the head of
but a sorry specimen of a Clan Alpine gathering,
he struck a blow that is unrivalled by any thing per-
formed in the adventure for the Stewart dynasty in
the following century. Long ere the battle of Pres-
ton was gained, in " the forty-five," the Highlander
had been well proved. But Montrose had to derive
his hopes of him from such a field as Harlaw, — where
the flower of the Gael, under Donald of the Isles,
fell in bloody and irretrievable defeat before inferior
numbers of the lowland gentry of Aberdeenshire and
the Mearns ; or Corrichie, — where the Gordons dashed
themselves in vain against the phalanx of the Southern ;
or Glenlivet, — where, in their mountain fastnesses, and
upon their native heather, the Highlanders of Argyle,
at a time when their chief was no coward, and com-
manded them in name of the King, were utterly routed
by the rebel lowland cavalry of Huntly and Errol.

Sir Walter Scott, both in his histories and his le-
gend of Montrose, points out the progress of that re-
volution, in the history of the Scots, which gradually
transformed the \varlike lowlander, and steel-clad
burgher, of a former century, into country clowns and
puff'y townsmen, while the mountaineer retained his
weapons, and his invigorating habits, and became pro-

316 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

portionally improved in the exercise of both. This
unquestionably will in a great measure account for the
defeat before Perth of a lowland force still further
morally deteriorated by that vicious (though sometimes
successful) ingredient, in the organization of all cove-
nanting armies, which hjthedin Elcho's by its impious
appellation of the " army of God." * But, at the same
time, it must not be forgotten, that justly as Mon-
trose himself appreciated the relative value, in the year
1644, of loyal caterans from Badenoch, and covenant-
ing troops from Fife, he had not to carry his recollec-
tion so far back even as Glenlivet for an instance where
the Gael had been disgraced in collision with the South-
ern. We have already had occasion to notice, that in
1639 a thousand Highlanders — commanded indeed by
traitor Gun instead of Montrose — fled like sheep before
Montrose himself, (at the head of an inferior force drawn
out of the very lowland districts that furnished the
army of Elcho,) and sought safety in the centre of a
morass from a very slight administration of the " mus-
ket's mother."

It was the genius of Montrose, then, which first il-
lustrated that peculiar chivalry, and gave the impulse
which rendered the rush of the tartan, and the flash of
the claymore, so formidable in the same cause for a cen-
tury thereafter, and memorable for ever.

* There is a sentence in a letter from Arthur Trevor to the Marquis
of Ormonde, written shortly after the battle of Marston Moor, which
serves to illustrate the accidental reputation acquired by the covenant-
ing arms in England : " The Scots are still before Newcastle ; their
number is not great, nor is their fame in arms terrible ; the Scotch mys-
tery being of late much revealed in those and other parts of this king-
dom."

HIGHLAND DISCIPLINE. ^17

CHAPTER XI.

SHEWING THAT THE COVENANTERS WERE MORE ADDICTED TO
ASSASSINATION THAN WAS MONTROSE.

It was the fate of Montrose to have the vakiable
fruits of each successive victory snatched from his grasp
as soon as earned. The blow he had struck came too
late, for Scotland was now so completely under the pro-
moters of the Covenant, that much more was necessary
in order to encourage the loyalists to unite in any de-
cided or very formidable manner. And besides, the
clansmen upon whom Montrose had been thrown
possessed other qualities which eventually more than
counterbalanced to him their best achievements. It
was the well-known characteristic of that Hiahland
chivalry to return to their homes with the spoils of
each victory, instead of following out a system of
warfare calculated, by combining the whole, to give
its full political value to each successive advantage.
Before Montrose could fight another battle a great
proportion of the Athol men took at least temi)orary
leave of him, in pursuance of their hereditary ha-
bits, and without an idea that by so doing they in-
fringed a single rule of the military profession, or lost
a point in the warlike game they had so liappily
commenced. And even before their departure an event
occurred which not only deprived Montrose of another
valuable section of his little army, but clouded for
ever his recollections of Tippermuir. Lord Kilpont,
after escaping the perils of that day, and contribut-

318 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

irig SO much to its success, was murdered within Mon-
trose's own camp, by James Stewart of Ardvoirlich,
himself the familiar friend of Kilpont, and who had
joined Montrose along with him. The circumstances
of this sad catastrophe have been hitherto vaguely and
somewhat variously told by the contemporary chroni-
clers. Recently, however, an imposing family tradition
of the matter, coming from the most respectable quar-
ter, has taken the place of the original version afforded
by Dr Wishart, whom that tradition leaves very nearly
in the position of a malicious fabricator. It is neces-
sary, therefore, to illustrate, from authentic records, this
interesting and influential occurrence in the outset of
Montrose's victories, and, if possible, to strike a just
balance betwixt the contemporary chronicle, and the
family tradition.

Dr Wishart, who, from his intimacy with Montrose,
must have been at least as well-informed on the sub-
ject as our hero himself, narrates, that the latter having
remained three days at Perth, in the vain expectation
of being immediately joined by all the loyal noblemen
and gentlemen of the country, crossed the Tay, and en-
camped in the open fields near Cupar, in Angus, not
feeling himself strong enough to await in Perth the
arrival of Argyle with his superior forces. This was
about the fifth of September. Next morning, by break
of day, ere the drums beat for their march, his atten-
tion was called to an uproar in the camp, which he
supposed to be occasioned by a quarrel betwixt the
Highlanders and the Irish. Casting himself into the
midst of the tumult, in order to quell dissension in his
camp, he was arrested by the horrible spectacle of the
mangled body of Lord Kilpont, weltering in his blood.
*' The villain," says Wishart, " who had assassinated

LORD KILPONT ASSASSINATED. 319

him, was one Stewart, * a vassal of Kilpont's, whom
this young nobleman had treated with the greatest fa-
miliarity and friendship, insomuch, that that very night
they had slept together under the same tent. It was
alleged that this abandoned wretch had resolved to
murder Montrose himself, and, trusting to his great in-
fluence with Lord Kilpont, had conceived hopes of pre-
vailing on him to become an associate in the villany,
and drawing him to a solitary spot had disclosed the
plot, which Kilpont very naturally regarded with de-
testation. The murderer, dreading discovery, suddenly
turned upon his patron, and, taking him unawares,
who little suspected such an attack from his familiar,
put him to death with repeated wounds. The treache-
rous assassin, killing the camp sentinel in his way, ef-
fected his escape, through darkness so thick that the
soldiers could scarcely see the length of their spears.
Some said the traitor had been bribed to the act by the
covenanting Government, others, that the hope of re-
ward alone had induced him. Be that as it may, there
is no question, that to this very day he is in great fa-
vour with them, and that Argyle took the earliest op-
portunity of raising him to a high rank in his army,
though a man of no military capacity."

Sir Walter Scott, in his introduction to a Legend of
Montrose, when narrating the incident upon which his
tale is founded, refers to Bishop Guthrie's assertion,
that the murder was perj)etrated because Lord Kilpont
had rejected with abhorrence a ])roposal of Ardvoir-
lich's to assassinate Montrose ; and he very properly

* It is almost unnecessary to notice, that this was James Stewart
of Ardvoirlich, the romantic circumstances of whose own birtli, after the
murder of his maternal uncle, Drummond of Drummoudernoch, by the
Macgregors, are so familiar to the readers of Sir Walter Scott.

320 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

adds, " that it does not appear that there is any autho-
rity for this charge, which rests on mere suspicion.
Ardvoirlich, the assassin, certainly did fly to the Co-
venanters, and was employed and promoted by them.
He obtained a pardon for the slaughter of Lord Kil-
pont, confirmed by Parliament in 1644, and was made
major of Argyle's regiment in 1648. Such are the
facts of the tale, here given as a Legend of Montrose's
wars."

But while the author of Waverley had in the press
the latest edition of his legend, he received a new ver-
sion of the story, in a letter from Robert Stewart, Esq.
Younger of Ardvoirlich, which is added as a postscript
to the introduction. The work being in the hands of
every person, we may take the liberty of abridging
here the substance of that interesting letter.

A natural son of the James Stewart who slew Kilpont,
named John, and celebrated under the title of t7o/z/« dhu
3Ihor,was{says the tradition) with his fatherat the time,
and, it is inferred, witnessed the whole transaction. He
lived, it is said, till a considerable time after the Revolu-
tion. This Jo/m dhu 3fho?''s grandson was a man
before the death of the former, and obtained all the par-
ticulars from his grandfather. The grandson himself
lived to the age of 100, and, " many years ago" nar-
rated the particulars to Mr Stewart, now of Ardvoir-
lich, father of Sir Walter Scott's correspondent. The
particulars are these : James Stewart, complained to
Montrose, after having joined him, that Alaster Mac-
donald had committed some excesses on his, Ardvoir-
lich's, property, in their march to Blair Athol. Mon-
trose, anxious to conciliate, evaded the complaint. Stew-
art challenged Macdonald to single combat, and Mon-

THE ARDVOIRLICH TRADITION. 321

trose, on the information and by advice, it is said, of
Kilpont, placed them both under arrest, and, to avoid
the fatal effect of feuds in his camp, made them shake
hands in his presence. Ardvoirlich, a man of violent
passions and gigantic strength, retained his enmity,
but went through the ceremony of reconciliation by
squeezing the hand of Coll Keitache's son until the
blood burst from his fingers. Some days after the bat-
tle of Tippermuir, as the army lay encamped at Col-
lace, Montrose gave an entertainment to his officers, at
which were Kilpont and Ardvoirlich. The two last
returned to their quarters together, and Macdonald
" being heated with drink" blamed Kilpont, and reflect-
ed on Montrose for not allowing him what he consider-
ed proper reparation. The parties came to high words,
" and finally, from the state they were both in, by an
easy transition, to blows, when Ardvoirlich, with his
dirk, struck Kilpont dead on the spot. He immediate-
ly fled, and under the cover of a thick mist escaped pur-
suit, leaving his eldest son Henry, who had been mor-
tally wounded at Ti])permuir, on his deathbed. His
followers immediately withdrew from Montrose, and
no course remained for him but to throw himself into
the arms of the opposite faction, by whom he was well
received."

Such is the substance of Mr Stewart's communication,
which that gentleman assures us has been the constant
tradition in the family, and, it must be admitted, no
evidence coming under the name of tradition can be
more plausible or respectable than this.

The discrepancy, betwixt the contemporary chroni-
cles and the Ardvoirlich tradition, is after all not of
much consequence to the character of James Stewart.

A^OL. IT. X

322 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

But ill a historical point of view, as illustrative of the
Covenant and its machinery, it is of importance to know
whether the murder in question was the sudden and
isolated act of Ardvoirlich's passion, totally unconnect-
ed with the policy of Argyle, or whether it may not be
traced home to that Government, as an instance of what
they termed " good service to the country," and for
which rewards were held out, and protection afforded.

Before noticing the records that test the accounts
hitherto given, we must advert to a circumstance
overlooked in Mr Stewart's letter, namely, that Wish-
art is not the only chronicler of the period who tells
the story against Ardvoirlich. Bishop Guthrie does
so even more circumstantially than the former. He
mentions that the murder was perpetrated at Collace,
and by James Stewart of Ardvoirlich ; that the Earl
• of Menteith had often warned his son to shake off the
companionship of Ardvoirlich, and not be ruled by him
in all his affairs ; that it was even by the direction and
allowance of this man that Kilpont joined Montrose,
but that he, Ardvoirlich, afterwards repented of that
step, and determined to recommend himself to the other
party by taking the life either of Montrose or Allaster
Macdonald ; and that having communicated his scheme
to Kilpont, and the latter rejecting it with horror, he
stabbed him to the heart, and instantly fled to Argyle,
who protected and promoted him.

The printed table of the private acts of the cove-
nanting Parliament affords the fact, mentioned by Sir
Walter Scott in the passage we have quoted from his
introduction, that a \mrdo7i, obtained by James Stew-
art from the Committee of Estates for the murder in
question, was ratified in the Parliament 3 645. This
of itself justifies a suspicion that the deed was grateful

RECORD OF ARDVOJRLICHS PARDON. S23

to the covenanting Government, and that Ardvoirlich
knew well enough it would be so. But in the ori-
ginal MS. Record of those parliamentary proceedings,
to which we already had occasion to refer as hav-
ing been recently discovered in London, * the circum-
stances of the murder of Lord Kilpont are thus stated :

*' 1. March, 16*45. Ratification of James Stewart's
pardon for killing of the Lord Kilpont.

" Forsameikle as umquhile John Lord Kilpont, being
employed in public service in the month of August last,
against James Graham, then Earl f of Montrose, the
Irish rebels and their associates, did not only treason-
ably join himself, but also treasonably trained a great
number of his Majesty's subjects, about four hundred
persons or thereby, who came with him for defence of
the country, to join also with the saids rebels, of the
which number were James Stewart of Ardvoirlich, Ro-
bert Stewart his son, Duncan M 'Robert Stewart in
Balquhidder, Andrew Stewart there, Walter Stewart in
Glenfinglass, and John Growder in Glassinserd, friends
to the said James, who heartily thereafter repenting of
his error in joining with the saids rebels, and abhorring
their cruelty, % resolves with his said friends to forsake

* See p. 33.

f In the same MS. Records are two separate processes of forfeiture,
instituted 12th October 1644, and directed against Montrose and his
noble adherents, one for tlie exploits in the south, when Dumfries, Mor-
peth Castle, and the fort on the Tyne (called the south Sheills, and
commanded by Captain Thomas Rutherford,) were taken, and anotlier
for those in the north, commencing with the taking of the Castle of
Blair in Athol, and ending with the taking of Aberdeen. From the mi-
nute details afforded by these processes, I have been enabled to trace
Montrose's exploits both in England and Scotland, to the taking of
Aberdeen inclusive. They confirm generally the accounts both of
Wishart and Guthrie.

X Yet it appears that Ardvoirlich committed three murders in bis
way out of Montrose's camp. But the expression " abhorring their

324 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

their wicked company, and imjjarted this resolution to
the said umquhile Lord Kilpont. But he, out of his
malignant dispositions, opposed the same, and fell in
struggling with the said James, who for his own relief
was forced to kill him at the Kirh qfCollctce, with two
Irish rebels who resisted his escape, and so removed
happily ivith his said son andfriends, and came straight
to the Marquis of Argyle, and offered their service to
their country : Whose carriage in this particular being
considered by the Committee of Estates, they by their
act of the tenth of December last, find and declare that
the said James Stewart did good service to the king-
dom * in killing the said Lord Kilpont, and two Irish
rebels foresaid, being in actual rebellion against the
country, and approved of what he did therein : And in
regard thereof, and of the said James his son and friends
retiring from the said rebels and joining with the
country, did fully and freely pardon them for their

cruelty" is the usual style of the Covenanters, who invariably endea-
voured to strengthen the particular case by opprobrious epithets,
such as " the damnable band," — " that bloody and excommunicated
traitor James Graham," &c. Even in narrating the battles of Tip-
permuir and Aberdeen, in the processes of forfeiture, against Montrose,
the expressions used are, " did enter into ane ci'uel combat and
conflict w^ith the said forces of the Estates of this kingdom, and
with others his Majesty's good subjects, and cruelly killed and mur-
dered many of them upon the fields," &c. So, according to the cove-
nanting doctrine, armed rebels killed in battle, by soldiers fighting in
virtue of the royal Commission, and under the royal standard, were
cruelly murdered. But to strike a dagger into the heart of a comrade,
when he least expected it, was " good service to the kingdom."

* Lord Gordon at this time was with the army of Argyle. Suppose
that in repenting of his error he had killed say the Earl of Seaforth,
under the same circumstances tiiat Ardvoirlich killed Lord Kilpont, and
then made his escape to the royal army ; and that Charles the First, and
his privy council, had come to the same decision on the matter as did
Argyle and the Committee in the former case, — what would have been
the views of that conduct taken by contemporary covenanting chroni-
clers, and modern covenanting historians ?

RECORD OF ARDVOIRLICH'S PARDON. 325

said joining' with the rebels and their associates, or for
being any ways accessory actors, art and part of and
to any of the crimes, misdeeds, or malversations done
by themselves or by the rebels and their associates, or
any of them, during the time they were with the said
rebels ; and declares them free, in their persons, estates,
and goods, of any thing can be laid to their charge there-
fore, or for killing the Lord Kilpont and two Irish re-
bels foresaid, in time coming."

The act of Committee proceeds to prohibit all judi-
catories and judges whomsoever, from any attempt to
bring the parties to justice, or entertain the case against
them in any shape, and the Parliament taking all this
into their special consideration, "and acknowledging the
equity thereof," confirms and ratifies the same in favour
of James Stewart, his son, and his other friends named.
This melancholy and disreputable process proves, to a
certain extent, beyond question the nature of Ardvoir-
lich's crime. The murderer tells the story, for himself
and his accomplices, to his patron and protector Argyle,
and that story is given in the act of the Argyle Com-
mittee of course according to the version most favour-
able for those protected. It was not, as the family tradi-
tion has it, a sudden act of passion in consequence of the
provocation of a blow, or the violence of a casual dispute
when the parties were excited by wine. There was a de-
liberate proposal made to Lord Kilpont, the tendency of
wiiich was to ruin Montrose, and this Kilpont rejected
because of his malignancy, in other words his loyalty.
There was a struggle, and Stewart for his own "relief"
was forced to kill his friend. Such is the story told by
the murderer himself, and it even excludes the notion
of a sudden duel, or that the young nobleman had any
opportunity of defending himself with his weapons, for

^26 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

any such favourable feature in the case would certainly
have been expressly mentioned. The ratification cor-
roborates the contemporary chroniclers in proportion
as it destroys the family tradition. We are not to take
the word of Ardvoirlich, or of Argyle, or of Argyle's
Committee, for the precise proposition made to the un-
fortunate nobleman who was sacrificed. It is not at all
unlikely to have been a proposition to destroy Montrose.
That Ardvoirlich was capable of making such a pro-
position is not too much to suppose of one who that
night murdered his most intimate friend, and massa-
cred two sentinels in making his escape. That what he
did propose was something very desperate is sufficient-
ly proved by the bloody catastrophe consequent upon
Kilpont's rejection of it. This at least is proved by the
murderer's own story, that Kilpont was urged to go over
to Argyle, that he refused, that there was a struggle,
and that he was slaughtered in consequence, there be-
ing along with Ardvoirlich at the time his son, and
four friends, who considered themselves accomplices in
the deed, and to whom the pardon extends.* The most
plausible inference is, that upon Kilpbnt's rejection of
the proposition, whatever that might be, an attempt
was made to carry him off by force from a solitary spot
to which he had been led, and that a struggle having
ensued, and the attention of the sentinels attracted,
Ardvoirlich settled the matter with his dirk.

* The fact of Ardvoirlich's son and four friends being with him, and
making their escape at the same time, is new, not being alluded to either
by the contemporary writers, or in the family tradition. It is material
to observe, also, that the fact which gives the greatest plaur.ibility to the
family tradition, namely, that John dhu Mhor, Ardvoirlich's natural son,
from whom the traditionary version is derived, was with his father at
the time, is not confirmed by the Parliamentary ratification. Neither
does that record say any thing of Henry Stewart mentioned in the tra-
dition ; but this latter circumstance is unimportant.

COVENANTING PATRIOTISM. ^27

It is of little consequence, in reference to the character
of the covenanting Government, whether the deed was
perpetrated in consequence of a bribe, or in the hope
of a reward. Their own record expressly admits that
the foul murder of this young nobleman was most
grateful to them, and considered good service, and that
the guilty men knew this beforehand is proved by their
going straight to Argyle. If there was no previous
bribe, the act of ratification was at least of the nature of
a bribe to others. And this mode of bribery had indeed
been held out to Ardvoirlich himself, as the following
anecdote will serve to show.

In the raid we have elsewhere mentioned, commit-
ted by young Irving of Drum, Nathaniel Gordon, and
other followers of Huntly upon the town of Montrose,*
Alexander Irving of Kincousie was an actor, and,
Huntly's followers being disbanded, he dared not show
himself, and was obliged to take his rides in the night-
time. Corning thus quietly to Aberdeen, on the night
of Saturday 17th August 1644, (a few weeks before
the murder of Kilpont,) he was encountered by William
Forbes, a natural son of Forbes of Leslie. Forbes
tried to seize Irving, for the sake of the price of his
apprehension, offered by the Committee of Estates,
which Was five thousand merks. " Kincousie (says
Spalding,) being a fine gentleman, stormed to be taken
by the like of him," and thus expressing himself to For-
bes, the latter drew a pistol and shot him, completing
his work by two cruel strokes on the head. Four days
after this murder Forbes was brought before the Com-
mittee at Aberdeen, and being a volunteer in the troop
of Forbes of Craigievar, it was found and declared that
the murderer had done ^ood service to the public.

* P. 279.

328 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Thereafter, on the fourth of September, a day or two
before the murder of Lord Kilpoiit, a proclamation
of the Committee of Estates was issued at the cross
of Aberdeen, again declaring that the deed of Wil-
liam Forbes was good and loyal, and prohibiting all
the lieges from saying any thing against it, " but
laudibly to praise and approve the same in all places and
conferences, as occasion do offer, under great pains.
Yet the godly had their own thoughts." The reward
was also assigned to this murderer.*

There can be no question then, that it was the sys-
tem of the covenanting Government, in other words, of
Argyle, not merely to afford protection to those who as-
sassinated any distinguished adherent of the cause of
royalty, but to hold out premiums, and to confer re-
wards for such deeds. It is also unquestionable, upon
the evidence adduced, that whoever had assassinated
Montrose at this time, would have been received with
open arms by Argyle, and publicly complimented and
rewarded, however mean and atrocious the manner of
perpetrating the act. Nor was it from the pulpits of
the covenanting Church that the people would learn
that such deeds were an offence in the sight of God.
The Reverend Robert Baillie thus comments upon the
incident we have illustrated : " Kilj)ont's treachery is
7'evenged by his death, J ustli/ injiicted." f

* Forbes did not escape the just reward of liis crime, however; for
after the Restoration he was hanged for the same. At the time it was
considered a judgment upon him, that, the year after he shot Alexander
Irving, he blew his own hand off with a musket.

t Letter to Spang dated 2oth October 1644.

MOxNTROSE MARCHES TO ABERDEEN. 329

CHAPTER XII.

HOW MONTROSE DEFEATED BURLEIGH AT ABERDEEN, REPULSED ARGYLE
AND LOTHIAN AT FYVIE, BAFFLED THEM AT STRATHBOGIE, CHASED
ARGYLE FROM INVERARY, AND DESTROYED HIM AT INVERLOCHY.

Montrose was deeply affected by the death of his
friend Lord KiIi)ont, tlie consequences of which were
as severe upon his enterprise as the perpetrators had
anticipated. Repeatedly he embraced the lifeless body,
and with sighs and tears relinquished it to the follow-
ers of this hapless chief, to be carried home to his pa-
rents, and the tombs of his ancestors. * Thus, besides
the men of Athol who returned to deposit their spoil, the
best part of four hundred of his most efficient men de-
parted from the Royal Lieutenant even in thehourof vic-
tory. It was with a diminished force of less than two
thousand followers, of whom a small proi)ortion were
cavahy,f and some field-pieces taken at I'ij.permuir,
that he again found himself in front of an enemy, not
many days after having destroyed the army of Elcho. In

* Dr Wishart says, that to Montrose Kiljjont was endeared as " a
man famous for arts and arms and lionesty, being a good ])bilosoplier, a
good divine, a good lawyer, a good soldier, a good subject, and a good

man."

f Dr "Wishart says that when Montrose marclicd ujion Aberdeen, he
had just 15UU foot, and 44 horse. ISjiaUling over-rates his forces at iiOOO
foot, and 8 score horse, probably not making allowance for the depar-
ture of a great j)roportion of tlie Athol men, and the ft)llo\vers of Lord
Kilpont. Bishop (iuthrie says, that Montrose gained the battle of Aber-
<leen with foot scarce IGUO, and of horse 44. In the account sent to the
Marepiis of Ormonde, it is said, " we had then about 80 horse," but the
number of foot are not mentioned.

330 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the meanwhile he had marched through Angus and
the Mearns, to give all in that quarter who were loyally
inclined an opportunity of joining him. In vain he
endeavoured to redeem Marischal from the influence
of Argyle, by sending to him at Dunnotter a letter ex-
plaining the object of the present expedition, and in-
closing one from the King to that Earl. But the old
Earl of Airly, and his gallant sons, Sir Thomas and
Sir David Ogilvy, (Lord Ogilvy being still a prisoner,)
came instantly to the Standard, which they ever con-
tinued to support, with a fearless patience and un-
shrinking fidelity only second to Montrose's. To these
were added others of the loyal names of Ogilvy and
Graham, and a few lowland noblemen and gentlemen
whose intentions were better than their military means,
or, as it proved, than their capacities for enduring
such fatigue and privations as the miraculous achieve-
ments of this little army involved. But the most effi-
cient aid now brought to it was in the person of Mon-
trose's old opponent in the north, Colonel Nathaniel
Gordon, followed by about thirty well appointed horse-
men.

By this time another covenanting lord had assembled
an army, which was also expected to destroy Montrose.
Lord Burleigh having summoned the northern Cove-
nanters, and rallied the scattered remnants of the Fife
regiments defeated at Perth, now occupied Aberdeen
with a force of about 2500 foot, 300 horse, and some
artillery. Montrose, notwithstanding his own diminish-
ed forces, did not hesitate to meet him, and on the
thirteenth of September utterly routed Lord Burleigh
at the expence of little loss to the royal army, and
great slaughter of the Covenanters. Upon this occasion,
however, the slaughter was not confined to the battle,

BATTLE OF ABERDEEN. i}3l

and pursuit in the fields. The citizens of the unfortu-
nate town of Aberdeen suffered dreadfully within its
walls. But the circumstances require some illustration,
because to the alleged appetite of Montrose for such
scenes of blood and cruelty, have the sufferings in ques-
tion been clamorously imputed by his enemies, while
his admirers have but coldly defended him from as
gross a calumny as any that affects his memory.
" Montrose," says Sir Walter Scott, " necessarily gave
way to acts of pillage and cruelty which he could not
prevent, because he was unprovided with money to pay
his half- barbarous soldiery. Yet the town of Aberdeen
had two reasons for expecting better treatment ; first,
that it had always inclined to the King's party ; and
secondly, that Montrose himself had, when acting for
the Covenanters, been the agent in oppressing for its
loyalty, the very city which his troops were now plun-
dering on the opposite score." This defence of Mon-
trose is just, so far as it extends ; but it is too slight,
and the implied reproof is unmerited, as we proceed to
illustrate.

With no inclination to oppress or inflict pain upon
any individual, if without doing so the armies of the
Covenant could be dispersed, and the country redeemed
from rebellion, Montrose crossed the Dee on the 11th
of September. That night, after having summoned the
Laird of Leys to surrender, with a bonhommie the very
antipodes of Argyle's conduct on such occasions, he
transformed his enemy into his host, by supj)ing in his
house, and though he took from thence some arms and
horses, he nobly refused a sum of money proffered to
him by Sir Thomas Burnet. * On the following day

* " The Lieutennand (Montrose) himself, with his gaird, soiipit with

332 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Montrose eiicam])ed within two miles of Aberdeen, and
next morning, being Friday the 13th, he sent a drum-
mer with a flag of truce, and a commissioner with a
letter to the magistrates, in which he required them to
allow peaceable entry to the Royal Lieutenant, that he
might issue his Majesty's proclamntions, and refresh his
troops for a day. Assurance was added that no injury
would be done to the town, or its inhabitants, unless
he was compelled to force an entrance, in which case
Montrose warned them to remove all aged men, women,
and children to places of safet)% and take the peril on
themselves. " The magistrates," adds Spalding, " caus-
ed the commissioner and drummer drink hardly." The
result will be best told in the following extract from
the town-council records, yet extant in Aberdeen.

" It is to be remembered, but never without regret,
the great and heavy prejudice and loss which this burgh
did sustain by the cruel and bloody fight, and conflict
which was fouoht betwixt the Crabstane and the Justice
Mylne's, upon the thirteenth day of September instant,
betwixt eleven hours, before noon, and one afternoon,
occasioned by the approaching of James Marquis of
Montrose, with three regiments of Irishes, and [blank]
of Atholmen, Stratherne men, and some others their ad-
herents. The said James Marquis of Montrose having
required the town to be delivered up to him, and hav-
iniT sent a Commissioner with a drummer for that ef-

the Laird of Leyis efter he had summoned him to render his house. He
did no hnrm, but took some arms and horse, and jjromise of some men.
Leyis oflfered him 5000 merltis of money, which he nobly refused."
Spalding. This must have liappened in a castle, about eight miles
from A])erdeen, belonging to Sir Thomas Burnet of Leys. I take
the opportunity of correcting a mistake in the previous volume, p. 295,
where " Lord Muchalls" is explained as meaning Burnet of Leys. This,
however, was a title of the Lord Fraser's, and that nobleman it was, and
not Sir Thomas Burnet, who urged Montrose to burn Aberdeen in 1639.

BATTLE OF ABERDEEN. 333

feet, the magistrates and council having consulted and
advised with Robert Lord Burleigh, James Viscount of
Frendraught, Andrew Lord Frazer, divers barons of
this shire, and with the commander of the Fife regi-
ment which was then in arms, with the inhabitants of
this town, and with the foresaid noblemen and divers
ready to oppose and resist the enemies in coming, did
refuse to render the town, and dismissed the commis-
sioner and drummer with answer to the said demand.
But, as they were 'passing by the Fife regiment, the
drummer was unhappihj hilled by some one or other of
the horsemen of our parties, as was thought. Where-
upon the fight presently began, and after two hours hot
service or thereby, the said Fife regiment with our
whole townsmen, and others of the shire, being there for
the })resent overpowered by the number* of the enemies,
were forced to take the retreat, wherein many of the
Fife regiment were killed ; and of our townsmen were
slain that day, Mr Mathew Lumsden, bailie, Thomas
Buck, master of kirk-work, Robert Leslie, master of
hospital, Messrs Alexander and Robert Reid, Adv^ocates,
Andrew and Thomas Burnets, merchants, with many
more, to the number of near eight score ; for the enemy,
entering the town immediately did kill all, old and
young, vi^hom they found on the streets, among whom
were two of our town- officers, called Gilbert Breck and
Patrick Kerr. They broke up the prison-house door,

* It appears from Spalding tliat it was only tl:e Irish soldiers wlio fol-
lowed into the town, and connnitted the havoc there, and that it was
only to them Montrose allowed the pillage, he himself having remained,
for the most of the time when Aberdeen was thus occupied, out of the
town, with what Si)alding calls the main body of his army, lint which
jirohably was no more than a reserve, to conceal the fact that he was
now deserted by most of the men of Athol and Menteitli.

334 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

set all warders and prisoners to liberty,* entered in
very many houses, and plundered them, killing such
men as they found therein."

We may believe this account of the slaughter com-
mitted by Montrose's excited and desultory soldiery,
and the yet more hideous picture afforded by Spalding
of the cruel excesses they perpetrated against individual
citizens, men and women of that devoted town. But,
unless it can be shown that Montrose could have gained
his victory, or prosecuted his enterprise, at less expense
of human life and suffering, he stands as completely
exonerated as any General under whose command blood
ever flowed and misery followed. He had done his
best to avert the calamity from Aberdeen, and, however
the loyalists of that unhappy district may have suffer-
ed, it is upon their covenanting rulers, and not upon
his Majesty's Lieutenant, that the responsibility and
the stain of those excesses must fall. Besides that the
pillage of the town was the only mode afforded him of
paying his precarious and unmanageable following, un-
less he had now determined to abandon the enterprise
thus far victoriously prosecuted, some severity was in-
dispensable, in order to sustain the royal authority in
his person, which had been so grossly contemned, con-
trary to every rule of warfare, by the rebels having
repeatedly refused to acknowledge the protection of
his flag of truce, and by the extreme provocation of the
cowardly slaughter of him who carried it upon the occa-
sion in question. Spalding himself, from whom the pic-
ture of the cruelties imputed to the natural dispositions
of Montrose is derived, completely exonerates our hero,

* This was to release Gordon of Innermarkie, Irving of Lenturk, and
other followers of Huntly, who had been cast into prison by the Cove-
nanters.

4

CALUMNY AGAINST MONTROSE. 335

and casts the stigma where it ought to rest. But his
own dying declaration is more than sufficient to out-
weigh all the crude and unreflecting calumny poured
out against .him on this subject, both in his own
times and the present. On the eve of his execution,
his clerical tormentors accused him of having waged
war by means of what they termed an army of Irish
rebels and cut-throats. To this Montrose replied : " It
was no wonder that the King should take any of his
subjects who would help him, when those who should
have been his best subjects deserted and opposed hiin.
' We see,' said he, 'what a company David took to de-
fend him in the time of his strait.' As to his men's spoil-
ing and plundering thecountry, he answered, they know
that soldiers who wanted pay could not be restrained
from spoilzie, nor kept under such strict discipline as
other regular forces ; but he did all that lay in him to
keep them back from it, and for bloodshed, if it could
have been prevented, he would rather it had all come
out of his own veins." *

It 'was not by superior numbers, as the Records of
Aberdeen would seem to say, that Montrose gained this
victory, but, in the first place, by his admirable ma-
nagement of the few horse he possessed, and secondly,
by the inspiration of his spirit, as he led his foot to
the charge at the critical moment. Lord Burleigh of-
fered battle in the same manner that Elcho had done,
having his flanks covered with about three hundred
horse, and his front with cannon. His left wing was
commanded by Lord Lewis Gordon, *' a bold young
man," says Dr Wishart, " but liair-brained, and who
had forced out his father's friends and clients, to fiffht

* MS. of Montrose's conversation Ijefore his execution. TJiis will
be found entire in its proper ])lace.

336 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

with Montrose against their will." Lord Lewis charg-
ed at the head of a large body of cavalry, including
his immediate followers. But Montrose, whose hand-
ful of horse were commanded by Sir William Rollock
and Nathaniel Gordon, had artfully interspersed their
meager ranks with bowmen and musketeers, nearly
equal in speed and activity to such cavalry as he pos-
sessed, and the galling fire, with which they welcomed
the charge on each flank, first checked and then routed
the covenanting horse. And ere they could rally again,
the voice of Montrose was heard : '* To close quarters
— we do no good at a distance, — give them the broad-
sword, and but-end of your muskets, — spare them not,
and make them pay for their treachery and treason."*

Thus was gained the battle of Aberdeen, not by dint
of superior numbers, but because, — as the noble Straf-
ford once wrote from Ireland to an officer of the house-
hold,— " the brawn of a lark is better than the carcase
of a kite, and the virtue of one loyal subject more than
of a thousand traitors."

When old Leven heard that Montrose had annihi-
lated Elcho, he sent up to Scotland, says Baillie, " my
Lord Calendar, with so many of his best horse and foot
as, with Argyle's forces on the rebels' backs, and the
country-forces on their face, with God's help, may bring

* Wishart records the following characteristic anecdote of an Irish
soldier, whose leg had been shot off by a cannon ball. Coolly separat-
ing with his knife, the piece of skin that still kept his limb attached to
his body, he continued to cheer on his comrades, and said he was sure
the Lord Marquis would make him a cavalry- man, as he could no long-
er serve on foot.

Baillie laments the battles of Perth and Aberdeen, as " the greatest
hurt our poor land got these fourscore years, and the greatest disgrace
befel us these thousand, — the reproach will stick on us for ever." The
Kirk found its hour of revenge.

ARGYLE S MOVEMENTS AND POLICY. 337

these wicked men to their deserved end." Sir James
Turner also mentions this imposing movement, and
adds, — " Calendar staid not long, neither^had the lead-
ers of the Covenanters hetter luck than Elcho." No
sooner was Montrose out of Perth than the army of the
Covenant occupied it. A few days after the battle of
Aberdeen, intelligence reached Montrose that Argyle
was close at hand with an overwhelming force, of
which from 1000 to 1500 were horse, commanded by
the Earl of Lothian. Accordingly, with difficulty col-
lecting his disorderly troops, he marched from Aber-
deen to Inverury on the l6th of September, and
Argyle at the same time progressed to the house of
Drum, and his army entered Aberdeen upon the third
day after Montrose had quitted it. Instantly the Dic-
tator issued a proclamation declaring the King's Lieute-
nant and all his followers traitors to Religion, King,
and Country, and offered a reward of twenty thousand
pounds to whomsoever should bring in Montrose, dead
or alive. " Some (says Spalding) thought this procla-
mation, given out by Argyle's direction, against the
King's Lieutenant-General, clad with his letters-patent,
was Weill strange for a subject to do against the King's
authority."

Notwithstanding his recent successes, Montrose's pro-
spects were certainly far from promising. He had fail-
ed in every effort to bring the Gordons to the Standard,
nor could he be sure for a single day of the presence of
the few Highlanders who had joined him. In vain he
dispatched his indefatigable ally. Sir William Rollock,
to inform his Majesty of the success which, under every
disadvantage, had hitherto attended his arms, and to
tell him at the same time that, without reinforcements,
it was impossible to keep the field. His Sovereign was

VOL. IL Y

338 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

unable to afford him the slightest assistance. Never-
theless he now entered upon his almost incredible
round of forced inarches, sudden onfalls, and rapid and
masterly retreats, again and again retracing his steps,
even as the winter was setting in, through the wildest
and most untrodden districts, and over the most inacces-
sible mountains of Scotland, rarely in a beaten track,
and continually struggling through snow-wreaths, rocks,
and mists, and inland seas, — such as might suggest the
wild imagery of his own stanza, —

The misty mountains, smoking lakes.

The rocks resounding echo,
The whistling wind, that murmur makes.

Shall, with me, sing — heigh ho !
The tossing seas, the tumbling boats,

Tears dropping from each shore.
Shall tune with me their turtle notes —

I'll never love thee more, —

and by means of which unparalleled activity, he very
soon compelled Argyle himself to throw up, in despair
and alarm, his commission as military Governor of Scot-
land, but not until the latter had thoroughly disgraced
himself, both as a General and a man. " It is said," re-
marks Spalding, "Argyle had followed these Irish about
ten weeks time, but could never win (attain) within
two and a half days journey towards them ; but now
his foot army lying in Aberdeen was within half a
day's days journey towards them, lying about In-
verury, and in the Gareoche, and Argyle himself with
his troopers, lying now at Drum, was within like dis-
tance to them." While his pursuer was thus behind
him, preying upon the district of Huntly, Montrose,
after disencumbering his little army of all heavy
baggage, and having concealed in a inorass the can-
non he had no means of transporting, turned his ad-
venturous steps northward, with intention to cross the

MONTROSI:"S MARCH INTO BADENOCH. SSQ

Spey, being still in hopes of raising the whole power of
the Gordons against the disloyal and unpatriotic op-
pression of Argyle. But when he arrived at its rapid
course, he found that all the boats were carried off, and the
opposite banks formidably occupied by a host of northern
Covenanters, about five thousand in arms, who had beea
summoned together to head his piogress, and j)lace
him betwixt two armies, each much superior, except
in courage and activity, to his own. So he directed
his march uj) the Spey, now occupying the wood of
Abernethy, now encamped at the old castle of Rothie-
murchus, and ever pausing like a gallant stag beset, to
" snuff the tainted gale," and gain some intelligence of
his surrounding enemies. But they brought him not
to bay, Argyle having only followed at this time as far
as Strathbogie, and the Bog of Gight, where he em;)l()y-
ed his army of four thousand horse and foot in a pre-
datory war upon those districts. Accordingly, Mon-
trose, turning from the torrent he had meant to cross,
suddenly doubled back upon the Argyle ridden lordships
of Huntly, and, from the head of Strathspey, plunged
with his brave little band into the pathless wilds of
Badenoch. This was about the end of September.*

* About the 23cl of Septeni])er, — " Argile nierchis fordiianl fra Abir-
dene to Strathbogie, with an army of hois and foot, hjving the Lord
Gordoun and his brother Lues in his company, quhair he destrovit the
haill Kawis of Strathbogie. Cornefeild hindis, out-sicht, in-sicht, hors
nolt, scheip, and all other goods thay plundcrit, qnhilk they eould get.
And it was said, the Lord (iordoun beheld all, because tiiey \\'ould not
rise and follow him as thair young chief , Strathila and Boyne sore
Avrackit. And when this army destroyit Strathbogie, then they leivit
upone the Engzie, berrying the country and destroying tlie cornis ; so
that there was not four honse-holderis dwelling thair of the name of
Gordoun, hot all had fled, yea, and some alledgit they went willingly
into Montrois's army. And lykwaies thay destroyit the cornis and
bestiall of Strathavan, Auchindown, and wtheris landis about, (jnhilk
made them also to brak out. A wondcrriiil unnaturalitie in the Lord
Ciordoun to suffer his fatheris landis and freindis in his own sicht to be

.'UO MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

When we consider that in less than one month from his
perilous journey to the Grampians, Montrose had creat-
ed an army of his own, and destroyed two superior
armies of the enemy, besides baffling, by means of those
desperate marches, the imposing forces that were daily
expected to crush him, we are not surprised to learn
from Dr Wishart, that Montrose, with all his mountain
habits and iron frame, after having attained these fast-
nesses, " aliquot dies, gi'avi sane morho lahoravit.^'*
It was even supposed by the Covenanters, that death
had overtaken him ere Argyle could do so, and the
clergy fixed a day of thanksgiving for the deliverance,
and told their mystified flocks that " the great God of
armies himself had slain Montrose with his avenging
hand." But, adds Wishart, he recovered in a few days,
and, as if risen from the dead, struck terror into the
hearts of his enemies by suddenly crossing the Gram-
pians, and again occupying Blair Athol about the 4th
of October. From thence he sent Allaster Macdonald
himself, with a division of his Irish followers, to the
western Highlands, as far as Ardnamurchan, to relieve
the garrisons left in the castles of Migarry and Lang-
haline, and to induce or compel some of the chiefs in
those quarters to join the Royal Standard. In the
meanwhile, Montrose, though thus deprived of the im-
portant aid of his Major-General, still continued his tor-
rent-like course, through Angus and the Mearns, to the
great consternation of Aberdeen, which, however, was
again prepared to receiving him, under the doubtful and

thus wrackit, and clestroyit in his fatheris ahsens ! Upon the 27th of
September, Argile musteris his men at the Bog of Geicht, who of foot
and hors wes estimat about 4000, bot never movit to follow the enemy^
lying all this while in the wod of Abirnethie, not twenty miles distant
fra his army." — Spalding.

* Laboured for several days under a very severe illness.

MONTROSE THRRATENS ABERDEEN. 341

hesitating auspices of the Earl Marischal, who had four-
teen troops of horse waiting for Montrose at the me-
morable Bridge of Dee, under the command of his
brother Captain Keith, the Lord Gordon, and the co-
venanting Generals, Hamilton and Ramsay. On the
15th of October, Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, and
John Forbes of Largy, who had been taken at the bat-
tle of Aberdeen, again returned there, as prisoners on
parole, under the conditions to effect an exchange
with young Irving of Drum and his brother, both con-
fined in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, or return back
to Montrose before the first of November. " And if
it happened," adds Spalding, " Montrose to be overcome
in battle before that day, that they be free of their pa-
role and back-coming to Montrose. Always they came
to Aberdeen, carried themselves calmly, and Craigievar
came not near the Committees then sitting at Aberdeen.
And Montrose was admired for his noble dealing, for
letting gosuch a prime man as Craigievar upon his bare
parole."* On the 17th, to the great joy of the inhabi-
tants, and somewhat to the relief of the covenanting
troopers at the bridge, Montrose crossed the Dee high-
er up, at the Mills of Drum, and, wasting and burning
(" whilk before he had not done in this country," says
Spalding,) the lands of the principal Covenanters as he
went, — (only, "upon Saturday the 19th October, he
dined in Monymusk with the Lady, the Laird being
absent, and upon fair conditions he spared him at this
time,") again he crossed those barrier mountains, more
familiar to him now than his own domains of Kincar-
dine and Mugdok, and passed into Strathbogie, where

* In those days it was not the " jjiime men" whose parole was most
trust-worthy. Montrose himself complained that all were but too apt
to "turn merchants of their faith,"

342 MON i ROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Huiitlv was not. Here for some days lie established his
head quarters, still looking for the Gordons, and exercising
his flying army with excursions against the Covenanters,
of the most daring and successful nature, for ten miles
around his camp, until, despairing of Huntly or his sons,
he marched eastward to the Yihan, seeking protection
from the threatening cavalry of Argyle and Lothian in
the wood of Fyvie, whose castle he took possession of
about the 28th of October, and there awaited the return
of Allaster Macdonald, and such of the clans as he might
succeed in bringing along with him.

The Committee of Estates could not well under-
stand why their great General, Argyle, clothed, as
they assumed, with the whole power and patriotic
feeling of Scotland, and the special favour of Heaven,
and who was understood to be in constant and close
pursuit of our hero, had not brought him to bay and
destroyed him long before this time. Publicly, indeed,
they imputed Argyle's fruitless progress to the caution
of a perfect commander, sure of his prey in the end, while
each new success of Montrose was expressly attributed
to the admonitory " indignation of the Lord" against
his chosen Covenanters, for what was, not very intelli-
gibly, termed by the Kirk militant, " trusting too much
to the arm of flesh." Yet they were sorely galled by
this failure of their champion's arm, and Baillie's in-
voluntary compliment to Montrose conveys a corre-
sponding reproof to the Generals of the Covenant, " You
heard," he says, after alluding to the battle of Aberdeen,
" what followed? That stfrmge coursing', as I remember
thrice round about from Spey to Athol, wherein Argyle
and Lothian's soldiers were tired out." This coursino^,
however, was in consequence of Montrose's anxiety to
raise the Gordons and the clans, and to keep his de-

MONTROSE MEE'lS ARGYLE AT FYVIL. 343

sultoiy followers together by constant action and en-
terprise, and not that he was very closely pressed in
the chase by Argyle. The policy of the Dictator was
still to follow at a distance the forlorn hope he feared
to overtake, and, by underhand and oppressive dealing,
to deter the loyalists from joining the Standard, and
induce those who now supported it to desert or betray
their heroic leader. After Montrose had left the Spey
for Badenoch, Argyle reached that river, and crossed it
with his army. There he met the northern Cove-
nanters, who had turned Montrose, and having spent
some time in his element of holding committees, he
marched to Inverness, and from that to Badenoch,
where " he left nothing undestroyed, no, not one four-
footed beast, corns, nor others," because some of its in-
habitants had joined Montrose. Having passed into
Athol, Argyle destroyed that country also, and thence
descending to the Stormont went eastward through
Angus, and so to Inverury, and Fyvie, where he en-
camped within two miles of the j)osition occupied by
Montrose. Thus, after this '' strange coursing," the
two most consi)icuous characters of the times in Scot-
land, or, (as Clarendon says they were likened unto
by the people,) Caesar and Pompey, were suddenly con-
fronted in hostile array, the fate of their native country,
and perhaps of England, aj)parently depending upon
the result of that collision. >

Montrose's career would have been finished at Fyvie
had his rival deserved in any degree the popular coni-
j)arison. Macdonald had not yet rejoined him, so that
his force was considerably under 2000 men, of whom
only fifty were mounted,* while the Dictator was at

* Spalding says, it was thought that Montrose had with him " not

344 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the head of 2500 foot, and more than a thousand well
appointed horse, commanded hy the Earl of Lothian.
The army of the Estates was deficient in no material
necessary to render the whole effective, and they pos-
sessed good store of powder and ball. The Royal army
was deficient in every thing excepting courage and the
genius of their commander. Disposing of his scanty
array to the best advantage, behind some rude fences
on an eminence, and still keeping hold of the wood of
Fy vie, as a retreat from the overpowering cavalry which
threatened to surround him, Montrose offered battle.
A vigorous attack, led by Captain Alexander Keith,
brother to the Earl Marischal, was made upon his po-
sition, and some advantage gained, for the ardour of
the Highland troops was checked by the necessity of
remaining on the defensive, and they were further dis-
heartened by the shameless desertion at this critical
moment, and in the sight of the whole army, of a com-
pany of the jealous and uncertain Gordons, whom Mon-
trose had contrived to bring out of Strathbogie. Some
of the hedges and ditches on the eminence were now
occupied by the Covenanters, and Montrose must have
felt that little less than a miracle- could save his whole
army. Instantly he brought into play that daring
spirit of onset with which he ever supplied the want
both of numbers and ammunition. Addressing him-
self, with an assumption of the most perfect unconcern,
to a young Irish gentleman of the name of O'Kyan,
whose courage and activity were well known to him,
— ' Come, O'Kyan,' says he, ' what are you about —
take some of your handiest men, drive those fellows

passing 3000 men of all," But Dr Wisliart, who must have been well
informed, says, 1500 foot, and not above fifty horse.

ARGYLE AND LOTHIAN REPULSED. 345

from our defences, and see that we are not molest-
ed by them again.' The young Irishman replied by
a rush at the Covenanters for which they were af-
terwards avenged against him on a scaffold. In the
"meantime, however, he did precisely as directed, drove
them horse and foot in confusion down the hill, and
his gallant company, bringing off in triumph the
enemy's bags of powder which the}^ found in the
ditches, exclaimed with all the characteristic humour
of their nation, ' we must at them again, for the
rogues have forgot to leave the bullets with the pow-
der.' Five troops of Lothian's horse then charged
the fifty cavaliers. But Montrose had resorted to
his hitherto successful manoeuvre, of interlacing them
with his most active musketeers, and as the covenant-
ing cavalry approached, they received a fire which
sent them to the right about in such confusion that
with difficulty were the now excited royalists restrain-
ed, by the authority of their leader, from quitting
their advantageous position, and rushing down upon
the army of Argyle. That j)otentate, having enough
for one day, retreated two njiles from the field, and
passed the night under arms. On tiie following day
he again threatened the position of Montrose, whose
troops were so ill supplied with ammunition as to be
constrained, during the breathing time afforded them,
to melt down into bullets every pewter dish, vessel,
and flaggon, nay, adds Dr Wishart, the very matu-
laSf in and about Fyvie, and were miserably supplied
after all. But the gayety of those wanderers was un-
conquerable. ' There,' said a loyal Irishman, turning
jocosely to his companions, every time he discharged
his piece, and never doubting the success of his shot, —
* there goes another traitor's face, spoilt with a pewter-

346 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

pot.' * III this manner were several days spent, Ar-
gyle never making the slightest impression upon Mon-
trose, who still kept his ground, while the former re-
treated each night across the Ythan, to a distance of
two or three miles from the scene of action, his troops
having suffered severely, without inflicting any loss
upon their active opponents. In one of these encoun-
ters the Covenanters lost their best officer, Maris-
chal's brother, who was killed when leading a charge
of cavalry. Having thus baffled and galled the force
that ought to have destroyed him at Fyvie, Mon-
trose returned with his army unhurt to Strathbogie,
on the morning of Wednesday the 30th of October,
and there entrenched himself among the enclosures
and out-houses of Huntly's dwelling, which he now
considered sufficient protection from the whole power
of Lothian's cavalry, until Allaster Macdonald should
arrive. Thither Argyle followed, and, upon the 2d and
3d of November, made some feeble attempts against
the royal army, the result of which was as usual the
loss of his troopers, and disgrace to himself, f

* " Ut quidam, quoties globulum tx machinu, accenso puhere, in hostem
torsisset, quod nunquam fustra fecisse prmsumebat, toties ad soclos con-
versuSy lepide exclumaret : Ego, inquit, certissimo ictu, proditoris os ma-
tidu contrivi" I do not venture to translate matula liteially.

f Argyle, notwltlustanding his vastly superior force, paid Montrose
the high compliment, at this time, of proclaiming that it was insufficient
for the purpose. On Sunday the 3d of November, (on which day Mon-
trose routed the skirmishers of Argyle at Strathbogie) every clergyman
throughout the shires of Aberdeen and Banff, read, at the command of
Argyle, from their pulpits after sermon, a charge directed against every
parish, requiring an additional levy against Montrose, of horse, foot, and
money, in the same proportion as had been, furnished for the invasion
of England. Spalding's comment upon the demand is, that " the coun-
try thocht Argyle should not have vext the country for more men, since
he had greater power nor (than) was weil governit," — and he adds,
" the chair of Truth is now made ane mercat cross, and the preacher
an officer for making of proclamations," — a deep cutting comment.

Ains OF AKGYLE. 34?

Thus, SO far as fighting was concerned, ended Ar-
gyle's famous undertaking, as General of tlie Estates of
Scotland, to bring* them Montrose dead or alive, or to
drive him into the sea. Yet the Dictator contrived at
this same time, by means of tliose arts that rarely fail-
ed him, (though lie over-reached himself in the end,)
to work some revolution in the little camp of his ri-
val. He now proposed a cessation of arms, offered a
free pass, and protection from covenanting persecution,
to the noblemen and gentlemen su})porting the Standard,
if they wished to depart to their own houies, and even
invited Montrose to a conference, with a view of accom-
modating matters to their mutual satisfaction. The Royal
Lieutenant, well aware with whom he had to deal, im-
mediately requested a safe-conduct for some of his friends
with dispatches to his Majesty, and this being refused,
the proposition for a treaty fell to the ground. That
it could have been meant sincerely is incredible, for,
in the previous month, Argyle had proclaimed a reward
for the api)rehension or the death of Montrose, and the
original record we have ])roduced, of the pardon of Ard-
voirlich, sufficiently corroborates the statement of Mon-
trose's chaplain, that upon the occasion in question, Ar-
gyle " began to tamper with Montrose's men, and not
only to tempt their fidelity, by oflering them an indem-
nity and high rewards if they would desert him, but he
also promised a considerable sum to any person who
should bring him Montrose's head," — and even the
stronger statement of Bishop Guthrie, who had ample
opportunities of knowing the policy of the covenanting
Dictatorship, namely, that '' divers assassins were se-
cretly employed, and large rewards promised them for
it, to nuu'der Montrose and Macdonald, and for that
end, had permission given them to join their army,

348 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

whereby they might have the better opportunity ; but
Providence disappointed that plot."

Some of Montrose's present adherents, of whom better
might have been expected, so far yielded to the insidi-
ous policy of his rival, as to be tempted at this time to
accept of terms by which they were suffered to depart
in safety, protected by the pass of Argyle. Yet they
had some excuse. The winter was setting in, and Mon-
trose was again bending his course northwards, as if
his natural dwelling-place was among the eyries of
Badenoch. Even he had nearly sunk under those des-
perate mountain marches, and it is not to Ue wondered
at, if, seeing no gleam of better fortune after all their
fatigues and successes, some of the loyal noblemen and
gentlemen who had hitherto supported the Standard,
now shrunk from a winter's campaign of such hopeless
severity. To a council of war, held at Strathbogie,
Montrose announced his intention of a night's march
into Badenoch, and, however v/illing the spirit of all
whom he addressed, there were a good many of them
who felt thatthe flesh was too weak for such adventures.
In the course of these deliberations, and when the plan
of his arduous march was arranged, he learnt that his
distinguished prisoner Craigievar, (lately returned to
him in fulfilment of his promise,) had suddenly broke
his parole and departed. Montrose, justly indignant,
questioned the remaining prisoner, Forbes of Largy,
if he was accessory to this escape, and if he too meant
to steal away. ' I know nothing of it,' said the latter,
* and would rather die than break my parole.' ' Then
Sir,' rejoining Montrose, ' I give you free liberty to go,
and upon no other parole than this, that you return
when I send for you.' But, unless it were for the in-
telligence of his plans they might carry to the enemy,

4

DEPARTURE OF MONTKOSk's FRIENDS. 349

the escape of his prisoners was no loss to our hero. The
departureof his friendsaffectedhim more sensibly. Lord
Duplin, who had just succeeded his father in the Earl-
dom of Kinnoul, Sir John Drummond, Colonel Hay, his
old companion Colonel Sibbald, andotherlowland gentle-
men, now left him to his fate, on the plea, for the most
part, that their constitutions were unequal to such a
campaign as he projected, in winter among the moun-
tains. The departure of Nathaniel Gordon, who went
off with Craigievar, would have been the severest de-
privation of any, were there not reason to believe that
Montrose had some idea it was the intention of this
daring and gallant loyalist to over-reach Argyle, and
reclaim Lord Gordon, both of which objects he succeed-
ed in accomplishing. But the old Earl of Airly, and
his two sons. Sir 'J'homas and Sir David Ogilvy, no
considerations could deter from following the Standard
wherever it went. Thus leaving behind him his pri-
soners, his lowland friends, and more than all, by a
most masterly manoeuvre, the enemy that should have
devoured him, Montrose, now doubly anxious to meet
Mac Coll Keitache, and the clans, once more plunged
into the wildest districts of Scotland, where we leave
him until we glance at the fate of some of his friends
in the south.*

* Spalding records that, — " Upon Wednesday, 6th November, Mon-
trose leaves Strathbogie, and to the hills goes he;" — and he adds, that the
moment our hero's back was turned, Argyle came into Strathbogie and
committed ])itiful ravages among the tenants of Huntly, who was still
lurking in Strathnaver, and, unfortunatelj', using all the little influence
he yet possessed over his sons and his retainers against Montrose. Lord
Gordon was now hesitating in Moray, and the wild Lord Lewis had
found for the moment other occupation, for " about this time he is
mareit to Mary Grant, dochter to umquhil Sir John (irant of Freuchie,
utherways callit the Laird of (Jrant, by wlioni he gat 20,000 merks, as
wes said." From Spalding we also learn that, " upon the 11th of No-

350 MONTROSE AND THE COVE>JANTE[lS.

The Covenanters at length succeeded in taking pos-
session of Newcastle, about the middle of October 1644.
Lord Ogilvy, and the rest of Montrose's friends who
had fallen into their hands when he quitted them and
stole into Scotland, were sent to Edinburgh, along
with the Earl of Crawford, and Lord Reay. They ar-
rived on the 7th of November, and Crawford, (now
styled Ludovick Lindsay, for he was forfeited, and
his Earldom bestowed upon the Dictator's friend Lord
Lindsay,) was made to walk bare-headed up the Canon-
gate as a doomed traitor. " It is said (says Spalding)
that General Leslie^ at the taking of these i)risoners,
had given his parole that they should not be abused
when they came to Edinburgh, which proved other-
ways, whereat he seemed to be offended ; always these
noblemen, and the rest were not wardit in the Castle,
where nobles were used to be incarcerated, but, out of
despite and malice, were wardit within the Tolbooth

vember, there came from Montrose's camp to Aberdeen, the Lord Du-
plyne, [by this time KinnoulJ Sir John Drummond, Sir Tliomas Tyrie
of Drumkilbo, Ofj'ilvy of Innerquharitie, Colonel Hay, and some others.
They had gotton ArgyWa pass, and so but [without] trouble they went
south, being followers of Montrose. Nathaniel Gordon, having his pass
also, came to Aberdeen, and walked hither and thither peaceably."
This gallant was understood to possess none of the temper of his scrip-
tural name. Shortly before joining Montrose, the Revei end Andrew
Cant, that celebrated Apostle of the Covenant who has bequeathed a
name to hypocritical religion, got a letter, says Spalding, " fra Nathaniel
Gordon, quhilk fleyit him to the heart, and caused him remove out of
the toun, and byd until the Marquis of Argyle's coming here." There
can be no doubt that Argyle granted these safe conducts, for, in Bal-
four's MS. notes of the Pari. 1645, the following curious entry occurs,
shewing how completely Argyle was Dictator. " A quere proponed to
the house by Committee for processes, whether or not these shall be
proceeded against that has the Marquis of Argyle's pass ? The house
ordained the said Committee to desist from those contained in the list
given in by the Marquis, and by the Committee of Estates, and to pro-
ceed against the rest."

FATE OF MONTROSe'o RtLATlVES. 351

of Edinburgh." Among these was the faithful chap-
lain of Montrose and Napier, and the nature of the con-
finement will be best understood from the following
note of Sir James Balfour. " The humble petition of
Mr George Wishart, sometime minister of St Andrews,
and lately at Newcastle, now prisoner in the common
jail of Edinburgh, begging maintainance, since he and
his wife and five children were likely to starve."* Mon-
trose's relatives, the Master of Maderty,Graham of Inch-
brakie, (the father of Patrick Graham, who was still with
his idol,) Graham of Fintrie, and Henry Graham, (Mon-
trose's natural brother,) were also in prison. And there
were others in the hands of the Covenanters whose fate
must have been a subject of great anxiety to Montrose.
Shortly before his expedition into Scotland, the " malig-
nancy" of his friend Lord Napier had been visited by
heavy exactions of money, in the shape of loans to the
Committee of Estates, for support of the covenanting
army in England ; and their severity against this vene-
rable and peaceful nobleman, and all his family, in-
creased in proportion to the success of Montrose.
About the time of the battle of Perth, an order was is-
sued by which Lord Napier, the Master of Napier, and
Stirling of Keir, were confined to Lord Napier's lodg-
ings in the vicinity of Holyroodhouse, under a penalty
of a thousand pounds Sterling, against any of the party
who attempted to escape ; and this confinement was
very soon increased to solitary imprisonment, excepting
against the young Master, who made his escape to his
uncle before the battle of Aulderne, and had the inex-

* Notes of the Pari. 1645. The petition was presented on Tuesday
28th January 1645, and received this answer: " Tlie house remits this
supplication to the coniuiittee for monies, to grant modification for the
supplicant's entertainment and his family, during his ahode in ward as
they shall think fitting."

352 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

pressible satisfaction of going in person, after the victory
of Kilsyth, to release all his own and Montrose's suffer-
ing friends. Nor was the malice of Argyle's govern-
ment restricted to the male relatives of Moptl-ose. His
three nieces, Lady Keir, Lilias Napier, and the Lady
Elizabeth Erskine, were also consigned to imprison-
ment, so rigorous and loathsome as to endanger their
lives. But among all the notices of his friends and re-
latives, I find no allusion to his Countess, and have al-
ready conjectured that her death must have occurred
before the rise of the troubles in Scotland.

Having destroyed or disgraced every covenanting
army with which he had come in contact, and injured
the credit of Argyle himself, even with the Kirk mili-
tant, our hero now determined upon the boldest, as it was
the very best policy of which his slender and peculiar re-
sources admitted. He knew that the loyalists in Scot-
land were overborne and oppressed by the individual
power of Argyle, and that, by the same means, the original
Covenant against Episcopacy had been speedily turned
into the charter of his Dictatorship, subversive of the
71irone. To redeem the bulk of the Scottish people
from active rebellion required no unnatural revolution
in their national feelings and propensities. But it was
necessary to break that nearly universal dominion which
the vicious talentsand vast possessions of Argyle had en-
abled him to acquire over the persons and consciences
of the people of Scotland, though but a small propor-
tion even of his personal following entertained either
affection or- respect for their cowardly chief. But to
conceive the possibility of breaking that power now,
in the present triumphant state of the movement in
both countries, and with a few " cut-throats and naked
runagates," belonged to the daring genius of Montrose.

AHGYLE CHASED FROM DUNKELD. 358

Having demonstrated the inefficiency of Argyle, as a
military leader, at Fyvie and Strathbogie, he now re-
solved to strike at the root of his dominion, by attack-
ing him in the most impregnable of his hereditary
strongholds, and carrying the predatory warfare of the
times, the only campaign for which his troops were suit-
ed, through every creek and corner of the north that own-
ed the sway of Argyle, until not a claymore hesitated to
join the Standard, or until all who preferred to be the
slaves of his tyranny were no longer formidable in Scot-
land, But our hero never omitted an opportunity of at-
tempting to bring that struggle to a speedy issue, by
some effective blow at Argyle in person, not by means
of assassination, the weapon of Gruamach himself, but
in the battle-field. It was well for those lowlanders,
who felt their constitutions unequal to the fatigue of
following Montrose, that they quitted him at Strath-
bogie. No sooner had he reached the wildernesses of the
Spey than he learnt that the formidable body of caval-
ry, which had rendered it impossible to attack Argyle
when they last met, was sent into winter quarters,
while the Dictator himself, on his way south from Aber-
deen, was at Dunkeld with an army of foot, endeavour-
ing to convert the loyal district of Athol. Instead of
now wasting the domains of Argyle, Montrose, without
a moment's hesitation, turned again to the Grampians,
intending to force a battle at Dunkeld. In one night
he brought his own army four and twenty miles across
those mountains, in the end of November, struggling
through rocks and drifted snow, in wilds untrodden
and untenanted save by the eagles and the deer.* He

* " Unica enim nocte,vi(/inti etquatuor milliaria, per loca inculta, hor-
rida, nivosa, et nuUis unquam mortalibus habitata^ cum copiis confecit."
VOL. II. Z

354< MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

was within sixteen miles of Argyle before his approach
was known to the latter, who, instead of preparing to
receive him, fled to the garrison of Perth, leaving the
army of the Covenant to shift for itself. From Perth
Argyle hastened, somewhat crest-fallen, to Edinburgh,
where, says Spalding, " he got small thanks for his ser-
vice against Montrose." He defended himself with com-
plaints that Marischal and Gordon, and even the For-
besses andFrazers,had not efficiently co-operated against
Montrose, and he begged to resign the 'honour of the
military command of Scotland. Even the Kirk was
puzzled to find an excuse for her patron saint. " Whe-
ther," says Baillie in his report of the matter to Spang,
" through envy and emulation, or negligence, or ina-
bility, Argyle's army was not relieved as it should,
himself was much grieved, so that he laid down his
commission, which neither Lothian nor Calendar, for
any request, would take up : So (General) Baillie was
forced to take it, or it must have lain." No sooner,
however, had Argyle thus extricated himself from his
dangerous commission, than the intelligence that Mon-
trose had passed through Breadalbane, and was " prey-
ing and burning" Glenurchy, caused him to hurry to
his celebrated stronghold of Inverary, that " far cry to
Lochow," totally inaccessible, as he supposed, to any
army in the world, where he meant to summon the whole
race of Diarmed, against his now dreaded rival.

Although Montrose failed in his spirited attempt to
surprise Argyle at Dunkeld, his march across the moun-
tains was not fruitless. At the Castle of Blair in
Athol, their original rendezvous, he was joined by his
Major-General, AllasterMacdonald,who brought no less
an acquisition to the Standard than John of Moidart,

ARGYLE CHASED FROM INVERARY. 355

the Captain of Clanranald, with five hundred of his
men. Patrick Graham had also recruited the Athol
men, and, thus reinforced, Montrose poured down
through Breadalbane, and by Loch Tay, upon the coun-
try of Argyle, and directed his course at once to Inverary.
There, like a spider in his retreat, Mac Cailinmor him-
self was now dwelling, busied with the arrangements
for the meeting of his clan, which he had already sum-
moned to a rendezvous. Dr Wishart informs us that
it was a boast of Argyle's, he would rather lose a
hundred thousand crowns, than that any mortal should
know the passes by which it was possible for an armed
force to penetrate his country, even in the middleof sum-
mer. The month of December was now far advanced,
when the affrighted herdsmen rushed down from the
mountains with the astounding intelligence that Mon-
trose was within a few miles of Inverary. Not a mo-
ment longer did their chief trust to that stronghold.
Scarcely knowing where to fly, half-dead with ter-
ror, he threw himself into a fishing-boat, and escap-
ed by sea, leaving his friends and followers, and
the whole of his country, to their own fortune and the
mercy of the enemy. Montrose burnt all that was
combustible of Inverary, and thus, in the outset of his
camj)aign, taught Scotland the important lesson, that
" King Campbell" was no more impregnable at home
than he was invincible abroad. Then, separating his
army into three divisions, of which he himself com-
manded one, while another was led by Macdonald, and
the third by John of Moidart, he prosecuted his plan
of traversing, by separate routes, the whole district and
dependencies of Argyle, which in this manner were
wasted, (even as Argyle had wasted Athol, and the
braes of Angus, and burnt the " bonny house of Airly,")

356 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

from Inverary to Lorn and Glenco, and from that
through Lochaber to Glengarry and Lochness. This
was in the dead of winter, from about the middle of De-
cember 1644, to the end of January of the new year.
They laid the whole face of the country in ashes, killing
all whom they met in arms for the rendezvous of Ar-
gyle, sweeping of its flocks and herds every valley, glen,
and mountain that owned the sway of Mac Cailinmor,
in short, burning and preying, according to the most
approved principles of the Highland art military, with-
out a check to their desolating progress. Montrose
himself used often to remark, that his escape, through
that desperate demonstration against the supremacy of
Argyle, was providential and miraculous, for he con-
sidered that had but one or two hundred courageous
men defended some of those narrow passes, his whole
army might have been cut off and destroyed.*

In the meanwhile, as our hero was thus solving the
problem of the far cry to Lochow, the Parliament met
at Edinburgh on the 7th of January 1645. On the
18th of that month, " a letter from the committee with
Argyle, directed to the Parliament, was read in the House,
shewing that the Marquis of Argyle had gotten a fall,
and disjointed his shoulder, but he wold be weill ; that
the rebels werejied to Lochaber, and that he would omit
no occasion to pursue them ; and that they were now in
Glen-Urquhart."f Montrose, however, deserved as little
the character of a fugitive, as did Argyle that of a
pursuer. The latter had taken refuge, when chased
from Inverary, in Dumbarton and Roseneath, where the
new General, Baillie, appointed by the Estates to anni-
hilate Montrose, joined his unsuccessful predecessor

* Wishart. f Balfoui'.

THREE ARMIES AGAINST MONTROSE. 357

about the end of December. Here it was concerted to
surround and destroy the Royal Lieutenant, by the fol-
lowing scheme : Having learnt that he was burning
northwards, or, according to Argyle, had fled to Loch-
aber, the Dictator returned to Inverary to gather what
Highland army he could, which was to be reinforced
with troops from the Lowlands. He then pledged him-
self to " omit no occasion to pursue" Montrose, who at
the same time was expected to run into the jaws of the
northern forces about Inverness, consisting of the Fra-
zers, and the whole covenanting strength of the shires of
Moray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness. To make as-
surance doubly sure, Baillie marched off in the other di-
rection northwards through Angus, for Perth, thus in-
tending to inclose their quarry with three armies each
superior to his own. Argyle, to redeem his influence
with the clan, sent for Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchin-
breck, a brave and distinguished scion, who at that
time commanded a regiment in Ireland, and with his
assistance Argyle once more found himself at the head
of a Highland army, to which were added some regi-
ments from the Lowlands, in all three thousand strong.
With this force he commenced burning the brae country
of Lochaber, pertaining to the loyal Keppoch, and, in
characteristically cautious pursuit of Montrose, took up
a strong position about the castle of Inverlochy, longing
for intelligence that the other armies had so embroiled
our hero in front as to take the sting out of his rear.
Glengarry, MacLean, the Stewarts of Appin, the
Farquharsons of Braemar, the Gordons of Abergel-
die, and some men of Glenco, had joined Montrose
in his fiery progress. But, more precarious than
the snow upon the mountains he traversed, the
Highlanders were again melting away from him, and

358 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

hastening with tjie plunder to their native glens,
vmder promise, however, to return at his summons.
With an army thus again reduced to less than two thou-
sand men, he had made up his mind to attack the
covenanting forces at Inverness, reckoned at five thou-
sand horse and foot.* He was sanguine of success,
for a great proportion of these forces were inexperi-
enced recruits, and their commander, Seaforth, was
a waverer. Suddenly, however, he learnt, from Al-
lan Macllduy of Lochaber, that Argyle lay at In-
verlochy. Their scheme he at once understood, and
the tactic he adopted reminds us of that by which the
great Usurper, in modern times, nearly conquered the
world. The levies at Inverness were raw and desvil-
tory. The army of Argyle was better furnished with
Claymores than his own. Yet to destroy the latter
by a sudden blow, ere Baillie could co-operate either
with him or Seaforth, was Montrose's best game, and
gallantly he played it. Many a mountain called inac-
cessible lay betwixt him and Argyle, whom it was ne-
cessary to take by surprise, and instantly attack. So
again he faced Lochaber, infusing into every Highlander,
within reach of his summons, the excitement of a new
and desperate adventure :

Come from deep glen and from mountain so rocky.
The war-pipe and pennon are at Inverlochy —
Come every hill-plaid and true heart that wears one.
Come every steel blade and strong hand that bears one —
Leave the deer, leave the steer, leave nets and barges.
Come with your fighting-gear broad-swords and targes.
*********

Fast they come, fast they come, see how they gather.
Wide waves the eagle-plume blended with heather.

But it was not, " as the winds came when forests are
rended." Placing guards, upon such beaten road as
offered itself in the year 1645, that no intelligence of

» * Wishart.

THE BATTLE OF INVERLOCHY. 359

his motions might reach the enemy. Montrose and his
Redshanks struck off, from Lochness, into a savage and
circuitous route, unvisited by the traveller, and, start-
ling the herds of deer where mortal troops had never
yet been led, sought their dreary way up the rugged bed
of the Tarff, across the mountains of the awful Corrya-
rick, (where neither military roads nor snow-posts were
then,) and plunging into the valley of the rising Spey,
and again crossing the wild mountains from Glen Roy
to the Spean, staid not until, from the skirts of Benne-
vis, they saw before them, under a clear frosty sky, the
yet bloodless shore of Lochiel, and the silent towers of
Inverlochy.

It was on the second evening of this tremendous
march, that Montrose first paused with his active
vanguard, waiting for the rear to come up, but within
sight of the camp of Argyle. Their presence was soon
discovered, though Argyle's scouts had been cut off,
for the moon was almost as bright as day, and some
skirmishing took place during the night. No one
imagined that it was Montrose in person, but, on the
first alarm that a division of his omnipresent ravagers
was reconnoitering the camp, Gillespie Gruamach be-
took himself to his favourite element, and from his boat,
on an arm of the sea, awaited in safety the issue of the
niglit attack. * But just as day dawned, a peculiar
strain of martial music, startling the echoes of Benevis,

* "By this place of Inverlochy, the sea comes close to it, and that
night Argyle embarked himself in his barge, and there lay till the next
morning, sending his orders of discipline to Auchinbreck, and the rest
of his officers, there commanding the battle." Ormonde papers. He took
on board with him Sir James llollock, (the same he had sent to tempt
Montrose, and the brother of Sir William,) the Laird of Niddry, Archi-
bald Sydeserf, bailie of Edinburgh, and, adds Guthrie, " Mr Mungo
Law, minister thereof, whom he had invited to go along with him
to bear witness to the wonders he proposed to perform in that exj)e-
dition."

360 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

caused Argyle to quail within his galley, for he weL
knew it indicated the presence of the Royal Standard,
and Cavaliers, — and Montrose.

On the right of the Royal battle was AUaster Mac-
donaid and one regiment of the Irish, on the left Colo-
nel O'Kyan and another regiment of the same, Colonel
James Macdonald being placed in reserve with the third.
In the centre was the Standard and Montrose, accom-
panied by a few horse, and supported by the Highland-
ers of Athol, under young Inchbrakie, the Stewarts of
Appin, the men of Glenco, the captain of Clanranald,
Keppoch, Glengarry, and MacLean. Opposed to the
Royalists, were the Lowland forces of Argyle, placed on
either wing, while his main battle, and the reserve, were
bothcomposed of "those supple fellows with their plaids,
targes, and dorlachs," stationed partly on a gentle ascent
fortified by a piece of ordnance. Within the castle of
Inverlochy Argyle had placed a garrison of forty or fifty
men. The dashing O'Kyan, with Montrose's left wing,
in the face of a discharge of cannon and musketry,
had the honour of meeting the first onset, which was
given by the flower of Diarmed. But the three divi-
sions of the royal army charged nearly simultaneously,
and, Argyle's standard being taken, the Campbells broke
in irretrievable confusion. A dreadful slaughter ensued.
The brave Auchinbreck and many officers of distinc-
tion died where they stood. They redeemed the
name of their race from the cowardice of its chief.
For nine miles, fifteen hundred slain of the ''* chosen
children of Diarmed," cumbered the shores, and dyed
the waters of the Lochy and Locheil. The men of Athol
had now their revenge of Sir Duncan Campbell of
Auchinbreck.* " Few of that army," adds Spalding,

See Vol. i. p. 499.

argyle's account of the battle. 361

" had escaped, if Montrose had not marched the day be-
fore the fight, eighteen miJes upon little food, and cros-
sing sundry waters, wet and weary, in frost and snow,
and standing in arms wet and cold the night before the
fight." The price he paid for this victory was the death
of Airly's second son. Sir Thomas Ogilvy, who had
greatly contributed to the success. A man, says Wishart,
dearly beloved by Montrose, remarkable for his loyal-
ty and noble achievements, imbued with letters and learn-
ing— a favourite (like Montrose) of Minerva as of
Mars. This was a friend he could ill spare. But the
power of the Dictator was broken, and his conqueror
flattered himself that the effort had not come too late
to save the Monarchy. " Argyle went in duleweid to
Edinburgh, sore lamenting the loss of his kin and friends,
but chiefly the loss of his honour. Montrose courage-
ously marched back through Lochaber, with displayed
banner with incredible diligence."

It was on the morning of the 2d of February that
the battle was fought. Upon Wednesday the 12th, a
pitiable figure, " having his left arm tied up in a scarf,
as if he had been at bones-breaking," appeared before
the covenanting Parliament in Edinburgh. It was Ar-
gyle. " This day," notes the Lord Lyon, " the Mar-
quis of Argyle came to the House, and made a full re-
lation of all his proceedings since his last going away
from this. The House were fully satisfied with my
Lord Marquis of Argyle's relation, and desired the Pre-
sident, in their names, to render him hartly thanks for
his great pains, and travel taken for the public, and
withal intreated him to continue in so laudable a course
of doing (or the weill and peace of his countr3\" ]^ut
Argyle's relation was as usual untrue. He misled
Balnierino to affirm upon his honour to the General
Assembly that the great loss was but the invention

362 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of the malignants, and that Argyle had not thirty per-
sons killed in all. The Kirk-militant was becoming
doubtful of their champion, and required some manage-
ment. The clerical version of Inverlochy we learn
from Baillie.

" The world believed that Argyle could have been
maintained against the greatest army as a country inac-
cessible. But we see there is no strength or refuge on earth
against the Lord. The Marquis did his best to be reveng-
ed— with an army sufficient oi^^r/ooA' the rogues in Loch-
aber at Inverlochy. We hoped they might have been easi-
ly defeated — but behold the indignation of the Lord ! Ar-
gyle, having a hurt in his arm and face, got by a cas-
ual fall from his horse some weeks before, whereby he
was disabled to use either sword or pistol, * his cousin
Auchinbreck took the leading of his army. No ap-
pearance but of courage and success. Yet no sooner
did the enemy set on, but all our people, overtaken
with a panic fear, without any necessity turned backs
and fled. Auchinbreck, a ^tout soldier, but a very vici-
ous man, and many special gentlemen of Argyle's friends
were killed. This disaster did extremely amaze us.
I verily think had Montrose come presently from that
battle he should have had no great opposition in all
the Highlands, in the Lennox, and the sheriffdom of
Ayr, Glasgow, Clydesdale, scarce till he had come to
Edinburgh. But God in mercy put other thoughts in
his heart."

* Strafford, when racked with a complication of the most excruciating
complaints, was ever ready to mount his horse at a moment's warning,
and lead the troops in Ireland. " Do not tliink," writes his friend Lord
Conway jocularly, " the gout is an excuse from fighting, for the Count
Mansfelt had the gout that day he fought the battle of Fleury." But
Argyle's excuse is worthy of him whose courage was only proved after
his death, by the anatomical demonstration that his stomach, in articiilo
mortis, had digested a partridge.

ARGYLE REPLACED BY BAILLIE, 363

CHAPTER XIII.

ILLUSTRATIVE OF MONTROSE's CRUELTIES.

Montrose, instead of a precarious expedition into
the lowlands, with fluctuating troops, who seemed only
to fight as it were in the leading strings of their native
mountains, turned northward to reap the fruits he an-
ticipated from the important lesson the Highlands had
now been taught on the subject of Mac Cailinmor. It
was his object, moreover, to destroy the covenanting
armies in Scotland, and create a powerful diversion there
in favour of the King. The very first blow he struck
caused old Leven to send Calendar back to Scotland,
and after the second. General Baillie * was compelled
to take the command against him. Subsequently, at

* After the battle of Kilsyth, General Baillie wrote a vindication of
himself to the Reverend Robert Baillie, liaving been required by that
reverend gentleman to explain why " James Graham" was so constantly
victorious. This vindication is among Robert Baillie's letters and jour-
nals. It seems that although the Marquis of Argyle had thrown up his
commission, to avoid the danger and responsibility of the command in
chief, he still expected to command behind the curtain. General Bail-
lie was sent for from England. " I immediately ()l)eyed the order," he
says, " and at my coming I found that neither tiie Marcjuis of Argyle,
nor the Earl of Lothian, could be persuaded to continue in their employ-
ment against these rebels, nor yet the Earl of Calendar could be induced
to undertake the charge of that war ; for wliich I was pressed, or rather
forced, by the persuasion of some friends, to give obedience to the Estates,
and undertake the command of the country's forces, for pursuing its
enemies. But, because 1 would not consent to receive orders from the Mar-
quis of Argyle, if casually we should have met together, after I iiad re-
ceived commission to command in chief over all the forces within the
kingdom, my Lord seemed to be displeased, and expressed himself so
unto some, that if he lived he should remember it; wherein his Lordship
indeed hath superabundantly been as good as liis word."

364 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Inverlochy, he had destroyed one of three armies which
flattered themselves they were surrounding him. The
other two were traversing the very districts from which
his best resources were yet to be derived. He turned
northward, therefore, with renewed hopes of the rising
of the Gordons and the clans, and with the determina-
tion to dispose of Seaforth, and of Baillie, as he had
done of Elcho, Burleigh, and Argyle.

What he had already accomplished, however, so far
gave him the command even of the Government at Edin-
burgh, as to save the lives of some of his most valued
friends there. He had sent the covenanting Parliament
a significant hint on the subject of the loyalists impri-
soned in the tolbooth and elsewhere, and proposed an
exchange of prisoners, as appears from the Lord Lyon's
notes, where it is mentioned that on the 25th of Fe-
bruary " the House appoints a Committee of two of
each Estate, to consider the roll sent by James Grahame,
some time Earl * of Montrose, of the prisoners he
offers to be exchanged." Upon this same day, the
above chronicler was presiding at the grand cere-
mony, enacted in the Parliament House, and cross of
Edinburgh, of deleting the arms of Montrose, and
other distinguished loyalists, out of his registers and
books of honour, and rending their escutcheons " with all
convenient solemnity," in pursuance of their doom as re-
bels and traitors. This ceremony included, among others,
the names of Nithisdale, Airly, Aboyne, Herries, Sir
Thomas and Sir Da vidOgilvy, Patrick Graham of Inch-
brakie, Mac Coll Keitache, Donald Glas MacRanald of
Keppoch, and a distinguished young gallant, whose title
was somewhat difficult to deal with, Alexander Ogilvy,

* It seems they did not acknowledge the King's prerogative of creat-
ing Montrose a Marquis in 1 644, although the same honour bestowed
upon Argyle in 1611 was considered unquestionable.

ZEAL AND PIETY OF THE ASSEMBLY. 365

younger of Inerquharetey, and another, who decidedly
beat the latter, in patronymics, by a neck, namely,
John Stewart of Inerequhaireqrtea. But the Par-
liament now feared to proceed to extremities against
such of Montrose's friends as were in their hands,
though the thirsty Convention of the Kirk had been
urging their immediate execution. On the 10th of
February, a Committee of the General Assembly, con-
sisting of Messrs David Dickson, Robert Blair, Andrew
Cant, James Guthry, (whose own fate it was to be hang-
ed,) and Patrick Gillespie, * presented a remonstrance
to the House " anent executing of justice on delinquents
and malignants." In particular, and " according to that
laudable custom ever used here before by the Kirk, in
keeping correspondence \^ itli the Estate," they pressed
the execution of Crawford and Lord Ogilvy, and all
the rest of the prisoners in the tolbooth. The Par-
liament commended the zeal and piety of the Assembly,
but deferred the performance for a time, until Montrose
were brought lower, lest it might happen that their
own friends fell into his hands. Yet every thing was
done to break the spirit and the constitutions of these
unfortunate loyalists, in the dungeons to which they
were consigned. In vain Lord Ogilvy urged that " he
is a prisoner of war, and not a private prisoner, and

* It has been supposed, by Sir Walter Scott and others, that this zeal-
ous worthy had the honour of being alluded to in one of Milton's son-
nets, where, in reply to a criticism on the title of his treatise Tetrachor-
don, Milton says, —

Why, is it harder, Sirs, than Gordon,
Colkitto, or Macdonnel, or Galasp?
Those rugged names to our like mouths grow sleek.
That would have made Quintillian stare and ga.sp.
But the second line quoted is entirely occupied with the name of one
person, namely, Coll Keitache, MacDonald, MacGillespick. Bishop
Burnet supposed that the Macdonalds with Montrose were commanded
by " one Colonel Killoch !"

366 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

was taken on quarter." He was kept in the tolbooth
in hourly expectation of death, and not permitted to
see or speak to any one without an order from the Es-
tates ; and he was still persecuted with their usual per-
severing attempts to extort matter against him from
his own mouth. On the 29th of January the Commit-
tee for the processes put a question to the House what
course they were to take with Lord Ogilvy, " that
would not, after he had deponed, subscribe his deposi-
tions, but obstinately did refuse to do the same." The
House determined that if the President of that Com-
mittee and the clerk signed, it was as valid as if Lord
Ogilvy had signed it himself. Dr Wishart and his
whole family, as we have seen, were reduced to a state
of starvation ; and, what must have added not a lit-
tle to General Macdonald's ardour in carrying fire
and sword through Argyleshire, his father, old Coll
Keitache, and two brothers, were also cast into prison,
" with the monthly allowance of forty merks Scots, for
their maintenance, and that of their five keepers." *
But the family of Drum suffered the most severely.
Alexander and Robert Irving, the sons of Drum, with
their friends, Nathaniel Gordon, the young lairds of
Gight, and Harthill, were the most daring and highest
spirited gallants of the age. f But while the latter

* From the MS. Record of Pari, it appears that Argyle had seized
them some years before. There is an act, dated 25th January 164.2, in
favour of Argyle's having caused Coil Macgillespicke M'Donald and
two of his sons, and John M'Donald, and Donald Gorme M'Donald, to be
apprehended, and approving of the same as good service. Coll and his
sons were afterwards sent to Edinburgh, and disposed of as above.

f " Upon Sunday the 23d of February, young Geicht, (Gordon,) young
Harthill, (Leith,) and their complices, took ten of Craigievar's troop,
lying carelessly in their naked beds, within their quarters of Inverury.
They took their horses, their moneys, their apparel, and arms, and gave
the men liberty to go. Whereat Craigievar was heichlie offendit." —
Spalding.

MERCIES OF THE PARLIAMENT. 367

were still enjoying their liberty, and their wild reckless
adventures as loyalists, the Irvings, at the very time,
too, of the victory of Inverlochy, were dying in their
loathsome cell. Honest Spalding's pathetic tale of their
fate is most affecting. " You heard before," he says,
" of the taking and warding of young Drum, and his
brother Robert Irving. This brave young gentleman
departed this life within the tolbooth of Edinburgh,
upon Tuesday 4th February, and that same night (being
excommunicate) was buried, betwixt eleven and twelve
o'clock, with candle-light in lanterns, the young laird
lying sore sick in the same chamber, who, vipon grijt
moijan,* was transported, in a wand-bed, upon the
morn from the tolbooth to the Castle, where he lay
sore grieved at the death of his weil belovit brother,
borne down by unhappy destinj^, and cruel malice of
the Estates. When they were first wardit they were
all three f put in sundry houses, that none should have
conference with another, and that none should come or
go without a town's bailie were present. This longsome,
loathsome, prison endured for the first half year. There-
after they got liberty all three to byde in one chamber,
but none suffered to come, or go, or speak but that
which was overheard by a bailie. But this gallant,
byding so long in prison, and of a high spirit, broke

* i. e. Great interest. A note of Sir James Bulfour confirms this.
" Tuesday 4. Feb. The young Laird of Drum did humbly petition the
House, that in respect of his brother's death the preceding night and
his own sickness, that tlie Parliament would be pleased to let him be re-
moved to some house in town, on sufficient caution. The House ordains
the supplicant to be transported to the Castle of Edinburgh for fourteen
days, and there to remain as in the tolbooth, with a sure guard, and.
thereafter to be returned to his former prison." And uj)on tlie 18th of
Feb. " the House gives leave to two ministers and a ruling elder to go
to the Castle and visit the young Laird of Drum, upon his own huml)le
petition." He lived to be released by Montrose.

f Tlieir cousin, Alexander Irving, was taken Avith them.

368 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

his heart and died, his father being confined in Edin-
burgh, and his mother dwelling in New Aberdeen, (for
the place of Drum was left desolate as ye have before,)
to their unspeakable grief and sorrow."

Montrose went on his way with renewed vigour,
though not rejoicing, for the system he was compelled
to pursue, of destroying the estates of the influential
Covenanters, in order to raise Scotland in support of
the Royal Standard, (to which he summoned as he
went all betwixt sixty and sixteen,) must have brought
many a pang to his generous spirit and accomplished
mind. It was by means of this very system that Ar-
gyle had previously concussed and enslaved the loyal
districts, and no other resource was now left to Mon-
trose, with the followers he could command, than this
terrible lex talionis, by which he meant to superinduce
a new and active sore upon the now proud and morbid
disease of the Covenant. Already a most important
reaction was created by the apparent destruction of the
power of Argyle. Nathaniel Gordon, the real terms
and spirit of whose departure from Montrose in the
month of November was never distinctly known, re-
turned to the Standard, on the 19th of February, bring-
ing with him the Lord Gordon at the head of a small
but select body of Huntly's cavaliers. Montrose had
proceeded northwards to Inverness, and from that to
Elgin, not far from the Bog of Gight, (Gordon Castle,)
where, as probably he expected, the heir of Huntly
suddenly broke for ever the bonds that had joined him
to his uncle Argyle, and, " being in the Bog, lap quick-
ly on horse, having Nathaniel Gordon, with some few
others, in his company, and that same night came to
Elgin, saluted Montrose, who made him heartily wel-
come, and they sup joyfully together. His brother,

NEW ARMY AGAINST MONTROSE. 369

Ludovick, came also to Montrose, and was graciously
received." Probably the wild Lord Lewis had been
also somewhat influenced b}^ his recent connexion with
the Laird of Grant, a considerable body of whose men
at this time joined the Standard. Another important
result of the last victory was, that the Earl of Seaforth,
who commanded the northern Covenanters in arms
against Montrose, and who was holding a committee
at Elgin when the Royal army approached that town,
instead of attempting to meet him in the field, at first
betook himself, with the rest of the committee, to flight,
and soon afterwards joined the King's Lieutenant at
Elgin, apparently as if returned to his loyalty, but with
so " loose a foot," that his real views and sentiments,
at the time, are as uncertain as his conduct was wa-
vering, and impotent on either side.

Meanwhile the covenanting machinery was carefully
refitted. On the 8th of March, the Parliament, having
passed an act of forfeiture against the Marquis of Hunt-
ly and Lord Gordon, was adjourned, that all might
have leisure to suppress the insurrection of Montrose.
Baillie,* the best General yet on foot against him, had
marched with his army to Perth, and Sir John Hurry, f
an experienced and daring officer, but quite unprin-
cipled, was commissioned as Major-General under the

* He had served under Gustavus Adolphus, and Avas a natural son of
Sir William Baillie of Lamington. See an account of liiin in Nisbet's
Heraldry, Vol. ii. p. 138.

f The hero of the Incident. See Vol. i. p. 1 28. He is also frequently
called Urry. Charles the First had knighted him for good service per-
formed with Prince Rupert's horse, in the year 1G43, immediately after
he had quitted the Covenanters in disgust. But in IGW he again chang-
ed sides, and was now charging Montrose with spurs of knighthood
conferred by Charles. See Clarendon for a history of the tergiversations
of this good soldier and worthless man.

VOL. II. A a

370 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

former, and sent to join him with a large body of
most effective cavahy. Matters, however, were some-
what languid and deranged at the seat of Govern-
ment.* The people were groaning under burdens im-
posed by the Covenanters themselves, and the cove-
nanting enthusiasm of the grand national movement
had fallen below zero, independently altogether of any
reaction occasioned by Montrose. But Alma Mater did
her best, by " free admonitions to the Parliament," to
extricate the progress of anarchy. Those ministers
who were not sufficiently rabid in their pulpit politics
were threatened, or actually deposed. And to keep the
movement in full career, three grand committees were
now arranged, — one for the army in England, of which
committee Argyle was nominated head, (but he found
enough to keep him at home,) another, under the aus-
pices of the Earl of Lanerick, (now a " prime Cove-
nanter,") and Lord Lindsay, to attend the army of Bail-
lie sent against Montrose, while to Balmerino was con-
signed the charge of the committee at head quarters.

* Baillie thus expresses it: " The country was exceedingly exhausted
with burdens, and, which was worse, a careless stupid lethargy had
seized on the people j so that we were brought exceeding low. In
this lamentable condition we took ourselves to our old rock — we turned
ourselves to God." By this last phrase is meant their old weapon of sedi-
tious agitation, commanding and enforcing a fast throughout the kingdom,
with more than papal tyranny- It was enjoined for the 6th of April, and,
says Spalding, — " no meat durst be made read}', — searchers sought the
town's houses and kitchings for the same ; thus is the people vexed with
thir extraordinary fasts and thanksgiving, (upon the Sabbath day, appoint-
ed by God for a day of rest,) more than their bodies are vexed with labour on
the work day, — through the preposterous zeal of our ministers." Messrs
Robertson and Halybmton, the ministers of Perth, were both deposed as
being lukewarm in the cause. But the latter was restored ; because " Dame
Margaret Halyburton, Lady of Cowpar, came over the Frith, and, with
oaths, vowed to my Lord Balmerino, that unless he caused her cousin to
be reinstated he should never enjoy the favour of the Lordship of Cow-
par. This communication set Balmerino at work for him." — Guthrie.

MONTROSE SPARES ABERDEEN. 371

Montrose, with his new allies, marched from Elgin
to the Bog of Gight on the 4th of March, and took up
his abode there for a few days, under melancholy cir-
cumstances. His eldest son, Lord Graham, he had
kept with the army, probably for safety, during a cam-
paign, or part of it at least, which had proved too se-
vere for this gallant boy, only sixteen years of age,
but of great spirit and promise. He at this time
died, after a few days illness, in Huntly's castle, and
was buried in the Kirk of Bellie, to the great grief of
his father, who had little time to shed tears over his
tomb. By the 9th of March Montrose had burnt and
preyed southwards through the properties of the re-
bels to the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, where he was
met by a deputation from that hapless town, to in-
form him, that " through plain fear of the Irishes,
the whole people, man and woman, were fleeing away,
if his Honour gave them not assurance of safety and
protection; who mildly heard these Commissioners, and
said he was sorry at Aberdeen's calamities, always for-
bade them to be frightened, for his foot army, where-
in the Irish were, should not come near Aberdeen by
eight miles, and if himself came, he craved nothing but
entertainment upon his own charges, further wrong he
intended not to do to the burgh of Aberdeen ; which
truly and nobly he kept. The Commissioners were
glad of this unexpected good answer. They gave
many thanks, and humbly take their leave from Mon-
trose, came back from Turreff, and upon the 10th of
March came to Aberdeen, where they dc^clared the
good answer which they had gotten, to the great joy
of magistrates and commons, man, wife, and child within
the burgh."

But this time Montrose was the sullerer. To Na-

372 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

thaniel Gordon was committed the charge of negotiat-
ing with the town the levies of men, arms, and horses
to supply the Royal army, which lay encamped at Kin-
tore. This brave but reckless cavalier had become too
careless of the enemy. Upon the 12th of March he
went to Aberdeen with about eighty " Weill horsit brave
gentlemen." He took care that himself should be well
mounted that day, for he borrowed a charger from his
friend Lord Gordon, being the very best of those " state-
ly saddell horses" which Huntly had sent to his son
when he himself sought safety in Strathnaver. But Na-
thaniel Gordon was the double of the heir of Huntly, —

In token of the which,

My noble steed, known to the camp, I give him,
With all his trim belonging.

Along with this gay and gallant party, went another
valuable ally of Montrose's, Donald Farquharson of
Monaltrie, who had also determined to shine in all his
bravery upon this occasion, for he took with him *' ane
riche stand of apparrell" which he had never yet worn,
and arrayed himself therein when at Aberdeen. It was
upon Friday the 1 5th of March, that, as these gallants
were " at their merriment," without having taken the
precaution to guard the ports or to place sentinels, and
their own steeds being all housed in the Court de Guard,
the clatter of many horses' feet were heard in the broad
gate of Aberdeen. It was Sir John Hurry himself,
with eight score troopers at his back, to whom notice
had been sent of the careless wassail of the cavaliers.
Donald Farquharson rushed to the street, and was in-
stantly killed in front of the Court de Guard. Some
more lives were lost, and a few sent prisoners to Edin-
burgh. Nathaniel Gordon and the rest returned to

DEATH OF DONALD FARQUHARSON. 373

Kintore on fool, their steeds, the pick of Montrose's
cavalry, being for the most part captured by the Cove-
nanters ; and, as a set off to the exploit of young Gight
and Harthill, Huntly's stately charger had to part com-
pany with the noble scions of that house, and found itself
bestrode by Robert Forbes, the brother of Craigievar,
who was now revenged. Sorry, and sore ashamed, Na-
thaniel Gordon had to report his disaster to the Royal
Lieutenant. Montrose was highly offended, and yet
more grieved, at the carelessness which had lost him
Donald Farquharson. A deputation from Aberdeen
followed in fear and trembling, to excuse the town.
" Montrose heard them patiently, with ane wo heart,
yet knew well enough who was innocent or guilty of
this matter within the town, wisely kept up his mind,
and gave the Commissioners an indifferent answer.
And so they returned to Aberdeen, not knowing what
should be the event." On the following day, he sent
Lord Lewis Gordon, (whose first boyish campaign had
been under the guidance of Donald Farquharson,)* and
Allaster Macdonald himself, with a thousand horse and
foot, to see interred the pride of Braemar. The town's
people had found his corps lying naked on the streets, all
his rich apparel having been " tirrit from off his bodie."
They had placed it in a chest, and within the chapel,
together with three other cavaliers, who had been slain,
and on Sunday the 17th they were interred with mili-
tary honours. " Donald — one of the noblest caj)tains
amongst all the Highlanders of Scotland, being still the
King's man for life and death — was buriet in the Laird
of Drum's aisle, with mony wo hearts, and dulefiill
schottis." Spalding adds, that Mac Coll Keitache behav-

* See Vol. i. p. 262.

374 MONTROSE A^D THE COVENANTERS.

ed nobly to the terrified town, and comforted them all by
quartering his Irish about the Bridge of Dee, and suf-
fering none to enter, with himself and Lord Lewis, but
his troopers.

Misfortunes, they say, never come single, and so it
fared with Montrose. Hurry, immediately after his
dashing exploit, went south with his troopers to the
town of Montrose, where James, now Lord Graham,
had been left at school. This boy had just attained
the dangerous importance of being the only child of
Montrose, and Sir John Hurry seized the prize. He
was " a young bairn about fourteen years, learning at
the schools, attended by his pedagog in quiet manner.
Always he is taken, and had to Edinburgh, where he
with his pedagog are both wardit in the Castle of Edin-
burgh." Nor was this all. While Montrose was yet
at Kintore, the constitution of the brave old Earl of
Airly gave way under the fatigue of that terrible cam-
paign, and being in a high fever, he was conveyed first
to the house of his daughter, and afterwards for greater
security to Strathbogie, having no less than 800 of
Montrose's men and officers there to guard him. Thus
in the space of little more than a week was Montrose
deprived of two of his most valuable friends, and of
both his sons.

Yet onward he went in his fiery course, summoning
the country in the name of the King, and wasting the
districts where that summons was scorned. Marischal,
the most potent nobleman of the north, was once more
called upon to make his election betwixt the King and
Argyle. Some months before, Montrose had sent him a
letter, anxiously explaining that the object of his present
expedition in Scotland was simply to re-establish the
Throne, and not to injure the subject, and he called

MONTROSE WASTES DUNNOTTER. 375

upon the Earl to aid the King's Lieutenant, or be an-
swerable for the consequences. Marischal returned
only a verbal and slighting reply, and sent the letter
to the covenanting Committee. Montrose was now at
Stonehaven, hard by Marischal's Castle of Dunnotter,
the great stronghold of that country, into which no less
than sixteen covenanting ministers had fled, who now
composed the Earl's, or rather his Lady's privy coun-
cil, the President of which may be said to have been
Mr Andrew Cant. Upon the 20th of March, Montrose
wrote another letter to Marischal, of the same tenor as
his former, and which met with no better reception.
On the 21st he burnt the barn-yards of Dunnotter, be-
fore the eyes of the Earl, who saw it from the Castle,
and of his covenanting Lady, and the sixteen ministers,
whose comments on the occasion were probably not
complimentary to our hero. But he might have re-
plied, in the words of the Reverend Robert Baillie
against the Bishops, — " they shall see we are not to
be boasted, and are resolved to make them taste if that
heat be pleasant when it comes near their own shins."
The burgh of Stonehaven, the town of Cowie, the ship-
ping, and the whole lands of Dunnotter were succes-
sively consigned to the flames. " They fired the plea-
sant park of Fetteresso. Some trees burnt, others
being green could not well burn. But the hart, the
hynd, the deer, the roe, skirlit at the sight of this
fire, — they were all taken and slain. The horses,
mares, oxen, and ky were all likewise killed, and
the whole barony of Dunnotter and Fetteresso utterly
spoiled, plundered, and undone." Spalding adds, that
it is said the people of Stonehaven and Cowie, when
the fire was raised, came out, men and women, with
children at their feet, and in their arms, crying, howl-

376 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ing, and weeping, praying the Earl Marischal to save
them from the fire, but that the poor people got no an-
swer, nor knew where to go with their children. This
deplorable spectacle, we venture to say, the generous
Montrose beheld with as sore a heart as any there.
His own children and dearest friends, all victims of
the times, were dead or imprisoned. From the house
of James Clark, provost of Stonehaven, the only house
spared, he watched the conflagration.

I sometime lay, here in Corioli,

At a poor man's house ; he used me kindly ;

He cried to me ; I saw him prisoner ;

But then Aufidius was within my view.

And wrath o'erwhelmed my pity. I request you

To give my poor host freedom.

South went Montrose in his fiery course, which, upon
Friday the 22d of March, Major-General Sir John
Hurry attempted to arrest, and crossed the Lion in his
path. Having passed the Grampians, our hero lay
encamped at Fettercairn, about seven miles from Bre-
chin, the quarters of the covenanting cavalry. A fo-
raging party of the royal army fell into an ambuscade,
and were driven back to their camp. Hurry then ad-
vanced, with six hundred horse, to reconnoitre Montrose
and draw him into the plain. Montrose tempted him
with the sight of just two hundred cavaliers, but in a
valley behind he posted his Claymores, and at the heels
of every horse was a redshanked musketeer. On came
Sir John Hurry, but the unexpected fire of the mus-
keteers sent his six hundred horse to the right about,
and, with some loss, they were chased even across the
Esk, and never drew bridle till they reached Dundee.
Hurry covered their flight with a party in the rear, and
displayed the skill and courage of one who had learnt
the art in the school of Gustavus Adolphus.

MONTROSE CHALLENGES BAILLIE. 377

The Royal Lieutenant now obtained intelligence of
the vast preparations made to destroy him by General
Baillie, that the latter was close at hand in co-operation
with Hurry, and commanding a much superior force to
his own. He raised his camp on the 25th, soon came
in sight of Baillie's army, and wasted some lands in the
county of Angus, while four regiments of Baillie's foot,
and two regiments of his horse occupied the fields hard by.
But Montrose was not strong enough, and Baillie not
bold enough to force a battle. The latter had marched
from Perth to meet the Royal army on its way from Bre-
chin, and the river Isla, which neither army could ven-
ture to cross while the other watched its banks, alone
separated them. For four or five days they continued to
glare upon each other in this manner, to the amaze-
ment and terror of the whole country side, none know-
ing which of the hostile armies they were to consider as
their masters. But the pause ill suiting the impetuosity
of Montrose, he sent his adversary a message to this
effect, that if Baillie would pledge his honour to fight,
when over the water, he would permit him to bring his
whole forces unmolested across the Isla;* or, if the latter
preferred fighting on the side where he was, that Mon-
trose would come over to him upon the same conditions.
The reply of the covenanting General was good, and
would have been admirable if the prelude to a victory.
* Tell Montrose,' he said, ' that I will fight at my own
time and pleasure, and ask no leave from him.'

Shortly afterwards, however, Baillie and Hurry had
Montrose at advantage, from which he escaped as
if by a miracle, Baillie had marched back to Perth,
and our hero northward to Dunkeld. Tiiere his forces

* Sec another instance of Montrose's liahit of sendinj^ sucli challenges,
Vol. i. p. --iba.

378 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTEES.

were weakened by the sudden and capricious departure
of Lord Lewis Gordon, who being jealous, it is said, both
of his brother and Montrose, or, as was also said at the
time, actuated by secret advices from his father, went
off without the consent of Montrose or Lord Gordon,
and carried a considerable portion of the cavalry along
with him. But Montrose, who required to recruit
himself in the mountains ere be attempted a descent
upon the south, determined to crown his present excur-
sion by a blow at the pre-eminently disloyal town of
Dundee. Suddenly turning eastward from Dunkeld,
he marched with part only of his forces upon that nest
of sedition in the night-time, and arrived, about ten
o'clock on the morning of the 4th of April, at a hill
overlooking the town, from whence he sent a summons
to the town in the name of the King, and warned them
of the consequences of not admitting the King's Lieu-
tenant. The usual covenanting reply followed. Mon-
trose's trumpeter was put in prison, and, under this
provocation. Lord Gordon and Macdonald received or-
ders to storm the town, which they did simultaneously
at three different quarters, Montrose being on the neigh-
bouring height superintending the operations. The
place was taken, its own cannon turned against the
town, and a formal surrender on the point of being-
arranged, when Montrose's scouts, who had previously
misinformed him as to the position of the enemy, now
brought the intelligence that Baillie and Hurry were
within one mile of him, at the head of three thousand
foot, and eight hundred horse. The forces with him-
self (the rest being at Brechin) were not above six or
seven hundred musketeers, and from a hundred and
fifty to two hundred horse. Of these the storming party
were, for the most part, intoxicated with the pillage of

THE RETREAT FROM DUNDEE. 379

the town. Montrose was advised by some around him
instantly to fly, and leave his troops to their fate. But
he determined, more nobly, to redeem his error, (in suf-
fering his little army to be thus surprised,) by ordering
the retreat and sharing their fate. He encouraged all,
and completely got together even the excited and in-
toxicated storming party, a remarkable instance of his
presence of mind and power of command. Sending off
the foot in two separate bodies, with the drunken men
in front, he covered the rear himself with his horse,
and, ere the sun had set, was in full and orderly retreat,
leaving few or none behind him but those whowerekilled
in taking the town. The covenanting Generals thought
themselves sure of their prey, and overtook our hero as
the shades of night drew on. They separated their forces
into two divisions, intending to attack the royalists in
flank and rear. Twenty thousand crowns was proclaimed
as the price of Montrose's head. Hurry and his horse
came up with the rear, but Baillie, for whom the
Highlanders were too active, could not touch them in
flank. Again, the invaluable manoeuvre of mingling
musketeers with his scanty cavalry, was successfully
practised by Montrose. As he faced about to cover
the retreat against the first charge, three of his Red-
shanks successively brought down their man of the
pursuing cavalry, an occurrence which effectually cooled
the ardour of chase in the dusk, and checked the ad-
vance of the covenanting horse. Thus retreating,
facing, and skirmishing, " through the mirkiness of
nicht," Montrose went eastward to the coast, and paused,
about midnight, near Arbroath, intending to comma-
nicate with the portion of his army left at Brechin, and
then to make for the mountains. In the meanwhile,
Baillie had disposed his troops so as to command all

380 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the known routes from the coast to the Grampians.
But Montrose, taking it for granted that he would be
thus intercepted by such experienced Generals, turned
to the north-west, and passing, by a desperate exertion,
his pursuers in the dark, turned north to Kirriemuir,
and from thence brought his whole array, sufficiently
sobered by their night march, across the Esk to Care-
ston, just as another day dawned upon his desperate
fortunes. Here he learnt that the rest of his forces,
left at Brechin, had already made the best of their way
to the Grampians. So he turned in the same direction,
and, although his rear was once more engaged in a
skirmish with the advance of Hurry's horse, after a
march of three days and two sleepless nights, he gained
the mountains, with but a trifling loss from the whole
adventure, and sought his lair in the lonely depths of
Glenesk.

Back lirap'd, with slow and crippled pace,
The sulky leaders of the chase.

This long, sleepless, and fighting retreat, accom-
plished in such victorious order, after the storming
of a town, and when taken by surprise, is not among
the least of Montrose's achievements. Dr Wishart
assures us, " I have often heard those who were es-
teemed the most experienced officers, not in Britain only,
but in France and Germany, prefer this march of
Montrose's to his most celebrated victories."*

* Guthrie and Spalding both record that Montrose, upon this occa-
sion, escaped with his army in safety to the hills, and that the covenant-
ing Generals cast the blame on each other. Spalding says,—" It is said,
Major Hurry would fain have yokkit (engaged) with Montrose, but
Baillie expressly contramandit him." General Baillie's own account
is different. He accuses Hurry of failing to charge the rebels in rear
with all the power of his horse, and of disobeying (through jealousy) an
order to bring the troopers up to Baillie, to charge in flank ; " and yet,"
adds the General, " he was exonered (before the Parliament at Stirling)

3

ALLEGED CRUELTIES OF MONTROSE. 381

The Covenanters, their chroniclers, and their his-
torians, have bitterly inveighed against Montrose, as a
monster of human nature, for carrying fire through co-
venanting Scotland, and wasting the resources of the
rebels. The accusation comes with the worst possible
grace from those whose party was the first to set the
example, under circumstances infinitely less excusable,
of that deplorable species of civil M^ar,in which the many
innocent must necessarily suffer with the few guilty.
Whatever, therefore, may be in this moral reflection on
the character of Montrose, it is worthy of no consider-
ation, and indeed is no better than a calumny, in the
mouths of the champions of that party, who first made
their Covenant a charter for such desolations.* But the
excuse of a bad example is not sufficient against the
moral objection coming from philosophical historians,
who look back with equal horror upon the excesses of both
parties during a conflict of the kind. Sir Walter Scott,
as if in a spirit of compromise with the clamorous rail-
ers against Montrose, speaks of his " acts of ravage,
not to be justified, though not unprovoked." Another
age of advancing civilization may look back upon Wa-
terloo, and make the same comment uj)on Wellington.
David Hume has pronounced a severer sentence. *'Mon-

and I charged for their escape." Whatever may be the merits of this
dispute, the fact of Montrose's successful retreat, and of the covenanting
Generals being in trouble therefore, is thus unquestionable. Yet hear
how the Reverend Robert Baillie reports the matter to Spang on the
25th of A])ril. " It was a matter of exceeding joy unto us to hear of the
great and first real disaster that Montrose got at Dundee, and of the pos-
ture of our country at last, according to our mind, after the flight of the
enemy, the killing of 400 or 300 of the best of the Irish, the dissipating
of the most of the Scots Ilighlandnu'n, tlie loss of their ammunition and
most of their arms, the returning of the remnant to the liills ami woods."
He does not venture to add that Montrose was killed.
* See Vol. i. p. 312, and note.

3821 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

trose," he says, " fell suddenly upon Argyle's country,
and let loose upon it all the rage of war, carrying off
the cattle, burning the houses, and putting the inhabi-
tants to the sword ; this severity, by which Montrose
sullied his victories, was the result of private animosity
against the chieftain, as much as of zeal for the public
cause." The sentence, we venture to think, is inaccurate
in its facts, somewhat crude in the reflection, and al-
together unmerited in its severity. Montrose's sys-
tem was to employ the sword only against armed rebels.
It is said, though the instances are not recorded so as
to be judged of, that all who were encountered in arms,
going to the rendezvous of Argyle's army, were put to
death by Montrose's. This is something totally diffe-
rent from the idea conveyed by the expression of putting
the inhabitants of Argyle to the sword.* Nor is it
very accurate to speak of Montrose having sullied his
victories by his severity. Most unquestionably, but for
what is here vaguely termed his severity, those victories
could not have been. Such rapid and overwhelming
successes, as would at once shake the covenanting go-
vernment to its centre, was his necesvsary and legitimate,
though, as it appeared to others, hopeless object, in or-
der to save the Throne. Those successes he neverthe-

* None of the notices of this invasion, left by Batllie, Spalding, and
Guthrie, or by the officer of Macdonald's army, who sent the report to
Ormonde, would lead us to infer that Montrose's army had done more
than burn and waste the country, and drive off, and kill the cattle.
Guthrie indeed expressly says that, as all Argjde's people ran away,
there was no blood shed. Wishart, however, says, that the royalists kil-
led all whom they met in arms going to the rendezvous of Argyle, and
spared none capable of bearing arms, Baillie simply says, that they
" burnt la verary, killed and spoiled what they pleased," Baillie would
have been more particular had his reference been to more than the kil-
ling of the cattle. Clearly there was no indiscriminate slaughter of in-
habitants.

4

ALLEGED MALICE AGAINST ARGYLE. 383

less achieved, to the amazement of the world, and no-
thing but the mismanagement of the King's military-
affairs in England, and his constant discomfiture there,
to a degree Montrose could not anticipate, prevented
the latter from thus earning the glory of saving the
Monarchy. If those victories then were glorious, if
their object was legitimate, we must not speak of their
being sullied by severities, when, from the circum-
stances of his undertaking, from the military habits of
his country and times, and from the peculiar nature of
his military resources, it was absolutely impossible to
have accomplished them on other terms. Had the district
of Argyle not been ravaged as it was, Mac Cailinmor
would not have been at Inverlochy, at the head of his
finest gathering, to receive the death-blow of his mili-
tary power and character in Scotland. And the remark
seems equally crude and unjust, that Montrose's system
was the result of private animosity against the chief-
tain, as much as of zeal for the public cause. His con-
tempt for the character of Argyle, and his animosity to-
wards him, was only personal and particular, inasmuch as
the covenanting movement was identified with that in-
dividual. His dislike and pursuit of Argyle are not to be
separated from his love for monarchical government,
and determination to preserve it. Montrose had long de-
tected the secret springs of the movement in Scotland,
and the real sources of the approaching flood. It was
to Argyle and Hamilton he alluded, in his letter of the
year 1640, when he said, — '* and you great men, if any
such be among you so blinded with ambition, who aim
so high as the crown, do you think we are so far dege-
nerate from the virtue, valour, and fidelity to our true
and lawful Sovereign, as to suffer you, with all your
policy, to reign over us ? Take heed you be not iEsop's

384 MONTROSE AND THE COVKNANTEttS.

dog, and lose the cheese for the shadow in the well."
And in March 1644, as Montrose was on his way from
Oxford to commence the adventure for which he had
just been commissioned, he wrote to Sir Robert Spotis-
wood, that, — " Argyle, upon the rumour of our coming,
is returned to Scotland in haste, to prepare against us
there ; but we intend to make all possible despatch to
follow him at the heels in whatsoever posture we can."
This is not the enmity of private rivalry or malice, but
of public spirit, in one who saw deeply into the designs
of the enemies of good order. The idea, that his preda-
tory campaign was merely the result of ferocious rivalry
and malice, is founded upon no mature consideration
either of his natural character or the position in which
he was placed. The Church of Scotland herself bears
witness to the fact, that Montrose was too humane for
the arms of tlie Covenant,* and was not one to indulge
in conflagrations where the object could be attained at
a cheaper rate. He tells us himself, and it is better
evidence than all the calumnies of covenanting malice,
that he did every thing in his power to restrain his
unpaid soldiery from lawless excess, and spoil on their
own account. He wasted the lands of Argyle, but
he wasted the lands of Marischal also,f and the all-

* See Vol. i. p. 246, 2G4, 296.

■f Mr Brodie's highest excitement, on the subject of Montrose's ma-
licious cruelty, is when alluding to the burning of Dunnotter, and yet
it is founded on a total mistake in point of fact. He says, — " See page
285, of Spalding, for a proof of inexorable cruelty in Montrose, scarcely
credible of one in civilized life. The men, women, and children, with
prayers, tears, and lamentations, addressed him in vain." Hist. Vol. iii.
p. 337. The passage of Spalding referred to, we have already adopted,
(p. 375) and the precise words are, — " It is said, the people of Stanehevin
and Cowiecainout,manand woman, children at thair foot, and children in
thair armes crying, houlling and weiping, praying the evil for Godis cause
to saif them from this fyre, howsone it wes kendlit. Bot the poor people

CHARACTER OF MONTROSE'S CAMP. 385

absorbing feeling of his mind, long ere this time, was
far above that of a petty or personal feud with either,
' — it was the intense perception of the fall of the Eng-
lish Monarchy, and the desperate determination to save
it, and his Sovereign, or perish in the attempt.

Another consideration enters deeply into the ques-
tion of the animus of Montrose in his devastating pro-
gress. He was imbued, to a wonderful extent when
his years and public occupations are considered, with
all letters most apt to elevate the mind and humanize
the heart, namely, the sacred Scriptures, a favourite
study of his, and the writings of the ancient historians,
philosophers, and poets. His best beloved friends, too,
the companions of these very wars, were highly accom-

gat no answer, nor knew they quhair to go with thair children." Ban-
natyne edit. Vol. ii. p. 307. Now this passage does not refer to Mon-
trose at all, who was a Marquis, and, three pages before, Spalding speaks
of the " Marques of Montrois." The anecdote refers to the Earl Ma-
rischal, and its obvious meaning ir., that the poor people looked to him
to save them from the fire, either by acceding to Montrose's summons,
or by admitting them within the extensive fortifications which sheltered
the sixteen ministers. Godwin, in his History of the Commonwealth
of England, p. 452, has fallen into the same mistake as Mr Brodie, and
made the same use of it. He calls the supposed appeal to Montrose's
obdurate heart," a memorable instance of his severity, deservedly selected"
by Spalding ! Malcolm Laing had obviously put the same mistaken in-
terpretation on Spalding's anecdote. " Stonehaven," he says, " amidst
the entreaties and outcries of the inhabitants, was consigned to the flames
by the inexorable Montrose."

Mr Hallam, in his History of England, Vol. ii. p. 37, speaks of " Mon-
trose, whom the Scots Presbyterian army abhorred, and very justly, for
his treachery and cruelty, above all men living." This dictum is cer-
tainly not founded upon any investigation of the history of Montrose,
and probably was rashly derived from Mr Brodie, and perhaps from the
very sentence refuted above. Even if there were any rational exposi-
tion of the " treachery and cruelty" with which Montrose has been charg-
ed, it cannot be said that he was " very justly" abhorred by the Scots
Presbyterian army, unless Mr Hallam is also prepared to prove that the
Presbyterians were neither treacherous nor cruel.

VOL. II. B b

iiS6 MONTROSK AND THE COVENANTEllS.

plished, and of the most gentle natures. I have elsewhere *
quoted Baillie's description of the covenanting camp, and
may here give a picture of Montrose's, so far at least as
his influence extended. It is an eye-witness also who
says that the camp of the Marquis " was an Academy,
admirably replenished with discourses of the best and
deepest sciences, whose several parts were strongly held
up, under him the head, by those knowing, noble souls,
the Eails of Kinnoul and Airly, the Lords of Gordoun,
Ogilvy, Naper, and Maderty, and the two famous Spotts-
woods. Sir Robert and his nephew, whose heads were
too precious to be cut off by them who knew not how
to understand them. This I am bold to mention, be-
cause such noble discourses banished from his quarter
all obscene and scurrilous language, with all those offen-
sive, satyrical reflections, which are now the only cur-
rent wit among us ; and if any such peep*d forth in his
presence, his severe looks told the speaker it was unwel-
come."!

* Vol. i. p. 254.

f This very interesting and curious testimony is from Thomas Syd-
serf or Saint Serf, a son of Thomas Sydserf, Bishop of Galloway^ It oc-
curs in a dedication to the second Marquis of a now rare worlc, entitled,
— " Entertainments of the C'ours ; or Academical Conversations, held
upon the Cours at Paris, by a cabal of the principal vdts of that Court j
compiled by that eminent and now celebrated author. Monsieur de Mar-
met, Lord of Valcroissant, and rendered into English by Thomas Saint
Serf, Gent. London : printed by T. C, and are to be sold at the Tliree
Pigeons, in St Paul's Church-yard, 1658." Sydserf mentions that he him-
self had the honour of being under the great Marquis's command. Some
further account of him will be found in " The Miscellany of the Abbots-
ford Club," now in the course of being privately printed for the Club,
under the editorship of James Maidment, Esq. to whom I am indebted
for the privilege of seeing the proof-sheets.

TREATY OF OXBRIDGE. 387

CHAPTER XIV.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE KING AND MONTROSE AFTER THE BATTLE

OF INVERLOCHY.

It is interesting to observe that at the very moment
when Montrose was in all the excitement of collecting
the clans for his march upon Inverlochy, Charles I.
was writing on the subject of our hero to the Secretary
Nicholas. The impracticable treaty attempted in 1645
was opened, as is well known, at Uxbridge, on the 30th
of January in that year. Of that same date the King-
writes to Sir Edward Nicholas the following sentence
in reference to Scotland and Montrose : — " Tell your
fellow Commissioners that if there be any treaty pro-
posed concerning Scotland, (of which I forgot to speak
to them at parting,) their answer must be to demand
a passport for a gentleman to go from me to see what
state the Marquis of Montrose is in, there being no
reason that I should treat blindfold in so important a
business, nor without the knowledge of him M^hom I
have now chiefly employed in that kingdom, and mIio
hath undertaken my service there with so much gal-
lantry when nobody else would." On the 11th of Fe-
bruary his Majesty again writes : — " Nicholas, the di-
rections I gave you concerning sending to Montrose I
mean only should extend to those things which merely
concern Scotland. * * * j stick close to my for-
mer order of sending to Montrose, not being ashamed
to avow that I shall be much guided by what I shall
hear from him, and should be much more ashamed to

388 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

treat, in those things, without at least communicating
with him who hath hazarded so freely and generously
for me." *

* Evelyn papers. This interesting and valuable correspondence seems
completely to refute Mr Hallam's view that Charles was so unreasonably
elated, with Montrose's successes in Scotland, as to have been rendered
thereby foolishly and fatally obstinate in refusing the terms offered at the
treaty of Uxbridge. It is manifest, both from that correspondence with
his secretary, and also from his correspondence with the Queen, then in
Paris, that the King's difficulties and doubts, in bar of that treaty, were not
in any degree engendered by Montrose's successes, but existed in their
fullest force, while the King was yet in ignorance of the battle of Inver-
lochy, and indeed of Montrose's position generally in Scotland. One con-
dition, which the Commissioners for the Parliament and Covenant would
not abate, was the insane and dishonest demand that presbytery should be
established in England, upon the ruins of the Church, even as it existed in
Scotland, and that the King himself should not only sign the Covenant,
but be guilty of that species of tyranny for which he had already been so
falsely maligned in Scotland, namely, of compelling the unwilling con-
sciences of his subjects. It was such demands that occasioned him to write
to the Queen, — " I cannot yet send thee any certain word concerning the
issue of our treaty, only, the unreasonable stubboj'nness o( the rebels, gives
daily less and less hopes of any accommodation this way." This had no
reference to Montrose, and would have been the King's opinion though
Montrose had never existed ; yet Mr Hallam (ii. 29.) observes that
Charles's " prospects from a continuance of hostilities were so unpromis-
ing that most of the royalists would probably have hailed his almost un-
conditional submission at Uxbridge. Even the steady Richmond and
Southampton, it is said, implored him to yield, and deprecated his mis-
judging confidence in promises of foreign aid, or in the successes of Mon-
trose." For this last anecdote Mr Hallam quotes " Baillie, ii. 91." who,
however, says something very different, namely — " We were assured, by
Richmond and Southampton, that both the King and Queen were so dis-
posed to peace, upon the great extremities wherein their affairs stood,
and small hopes from any place to get them helped, that they would era-
brace the substance of all our propositions, with very small and tolerable
modifications." Mr Hallam's version of this sentence is surely somewhat
free? The same historian adds; " There seems, indeed, great reason to
think that Charles, always sanguine, and incapable of calculating proba-
bilities, was unreasonably elated by victories from which no permanent ad-
vantage ought to have been expected. Burnet confirms this on good au-
thority." But the correspondence to which we have referred, proves that
all Charles's original, undisguised, most rational, and insuperable objec-

TREATY OF UXBIllDGE. 389

From this correspondence, and from other most con-
fidential letters written upon the same occasion by-
Charles to his Queen in Paris, it is scarcely to be
doubted that his views, with regard to the treaty of
Uxbridge, were not the consequence of any sudden ela-
tion derived from communicating with Montrose. His
Majesty had indeed formed, from the very beginning,
the deliberate and rational determination not to act, as
it were, " blindfold" in the essential matter of the
Scottish demands, or without consulting his devoted
representative in Scotland. That some hope should
dawn upon him from that quarter was inevitable. But
the hope was neither extravagant in itself, nor did it
create those undisguised and unconquerable feelings of
repugnance, inherent in the very being of Charles, with
which he regarded the demands of the rebel Commis-
sioners. When the Queen heard of the treaty, she too
expressed the utmost anxiety and reluctance, not, how-
ever, created by the successes of Montrose, towards
whom she looked, in her alarm for the safety of the
King, rather with desperation than confidence. " I have
dispatched," she says in one of those affecting letters,
*' an express into Scotland to Montrose, to know the

tions to the conditions pressed upon him, were natural to himself, and
totally independent of Montrose's victories, and also that at tliis time he
was neither unreasonably nor at all elated by those victories. And sup-
pose he had been elated, not only was it reasonable to expect permanent
advantage from the successes in question, hut permanent ad vantage would,
in all probability, have flowed from tliem, had the King even gained
one good battle (as he well might) after the treaty was broken off. Bail-
lie's virulent covenanting dictuin that " the groat snare to tlie King is
the unhappy success of IMontrose in Scotland," — and Burnet's fabulous
and malicious version of the matter, (both (piotod by .Mr Ilallam,) are all
disproved by the King's correspondence on the subject. As for Bur-
net's " good authority," it is his own rejjort of a conversation with Lau-
derdale (Montrose's bitter enemy) and Ilollis, — about the worst autho-
rity possible.

390 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

condition he is in, and what there is to be done."* It
was not by this express, however, that any knowledge
of the contemplated treaty reached Montrose. He
learnt the news by a letter from Sir Robert Spotis-
wood, received only a few days before he fought the
battle of Inverlochy. Those who crudely picture him
as being at this time solely occupied with the savage
excitement of indulging his private animosities, by
wasting the territories of his rival, are probably not
aware that Montrose accomplished that march across
the mountains of Lochaber when his mind was teem-
ing with anxious and far-sighted reflections upon the
probable fate of the King, at the mercy of two unprin-
cipled factions, who, with arms in their hands, were
dictating to him dishonourable ruin. The following-
letter, written ere Montrose had rested from the toils
and excitement of that desperate march and battle, re-
flects an image of his mind which the breath of slan-
der is unable to efface : —

" May it please your Sacred Majesty,

" The last dispatch I sent your Majesty was by
my worthy friend, and your Majesty's brave servant.
Sir William Rollock, from Kintore, near Aberdeen,
dated the 14th of September last ; t wherein I ac-
quainted your Majesty with the good success of your
arras in this kingdom, and of the battles, the justice of
your cause has won over your obdurate rebel subjects.

* Dated, from Paris, January 6th, 1645. See the Works of King
Charles, or Eikon Basilihe, printed by R. Royston, 1662,

f The day after the battle of Aberdeen. The fact of Sir William
Rollock being sent with dispatches is mentioned at page 337, where it
was derived from Wishart. The above letter, which I had not observed
till the page referred to was printed, corroborates Wishart in that and
other particulars.

MONTROSE*S LETTER TO THE KING. 391

Since Sir William Rollock went I have traversed all
the north of Scotland, up to Argyle's country, who
durst not stay my coming, or I should have given your
Majesty a good account of him ere now. But at last
I have met with him, yesterday, to his cost ; of which
your gracious Majesty be pleased to receive the follow-
ing particulars.

" After I had laid waste the whole country of Ar-
gyle, and brought off' provisions, for my army, of what
could be found, I received information that Argyle was
got together with a considerable army, made up chiefly
of his own clan, and vassals and tenants, with others
of the rebels that joined him, and that he was at In-
verlochy, where he expected the Earl of Seaforth, and
the sept of the Frasers, to come up to him with all the
forces they could get together. Upon this intelligence
I departed out of Argyleshire, and marched through
Lorn, Glencow, and Aber, till I came to Lochness, my
design being to fall upon Argyle before Seaforth and
the Frasers could join him. My march was through
inaccessible mountains, where I could have no guides
but cow-herds, and they scarce acquainted with a place
but six miles from their own habitations. If I had been
attacked but with one hundred men in some of these
passes, I must have certainly returned back, for it would
have been impossible to force my way, most of the
passes being so streight that three men could not march
abreast.* I was willing to let the world see that Ar-
gyle was not the man his Highlandmen believed him to
be, and that it was possible to beat him in his own
Hio-hlands. The difficultest march of all was over
the Lochaber mountains, which we at last surmounted,

* Wishait also records this observation of Montrose.

392 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and came upon the back of the enemy when they least
expected us, having cut off some scouts we met about
four miles from Inverlochy.* Our van came within
view of them about five o'clock in the afternoon, and
we made a halt till our rear was got up, which could
not be done till eight at night. The rebels took the
alarm and stood to their arms, as well as we, all night,
which was moonlight, and very clear. There were
some few skirmishes between the rebels and us all the
night, and with no loss on our side but one man. By
break of day I ordered my men to be ready to fall on
upon the first signal, and I understand since, by the pri-
soners, the rebels did the same. A little after the sun
was up both armies met, and the rebels fought for some
time with great bravery, the prime of the Campbells
giving the first onset, as men that deserved to fight in
a better cause. Our men, having a nobler cause, did
wonders, and came immediately to push of pike, and
dint of sword, after their first firing. The rebels could
not stand it, but, after some resistance at first, began to
run, whom we pursued for nine miles together, making
a great slaughter, which I would have hindered, if pos-
sible, that I might save your Majesty's misled subjects,
for well I know your Majesty does not delight in their
blood, but in their returning to their duty. There
were at least fifteen hundred killed in the battle and
the pursuit, among whom there are a great many of
the most considerable gentlemen of the name of Camp-
bell, and some of them nearly related to the Earl.j I

* This corroborates Dr Wishart, who says, " ccBsis eorum speculato-
ribiis, hostibus improvisus imminet"

"t" It is remarkable that Montrose here does not call Argyle Marquis,
though he would hardly dispute his title to it. It may have been a
slip of Montrose's pen, or because the Covenanters refused to give him,
Montrose, his title of Marquis.

montuuse's letter to the king. 293

have saved and taken prisoners several of them, that
have acknowledged to me their fault and la?/ all the
blame on their Chief. Some gentlemen of the Low-
lands, that had behaved themselves bravely in the bat-
tle, when they saw all lost, fled into the old castle, and,
upon their surrender, I have treated them honourably,
and taken their parole never to bear arms against your

Majesty.

******

" We have of your Majesty's army about two hun-
dred wounded, but I hope few of them dangerously.
I can hear but of four killed, and one whom I cannot
name to your Majesty but with grief of mind. Sir
Thomas Ogilvy, a son of the Earl of Airly's, of whom
I writ to your Majesty in my last. He is not yet dead,
but they say he cannot possibly live, and we give him
over for dead.* Your Majesty had never a truer ser-
vant, nor there never was a braver honester gentleman.
For the rest of the particulars of this action, I refer
myself to the bearer, Mr Hay, whom your Majesty
knows already, and therefore I need not recommend him.

" Now, Sacred Sir, let me humbly intreat your Ma-
jesty's pardon if I presume to write you my poor
thoughts and opinion about what I heard by a letter
I received from my friends in the south, last week, as
if your Majesty was entering into a treaty with your
rebel Parliament in England. The success of your
arms in Scotland does not more rejoice my heart, as
that news from England is like to break it. And
whatever come of me, I will speak my mind freely to
your Majesty, for it is not mine, but your Majesty's in-
terest I seek.

* Sir Thomas Ogilvy died a few days utter the battle, and was buried
by Montrose in Athol.

394 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

" When I had the honour of waiting upon your Ma-
jesty last, I told you at full length what I fully under-
stood of the designs of your Rebel subjects in both
kingdoms, which I had occasion to know as much as
any one whatsoever, being at that time, as they thought,
entirely in their interest. Your Majesty may remem-
ber how much you said you were convinced I was in
the right in my opinion of them. I am sure there is
nothing fallen out since to make your Majesty change
your judgment in all those things I laid before your
Majesty at that time. The more your Majesty grants,
the more will he asked, and I have too much reason to
know that they ivill not rest satisfied with less than
mahing your Majesty a King of straw. I hope the
news I have received about a treaty may be a mistake,
and the rather that the letter wherewith the Queen ^^ as
pleased to honour me, dated the 30th of December, *
mentions no such thing. Yet I know not what to
make of the intelligence I received, since it comes from
Sir Robert Spotiswood, who writes it with a great re-
gret ; and it is no wonder, considering no man living
is a more true subject to your Majesty than he. For-
give me, Sacred Sovereign, to tell your Majesty that,
in my poor opinion, it is unworthy of a King to treat
with Rebel subjects, while they have the sword in their
hands. And though God forbid I should stint your
Majesty's mercy, yet I must declare the horror I am in
when I think of a treaty, while your Majesty and they
are in the field with two armies, unless they disband,
and submit themselves entirely to your Majesty's good-
ness and pardon.

" As to the state of affairs in this kingdom, the

* This must refer to the express mentioned by the Queen in the ex-
tract from her letter quoted at p. 389-90.

MONTROSE'S LETTER TO THE KING. ^95

bearer will fully inform your Majesty in every ])arti-
cular. And give me leave, with all humility, to assure
your Majesty that, through God's blessing, I am in the
fairest hopes of reducing this kingdom to your Majes-
ty's obedience. And, if the measures I have concerted
with your other loyal subjects fail me not, which they
hardly can, I doubt not before the end of this summer
I shall be able to come to your Majesty's assistance with
a brave army, which, backed with the justice of your
Majesty's cause, will make the Rebels in England, as
well as in Scotland, feel the just rewards of Rebellion.
Only give me leave, after I have reduced this country
to your Majesty's obedience, and conquered from Dan
to Beersheba, to say to your Majesty then, as David's
General did to his master, ' come thou thyself lest this
country be called by my name.' * For in all my ac-
tions I aim only at your Majesty's honour and interest,
as becomes one that is to his last breath, may it please
your Sacred Majesty, —

" Your Majesty's most humble, most faithful, and
most obedient Subject and Servant,

" Montrose."

" Inverlochy in Lochaber,
February 3d, 1645." f

* II. Sam. xii. 2G, 27, 28. " And Joal) fought against Rabbali of the
children of Amnion, and took tiie royal city. And Joab sent messen-
gers to David and said, I have fought against Rabbali, and have taken
the city of waters. Now, therefore, gather the rest of the people to-
gether, and encamp against the city, and take it, lest I take the city,
and it be called alter my name."

t I had omitted to consult the Memoirs of Dr Welwood before the
description of the battle of Inverlochy, given in the previous chapter,
(and which was derived from the various accounts of Wishart, Spalding,
Guthrie, and Baillie,) was sent to the printer. The above letter of IVlon-
trose's is contained in the appendix to those memoirs. It appears to
have been very little observed, or quoted, and is not contained in any of
the appendices to the various translations of Dr Wishart's work. J)r

396 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

If, according to the story of Dr Welwood, the King
was on the point of putting his own hand to the death-
warrant of the Monarchy, when he received this letter
from Montrose, which altered, it is said, his resolution,
then Montrose saved his Sovereign from that dishonour,
and his victories were not in vain. But not only is
the theory totally vinconfirraed by Clarendon, but it is
manifest from the King's own letters, that he was pre-
pared for the result of the treaty before he got Mon-
trose's letter. On the 15th of February he writes to the
Queen, that he is hopeless of the treaty. On the 19th,
after again alluding to the " unreasonable stubborn-
ness," which made him despair of peace, he adds what is
clearly a reference to Montrose's letter just received :
" Though I leave news to others, yet I cannot but tell
thee that even now I have received certain intelligence
of a great defeat given to Argyle by Montrose, who,
upon surprise, totally routed those rebels, killed fifteen
hundred upon the place." But the news has no par-
ticular influence on the sentiments the King had all
along expressed as to the treaty, and accordingly his
Majesty, following out the original train and tone of
this confidential correspondence, on the 5th of March

Welwood wrote his Memoirs before the conclusion of the century in
which Montrose suffered. He tells us that the letter is from a manuscript
copy he saw in the hand-vniting of the Duke of Richmond, meaning, we
presume, the friend of Charles I. It bears internal evidence of its au-
thenticity, and is a document so interesting and important to the illustra-
tions of Montrose's career that no apology need be offered for repeating
it here. Dr Welwood considers this letter to have been the cause of the
King's not acceding to the terms at Uxbridge, a theory which, for the
reasons already assigned, I have not been able to adopt. In the part of the
letter we have printed with asterisks, Dr Welwood had inserted this pa-
renthesis of his own : — " Here are six or seven lines that, for the honour
of some families, are better left out than mentioned." It is a pity Mon-
trose's letter was thus mutilated. Probablj'^ the passage omitted re-
ferred to the conduct of Argyle and his friends in the same boat during
the battle.

THE king's :\IISSI0N to MONTROSE, 397

thus writes to the Queen, " Now is come to pass, what
I foresaw, — the fruitless end, as to a present peace, of
this treaty."

Montrose's quaint and characteristic conchision of
his letter, in which he refers to the message of Joab to
King David, may be interpreted as meaning that he had
no hirking design or desire, like Hamilton and Argyle,
to effect his own aggrandizement by these successes, but
that he wished the King himself to partake of them
in person. And there is some reason to believe that
Charles, who was now within one battle of utter ruin
in England, had taken the hint, and was anxious to
co-operate with Montrose. It appears, however, from
his correspondence with Sir Edward Nicholas, that
Charles was not suffered to communicate with his re-
presentative in Scotland, even while the treaty was
pending, and now that hostilities were renewed, it was
a perilous adventure to carry the King's instructions to
Montrose. From the illustration noted below,* we ga-
ther that the scheme, first adopted by the Covenanters,
of employing as their diplomatists, pedlars, whose ap-
parent occupation was to sell puritanical tracts, was
now imitated by those who brought intelligence to the
Royal Lieutenant. The King himself was obliged to
trust to some such precarious channel for conveying

* In " The Covent Garden Drollery," printed 1672, are some verses
relating to Montrose's friend, Saint Serf, (from wliose dedication we
have quoted in the previous chapter) which, referring to the Covenan-
ters, tell us, —

Once like a pecUar, they have heard thee brag
How thou didst cheat their sight, and save thy craig,
When to the Great Montrose, under pretence
Oi godly biikcs, thou brought'st intcUij;ciice.

398 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

intelligence and commands to his Lieutenant in Scot-
land. Not long after Montrose had retreated into
the mountains from the storming of Dundee, a
person in the habit of a common beggar reached
him there, and delivered a packet of letters from
the south, including a letter from the King him-
self, probably the reply to that we have quoted.
The messenger was James Small of Fotherance, who
for a long period had filled some post at Court of
England, and now proved both his courage and his
attachment to the King, by volunteering to pass dis-
guised into Scotland, on the dangerous mission of
carrying royal letters, at this critical juncture, to the
victorious Montrose. It was probably about the middle
of April that he reached our hero in safety, who was rest-
ing among the Grampians after his escape from Baillie
and Hurry. Before the 19th of that month all was bustle
and activity in the camp of the Royalists, as if some new
undertaking were at hand. Lord Gordon set out for
his own country, with the Huntly cavaliers who had
adhered to the Standard, in hopes of reclaiming his
wayward brother, and of raising the whole power of
his house in arms for the King. Allaster Macdonald
and a regiment of his Irish were dispatched further
into the Highlands, to make up fresh levies, while
young Inchbrakie, the idol of the Athol men, was sent
to that loyal district to bring back the Highlanders, who
had gone home on leave of absence, which they would
have taken had it not been granted. Montrose retain-
ed around himself about five hundred foot, and fifty
horse, with which, instead of lurking like a Captain of
Banditti among the mountains, he suddenly emerged
from his retreat, and was far to the south of the Gram-

PREPARATIONS AGAINST MONTROSE. 399

plans in little more than a week from the time when
he took refuge there from the pursuit of those who va-
lued his head at twenty thousand crowns. His motions
appeared to be the result of magic. " In effect," says
Spalding, after attempting to give some idea of his pro-
gress at this time," we had no certainty where he went,
he was so obscure." The Covenanters, although they
affected to say that the last chase had destroyed him,
and that he had been driven with only a remnant to
the hills, made the most formidable preparations against
his reappearance. Hurry, with about twelve hundred
foot, and one hundred and sixty horse, was dispatched
to the north, where, in conjunction with Marischal and
the northern Covenanters, he was instructed to tra-
verse the counties of Aberdeen, Moray, and Inverness.
Baillie, with another army, was stationed at Perth, from
whence he was to make excursions into Montrose's fa-
vourite haunts in Athol, and to be ready to join the
army in the north, or to protect the south, as occasion
might require. Argyle, with the remnant of his High-
landers, reinforced by fifteen hundred of the troops from
Ireland, went into his own devastated country, where
there was now less chance of Montro.se making his ap-
pearance than in any other quarter. " So," says the
Reverend Robert Baillie, " by God's help, in a little
time, we hope to get such order of these our troubles,
that Scotland shall be in i)eace, and send back the sol-
diers now it makes use of, with such increase, that
Leslie, with a better army than yet he has commanded,
shall march over Trent and Monro to Connaught and
Munster."

No sooner had these arrangements been made, than
General Baillie obtained the startling intelligence that
Montrose, with very slender accompaniment, had occu-

400 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

pied the village of Crieft', within a few miles of Baillie's
leaguer, and seemed to be meditating a descent upon
the Lowlands. The covenanting General instantly at-
tempted to surprise Montrose by a night march upon
Crieff, with two thousand foot, and five hundred horse.
But our hero anticipating such an attack, covered the
retreat of his Redshanks with the few horse he had,
and again sustaining the whole weight of the enemy's
cavalry, repulsed and threw them into disorder, l^hen
hurrying on his little army, by means of one of those
marches not to be disputed, he took possession of the
pass of Stratherne, establishing himself for the rest of
the night about the head of Loch Earn. On the follow-
ing day, which was the 19th of April, or thereabouts,
the Royal Standard, as if it had been charmed against
all mortal foes, was flaunting far westward among the
Braes of Balquhidder, and onwards in the direction of
Loch Katherine, having distanced all its enemies, —

So shrewdly on the mountain-side
Had the brave burst their mettle tried.

Montrose had now before him a very different scene
from the wilds and rugged wildernesses of his recent
adventures. His position was almost precisely that of
the noble stag pictured in the Lady of the Lake, as paus-
ina: on the southern side of the mountains overlooking
the varied realms of fair Menteith, and as if pondering
a refuge from his toil in the romantic country beneath.
His eye, too, wandered anxiously over mountain and
meadow, moss and moor, but the anxiety was not for
his own safety. Nor was it in search of his enemies,
nor yet to visit the favourite haunts of his boyhood,
that he now passed with his little band along the shores
of Loch Katherine, and by Lochard and Aberfoil to

MONTROSE MEETS HIS FRIENDS. 401

the lake of Menteitb, and the neighbourhood of Ruskie
and the Keir. It was to meet his ne])he\v, (the young
lord of Napier-Ruskie,) and the young laird of Keir,
both of whom, unknown to their relations, had formed a
plan to enable them to share the already famous adven-
tures of Montrose, and, having escaped from confinement,
were now lurking about their paternal domains on the
banks of the Forth and the Teith. It was about the 21st
of April that Montrose met them betwixt the lake of
Menteitb and the ford of Cardross, and their presence
was some compensation for the loss of his sons so lately
torn from him by death and captivity. About this
same time, too, Montrose was more than compensated
for the defection of Lord Lewis Gordon, by the presence
of Huntly's second son, the Viscount of Aboyne. This
nobleman had remained in Carlisle ever since Montrose's
first expedition into Scotland, and it would seem as if
some doubts of the success of our hero's adventure had
hitherto restrained the former from attempting to join
him. Certain it is, that now when Carlisle was in-
vested by the army of David Leslie, and the attempt
to escape from it involved no small degree of peril,
Aboyne determined to attach himself to the fortunes of
the King's Lieutenant. Montrose was informed of this
resolution by a letter, probably contained in the packet
delivered by James Small, and the young Viscount most
gallantly accomplished his design, having broke through
the whole covenanting forces, accompanied with some
sixteen or twenty horse, and so reached the Standard
in safety about the 19th of April. They were, says
Spalding, and we may believe him, " all joyful of
utheris" (each other.)* But what ju'oved joy to tiiem

* Wishart says that Aboyne met Montrose at Bal(|uhidder on tlie 19th
VOL. 11. C C

402 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

brought death to the poor messenger. He had passed
through the Highlands successfully, and was now re-
turning in the same disguise to the King, with letters
from Montrose. He crossed the Forth at Alloa, and
was safe with the loyal family of Mar. But at El-
phinston, some one who had known him in Eng-
land betrayed the unfortunate gentleman to Lord El-
phinston, the uncle of Balmerino, and a member of the
Committee of Estates. Elphinston sent him, with the
letters found on his person, to the merciless tribunal at
Edinburgh, and on the day following, which was the 1st
of May, he was hanged at the Cross, by command of the
Committee, and to the great satisfaction of the Kirk.
'* By these letters," says Bishop Guthrie, " the Com-
mittee came to know what they never had thought on,
namely, how the King's business being so forlorn in
England that he could not make head against his ene-
mies there, his Majesty designed to come with his
army to Scotland, and to join Montrose ; and so this
country being made the seat of war, his enemies
might be forced to an accommodation, to free their
lands from a burden which it could not stand under ;

of April, before the latter went on to Loch Katherine. Guthrie says
they met at the ford of Cardross, Aboyne having escaped from Carlisle
with only sixteen horse. He also says that " the Master of Napier, a
gallant youth both for body and mind, having, since Montrose went first
to the field, been in company with his noble father, tbe Lord Napier, and
Sir George Stirling of Keir, his brother-in-law, under confinement in
Holyroodhouse, resolved at length to break loose, and, getting safely
away, he came to his uncle at Cardross upon Monday, April twenty-first."
Spalding says, that " the Lord of Aboyne, the Master of Napier, the
Laird of Dalgety, the Laird of Keir, younger, with the Earl of Nithis-
dale and Lord Herries, had broken out of Carlisle with about twenty-
eight horse, through David Leslie's army, desperately, yet happily safe
and sound." Spalding, however, was mistaken in supposing that young
Napier and young Keir came from Carlisle.

PULPIT ELOQUENCE OF THE COVENANT. 403

the prevention of which design was afterwards gone
about with success." They might have been content-
ed with intercepting the letters, and have spared the
unhappy messenger of Charles the First. But Mon-
trose was not likely to retaliate, upon any in his hands,
for the death of an obscure individual, and knowing
this, the extraordinary thirst for the lives of their po-
litical opponents, which characterized the councils of
the Covenant, was so far gratified by the cruel and
cowardly act of the execution of this poor man. Was
it possible the dominant clergy could have persuaded
themselves that cruelty and anti-Christian feelings were
the attributes only of their enemies ? Or was it to
. blind the vulgar, or to drown the voice of conscience,
or to keep their places, that they uttered those fearful
execrations from the pulpit ? At this time they had
again got up the agitation of a fast, what Baillie called
betaking themselves to their old rock — " turning to
God." ! One honest man, at least, in Aberdeen, was
not mystified by these usurpers of the " chair of Verity."
The portrait he draws is unquestionably faithful. He
was an ear and an eye-witness, and, moreover, though
he happened to be " malignant," a truly Christian-
hearted man. It is Spalding to whom we refer, and
he has recorded the following description of the poli-
tical fast, held in Aberdeen on the 6th of April 1 645.
" Mr William Strathauchin, on this day of humilia-
tion, cryit out against Montrose and his army, calling
them bloody butchers, traitors, perfidious, and of the
hellish crew, with many other detestable speeches, un-
meet to be uttered by a minister out of the chair of
Verity. Mr Andrew Cant, and Mr John Rew, with
Mr William Robertson were as malicious ; and large
war against them [the royalists] in their pulpits.

404 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Cant was heard to rail against the King's own com-
mission granted to Montrose, and spared not to call
him and his army murtherers, bloody butchers, re-
bels, and excommunicate traitors. Whereat some of
well-disposed auditors did tremble, wondering at the
railing of the ministry every where, — wicked counsel-
lors, and evil instruments from the beginning of thir
troubles. But no repentance for the mother sin, which
is, ryving of the King's royal prerogatives from him,
and his rents and living within this kingdom, which
has bred this misery, and God's wrath, — pest and
sword."

MONTROSE PUliSUES HURRY. 405

CHAPTER XV.

AULDERNE — ALFORD — KILSYTH.

It was now Montrose's turn to pursue. On the
shores of Loch Katherine he learnt that Sir John
Hurry, with an overwhehning force, was threatening
Lord Gordon in the north, at Aucliindoun, while Bail-
lie with another army was burning the beautiful district
of Athol, even up to the Castle of Blair, where Mon-
trose kept his prisoners, and all the military stores of
which he was possessed. Our hero's system of tactics, as
we have elsewhere observed, was that which the greatest
military geniuses are the most apt to adopt, and by whom
alone it can be adopted with effect, namely, rapid move-
ments, with his whole force, from point to point, so as
to destroy a preponderating enemy in detail. It is re-
markable how applicable to Montrose is the following
description of Napoleon, who, (says Sir Walter Scott,)
" was like lightning in the eyes of his enemies ; and,
when repeated experience had taught them to exi)ect
this rapidity of movement, it sometimes induced his
opponents to wait in a dubious and hesitating posture
for attacks, which, with less apj)reliension of their an-
tagonist, they would have thought it more prudent to
frustrate and to anticipate." Wlien Hurry, anxiously
on tlie look-out for his meteor-like enemy, had good
reason to belie\'e that the Grampians were still betwixt
them, Montrose was within a few miles of his leaguer
in Strathbogio. The latter started from Menteith in

406 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

pursuit of Hurry, with but a section of his small army,
and this almost totally unprovided with ammunition.
Retracing his steps to Balquhidder, and thence march-
ing along the whole side of Loch Tay, he passed through
Athol and Angus, until he came to the Grampians.
Thee climbing the mountains betwixt him and Glen-
muck, and pressing onwards into the heart of Mar, he
crossed the Dee at the Miln of Crathie, and was at Skene
about the end of April. There he pausedfor want of am-
munition, to procure which Lord Aboyne was despatch-
ed, with about eighty horse, to Aberdeen. That dar-
ing young nobleman took possession of the town, care-
fully set his watches, and then boarded two vessels ly-
ing in the harbour, out of which he took twenty bar-
rels of gunpowder, and returned with the welcome
plunder that same night to Montrose at Skene. This
was on Thursday the 1st of May. Here, also, Mon-
trose effected the re-union with Lord Gordon, who,
from his father's place of Auchindoun, joined the Royal
army on the Dee, with a thousand foot and two hun-
dred horse. About the same time Macdonald returned
with his division. And now Montrose was ready for Sir
John Hurry.

Meanwhile that good, but not true, knight, having
obtained intelligence of Montrose's approach, just in
time for a start, made off in all haste for the Spey,
which he crossed with the view of joining the northern
Covenanters. Montrose chased him at the heels from
Elffin to Forres, and from that to Inverness, where
Hurry succeeded in his object, and was formidably re-
inforced by the Frazers and other Covenanters of Mo-
ray and Caithness, under the Earls of Seaforth* and

* " Seaforth was thought to be a perfidious traitor, who, after he was

BATTLE OF AULDERNE. 407

Sutherland. Montrose encamped at the village of Aul-
derne, with a force variously estimated at from two
to three thousand foot and horse,* but so far inferior
to the combined forces of the Covenanters, that his
desire now was not to risk a battle. Hurry, however,
equally conscious of his present superiority, advanced
upon the position of the Royalists, as if determined to
press his advantage. The moment was a critical one,
and perhaps upon no other occasion of his briUiant
career did Montrose so eminently display his milita-
ry genius. If he avoided the oifered battle, Baillie,
now hurrying to the Spey, would be up in the rear,
before the Royalists could elude the enemy in front ;
therefore he instantly determined to accept the chal-
lenge. But he did so at great disadvantage. Be-
sides being vastly out-numbered, the Royal army was
deprived of half its value by standing on the defen-
sive, a posture in which the usual effect of their im-

deeply sworn by Montrose to the King's service, and upon his parole
had got leave to go home, whereas Montrose might have kept liim still
in his company, yet, forgetting his oath made before God, his duty to
his Prince, and this nobleman, his Majesty's General, he lap into the
other side, as ye here see, where he came in and gave his oath." — Sj)al-
ding.

* Dr Wishart says, that Montrose's army at this time consisted of
fifteen hundred foot, and two hundred and fifty horse; and that Hurry
had now with him three thousand five hundred foot, and two hunthed
and fifty horse. Spalding says, that Hun y was estimated at four thou-
sand foot and five hundred horse, and that Montrose was estimated at
about three thousand foot and horse. Dr Wishart has been accused of
always understating Montrose's forces in order to increase his glory. But
the discrepances in the various statements are not a feather in the scale
of his actions. Unquestionably, he gained the most of his battles under
every disadvantage of military resources (except his own genius and the
courage of his men) and with fearful odds against him. But it is rash
to reject the numbers, when precisely given by Wishart, who must have
had his information from Montrose himself, and botii Montrose and his
chaplain knew well, tliat the record of tiiose actions required not the aid
of a false statement of numbers.

408 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

petuosity was lost, and their want of steadiness and
discipline very apt to be manifested. To make up
for all these odds against him, Montrose had selected
a very strong position, and displayed consummate
skill in the disposal of his battle. The village of
Aulderne stood on an eminence, overlooking a valley,
and several small hills, rising from behind the vil-
lage, confused the view of it to those standing at any
distance. The front of the village was covered by
a few dikes answering the purpose of temporary
ramparts, and a like advantage was derived from the
rugged sides of the valley. Montrose's object be-
ing to conceal his weakness, no less than to aid it by
strength of position, he contrived to obscure nearly the
whole of his forces in the valley, and behind these na-
tural fortifications. The lion-hearted MacColl, with four
hundred of his Irish, Montrose ensconced, sore against
their will, among the enclosures, rocks, and brushwood,
of some broken ground on the right, with peremptory
instructions that on no account were they to be drawn
from their safe position by the temptation of an attack.
To this division he consigned the Royal Standard, usu-
ally carried before himself, rightly judging that the
sight of it would draw the whole strength of the at-
tack upon that impregnable point. The rest of his
forces, (with the exception of a few picked musketeers
placed with some cannon on the height, directly in
front of the village,) Montrose carried over to his left
wing, himself taking charge of the foot, and Lord Gor-
don commanding the horse. His main battle and re-
serve were left to the imagination of the enemy, for
in reality our hero could not afford upon the present
occasion to indulge in any such luxuries. It must be
remembered, that he was deprived of the invaluable

BATTLE OF AULDEllNE. 409

assistance of most of the Athol men, who had recently
returned to their own country, inconsequence of Gene-
ral Baillie's fiery career through that district.

As Montrose had anticipated, Hurry sent his best and
most experienced troops, including the regiments of Lou-
don, Lothian, Lawyers, and Buchanan, with the most of
his cavalry, against the Royal Standard, and directed
the rest of his attack upon the front of the village, which
points were simultaneously assailed in the most gallant
and persevering manner. Now it was that Montrose
prepared to charge, from his obscurity on the left, with
the M^hole weight of his army upon the centre of the
Covenanters, while their left wing was kept at bay and
occupied, as he hoped, by Macdonald in his trenches.
But he had over-rated the prudence of that loyal fire-
eater, who, thrown oft' his guard by the taunts of the
veterans sent against him, had made a dash from the
enclosures with his desultory followers, and was instant-
ly attacked, and nearly surrounded by the flower of
Hurry's infantry, and by the cavalry under Captain
Drummond. At this critical moment, some one on
whose information he could perfectly rely, whispered in
Montrose's ear, ' Macdonald is routed on the right.'
The reply, even of a brave man and a good soldier,
might well have been, then all is lost. Montrose in-
stantly exclaimed, — ' Come, come, my Lord Gordon,
shall Macdonald with his Irish carry all before him,
and leave no glory for the House of Huntly and the
Gordons ? Charge !' — And the finest charge ever made
by the chivalry of Strathbogie sprung at the voice, not
of Huntly, but of the chief of the Grahams.

Montrose may have winced when he heard that
Macdonald was routed, but had he hesitated half a se-
cond the day was irretrievably lost. His right wing,
owing to the rashness of its leader, had been comjilete-

410 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ly overpowered, and it was almost by the individual
exertions of that leader himself that his scattered troops
were enabled to regain some temporary protection from
the covenanting horse. At the moment when the
charge of the Gordons drove Hurry's dragoons out of
the field, and when Montrose cut down and routed the
battalions thereby exposed, the right wing of the Royal-
ists was represented by Allaster MacColl Keitache Mac-
donald MacGillespic, who now stood, like another Coc-
les, singly opposed to the whole shock of battle, pro-
tecting himself with a target which, for size, weight,
and consistency, might have been the door of a tolbooth.
More than once was it crowded with the spears of his
antagonists, and the chance of the Monarchy seemed now
reduced to the success that might attend the career of his
gigantic claymore, as he severed the heads from those
spears in groups at a blow, with an occasional back-
hander at the heads of their owners. It was this, and
other similar feats of personal prowess not unfrequent-
ly performed by him during the wars of Montrose, that
rendered the name of the redoubtable MacColl more
memorable in Highland tradition, than that of the great
Marquis himself. Yet it was well for him then that
Montrose came on like a whirlwind from the victorious
charge on the opposite wing, and driving the rebel horse
even through the centre of the rebel infantry, cut down
the best and bravest regiments that owned the Covenant,
on the spot where they stood.

General Baillie, in the defence of himself we have
elsewhere quoted, mentions that of twelve hundred foot
which Hurry took with him to Inverness, the whole
perished at Aulderne. Many more fell besides, for the
Royalists, who followed the chase for some miles, gave
little quarter, and the loss of the Covenanters is vari-
ously estimated at from two to three thousand slain.

BATTLE OF AULDEUNE. 411

The reader will be interested with the note address-
ed by Montrose to Gordon of Buckie, at the Bog of
Gight, or Gordon Castle, the day after the battle.

" For my loving friend the Goodman of Buckie,'"

" Loving Friend,

" Having directed some of our wounded men to the
Boge,* I could not but congratulate our victory yester-
day unto you, which by the blessing of God hath been
very absolute, as you will learn particularly from those
who were present at the battle. So, being confident of
your constant resolution and fidelity, — I remain,

Your loving friend,

" M0NTK0SE."t
" Aulderne, Wth of Mai/ 1645."

* From all accounts there were not above twenty royalists killed, and
two hundred wounded ; and none of distinction.

f Burnet asserts that Montrose was apt to be vain-gloriously uplifted
and boastful after his victories. The above letter is another witness
against the trust-worthiness of the bishop's characteristics. I am in-
debted for the illustration, and also for the following unprinted letter of
Montrose's, of a prior date, to the obliging attention of the Rev. Mr
Taylor of King's College, Aberdeen ; and the liberality of Lady Bruce
of Stenhouse, whose ancestor was John Gordon of Buckie.

" SiK,

" From the friendly assurances have passed amongst us, and my
trust in that, I must by these intreat you be pleased to take the pains to
meet me at Inverury on Saturday next, the fifteenth of this instant, betimes
in the morning, for what does very much concern his Majesty's service,
the honour and standing of the house of Huntly, and the weals and cre-
dit of all who belong to it. Which remitting until meeting,— ! am,

" Your afiectionate friend,

"Montrose."
" Pennyburne, \Oth March 1645."

The address is lost, but there can be no doubt this letter, too, was writ-
ten to Lady Bruce's ancestor. Gordon of Buckie was in command of
" the Boge," where Montrose had been early in March, when his son died
in the Castle. See supra, p. 371 , and itij'ra, p. \22.
VOL. II. *

412 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Mungo Campbell of Lawers* fell, with his whole regi-
ment, on the spot where they had routed the right wing
of the Royalists. With him died Sir John and Sir
Gideon Murray, and many brave and distinguished offi-
cers. Sixteen colours,, their whole baggage, ammunition,*
and money, fell into the hands of the Royalists. Hurry
himself, the Earls of Seaforth, Sutherland, and Findla-"
ter, the Lairds of Boyne, Innes, Birkenbog, and others,
narrowly escaped with the horse to Inverness. If there
was excessive slaughter, the Covenanters, as usual, had
previously provoked it. Gordon of Sallagh, the con-
temporary historian of the Earls of Sutherland, a co-
venanting chronicler, says, — " the slaughter of James
Gordon of Struders made them take the fewer prison-
ers, and give the less quarter." The particulars of
that murder are recorded by Spalding. In a skirmish
which had occurred shortly before, as Montrose was
chasing Hurry to Inverness, James Gordon, son to
George Gordon of Rynie, being severely wounded,
was conveyed to the house of a friend, where he re-
mained to be cured, with a gentleman of the name of
Gordon to nurse him. Major Sutherland and the young
Laird of Innes, learning this fact, sent out a party from
Elgin, commanded by one Captain Smith, who " cruelly
murder this young gentleman lying sore wounded, and
left his keeper also for death ; this was thought an
odious deed, barbarous and inhuman, this youth not
passing eighteen years of age, which was well revenged
by Montrose at Aulderne." No wonder the swords of
the Gordons were red that day.

The rage of the covenanting Government display-

* See him mentioned, Vol. i. j). 498. »

TYRANNY OF THE COVENANTERS. 413

ed itself in their treatment of some of Montrose's friends
in the south,ananecdotewhichI shall here translate from
Dr Wishart : " In that battle of Aulderne the bravery
of young Napier shone forth with signal lustre. His
father was the Lord Napier of Merchiston, his mother
the sister of Montrose. Not long before he had made
his escape to his uncle, from Edinburgh, without the
knowledge even of his father and his own wife. In
this battle he afforded no mean specimen of his early
promise, and displayed the substantial rudiments of a
noble nature. On this account the Committee of Estates
took his father, (a man on the verge of seventy, and
than whom a better Scotland in this age hath never
produced,) his wife, a daughter of the Earl of Mar, his
brother-in-law, Stirling of Keir, (also a most excellent
man, the chief of his race, and one who for his loyalty
had long and severely suffered,) his two sisters, the
one, a very noble lady, married to Keir, the other, a
young maiden,* — and cast them all into a dungeon,
from whence they were destined to be liberated by the
Master of Napier himself, under the victorious auspices
of his uncle."

Among those melancholy fragments in the Napier
charter-chest, from which we have already drawn so
much in illustration of the times, there is a scrap en-
titled, " cojyia vera of a letter to my Lord Balmerino."
It is in the hand-writing of the venerable Lord Na-
pier, and is the corrected draft of a letter written in
his prison, about a month after the battle of Aulderne,
to the President of the Committee of Estates. The
picture it affords of the covenanting Government is not
a little instructive.

* Lilias Napier, wlio was just eighteen.

414 montrose and the covenanters.

" My Lord,

" In regard of your Lordship's friendly expressions
toward me,* in the hearing of this gentleman, the Laird
of Lamerton, (of which I shall ever be most sensible,) I
cannot but complain to you, in private, of the hard
measure both I and mine do suffer, beyond my fears,
or other men's hopes. Upon all occasions, to be fined,
confined, and imprisoned, my houses and lands plun-
dered, my tenants beggared ! As for my penalty, I
confess it is due by my son's escape, and I was ready
to give satisfaction for it. But to be clapt up in prison,
and by that means branded with a mark of infamy, as
a malefactor or enemy to my country, and exposed to
the bad conceit and obloquy of the whole nation, I con-
ceive is a punishment greater by many degrees than
the penalty. It is a wound to my honour and reputa*
tion, which men of honour prefer to life or fortune. And
yet, my Lord, I must not speak of conditions, or capitu-
late with the Estates ? Indeed, if I were a delinquent, I
could plead nothing but mercy and favour. But, not be-
ing so, all princes and states allow particulers, [z. e. par-
ties] in matters of justice, to speak reason and to demand
conditions, in respective terms, (and never thought it a
derogation to their majesty, or a blemish to their
honour,) and to defend their innocency, without sub-
mitting to pleasure, which, in cases of justice, to do
or accept ressents \ arbitrary government, which we
all condemn so much, and that justly. Neither ought
I to be put in this condition for reasons of state, —

* Balmerino appears also to have been conscious of the injustice done to
Montrose on a former occasion. See p. 36. Archibald Johnston in his
correspondence, indicates that he considered Balmerino required to be
stirred up.

f Sic in orig. The word and the construction are both obscure, but
the sense is obvious.

4

Napier's letter to balmerino. 415

upon fear I might have joined with the enemy. For
what benefit can the enemy get (if I were so foolish)
by my company, being ould and not fit for fighting, nor
yet for counsel, having no skill nor experience in war-
like business ? Or what prejudice were it to the State,
instead of one man, of whom they could make no use,
to have his estate to maintain twenty, every one better
able to do them service than he.* Not-the-less of all
this expostulation with your Lordship, as my noble
friend, I am most willing to give the Estates satisfac-
tion, after the reasonable petition of my son-in-law, and
my daughters, receiveth a favourable answer. For with-
out them I value not my liberty, and therefore desireth
to be spared till then. At which time I shall give sa-
tisfaction for my fine, upon your Lordship's assurance
in honour, under your hand, that I shall be transported
to the place assigned to them, being a place free from
apparent danger of the plague ; and that I may have
liberty to go to my lands be-west the brig of Stirling,
to give order for labouring and possessing of them,
after all this spoyle, and to return to the place of con-
finement again (if ye shall not be pleased to grant full
liberty) under the same penalty I was confined before."
" 3 June." [1645.]

This appeal was not successful . Lord Napier and
his family continued to be subjected to solitary confine-
ment for two months longer, under the circumstances in-
dicated by the following entries in the original MS.
Record of the covenanting Parliament.

Of date, 30th July 1645, there is recorded an act for the
liberation of Archibald Lord Napier, which narrates the

* i. e. If Lord Napier joined the Royalists in arms, the Covenanters
would take possession of his estates.

416 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

terms of a supplication from his Lordship, making men-
tion that " he has remained prisoner within the Castle
of Edinburgh this many weeks bygone, whereof a
long season in close ward, none having access to
him, where-through he is not only in great hazard of
his life, through infection of the plague of pestilence,
the sickness being now come within the bounds of the
said Castle, whereof six persons are already dead, but
likewise makes him altogether unable to perform that
which the said Estates has ordained anent the payment
of the sum incurred by him through his son's escape."
Lord Napier also refers to a letter from the Constable
of the Castle, testifying the recent death of six indivi-
duals within its walls from the plague. The Estates
grant the petition, and ordain Lord Napier to be libe-
rated from the Castle, but that he is forthwith " to
pass and remain either within the towp of Haddington,
or within a mile about the same, or to remain in his
own house of Merchiston, or within a mile about the
same, at his option," — and this under caution for forty
thousand merks, John Lord Erskine being cautioner.

Then follows, in the same Record, an act for the libera-
tion of the Mistress of Napier, and Mistress Lilias Napier,
upon their joint supplication, narrating that " whereas
it hath pleased the Committee of Estates to commit
them to ward within the Castle of Edinburgh, where
they have remained in close prison long, none having
access to them." The petition proceeds to narrate that
the plague is raging around and within the walls of
the Castle, and that six have already died, as certified
by the Constable, " which" they pitiously declare,
" now hath added great fear to their former comfort-
less estates." This petition is granted, but the ladies
are ordained — " immediately after their removal from

FATE OF MONTROSE'S FRIENDS. 417

the said Castle of Edinburgh, to pass and remain in fa-
mily with John Earl of Mar, to the which place the
saids Estates have confined them," — and the Earl and
his son Lord Erskine are required to be their caution-
ers, in twenty thousand merks each, that they remain
there or within a mile about it.

The next entry in reference to this subject is dated
7th August 1645, being an act for the liberation of
" James Graham, son to James Graham, formerly Earl
of Montrose ;" and it proceeds upon a similar petition,
referring to the danger incurred from the plague. And
they " ordain the said James Graham, supplicant, to
be delivered to the Earl of Dalhousie to be educated,
the Lord Carnegie being caution for his good carriage
and behaviour, under the painof forty thousand pounds."

Of the same date follows the act for the liberation
of Sir George Stirling of Keir, and his petition narrates
that he " has been confined partly in the Castle of
Edinburgh, and partly in the Castle of Blackness, since
April last, whereof by the space of a month in close
prison." He is allowed to pass to Linlithgow, and to
meet and converse with his lady, and to confine him-
self within his former bounds there, under his former
bond of caution.

Notwithstanding these entries in the Record of the
Covenanting Parliament, there is every reason to be-
lieve, as we shall presently show, that none of the par-
ties were released in terms of the deliverance on their
respective petitions, or, at all events, that they had been
again committed to close confinement before the battle
of Kilsyth. *

* The Lord Lyon's notes of the Parliamentary proceedings agree, so
far as they go, with the record quoted: " Thursday, 31st July IGio,
VOL. II. D d

418 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTEES.

Having destroyed a fourth army to the Covenant,
and cleared the north of his enemy, Montrose marched
to Elgin, where he remained for a few days, that his
wounded men might benefit by the medical assistance
which the town afforded. During this pause, however,
an example was made of all those who had participated
in the cruel murder of young Gordon of Rynie, (espe-
cially the Laird of Innes and Major Sutherland,) by
laying waste their lands and houses, an act which, as
usual, has been exaggerated and unfairly stated against
Montrose by covenanting writers. * Montrose then

The House ordains the Mistress of Napier, and the Lord Napier's
daughter, to be enlarged from prison out of Edinburgh Castle ; the
Lord Erskine obliging himself, and his father, the Earl of Mar, for their
carriage and modest behaviour in time coming ; as also for their com-
pearance whensoever the Parliament shall call them. The House re-
leases the Lord Napier from his imprisonment in Edinburgh Castle, and
confines him to the town of Haddington, or his own house of Merchiston,
he acting himself for his compearance when he shall be called, under
the pain of 40,000 merks." Yet it will be seen in the sequel, that Lord
Napier and his family, and the young Lord Graham, were all in close
confinement at the time of the battle of Kilsyth, which was the 15th
of August. In the Napier charter-chest 1 find the following original do-
cument.

" I, Archibald SydserfF, depute to Mr Adam Hepburne of Humbie,
grant me, by thir presents, to have received from Archibald Lord Napier
the sum of ten thousand pounds Scots money, incurred by him as cau-
tioner for his son, for breaking of his confinement. In witness whereof,
I have written and subscribed these presents, at Perth the sixth day of
August 1645. Archibald Sydserff."

But they retained him in prison, notwithstanding the payment of
this sum, equivalent to betwixt eight and nine hundred pounds Sterling,
a great sum in those days.

* " Montrose, more ferocious than ever, ravaged the whole district
anew, committing to the flames the gleanings he had in his former ra-
pacious and merciless visitations been compelled to leave, through in-
capacity to destroy. Nairn and Elgin were plundered, and the chief
houses set on fire. Cullen was totally laid in ashes, and * sic lands as
were left unburnt up before were now burnt up.' " — Chambers^ Biog.
Diet. This sentence is most unfair to Montrose, as, we regret to see, is

THREATENS BAILLIE AT STIIATHBOGIE. 419

crossed the Spey, and disposing of his troops in various
quarters, fixed his own at Birkenbog, until about the
21st of May, when he hastily collected his forces and
progressed to Strathbogie, having just obtained tidings
of another enemy in that neighbourhood. His last
blow had been struck in the nick of time. On the very
day of Aulderne, General Baillie had crossed the Cairn-
a-mount on his way to join Hurry ; and about the same
time that Montrose encamped at Strathbogie, the co-
venanting General took up a position hard by in the
wood of Cochlarochie, with a force superior to the Royal
army, (especially in horse,) diminished as the latter was
by the usual effects, of a victory, upon the Highlanders.
Here Baillie was joined by the unfortunate Hurry, who
came from Inverness with the remnant of his horse,
about a hundred in number, and, crossing the Spey,
" goes (says Spalding) through the Marquis of Mon-^
trose's watches, saying, he was the Lord Gordon's man,
and fairly wan away bye them to Frendraucht, and
therefrom passed to Cochlarochie, where Baillie was
lying." * The Covenanters remained under arms, and
in order of battle, from four o'clock in the afternoon,
during the whole of the night, amused by some ma-
noeuvre of Montrose's, though his intention was to lead
them many a weary mile before risking a battle, until

the whole biographical account from which it is quoted. It is an ex-
aggerated and garbled paraphrase of Spalding's account of Montrose's
proceedings immediately after the battle of Aulderne, leaving out, how-
ever, the cause expressly assigned by Spalding, namely, the murder of
Gordon of Rynie, and that the object was to waste the lands of those
concerned in that murder.

* I know not upon what authority Mr Chambers gives it thus :
" Hurry, with a hundred horse, fought his way through Montrose's very
lines."

420 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

his army was recruited. When day dawned, the dis-
covery was made that the Royal army had marched up
the Spey to Balveny. BailHe, whom the Committee of
Estates were at this time urging to bring Montrose to a
decisive action at all hazards, followed him with that de-
termination, and got sight of the Royal army at Glen-
livet. But in spite of his utmost exertions he could
not come within six miles of the Redshanks during
that evening's march. By break of day, again Baillie
attempted to surprise these mountain deer in their lair^
and again the quarry was gone, nor could tidings of
their route be obtained. He tracked them, however,
by the lying of the grass and heather, and was thus
enabled to conjecture that Montrose had made for the
wood of Abernethy on the Spey. " Thither," says Ge-
neral Baillie, from whose defence the particulars are
derived, " I marched, and found them in the entry of
Badenoch, a very strait country, where, both for inac-
cessible rocks, woods, and the interposition of the river,
it was impossible for us to come at them. Here we lay
looking one upon another, (the enemy having their
meal from Ruthven in Badenoch, and flesh from the
country, whereof we saw none,) until for want of meal,
(other victuals we had none,) the few horsemen * pro-
fessing they had not eaten in forty-eight hours, I was
necessitated to march northwards to Inverness." But
the covenanting General does not venture to tell his
exasperated Government the fact recorded by Wishart,
namely, that Montrose, though he declined a battle,
continued to beat up their quarters in the night-time,
and to harass them by continual skirmishes, until upon

* Baillie had at least two hundred horse with him, according to his
own statement,

3

THREATENS LINDSAY IN ANGUS. 421

some sudden panic they retreated in the greatest dis-
order, and left Montrose to his devices.

A new and untried commander had by this time
taken the field in the south, with whom Montrose was
not a little anxious to measure his strength. This was
no Jess than his old friend Lindsay, (now Earl of Lind-
say and Crawford,) with whom he had held the con-
versation on the subject of Argyle and the Dictatorship.
This nobleman, it seems, had severely criticised the
military campaigns of Argyle, and was thirsting to ac-
quire renown by the conduct of an army for the Cove-
nant. Accordingly, he now lay at the Castle of New-
tyle, in Angus, with an army of raw levies, whom
Montrose resolved to crush at a blow. No sooner had
the latter shaken off Baillie, than again he issued from
Badenoch, crossed the Grampians, and arrived, through
the heads of Mar, by forced marches, on the banks of
the river Airly, within seven miles of Lindsay, who
knew nothing of his approach. Montrose was now
again deprived of Aboyne, who had gone to Strathbogie,
an invalid from his late exertions, or, as some surmised,
secretly instructed by his jealous father not to follow
the Royal Lieutenant be-south the Grampians. Huntly
appears to have flattered himself that so long as the
operations of the Gordons were confined to the north
of those mountains, within the bounds of his own Lieu-
tenancy, they might be considered as acting under his
commission, rather than under that of his rival. Be
this as it may, not only did Aboyne now absent him-
self, but, as Montrose was on the point of striking his
blow at Lindsay, the whole of his north country forces
suddenly quitted the Standard, and returned home by
the same road they had come. Lord Gordon alone

422 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

remained firm in his present attachment, and, Dr
Wishart declares, evinced the greatest concern at this
unexpected and unaccountable treachery, and at the
same time such resentment, that it was with difficulty
Montrose could persuade him to relinquish the deter-
mination of punishing with death some of the deserters
who belonged to his own following.

Instead of reaping the promised victory, Montrose
had now to return northward with his scanty army,
having dispatched before him Lord Gordon, and Na-
thaniel Gordon, to exert their influence and authority
to bring back the deserters. Macdonald was also sent
to recruit in the far Highlands, while Montrose him-
self, with the remnant of his army, took up a strong
and safe position at the old Castle of CorgarfF.

Meanwhile, the Earl of Crawford-Lindsay, having
exchanged with Baillie a thousand of his raw levies for
as many veterans, sought his laurels in a burning and
predatory excursion through Athol, which country he
entirely desolated. Baillie himself, after various mili-
tary councils and consultations, (in the course of which
Argyle refused the commission again pressed upon him
for pursuing Montrose wherever he went,) was dis-
patched to the north, where he ravaged the domains
of Huntly, up to the walls even of his stately Castle of
the Bog, which was threatened with destruction. But
this magnificent stronghold, the glory of the north,
had been put into admirable condition for a siege, by
one whom Spalding characterizes as " an old aged man,"
and whose position at this time affords a curious com-
mentary on the progress of the Movement. It was
John Gordon of Buckie, (whom elsewhere we were
constrained to call a superannuated murderer,*) who

* See Introductory chapter, page 109.

CHALLENGES BAILLIE AT KEITH. 423

now organized the defence of Huntly's noblest dwelling,
and caused it to be stoutly kept against the Covenant,
having a hundred watch-men nightly set, to guard it.
Probably the old man regretted the tears he once shed
to prevent the condemnation of Balmerino, and would
now scarcely have expended one to save the whole co-
venanting clique from being hanged, and that without
judge or jury.

It was this posture of affairs that again drew Mon-
trose (to whom young Huntly had brought back Aboyne
and the Gordon cavaliers) northward in search of
Baillie, whom he found advantageously posted near the
kirk of Keith, having his infantry disposed on a rising-
ground, and his cavalry in possession of a narrow pass
that separated the hostile armies. After some skirmish-
ing between the light horsemen, both j)arties remained
under arms all night, in expectation of a battle. Early
in the morning, Montrose sent a trumpet with his com-
pliments to General Baillie, and that the King's Lieu-
tenant would be happy to do him the honour of a battle
on the plain. Baillie sent back for answer, that he never
took his fighting instructions from the enemy. Mon-
trose then broke up his own position, and, as if in full
retreat, went south to the town of Alford on the Don,
with the view of enticing his enemy further into the
plain, a ruse that perfectly succeeded. The covenant-
ing General, who had now learnt that AUaster Mac-
donald was absent with a strong party recruiting in the
Highlands, followed the retreating Royalists with the
determination to risk a battle. Intelligence of the ap-
proach of the Covenanters, within one mile of Alford,
was brought to Montrose while in the act of examin-
ing the fords of the Don, at the head of a single troop

424 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of horse. Leaving his horsemen to watch the river, Mon-
trose galloped back alone to order his battle on Alford
hill. His position there was greatly strengthened by
a marsh, in his rear, intersected with ditches and full
of pit-falls, while the ground rose in his front so as to
screen part of his troops from the advancing foe. Dis-
posing of his cavalry on each of the wings, he gave the
command of the right to those inseparable friends, young
Huntly and Nathaniel Gordon, while Aboyne and Sir
William Rollock commanded on the left. The main
body, arranged in files of six deep, he intrusted to Glen-
gary, and Lord Napier's nephew, young Drummond
of Balloch, assisted by Quarter-master George Graham.
The reserve he concealed immediately behind the brow
of the hill, and gave the command of it to the Master
of Napier. Montrose himself and the Standard, at-
tended by a few choice cavaliers, occupied the centre of
the royal battle. Macdonald and young Inchbrakie,
with a large proportion of their respective followers,
were unfortunately absent. Nor had Airly and his
party yet been able to rejoin the Standard.

No sooner were these dispositions made, than the
troop that had been left to watch the fords returned on
the spur, with the intelligence, that Baillie had crossed
the Don, and was embattled in a position possessing simi-
lar advantages to the ground occupied by the Royalists.
The armies thus confronted were nearly equal in the
number of foot, about two thousand each. But Baillie's
cavalry outnumbered Montrose's, being six hundred to
two hundred and fifty. The latter, however, were for
the most part gentlemen Cavaliers, while the covenanting
horsemen had neither the breeding nor the experience to
render them so formidable in battle. They were coin-

THE BATTLE OF ALFORD. 425

nianded, however, by the gallant Earlof Balcarres, who,
it is alleged, hurried Baillie into this battle by the for-
wardness of his cavalry movements. Montrose, judging
that themilitiaopposed to him would be un-nerved by the
clang of his trumpets and the shouts of his men, hesitated
no longer to give the laissez aller. On the instant, Lord
Gordon, and his chivalrous friend, launched the right wing
of the Royalists against the three squadrons of Balcar-
res's horse, who met the desperate shock of the Gordons
with such determination that, for a time, the contend-
ing parties were mingled in a dense mass, and the re-
sult was doubtful. The first who made a lane for them-
selves with their swords, uere Lord Gordon and Colo-
nel Nathaniel. Immediately the latter called out
to the swift musketeers who had followed the charge,
— ' throw down your muskets, and hamstring their
horses with your swords, or sheath them in their bel-
lies.' Balcarres's squadrons now fled in confusion, and
while the Gordons pursued them with great slaughter
from the field, Montrose brought his main battle into
collision with the regiments of the Covenant, who stood
u]) manfully, but in vain, against the murderous clay-
more. At this decisive moment, too, Montrose ordered
up his nephew with the reserve, and no sooner had the
latter made their appearance than the rebels gave way
at every point, and the battle of Alford was gained.

Dearly was that victory purchased to Montrose. It
appears that the Covenanters brought along with them
all the cattle they had driven from the rich domains of
Strathbogie and the Enzie. These were placed within
some enclosures, and guarded by two companies of the
covenanting infantry during the battle, until young
Huntly, returning from his victorious charge, and un-

426 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

able to resist the appeal of his father's flocks and herds,
called upon two troops of the Gordons to follow him,
and with his usual impetuosity rushed to the rescue.
The Covenanters received his charge with a well directed
volley from the dikes of the sheep-folds, and the knightly
plume, of the too forward heir of Huntly, fell in the dust
to rise no more. In vain Montrose in person, alluring
these successful musketeers from behind their entrench-
ments, cut them in pieces on the plain. He on whom
alone of his gallant and loyal house Montrose could
undoubtingly depend, the youth who was daily redeem-
ing that house from the disheartened and disheartening
jealousy of its absent chief, and from the wayward ca-
prices of its younger scions, was never to lead the chi-
valry of the Gordons again. His fall paralyzed all fur-
ther pursuit, and the mournful silence with which the
melancholy news was at first received by the army,
soon burst into a wild farewell of lamentations in the
hour of victory. They even cursed that victory for
the price it cost, and plunder was forgotten as the frantic
Highlanders crowded round the body of the young-
chief, and lauded the beauty of his person in death.
" Nothing," adds Dr Wishart, " could have supported
the army under this immense deprivation, but the pre-
sence of Montrose, whose safety brought gladness and
revived their drooping spirits. Yet Montrose himself
could not restrain his grief, but mourned bitterly as if
for his dearest and only friend. Grievously he com-
plained that one who was the ornament of the Scottish
nobility, and the boldest asserter of the royal authority
in the north, his best and bosom friend, should be thus
cut off in the flower of his age."
Thus died George Lord Gordon, in the twenty-eighth

DEATH OF LORD GORDON. 427

year of his age, a youth in the highest estimation, and
of great personal beauty. Montrose gave orders to em-
balm the body, and for some days his army was as
it were a funeral procession. They first marched to
Cluny, and from that to the neighbourhood of Aber-
deen, where Montrose, leaving his whole army behind
him, excepting only a hundred select musketeers,
proceeded with the body of Lord Gordon, attended
by Lord Aboyne and many gentlemen, to the Cathe-
dral Church of old Aberdeen, where the young chief
was deposited in the aisle of St John the Evangelist,
(now called the Gordon's aisle,) by the side of his mo-
ther. Montrose then returned with a heavy heart to
his leaguer, and Aboyne, now the heir of Huntly, went
northward to Strathbogie, promising to return anon
with a host of Gordons to the Standard.*

The Parliament met on the 8th of July at Stirling,
in consequence of the plague raging in Edinburgh, and
General Baillie having petitioned the House for his ex-
oneration, and made his own explanation of the causes

* It is remarkable that very few of Montrose's soldiers fell at Alford,
though the battle was desperately contested for more than an hour.
The only persons of distinction among the royalists who died with Lord
Gordon were Ogilvy of Milton, and Mowat of BalwhoUy, and an Irish
Captain of the name of Dickson. George Douglas, (the Earl of Mor-
ton's brother,) who bore the Standard, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, young
Gordon of Gight, Hay of Dalgetty, and some others of the Gordons were
wounded. Nearly the whole of Baillie's infantry, officers and men, were
cut to pieces, he himself narrowly escaping with the Earl of Balcarres
and the horse. In his defence before the covenanting Parliament, Baillie
asserted that Montrose out-numbered him in horsemen, and was twice
as strong in infantry. This was a defence absolutely necessary to make
before that tribunal, who were not likely to contradict the assertion.
It affords, therefore, no evidence that can be placed against the statement
of Wishart and various contemporary historians of the Gordons. But it
is of little conse({uence to the fame of Montrose, upon which side the
numbers preponderated on that occasion.

428 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of his failure, was received into favour, and although
not again commissioned as commander in chief, was
sent, almost by compulsion, to superintend the ar-
my, being in fact too good a General for them to
lose. But while the responsibility was thus cast upon
him, Argyle and other noblemen were joined in com-
mand, and, according to his own complaint, distracted
and controlled his military councils. An act was pas-
sed, on the first day of the Parliament, for levying a
new army against Montrose, which was to consist of
from eight to ten thousand foot, and between four and
five hundred horse. The rendezvous was appointed to
be at Perth, on the 24th of the same month of July.
There of that date the Parliament itself assembled,
having been chased from Stirling by the progress of the
pestilence, and, adds the Lord Lyon, little was done but
arraying and mustering of men and horse, until Wednes-
day the 30th of July, when, at the conclusion of a fast,
the covenanting nobles met in the Parliament House
for the despatch of business.

Montrose, having heard of this rendezvous and
Parliament, determined to be there and scatter them
if he could. He had marched into Angus, where
he was joined by young Graham of Inchbrakie,
with the men of Athol, and by Macdonald, who had
been most successful on his recruiting excursion in
the Highlands. For with him there came the brave
and loyal Maclean, and seven hundred of his clan, the
Captain of Clanranald, and five hundred of his follow-
ers, and, adds Dr Wishart, " Glengary, — who deserves
a singular commendation for his bravery and steady
loyalty to the King, and his peculiar attachment to
Montrose, whom he had never left from the time of the

MONTROSE THREATENS PERTH. 429

expedition into Argyleshire, — by his uncles and other
friends brought up five hundred more." To these were
added a large body of the Macgregors and Macnabs,
under their respective chieftains, with Macphersons
from Badenoch, and Farquharsons from Braemar. Be-
tween four and five thousand of the stoutest hearts in
the Highlands now supported the Standard, and Mon-
trose felt that he had conquered covenanting Scotland,
if but one other on whom he greatly depended kept
his appointment. But he looked, and longed, and wrote
in vain. The heir of Huntly had failed to bring
the Gordons, and Montrose was only provided with a
hundred horse.* The immediate consequence was,
that he could not put his plan in execution, of at once
descending into the low countries to attack the new le-
vies of the Covenant, now encamped upon the south side

* Malcolm Laing says, " the army must be computed at six thousand
with which Montiose emerged from behind the mountains and insulted
Perth." To establish this assertion, our historian notes, on the authority
of Spalding, that there were three thousand with him at Aulderue, and
then he makes out the computation, on the authority of \A ishart, by ad-
ding the number of the clans who nowjoined the Standard, and includ-
ing " Aboyne and Airley, with twehe hundred foot, and three hundred
horse." We repeat that no statement, wJiich by any possibility can be
received as approaching the trutli of the relative forces in those wars,
can diminish Montrose's fame a feather's weight, in the scale of his ac-
tions. But modern historians, who pronounce Wishart's account fabu-
lous, while their own theories are fallacious, and erroneous in fact, ought
to be corrected. Aboyne and Airly were not \\itli Montrose, when he
threatened Perth, otherwise Perth would have been taken then as it M'as
before. Besides, Mr Laing takes credit for the full number vaguely stated
by Spalding at 30U0, and our historian, not only makes no allowance
for the probability of Montrose's numbers at Aulderne being overstated,
but he forgets the undoubted fact, that after every victory a great pro-
portion of Montrose's Highlanders went home. Consequently when Mr
Laing adds the nund)ers of the returning clans, as given by Wishart, to
the 3000 stated by Spalding, he reckons no inconsiderable mimber twice
over.

430 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

of the Earn. They were about six thousand strong, in-
dependently of the garrison in the neighbouring town of
Perth, and of four hundred horse who protected the
Parliament there assembled. Still in hopes of being
joined by the cavaliers under Aboyne, Montrose cros-
sed the Tay at Dunkeld, and, after pausing on the banks
of the Almond, drew near to Perth, and encamped in
the wood of Methven, some time during the last week
of July.

Great was the consternation of Perth, and of the
Parliament, and not very comfortable were the feelings
of the protecting army, when this unwelcome visitor
was announced. The panic was increased, when there
appeared, on the following day, a cloud of cavalry ad-
vancing towards the town. Immediately the gates of
Perth were made fast, and not a covenanting trooper
showed his face. Montrose's stratagem was successful.
Ever fertile in expedients to aid his defective resour-
ces, he had mounted a hundred musketeers upon the
baggage horses, and arranged these along with his
scanty cavalry, in such a manner as to give them the
appearance of a formidable body. Having accomplished
his object of confining the enemy within the walls, he
turned aside with his cavaliers to Duplin, coolly sur-
veyed the fords of the Earn, and the whole Strath, and
for a time deceived the Covenanters into a belief that
he was attended by a body of horse sufficient to keep
the whole country in subjection.

We have already quoted, from the MS. Record of
this very Parliament, certain relaxations of their close
and dangerous confinement, granted to Lord Napier
and his family, and to the young Lord Graham. As
Lord Napier's letter, of remonstrance against this cruel

CRUEL DEED OF THE COVENANTERS. 431

and tyrannical treatment, was written on the 3d of
June, and the relaxations in question were only decreed
at the end of July and the beginning of August, it was
not that letter to Balmerino which had stirred the com-
passion of the covenanting Parliament. But it is cu-
rious to observe that their dates coincide with the very
period when Montrose was threatening Perth, at the
head of the most formidable army he had yet com-
manded, and when the panic was so great, that the
Parliament had very nearly dispersed in flight. That
which on an isolated perusal of their Record seems an
act of lenient humanity towards State prisoners, was
in fact the mean offspring of their fears. Presently,
however, it was discovered that Montrose had scarcely
a hundred effective horsemen, and then the covenanting
Generals marched out against him with a force so
vastly superior, that the former, effecting an admirable
retreat, in which every attack upon his rear was re-
pulsed, again took refuge in the hills for want of ca-
valry. No leniency was manifested now by the pious
and patriotic Government, whose chroniclers have ac-
cused Montrose of cruelty. Lord Graham, notwith-
standing the recent deliverance on his petition, was
still left to the mercy of the pestilence in Edinburgh
Castle, and Lord Napier and his family were only so
far favoured, as to be committed to close prison in
Linlithgow. Nor was this all. In the wood of Meth-
ven, some of the wives and other females, who accom-
panied the Highlanders and Irish in great numbers,
had been left behind, and when that camp was occupied
by the Covenanters, such of the unfortunate women as
fell into their hands were butchered in cold blood.
For this act, no better reason can be assigned than the
following incident : Just as Montrose had touched

432 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the defiles he sovight, his pursuers charged his rear
with three hundred of their best horsemen, picked
for the occasion, who came on boldly with shouts,
and very insulting language. Montrose, anticipating
the manoeuvre, had selected twenty clever High-
landers, of the readiest and reddest shanks of his
biped cavalry, and who, moreover, could bring down a
deer at some hundred paces, with a single bullet.
These Dugald creatures went quietly forth against
the insulting foe, and concealing their long guns,
and creeping the whole way on their hands and
knees through the brush-wood, till within shot of
the troopers, took each of them a deliberate and sepa-
rate aim, which caused some of the flower of the cove-
nanting cavalry to bite the dust, and threw the rest
into such confusion, that these twenty Redshanks,
rushing down from their covert, put the whole to
shameful rout, without the loss of a single man of
themselves. But the unfortunate female stragglers
paid the penalty, — a fact upon which covenanting and
democratic historians are silent, probably because they
consider Dr Wishart to be a " fabulous writer."

Montrose now pitched his camp at Dunkeld, in sight
of the enemy, who made no attempt to dislodge him.
Soon afterwards he was joined by those whom he so
anxiously expected, namely, Aboyne and Colonel Na-
thaniel Gordon, who brought with them only two hun-
dred horse, and a hundred and twenty musketeers
mounted as dragoons upon the carriage horses. This
was far below the expectations of Montrose, and indi-
cated that the loyalty of the north was still paralyzed
by the lurking jealousy of Huntly. But those who
came were choice cavaliers, and invaluable at this mo-
ment to the Royal army. Not the less so, and most

AIRLY REJOINS THE STANDARD. 433

welcome to the heart of Montrose, was the Earl
of Airly, who, now restored to health, at the same
time rejoined the Standard. He was attended by his
son. Sir David Ogilvy, with a troop of eighty gentle-
men of that gallant name. Of these, one of the most
interesting was Alexander Ogilvy, the son and heir of
Sir John Ogilvy of Innerquharity, a very ancient fa-
mily, to whom this beautiful scion, though but seven-
teen years of age, already added the lustre of genius,
and a distinguished name, — an eulogy which the Cove-
nanters themselves have justified, by the death they de-
creed him on a scaffold.

Thus reinforced, Montrose lost no time in dislodging
the covenanting Generals from the wood of Methven,
and again driving them to the south of the Earn. They
took up a strong position at Kilgraston, and Montrose,
who found it impossible to force a battle, employed
himself in endeavouring to disperse or intercept the
levies which the Covenanters were expectingfrom among
the fanatics of Fife. On his march to Kinross, an inci-
dent occurred which illustrates the great superiority, in
spirit and daring, of the Cavaliers over the Covenanters.
He had sent forward Sir William Rollock and Natha-
niel Gordon with an advanced guard to reconnoitre the
country. While this body of horse was separated
into smaller parties, in order to gather intelligence in
Fife, their two gallant leaders, having only ten horse-
men along with them, suddenly stumbled upon a re-
cruiting party of the enemy, consisting of two hundred
men, chiefly cavalry. Finding retreat impossible,
Nathaniel Gordon, who has been justly called " one
of the bravest men and best soldiers in Europe,"'

* Sir Walter Scott.
VOL. II. E e

'*

434 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and RoUock, noways inferior to the former, acted as
became them. With their ten cavaliers they went forth
like errant knights against the men of Fife, who fled be-
fore that daring onset, leaving some of their men dead
and others in the hands of their victors.* After this
exploit they rejoined Montrose, who determined to
cross the Forth, that by fighting a battle in that quarter
he might command the south of Scotland, and be ready
to form a junction on the Borders with the King. Since
his fatal overthrow at Naseby, Charles himself had now
no other hope. On hisway to the Forth, Montrose passed
through a country, of ominous names, belonging to Ar-
gyle, which was burnt and wasted by the Macleans in
retaliation for the Dictator's ravages among their high-
land-homes, now amply avenged. For the magnificent
pile of " Castle Campbell," — the name which in a pre-
vious century had been bestowed upon it by act of Par-
liament, instead of its former designation " the Castle
of Gloom," — was consigned to the flames, and the pic-
turesque ; and so hotly were the banks of the Gryfe,

* Malcolm Laing, in order to prove his assertion that Dr Wishart is a
fabulous writer, says, in reference to the above, and the former feat of
the twenty Highlanders; " In the present expedition he tells of twenty
Highlanders who routed three hundred, of twelve horsemen who defeat-
ed two hundred of the Covenanters' horse, killing some and making
prisoners of others." This is not fairly put. Our historian might have
known that the minute detail of the manner in which the Highland
marksmen set to work is truly characteristic, and renders the story most
probable; nor, when the conduct of the Fife levies at Tippermuir is re-
membered, does it appear at all unlikely that such men as Gordon and
Rollock, when brought to bay, should with ten cavaliers rout two hun-
dred of those levies. Malcolm Laing keeps all these circumstances out
of view, as if he meant to entrap the incredulity of his readers. But no-
thing is more unlikely, or would have been more injudicious, than that
Montrose's apologist, writing by his side, and during the lifetime of
thousands to detect mistatements, would have published ridiculous false-
hoods of the kind, to illustrate his hero.

MONTROSE FEASTED IX ALLOA. 435

and the parish of Dollar, now visited in honour of Ar-
gyle, as to justify the purer orthography, — dolour, and
grief. That such ravages were independent of Mon-
trose, and, even had they been less justified, were not
to be prevented by him, is indicated by an interest-
ing circumstance that occurred at this period. The
Royalists had passed, through these possessions of
Argyle, into the lordship and town of Alloa, belong-
ing to the Earl of Mar. This nobleman and his son
Lord Erskine, were now decidedly, though not active-
ly, loyal, and were in close alliance of blood and affec-
tion with Lord Napier, Yet the Irish under Macdonald
barbarously plundered his town and domains, while
Mar with all his family were residing in his castle of
Alloa, and Montrose was encamped hard by, in the
wood of Tillibody. And the very next day the Earl
invited Montrose, his own son-in-law the Master of Na-
pier, the Earl of Airly, and the most distinguished of
the staff of the King's Lieutenant, to dine with him in
the castle. " So," adds Bishop Guthrie, " Montrose ap-
pointed Macdonald to march westward with the foot
army, and bringing his horse for a guard, himself, and
the Earl of Airly, and many more, were liberally feast-
ed in the castle of Alloa, after wliich, having notice of
the enemy's advancing towards them, they made the
greater haste to overtake their foot,* and being met,
and considering the town of Stirling was consumed by
the pestilence, resolved to pass by* it, and so crossed
both the Teith and the Forth, two miles to the north-

" According to the deliverance on their petitions, the Mistress of Na-
pier and the fair Lilias, (whom considering the signification of the term
in those days, we dare not call Miss Napier,) were then living with the
Earl of Mar. But from Wishart's account, it appears, that they had all
been sent to prison in Linlithgow.

436 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

wardof it, andfrom thence marched on to Kilsyth, where
they found the ground so advantageous for them, as
made them resolve to halt there, until their enemies
should come that length, which very shortly fell."

In the meanwhile, the army of the Covenant, which
had been reinforced by three regiments from Fife, and
another composed of Argyle's Highlanders, continued
to follow the footsteps of Montrose. Argyle himself
was in reality the commander of that army, and as he
passed by Stirling, he, too, left his mark. He caused
the house of Menstrie, belonging to the Earl of Stirling,
and the house of Aithry, the property of Graham of
Braco, to be laid in ashes, and at the same time sent an
insolent notification to the Earl of Mar, that when they
returned from destroying Montrose, he might expect
the same fate to his castle of Alloa, for having feasted
that excommunicated traitor.* And so saying, the Dic-
tator marched on to the bridge of Denny, and from that
to a place called the Holland-bush, where they encamp-
ed, some two miles and a half from Kilsyth, on the 14th
of August 1645. Such were the preliminaries to the
bloodiest, the most effective, and the last of Montrose's
victories.

According to Bishop Guthrie, the Covenanters were
seven thousand strong. Dr Wishart says six thousand
foot, and eight hundred horse, and that Montrose's
army consisted of four thousand four hundred foot, and
five hundred horse, which, adds an old historian of the
family of Gordon, " I take to be a pretty exact account
of the number of that army." Unquestionably Mon-

" General Baillie in his defence, points to Argyle's control, when he
says, — " while I was present, others did sometimes undertake the com-
mand of the army ; without either my order or knowledge, fire was rais-
ed, and that destroyed which might have been a recompense to some
good deserver, for which I would not be answerable to the public."

BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 437

trose was greatly outnumbered, or Argyle would not
have proposed to give him battle. The joint Com-
manders for the Covenant were Argyle, TuUibardine,
"Lindsay, Balcarres, Burleigh, Elcho, and General
Baillie, every one of whom Montrose had signally
beaten, with the exception of Lindsay, whom he had
only frightened. But it seemed as if they remembered
the fable of the sticks, and having been severally snapt
in detail, determined to prove their strength in a bundle.
A vivid idea of that battle is presented to us by the
principal actors on both sides, namely, in Baillie's de-
fence, (preserved amongst his namesake's papers,) and
in Wishart's Latin history, which rnay be considered
the account furnished by Montrose himself. We shall
first turn to the scene afforded by the covenanting Ge-
neral.

About the peep of dawn, on the morning of the 15th,
Argyle, Burleigh, and some others, proceeded to the
General's tent, when the following dialogue occurred
betwixt the latter and Gillespie Gruamach.

Argyle. — Whereabouts are the Rebels ?

Baillie. — At Kilsyth.

Argyle. — Might we not advance nearer them ?

Baillie. — We are near enough as it is, if we do
not intend to fight, and your Lordship knows well how
rough and uneasy a way lies betwixt them and us.

Argyle. — We need not keep the highway, — we may
march upon them in a direct line.

Baillie. — Then let the Earl of Crawford (Lindsay)
and the rest of the Committee, be called in from the
next tent.

The result of the conference was, that Baillie march-
ed the regiments through the corns and over the braes,
till they were induced to halt from the rising ground

438 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

in front opposing a barrier, and at the same time afford-
ing a protection. Baillie was then urged to take up
his position in a particular field. To this he replied :

« If the Rebels engage us there, I conceive they will

have the advantage, — if we beat them to the hills, that
will be little advantage to us — to lose the day will be to
lose the kingdom.' The General then took the votes,
when Balcarres alone sided with him, Argyle and the
rest agreeing that they should draw on to the hill in
front. Accordingly the musketeers were sent to the
hill, and Major Halden was instructed to guide them
to some enclosures which Baillie pointed out. That
General followed, with Balcarres and the cavalry, whom
he ordered to keep close to the musketeers of the van.
The various regiments in the rear were directed to
march upon the hill in such order as the difficult nature
of the ground would admit of. Lindsay, Burleigh, and
Baillie himself, then galloped over the brae, in order to
take a view of the ground and the posture of the enemy.
Beneath them, at some distance, lay extended a mea-
dow, upon which Montrose had drawn up his army
in battle array, — and a very beautiful sight it must
have been, those gallant clans, and high-blooded cava-
liers, clustering round the only Standard of Charles the
First that was worthy of the King.* The meadow
and the hill were united by a glen, whose rugged sides
were clothed with underwood ; and some enclosures, and
cottages, scattered about the hill and the head of the
glen, suggested the points where the struggle was likely
to commence. Even as the two nobles and their atten-
dant General took their hasty glance at this exciting pros-

* " One charge more," said the King himself to his squadrons broken
by the charge of Cromwell at Naseby, " and we recover the day." But
the voice of the heroic Charles tried to rally them in vain.

BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 439

pect, they saw a large body of the Highlanders, appa-
rently disbanded and in confusion, threading and stealing
their way, through the bushes and up the glen, like a
herd of mountain cats. Returning on the spur, these
three brought the intelligence to the Marquis of Argyle,
who was found, of course on the safest side of the hill,
with some of the other nobles. Baillie at the same time
perceived Major Halden leading some musketeers, with-
out orders from him, over a field to a house near the
glen, and having tried in vain to recal them from where
he saw that the enemy were falling up in considerable
strength, he told Argyle and those with him to retire,
and every officer to go to his place, while the General
himself, and Balcarres galloped back to the regiments
at the bottom of their side of the hill.

* What am I to do now ?' said Lord Balcarres, who was
brave enough to have been second in command to Mon-
trose. * Draw up your regiment on the right of Lauder-
dale's,' replied Baillie, ' let both regiments face to the
right, and march to the foot of the hill, — let Hume's re-
giment folloWjhalt when they halt, and keep distance and
front with them.' — ' And what shall I do with my regi-
ment?' said another officer, who proved to be not Argyle,
but his Major. ' Draw up on the left of Hume, in the same
order,' said Baillie, and galloped on. But as he looked
back over his shoulder at these dispositions, he saw Hume's
regiment going off at a trot right west to the enclosures
upon which the enemy were advancing. So he return-
ed as fast as he could ride, and meeting the Adjutant
on the way, ordered Lindsay's regiment to take up the
position on the left of Lauderdale's, and the Fife regi-
ments to remain in reserve. He then rode on after Hume ;
but that regiment, ere the General could reach them, had,
along with Argyle's regiment, {minus the Marquis,) and

440 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

two others, got into an enclosure near the advancing ene-
my, who were already at the next dike. The Covenanters
had commenced a distant and disorderly fire, which
Baillie in vain exerted himself to restrain. What his own
scientific plan of winning the battle might have been, amid
all these untoward events, is not very manifest, and if
he understood it himself, it is clear that nobody else
did. The result is given by him more intelligibly, and
is highly characteristic of his loyal opponents. " The
Rebels," he is pleased to say, " leapt over the dike, and
with doivn heads fell on and broke these regiments."
He adds, that all the officers present behaved well, and
'* I saw none careful to save themselves before the rout-
ing of the regiments." Baillie then spurred his horse
to the brow of the hill, where he found Major-General
Holbourn. This officer directed his attention to a squa-
dron of the cavaliers just gone by, who, after overthrow-
ing the horse under Lieutenant-Colonel Murray, had
routed the regiment of Lindsay, and others in that
quarter. Generals Baillie and Holbourn galloped off to-
gether, to bring up the reserve. The reserve was already
routed, and the two Generals, having done what they
could to rally some of the fugitives, rode off to Stirling,
where they found most of the noble commanders already
safely lodged within the defences of that town and castle.
On the subject of Argyle's demeanour, during the fight
and flight, General Baillie is silent.

We now turn to the view afforded by Dr Wishart
of Montrose's side of the battle.

When Montrose first pitched his tent in the fields
about Kilsyth, he was not certain whether to fight or
to continue his march. But having learnt that Ha-
milton's brother, Lanerick, had raised a large force in
Clydesdale for the Covenant, and that he was within

BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 441

fifteen miles of Kilsyth, while Cassilis, Eglinton, Glen-
cairn, and other covenanting noblemen were also rais-
ing forces in the west country, he determined to discuss
Baillie without delay. The unusually forward motions
and fighting attitude which the Covenanters displayed
on the morning of the 15th, indicated a consciousness
of their numerical superiority, sufficient to make them
seek a battle. * So much the better,' exclaimed Mon-
trose, ' it is the very thing I want, and as for their
numbers, we have the best ground, which is more than
half the battle.' He then busied himself in the most
judicious preparations for the approaching fight, and
sent out parties to take possession of such advantages
as the ground afforded. Betwixt and the enemy were
a few scattered cottages and rustic gardens, (probably
those referred to in the narrative of General Baillie,)
and the first skirmishing that occurred was in conse-
quence of an attempt made by the Covenanters to
dislodge a party of the Royalists from some of these
strongholds. The gallantry with which the assailants
were beaten back, excited the rest of Montrose's Highlan-
ders to such a degree, that nearly a thousand of them,
without waiting for orders, ran up the hill, as if with the
intention of charging the whole of the enemy. Montrose
himself, displeased with the want of discipline, and alarm-
ed at the rashness, watched the event with anxiety, and
observed a large body of infantry and several troops of
horse drawing forward, though somewhat tardily, to
meet the desultory^attack of the Redshanks. Upon which,
turning to the Earl of Airly, he told him, that if these
rash Highlanders were not immediately supported, they
would be cut in pieces by the enemy's cavalry ; and he
added, — ' the eyes and wishes of the whole army are
upon you, my Lord Airly, as the person most capable.

442 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

by your authority, discretion, and bravery, to save these
men, and redeem the day from their want of discipline.'
Now Lord Airly was upwards of fourscore years, and,
moreover, had just recovered from a fever. But he was
an Ogilvy, and young Innerquharity himself could not
have responded to the appeal with more gallant alacrity
than did this brave old Earl. Surrounded by the gentle-
men of his own name, and at the head of a troop com-
manded by John Ogilvy of Baldavie, an excellent offi-
cer, who had been a Colonel in the Swedish service,
Airly charged the covenanting horse with irresistible
effect, and driving them back upon the infantry they
meant to support, created a confusion in the ranks of
the enemy that was decisive of the day. The battle
then resolved into a general rush of the Royalists upon
the wavering Rebels, who gave way at every point, and
in the chase of fourteen miles which ensued, it is said
that not less than from five to six thousand Covenanters
paid the forfeit of their lives for their rebellion, while
in the army of Montrose not a hundred were put hors
de combat.

The leading features of the battle, in General Baillie's
narrative, and in what may be considered Montrose's,
can be very nearly identified, and are remarkably similar,
considering how different the same battle is apt to ap-
pear when observed from various points of view. It
is added by Dr Wishart, that while most of the cove-
nanting noblemen saved themselves, by a timely flight,
in the Castle of Stirling, Argyle and a few with him
took the water at the Frith of Forth, and sought safety
in some vessels lying at anchor in the roads. Nor did
the Dictator feel himself secure, until he had made them
weigh anchor, and put out to sea.

One additional fact, recorded by Montrose's chaplain,

BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 44

'>

is worthy of notice, not only as characteristic in itself,
but from the extraordinary use that has been made of
it by the modern calumniators of Montrose. Ere they
joined battle, Montrose, says Dr Wishart, " commanded
his men, cavalry and infantry, to cast aside their more
troublesome garments, and stripping themselves to the
"w^aist of all clothing but the under vesture, thus, giving
the onset in their shirts, to rush upon the enemy. He
was obeyed with right good will, and after this fashion
they stood ready and disencumbered, and determined to
conquer or die."* This passage explains itself, nor was
the instruction, to cast away the plaids and other fa-
tiguing garments, an extraordinary one, considering
that it was in the middle of August these mountaineers
were about to charge six thousand of their enemies up
hill, and to chase them as-far as they could. The idea of
an onset made in such guise will appear still less outre to
those who know how important and vv^arlike a part of the
costume was the Highland shirt, ov sarJe, " The common
people of the Highland Scots," says John Major, " rush
into battle, having their body clothed with a linen gar-
ment, manifoldly sewed, and painted or daubed with
pitch, with a covering of deer-skin." It is more than
probable, tliat Montrose's knowledge of the habits
and inclinations of his mountain chivalry, no less than
the prospect of a hot day, had suggested the order.
The anecdote, however, has been variously noticed to
our hero's disadvantage ; but nowhere in so unwarrant-
able a paraphrase as the following, which we quote from
the recent popular biographies of Mr Chambers.

* " Suis instiper omnibus, equitijuxta ac peditiimperat, ut positis mo-
lestioribus vestibus, et solis indusiis sijpcrne amicti, et in albis emicantes,
hostibus insidtarent. Quod cum illi alacres Icetique fecissent, expediti
paralique stabant, certi aiit vincere aut mori."

444 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

" A company of cuirassiers drew from Montrose a
remark, that the cowardly rascals durst not face them
till they were cased in iron. To shew our contempt of
them, let us fight them in our shirts. With that he
threw off his coat and waistcoat, tucked up the sleeves
of his shirt like a butcher going to kill cattle, at the
same time drawing his sword with ferocious resolution.
The proposal was received with applause, the cavalry
threw off their upper garments, and tucked up their
sleeves ;* the foot stripped themselves naked even to
the feet, and in this state were ready to rush upon their
opponents before they could take up the places assigned
them. The consequence was, the battle was a mere
massacre — a race of fourteen miles, in which space
six thousand men were cut down and slain."

The picture of Montrose throwing off his coat and
waistcoat, tucking up the sleeves of his shirt like a
butcher, and, " at the same time," drawing his sword
with ferocious resolution, is exquisite, but we doubt its
authenticity. Nor can we discover the authority for
saying, that, upon the occasion in question, our hero's
four thousand four hundred infantry fought stark naked,
" even to the feet," a most questionable fact, seeing that
they pursued, with deadly effect, for fourteen miles,
through growing corns, up rugged glens, and by paths
which General Baillie states to have been " rough and
uneasy to march in." But supposing the picture true,
and if there be accuracy in the reasoning that " a mere
massacre" — by which must be understood the deatli of
all the iron-clad fugitives, without the loss of a single

* In a free or rather false translation of the incident from Wishart,
Monteith, in his French history, has the expressions, " retroussant cha-
cun sa chemise sur ses bras." This is the only authority 1 can find for
all this tucking up of sleeves.

4

BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 4<4>5

naked pursuer — was the natural consequence of this
extraordinary tactic, then we maintain not only that
Montrose was perfectly justified, but that, even in our
own more civilized times, it is absolutely the duty of
every General to insure the safety of his troops, at the
expence of the enemy, by fighting his battles i?i puris
naturalibus.*

* Carte, in his History of England, puts a fanciful speech into the
mouth of Montrose before the battle of Kilsyth, and indeed the account
there given of his demeanour upon the occasion in question, though
highly complimentary to our hero, is not warranted by the details given
by Wishart and Guthrie, the two authorities whom Carte quotes. In
Chambers's Biography of Montrose, a yet more unwarrantable paraphrase
of Carte is given, and the account rendered derogatory and insulting to
Montrose.

446 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER XVI.

RESULTS OF THE BATTLE OP KILSYTH — MONTROSE SURPRISED
AT PHILIPHAUGH.

Montrose had now conquered the Covenanters in
Scotland. He had swept the Country, from north to
south, of the armies of that rebel faction which had so
long tyrannized over the persons, and consciences, of the
people of Scotland. The Presbyterial reign of terror
there was for the time paralyzed, and Argyle himself,
who, behind the specious mask of " Religion and Li-
berties," had been seeking his own aggrandizement to
the subversion of both, was no longer Dictator. The
immediate effect of this victory affords a curious com-
mentary on the Covenant. " The whole Country," says
Dr Wishart, " now resounded Montrose's praise. His
unparalleled magnanimity and bravery, his happiness
in devising his plans of operation, and his rapidity in
the execution of them, his unshaken resolution and in-
trepidity, even in the greatest dangers, and his patience
under the severest deprivations and fatigues, his faith-
fulness, and strict observance of his promises to such
as submitted, and his clemency towards his prisoners, in
short, that heroic virtue, which displayed itself in all
his actions, was extolled to the skies, and filled the
mouths of all ranks of men, and several poems and pa-
negyrics were wrote upon this occasion to his honour.
Most of these encomiums were sincere and well intend-
ed. But some of them, it must be confessed, proceeded

3

REACTION AGAINST THE COVENANT. 447

from mere craft and dissimulation. So unsteady is the
tide of human affairs, so fleeting and precarious the af-
fections of the mob, that Argyle, Balmerino, Lindsay,
Loudon, and the other ringleaders of the faction, the
very coryphcei of the Covenant, who so lately had been
flattered and idolized, were now publicly exclaimed
against as the authors of all the evil troubles of the
times."

Immediately after the battle of Kilsyth, Montrose
marched into Clydesdale to meet the levies of the Earl
of Lanerick. But Lanerick had already fled, and his le-
vies were dispersed. The victor then marched to Glas-
gow, which he entered amid the acclamations of the
inhabitants, having been previously invited by a de-
putation to honour their city with his presence. In
virtue of his commission as the King's Lieutenant,
Montrose instituted a severe scrutiny into the conduct
of the most notorious criminals, and, for example's sake,
ordered some of them to be executed. But even his
enemies admit, that in this hour of uncontrolled com-
mand his conduct was studiously lenient. To relieve
them of the burden of the army, he marched out on the
second day, and encamped six miles off at Bothwell,
indulging the city with the privilege of a guard of their
own inhabitants, to protect it from the stragglers of his
army. At Bothwell, complimentary and deprecating
addresses poured in from all quarters of Scotland, and
were presented to him by special Commissioners. More-
over, there came in person to him, to declare their loy-
alty, and offer their services, the Marquis of Douglas,
the Earls of Linlithgow, Annandale, and Hartfell, the
Lords Erskine, Seton, Drummoiid, Fleming, Maderty,
Carnegie, and Johnston, Charteris of Amisfield, Towers

448 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of Inverleith, Stewart of Rosyth, and various others,
some of whom now made protestations of their loyalty
because their fears were removed, and others because
fear had seized them. Thus Montrose, now publicly
acknowledged as the King's representative in Scotland,
suddenly found himself the centre of a court.

Nor was this all. Cassilis, Eglinton, and Glencairn
were understood to be collecting forces in the western
shires, and the covenanting towns of Ayr and Irvine.
To repress these levies Montrose dispatched Macdonald,
and young Drummond of Balloch, with a strong party,
who encountered not the slightest opposition. Glen-
cairn and Cassilis fled to Ireland, and Argyle, Lanerick,
and Lindsay to Berwick. The shires and towns of
Renfrew and Ayr had previously sent deputations de-
precating the wrath of the Royal Lieutenant, and im*
puting to the agitation of their clergymen all their sins
of rebellion. Montrose accepted their submission, took
their oaths of allegiance, and dismissed them as friends.
But he instructed Macdonald and Drummond to exact
submission from all, in that seditious quarter, who had
not sent it in, and, strange to say, it seemed to these of-
ficers as if they were progressing through the most loyal
district in Scotland. And nowhere, says Bishop Guthrie,
did Montrose's delegates receive so hearty a welcome
as at Loudon Castle. The Chancellor of course was
not at home, but his Lady, the Baroness, received them
with open arms, gave them a sumptuous entertainment,
and sent her major-domo, John Halden, back with them
to Montrose, to present her humble service to the King's
Lieutenant.

While Lord Napier's nephew was thus employed in
the west, his son, the Master, was sent to the south, upon
a yet more important and interesting mission. It was

ORDERS, FOR THE MASTER OF NAPIER. 449

to take possession of the Capital. The following in-
teresting document may be said to represent the very
apex of Montrose's hitherto unchecked career of con-
quest.

" Orders for the Master of Napier and Colonel
Nathaniel Gordon.""

" James Marquis of Montrose, his Majesty's Lieute-
nant General of the Kingdom of Scotland.

" These be to will and command you, presently after
sight hereof, to take along with you five hundred horse-
men and five hundred dragoons, and repair to the town
of Linlithgow, and cause publish a declaration at the
market-cross thereof, and copies of the same to be
spread and divulged in the country ; as also you shall
cause publish this his Majesty's indiction of a Parlia-
ment at the said market-cross, after the ordinary and ac-
customed manner, and leave copies of both upon the said
market-cross. Likewise you shall direct along a trumpet
or drum, with a commission to the magistrates of the
burgh of Edinburgh, and draw yourselves about the said
town of Linlithgow, or betwixt that and Edinburgh,
keeping yourselves free of all places suspected to be
spoiled with the infection, as you will answer on the
contrary at your highest peril. And having executed
these former orders, you shall return with all possible
diligence to the army, where it shall happen the same
to be for the time.

" Given at our Leaguer at Bothwell, the twentieth
day of August 1()45.

" Montrose." *

* From the original, in the Napier charter-chest, written by the Mas-
ter of Napier, and signed by Montrose.

vol.. II. F f

450 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

This was a happy mission for young Napier. From
the prison of Linlithgow he released his wife, to whom
he was devotedly attached, his venerable father, his
two sisters, and his brother-in-law, Sir George Stirling.*
The youth who had escaped from Holyrood with-
out their knowledge, and for whose truant escape they
had been fined and confined, returned, after the lapse of
three months, at the head of a thousand Cavaliers, and
delegated with the authority of a Conqueror and a King.
But one most interesting prisoner is not in the list of
those enumerated by Dr Wishart, namely, Montrose's
only son. Had the young Lord Graham been suffered to
depart to his education under Lord Dalhousie, in terms
of the deliverance on his petition, while all the others
remained in confinement? The question is curious-
ly answered in that dedication to him, of the scarce
work already quoted. " The soul of the Great Mon-
trose," says Saint Serf, " lives eminently in his son,
which began early to show its vigor, when your Lord-

* These had been sent there from Edinburgh Castle, and are all spe-
cially enumerated by Dr Wishart, as having been released by the Master
ot Napier from the prison of Linlithgow upon that occasion. It was
impossible he could be mistaken as to the facts, for he was chaplain to
Lord Napier, as well as to Montrose, and was domesticated abroad with
Montrose, young Lord Napier, and Lilias Napier, when he was writing his
history. If it be alleged that he falsified the facts, in order to make a story
against the Covenanters, and that the Record of the release of these parties,
dated some weeks before, is sufficient evidence that it occurred, the reply
is, that in the same Record appears the release of young Lord Graham,
and yet the quotation from Saint Serf proves that Lord Graham was
still confined in the Castle of Edinburgh, after the battle of Kilsyth.
There can be little doubt, therefore, that the apparently humane delive-
rance on those petitions was an act of fear, and not fulfilled by a Go-
vernment in which, from the first to the last hour of the Covenant, good
faith and honest dealing were no ingredients. Lord Napier, in his letter
to Balmerino, indicates pretty plainly his sense of the dishonesty of that
Government, when he requires " your Lordship's assurance in honour,
under your hand."

SUBMISSION OF EDINBURGH. 451

ship, then not full twelve years old, was close prisoner,
after the battle of Kilsyth, in Edinburgh Castle, from
whence you nobly refused to be exchanged, lest you
cost your great father the benefit of a prisoner, wherein
he gladly met your resolution, both so conspiring to
this glorious action that neither outdid the other, though
all the world besides." *

Napier and Nathaniel Gordon, having executed their
commission at Linlithgow,f proceeded to Edinburgh,
and, in terms of their instructions, halting within four
miles of the town, they sent a trumpet to summon
it in name of the King. The consternation of the civic
authorities was unbounded. Exijecting nothing less
than destruction to the town, from the Conqueror whose
own person and name had suffered so many indignities
there, and whose dearest friends were at the moment in

* The notice of this interesting fact, which I do not find recorded any
where else, corrects a previous statement of the second Marquis of
Montrose's age, derived from Spalding. — See before, p. 175, and
Vol. i. p. 1 1-i. It also corrects the statement of his age in the peerages.
At first it may appear remarkable that Montrose's son was not re-
leased upon this triumphant occasion, as Lords Crawford and Ogilvy
were released. But it must be remembered that the latter had been
confined in the tolbooth as delinquents, of which they complained, and
said they were prisoners of war. They owed their liberty to it now,
however, for the magistrates were too hajjpy to release them. But
Lord Graham was confined as a prisoner of war, and in the Castle, of
which Montrose had not obtained possession.

f In the M S. autobiography of Sir Robert Sibbald in the Auchinleck
Library mentioned by Boswell in his Life of Johnson, (Croker's edit.
Vol. iv. p. 82.) Sir Robert records of himself, that, "in the year 1G4-5,
the time of the plague, I stayed at Linlithgow, at James Crawfurd, our
cousin's house, till some were infected in tiie town, at which time my pa-
rents removed me with them to the Kipj)s, till the infection was over.
As I went there with my nurse, we met a troop of Montrose's men, who
passed us ^vithout doing us any harm." — Analecta Scotica. Napier and
Nathaniel Gordon were not likely to make war upon women and children,'
whicli is n)ore than can be said for the Covenanters.

4521 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

their tolbooth, while his only son was confined in the
Castle, they cast themselves in an agony of terror upon
the merciful intercession of those very prisoners. At
a meeting of the town-council, it was determined to
send their humblest submission by delegates to Mon-
trose, and they released from the tolbooth Ludo-
vick Earl of Crawford, and the Lord Ogilvy, entreating
them to become intercessors for the town. Accord-
ingly these noblemen accompanied the delegates, and
thus the Master of Napier had not only the pleasure of
releasing his own friends and relatives, but of bring-
ing to his uncle, a few days after he had set out on his
mission, the four friends and advisers whom of all others
Montrose loved, namely, Napier, Ogilvy, Crawford,
and Sir George Stirling of Keir. The delegates made
a free and unconditional surrender of the town of Edin-
burgh, confessed guilt, deprecated vengeance, implored
pardon, and promised every thing in a manner worthy
of the Covenant. They would send, they said, instant
levies to recruit the Royal army, but that their miser-
able town was nearly depopulated by the plague. They
were ready, however, to contribute money for that pur-
pose. As for the Loyalists confined in the tolbooth, they
would be instantly set free, and the town woul(l ex-
ert its utmost influence to have the Castle delivered up,
and occupied in the name of the King. They had been
drawn, they added, into the crime of rebellion by the
craft, power, and example of a few seditious leaders, but
they willingly pledged themselves, never again to hold
communion with rebels, and took with alacrity and
pleasure the proffered oath of allegiance. Montrose
(says Dr Wishart) gave them reason to hope for the
Royal forgiveness, and exacted nothing from them but

montuose's friends released. 45J

these promises. Saint Serf, in the dedication to Mon-
trose's son, has preserved, along with his panegyric,
some particulars, not afforded elsewhere. " That im-
mortal hero," he says, " your glorious father, being to
all who knew him one of the most munificent, as well
as magnificent personages in the world, which too well
appeared when cities, after victories, tendered large sums
to be freed from the present incumberance of his army.
He satisfied their desires, but refused their moneys, still
saying, that he could not have their hearts and their
purses — his work was to vindicate his Master's rights,
and restore them to their wonted happiness."* The
only one of all these pledges fulfilled by the magistrates
of Edinburgh, was the immediate release of the pri-
soners in the tolbooth, who, on the return of the dele-
gates, obtained their liberty, and joined Montrose in his
camp. These were Lord Reay, young Irving of Drum,
(who had been sent back to his loathsome confinement)
Ogilvy of Powry, and Dr Wishart.t Two other con-
spicuous individuals also at this crisis made a voluntary
offer of their services and allegiance, namely, the Justice-
Clerk, Sir John Hamilton of Orbistoun, a distinguished
member of the Committee of Estates, and Archibald
Primrose of Carrington, no less distinguished as Clerk
of Council and of the Estates. Montrose considered
them most important acquisitions, as he expected that
the influence of Sir John would bring over Lanerick
himself to the cause of the King. Lord Napier judged

• This probably refers to the occasion of the submission of Edinburgh
after the battle of Kilsyth.

f Macdonald's two brothers, and his fother, old Coll, and Montrose's
natural brother, Henry Graham, had been exchanged before the battle of
Kilsyth for some of Argyle's friends.

454 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

otherwise, and augured no good from their presence.
He even counselled Montrose to beware they did not
breed dissension in his camp, and expressed his belief
that for such a purpose they had been sent by the Ha-
milton faction.

While Montrose was still at Bothwell, the climax of
his brief though brilliant triumph occurred in the arrival
of Sir Robert Spotiswood, as Secretary of State for Scot-
land, bringing to him a new and more ample commission.
The Secretary had come from Oxford, througli Wales, and
passed over to the Isle of Man, from whence he landed
in Lochaber, came down to Athol, and was conducted
by the Athol-men to Montrose. He brought with
him a commission from the King, dated 25th June
1645, appointing Montrose to be Captain-General and
Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland, with power to sum-
mon Parliaments, in short, all the privileges previ-
ously held by Prince Maurice. This commission was
in due form presented, by the Secretary of State, under
the Royal Standard, and was then handed by Montrose
to Archibald Primrose, as Clerk of Council, to be pro-
claimed to the army. This ceremony took place at a
grand review of his victorious troops on the day before
his fatal march to the Borders. He addressed his sol-
diers in a short and affecting speech, mindful of their
courage and their loyalty, and expressive of the warmth
of his feelings towards his gallant followers. Then di-
recting his praises in particular to Allaster Macdonald,
in presence of the whole army he conferred upon him
the honour of knighthood, by virtue of the powers of
this new commission.

The result of all these arrangements was different
from what, probably, had been expected. As Montrose

MONTROSE DESERTED AND BETRAYED. 455

now came in place of Prince Maurice himself, it was
natural to suppose that the awkward competition, of
his former subordinate commission, with that granted
to Huntly be-north the Grampians, would be removed,
and, consequently, all reasonable cause of jealousy be-
twixt them. The superior rank now bestowed upon
our hero was his due by a title which no loyalist could
pretend to rival, least of all Huntly. The services of
Huntly's family in the recent transactions had been
most important, and their loss, in the death of Lord
Gordon, irreparable. But it was the spirit, temper, and
perseverance of Montrose alone, that had attracted the
Gordons to the Standard, and thereby saved the honour
and added to the glory of their house. But neither
were those services overlooked ; for, upon the death of
Lord Gordon, Aboyne was created an Earl. Macdon-
ald also had reason to be now more gratefully attached
to the Standard, and to Montrose. His father, and his
two brothers, were redeemed from their captivity and
the prospect of an ignominious death, and he himself
honoured with knighthood, before all his comrades,
although his disobedience and want of judgment had
very nearly lost the battle of Aulderne. And yet, as if
Montrose's elevation had only added fresh fuel to the
jealousy of the house of Huntly, Aboyne secretly in-
fluenced by his father, and even worked upon by the
poisonous art of Argyle, withdrew from Montrose,
carrying with him all the Gordons, (excepting Colonel
Nathaniel Gordon), at the most critical period. Mac-
donald, on the other hand, having now acquired agreac
name in arms, and being dignified with the most honour-
able of knighthoods, felt that his imj)ortancein the High-
lands was increased tenfold. AVhen he first landed from

456 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Ireland, the proud Claymores refused to follow him as a
chief, and, but for the sudden appearance of Montrose,
he and his Irish adventurers must have lived and died
as banditti. But now so great a hero was he amongst
them, that when the Highlanders as usual applied for
the leave they meant to take, of returning to their
homes to deposit their spoil, and chaunt their victories,
Macdonald, at his own earnest desire, and with the
concurrence of the chiefs, was appointed their captain-
general, and pledged himself to bring them back to the
Standard, when their services should be required. Never
were their services more requisite than at that very mo-
ment. But Montrose had no power over his unpaid
soldiery, and finding it in vain to attempt to detain
them, permitted their departure with a grace which he
hoped would encourage them to return. It was, how-
ever, the object of the Macdonalds to wage a particu-
lar war on their own account in the country of Argyle.
Old Coll Keitach was free again with all his sons, and
Sir Allaster was now captain of the clans under Mon-
trose, and, moreover, a knight of such renown in the
Highlands, that to him their traditions give the glory of
Montrose's wars. Dr Wishart declares, that when Mac-
donald, in a formal oration, returned thanks to the Lord
Governor for his great condescension, and pledged him-
self for their speedy return, he had no intention of ever
returning. The event justifies the imputation. From
that moment, when Macdonald marched northward with
the flower of the clans, and a body guard for himself
of a hundred and twenty picked Irish, Montrose and
he never met again.

This desertion (for however plausible the pretexts,
it was nothing else,) of the royal cause by the Gordons

MONTROSE DESERTED AND BETRAYED. 457

and the Highlanders, occurred at the very time when
the blow was most likely to prove fatal. While Mon-
trose occupied the leaguer at Bothwell, his object was
to rouse'into effective activity the ever timid, and now
somewhat damaged loyalty of those Border Earls,
Home, Roxburgh, and Traquair, Montrose had already
immortalized the claymore, and rendered every moun-
tain and glen of the North historic ground. How com-
plete would have been his triumph, had he succeeded
in reviving the ancient spirit and daring of the Prickers
of the south, and turned that, too, to the advantage of
his Sovereign. With this hope he sent the Marquis of
Douglas, and Lord Ogilvy, into Annandale and Nithis-
dale, to co-operate with the Earls of Hartfell and An-
nandale, in raising a body of horse, wherewith to march
into the districts of Home, Roxburgh, and Traquair,
and induce or compel those noblemen to bring aid to
the Standard. The name of Douglas was once a ta-
lisman on the Borders. But the days of Border chi-
valry were gone, and, disgusting fact, the best and
bravest of the Border race, the Scots, the bold Buc-
cleuch, were covenanting, and devoted to Argyle.
Douglas did his utmost to collect the requisite levies^
and drew around him no inconsiderable number of
ploughmen and shepherds. But, as cavalry, they were
no more to be trusted than was the infantry composed
of the puffy burghers of Perth. Douglas wrote to
Montrose, entreating him to come forthwith to the
Borders, and by the example of his veterans, and the
magic of his own presence, to encourage and confirm
these awkward and uncertain recruits. But the sin-
cerity of Roxburgh, Home, and even Traquair, who
all made offers of active service under the Governor of

458 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Scotland, was so doubtful, that the wisest of his friends
cautioned him against rashly trusting to their meet-
ing him with their promised forces. Argyle was
now at Berwick, exerting every art to sedu'ce these
noblemen, or at least to make them compromise Mon-
trose, and had already sent for David Leslie to come
with all his horse, and redeem the fortunes of the fac-
tion in Scotland. Montrose himself only quitted his
leaguer, and marched to the south, in consequence of
letters from the King, which reached him by various
messengers at this time, and all these letters repeated
the injunction for him to join Roxburgh and Traquair,
and to take their assistance and advice, as noblemen
whose fidelity and inclination to the Royal cause was
unquestionable. Montrose, accordingly, reviewed his
troops, and knighted Macdonald, on the 3d of Septem-
ber. On the following day he began his march. At
this critical moment, Macdonald went off in the op-
posite direction with the Highlanders, and on the se-
cond day of Montrose's march, Aboyne quitted the
Standard also. But the desperate fortunes of the
King in England had greatly increased his desire to
form a junction with his victorious Lieutenant, and
Montrose was not the man to turn back, under any
disadvantage, from a march to meet his Sovereign,
at that Sovereign's repeated commands. Had every
soldier deserted him, he would have gone alone. As
it was, with but the shadow of his former army, he
passed Edinburgh, and marching through the Lothians,
he encamped at Cranston Kirk, on Saturday the 6th
of September, and appointed Dr Wishart to preach a
sermon on Sunday, which he intended as a day of rest
for his troops. But in the morning Lord Erskine gave
him certain information that David Leslie, with some

MONTROSE DESERTED AND BETRAYED. 459

thousands of cavalry, was already at Berwick, and
he suggested the propriety of a timely retreat. Instead
of retreating, Montrose, having countermanded Dr
Wishart^s sermon, pressed onwards through the Strath
of the Gala, until he met his friends the Marquis of Dou-
glas and Lord Ogilvy with their miserable levies. At
the same time there came to him the courtly and
cautious Earl of Traquair, with many a flattering
promise of support, which, if sincere at the time, were
never to be fulfilled. The Earl himself returned to
his home, but afterwards sent his son, Lord Linton,
to the Standard, at the head of a gallant troop of
horse. Montrose marched forward to Kelso in the
hope of meeting the Earls of Home and Roxburgh.
There the tidings reached him that these noblemen had
been surprised by a party of Leslie's horse, and were
prisoners in Berwick. It is of little importance to the
history of Montrose whether the failure of all his hopes
in those quarters was the consequence of spiritless
and wavering policy, on the part of these nobles, or
of the downright treachery with which they are
charged by Wishart and Guthrie. Certain it is that
David Leslie, after having determined, in a council of
war, to make for the Grampians and thus place him-
self betwixt Montrose and his fastnesses, suddenly al-
tered the line of his march, and went directly in pursuit
of the Royalists. It is said, and is most probable, that
Traquair, Home, and Roxburgh, having discovered the
unexpected weakness of Montrose's army, considered
his cause hopeless, and thought now of little else than
consulting their own personal safety, by a well-timed
compromise. The allegation, that they effected this by
means of secretly communicating the fact to Leslie, is

460 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS,

not proved, and we may hope is untrue. Their conduct,
however, produced the same result as if it had been the
blackest treachery. While Montrose, now hopeless of
effecting a junction with the King, was retracing his
steps westward from the Borders, with the view of re-
cruiting in the counties of Nithisdale, Annandale, and
Ayr, David Leslie, apprized of the forlorn state of the
Standard, had turned to seek it. And soon afterwards,
a hurried order from Traquair recalled Lord Linton
and his troop from Montrose.

But if Huntly and Aboyne had supported and clung
to the Standard with the determined loyalty of Airly
and Ogilvy, the Gordons would have • followed to a
man, — the noblemen of the Borders would have been in-
duced to active loyalty, — and the person of the now ruin-
ed King would at least have come under the protection
of Montrose, who certainly would have taken no price
for his blood. The fatal effect of the defection of the
Gordons was keenly felt by Montrose, and probably at
his desire was the following letter written by Lord
Oo-ilvy to Aboyne. It has not hitherto been printed
or noticed, and will be found to cast more light upon
the causes of Aboyne's desertion, than any of our his-
torians have done.

*' My Lord,

*' Though I know all the baits and enticements of
the world will not be able to make you do any thing
unworthy of yourself, yet, my Lord, my constant af-
fection and brotherhood to yourself, and respect to your
old honourable family, whereunto now ye have chiefest
interest, inforceth me to present to your Lordship in
your honour that which doth concern your Lordship,
that knowing of it you may be upon your guard. Ar-

OGILVY'S LETTER TO ABOYNE. 461

gyle leaves no winds unfurled to sow dissension among
you, and draw your Lordship off, and hath ordered a
friend of yours to write to that effect to you and your
father, by Provost Leslie of Aberdeen. Likewise Hary
Mountgoniery hath commissions to my Lord your fa-
ther, and your Lordship's self for that end, and is on
his journey. I think he be now northward, having
got my Lord Drummond's fine of L. 30,000. Both
Drummond and your sister* hath sent me word, desir-
ing I should with all expedition shew your Lordship
that your Lordship should take some fit opportunity
for taking Mountgomery prisoner. As also that Ar-
gyle, notwithstanding of any oaths or promises that he
may seem to make to you, does intend nothing but your
dishonour — the utter extirpating of all memory of your
old family, and, if it could lie on your hands, the ruin-
ating and betraying of the King's service ; and this my
Lady Drummond told me before I came out of prison ;
and, since, she sent me commission to entreat that ye
will riot be ensnared, for they are striving to draw your
Lordship off, and others, thinking thereby to turn every
man as desperate as themselves. So they are begging
grace to themselves, but cannot obtain it, and seeing
they see nothing but inevitable ruin before them, they
would engage, deeply, innocents with them. I know
your Lordship's gallantry to be such that I will not pre-
sume to go further than faithfully to render up my com-
mission to you. When any thing further worthy your
Lordshijys knowledge occurs, I shall instantly give no-
tice thereof. In the interim I continue your Lordship's
humble servant, " Ogilvy." f

* Married to Lord Drummond. See p. 275.

f This interesting letter I find among the Wodrow manuscripts in
the Advorates' Library. It is entitled, " Copy of my Lord Ogilvie's

462 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

It is Bishop Burnet who says,—" The Marquis of
Montrose made a great progress, but he laid no lasting
foimdation, for he did not make himself master of the
strong places or passes of the kingdom. After liis last
and greatest victory at Kilsyth, he was lifted up out of
measure — he thought he was now master, but had no
scheme how to fix his conquests." This malicious non-
sense has been hastily adopted by many respectable his-
torians as a true estimate of Montrose's plan, and the
merit of his success. Hence Malcolm Laing asserts,
that " it was obvious, to more attentive observers, that
the strength and the successes of Montrose were tran-
sient ; he had overrun the country, in the course of a
barbarous and desultory war, undertaken in the most
desperate circumstances, waged by banditti, and sup-
ported by depredations, but had acquired no fortified
lilace or pass, nor established any durable foundation
in Scotland." From the same source flows the cri-
tique of Dr Cook, that, " Montrose's great object
should have been to keep the advantage which he
had gained, to root out the Covenanters, and to secure
the whole kingdom for his master ; but he formed
schemes which precipitated his ruin."

None of these historians afford the information, by
what possibility Montrose, with his peculiar following,
and without artillery, could have taken the strongholds
of Scotland, or kept possession of what they vaguely term
the " passes of the kingdom." But the criticism is as
ill-informed as it is unreasonable. Montrose was play-
ing a far better game than to exhaust his resources by

letter to my Lord Aboyne." The date is not given ; but it was obvious-
ly written betwixt the 4th of September, 1645, when Aboyne left Mon-
trose, and the ensuing 13th of September, which was the day of Philip,
haugh.

MONTROSE NOT VAIN GLORIOUS. 46^

besieging castles, even had he possessed the means of
making the attempt. One stronghold he did occupy,
besides the castles of Huntly, namely, Blair in Athol,
where he kept his stores and his prisoners. He re-
quired no more for his purpose, which was to clear
Scotland of every Covenanter in arms, and then join
the King, on the Borders, whom the gaining of a single
battle in England would have enabled to fulfil Mon-
trose's admirable scheme, indicated in the quaint quo-
tation, " come thou and take the city." Montrose had
played Ids part — he had " conquered from Dan to Ber-
sheeba." He had even gone far to do what Dr Cook
blames him for omitting, namely, " to root out the
Covenanters." It is said, that, in the course of his single
twelvemonth's career of victory, at least sixteen thou-
sand armed Covenantei's died in the battle or pursuit,
and not a hundred Royalists.* What scheme had
Montrose formed " which precipitated the King's
ruin ?" Was it the fault of Montrose that, while every
blow he struck shook the Covenant to its centre, the
collateral career of Charles was a series of false steps
and misfortunes ? Had the King gained the battle of
Naseby, and marched with a victorious army to Scot-
land, what then would have been the commentary of
Burnet, and Laing, and Cook, upon the successes of
Montrose ? Nay, had the fates not been against
Charles to the very dregs of his career, that which Mon-
trose achieved would alone have sufficed to save the life
of the monarch, if not his throne. When David Leslie
was on his hurried march to Scotland, after the battle

* Mnlcolm Laing is })leascd to saj' that Montrose's wars Mere " waged
by banditti." They were the King's snhjects, fighting in defence of
the Throne, under the Royal Standard, displayed by the King's Lieu-
tenant, clothed witii the King's commission, under tlie Kiug's nephew.

464 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of Kilsyth, he paused at Rotheram, with men and horses
so fatigued, that, as he himself afterwards declared,
they could have made no effectual resistance. The
King was then at Doncaster, on his way to meet Mon-
trose. He was at the head of four thousand cava-
liers. Three thousand foot, raised by the gentlemen of
Yorkshire, were about to join him. He could have
annihilated Leslie, and had not the impetuous Rupert
unfortunately been absent, that blow would in all pro-
bability have been struck. Urged on his fate by more
timid councils, Charles, when the tidings reached him
that the Scotch horse were within ten miles, instead of
being advised to seize that golden opportunity, as Mon-
trose would have done, altered his plan of marching
northward, and retreated to Newark. Even that false
move, at the eleventh hourof his misfortunes in the field,
decided the fate of the King, as it did that of Montrose,
and the kingdom. About three weeks from this period
elapsed before David Leslie was at Philiphaugh. The
genius of Montrose had inevitably led him to anticipate
a different result. Burnet's picture of him, lingering
on the Borders, without a rational scheme, or certain
aim, and with no other principle of action than vain-
glorious reflections and vaunts on the subject of his last
victory, — is a false picture. He was there, by appoint-
ment of his sovereign, waiting in breathless expecta-
tion for tidings of the King, or Lord Digby. Could
his forces have combined with theirs, the Gordons and
the Claymores would to a man have joined the Standard,

and the game of the Covenant was up. Montrose

knew this so well, that their desertion was not sufficient
to deter him from marching south. For the same rea-
son, the tidings of David Leslie's approach was not
sufficient to scare him to the mountains. ' Surely,' he

spotiswood's letter To digby. 465

thought, ' the Cavaliers will cross his march, ere he can
cross the borders,' And it is more rational to conceive
the anxious and impatient hero, — as day after day he
heard of nothing but Leslie's march, — exclaiming to Sir
Robert Spotiswood and the rest, ' Good God, what is
the King, and Rupert, and Digby about, are they
asleep or dead ?' — than it is to picture him " lifted up
out of measure." Our historians, who have suffered
the malicious puerilities of Burnet to tinge their own
pages on the subject, would have done well to have
studied the following letter, from Sir Robert Spotis-
wood to Lord Digby, dated " near to Kelso, September
10th, 1645," and found in the President's pocket when
taken at Philiphaugh.

" My Lord,

*' We are now arrived ad columnas HercuUs, to
Tweedside — dispersed all the King's enemies, within
this kingdom, to several places, some to Ireland, most
of them to Berwick — and had no open enemy more to
deal with, if you had kept David Leslie there, and not
suffered him to come in here, to make head against us
of new. It is thought strange here, that at least you
have sent no party after him, which we expected, al-
though he should not come at all. You little imagine
the difficulties my Lord Marquis hath here to wrestle
with. The overcoming of the enemy is the least of
them — he hath more to do with his seeming friends.
Since I came to him (which was but within these ten
days, after much toil and hazard,) I have seen much
of it. He was forced to dismiss his Highlanders for
a season, who would needs return home to look to their
own affairs. When they M^ere gone, Ahoyne took a ca-
price, and had away with him the greatest strength/he

VOL. II. GO'

466 MONTROSE AND THE COVENTANTERS.

had of horse. Notwithstanding whereof he resolved
to follow his work, and clear this part of the kingdom
(that was only resting,) of the rebels that had fled to
Berwick, and kept a bustling here. Besides, he was
invited hereunto by the Earls of Roxburgh and Home,
who, when he was within a dozen miles of them, have
rendered their houses and themselves to David Lesly,
and are carried in as prisoners to Berwick. Traquair
hath been with him, and promised more nor he hath
yet performed. All these were great disheartenings to
any other but to him, whom nothing of this kind can
amaze. With the small forces he hath presently with
him, he is resolved to pursue David Leslie, and not suf-
fer him to grow stronger. If you would perform that
which you lately iwomised^ both this kingdom, and the
north of England might be soon reduced, and consider-
able assistance sent from hence to his Majesty. How-
ever, nothing will be wanting on our parts here. These
that are together are both loyal and resolute ; only a
little encouragement from you (as much to let it be seen
that they are not neglected as for any thing else) would
crown the work speedily. This is all I have for the
present, but that I am your Lordship's most faithful
friend, *' Ro. Spotiswood." *>

* This letter appears to have been little considered by our historians j
probably from being buried in the appendices to the translations of Wish-
art. But it deserves a prominent place in the illustrations of Montrose's
career. It is addressed to George Lord Digby, the second Earl of Bris-
tol, so celebrated for the beauty of his person and the loyal chivalry of
his spirit. He was the original promoter of Montrose's scheme to con-
quer Scotland. Clarendon tells us that " the design of the Earls of
Montrose and Antrim was wholly managed with the King by the Lord
Di^by." As Montrose progressed in his unparalleled path of victory,
Digby became most ambitious to join him, and made the attempt even
after Philiphaugh. " The Lord Digl)y," says Sir Philip Warwick, " en-
tered upon a romantic design, with a small body of horse, to march

4

PHILIPHAUGH. 467

It was on the 12th of September that Montrose
paused at Selkirk, his mind bein^ at the moment unfor-
tunately more occupied with transmitting despatches
to the King, than with the necessity of providing against
a surprise from so powerful and experienced an enemy
as David Leslie. Dr Wishart confesses that his hero
upon this occasion entrusted to others a duty it was
his usual practice to take upon himself, namely, the
placing his horse patrols in the proper quarters, and
the selecting and sending forth in every direction, scouts
upon whose activity and fidelity he could perfectly rely.
Yet never was his personal superintendence of the ma-
chinery of his camp more requisite than now. David
Leslie, the best soldier that ever degraded the charac-
ter under the Covenant, was on the borders with an
army chiefly composed of from five to six thousand of
the flower of the Scottish cavalry from England.* Mon-
trose had lost both the Highlanders and the Gordons,

into Scotland to the assistance of the Earl of Montrose, that most brave
loyal Scot, who, to admiration, did defeat so many of the Scots rebels,"
&c. " But the Lord Digby's design (though he did perchance as much
as any man could have done,) evaporated, for he is beaten at his en-
trance into Yorkshire, and before he got to Carlisle defeated, and so for-
ced to ship himself for Ireland instead of Scotland." Digby has been just-
ly likened to the heroes of romance, but fell short of the genius by
which his friend Montrose was assimilated to the heroes of Plutarch.

* Rushworth gives the following account of the force sent from En-
gland against Montrose: " The Scots army in England hearing of these
great successes of Montrose at home, raised their siege from before Here-
ford, and dispatched Lieutenant-General David Leslie, with most of their
horse for Scotland. The Gth of September Leslie passed the Tweed,
and in Scotland mustered nine regunents of horse, two regiments of
Dragoons, and eight hundred foot, which were taken out of the garrison
of Newcastle, and other forces rallied in that kingdom. Montrose had
instructions from the King to march towards the Tweed, to be ready
there to join with a party of horse which should be sent him out of Kng-
knd."— Vol. vi. p. 231.

468 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

the very staple of his army. The Ogilvies were
only a force sufficient for his body-guard. His Irish
infantry were not more than from five to seven hun-
dred strong, and the recent levies were a mob of
clowns, and degenerate Prickers, who scarcely knew
how to manage their horses. The weather too con-
spired against him, for the face of the country for
miles around was enveloped in a dense fog, and, more-
over, the inhabitants of those southern districts were
too much under the influence of the Covenant to busy
themselves in bringing intelligence to the King's
Lieutenant. To the captains of his horse, the lat-
ter intrusted the duty of placing sentinels, and send-
ing forth the scouts. His infantry he established and
entrenched on the left bank of the Ettrick, on the
plain of Philiphaugh, sheltered or supported by the
Harehead-wood, which he fondly deemed a protection
from a sudden infall of cavalry. Montrose himself, with
the best of his own cavalry, took up his quarters in the
village on the other side of the river, and there, in coun-
cil with his friends, Napier, Airly, and Crawford, he was
occupied during most of the night, framing despatches to
the King, which were to be sent by break of day in charge
of a trusty messenger he had just procured. As the night
wore on, uncertain rumours were brought to him, of
the approach of an enemy, which he transmitted from
time to time to the officers of his guard. As often the
reply came back, that all was well. * As day dawned,

* Bishop Guthrie records that it was about midnight, before the morn-
ing of the surprise, that Traquair " privately called away his son, the
Lord Linton and his troop, without giving any notice thereof to Mon-
trose." This, among other circumstances, brought upon Traquair the
imputation of having been in secret correspondence with David Leslie.
That nobleman most probably had discovered the fact, of which uncer-
tain rumours were brought to Montrose during the night, that the lat-

3 -

THILIPHAUGH. 469

the scouts were again sent out, who returned declaring
that they had scoured the country far and wide, ex-
amined every road and by-path, and they " rashly wish-
ed damnation to themselves, if an enemy were within
ten miles."

Shrouded like a thander-bolt in the surrounding
gloom, David Leslie lay quartered that night within
four miles of Selkirk, and, ere the dawn could pierce
the fog that so greatly favoured him, was within half
a mile of Philiphaugh before his approach was known.
When this intelligence reached Montrose, he flung him-
self on the first horse he could find, and, with his atten-
dant guard of nobles and gentlemen, instantly galloped
across the river to the scene of action, where the con-
fusion in every quarter of his leaguer indicated the
fatal effect of his temporary absence. Not an officer
was in his i^lace, scarcely a Pricker mounted, when
the clang of Leslie's trumpets broke through the gloom,
and the right wing of the Royalists was at the same
moment sustaining the overwhelming mass of his iron
brigades, in full career. There, too, fought Montrose's
chivalry, about a hundred and twenty noblemen and
knights. Twice were the rebels repulsed with slaughter.
But Montrose never had a chance. Two thousand of
Leslie's horse, by an easy detour across the river, came
upon the rear of the little band, already sustaining the

ter was about to be devouved by an army of horse, against which he had
not the slightest chance. Traqiiair, timid and temporizing, may, in the
agitation of tiie moment, and tliinking more at the time of his son's and
his own personal safety, tlian of the honour of either, have hastily with-
drawn Lord Linton from the danger. No better case, that 1 discover on
examining the authorities, can be made out for Tra(|uair in this matter;
nor, according to the illustrations of his character ahead)' afforded, have
I been able to adopt the extreme view, of Ids deliberate treachery, taken
by Dr Wishart.

470 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

shock of double that number in front, and the struggle
of the RoyalivSts was now for life. Montrose's infantry,
after quarter asked and given, threw down their arms,
and became defenceless prisoners. Montrose himself,
and about thirty cavaliers, for a while engaged in des-
perate and personal conflict with the enemy, who sur-
rounded him in such dense masses that he gave up the
hope of escape, and fought as one who meant to die
rather than yield, and to sell his life as dearly as pos-
sible. But the friends around him, especially the
Marquis of Douglas and Sir John Dalziel, implored him
to make an effort for his liberty, and to live for better
fortune. At last, while the enemy were distracted
by their desire to plunder the baggage, Montrose
and his friends cut their way in a desperate charge,
and went off followed by a party of the rebel horse.
This pursuit only served to dignify the flight of the
hero of his country and age. Captain Bruce, and two
cornets, each bearing a standard, led the party ambitious
of his capture. But, like him who caught the Tartar
of old, they could neither bring back the prize nor re-
turn themselves. Montrose faced them in a charge
which cost some of the pursuers their lives, and routed
the rest, with the exception of Captain Bruce, and the
two standard bearers, whom our hero chained even to
the wheels of his flying chariot.*

* Dr Wishart's account of Montrose's bravery is confirmed by Rush-
worth, who says, — " Montrose fought very bravely, and rallied his horse,
and charged the pursuers once or twice, and by that bravery lost more
men than otherwise he would have done." — Bishop Burnet, however,
(in a passage which bis son had suppressed,) says, — " In his defeat, Mon-
trose took too much care of himself, for he was never willing to expose
himself too much," — a most impudent falsehood. Mr Brodie can nei-
ther forego the authority of Rushworth, nor the malice of Burnet, so
he adopts both. " Montrose," he says, " repeatedly rallied his horse in

PHILIPHAUGH. 471

Thus set the star of Montrose's fortune, — not of his
heroism, which was yet to take a brighter though a
bloodier farewell. It cannot be said that he ever lost
a battle. But that character, which even his factious
enemies had long before given him in their pasquils, —
" mvictus armisy'' — was now breathed on by defeat, —
the bloom of his victories was gone, and the last hope
for the monarchy of England, and for the honour of
Scotland, expired at Philiphaugh.

A frame of adamant — a soul of fire —
No dangers fright him, and no labours tire ; —
He comes — not want and cold his course delay ; —
Hide, blushing glory, hide Pultowa's day!

the flight, but his eflforts only augmented his loss. His only resource
was disgraceful flight to the mountains."

Burnet asserts that Montrose, on the night before the surprise, had
written a letter to the King, which was never sent, and which contained
the quotation from Samuel. This probably is an inaccurate reference to
what Montrose wrote, and sent to the King, after Inverlochy. See p. 395.
The spirit of that quotation has been misunderstood. Clearly it referred
to Montrose's long impression that Hamilton and Arcjyle were actuated
by views of their own aggrandizement in Scotland. Dr Cook alludes
to the letter as " a vaunting letter of Montrose," from which it may be
inferred that the Reverend author never saw the letter itself.

Of the two covenanting commanders at Philiphaugh, Leslie was re-
warded with 50,000 merks and a chain of gold, Middleton with 25,000
merks. It was in reserve for them both to be raised to the peerage by
Charles H. Sir John Dalziel almost forced Montrose off the field, and
it is curious to observe that Sir .John's brother, the Earl of Carnwath,
was he who seized the King's bridle at the battle of Nascby, and led
him off, saying, — " will you go upon your death !"

472 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER XVII.

A SCENE OF THE COVENANTING REIGN OF TERROR.

From the sad chapter of Montrose's defeat, we must
turn to the revolting one of the consequent fate of his
followers and friends. Those who cut their way along
with him were the Marquis of Douglas, Lord Napier,
(though he declared himself to be " ould, and not fit for
fighting,") the Lords Erskine and Fleming, Sir John
Dalziel, and a few others of minor distinction. They
went up the Yarrow, and across the M inch-moor, over-
taking in their progress a body of their own cavalry
who had quitted the field sooner. Sixteen miles from
the scene of his disaster Montrose first drew bridle, at
the house of Traquair, where he asked to see the Earl
and his son ; but, adds Wishart, " they were both de-
nied to be at home, though some gentlemen of honour
and credit affirmed they were both in the house." At
break of day the fugitives crossed the Clyde at a ford,
to which they were condvicted by Sir John Dalziel, and
there, to the great joy of all, the Earls of Crawford and
Airly joined them. These noblemen had escaped by a
different road, and were accompanied by two hundred
cavalry. Montrose now felt himself sufficiently pro-
tected, and, with a spirit little affected by his defeat,
instantly took measures to recruit his army. Douglas
and Airly he commissioned to go into Angus, and Lord
Erskine into Mar, to levy their respective friends and
vassals. Sir John Dalziel was sent to Lord Carnegy

MASSACRE OF PRISONERS. 473

with a similar commission. At the same time Mon-
trose despatched letters to Aboyne and Macdonald,
urging them to return with the Gordons and the clans.
He himself, still attended by Lord Napier and the
Master, proceeded with the rest of the horse across the
Forth and the Earn, and so through Perthshire by the
foot of the hills into Athol, where, notwithstanding that
their harvest was not yet gathered in, or their houses
repaired from the desolations they had suffered, four
hundred of the indomitable loyalists of that district were
again ready to follow the Standard.

Meanwhile the Kirk militant triumphed. Cruel as
David Leslie was in his own nature, lawless, and reck-
less of human life and liberty, as was the covenanting
Parliament, the results of Montrose's defeat derived
their fiendish characteristics from neither, but from
Argyle, the king of the Kirk, Archibald Johnston, its
minion, and the dominant clergy themselves. Compa-
ratively few fell in the fight at Philiphaugh, and scarce-
ly any in the flight. The principal slaughter was of de-
fenceless and unresisting prisoners, after quarter asked
and given. The main body of the Irish had betaken
themselves to an enclosure on an eminence, which, says
Bishoj) Guthrie, " they maintained, until Stewart, the
Adjutant, being amongst them, procured quarter for
them from David Leslie ; whereupon they delivered up
their arms, and came forth to a plain field, as they
were directed. But then did the churchmen quarrel
[complain] that quarter should be given to such wretches
as they, and declared it to be an act of most sinful im-
piety to spare them, wherein divers of the noblemen com-
plied with the clergy ; and so they found out a distinc-
tion whereby to bring David Leslie fairly off", and this it
was that quarter was only meant to Stenart the Adju-

474 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

tant himself, but not to his company. After which,
having delivered the Adjutant to Middleton to be his
prisoner, the army was let loose upon them, and cut
them all in pieces." The picture is awfully dark-
ened by the fact, that from the Bible itself these mi-
nisters of blood enforced suchscenes. " Thine eye
shalt not pity, and thou shalt not spare," — and, " What
meaneth then this bleating of the sheep in my ears, and
the lowing of the oxen," — were the sacred texts by
which, upon this and some other occasions, they diverted
from defenceless prisoners the rude mercies of soldiers
weary of blood.

But there were other prisoners, of the dearest friends
of Montrose, and the brightest ornaments of Scotland,
reserved for a bonne hoiiche to the Covenant. Unhap-
pily, after extricating themselves from the fight, the
Earl of Hartfell, the Lords Drummond and Ogilvy,
Sir Robert Spotiswood, Sir Alexander Leslie of Auch-
intoul, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, Wil-
liam Murray, brother to the Earl of Tullibardine,
Alexander Ogilvy, younger of Innerquharity, Colo-
nel Nathaniel Gordon, Mr Andrew Guthrie, son to
the Bishop of Murray, all missed their way in paths
unknown to them, and being taken by the country
people, were by them delivered into the hands of the
Covenanters. Colonel O'Kyan and Major Lachlin, both
greatly endeared to Montrose by their gallantry and fi-
delity, had been reserved from the massacre of the Irish
soldiers, for a more ignominious execution. " The
play," as Robert Baillie would call it, began with the
death of these two Irish officers. They were subjects
of the King, taken fighting for his throne under his
commission, and after quarter asked and granted on the
field. In every view of " the cause" they were entit-
led to be treated as honourable prisoners of war. TJiey

DOOM OF Montrose's friends. 475

were immediately taken to Edinburgh, and hanged
without delay upon the Castle Hill. Before the end of
September Leslie brought his army through West Lo-
thian to Glasgow, where the Committees of the Estates
and of the Kirk sat in judgment against the rest of
their illustrious prisoners. The Estates were disin-
clined to take their lives. The Moderator was deput-
ed to urge their execution in the name of the Kirk, and
that overture prevailed. Ten were marked for death,
namely, Hartfell, Ogilvy, Spotiswood, Rollock, Nisbet,
Nathaniel Gordon, young Innerquharity, William Mur-
ray, Andrew Guthrie, and Stewart, the Irish Adjutant.
Both Committees then adjourned until the following
month, when they again assembled at Glasgow about
the 20th of October, being the time and place fixed by
Montrose for the Parliament he had been commission-
ed to summon.

Meanwhile Montrose was kept in a state of constant
bodily fatigue and mental suffering in the north, vain-
ly exerting himself to bring back Macdonald and the
Gordons to the Standard. Huntly's jealousy, long brood-
ed over in his lurking place of Strathnaver, had be-
come more and more impracticable, and that ever loyal
and once gallant nobleman, even derived from the re-
cent disaster a mean and ridiculous hope of being yet
able to rival Montrose. Under this influence Aboyne
tortured Montrose with false promises, and the most
tantalizing and inconsistent conduct. And this tor-
ture was increased, on the one hand, by messages from
the King, which reached the Royal Lieutenant by Cap-
tain Thomas Ogilvy, younger of Powry, and Captain
Robert Nisbet, (who came by different roads,) requiring
him to make what haste he could to join Lord George
Digby and a party of cavaliers on the English borders,

476 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

— and , on the other hand, by the dreadful accounts broug-ht
him of the massacre of his followers and the impending
fate of his dearest friends. That no mercy would be
shown them Montrose augured from what had already
passed. He learnt that, besides the slaughter of the pri-
sonersat Philiphaugh, many of the unfortunate followers
of his camp had been, some time afterwards, deliberate-
ly condemned to be cast over a high bridge and so de-
stroyed. Their crime was being the wives and children
of the Irish soldiers. In one day eighty women and
children, some infants at their mother's breast, were pre-
cipitated over the bridge at Linlithgow,* and if any

* See note to Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 48, and
Sir George Mackenzie's Vindication, &c. there quoted. The excellent
historian of the Kirk, Dr Cook, under a clause of his history, which he
entitles, " Cruelty of the Covenanters, particularly of the Ministers,"
candidly admits that " they displayed a savage violence which justly
deserves the reprobation of posterity. Not only were those who fled
from the battle inhumanely massacred, but, after all danger was past,
many of the prisoners were put to death." He adds, " I see no reason
for disbelieving the story of the massacre. It is explicitly mentioned by
Guthrie, and Burnet was convinced of its truth." Dr Cook's remark is
in reference to Malcolm Laing's impugning the veracity of Wishart, as
to the atrocities committed after the battle. Laing insinuates that there
is no truth in the story of the massacre of the disarmed soldiery, and as
for the scene at the bridge he triumphantly exclaims, " Salmonet and
Guthrie were ashamed to transcribe the last story from Wishart, of the
prisoners thrown alive into the Tweed. The fact is, that from Berwick
to Peebles there was not a single bridge on the Tweed, and farther Hay
is obliged to transfer the scene to Linlithgow Bridge, above forty miles
from the field of battle." Sir Walter Scott very properly will not admit
this as sufficient to convict Dr Wishart of so deliberate a falsehood :
" Many others are said, by Wishart, to have been precipitated from a
high bridge over the Tweed. This, as Mr Laing remarks, is impossible;
because there was not a bridge over the Tweed betwixt Peebles and
Berwick. But there is an old Bridge over the Ettrick, only four miles
from Philiphaugh, and another over the Yarrow, both of which lay in
the very line of flight and pursuit ; and either might have been the scene
of the massacre." — Border Minstrelsy, Vol. ii. p. 2.3. Mr Brodie, how-
ever, corrects Sir Walter Scott, and says, — " Wishart speaks of the amaz-
ing ci uelty practised by Leslie, drowning hundreds by throwing them

DOOM OF Montrose's friends. 477

struggled to the bank of the river they were knocked on
the head, or thrust in again by the soldiers. Nor was this
all. Upon the 28th of October, Sir William Rollock, the
constant attendant of Montrose from the commence-
ment of the expedition, was selected for immediate exe-
cution. He had otherwise incurred the fearful enmity of
Argyle. When, after the battle of Aberdeen, this gallant
gentleman was returning to Montrose, from that mis-
sion to the King we have elsewhere noticed, he fell in-
to the hands of the Dictator, and would have shared
the fate of James Small, had he not pretended to yield
to the offer of life, and promise of rewards, which were
to be the price of his assassinating 3Iontrose. To
Montrose, accordingly, being suffered to return, he
disclosed the fact, warning him at the same time to be-
ware of that infernal system employed against him.
Such is the anecdote deliberately told and published by
Dr Wishart, in the lifetime and under the auspices of

over a bridge, though there was no bridge there ; and he estimates the
number thus murdered far beyond what he would allow to have been
on Montrose's side !" — Hist. Vol. iv. p. 36.

With regard to the last part of our historiographer's hit, he forgets
that the cook-boys, womei!, children, and other followers of the camp,
thus massacred in cold blood, would not be included in the estimate of
Montrose's troops. It is singular, however, that every one of the above
authors had neglected to look at Dr Wisliart's original Latin, or even
the contemporary translation, in neither of which is there any mention
of the Tweed as the scene of the massacre. The mistake, thus made the
test of his veracity, occurs in some of the other translations. The ori-
ginal expressions are, — " ab edito ponte pracipitatos, et sublaljentibus
aquis immersos." And the translation published in the year I6-i8 has
it, — " thrown headlong from off a high bridge, and the men, togetiier
with their wives and sucking children, drowned in the river beneath."
There is no room whatever to doubt the story. Months after the bat-
tle, the covenanting soldiers wore thus complained of even by the co-
venanting inliabltants : " Twenty or thirty several bills of complaint
to the House of the lewd demeanour of soldiers, their killing and wound-
ing of men and women, tlieir plundering, and stealing of Iiorses." — Bal-
four's Notes.

478 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

his authority, Montrose himself. Let those who are
yet inclined to doubt it, compare it with the history of
the murder of Kilpont. ' Dead men tell no tales,' was
the favourite maxim of Argyle, and the blood of Sir
William Rollock was the first to stain that scaffold. On
the following day, died young Ogilvy of Innerquharity,
who, says Bishop Guthrie, " was but a boy of scarce
eighteen years of age, lately come from the schools ;"
and upon that occasion it was, that Mr David Dickson
said, the 'workgoes bonnily on,' which passed afterwards
into a proverb." Here, too, the finger of Argyle is visi-
ble. He was at deadly feud with the Ogilvies. Lord
Ogilvy was at the moment beyond his clutch, being se-
cretly protected by the influence of Lindsay, who was
Ogilvy's cousin-german, and the brother-in-law of the
great leaders of the intermediate faction, Hamilton and
Lanerick. Such was the real cause, — and what conceiv-
able excuse can be stated for the execution of this gal-
lant boy ? With him on the same scaffold perished Sir
William Nisbet of West-Nisbet, who had for some time
worthily commanded a regiment of the Royalists in
England.

A pause now occurred in these executions. Mon-
trose, just after they had taken place, hurried with about
twelve hundred foot and three hundred horse, from the
north into the Lennox, and the neighbourhood of Glas-
gow, where the Committees were guarded with no less
than three thousand of Leslie's cavalry. For the space
of nearly a month, he endeavoured to provoke them to a
battle, and daily threatened the town in the most daring
manner. His enemies were overawed, and (as they had
formerly done at Perth,) paused in their vengeance
against his friends. If Aboyne and Macdonald had
been with him, those friends would not have perished.

DEATH OF LORD NAPIER. 479

On the ] 9th of November, Montrose marched back to
Athol, struggling through the deep snow of the hills of
Menteith and Stratherne, in a severer winter than the
last, and with a heavier heart. His object was to make
another effort to rouse and conciliate Huntl}^ He had
left his friend Lord Napier at Fincastle, ill from fati-
gue of body and distress of mind. He returned just
in time to consign him to the grave, and to do all ho-
nour to his tomb in the Kirk of Blair. This " man of
a most innocent life and happy parts,"* at least had not
glutted their vengeance. The old and tried friend of
James VI. and Charles I., he of whom the latter once
said, ' this man hath suffered enough already,' was re-
leased from further suffering, and spared the pang of
knowing the ultimate fate of his Monarch, and his pu-
pil, f The Marquis of Douglas, the Lords Erskine and

* See introductory chapter, pp. 8, 9.

■j- Lord Napier died some time betwixt the 19tli of November IGIS,
and tbe 13th of December immediately following. Of the latter date
I find in the MS. Record of the covenanting Parliament, the minute of
a warrant in favour of " John Naper, brother to the late Lord Naper,
now prisoner in the tolbooth of Edinburgh." Tlie Parliament ordains
the Magistrates of Edinburgh to give the said John 12 shillings Scots
a day for his maintenance, and that of his wife Sara Naper, and grants
two dollars for her expences to carry her from St Andrews to Edinburgh
to her husband. This was John Napier of Easter-Torrie, the eldest son
of the Inventor of Logarithms, by his second wife, Agnes Chisholme of
Cromlix. Lord Najiier was the only son of the first marriage with Eli-
zabeth Stirling of Keir. John must have been imprisoned after the
battle of Kilsyth.

In the same Record, and also of date 13th December 1645, there is
minuted a petition to the Parliament from Montrose's niece, " Mrs Lilias
Napier, dochter lawful to umquhil Archibald Lord Naper." The peti-
tion narrates that her father had " provided for her by bond, in aue sum
of money for my j)rovision and portion natural, and now since his de-
cease, being destitute of parents, having nothing to look for but that
sum for the advancement of my fortune, when it shall please God the
same shall offer, and in the meantime nothing but the interest and profit
thereof to maintain me, and hearing that your Lordships be about to

480 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Fleming, and old Lord Airly were still with Montrose,
who foresaw that their constitutions would sink under
the fatigues of such a winter campaign. So he agreed
that they should compound for their safety through
what interest they possessed, which accordingly they
did,* with the exception of Airly, who refused to quit
the Standard.

On the 20th of November, some days after Mon-
trose marched northward, the Parliament met at St
Andrews, into the Castle of which all his friends had
been removed, with the exception of the Adjutant
Stewart, who was so fortunate as to make his escape
to Montrose. The whole influence of Argyle and
the churchmen were now directed to the accomplish-
ment of the execution of these noblemen and gentle-
men. Even without the testimony of Wishart and
Guthrie, the notes of that Parliament, left in manu-
script by the covenanting Lord Lyon, are sufficient to
prove a backwardness on the part of the Estates to bring
them to the scaffold, and a determination on the part of
the Kirk to have their blood. He has noted the texts
of the various clergymen who preached to the Parlia-
ment, and the speech of their Procurator, Archibald
Johnston. Mr Robert Blair, minister of St Andrews,

dispone my father's estate for the use of the public," therefore poor Li-
lias prays them to take her hard case into consideration. The petition
is read in Parliament, they promise to aliment her, and remit it to the
Committee for money.

* The following entry in the Lord Lyon's notes, of date 20th December
1645, indicates the arrangement they had made, and the usual inclina-
tion of the Covenanters to break faith. " A quere proposed to the House
by the Committee of processes, anent a clause contained in L. General Da-
vid Leslie's pass to the Lords Erskine and Fleming, viz. that he promised
on his honour that their persons should be safe and free. The House
remits this back to the said Committee of Processes." They were hea-
vily fined, and their estates occupied.

SPEECH OF THE PROCURATOR. 481

opened that session with a sermon on the ci. Psalm,
the last verse of which is, — " I will early destroy all
the wicked of the land, that I may cut off all wicked
doers from the city of the Lord." On the same day,
immediately after calling the roll, he who, in the
year 1641, wrote so gloatingly to Balmerino, — "the
lower House grows daily stouter ^ — will have Strafford's
life* — Lord encourage and direct them," — thus spoke
in the Parliament of Scotland : " Sir Archibald John-
ston had a long harangue to the House, intreating them
to unity amongst themselves, to lay all private respects
and interest aside, and to do Justice on delinquents, and
malignants, showing that their delaying formerly had
provoked God's two great servants against them, the
sword and pestilence, who had ploughed up the land with
deep furrows ; he showed that the massacre of Kilsyth
was never to be forgotten, and that God, who was the
just judge of the world, would not but judge righteous-
ly, and keep in remembrance that sea of innocent blood,
which lay before his throne crying for a vengeance on
these blood-thirsty rebels, the butchers of so many inno-
cent souls." And, in order to insure the " unity amongst
themselves" which he desiderated, the same eloquent
speaker urged a strict scrutiny into the sentiments of the
members of that House, which he compared to " Noah's
ark, which had in it both foul and clean creatures."
Upon the 4th of December there was " a petition ex-
hibited to the House by the prisoners now processed,
and in the Castle of St Andrew's, desyring that they
may be proceeded against ?iot hy a Committee, but that
they may be judged either by their peers, the Justice-
General, or before the whole Parliament." It seems that
in this just and constitutional petition they had speci-

* See Vol. i. p. 358.

VOL. ir. H h

482 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

ally objected to the interference of the Procurator, for,
in the afternoon of the same day, " the House an-
swers the prisoners' bill by repelling each reason of
the same in particular, and as for the declinator of Sir
Archibald Johnston, the House in one voice repels the
same likewise, if they have not any personal exception
against his person, then they may propone the same to
the Committee, which was ordered to proceed in their
processes." Upon the 5th of December " a remon-
strance from the Commissioners of the General Assem-
bly, to the High Court of Parliament, for justice upon
delinquents and malignants who have shed the blood of
their brethren," was read in the house ; and at the same
time four petitions, from the provincial assemblies of the
most rabid counties, were presented by about two hundred
individuals. Lord Lindsay, President of the Parliament,
thus replied : " That the Parliament took their modest
petitions awA seasonable remonstrances, very kindly, and
rendered them hearty thanks, and willed them to be con-
fident that with all alacrity and diligence they would go
about and proceed in answering the expectation of all
their reasonable desires, as they might themselves per-
ceive in their procedure thithertills ; and withal he en-
treated them, in the name of the House, that they would
be earnest with God, to implore and beg his blessing to
assist and encourage them to the performance of what
they demanded ; he showed them also, that the House
had appointed two of each estate to draw an answer to
them in writing, and their petitions and remonstrances
to be record to posterity.'''

Under this Christian influence the bloody play pro-
ceeded. Upon the 23d of December, all that yet exist-
ed of the soldiers and followers of the Irish regiments
at Philiphaugh were thus disposed of: " The House

ROYALISTS EXECUTED. 483

ordains the Irish prisoners taken at and after PhilijD-
haugh, in all the prisons of the kingdom, especially in
the prisons of Selkirk, Jedburgh, Glasgow, Dumbartane,
and Perth, to be executed without any assize or pro*
cess, conform to the treaty betwixt both kingdoms past
in act." Lord Ogilvy, Sir Robert Spotiswood, Natha-
niel Gordon, William Murray, and Andrew Guthrie,
maintained their innocence, and pleaded, moreover, that
they had been taken on quarter asked and given. After
a debate of three hours this defence was repelled. Upon
the l6th of January, Spotiswood, Gordon, Murray, and
Guthrie were, by a plurality of votes, condemned by
the Parliament to be beheaded at the cross of St An-
drews, on the following Tuesday, the 20th. Next day,
** the Earl of Tullibardine humbly petitions the House
that they would be pleased to pardon his brother Wil-
liam Murray's life, in respect, as he averred on his ho-
nour, that he was not compos mentis, as also within age.
The House, after debate, refuses his petition, and or-
dains their sentence to stand." The parties then re-
ceived their sentence on their knees in the House, and
were ordered for execution on the 210th, with the ex-
ception of Murray, who was respited for two days that
he might be examined in consequence of Tullibardine's
again offering for him the pleas of insanity and mino-
rity,* The covenanting Earl must have known that
these pleas were hopeless. William Murray was in-
deed not nineteen, but Alexander Ogilvy, wliom they
had recently butchered at Glasgow, was a twelvemonth

• Shame and remorse, or the intercession of young- Murray's motlier
and sisters, may have occasioned this hite, and miserable attempt in the
name of the Earl, to save his brother. Bishop Guthrie declares that
Tullibardine, in the first instance, urj^ed on tliedoom of his brother witli
the rest. And Wishart records the same fact against him.

484 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

younger. As for the plea of insanity, that appears
to have been a fiction of his friends. On the scaffold
this youth astonished the spectators with his magnani-
mous bearing. Towards the end of his address he ele-
vated his voice, and uttered these words, according to
the report of one who heard him : " I trust, my coun-
trymen, that you will consider that the house of Tulli-
bardine and the family of Murray are more honoured
than disgraced this day. It adds honour to an ancient
race, that its scion, without a stain on his character,
and in the prime of his youth, should, readily and
cheerfully, render up his life for the sake of such a King,
the father of his people, and the munificent patron of
my family in particular. Let not my venerated mother,
nor my dearest sisters, nor my kindred and friends, weep
for the untimely end of one whom death thus honours.
Pray for me, and fare ye well." Two days before this
execution. Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Captain Andrew
Guthrie, and Sir Robert Spotiswood, — he whom Mon-
trose used to address as " Good President," — perished
with equal constancy on the same scaffold. The two sol-
diers demeaned themselves in a manner worthy of their
gallantry through life, and of the cause in which they
died. In the exit of the latter there was something so
saint-like as to seem a type of the death of his Sove-
reign. The crimes libelled against him with unparal-
leled affrontery were, the having "purchased by pre-
tended ways," the office of Secretary of State, without
the consent of Parliament, and, as such, having docquet-
ed Montrose's Commission, and carried it to him in
person, by command of his Sovereign. In short, he
had succeeded Lanerick as Secretary of State. Two
words comprehend the offences for which he died — in-

THE president's LETTER TO MONTROSE. 485

tegrity and loyalty.* He appreciated and dearly loved
Montrose, as that letter to Lord Digby we have qvioted
sufficiently proves. Dated on the 19th of January 1646,
the eve of his execution, from St Andrews Castle, the
last letter he ever wrote was addressed " for the Lord
Marquis of Montrose his Excellence."

" My Noble Lord,

" You will be pleased to accept this last tribute of
my service, — this people having condemned me to die
for my loyalty to his Majesty, and the respect I am
known to carry towards your Excellence, which, I be-
lieve, hath been the greater cause, of the two, of my
undoing. Always, 1 hope, by the assistance of God's
grace, to do more good to the King's cause, and to the
advancement of the service your Excellence hath in
hand, by my death, than perhaps otherwise I could
have done, being living. For [notwithstanding] all the
rubs and discouragements I perceive your Excellence
hath had of late, I trust you will not be disheartened
to go on, and crown that work you did so gloriously
begin, and had achieved so happily if you had not been
deserted in the nick. In the end God will surely set
up again his own anointed, and, as I have been confi-
dent from the beginning, make your Excellence a prime
instrument of it. One thing I must humbly recom-
mend to your Excellence, that, as you have done always
hitherto, so you will continue by fair and gentle car-
riage to gain the people's affection to their Prince, ra-
ther than to imitate the barbarous inhumanity of your

* Malcolm Laing, trusting to some oxjMossions of Robert Baillie
speaks of the President as one suspected of jutUcial corruption. Baillie's
tongue was no scandal.

486 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

adversaries, although they give your Excellence too
great provocations to follow their example.

" Now for my last request. In hope that the poor
service I could do hath been acceptable to your Excel-
lence, let me be bold to recommend the care of my or-
phans to you, that when God shall be pleased to settle
his Majesty in peace, your Excellence will be a re-
membrancer to him in their behalf, as also in behalf of
my brother's house, that hath been, and is, mightily op-
pressed for the same respect. Thus being forced to
part with your Excellence, as I lived, so I die, your Ex-
cellency's most humble and faithful servant,

" Ro. Spotiswood."

The graceful simplicity, the calm and Christian re-
pose of this most affecting letter, betokens a spirit at
peace even with his murderers, and shows that the bit-
terness of death had already passed from him. Mon-
trose was not unmindful of the merciful appeal of the
excellent President. Saint Serf, in his valuable dedi-
cation, records this fact: " Nay, his inexpressibly ma-
licious enemies found that Montrose's mercy trans-
cended their malice. When those brave persons, af-
ter quarter given, were butchered at St Andrews, he
refused to retaliate on the prisoners in his power,
saying, their barbarity was to him no example, and
if the meanest corporal in his army should give quar-
ter to their General, it should be strictly and religious-
ly observed." Dr Wishart refers to the same fact,
and declares that Montrose was advised and even
importuned to retaliate upon some within his power.
But he, whom even some modern historians have ac-
cused of being a blood-thirsty assassin, rejected the pro-
position with abhorrence. " Let them," he said, " set

ESCAPE OF LORD OGILVY. 48?

a price upon our heads — let them employ assassins to
destroy us, — let them break faith, and be as wicked as
they can — yet shall that never induce us to forsake the
brighter paths of virtue, or strive to outdo them in such
barbarous deeds." *

The two noblemen, Hartfell and Ogilvy, both nar-
rowly escaped the block. For the blood of Ogilvy,
Argyle thirsted ; but the rival faction of Hamilton
were inclined to save him, and, it is said, were privy
to his escape. On the pretext that he was ill, and
through the interest of his relatives Lanerick and
Lindsay, his wife, mother, and sister were permit-
ted to visit him in prison. The guards respectfully
withdrew from the chamber, when Ogilvy dressed him-
self in the clothes of his sister, and that young lady put on
his night cap and took his place in bed. At eight o'clock at
night, the ladies were heard taking leave of the sufferer,
and appeared to be in an agony of grief. The guards
ushered them out by torch light, and Ogilvy reached
without detection the horses provided for him. It
took the whole power of the Hamilton party to save
these noble ladies from the wrath of Argyle, when
the stratagem was discovered. The Earl of Hartfell,
on the other hand, was obnoxious to the Hamiltons,
and it is said that to spite them Argyle obtained a par-
don for that nobleman, — a species of merciful retalia-
tion in which Gillespie Gruamach did not often indulge.

* The Arg^yle-ridden Peers of Scotland felt their consciences not a lit-
tie taxed upon this bloody occasion. Some of them timidly ex])ressed
the i)ang : " The Earles of Dunfermline, Cassilis, Lanerick, and Carn-
wath, were not clear anent the point of quarter." — Balfour. Eglin-
ton, Glencairn, Kinghorn, Dunfermline, and Buccleugh, gave their votes
for perpetual imprisonment, instead of death to William INIurray. Eglin-
ton, Cassilis, Dunfermline, and Carnvvatli in the like manner voted for
the President.

488 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

The Master of Napier, and his cousin young Drum-
mond of Balloch, at this time also made a narrow escape.
While the Covenanters held their Parliament at St
Andrews, Montrose had sent Drummond and Patrick
Graham to recruit in Athol, where these two, with seven
hundred Athol-men, pursued and attacked a body of
about twelve hundred in arms for Argyle, and defeated
them in a style worthyof their military school. The bat-
tle occurred in Menteith, upon the lands of Lord Napier,
(where Argyle had ordered these troops to be quartered,)
and many were drowned in the water of Gudy. Those
who escaped fled for protection to Argyle himself,
who quartered them upon Lord Napier's lands in the
Lennox, when Drummond and Inchbrakie had return-
ed to Montrose in the north. The Dictator then went
for a time to Ireland, and Napier, hearing of the de-
struction of his estates, left Montrose in the north, and,
in company with Drummond and the Laird of Macnab,
passed into Stratherne. There, with a party of not
more than fifty men, he took possession of and fortified
Montrose's castle of Kincardine, probably intending to
organize some protection for his own and Montrose's
estates. General Middleton, who had been sent to keep
the north of Scotland against Montrose, learning that
his nephew had fortified himself in Kincardine, invested
it with his whole forces, and battered the walls with ar-
tillery brought from Stirling Castle. For fourteen days
the castle was held out by this brave little band, who
were then reduced to extremity from their well having
failed them. It was impossible to hold out longer, and
the doom of Napier and his cousin seemed to have
arrived, for unquestionably had they been then taken
both would have been executed. But these gallant youths
had caught the spirit of adventure from their heroic

SIEGE OF KINCARDINE. 489

leader, and they contrived a plan to break through the
enemy, who surrounded the castle on all sides. Lord
Napier was attended by a page of the name of John
Graham, well acquainted with the localities of Kincar-
dine, who undertook to be their guide in the perilous
attempt. When the moon had disappeared and dark-
ness favoured them, Napier and his cousin issued from
the castle, at a small postern, where they found the
faithful page waiting for them with three horses. The
whole party instantly mounted, and, passing quietly
through the enemy's host, made their escape, and reach-
ed Montrose in safety, in the north. On the morning
after their escape the castle was surrendered on capitu-
lation, and thirty-five of the besieged were sent to the
tolbooth of Edinburgh, But to satisfy the justice of the
Covenant, General Middleton ordered the remaining
twelve, of those who had surrendered, to be instantly
shot at a post, and the castle to be burnt. Thus fell
Montrose's castle of Kincardine, on the 1 6th of March
1646. As the Reverend David Dickson remarked, —
" the work went bonnily on." *

* Their persecution extended beyond the grave. " Archibald^Lord
Napier, a nobleman for true worth and loyalty inferior to none in the
land, having, in the year 1645, died in his Majesty's service at Fincastle
in Athol, the Committee resolved to raise his bones, and pass a sentence
of forfeiture thereupon." Guthrie adds, that they raised a process against
the young Lord Napier to that effect, but were satisfied by the payment
of 5000 merks. Their object was " to get moneys for us."

490 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

CHAPTER XVIII.

HOW THE COVENANTERS COMPELLED CHARLES THE FIRST TO DRIVE HIS

GOOD GENIUS AWAY.

During the bloody transactions narrated in last
chapter, Montrose was occupied with his fruitless ex-
ertions to conciliate the impracticable Huntly. That
nobleman had emerged from his lurking-place in Strath-
naver, and, since the disaster at Philiphaugh, spoke
in lofty terms of what he, Huntly, would now do for
the King. But every motion from his Majesty's re-
presentative in Scotland, who was entitled, by virtue
of that commission, to command what he invariably
entreated as a favour, namely, the active co-operation
of Huntly against Leslie and Middleton, was disdain-
fully rejected by the chief of the Gordons. Montrose,
who to the impetuous spirit of a warrior added the
temper of a philosopher, ceased not in his endeavours
to conciliate this unreasonable rival. He sent to him,
as those most likely to obtain a hearing, young Irving
of Drum, the son-in-law of Huntly, and Lord Reay,
whose house had been the asylum of the petted recluse.
Their reception was such that Lord Reay, ashamed to
return to Montrose, retired in heartless despair to his
own home. But the young Laird of Drum returned
to report the failure of the mission, and never forsook
him to whom he owed his release from the dreary cell
in which his gallant brother had died. Montrose then
determined to try the effect of a personal expostulation.

MONTROSE AND HUNTLY. 491

Taking with him only a few attendants, he rode in the
night-time to the Bog of Gight, where he arrived early
in the morning, and surprised Huntly (who was a little
alarmed, and not a little ashamed, at this apparition,)
into a private conference. The gentle courteous forhear-
ance of Montrose's manner, and his eloquent expostula-
tion,seemed toefFect what hitherto had been tried in vain.
When Montrose rode back to his leaguer, it was in the
firm belief that Huntly had banished every shade of jea-
lousy from his mind, and would now effectually co-ope-
rate. " They seemed now," says Dr Wishart, " to be per-
fectlyagreed in everything, in so much that Lord Aboyne
and his brother Lewis wished damnation to themselves if
they did not from thenceforth continue firm and constant
in their fidelity and attachment to Montrose all their
lives ; and all the Gordons were joyous beyond measure,
and hailed their lord and chieftain as if they had re-
covered him from the dead." But scarcely had the
sound of the departing footsteps of Montrose's charger
died away, than the fiend of jealousy returned to the
Bog of Gight, and its lord and master commenced, on
the 14tli of April 1646, an independent war, in virtue
of his old commission, against the enemies of the King
in Scotland. The result was, that Huntly took Aber-
deen, and was almost immediately afterwards driven
out again by General Middleton. This was the alpha
and omega of his emulation of our hero's career, with
whom he ever afterwards most pertinaciously avoided
an interview.

Such was the distracted state of the King's affairs in
Scotland, (where the separate armies of Leslie and Mid-
dleton were each far more than a match for the little
band that yet rallied round the Standard,) when Charles

492 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

was virtually a prisoner at Oxford. That chrysalis, the
Covenant, had been shuffled off by the " Independents,"
who were already fanning, with their bloody but ephe-
meral wings, the fortunes of " Old Noll." Five stormy
years had passed since Montrose penned that epistle on
the sovereign power, wherein he says, — " the kingdom
shall fall again into the hands of otie, who of necessity
must, and for reasons of state will, tyrannize over you."
Some awful scenes were yet to be enacted, but the pro-
phecy was rapidly fulfilling. It was upon the 26th of
March that Charles wrote to Lord Digby a letter in
which he speaks of endeavouring to get to London,
" being not without hope that I shall be able so to draw
either the Presbyterians or the Independents to side
with me, for extirpating one or the other, that I shall
be really King again. Howsoever, I desire you to as-
sure all my friends, that, if I cannot live as a King, I
shall die like a gentleman, without doing that which
may make honest men blush for me." Exactly one
month afterwards the King made his escape, and by the
5th of May was in the Presbyterian camp. It is in-
teresting to observe that the plan of his escape appears
to have been derived from that adopted by Montrose,
when he passed into Scotland two years before. Dr
Hudson, personating a captain of the Parliament, and
Ashburnam, both armed with pistols, were followed by
Charles, wearing a Montero cap and carrying a cloak-bag,
as Ashburnam's servant. The coincidence is rendered
the more striking, that, on their journey, various wan-
dering troopers tried the nerves of his Majesty by en-
tering into inquisitive conversation with him, though
none discovered his countenance. When he finally
determined to place himself in the hands of the Scots,
his mind was full of Montrose, upon whom his whole

CHARLES TRUSTS THE SCOTS. 493

hopes rested. A most interesting though melancholy
memorandum, thus indorsed by the Secretary Nicho-
las,— " a note written with the King's own pen concern-
ing his going to the Scots," — is among the Evelyn
papers ; " Freedom in conscience and honour, and se-
curity for all those that shall come with me, and, in
case I shall not agree with them, that I may be set
down at such of my garrisons as I shall name to
them ; which condition I hope not to put them to, for
I shall not differ with them about ecclesiastical busi-
nesses, (which they shall make appear to me not to be '
against my conscience,) and for other matters, I ex-
pect no difference, and in case there be, I am content
to be judged by the two Queens. And before I
take my journey, I must send to the Marquis of
Montrose, to advertise him upon what conditions I
come to the Scots' army, that he may he admitted
forthwith into our conjunction, and instantly march up
to us." Alas ! the King was going where conscience
and honour were eschewed, and where, for that reason,
the last man in the world who would be permitted to
see him, far less to guard him, was the Marquis of
Montrose. That curious character. Sir James Turner,
alias Sir Dugald Dalgetty, was still with the covenant-
ing army in England, though, it seems, his heart was
teeming with loyalty. He affords a graphic view of this
extraordinary scene ; " In the summer of 1646, the
King's fate driving him on to his near approaching
end, he cast himself in the Scots' arms at Newark.
There did Earl Lothian, as President of the Committee,
to his eternal reproach, imperiously require his Majesty
(before he had either drunk, refreshed, or reposed him-
self,) to command my Lord Bellasis to deliver up

494 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Newark to the Parliament's forces, to sign the cove-
nant, and to command James Graham, — for so he cal-
led Great Montrose, — to lay down arms ; all which the
King stoutly refused, telling him, that he who had
made him an Earl, had made James Graham a Mar-
quis" This well merited rebuke, to him who so meanly
remembered his own disgrace at Fyvie, was the last
occasion when the hasty and haughty spirit of the Mo-
narch burst from the lips of the Martyr. Turner adds :
" Barbarously used he was, strong guards put upon
him, and sentinels at all his windows, that he should
cast over no letters ; and at length Newark by his order
being given up, he is carried with a very speedy march
to Newcastle, where he was well enough guarded. At
Sherburn I spoke with him, and his Majesty, having got
some good character of me, bade me tell him the sense
of our army concerning him. I did so, and withal as-
sured him he was a prisoner, and therefore prayed
him to think of his escape, offering him all the service
I could do him. He seemed to be well pleased with
my freedom, and the grief I had for his condition.
But our conversation was interrupted very uncivilly
(for I was in the room alone with his Majesty) by
Lieutenant-General Leven's command, wherein he
made use of two whom I will not name, because the
one is dead, and I hope the other hath repented. Nei-
ther was I ever permitted afterward to speak with him.
Yet he named me as one of five fitting to carry his
commandsto Montrose; but the Committee made choice
of a man, by Lothian's persuasion, fitter for their pur-
pose."

When the unhappy King, ** hunted like a partridge
on the mountains," had thus run into the toils of the
Covenanters, they indeed became " lifted up out of mea-

TREATMENT OF THE KING. 495

sure." The Napier charter-chest contributes its illus-
tration of this sad crisis. The following letter, addres-
sed by Robert Napier of Culcreugh to his nephew, young-
Lord Napier, a few weeks after the King came into
their hands, has not been printed before. *

" Loving Nephew,

" As your rash and inconsiderate breaking out at
first, to join with your uncle, bred great grief and an-
ger to all your well affected f friends, so your continu-
ing since in one course with him has mightily increased,
and daily doth increase, our grief and sorrow. It is
evil to fall away to a wrong course, but much worse

• Robert Napier of Culcreugh, Bowhopple, and Drumquhannie, was
the second son of the Inventor of Logarithms' second marriage, and the
full brother of the John mentioned before, p. 4^79, of whose " malignancy"
there can be little doubt from the fact of his imprisonment. Robert
Napier is distinguished as having been the favourite son and companion,
the amanuensis, and the literary executor, of his illustrious father; and
through this Robert, the lineal male representation of the " marvellous
Merchiston," is now held, by Sir William Milliken Napier of Napier and
Milliken, Bart. Robert of Culcreugh was, inter alia, deeply versant in the
secrets of " the Green Lion's bed." In the Napier charter-chest is a Latin
manuscript, in his hand-writing, dangerous to look upon or touch. It is
entitled "A revelation ofthemystery of the Golden Fleece," and the pre-
face contains these awful words, — "Above all things, you my son, or who-
ever he be of my posterity who may chance to see and read this book,
I adjure by the most holy Trinity, and under the pains of the curse of
Heaven, not to make it public, nor to communicate it to a living soul, un-
less it be a child of the art, a good man fearing God, and one wlio will
cherish the secret of Hermes under the deepest silence. But if thou dost
otherwise, — accursed be thou ! and, guilty before the tlnone of God,
may" — but for the rest of this fearful unutheina maranutlui, tlie curious
reader may consult the memoirs of Merchiston, [)age 2."i7, where he
will find more of this disciple of Hermes, under whose auspices
was published tlie revelation ofanhumI)ler secret, — his father's secret
method of constructing the logarithms. In the above more mundane
letter will be recognized the same eloquent style of him who at once
bowed to the Covenant, and worshipped the starry bed of the liglit- pro-
ducing Green Lion.

f i. e. Covenanting friends, not including young Lord Napier's excel-
lent father.

496 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

to persist and continue therein. The first may admit
divers favourable constructions whereof the latter can-
not be capable, and timeous repentance will be accept-
ed where untimely is rejected. Opportunities once lost
can hardly or never be recovered, — -fronte capillata est
sed post occasio calva. Now at this present time, by
the King's incoming to us, by his recalling his commis-
sions formerly granted to your uncle, and by com-
manding the laying down of arms, it is high time for
you to resolve not to adhere any more to your uncle's
courses and ways. Let not, I pray you, the preposte-
7'ous love yoii carry to him any longer blind the eyes of
your understanding, nor miscarry you. Consider, I
entreat you, and I pray the Almighty to move your
heart to consider, that upon this very nick of time de-
pends the utter ruin or safety of yourself, of your house
and estate, lady, children, and posterity, your nearest
friends, and of all that by the link and tie of nature
should be dearest to you. For certainly, if you con-
tinue longer in that evil course, your forfeiture will not
be long delayed, your lady and children shall be redu-
ced to extreme want, whereof they already feel the be-
ginning, (your whole estate being already so cantoned,
divided, and taken up, that neither have they their ne-
cessary maintenance off it, neither payeth it any of your
father's debt,) neither shall your sister have any thing
to maintain her, and we, your uncles, branches of your
house, who are engaged cautioners for your father's debts,
shall be undone in our estates, and, finally, your name
^nd memory shall be made disgraceful to all posterity ;
and how oft any of your worthy predecessors shall be
made mention of hereafter for their virtuous deeds,
either in Kirk or Commonwealth, as oft shall your name
come in remembrance and be spoken of with detesta-

4

CULCREUCH'S letter to NAPIER. 497

tion, as an enemy to both, — a ruinei* of an ancient and
well deserving family — a blemish to the lustre of your
ancestors — a destroyer of your own issue — the author
of your lady and children's misery and calamity — the
undoer of all the branches of your house — and a dally
upcast and reproach to all who belong thereto. These
are the sad effects which your preposterous love infoU
loiving your uncle will produce. God of his mercy
make you yet in time, ere all hope be lost, truly sen-
sible of all these evils, and recal your mind from any
longer following such dangerous and evil courses. You
supposed and apprehended before that you stood for
defence of the King ! Now he leaves you — he commands
you to lay down arms — he seeks none of your defence.
For whom shall you now stand longer in arms? If you
do, you become palpably and flatly both the King's
enemy and the Country's, and so cannot avoid the ri-
gorous censure of open rebellion. Take it to your
heart, I pray you, in time, and pity yourself — pity your
lady — pity your children and posterity — pity your
friends— and pity the crying distresses of your poor
tenants, who by the leaving of them are become a prey
to all. Return yet in time, before all time be lost, and
let the first beginning of your majority in age evidence
better resolutions than did the ending of your minori-
ty ; and suffer the one, as maturer and riper, to revoke
and correct the errors of youth in the other. I know
there are too many about you who, for their own ends,
will labour to withhold you from any good resolution,
desiring to have many partakers with them in their
wicked ways, — consolatio est miserorum habere pares.
But if you harbour the true fear of God in your heart,
with a care to perform that duty you owe, in the sta-
tion where God hath placed you, to those you have
vol.. II. I i

498 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

nearest relation unto, you will easily reject all contra-
ry suggestions. He that hath not a care of his fami-
ly, saith the apostle, is worse than an infidel. What
then may be thought of any who shall be the instru-
ments to ruin and destroy his own family ! The Al-
mighty God withhold and keep you from being such
an instrument, and give to you true wisdom from above,
to embrace and follow the right, and not any longer to
go astray after the evil grounded phantasies of men.
It is the earnest desire of all your honourable friends
here, and of all who wish you well, that you resolve
quickly to leave the way you are into, and to set your-
self to return to the favour of your country ; and, to
this effect, that you would be pleased to make your de-
sire hereof known to your honourable friends here so
soon as you can, so that they having certain knowledge
of your intention, and inclination thereto, may there-
after use their best means for procuring such conditions
as you may adventure upon to come home.* All which,
praying the Almighty to prosper and bless, to the glory
of his great name, to your weil, and to the comfort of
us all, and so taking my leave, I recommend you to
the protection of God omnipotent, and rests, — Your
loving uncle, ready to serve you in all lawful duties,

" R. Napier of Culcreuch."

" At Culcreuch the last of Mai/." [1646.]

This eloquent appeal must have entirely lost its ef-
fect upon Lord Napier, for, on the very day when he
of the Green Lion, the Golden Fleece, and the Cove-
nant, was only in the act of penning it, namely, on the
31st of May 1646, the following letter from Charles I.
indicating his Majesty's own version of " leaving them,

* i. e. From following Montrose in the north.

THE king's letters TO MONTROSE, 499

and seeking none of their defence," was put into the
hands of Montrose,

" Montrose,

" I am in such a condition as is much fitter for re-
lation than writing ; wherefore I refer you to this trus-
ty bearer, Robin Ker, for the reasons and manner of
my coming to this army ; as also, what my treatment
hath been since I came, and my resolutions upon my
whole business. This shall, therefore, only give you
positive commands, and tell you real truths, leaving the
why of all to this bearer. You must disband your
forces, and go into France, where you shall receive my
further directions. This at first may justly startle you,
but I assure you that if, for the present, I should ofier
to do more for you, I could not do so much, and that
you shall always find me your most assured, constant,
real, and faithful friend,

" Charles R."*

" Newcastle, May 19, 1646."

It is manifest that Montrose, in reply, had written
strongly on the subject of protecting the remnant of
his followers from the fangs of the Kirk, while he at
the same time expressed resignation, even under his
own utter ruin, to the will of his Majesty. This is in-
dicated by the King's second letter, dated a month later
than his first.

* Wishart says that the first letter from tlie King' to Montrose was
delivered to him " pridic Kal. Junii," i. e. the last day of May. The
letters themselves were only first print^jd, in the appendix to the trans-
lation of Wishart, edited by Mr Adams in 1 720. It is a great pity that
Montrose's part of the corresj)ondence is not discovered. Nor am i
aware that it is known where the King's original letters now are.

500 montrose and the covenanters. ,

" Montrose,

" I assure you that I no less esteem your willingness to
lay down arms at my command, for a gallant and real
expression of your zeal and affection to my service, than
any of your former actions. But I hope that you can-
not have so mean an opinion of me, that for any parti-
cular or worldly respects I could suffer you to be ruin-
ed. No, — I avow that it is one of the greatest and
truest marks of my present miseries that I cannot re-
compense you according to your deserts, but, on the
contrary, must yet suffer a cloud of the misfortunes of
the times to hang over you. Wherefore I must inter-
prete those expressions, in your letter, concerning your-
self, to have only relation to your own generosity. For
you cannot but know that they are contrary to my un-
alterable resolutions, which, I assure you, I neither con-
ceal nor mince, for there is no man who ever heard me
speak of you that is ignorant that the reason which
makes me at this time send you out of the country
is, that you may return home with the greater glory,
and, in the meantime, to have as honourable an employ-
ment as lean put upon you. This trusty bearer, Robin
Ker, will tell you the care I have had of all your friends,
and mine, to whom albeit I cannot promise such condi-
tions as I would, yet they will be such as, all things consi-
dered, are most fit for them to accept. Wherefore I re-
new^ my former directions, of laying down arms, unto
you ; desiring you to let Huntly, Crawford, Airly,
Seaforth,* and Ogilvy, know that want of time hath
made me now omit to reiterate my former commands
to them, intending that this shall serve for all, assuring
them, and all the rest of my friends, that, whensoever

* Seaforth had of late openly joined Montrose, but it was when he
could be of little use to him or the King.

THE king's letters TO MONTROSE. 501

God shall enable me, they shall reap the fruits of their
loyalty and affection to my service. So I rest your most
assured, constant, real, faithful friend,

" Charles R."

" Newcastle, \5th June 1646."

The King was now in the hands of covenanting
Commissioners, the leaders of whom, Argyle, Lane-
rick, Lindsay, Loudon, and Balmerino, were the mor-
tal enemies of Montrose. But it was only from his
Sovereign that he would take his directions. This oc-
casioned the letter which finally determined Montrose
to capitulate, and to quit his country.

" MONTIIOSE,

" The most sensible part of my misfortunes is to see
my friends in distress, and not to be able to help them.
And of this you are the chief. Wherefore, according
to that real freedom and friendship which is between us,
as I cannot absolutely command you to accept of un-
handsome conditions, so I must tell you that I believe
your refusal will put you in a far worse estate than your
compliance will. This is the reason that I have told
this bearer, Robin Ker, and the Commissioners here,
that I have commanded you to accept of Middleton's
conditions, which really I judge to be your best course,
according to this present time. For if this opportunity
be let slip you must not expect any more treaties. In
which case you must either conquer all Scotland, or be
inevitably ruined. That you may make the clearer
judgment what to do I have sent you here inclosed the
Chancellor's answers to your demands. Whereupon if
you find it fit to accept, you may justly say I have com-
manded you ; and if you take another course, you can-

502 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

not expect that I can publicly avow you in it, until I
shall be able (which God knows how soon that will be)
to stand upon my own feet ; but, on the contrary, seem
to be not well satisfied with your refusal, which I find
clearly will bring all this array upon you, — and then I
shall be in a very sad condition, such as I shall rather
leave to your judgment than seek to express. How-
ever, you shall always find me to be your most assur-
ed, real, constant, faithful friend,

'' Charles R."

" Newcastle, IQth July 1646."

" P. S. — Whatsoever you may otherwise hear, this
is truly my sense, which I have ventured freely into
you, without a cypher, because I conceive this to be
C0U2) de partier

Immediately on the receipt of this letter, about the
22d of July, Montrose and Middleton arranged the
terras of a cessation of arms, and the former invited
the covenanting General to a private conference on the
subject of the conditions of safety for the Royal-
ists. They met accordingly, in the romantic man-
ner our hero seems always to have conducted such
conferences. Under the canopy of heaven, and on a
plain by a river's side, Scotice a haugh, they con-
ferred together for two hours, each with but a
single attendant to hold his horse. It was by the
water of Isla, the same across which Montrose sent
his gentlemanly challenge to Baillie, who so discourte-
ously declined it. The conditions which Middleton
offered, and Montrose accepted, were, that Montrose
himself, Ludowick Earl of Crawford, and Sir John
Hurry — for that fighting weathercock had lately at-
tached himself to his conqueror — were to be secluded

MONTROSE DISBANDS HIS ARMY. 503

from all pardon or favour, except safe transportation
beyond sea, in a vessel provided by the Estates, up-
on condition of their setting- sail before the first of
September. Graham of Gorthy was to be restored
from forfeiture, only in so far as regarded his person,
because his estate had been given to Balcarres. All
the rest of Montrose's friends and followers, forfeited
or not, were to retain their lives and estates, in all re-
spects as if they had not engaged with him. The
Committee of the Kirk, greatly enraged at these com-
paratively humane conditions, declared them to be con-
trary to the Covenant, and, to mark their dissent, upon
the 27th of July they thundered their excommunications
against the Earl of Airly, the Grahams of Gorthy and
Inchbrakie. Sir Allaster Macdonald, Stuart the Irish
Adjutant, the tutor of Strowan, and the bailie of
Athol. But Middleton, a gallant and honourable sol-
dier, adhered to the conditions.

Montrose assembled the melancholy remains of his
army, and of his staff, at Rattray, on the 30tli of July,
where he bade them farewell, and dismissed them in
the name of the King. Those who had followed him to
the last hour of his terrible campaigns, and were willing
to follow him still, could not but feel the deepest sor-
row and anxiety as they thus parted. Some fell on
their knees, and with tears entreated that they might
go with him wherever he went. Montrose's friends,
at his own request, left him for the time, and each went
a several way to put order to his involved affairs. A
solitary man was now the chief of the Grahams. Not
eighteen months had passed since Montrose wej)t over
the grave of his gallant boy. In the short intervening
period, the battle, the fatigues of the field, and the
murderous axe of" the Covenant, had dashed nearly every

504 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

gem from the shining circle of his friends. His stately
castles of Miigdok and Kincardine were destroyed.
With a heart wrung, but a spirit unbroken, he now
bent his course to his pillaged house of Old Montrose,
to prepare for his exile. And the only companion of
his way, at this moment, was, of all men in the world,
the tearing dragoon who had carried off Lord Graham
and his pedagogue froin the town of Montrose — Sir
John Hurry !

Montrose soon discovered that it was the design of
the Covenanters to break faith with him, and either to
seize him in Scotland, on the pretext that he had allow-
ed the time of his departure to expire, or to make him
their prey by means of some English men of war, sta-
tioned for that purpose off the mouth of the Esk. The
vessel promised by the Estates made its appearance, in
the harbour of Montrose, upon the last day of August,
the utmost limit of his stay. The commander of the
vessel declared he could not be ready to put to sea for
several days. He was a rigid and violent Covenanter.
The sailors had been carefully selected of the same
stamp — sullen and morose, —

" Oh cruel was the Captain, and cruel was the Crew." *

Montrose at once detected in all this the horns of the
Covenant — the cloven-foot of Argyle. So, with his usu-
al energetic and adventurous spirit, he provided for
his own safety. In the harbour of Stonehaven he
discovered a small pinnace belonging to Bergen in
Norway, the master of which was easily bribed to
be ready for sea by the day appointed. Thither
Montrose sent Sir John Hurry, young Drummond of

* Dr Wishart has it, — " Nuvarchus, non modo ignotits, sed et conjura-
torumpropugnafor riidiSy ucpertinax ; nmita, militesqne ejusdem,farince
homines^ infusiy morosi, ac minabundi."

MONTROSE ESCAPES TO NORWAY. 505

Balloch, Henry Graham, John Spotiswood, (the nephew
of the President,) John Lilly, and Patrick Melville,
both officers of courage and experience, his celebrat-
ed chaplain Dr VVishart, David Guthry, whom the
Doctor calls a very brave and gallant gentleman, Par-
dus Lasound, (a Frenchman, who had been Lord Gor-
don's servant, and ever since his death retained by Mon-
trose,) a German boy of the name of Rodolph, distin-
guished for his fidelity and honesty, with several
trusty domestic servants. These set sail for Nor-
way on the 3d of September. That same evening,
Montrose, disguised in a coarse habit, and passing
for the servant of the Reverend James Wood,* a very
worthy clergyman who was his sole companion, reached,
by means of a small fly-boat, a wherry that lay at an-
chor without the port of Montrose. Thus he escaped
in the year ]646, and of his age thirty-four, f

• Not of Dr Wishart, as Sir Walter Scott, and others, have it.

f On the 30th of October, after Montrose's departure, Archibald
Johnston, the " minion of the Kirk," succeeded Sir Thomas Hope as
" his Majesty's Advocate for his Majesty's interest" ! On the 28th of
January thereafter the infamous transaction was consummated from
which the King and the Scottish nation would unquestionably have been
saved, had the influence of Montrose, and not of Argyle and the Kirk
prevailed.

" Traitor Scot

Sold his King for a groat."

The following curious document, signed by the worthy mentioned be-
fore, p. 45.3, is in the Napier charter-chest :

" Edinburgh, 23d Oct(;ber 164G. The Committee of Estates declares
that the Lord Napier his accidentally meeting with the late Earl of Mon-
trose, his uncle, abroad out of the country, shall not infer a contraven-
tion of his act, provided he converse not with the said late Earl. — Ex-
tractuin Arch. Primerose, Cler."

On the 2d of March thereafter Napier executed a deed of commission
for the management of his affairs at home, and immediately joined Mon-
trose. Montrose's son remained iji the hands of the Covenanters.

506 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTEHS.

CHAPTER XIX.

MONTROSE IN EXILE — THE ENGAGEMENT — THE DEATH OF THE KING.

When Montrose had passed from Norway into
Flanders, on his way to France, Charles the First, a
few days before the faction of Argyle sold him, wrote
his last and most affecting communication to the de-
voted hero :

" Montrose,

" Having no cypher with you, I think not fit to
write but what I care not though all the world read it.
First, then, I congratulate your coming to the Low
Countries, hoping, before this, that ye are safely arrived
at Paris. Next, I refer you to this trusty bearer for
the knowledge of my present condition, which is such,
as all the directions I am able to give you is, to desire
you to dispose of yourself as my wife shall advise you,
knowing that she truly esteems your worth, for she is
mine, and I, — am your most assured, real, faithful,
constant friend, " Charles R."

" Newcastle, Jan. 21, 1646-7." *

* Upon the 15th of March thereafter, the Queen writes a letter in
French, (printed in the appendices to the translations of Wishart,) also
congratulating Montrose on his arrival in Holland, and gratefully ex-
pressing her sense of his services. Her Majesty, however, refers him
to the bearer, Ashburnham, " to speak more particularly with you of
something that concerns the King's service." This corroborates Dr
Wishart's account, who says that Charles intended Montrose to go
abroad as ambassador extraordinary to the King of France, and that

NAPIElt'S LETTER ABOUT MONTROSE. 507

It is much to be regretted that the early part of Lord
Napier's correspondence, from abroad, with his Lady
in Scotland, is not now to be found. A single letter,
dated from Brussels, 14th June 1648, about a twelve-
month after his departure, and which refers to others
previously written, is all that has been preserved.
While the world has been favoured with such revolt-
ing pictures of Montrose as we find in the pages of Mr
Brodie and Lord Nugent, the following letter, contain-
ing details of his history hitherto unknown, has re-
mained, unprinted and untranscribed, in the Napier
charter-chest.

" My dearest heart,

" I did forbear these two months to write unto you,
till I should hear from my Lord Montrose, that I might
have done it for good and all. But fearing that may
take some time, I resolved to give you an account of
all my Lord's proceedings, and the reasons which did
invite me to come to this place

Montrose was led to expect that he would receive his commission and
instructions in Paris from the Queen. But when he came there, hear-
ing nothing on the subject, he asked her Majesty, in what manner he
could best serve his Sovereign, and that " the Queen answered with a
heavy heart, without explaining herself sufficiently on that head."
Wishart also explains the ambiguity. The Queen's minion, Lord Jer-
myn, finding his influence at the Court of France likely to be super-
seded, was intriguing to persuade Montrose to return directly to Scot-
land, and, tliougli without men, money, arms, or provisions of any kind,
to attempt to renew the war with the object of saving the King from
those to whom he had been sold. Montrose, though lie saw their drift,
repeatedly offered to make a descent upon Britain, if they would furnish
him with ten thousand men, and six thousand pistoles. But tliis was
not the olyect of tlie ravenous courtiers. Montrose, in personal inter-
views with the Queen, ardently and eloquently exerted himself to save
her from the machinations of the Presbyterian iind ilaniilton faction,
and having done so without success, retired fiom Paris.

508 MONTllOSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

" Montrose then (as you did hear) was in treaty with
the French, who, in my opinion, did offer him very
honourable conditions, which were these : First, that
he should be General to the Scots in France, and Lieu-
tenant-General to the Royal Army, when he joined
with them, commanding all Mareschals of the field. As
likewise to be Captain of the Gens-d'armes, with twelve
thousand crowns a year of pension, besides his pay ;
and assurance the next year to be Mareschal of France,
and Captain of the King's own Guard, which is a place
bought and sold at a hundred and fifty thousand crowns.
But these two last places were not insert amongst his
other conditions, only promised him by the Cardinal
Mazarine ; but the others were all articles of their
capitulation, which I did see in writing, and used all
the inducements and persuasion I could to make him
embrace them. He seemed to hearken unto me, which
caused me at that time to show you that I hoped
shortly to acquaint you with things of more certainty,
and to better purpose, than I had done formerly. But
while I was thus in*iope and daily expectation of his
present agreement with them, he did receive advertise-
ments from Germany, that he would be welcome to
the Emperor. Upon which he took occasion to send
for me, and began to quarrel with the conditions
were offered him, and (said) that any employment be-
low a Mareschal of France was inferior to him, and that
the French had become enemies to our King, and did
labour still to foment the differences betwixt him and
his subjects, — that he might not be capable to assist the
Spaniard, whom they thought he was extremely in-
clined to favour, and that if he did engage with them
he would be forced to connive and wink at his Prince's
ruin ; and for these reasons, he would let the treaty

NAPIEEi'S LETTER ABOUT MONTROSE. 509

desert, and go into Germany, where he would be
honourably appointed ; which sudden resolution did
extremely trouble and astonish me. I was very desirous
he should settle in France, and did use again all the
arguments I could to make him embrace such profitable
conditions, for, if he had been once in charge, I am con-
fident, in .a very short time he should have been one of
the most considerable strangers in Europe ; for, believe
it, they had a huge esteem of him, for some eminent
persons there came to see him, who refused to make
the first visit to the Embassadors Extraordinary of
Denmark and Sweden, — yet did not stand to salute
him first, with all the respect that could be imagined.
" But to the purpose. He, seeing me a little ill sa-
tisfied with the course he was going to take, did begin
to dispute the matter with me, and, I confess, convin-
ced me so with reason, that I rested content, and was
desirous he should execute his resolution with all ima-
ginable speed ; and did agree that I should stay at my
exercises in Paris, till the end of the month, and go
often to Court, make visits, and ever in public places,
at comedies, and such things, still letting the word go
that my uncle was gone to the country for his health,
which was always believed so long as they saw me, for
it was ever said that Montrose and his nephew were
like the Pope and the Church, who ivould he insepa-
rable. Whereas if I had gone away with him, and left
my exercises abruptly, in the middle of the month, his
course would have been presently discovered ; for how
soon I had been missed, they would instantly have
judged me to be gone somewhere with him, then search
had been made every where, and if he had been taken
going to any of the House of Austria who were their ene-
mies, you may think they would have staid him, which
might have been dangerous l)oth to his person, credit.

510 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

and fortune. So there was no way to keep his course
close, but to me to stay behind him at my exercises,
(as I had done for a long time before,) till I should hear
he were out of all hazard, which I did, according to all
the instructions he gave me.

" The first letter I received from him was dated
from Geneva. So when I perceived he was out of
French ground, I resolved to come here to Flanders,
where I might have freedom of correspondence with
him, as also liberty to go to him when it pleased him
to send for me, which I could not do conveniently in
France. For I was afraid how soon his course should
chance to be discovered, that they might seek assurance
of me and others not to engage with their enemy, which
is ordinary in such cases. Yet would I never have
given them any, but thought best to prevene it. And
beside I had been at so great a charge for a month after
his way-going, with staying at Court, and keeping of
a coach there, which I hired, and coming back to Paris,
and living at a greater rate than I did formerly, (all
which was his desire, yet did consume much moneys,)
and fearing to be short, (I) did resolve rather to come
here and live privately, than to live in a more inferior
way in France than I had done formerly. So these gentle-
men which belonged to my Lord, hearing of my inten-
tion, would, by any means, go along, and (we) M^ent
all together to Haver-de-grace, where we took ship for
Middleburgh, and from thence came here, where we
are daily expecting Montrose's commands ; which, how
soon I receive them, you shall be advertised by him
who intreats you to believe that he shal] study most care-
fully to conserve the quality, he has hitherto inviolably
kept, of continuing, — My dearest life, only your's,

" Briixelles, June 14, 1648." , " NaPIER."

NAPJER'S letter about MONTROSE. 511

My HEART,

" I received letters from you that came by France,
where you desire to know if I have taken on any debt
in France, as my friends did conceive ; which answer
I do yet give you, that my fortune, nor no friend, shall
ever be troubled with tlie charge of any thing I did
spend there. At my parting from France there went
in my company above fifteen that did belong to my
Lord Montrose, amongst which was Mons. Hay, Kin-
noul's brother, and several others of good quality, and
were forced to lie long at Rouen and Haver for pas-
sage, so that our journey to Bruxelles was above a tliou-
sand francs ; and now we have been near six weeks
into it, which has consumed both my moneys and theirs ;
but we expect letters from Montrose shortly, and bills
of exchange, till which time we intend to go out of this
place, — and, or [ere] I be very troublesome to you
I shall live upon one meal a-day. I have been most
civilly used in this town by many of good quality, and
was the last day invited by the Jesuits to their College,
where I received handsome entertainment ; and after
long discourse (they) told me that if I liked, the King
of Spain should maintain me. But I showed them that
I would not live by any King of Christendom's charity.
They said it was no charity, for many of eminent places
received allowance from him. I told them, if I did him
service, what he bestowed upon me then I miglit Justly
take it ; but to be a burden to him otherwise, I would
never do it. But I know their main end was to try if
they could persuade me to turn Catholic ; but I shall,
God willing, resist all their assaults, as well as their
fellows who plied me so hard in Paris. Another rea-
son why I would remove from this town is, that I re-
ceived advertisement, both from Paris and the Court of

512 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

St Germains, that it was resolved the Prince of Wales *
should go to Scotland, and had already received his pass
from the Archduke Leopold to go by Bruxelles to Hol-
land, A^'here he was to take ship ; so, hearing of the Prince's
coming here, and knowing the undeserved favourable
opinion he had of me, which he often and publicly profes-
sed, made me fear he should desire me to go with him to
Scotland ; which you know I would not do, for I was
not assured that iliey ivould keep truth ; and to refuse
the Prince, who is my master, and to whom I am so
infinitely obliged, would give ground to some of my
uncle's unfriends to say hereafter that I refused to ha-
zard with the Prince, or take one fortune with him.
So I resolve to shift myself timeously from this place,
and shun such a business, that would give enemies ad-
vantage. But if it were not for my credit, which would
suffer by my coming to Scotland, and though I were
not commanded by the Prince, I would go six times as
far elsewhere, through all dangers imaginable, only to
see you. I confess I have satisfaction in nothing whilst
we live at such distance, for though I should enjoy all
those things which others do esteem felicities, yet if I
do not enjoy your company they are rather crosses than
pleasures to me ; and I should be more contented to live
with you meanly,in the deserts of Arabia, than [without
you] in the most fruitful place in the world, plentifully,
and with all the delights it could afford. You may pos-
sibly think these compliments, as you showed me once
before, when I wrote kindly to you. But, God knows,
they flow from a real and ingenuous heart. And if it
had not been for waiting on Montrose, (which I hope
I shall have no reason to repent, for he hath sworn
often to prefer my weal to his own,) I might before this

* Charles II.

NaPIEU'S letter about MONTROSE. 513

time have settled somewhere ; for, just before my part-
ing from Paris, I received letters from some friends,
at Madrid in Spain, that, if I pleased, I should have a
commission for a regiment, and ten pistoles of levy-
moneys for every man, which was a good condition, for
I could have gained at least forty thousand merks, upon
the levying of those men. But I hope my uncle will
provide no worse for me. The reason why I am so
impatient to engage is, to have your company, for I am
sure you will not refuse to come to me when you hear
I am able honourably to maintain you. I pray you do
not show this letter except to very confident friends,
and that which is written after my subscription to none.
— Lord be with you.

" Be pleased, dear heart, to let me have one thing
which I did almost forget — your picture, in the breadth
of a sixpence, — without a case, for they may be had
better and handsomer here, — and I will wear it upon
a ribbon under my doublet, so long as it, or I, lasts.

" I cannot express how much I am obliged to Sir
Patrick Drummond and his lady, at Camphire ; the
particulars you shall know with the first occasion.

" Send your picture as I desire it, — the other is so
big as I cannot wear it about me. Montrose, at his
way-going, gave me his picture, which I caused put in
a gold case of the same bigness I desire your's."

This interesting letter affords precisely the details of
Montrose's reception and movements abroad, during
the interval betwixt his departure and the death of the
King, that are not to be met with elsewhere. The
facts not mentioned by Lord Napier, or the motives
left unexplained, are to be found in Wishart. He tells
us, that Montrose, thoroughly understanding the drift

VOL. II. K k

514 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of the Presbyterian faction of the Hamiltons, whose
deceitful councils once more swayed both the King and
Queen, having long predicted the ruin that had arriv-
ed, and foreseeing that which was to come, retired with
a sorrowful heart when he found that his own councils
were again disregarded. He quitted France without the
Queen's knowledge, but left in writing the reasons of
his departure, and begged that her Majesty would par-
don his absence, and put upon it the best construction.
He arrived at Geneva in the. beginning of April, and
travelled through Switzerland, Tyrol, Bavaria, and
Austria. Not finding the Emperor at Vienna, he fol-
lowed him to Prague, where his Imperial Majesty most
graciously received him, bestowed upon him the patent
of a Mareschal, and honoured him with every mark of
consideration. The object of Montrose was not his
own aggrandizement in foreign service, — it was still to
save Charles the First from impending ruin. There-
fore he had rejected the brilliant offers of France, and
the reasons which silenced and satisfied his nephew
were, that Montrose intended to make interest with the
Emperor to be commissioned to raise levies, and to be
employed in those quarters from whence he could most
readily and effectually assist his own King. His ne-
gociation was completely successful. He was invested
with the command, immediately under the Emperor
himself, of levies he was commissioned to raise on
the borders of Flanders, the quarter where he de-
sired to be, and at the same time he obtained from
the Emperor letters of recommendation to his bro-
ther Leopold, Archduke of Austria, Governor of the
Spanish Netherlands. Thus accredited, Montrose, in
order to avoid the hostile armies in his way, proceeded
by a circuitous route to Flanders. From Vienna he

HUNTLY AND HAMILTON REAPPEAR. 515

went by the way of Presburg to Hungary, and so through
Polland and Prussia to Dantzic, where he embarked for
Denmark, and spent some time with his Danish Majesty,
being received at that court, and wherever he paused
on his journey, as a person of the highest distinction.
From Denmark he passed into Jutland, where he era- ,
barked for Groningen in Friesland, whence he proceed-
ed, through Brussels, to the Archduke Leopold at Tour-
nay, not long after the latter had sustained his bloody
defeat from the Prince of Conde at Lens, which disaster
happened to him on the 20th of August 1648. Having
spent some little time with the discomfited Leopold,
Montrose rejoined his nephew and friends at Brussels,
where he very soon received the most flattering letter
from the Prince of Wales, then at the Hague, with his
commands to join His Royal Highness and Prince Ru-
pert there.

We must now glance for a moment at the state of
Scotland. When Montrose's laurels were blighted at
Philiphaugh, Huntly, as we have seen, affected to take
up the championship for Charles, and promised to accom-
plish that in which Montrose had failed. Just three
months after Montrose left Scotland, Huntly was seized
in the north by one Colonel Menzies, and delivered into
the hands of the Committee of Estates, who very soon
doomed him to death. The sum that had been offered for
him dead or alive, twelve thousand pounds Scots, was
immediately paid to Menzies, and the leading signa-
tures, to the order for the blood-money of the Royal
Lieutenant be-north the Grampians, are those of his
own brother-in-law, Argyle, and the King's minion,
Hamilton ! It was left for these two to play Caesar
and Pompey in Scotland. Hamilton now took up the

516 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

championship for Charles, but, at the same time, play-
ing a double game betwixt the Royalists and the Co-
venanters. We left him at Pendennis, where he re-
mained during Montrose's career of victory. Claren-
don affords a most characteristic portrait of him there,
intriguing for his release with the Chancellor, who had
been sent to visit that strongh6ld. He pretended the
highest admiration of Montrose, and the utmost anxiety
to co-operate with him for the King. " He said," says
Clarendon, " he too well understood his own danger,
if the King and Monarchy were destroyed in this king-
dom, to think of private contention and matters of re-
venge when the public was so much at stake ; and, he
must acknowledge, how unjust soever the Lord Mon-
trose had been to him, he had done the King great
service ; and therefore protested, with many assevera-
tions, he should join with him in the King's behalf, as
with a brother, and if he could not win his own bro-
ther from the other party, he would be as much against
him." These cunning speeches were unsuccessful, and
Hamilton remained a prisoner until released by the
army of the Parliament, shortly before the King
placed himself in the hands of the Scots. He then re-
sumed his place as a leading statesman in those nefa-
rious councils. His conduct upon this occasion was in
keeping with the whole tenor of his life. To save ap-
pearances, he and his brother protested against the
sale of the King, but their whole party voted for it,
and Hamilton received thirty thousand pounds as his
own share of the price of his Sovereign, the great
proportion of what remained being shared among
Argyle and his friends, Archibald Johnston, and the
rabid of the Presbyterian clergy. These last com-

THE ENGAGEMENT. 517

posed the party of which Argyle was the head.
It is no exaggerated characteristic of that party to
say it was composed of such as would treacherously
commit murder, at the same time crying ' Lord,
Lord !' The other party, called the moderate Pres-
byterians, were of a more anomalous and indescri-
bable character. They professed to sustain the Cove-
nant as well as to restore the King, but their princi-
ples and ultimate object were as undefined and ambi-
guous as the character of their leader, Hamilton. Such
Royalists as Montrose, and the few who deserved to
be reckoned of his purer party, detected, in the com-
petition of the other two, the broad feature of a strug-
gle betwixt " the snake in the grass," and " the ser-
pent in the bosom." Hamilton's party prevailed in
Parliament, and the result was the Engagement, that
miserable exploit engendered betwixt his jealousy of
Montrose and his rivalry of Argyle, and feebly nursed
into momentary animation by a sickly and equivocal
affection for his sovereign. In the passing of an act
he found himself at the head of a loyally professing
army, composed of thirty thousand foot and eight thou-
sand five hundred horse and dragoons, with the ve-
terans. Calendar, Middleton, and Baillie for his Gene-
rals. But Argyle had Cromwell for his colleague. The
result is notorious history. That numerous and well ap-
pointed army, the greatest Scotland ever raised, was,
in the hands of Hamilton, infinitely less terrible than
the few half- naked and unarmed caterans with whom
Montrose first descended from the mountains. The
army of the Engagement had no sooner crossed the
Borders than, without a blow struck, and with a loss to
Cromwell of not a hundred men, it was captured, in

518 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

thousands and tens of thousands together. Hamilton
himself was made prisoner at the head of three thousand
cavalry, a force with which Montrose would have cut
his way through England. And so ambiguously did
he, who was full of " continual discourse of battles un-
der the King of Sweden," surrender, that to this hour it
is not very well known whether he surrendered to the
country troops, the Lord Gray of Groby, or some of
Lambert's colonels sent to capitulate with him. So
ended Hamilton's emulation of Montrose, and competi-
tion with Argyle.

This state of affairs in Scotland was speedily consum-
mated by the murder of Charles the First. Dr Wishart
thus minutely records the effect of the intelligence upon
Montrose, to whom we now return.

" Montrose, being certainly informed of the Prince's
sentiments, and of his confidence in him, after taking his
leave of the Archduke, was prepared to set out for the
Hague, when he received the doleful news of the King's
being murdered by the English Independents. Good
God ! what horror seized him at the first, and as yet
uncertain, reports of the death of this excellent King,
for whom he had always the most sincere regard. But
when the accounts of this barbarous parricide were con-
firmed, and there remained no more room to doubt the
truth of it, his indignation was then heightened into
fury, and his grief quite overwhelmed him, so that he
fainted, and fell down in the midst of his attendants,
all the members of his body becoming stiff, as if he had
been quite dead. At length, when he recovered, after
many sighs and groans, he broke out into these words :
* We ought not any longer to live — we ought to die
with our excellent Sovereign ! God, who has the power
of life and death, is my witness, that henceforth this

Montrose's vow. 519

life will be a grievous and uneasy burden, in which I can
enjoy no pleasure.' I, who write this history, happen-
ed to be one of those present ; and though I was inex-
pressibly afflicted, and hardly able to support my own
grief, yet I endeavoured to comfort and encourage him,
and thus addressed him : ' Die, my Lord ? No ! It is
now your business, who are so justly famed for your
bravery, it is now the business of all resolute good men,
to be rather more desirous of life, and to summon up all
their courage, that, by engaging in a just war, they may
avenge the death of their Royal master, upon these base
and* inhuman parricides, and endeavour to settle the
Prince, his son and lawful successor, upon the throne
of his ancestors. These are the funeral obsequies which
are due to our deceased Sovereign. This conduct will
be more answerable to your distinguished loyalty, con-
stancy, and resolution, than weakly to despond and
sink, which would only be to complete the triumph of
our wicked enemies.' He heard me patiently, in his
usual complacent manner. But, at the mention of
avenging the King's murder, the very thoughts of
which gave him new life, he revived from his former
disorder, and, being somewhat more composed, he re-
plied,— ' In that view alone I am satisfied to live. But
I swear before God, angels, and men, that I will dedi-
cate the remainder of my life to the avenging the death
of the Royal martyr, and re-establishing his son upon
his father's throne.' Having spoke these words, he
withdrew to the most retired apartment of the house,
where he indulged his grief for two days, without al-
lowing any mortal to speak to him, or even to see him.
At length, upon the third day, I was indulged with
admittance to his bed-chamber, and there found that
short but elegant poem which he had composed in the

520 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

interval, to the memory of the King. For he was a
man of an excellent genius, and, when he had any spare
time from public business, used to divert himself with
poetical compositions, in which he succeeded very hap-
pily. This is wrote by way of vow, and fully expresses
the unalterable determination of his mind. I have
turned it into Latin as I could. I do not pretend to
have caught the fire and spirit of the original, but if I
have retained the sense and meaning of the noble author,
it may perhaps be no unacceptable present to such as
are acquainted with the English language."*

The original lines have been preserved to us in the
manuscript of Bishop Guthrie, and w ith them we con-
clude the last chapter but one of Montrose's life.

Great, Good, and Just, could I but rate

My grief, and thy too rigid fate,

I'd weep the world in such a strain

As it should deluge once again :

But since thy loud-tongued blood demands supplies

More from Briareus' hands than Argus' eyes,

I'll sing thine obsequies with trumpet sounds.

And write thine epitaph in blood and wounds.

* Dr Wishart's elegant Latin translation is as follows ;

Carole ! si possem lacrymis fequare dolorem,
Ipse meum fatumque tuum, tua funera, flerem,
Ut tellus nitidis rursum stagnaret ab undis :
Sanguis at ille tuus quum vocem ad sidera tollat,
Atque manus Briarei mage quam Argi lamina poscat,
Exequias celebrabo tuas clangore tubarum,
Et tumulo inscribam profuso sanguine carmen.

It may be doubted if the "accomplished Baillie," with all his command
of tongues, could have produced such a translation.

DEATH OF HAMILTON, HUNTLY, ABOYNE. 521

CHAPTER XX.

THE LAST CHAPTER OF MONTROSE's LIFE — THE HEART OF MONTROSE —

CONCLUSION.

The occurrences of a few months seemed to have
left Argyle indeed King in Scotland, except that he had
picked up a dangerous rival in his new colleague
Cromwell, who was destined to win the race of anar-
chy, and be the " one" predicted by Montrose. Hamil-
ton had the good fortune to die for his loyalty, and
that before the death of his master who loved him
too well. He was executed in March 1648, and the
fortitude of his death, in a cause which up to the
eleventh hour he had betrayed, is the solitary redeem-
ing circumstance of his public life. Huntly ascended
the scaffold in March 1649. On the eve of his execu-
tion intelligence reached him of the death of Aboyne
in Paris, who died of the shock he received on learning
the fate of his Sovereign. Thus, ere Huntly expired, he
saw his successor in the wild Lord Lewis, who had stolen
his jewels. " Little Will Murray of the Bedchamber,"
now in the sear and yellow leaf, was Argyle's principal
tool abroad. Lord Byron, in a letter to Ormonde, dated
30th March 1649, gives us a view of the party at
the Hague. He tells the Marquis that he found the
Queen almost in danger of her life, from excess of grief
and melancholy, and most anxious that the King, her
son, should pass into Ireland. " With these instruc-
tions," adds Byron, " I came to the Hague about ten

522 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

days since, where, not long before, the Earl of Lane-
rick, now Duke Hamilton, was arrived. There I found
likewise the Marquis of Montrose, the Earls of Lauder-
dale, Calendar, and Seaforth, the Lords St Clair and
Napier, and old William Murray. These, though all
of one nation, are subdivided into four several factions.
The Marquis of Montrose, with the Lords St Clair and
Napier, are very earnest for the King's going into Ire-
land. All the rest oppose it, though in several ways.
I find Duke Hamilton very moderate, and certainly he
would be much more were it not for the violence of
Lauderdale, who haunts him like a fury. Calendar and
Seaforth have a faction apart ; and so hath William
Murray, employed here by Argyle."

This refers to the period when the covenanting Com-
missioners were daily expected from Scotland to treat
with Charles H. Among the advices from the Hague,
enclosed by Sir Edward Nicholas to the Marquis of
Ormonde, occurs the following of the same date as the
above extract : " The Commissioners, that have been so
long expected by some from Scotland are not yet come,
and we look for no greater matter from thence. These
Lords that are here already, Lanerick and Lauderdale,
(who were fain to fly for their moderation) abating not
an ace of their damned Covenant in all their discourses;
and why we should be so fond as to expect any thing
but mischief from the rest, I know not. The Marquis
of Montrose is likewise here, and of clean another tem-
per, abhorring even the most moderate party of his
countrymen ; and it is the opinion and wishes of all
men, that his Majesty would employ him, as the man
of the clearest honour^ courage, and affection to his
service." Montrose was unquestionably right in his
estimate of the Scotch councillors who represented these

•1

STATE OF PARTIES AT THE HAGUE. 523

difterent shades of covenanting politics. They, too,
affected to talk of " the cruel murder of our master,
and the horrid resolutions now taken at London for
the destruction both of Religion and Monarchy." But
Montrose had long seen, that the loyally-professing
Covenant was as the manure to the growth of the In-
dependents ; and, betwixt the latter and those who
pressed that Covenant against Episcopacy, his penetra-
tion saw that there was no broader distinction than
what the accomplished Salmasius so well expressed,
when he said, that the Presbyterians held down the
King while the Independents cut his throat.

It was early in April 1649, that the Scotch commis-
sioners arrived at the Hague. They proved to be the
creatures of Argyle. The spokesman on the part of
the Parliament was the Earl of Cassilis, and for the
Kirk there appeared the Reverend Robert Baillie.
Their two first propositions, says the correspondent of
Sir Edward Nicholas, were, " that his Majesty should
abandon the Marquis of Montrose, as a man unworthy
to come near his person, or into the society of any good
men, because he is excommunicated by their Kirk.
The other, that his Majesty would take the Covenant,
and put himself into the arms (so they term it) of the
Parliament and Kirk of Scotland. And by these you
may easily imagine the civility of the subsequent, and
I need not tell you what cold reception they have found
here." The pretended /m*/^ milieu, Lanerick and Lau-
derdale, concurred heartily as to the preliminary, the
disgrace or ruin of Montrose, although the condition
was manifestly dictated by that " spleen to the persons
of men, rather than the service of the King, and the
good of the State," which Lord Napier tells us, charac-
terized faction at the commencement of the reign of

524 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Charles I. With unprincipled impudence they refused
to remain in the same room with Montrose, even in the
presence of the King. * That Montrose was the enthu-
siast, par excelletice^ in that cause, is praise of which
no one would seek to deprive him. In that last expe-
dition, the forlorn hope of the Monarchy of England,
he was indeed self-devoted. But the Ormonde papers
contain abundance of proof, that the honourable though
fatal attempt was not the mere ebullition of Quixotic
rashness, or wrong-headedness on his part. It is there
mentioned, that about the end of the year 1649, a ship
came over from Orkney to Denmark, bringing " Sir
James Douglas, my Lord Morton's brother, and one
Major Melvin, with many gentlemen of quality from
all places of the kingdom, who in the name of the
whole kingdom did intreat and press Montrose, earnestly
to go to Scotland, and not stay for all his men, (who
might follow,) for his own presence was able to do the
business, and would undoubtedly bring twenty thou-
sand together for the King's service ; all men being
weary and impatient to live any longer under that bon-
dage, pressing down their estates, their persons, and
their consciences." But the following letter is of itself
a sufficient excuse, if excuse it require, for the last ex-
pedition of Montrose.

* Clarendon also mentions, that " a learned and worthy divine, Dr
Wisliart, who was then chaplain to a Scottish regiment in the service of
the Estatesjbeing appointed to preach before the King on the Sunday fol-
lowing, they (Hamilton Lauderdale, &c.) formally besought the King
that he would not suffer him to preach before him, nor to come into his
presence, because he stood excommunicated by the Kirk of Scotland for
having refused to take the Covenant." The King marked his displeasure
at their insolence, " by using the Marquis of Montrose with the more
countenance, and hearing the Doctor preach with the more attention."

letter or charles ii. to montrose. 525

" My Lord,

" I entreat you to go on vigorously, and with your
wonted courage and care in the prosecution of those
trusts I have committed to you, and not to be startled
with any reports you may hear, as if I were otherwise
inclined to the Presbyterians than when I left you.
I assure you I am upon the same principles I was, and
depend as much as ever upon your undertakings and
endeavours for my service, being fully resolved to as-
sist and support you therein to the uttermost of my
power, as you shall find in effect when you shall desire
any thing to be done by your affectionate friend,

" Charles R."

" Si. Germains, Sepr. I9(h 1649."

The two next documents we have to quote are from
the unprinted originals in the Napier charter-chest.
The following is the only letter of the celebrated Dr
Wishart's, which, to my knowledge, exists.

" jFo;- mi/ Lord JVapier, at Hamhurgr

"My Lord, Shiedame, Isf Jan. 1650.

" I have little or nothing to write that is worthy
of the pains, excepting only to praise Almighty God,
and congratulate with you these gracious hopes which
we are persuaded to conceive from your negotiations
in these places. O, the God of armies, and giver of
victory, bless the same to the end. Yet could I not
suffer the opportunity of such a bearer escape me,
that I should not at least testify my good will and zeal
towards your Lordship, at least wise, by this paper
visit. Our great ones, Duke Hamilton, Lauderdale,
Dunfermline, Calendar, Sinclair, &c., are all at the
Hague, and at the present so darned that we hear but

526 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

little of their din. It is thought that their new band
had so small accej)tance in Scotland that they almost
repent the moving of it. All their present hopes are
of Wondrum's treaty, * and offers to the King, which
they magnify as very great, glorious, and advantageous
to his Majesty, seeing he may by them get present
possession of that whole kingdom, at so easy a rate as
the forsaking of one man, who, as a bloody excommu-
nicated rebel, is so odious to all men, that the King
cannot be so demented, and bewitched, as to prefer
him to the present enjoyment of the affections and ser-
vices of a whole nation of most true and loyal subjects.
Such are the charms, whereby these old wizzards go
about still to fascinate the world, abroad and at home.
And yet the two last named professed as much good
will to my Lord of Montrose as can be wished, and do
openly swear and avouche that they had never any art
or part in that foresaid band. Branford, I believe, not
only would be glad of employment with his Excellence,
but is very much grieved that he thinks himself slighted
and neglected by him. Sir William Fleming came
this way from Jersy, and went straight to Scotland.
I pray God all be sound that way. I have not been
so happy as to see Mr Aitoun, who hath been this long
time in these provinces. But I doubt not that he hath
given full information, of all that he can, to his Excel-
lence, by his own pen. My Colonel had been upon his
j ourney before now, but that the Prince of Orange took
him with his Highness in a progress that he is making
towards Guelderland. I know he will make the speedi-

* " Mr George Winrame of Libertone, one of the Senators of the Col-
lege of Justice, who was sent to Jersey to the King, in November 1649,
Avith letters from the Committee of Estates, came home in a waighter,
and arrived at Leith, on Saturday the 2d of February 1650." — Balfour.

4

DR WISHART'S LETTER TO NAPIER. 527

est return that may be. News from Ireland are still
so various, uncertain, and contradictory, that I neither
can nor dare connnand my pen to write any thing.
Last week we had no letters at all from London, and
by the latest we were informed that no man living
landed, in any place of England, from Ireland, who
was not searched to the very skin, — clothes, and shoes,
and boots, and all, ript up for letters. Whereby it
came to pass, that they have no more certainty of af-
fairs from thence, at London, than we have.

" The Lorrainer's forces have been this three weeks
close upon the skirts and borders of the lands belonging
to the Estates. Its said that Lamboy is not far from
them with his army, that Lorrain is thanked off by
the Spaniard, and taken on by the Emperor, who is
thought to have a purpose to demand, of the Estates
United, such Imperial towns as they detain and possess
from him. The Estates do not take the alarm very
hot, only they have sent some troops and companies to
strengthen their garrisons toward these quarters. Nay,
the provincial Estates of Holland will needs (in spite
of any opposition of the Estates' General, and his
Highness,) casheer ane 109 companies of foot, all of
strange nations, French, English, and Scots, and most
part of the cavalry, and reduce yet more those that re-
main. It is thought all this is intended to clip his
Highness's wings, and that they are stirred up to it by
the English rebels, who promise them, upon a call,
more men than they shall stand in need of. Certain it
is that there's strait correspondence, and good intelli-
gence betwixt them. If your Lordship and noble
company be in good estate, and will comfort me with
the knowledge of the same, I shall at this time demand
VOL. II. *

528 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

no more from thence, but, fervently praying for the
same, shall rest, — My Lord,

" Your Lordship's most humble and devout Chaplain,

" G. WiSEHEART."

" For the Lord Neper."
'* My Lord Neper, as I have ever been confident of
your great affection to my service, so I am much con-
firmed in the opinion of it by the letter I lately receiv-
ed from you. I pray continue your assistances to the
Marquis of Montrose, which your being with him will
much the more enable you to do ; and therefore I am
well pleased with your repair to him, and very sensi-
ble of your good endeavours for my service, which
I shall ever acknowledge as, your very affectionate
friend,

" Charles R."

" Breda, the Ibth of April 1650." *

* The date of this letter, now first produced from the Napier charter-
chest, is important. Montrose hadby this time made his descent upon Scot-
land. About a fortnight afterwards occurred his defeat at Corbiesdale.
On the third day after Montrose's execution the following scene occur-
red in Argyle's Parliament, as noted at the time by the Lord Lyon.
" Saturday, 25th May. A letter from the King's Majesty to the Parlia-
ment, dated from Breda, 12th May 1650, showing he was heartily
sorry that James Graham had invaded this kingdom, and how he had
discharged him from doing the same ; and earnestly desires the Estates
of Parliament to do himself that ^wshce as not to believe that he was ac-
cessory to the said invasion in the least degree, — read. Also a double of
his Majesty's letter to James Graham, date \bth May (when Montrose
was a prisoner) 1650, commanding him to lay down arms, and secure all
the ammunition under his charge ; read in the house. The Marquis
of Argyle reported to the House, that himself had a letter from the Secre-
tary, the £!arl of Lothian, which showed him that his Majesty was no
ways sorry that James Graham was defeated, in respect, as he said, he
had made that invasion without and contrary to his command"

We trust that this dishonest meanness rests not with Charles

3

Montrose's descent upon Scotland. 529

Among the Ormonde papers there is a melancholy
document, entitled "Proceedings of the Marquis of Mon-
trose," in which his progress is traced, through the north-
ern courts of Europe, from the month of August 1()49
to the eve of his descent upon Scotland. During this
period he may be said to have lived with crowned heads.
The King of Denmark, the Queen of Sweden, the King
of Poland, the Dukes of Friesland, Courland, Bruns-
wick, Cell, and Hanover, vied with each other in doing
honour to Montrose, and exciting his exertions by the
most liberal promises of the sinews of war. And " his
Imperial Majesty did heartily express his longing de-
sire to give all assistance possible to his Majesty of
Great Britain ; and that all the Princes of the Empire
were as well affected. The Emperor demanded a meet-
ing at Frankfort on the Main, and did give full power
to Piccolomini to treat with them concerning the same.
The effects whereof followed according to Montrose's
heart's desire, and will ere long be fully known, to the
astonishment of the Rebels. * * * And now there
are letters lately come, reporting that Montrose is no
more to be found in Denmark nor Sweden, having gone
incognito to Scotland, no man knowing when or what
way he went; having left behind him his Lieutenant-
General, my Lord Rythven, General-Major Carpe, my
Lord Napier, and many officers ready to make sail at
such time as he has designed to them. But a short
time will clear all. In the meantime, I am desired from
Hamburgh, Denmark, and Sweden, to find some faith-
ful friend to give information to his Majesty of all
these former truths. Montrose has caused make the

II., but with Argyle and his coadjutors, whom it would make no worse
than they were. See last note at end of this volume.
VOL. II. L 1

5.^30 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

King's standard all black, — all full of bloody hands and
swords, and a red character or motto above carrying re-
venge."*

A short time, indeed, cleared all. The particulars
of this unhappy attempt have been so fully record-
ed, both by contemporary and modern historians, as
to need no illustration. Suffice it to say, that Mon-
trose was deceived, by the magnificent promises of
the potentates abroad, and by the too sanguine hopes
of the crushed royalists in Scotland. The former fur-
nished him with arms, ammunition, and transports,
but left him to provide an army for himself. The
latter were right in their estimate of the sentiments
of the Scottish people ; but they forgot that the spirit of
the nation was crushed under the Dictatorship of Argyle,
whose insidious negociations, moreover, with Charles
himself at the very time, held out false hopes of the settle-
ment of Monarchy by some more peaceful and powerful
intervention than Montrose's. The elements, too, were
adverse to the cause of truth and justice. Of twelve hun-
dred troops whom Montrose sent before him to Orkney, a
thousand perished by shipwreck. His own fate was not
long delayed. Destitute of cavalry, and with only a few
hundreds of troops, composed of Germans, Orkney-men,
and a small band of his personal friends, Montrose
reached the confines of Ross-shire, where, at a place
called Corbiesdale, near the pass of Invercarron and
the river Kyle, he fell into an ambuscade, and was in-
stantly overwhelmed by the covenanting cavalry under
Colonel Strachan, followed up by the superior forces of
David Leslie, General Holburn, and the Earl of Suther-
land. The whole of his army were slaughtered on the
field, drowned in the river, or made prisoners, with little

• The motto was, " Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord !'

SURPRISED .AND DESTROYED. 531

or no loss on the side of the victors. Montrose and his
friends fought to desperation. By his side was killed
young Menzies of Pitfoddels (a nephew of Sutherland's,)
while defending the ghastly Standard, of which he was
the bearer. Montrose himself was covered with wounds,
(which, it seems, might have proved mortal even had his
enemies suffered him to live,) and his horse was killed un-
der him. His friend the Viscount of Frendraught, also
severely wounded, generously dismounted to afford
Montrose a chance of life by escaping on his horse. The
Viscount yielded himself a prisoner to his uncle, the
Earl of Sutherland, from whom he felt certain of quar-
ter, and who accordingly sent him to Dunrobin to be
cured of his wounds. By this means Montrose extri-
cated himself from the bloody scene, and quitted the
field in company with the Earl of Kinnoul, and two
gentlemen of the name of Sinclair. The rest of his
friends (including his chief officer. Major- General
Hurry,) were taken prisoners, with the exception of
young Pitfoddels, the Laird of Pourie Ogilvy, John
Douglas, (the Earl of Morton's brother,) and a few other
officers, all of whom were left dead on the field. Napier
had not yet joined his uncle from abroad. It must
have been late in the evening when Montrose escaped,
for the surprise occurred about five o'clock in the after-
noon of the 27th of April, and the unequal struggle
continued for some hours. He did his best to save
himself from the fangs of those whom he knew were
thirsting for his blood. In an old inventory of the Mon-
trose charter-chest, there is noted a " Letter by Charles
II. to James Marques of Montrose, creating him Knight
of the Garter, with the George and ribband enclosed,
dated at Castle Elizabeth, Jersey, 12th January 1650."*

* This letter would have been au interesting addition to our illustra-

532 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Balfour records that that George and Garter were found
concealed at the root of a tree, in the line of Montrose's
flight, and brought in triumph to the Committee of
Estates. Some of his papers were also found disposed
of in the same manner. He had been soon compelled
to abandon his horse, and he sought safety by changing
habits with the first Highland peasant whom he met.
The contemporary historian of the Earls of Sutherland
records, that Montrose and Kinnoul " wandered up
that river (Kyle) the whole ensuing night and the next
day, and the third day also, without any food or suste-
nance, and at last came within the country of Assint.
The Earl of Kinnoul being faint for lack of meat, and
not able to travel any farther, was left there among the
mountains, where it was supposed he perished. James
Graham had almost famished, but that he fortuned in
his misery to light upon a small cottage in that wilder-
ness, where he was supplied with some milk and bread."
Another contemporary account asserts that Montrose
suffered such extremity of hunger while wandering
among the hills of Assint, that he was reduced to de-
vour his gloves.* Not even the frame of Montrose could
endure disguise prolonged under such circumstances.
He gave himself up to Macleod of Assint, a former ad-
herent, from whom he had reason to expect assistance
in consideration of their old acquaintance, and indeed by
the dictates of honourable feeling and common huma-
nity. As the Argyle faction had sold the King, so
Macleod of Assint rendered his own name infamous, in
proportion to the fame of Montrose, by selling that

tions. The old inventory, referred to for want of better authority, I have
seen in private hands.

* See Sharpe's notes to Kirkton's History of the Church of Scot-
land, p. 123.

BETRAYED BY MACLEOD OF ASSINT. 533

hero to Argyle and his myrmidons, for which " duty
to the pubHc" he was rewarded with four hundred
bolls of meal. * David Leslie, into whose hands Mon-
trose was delivered, sullied whatever laurels he had
ever reaped by the mean indignities with which he
vainly endeavoured to crush the spirit, or lower the
character, of his illustrious prisoner. Exhausted and
wounded, he, who so lately associated with kings,
was dragged triumphantly, in the mean and way-
worn habit of his disguise, through the country to
the merciless tribunal of the Covenant. Wliile they
paused at the house of the Laird of Grange, not
far from Dundee, Montrose had very nearly effected his
escape. The excellent lady of Grange plied the guards
with intoxicating cheer vmtil they were all fast asleep,
and then she dressed their prisoner in her own clothes,
hoping to save him as his friend Ogilvy had been saved.
In this disguise he passed all the sentinels, and was on
the point of escaping, when a half-drunken soldier,
just sober enough to give the alarm, blundered into his
way, and Montrose was again secured.

We have now only to illustrate, from the most au-
thentic and original sources, the last scene of a tragedy
which, contrary to the expectations of his fiendish per-
secutors, only served to bring out the full lustre of
Montrose's character, while upon the Church of Scot-
land it has left a stain that time cannot efface.

A rare pamphlet, printed at the time,f states, —

* Macleod's Indictment, Criminal Records, IGT-i. He was tried for
that treachery, but saved by means of bribery, and the interest of Lau-
derdale, the enemy of Montrose.

■f " A true and perfect relation of the most remarkable passages and
speeches at and before the death of his Excellence James (iraiiam Mar_
quis of Montrose, ike. faithfully collected by an eye-witness in Edin-
burgh, as they happened upon the 18, 20, and the 21 of May 1G50.
Printed 1G50."

5i34 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

" That the Parliament of Scotland being informed that
the Marquis of Montrose was taken, and foreseeing that
his countenance and carriage might gain him some fa-
vour amongst the people, thought fit to give out their
sentence against him before he should come to Edin-
burgh. And therefore, upon the 17th of May anno 1650,
in the morning, they appointed a committee to prepare
and give in their opinions what was fittest to be done
with him ; the same afternoon they gave in their report
in writing. *

"Upon the 18th day, about four o'clock in the after-
noon, he was brought in at the Water-Gate, and, ac-
cording to the sentence, was met by the magistrates,
the guards, and the hangman of the city, the rest of
the prisoners [including Sir John Hurry] being tied
two and two together, going bare-headed before him.
So soon as he came within the gate the magistrates
showed him the sentence, which when he had read, and

* The act of Parliament proceeding upon this report is thus re-
corded by the covenanting Lord Lyon, in his MS. notes of the
Parliament, preserved in the Advocates' Library. " Friday, I7th
May. Act ordaining James Graham to be brought from the Water-
Gate— on a cart bare-headed, the hangman, in his livery, covered, rid-
ing on the horse that draws the cart, the prisoner to be bound to the
cart with a rope — to the tolbooth of Edinburgh, and from thence to
be brought to the Parliament House, and there, in the place of delin-
quents, on his knees to receive sentence, viz. To be hanged on a gibbet
at the cross of Edinburgh, with his book and declaration tied in a rope
about his neck, and there to hang for the space of three hours until he
were dead, and thereafter to be cut down by the hangman, his head^
hands, and legs to be cut off, and distributed as follows, viz. his head to
be affixed on an iron pin, and set on the gavel of the new prison of
Edinburgh, one hand to be set on the port of Perth, the other on the
port of Stirling, one leg and foot on the port of Aberdeen, the other on
the port of Glasgow. If he was at his death penitent, and relaxed from
excommunication, then the trunk of his body to be interred, by pioneers,
in the Grey-Friar*,— otherwise, to be interred in the Borough Muir, by
the hangman's men, under the gallows." This infamous sentence was
the offspring of Argyle, Archibald Johnston, and the Kirk.

4

DRAGGED IN TRIUMPH. 5S5

perceived the cart and the hangman there ready, he
said, — he would willingly obey, he was only sorry that
through him his Majesty, whose person he represented,
should be so dishonoured. Then going cheerfully into
the cart, he being uncovered,* was by the hangman
tied thereunto with ropes [on an elevated seat] and the
hangman on the horse rode covered. Thus was he
carried to the prison, and in all the way there appeared
in him such a majesty, courage, and modesty, no way
daunted, that his very enemies, nay common women,
who, as it was believed by divers, would have stoned
him in the cart as he passed, were upon the sight of
him so astonished and moved, that their intended curses
were turned into tears and prayers for him, in so much
as the next day, being Sunday, the ministers preached
against them for not reviling and stoning of him as he
passed along.-); When he was taken from the cart he
gave the hangman gold, telling him ' that was a re-
ward for driving the cart.' It was seven o'clock at
night before he was entered into the prison, and imme-
diately the Parliament met, and sent some of their
members, and some ministers, to examine him. But he
refused to answer any thing to them until he was sa-

* Montrose refused to take off his hat, and the hangman pulled it from
his head.

■f See some very curious extracts from the Records of the Presbytery
of St Andrews, recently printed for the Abbotsford Club, illustrating
the Kirk's violent persecution of all classes of inxlividuals of both sexes,
who dared to breatlie a syllable in favour of Montrose, or derogatory
to Argyle. The " having drunk drinks to James Graham," or sung a
loyal song in his favour, or (in the case of a minister) the not having
" spoken enough for our deliverance from James Graham," or the having
" spoken rashly of the Marquis of Argyle," are the heinous and gross
offences recorded, with their respective punishments, in this clerical Re-
cord. But for the tyranny of the church faction, whose reign was indeed
a reign of terror, Montrose would have been very popular, generally
speaking, in Scotland.

536 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

tisfied upon what terms they stood with the King, his
Koyal master, which being reported unto the Parha-
ment, they ceased proceeding against him until Mon-
day, and allowed their Commissioners to tell him that
the King and they were agreed. He desired to be at
rest, for he was weary with a long journey, and, he
said, ' the compliment they had put upon him that day
was somewhat tedious.' The next day, being Sunday,
he w^as constantly attended by ministers and Parlia-
juent-men, w^ho still pursued him with threatenings,
but they got no advantage of him. He told them, —
* they thought they had affronted him the day before
by carrying him in a cart, but they were very much
mistaken ; for he thought it the most honourable and
joyfullest journey that ever he made, God having all
the while most comfortably manifested his presence to
him, and furnished him with resolution to overlook the
reproaches of men, and to behold him for whose cause
he suffered.' "

We shall now follow Montrose into his prison, by
means of a very interesting manuscript which I find
in the Advocates' Library, in the handwriting of Ro-
bert Wodrow, the well known champion of the Kirk.

" This same time, Mr Patrick Simson * told me that
he was allowed to go in with the ministers that went
in to confer with the Marquis of Montrose, the day
before his death, and was present at the time of their
conference. His memory is so good, that although it
be now sixty years and more since it was, 1 can en-
tirely depend upon his relation, even as to the very
words, and I set it down here as I wrote it from his
mouth, and read it over to him. f

* He was minister of Renfrew, born 1628, and died 1715. At one
time he Avas Moderator of the General Assembly.

t In the Transactions of the Scottish Antiquaries, 1833, there is

PERSECUTED IN PRISON. 537

" In the year 1650, the 20th of May, being Monday,
the morning about 8 of the clock, before the Marquis
got his sentence, several ministers, Mr James Guthrie,*
Mr James Durham, Mr Robert Trail, minister at Edin-
burgh, and, if my author be not forgetful, Mr Mungo
Law, appointed by the Commission of the Great As-
sembly, went into the tolbooth of Edinburgh, where
Montrose was. His room was kept (by) Lieutenant
Collonel Wallace. Being forfeited and excommunicated,
they only termed him Sir, and gave him none of his
titles. Mr James Guthrie began, and told Montrose
that there were several things might mar his light, in
this affair they were come to him about, Avhich he
would do well to lay to heart, and he would hint at
them before they came to the main point. 1st, Some-
what of his natural temper, which was aspirijig and
lofty, or to that purpose. 2dly, His personal vices,
which were too notorious, — my author tells me he
meant his being given to women. \ 3dly, The taking

printed another version of this very curious paper, also from a MS. in
Wodrow's handwriting, substantially the same as the above, but not so
full. The ul)ove would certainly liave been preferred, by the learned
contributor to the Transactions, had it been observed.

* He who was afterwards hanged by Charles II., and canonized
therefore by the Kirk.

f We may rest assured that had any thing of the kind been known,
it would have been particularly noted against Montrose, and cast up to
him in his dying moments. The fame of no woman, that I can disco-
ver, has suffered on his account. The same cannot be said of Pym, or
Loudon, or Lauderdale, or Cromwell, and otliers of " the faints." Mon-
trose no doubt was an accomplished carpet-knifjht, (for which, however,
the field left him little time,) and it would be rash to affirm that, in such
an age too, he was inunaculate. But the expression in the text is the
gross expression of a gross sect. Were all tliose ministers immacu-
late ? See those disgusting ravings qf Mr Samuel Rutherfoid, not the
less loatlisonio that they are under the mask of religion. To the dis-
grace of the literature of a Christian and civilized country, they yet find
admirers. Witness, too, a certain correspondence of the Reverend Mr

538 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

a commission from the King to fight against his coun-
try, and raise a civil war within our bowels. Mon-
trose's direct answer to this my relator hath forgot.
4th]y, His taking Irish and Popish rebels, and cut-
throats, by the hand, to make up of against his own
countrymen. 5thly, The spoil and ravage his men
made through the country, also the much blood shed by
his cruel followers. Montrose heard him patiently till
he had done, and then resumed all the particulars, and
discoursed on them handsomely, as he could well do,
intermixing many Latin apothegms, only my author
thought his way and expression a little too airy and
volage, — not so much suiting the gravity of a noble-
man.* He granted that God had made men of several
tempers and dispositions, — some slow and dull, others
more sprightly and active, — and, if the Lord should
withhold light on that account, he confessed he was
one of those that love to have praise for virtuous ac-
tions. As for his personal vices, he did not deny but
he had many ; but if the Lord should withhold light
upon that account, it might reach unto the greatest of
saints, who wanted not their faults and failings. One
of the ministers, here interrupting him, said, he was

John Livingston, referred to in Kirkton's History, p. 51. To this wor-
thy, the Lady Culross writes, inter alia, " John Gray, your young bab^
longs for the pap, blessed be God for that change, come help to confirm
him. * * * Your claiths are here, which ye left with us to make us
the more sure of you, and yet ye failed us. Do not so now, for fear we
poind your nicht cap."

* The idea of the Kirk criticising Montrose's manners, as well as his
morals, and being Arbiter Elegantiartim to him who had so recently
associated with crowned heads, and been the glass of fashion in the
most distinguished Courts of Europe, is supremely ludicrous. One of
the ministers evinced his own Christian manners, upon that occasion,
by telling Montrose that " he was a faggot of hell, and he saw him
burning already." The picture of his plajnng the pedant, and fine gen-
tleman, to his tormentors, is very curious.

DISCOURSE WITH HIS TOKMENTORS. 539

not to compare himself with the Scripture saints. He
answered, ' I make no comparison of myself with them,
I only speak of the argument.' As to the taking of
those men, to be his soldiers, who were Irish Papists, &c.
he said it was no wonder that the King should take
any of his subjects who would help him, when those
who should have been his best subjects, deserted and
opposed him ; ' we see,' said he, * what a company Da-
vid took to defend him in the time of his strait.' There
were some volitations, to and fro, upon that practice
of David, which are forgot. As to his men's spoiling and
plundering the country, he answered, — they know that
soldiers who wanted pay could not be restrained from
spoilzie, nor kept under such strict discipline as other
regular forces ; but he did all that lay in him to keep
them back from it ; and for bloodshed, if it could have
been thereby prevented, he would rather it had all come
out of his own veins. Then falling on the main business,
they charged him with breach of Covenant. To which
he answered, ' The Covenant which I took I own it and
adhere to it. Bishops, I care not for them. I never
intended to advance their interest. But when the King
had granted you all your desires, and you were every
one sitting un'der his vine and under his fig tree, — that
then you should have taken a party in England by the
hand, and entered into a League and Covenant with
them against the King, was the thing I judged my duty
to oppose to the yondmost.' In the progress of their
discoursing, which my author hath forgot, the Marquis
added, ■■ That course of theirs ended not but in the
King's death, and overturning the whole of the Govern-
ment.' When one of the ministers answered, ' that was
a sectarian party that rose up and carried things be-
yond the true and first intent of them,' — he said only^

540 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

in reply, * Error is infinite.' After other discourses,
when they were risen and upon their feet to go away,
Mr Guthrie said, — ' As we were appointed by the Com-
mission of the General Assembly to confer with you, to
bring you, if it could be obtained, to some sense of your
guilt, so we had, if we had found you penitent, power
from the same Commission, to release you from that
sentence of excommunication under which you lie. But
now since we find it far otherwise with you, and that
you maintain your former course, and all these things
for which that sentence passed upon you, we must, with
sad hearts, leave you under the same, unto the judgment
of the great God, having the fearful apprehension, that
ivhat is hound in earthy God will hind in Heaven. To
which he replied, ' I am very sorry that any actions of
mine have been offensive to the Church of Scotland, and
I would, with all my heart, be reconciled with the same.
But since I cannot obtain it on any other terms, — un-
less I call that my sin which I account to have been my
duty, — I cannot^ for all the reason and conscience in the
world.' This last expression is somewhat short; but
my author tells me he remembers it distinctly, and the
Marquis had those very words, neither more nor less.
This is an exact copy of what I took from Mr Simson's
mouth, September 29th, 1710.

" RO. WODKOW."

*' He tells me further, that on Friday, or Saturday,
Mr David Dickson was with Montrose,* but gained no

* This allusion to a former persecution is confirmed by the follovA'ing
extract from the MS. minutes of the General Assembly : " Edinburgh,
18th May 1650. The Commission of the General Assembly doth appoint
Messrs David Dickson, James Durham, James Guthrie, Robert Trail,
Hugh Mackael, to attend upon James Graham when he is entered in ward,
and upon the scaifold, and deal with him to bring him to repentance,
with power to them to release him from excommunication, if so be he
shall subscribe the declaration condescended uffon by the Commission, con-

3

SCORNS HIS MURDERERS. 541

ground on him ; that the Parliament would allow him
no knife nor weapon in the room with him, lest he
should have done harm to himself. When he heard
this, he said to his keepeer : * You need not be at so
much pains. Before I was taken I had a prospect of
this cruel treatment, and if my conscience would have
allowed me, I could have dispatched myself.' After
the ministers had gone away, and he had been a little
his alone, my author being in the outer room with Co-
lonel Wallace, he took his breakfast, a little bread dipt
in ale. He desired leave to have a barber to shave him,
which was refused him, my author thinks, on the for-
mer reason. When Colonel Wallace told him, from
the persons sent to, he could not have that favour, my
author heard him say, — ' I would not think but they
would have allowed that to a dog.' This same day,
between 10 and 12, he was called to the bar, and got
his sentence, to be hanged anJ quartered^ his head to
remain at Edinburgh, one quarter to Glasgow, another
to Aberdeen, &c. When he got notice that this was
to be his sentence, either in the prison, or when coming
from the bar, he said — ' It becomes them leather to he
hangmen than me to he hanged. He expected and de-
sired to be headed."

Into the Parliament-House, immediately after the
above scene, we are enabled to follow Montrose, by
means of the manuscript journals of the Lord Lyon,
who was present.

*' Monday, 20th May. The Parliament met about
ten o'clock, and immediately after the down-sitting
James Graham was brought before them by the magis-

taining an acknowledgment of his heinous and gross offences, — otherwise
that they should not relax him."

542 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

trates of Edinburgh, and avScended the place of delin-
quents. After the Lord Chancellor had spoken to him,
and in a large discourse declared the progress of all his
rebellions, he showed him that the House gave him
leave to speak for himself. Which he did in a long
discourse, with all reverence to the Parliament, — as he
said. Since the King and their Commissioners were ac-
corded, he pleaded his own innocency, by calling all
his own depredations, murders, and bloodshed, only di-
version of the Scots nation from interrupting the course
of his Majesty's affairs in England ; and as for his last
invasion from Orkney, — from which, said he, he moved
not one foot but by his Majesty's special direction and
command, — that he called an accelerating of the treaty
betwixt his Majesty and this nation.* To him the Lord
Chancellor replied, punctually proving him, hy his acts
of hostility, to be a person most infamous, perjured,
treacherous, and, of all that ever this land brought forth,
the most cruel and inhuman butcher of his country ;
and one whose boundless pride and ambition had lost
the father, and by his wicked counsels had done what in
him lay to destroy the son likewise. He made no re-
ply, but was commanded to sit down on his knees, and
receive his sentence, which he did. Archibald Johnston,
the Clerk Register, read it, and the Dempster gave the
doom, — and immediately arising from off his knees,
without speaking one word, he was removed thence to
the prison. He behaved himself all this time in the
House with a great deal of courage and modesty, —
unmoved and undaunted — as appeared, f — only, he

* The precise words of Montrose's noble and perfect reply to the in-
vective of Loudon, Argyle's chancellor, will be found at the end of the
volume.

f It will be seen that involuntary and irrepressible admiration, of the

RECEIVES HIS SENTENCE. 543

sighed two several times, and rolled his eyes alongst all
the corners of the House, and at the reading of the
sentence, he lifted up his Jcice,* without any word
speaking. He presented himself in a suit of black
cloth, and a scarlet coat to his knee, trimmed with silver
galouns, lined with crimson tafta ; on his head a bever
hat and silver band, He looked somewhat pale, lank-
faced, and hairy."t

A diary left in manuscript by the Rev. Robert Trail
himself, enables us to follow Montrose from the Parlia-
ment House back to his prison.

" When the Marquis of Montrose was brought into
the Parliament-hall to receive his sentence, I was pre-
sent, with some others of the ministers of the town,
and heard his sentence read unto him^ he being in the
pannel, and commanded to kneel on his knees while it
was a reading, which he did, but very unw^illingly. After
it had been fully read, he answered, — * That, accord-
ing to our Scots proverb, a messenger should neither he
headed nor hanged.'' X My Lord Loudon, being then
President of the Parliament, replied very well, * that
it was he, and such as he, that were a great snare to

man, bursts througli Balfour's malicious inclination to detect the slightest
quailing in Montrose.

* With a soul as superior to Archibald Johnston's as light to dark-
ness. The satisfaction with which the " minion of the Kirk" would
read out the bloody details of that sentence, will be easily conceived
after what we have seen of him. His own hour of mortal agony came.

f No wonder. He had recently been reduced to devour his gloves,
and had probably neither been shaved nor comfortably fed since he was
" brought into Edinburgh, having many wounds upon him, which, accord-
ing to the Diurnal, mifjht have been cured." — Kirhton, Notes, p. 123. See
also Whitelock, who notes, — " May 17, Letters that Montrose was taken
two or three days after the fight, sixteen miles from the place of the en-
gagement, in a disguise, and sorely wounded."

X Sir James Balfour had not observed this remark.

544 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Princes, and drew tlieiii to give sucii bloody commis-
sions. After that he was carried back to prison.
The commission of the Kirk, then sitting, did appoint
Mr James Hamilton, Mr Robert Baillie, Mr Mungo
Law, and me, to go and visit him in the prison ; for
he being some years before excommunicated, none ex-
cept his nearest relations might converse with him.
But by a warrant from the Kirk, we staid a while with
him about his soul's condition. But we found him con-
tinuing in his old pride, and taking very ill what was
spoken to him, saying, — 'I pfci?/, you^ gentlemen, let
me die in peace' It was answered, that he might die
in true peace, being reconciled to the Lord, and to his
Kirk. He went aside to a corner of the chamber, and
there spoke a little time with Mr Robert Baillie alone ;
and thereafter we left him, Mr Baillie, at our coming
out of the tolbooth, told us, that what he spoke to him
was only concerning some of his personal sins in his
conversation, but nothing concerning the things for
which he was condemned. We returned to the Com-
mission, and did show unto them what had passed
amongst us. They, seeing that for the present he was
not desiring relaxation from his censure of excommuni-
cation, did appoint Mr Mungo Law, and me, to attend
on the morrow upon the scaffold, at the time of his exe-
cution, that in case he should desire to be relaxed from
his excommunication, we should be allowed to give it
unto him in the nam.e of the Kirk, and to pray, with
him and for him, that what is loosed in earth, might be
loosed in Heaven."

Thus reviled by the Parliamentary organs of Argyle
— .tormented by his impious chaplains, — whose doctrine
was that thei/ could withdraw a fellow creature from the
mercies of the Redeemer, — jaded with fatigue, stiff with

HIS METRICAL PRAYER. 545

unhealed wounds, — "pale, lank-faced, and hairy," — Mon-
trose evinced a spirit unconquerable, and a soul destined
for the brightest immortality. Referring to the sentence
he had just received, he thus addressed the magistrates
in his prison : ' I am much beholden to the Parliament
for the great honour they have decreed me. I am proud-
er to have my head fixed upon the top of the prison, in
the view of the present and succeeding ages, than if they
had decreed me a golden statue in the market-place, or
that my picture should be hung in the King's bed-cham-
ber. I am thankful for that effectual method of preserv-
ing the memory of my devotion to my beloved So-
vereign. Would that I had flesh enough to send a
portion to every city in Christendom, as a testimony of
my unshaken love and fidelity to my King and Country.'
And that very night, with a command of mind which,
under all the circumstances, is perhaps unique as an ex-
ample of heroic self-possession, he composed the metrical
prayer, where the same scorn, of the savage aggravations
of his sentence, is linked with a more solemn sentiment
than loyalty : *

Let them bestow on every aiith f a limb,
Then open all my veins, — that I may swim
To thee, my Maker, in that crimson lake, — ■
Then place my purboil'd head upon a stake,

* These verses of Montrose are said to have been written by him with
a diamond on the prison window, the night before he suffered. Mr
Brodie's critique has been already alluded to. " Montrose," says our
Historiographer, " preserved his spirit to the last, and amused himself
with embodying his feelings of loyalty in verse, which, however, was,
as poetry, no less execrable than liis actions had been as a member of
society." Hume has pronounced that verse to be " no despicable proof
of his poetical genius ;" and Voltaire calls it, assez beaux vers. But it
would seem that Mr I?rodie never read them. The sentiment is not loyal-
ty, but Religion. It was a solemn a|)peal to his Maker, from that papis-
tical doctrine, that what the Kirk bound on Earth God would not loose
in Heaven.

f Airth. Point of the compass.
VOL. II. M m

546 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Scatter my ashes — strew them in the air —

Lord ! since thou knowest where all these atoms are,

I'm hopeful thoul't recover once my dust.

And confident thoul't raise me with the just !

Besides his clerical tormentors, there was another
who, according to the authority of an old tract, griev-
ously disturbed the little rest which Montrose could
obtain that night. The notorious monster Major
Weir, afterwards executed for some brutal crimes,
commanded the Town-guard, and he remained in
the cell with Montrose, with " his lighted tobacco,
which he continually smoked, though the Marquis had
an aversion to the smell of it above any thing in the
world. Nay, he would even disturb him in his devo-
tions,— making his very calamities an argument that
God, as well as man, had forsaken him, and calling him
dog, atheist, apostate, excommunicated wretch, and
many other intolerable names."*

Early next morning, (Tuesday the 2Jst of May
1650,) Montrose asked this same Captain of the guard,
why drums and trumpets were resounding through
the town ? Perhaps, his own verse recurred to him, —

I'll sound no trumpet as I wont.
Nor march by tuck of drum, —

but he betrayed no symptoms of such regret, and when
told that it was to call out the soldiers and citizens in
arms, because the Parliament dreaded a rising of the
malignants (i. e. the people) in his favour, ' What,' he
he said, ' am I still a terror to them ? Let them look
to themselves, my ghost will haunt them.' And now,
having taken his breakfast of a little bread dipt in ale,
he commenced his toilet for death, with the serenity
that never forsook him. Those long light-chestnut locks

* Ravillac Bedivivus. 1G82.

ADORNS HIMSELF FOR DEATH. 547

of which he was not a little vain, dishevelled, and per-
haps matted with the blood of his wounds, he was in
the act of combing out and arranging, when a sullen and
moody man broke in upon him with the impertinent
reproof, — ' Why is James Graham so careful of his
locks ?' ' My head,' replied Montrose, * is yet my own
— I will dress it and adorn it, — to-night, when it will be
yours, you may treat it as you please.' The tormentor
was Archibald Johnston. Montrose seems ever to
have studied propriety or effect in costume. When
he first led the Claymores to save the Throne, " that
day he went on foot himself with his target and
pike." But now, he meant to " die like a gentle-
man." In the centra of the Grassmarket of Edin-
burgh his murderers had erected an ample stage,
from which arose a gallows, with its corresponding
ladder, of the extraordinary height of thirty feet. To
this place, from the Tolbooth, Montrose had to walk.
No friend or relation was permitted to accompany him,
or sustain his spirit by their presence on the scaffold.
But he had been suffered to adorn himself as he
pleased, for Argyle had no objection to the visible de-
monstration that it was the most graceful nobleman in
the land who, at his fiat, was to die the death of a dog.
At two o'clock in the afternoon he was led forth. The
manuscript diary of an eye-witness* has preserved to
us this portrait : — " In his down-going, from the Tol-
booth to the place of execution, he was very richly clad
in fine scarlet, laid over with rich silver-lace, — his hat
in his hand, — his bands and cuffs exceeding rich, —
his delicate white gloves on his hands, — his stockings

" John Nicholl, writer to the Signet, and notary public in Edinburgli,
at the time. His diary, preserved in the Advocates' Library, is referred
to before, Introductory Chapter, p. 5.

548 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

of incarnate [fl^sh-coloured] silk, — and his shoes with
their ribbands [roses] on his feet, — and sarks, [embroi-
dered linen,] provided for him, with pearling [lace]
about, above ten pund the elne. All these were pro-
vided for him by his friends, and a pretty cassock put
on upon him, upon the scaffold, wherein he was hanged.
To be short, nothing was here deficient to honour his
poor carcase, more beseeming a bridegroom, nor [than]
a criminal going to the gallows."

To the bitter disappointment of his enemies, Mon-
trose went through this trying scene with the magnani-
mity of a hero, the dignity of a nobleman, the grace and
gallantry of a perfect gentleman, and the well-grounded
hope of a true Christian. He w^ not permitted to ad-
dress the people from the scaffold, but transcripts of
his admirable speeches to those around him, uttered in
the midst of tormenting interrogatories and interrup-
tions, had been preserved, and will be found at the end
of this volume. When Dr Wishart's work, and his own
declaration, were brought to be bound to his back, he
hung them himself about his neck, saying, ' I did not
feel more honoured when the King sent me the gar-
ter.' The contemporary continuation of that same
work tells us, that this celebrated act of their abortive
malice was performed after he had prayed for about a
quarter of an hour, with his hat before his eyes, — that
he was earnest to be permitted to die with his hat on,
and requested the privilege of keeping on his cloak,
both of which requests were refused. " Then, with a
most undaunted courage, he went up to the top of that
prodigious gibbet, where, having freely pardoned the
executioner, he gave him three or four pieces of gold,
and inquired of him how long he should hang there, he
told him three hours ; then commanding him, at the

DEATH OF MONTROSE. 549

uplifting of his hands, to tumblehim over, he was accord-
ingly thrust off by the weeping executioner."* Such is
the testimony of a friend, which is curiously corrobo-
rated by that of an enemy. Mr Robert Trail, referring to
his own and his colleague's commission, says in his ma-
nuscript, " But he (Montrose) did not at all desire to be
relaxed from his excommunication in the name of the
Kirk, — yea, did not look towards that placeof the scaffold
where we stood ; only, he drew apart some of the ma-
gistrates, and spake a while with them ; and then went
up the ladder, in his red scarlet cassock, in a very state-
ly manner, and never spoke a word. But when the
executioner was putting the cord about his neck, he
looked down to the people upon the scaffold, and asked
' How long should I hang here ?' When my colleague
and I saw him casten over the ladder, we returned to
the Commission, and related to them the ^natter as it
was.'' But John Nicholl staid to see the rest of the
bloody play : " He hung" (says he) " full three hours,
— thereafter cut down, falling upon his face, none
to countenance him but the executioner and his men.
His head, two legs, and two arms taken from his body
with an axe, and sent away and affixed at the places
foresaid, his body cast into a little short chest, and taken
to the Boroughmuir, and buried there among malefac-
tors." His head, according to the account printed in
1652, " was fixed upon the Tolbooth, over against the
Earl of Gowrie's, with an iron cross over it, lest, by any
of his friends, it should have been taken down."f Thus
died Montrose in the 38th year of his age. The last

♦ Edition 1652.

f This was the necromantic Earl, Montrose's maternal uncle, whose
head was so elevated in 1 600 for the Gowrie conspiracy.

550 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

words he uttered ere he ascended the ladder were
" May God have mercy on this afflicted kingdom."*

In the Napier charter-chest, along with those rem-
nants of manuscripts we have now printed to illustrate
Montrose and his Times, are some mysterious relics of
a different description. There is a rich satin cap of a
faded straw-colour, lined with very fine linen turned up
with lace, and of the costume that is to be seen in the
portraits of some dignitaries of the reign of Charles I.
There is, moreover, a sheet, or handkerchief, about three
feet square, also of the very finest linen, and trimmed on
all sides, with tassels at the corners, like a pall. The
trimming is lace of the same description (though not
so broad) as that which forms the wreath round the
cap, being, probably, what Nicholl describes as " pear-
ling, above ten pund the ehie." Lastly, we find a
pair of stockings, knit, of glossy thread, not at all the
worse for the wear, and still retaining somewhat of the
original gloss, yet with any thing but the appearance
of having been knit in the present century. The in-
variable tradition in the Napier family has been, that
these are the cap, handkerchief, and stockings, worn

* Aigyle, as usual, was the snake in the grass upon this occasion.
He did not witness the execution, though his son did, and brutally " tri-
umphed at every stroke which was bestowed upon his mangled body."
There is printed, however, (by Mr Sharpe in his edition of Kirkton,
p. 124,) a letter of Argyle's to Lothian, from the original, in possession
of the Marquis of Lothian, dated 22d May 1650, which is of the meanest
and most cowardly cast. It was meant for the ear of the King. He
speaks of" the tragic end of James Graham at this cross," who, he adds,
" was warned to be sparing in speaking to the King's disadvantage, else
he had done it," &c. ; and " he got some resolution, after he came here,
how to go out of this world, but nothing at all how to enter into ano-
ther." It might have been replied to Argyle, " A ministering angel
ehall he be, when thou liest howling."

RELICS OF MONTROSE. 551

by Montrose on the scaffold ; and, unless explained
by some liistory of the kind, why such articles should
have been thus sejiarately preserved, it is not easy
to understand. The appearance of the stockings es-
pecially confirms the tradition. The tops of them,
which must have reached above the knee, have been
completely saturated with something that has now the
appearance of faded blood, diminishing downwards to
a point, and, in one of the stockings, extending to the
instep. This is pointed out as the blood of Montrose, and
the fact of hewing off the limbs, when the stockings
were only shoved down belovv the knees, would per-
fectly account for those appearances, which indeed are
not to be a*ccounted for in any other way. Upon the
satin of the cap there is a single small stain of what
may have been blood, and the lace appears to have been
sprinkled with the same. The handkerchief is the most
stained, being marked, towards the centre, with blotches
of different shades and hues, as if it had been gore and
matter. The tradition is, that this was the haifdkerchief
he wore at the time of his execution, and that it had
been dipt in his blood. But Montrose used no handker-
chief as a signal to be cast off, and this has not the ap-
pearance of a 'piece of dress at all. We shall immediately
afford a more plausible explanation.

It is slightly mentioned in the contemporary accounts
that Montrose's friends were permitted to see hiin in
prison. Of his dearest friends the most were now dead,
prisoners, or in exile. Such of his surviving male re-
latives as would have been apt to regard him as a
martyr were so obnoxious themselves to the faction,
or so deeply involved with him, that they dared not be
lieard of in the country. But there were three fe-
males,— tile Lady of Keir, Lady Na])ier, and Lilias

552 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

Napier, — whose hearts were aching for Montrose,
and, most probably, these were the friends who pro-
vided the gay garments of his martyrdom, with the
costly pearling, the fine linen, the carnation stock-
ings, * and the delicate white gloves. Nicholl in his
diary mentions, that, " because it was rumoured among
the people that James Graham's friends secretly intend-
ed to convoy his head off the prick whereon it was set,
on the tolbooth of Edinburgh, therefore, within six
days after his execution, there was a new cross prick
appointed of iron, to cross the former prick whereon
his head was fixed, which was speedily done, that his
head should not be removed." Now it has also been a
constant tradition in the family, that Lady Napier ac-
tually did contrive to obtain Montrose's heart, (from its
grave under the gallows near Merchiston Castle,) which
she caused to be embalmed. Nordoes this rest alone upon
family tradition. In the relation of the " True Funerals"
of Montrose, written by one who had " followed him
several years in his expeditions,"! occurs this circum-
stantial statement : " All that belonged to the body of
this great Ijero was carefully re-collected, only his heart,
which, two days after the murder, in spite of all the
traitors, was, by the conveyance of some adventurous
spirits appointed by that noble and honourable lady,_

• The stockings in the Napier charter-chest are of a dusky white-
colour, and not silk. But in one of the folds appears some jomA or car-
nation, as if the remains of a dye that had heen washed or worn out.
Knit stockings were a rarity in those days, and the thread appears to
have been very glossy. The leg is stout and shapely, with a remark-
ably small foot.

f See it quoted before, Vol. i. p. 115. I have almost satisfied myself
on comparing this tract with St Serf's preface, previously quoted, and
with the Caledonius Mercurius, of which St Sei'f was the author, that he
was the author also of the tract in question, and very likely to have been
one of the " adventurous spirits" who stole the heart.

THE HEART OF MONTROSE. 553

the Lady Napier, taken out, and embalmed in the most
costly manner by that skilful chirurgeon and apothe-
cary, Mr James Callender, then put in a rich box of
gold, and sent by the same noble lady to the now Lord
Marquis, who was then in Flanders." The Mercurius
Caledo7iius of the day (January 7, 1661,) when Mon-
trose was restored to hallowed ground, mentions that
the procession " chanced directly, — however possibly
persons might have been present able to demonstrate, —
on the same trunk, as evidently appeared by the coffin,
which had been formerly broke a purpose, by some of
his friends, in that place nigh his chest, whence they
stole his heart, embalmed it in the costliest manner,
and so reserves it." All this receives a decided confir-
mation from the translation of the second part of Dr
Wishart's history, published in 1652,* only two years
after Montrose suffered, where it is said, — " The rest
of his body was by three or four porters carried out to
the public place of execution, called the Boroughmuir,
answerable to that of Tyburn by London, but walled
about, and there was it thrown into a hole, where af-
terwards it was digged up by night, and the linen in
which it was folded stolen away." Here is the expla-
nation of the fine linen sheet in the Napier charter-
chest. This was the occasion of stealing the heart, and
the " adventurous spirits" had bundled it up in the
linen, which to this hour retains the gory impressions.
Lady Napier, and she who, when their hopes were
bright, had sent the " well known token" to Montrose,
and poor Lilias, had provided his death-toilet, — trim-
med and tasselled his dainty winding sheet, of the

* The Latin of Wishart's Second Part was never published, nor is it
known to exist now.

554 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

finest linen, with costly pearling, — and thus we have a
tale of real life, surpassing the beautiful romance of
Flora Maclvor.

There is, in the possession of the present Lord Na-
pier, an original portrait, nearly full length and as large
as life, of a portly and noble, but somewhat severe-look-
ing lady, past the prime of her life. The arrangement
of her gorgeous drapery betokens the luxurious Court
of Charles II., and the painting displays the undoubted
touch of Sir Peter Lely. Her white and tapering arms,
her long unearthly-looking fingers, are spread over an
ornamented urn placed on a table, by which the lady
majestically stands. She is not reclining on the urn,
but grasps it with a stern air of protection, as if to keep
it from this base world, against which she seems to be
looking daggers from out the picture. It is the Lady
Elizabeth Erskine — the wife of him who could have
lived with her "' meanly in the deserts of Arabia," but
who left her for Montrose, — the Lady of the Heart.*

So much for the Heart of Montrose. The fate of his
Head was better known. There is a rare work, printed
1676, and entitled " Binning's Light to the Art of
Gunnery," where it is stated, — " In the year 1650 I
was in the Castle of Edinburgh. One remarkable in-
stance I had in shooting at that mirror of his time for
loyalty and gallantry, James Marquis of Montrose his
head, standing on the pinnacle of the Tolbooth of Edin-
burgh ; but that Providence had ordered that head to
be taken down with more honour. I admired of its
abiding, for the ball took the stone joining to the stone
whereon it stood, which stone fell down and killed a

* See page 559 for the sequel of the history of Montrose's Heart.

3

FATE OF THE KIRK's KING. 555

drummer, and a soldier or two, on their march between
the Luckenbooths and the church, and the head re-
mained till, by his Majesty, it was ordered to be taken
down and buried with such honour as was due to it."
The various contemporary and minute accounts of that
splendid pageant of the year 1661, " the True Fu-
nerals" of Montrose, will be found in the appendix to
the translations of VVishart. The Mercuriiis Cale-
donius mentions, that, on the scaffolding erected near
the head, for the purpose of taking it down, there
stood, six storey high, " the Lord Naper, the Barons of
Morphy, Inchbrakie, Urchell, and Gorthy." How fear-
fully changed must that countenance have appeared to
Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie (for it was he) since first
they went together to rouse the Claymores in Blair
Athol. Montrose's nephew had never been in Scot-
land since the head of his idol attained that ghastly ele-
vation ; he died in exile before he was six-and-thirty,
probably of his " preposterous love for his uncle," and
the Lord Napier who stood on that scaffolding was
his son, a youth of about eighteen.*

Very shortly after the above scene, an ugly-looking
instrument, delicately termed " the maiden," and which
is now to be seen in the museum of the Scottish Anti-
quaries, was brought out for the purpose of taking off a
human head. The legal adviser, of the individual then
about to suffer, had been the celebrated Sir George Mac-
kenzie, who left in manuscript a long account of tlie trial
and death of his client, in which he says, — " I remember
that I having told him, a little before his death, that the
people believed he was a coward, and expected he would

* It was Graliiun of Gortliy who took down the head from the iron
spike, and Kirkton records exultingly.as a judgment of l*rovideuce, the
curious fact that he died a few hours afterwards.

566 MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

die timorously, he said to me he would not die as a
Roman braving death, but he would die as a Christian
without being affrighted. Yet some concluded thd,t he
died without courage, because he shifted to lay down
his head, and protracted time by speaking at all the cor-
ners of the scaffold, which was not usual, and buttoning
his doublet twice or thrice after he was ready to throw
it off." Such speculation was there about the state of
this individual's nerves, that his own doctor insulted
him on the scaffold by feeling his pulse to ascertain
that he had not already died of fright. The sincerity
of his religion, and the certainty of his salvation, were
proved, before his death, by a supernatural vision, the
evidence for which was his own declaration of the fact ;
and his courage was demonstrated, after his death, by
the appearance of his digestive organs upon dissection.
Need I say, that this was Argyle, and that his head
immediately occupied the spike from which Montrose's
had just been removed.

Some time after this scene, Edinburgh was " re-
freshed" with another sight. A prisoner was brought
up the High Street, bare-headed, to the council-house,
where, says Sir George Mackenzie, " the Chancellor
and others waited to examine him ; he fell upon his
face, roarings and with tears entreated they would pity
a poor creature who had forgot all that was in his
Bible. This moved all the spectators with a deep me-
lancholy, and the Chancellor, reflecting upon the man's
great parts, former esteem, and the great share he had
in all the late revolutions, could not deny some tears
to the frailty of silly mankind. At his examination,
he pretended that he had lost so much blood, by the
unskilfulness of his chirurgeons, that he lost his me-
mory with his blood, and I really believe that his

FATE OF THE KIHK'S MINION. 557

courage had indeed been drawn out with it. Within
a few days he was brought before the Parliament, where
lie discovered nothing but much weakness, running up
and down upon his knees begging mercy. But the
Parliament ordained his former sentence to be put to
execution, at the cross of Edinburgh. At his execution
he showed more composure than formerly, which his
friends ascribed to God's miraculous kindness for him.
But others thought that he had only formerly put on
this disguise of madness, to escape death in it, and that
finding the mask useless he had returned, not to his
wit which he had lost, but from his madness which
he had counterfeited." It was Archibald Johnston.
It will be remembered that, in the year 1641, this
worthy threatened Charles the First that he would
" look over old practiques not so expedient for him,"*
in order to deprive him of his royal prerogatives ; and
that the detection of these machinations first induced
Montrose to turn from the Covenant. Charles and
Montrose became victims of the Movement, and, finally,
Archibald Johnston sat as a Peer in the Parliament of
the King of the Independents, the " One" predicted by
Montrose, whose throne was upon the neck of " Re-
ligion and Liberties." Now, when about to be hang-
ed, f Archibald Johnston made an offer, which affords
an excellent concluding commentary upon the " grand
national movement." Middleton, in a letter to Primrose,
which is preserved among the manuscripts of the Ad-
vocates' Library, writes, on the 3d of February 1663,
" Mr Secretary Bennett, my Lord Dumfries, and my-

• See Vol. i. p. 366.

t After being' hanged, his head was spiked over the west-bow of
Edinburgh, beside the head of his friend, the Keverend James Guthrie,
who liad been lianged before him.

558

MONTROSE AND THE COVENANTERS.

self, were taken up this whole day with examination
of Warriston and some others. He pretends to have
lost his memory, and so will give no account of any
thing. He is the most timorous person that ever I did
see in my life, and pretends he can do the King great
service, if he will give him his life, in putting the re-
gisters in good order, and settling the King's preroga-
tive Jrom old records'''

CljeJSorougf) Jlfluir.

THE HEART OF MONTROSE

^The following letter, addressed to his daughters, was kindly trans-
mitted to me by my relative, Sir Alexander Johnston. It contains
a narrative, forming the sequel to the History of Montrose's Heart,
which has never been published, and is generally unknown. I may
mention that the writer of it, the Right Honourable Sir Alexander
Johnston, of his Majesty's Privy-Coimcil, and formerly Chief- Justice
of Ceylon, is now resident in London, and so well known that I need
scarcely add he is there remarkable for his love and patronage of his-
torical antiquities, and polite literature, as he is distinguished for
the patriotic spirit and judicial abilities which he displayed at Cey-
lon.]

19, Great Cumberland Place,
\st July 1836.

My Dear Daughters,

I have great pleasure, at your request, in putting down upon paper
for your amusement, all the circumstances, as well those which 1 bave
heard from my grandmother, Lady Napier, and my mother, as those
which I can myself recollect, relative to the story of the Heart of the
Marquis of Montrose, and the silver urn which is represented as stand-
ing ujion a table before her in the portrait, of the wife of the second
Lord Napier^ which we have in our drawing-room.

My mother was, as you know, the only surviving daughter, at the
time of his death, of her father, Francis the fifth Lord Napier of
Merchiston ; owing to this circumstance, she was a particular favourite
of his, and was ediicated by him with the greatest care at Merchiston.
The room in whicb she and her brothers, when children, used to say
their lessons to him, was situated in that part of the tower of Mer-
chiston in which John Napier had made all his mathematical dis-
coveries, and in which, when she was a child, there were still a few
of his books and instruments, and some of the diagrams which he had
drawn upon the Malls In this room there were also four family por-
traits ; one of John Napier, the Inventor of the Logarithms ; one of

560 THE HEART OF MONTROSE.

the first Marquis of Montrose, who was executed at Edinburgh in
1630 ; one of Lady Marg-aret Graham, who was the Marquis's sister,
and was married to John Napier's son, Archibald the first Lord
Napier ; and one of Lady Elizabeth Erskine, who was the daughter
of John the eighth Earl of Mar, and who was married to the Mar-
quis's nephew, Archibald second Lord Napier.*

My mother's father, by way of amusing her after her lessons were
over, used frequently to relate to her, all the remarkable events which
are connected with the history of the four persons represented in
these portraits ; and perceiving that she was particularly interested
in the subject, to dwell at length upon the history of the urn contain-
ing the heart of Montrose, as represented in the portrait of the wife
of the second Lord Napier.

He related to her the following circumstances concerning it. He
said, that the first Marquis of Montrose, being extremely partial to
his nephew, the second Lord Napier, and his wife, had always promis-
ed at his death to leave his heart to the latter, as a mark of the af-
fection which he felt towards her, for the unremitting kindness which
she had shown to him in all the diff"erent vicissitudes of his life and
fortune ; that, on the Marquis's execution, a confidential friend of
her own, employed by Lady Napier, succeeded in obtaining for her
the heart of the Marquis ; that she, after it had been embalmed by
her desire, enclosed it in a little steel case, made of the blade of Mon-
trose's sword, placed this case in a gold filagree box, which had been
given to John Napier, the Inventor of Logarithms, by a Doge of
Venice, while he was on his travels in Italy,f and deposited this box

* The portraits mentioned by Sir Alexander are still in possession of Lord
Napier, with the exception of that of Montrose, which I cannot trace. A great
proportion of the Napier properties were sold after the death of the fifth Lord,
and the family portraits became dilapidated and dispersed.

f In the proceedings of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1835, I find it stated by
Sir Alexander Johrston, in his capacity of Chairman of the Committee of Cor-
respondence, and Vice-President of that society, and when giving a history of
their Transactions, that, — " It appeared by John Napier's [the mathematician]
papers, that he had, from the information he obtained during his travels, adopted
the opinion, that numerals had first been discovered by the College of Madura,
and that they had been introduced from India by the Arabs into Spain, and other
parts of Europe. Lord Napier [Sir Alexander's grandfather, who meant to have
written a life of the great Napier,] was anxious to examine the sources from
whence John Napier had derived his information on this subject, and when he
himself was abroad visited Venice," &c. I was not in possession of this fact, so
interesting to science, when writing the History of the Logarithms in the Me-
moirs of Napier. Sir Alexander has since told me that these papers of the great
Napier came into the possession of his, Sir Alexander's, mother, and were most

4

THE HEART OF MONTROSE. 56l

in a large silver urn, which had been presented some years before by
the Marquis to her husband, Lord Napier ; that it had been Lady
Napier's iirst intention to keep the gold box containing Montrose's
heart in the silver urn upon a little table near her bed-side, and that
she had the portrait of herself, of which the one in the drawing-room
is a copy, painted at that time ; but that she had subsequently altered her
intention, and transmitted the gold box, with Montrose's heart in it,
to the young Marquis of Montrose, who was then abroad with her
husband, Lord Napier, in exile; that, for some reason or another, the gold
box and heart had been lost sight of by both families, that of Mon-
trose and that of Napier, for some time, until an intimate friend of
his, the fifth Lord Napier, a gentleman of Guelderland, recognized, in
the collection of a collector of curiosities in Holland, the identical
gold filagree box with the steel case, and procured it for him, when
he was in that country ; but that he never could trace what had be-
come of the large silver urn.*

unfortunately destroyed, with some curious papers of her own, by fire. He also
tells me that his grandfather, Lord Napier, had satisfied himself of the fact of
John Napier having been at Venice.

* In illustration of this part of Sir Alexander's letter, 1 may mention that, in
the Napier charter-chest, there is a deed of gift of L. 3000 from Charles II., to
the Lady Napier who embalmed the heart, dated in 1662, soon after the death of
her husband in exile. The King states, — " The Lady Napier, and the now Lord
Napier, her son, have been very great sufferers during the late commotions rais-
ed in Scotland, from the first beginning thereof, both by plundering their goods,
long exile, and did constantly adhere to us beyond seas, where their sufferings
were also very great." This indicates that after Montrose's execution Lady Na-
pier had joined her husband, Montrose's nephew, who being particularly excepted
from all acts of grace and pardon both by the Covenanters in 1050, and by Crom-
well in 1654, could never come home, and died at Delfshaven in Holland, in the
spring of 1660, before the Restoration. Lady Napier may herself have been the
bearer of the heart to young Montrose. She had returned before her husband's
death, however, (for the sake of their five children,) and in 1656 is reduced to
petition " his Highness the Lord Protector, showing that the ordinance of par-
don and grace to the people of Scotland nameth no provision for the maintainance
of her and her children, as the wives of other forfeited persons have." Upon this
petition she receives L. 100 out of the rents of the Napier estates, and is again
reduced to petition in 1658, when the same sum yearly is granted to her by an
order signed by Monk. Young Montrose must have returned from Flanders
before 1654, for in that year he was with the army of Royalists in the north of
Scotland ; and in 1 65!) he was imprisoned by the Parliament. But there was a
party in Holland witli whom he might well leave his father's heart. In the Na-
pier charter-chest is a bond for a thousand merks, borrowed by " Archibald Lord
Napier, and Mrs Lilias Napier, our sister, from Mr .James Weems, lawful son of
Dr Ludovick Weems," and made payable " thirty days after that this our band

VOL. II. N n

562 THE HEART OF MONTROSE.

In the latter part of the life of her father, my mother was his con-
stant companion ; and was, as a young- woman of 16, proceeding with
him and her mother to France, when he was suddenly taken ill at
Lewis, in Sussex, and died of the g-out. Two days before his death,
finding- himself very weak, and believing at the time that there was
little or no chance of his recovery, he told my mother that, owing to
a great part of his family property having been forfeited at the time
of Cromwell's usurpation, and to the unexpected expence he had been
at in plans for carrying- the Caledonian Canal into effect, he was much
afraid that Merchiston would be sold after his death, and that he
would have nothing to leave to her ; but that, however, as she had
always taken an interest in the story of the heart of Montrose, he
would give her in his lifetime, which he then did in the presence of
her mother, the gold filagree box containing it ; and trusted that it
would be valuable to her, as the only token of his affection which he
might be able to leave her ; and that it might hereafter remind her
of the many happy hours which he had spent in instructing her while
a child in the tower of Merchiston, and that, whatever vicissitudes of
fortune might befal her, it might always afford her the satisfaction of
being able to show that she was descended from persons who were
distinguished in the history of Scotland, by their piety, iheir science,
their courage, and their patriotism.

After my mother's marriage, and when I was about five years old,
she, my father, and myself, were on the way to India, in the fleet
commanded by Commodore Johnston, when it was attacked off the
Cape de Verd Islands, by the French squadron, under Suffrein. One
of the French frigates engaged the Indiaman in which we were, and
my father, with our captain's permission, took command of four of the
quarter-deck guns. My mother refused to go below, but remained
on the quarter-deck with me at her side, declaring that no wife ought
to quit her husband in a moment of such peril, and that we should
both share my father's fate. A shot from the frigate struck one of
these guns, killed two of the men, and with the splinters which it tore
off the deck, knocked my father down, wounded my mother severely
in the arm, and bruised the muscles of my right hand so severely,

shall be shown and intimated to Lady Elizabeth Erskine, Lady Napier." The
bond is dated " Shiedam in Holland, ^^ of October 1652," and witnessed by
" Dr George Wiseheart, minister to the Scot's congregation there, and writer
thereof." Scotstarvet mentions in his MS. written before 16G0, that this Lord
Napier was, upon some occasion of his exile, robbed of all his valnahles.

THE HEART OF MONTROSE. 56ii

that, as you know, it is even now difficult for me at times to write,
or even to hold a pen. My mother held me during the action with
one hand, and with the other hand she held a large thick velvet re-
ticule, in which she, conceiving that if the frigate captured the India-
man the French crew would plunder the ship, had placed some of
the things which she valued the most, including the pictures of her
father and mother, and the gold filagree case containing the heart of
Montrose. It was supposed that the splinter must have first struck
the reticule, which hung loose in her hand, for, to her great distress,
the gold filagree box, which was in it, was shattered to pieces, but the
steel case had resisted the blow. The frigate that attacked us was cal-
led oif, and next day Commodore Johnston and Sir John M'Pherson,
who was with him in the flag-ship, came on board of the Indiaman,
and complimented my father and mother in the highest terms for
the encouragement which they had given the crew of their ship.

When in India, at Madura, my mother found a celebrated native
goldsmith, who, partly from the fragments she had saved, and partly
from her description, made as beautiful a gold filagree box as the
one that had been destroyed. She caused him also to make for her
a silver urn, like that in the picture, and to engrave on the outside
of it, in Tamil and Telugoo, the two languages most generally un-
derstood throughout the southern peninsula of India, a short account
of the most remarkable events of Montrose's life, and of the circum-
stances of his death. In this urn my mother enclosed the gold fila-
gree box containing the case with Montrose's heart, also two frag-
ments of the former filagree box, and a certificate, signed by the
gentleman of Guelderland, explaining the various circumstances
which, in his and my grandfather's opinion, unquestionably proved it
to contain the heart of Montrose. The urn was placed upon an
ebony table that stood in the drawing-room of the house* at Madura,
which is now my property, and which I intend for a Hindu College.
My mother's anxiety about it gave rise to a report amongst the na-
tives of the country that it was a talisman, and that whoever pos-
sessed it could never be wounded in battle or taken prisoner. Owing
to this report it was stolen from her, and for some time it was not
known what had become of it. At last she learnt that it had been
offered for sale to a powerful chief, who had purchased it for a large
sum of money.

' For a description of the manner in which this building was laid out, by the
late Colonel Mackenzie, with a view to its becoming a College, see Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. ii. App. p. xii.

564 THE HEART OF MONTROSE.

My father was in the habit of sending- me every year, during the
hunting- and shooting season, to stay with some one of the native
chiefs who lived in the neighbourhood of Madura, for four months
at a time, in order to acquire the various languages, and to practise
the native gymnastic exercises. One day while I was hunting with
the chief who was said to have purchased the urn, my horse was at-
tacked by a wild hog, which we were pursuing, but I succeeded in
woiinding it so severely with my hunting pike, that the chief soon
afterwards overtook and killed it. He was pleased with my conduct
upon this occasion, and asked, before all his attendants, in what man-
ner I would wish him to show his respect and regard for me. I said,
if the report was really true, that he had bought the silver urn which
belonged to my mother, he would do me a great favour by restoring
it ; and to induce him to do so, I explained to him all the circum-
stances connected with it. He replied that it was quite true that he
had purchased it for a large sum, without knowing that it had been
stolen from my mother, and he immediately added, that one brave
man should always attend to the wishes of another brave man, what-
ever his religion or his nation might be ; that he therefore considered
it his duty to fulfil the wishes of the brave man whose heart was in
the urn, and whose wish it was that his heart should be kept by his
descendants ; and, for that reason, he would willingly restore it to
my mother. Next day, after presenting me with six of his finest
dogs, and two of his best matchlocks, he dismissed me with the urn
in my possession, and with a present from himself to my mother of a
gold dress, and some shawls, accompanied by a letter, expressing his
great regret that he had innocently been the cause of her distress by
purchasing the urn, which he assured her he would not have done
had he known that it had been stolen from her.

This was the native chief so celebrated throughout the Southern
Peninsula of India, who, thirty or forty years ago, rebelled against
the authority of his supposed sovereign, the Nabob of Arcot, and
who, after behaving with the most undaunted courage, was conquer-
ed by a detachment of English troops, and executed with many mem-
bers of his family, as is fully described in the first volume of Major
Welsh's Military Reminiscences. When, in 1807, I visited the site
of this chief's former capital, and the scenes of my early sports in the
Southern Peninsula of India, there were still two of his old servants
alive, who used to have charge of his hunting dogs when I was with
him. When they heard who I was, they came to me as I was tra-
velling through the woods of their former master, and gave me a

THE HEART OF iMONTIlOSE. 56o

very detailed account of his last adventures, and of the fortitude with
which he had met his death, telhng me among other anecdotes of
him, that when he heard that he was to be executed immediately, he
alluded to the story of the urn, and expressed a hope to some of his
attendants, that those who admired his conduct would preserve his
heart in the same manner as the Europeau warrior's heart had been
preserved in the silver urn.

My father and mother returned to Europe in 1792, and being in
France when the revolutionary Government required all persons to
give up their plate, and gold and silver ornaments, my mother en-
trusted the silver urn with Montrose's heart, to an Englishwoman of
the name of Knowles, at Boulogne, who promised to secrete it until
it could be sent safely to England. This person having died shortly
afterwards, neither my mother or father in their lifetime, nor I my-
self since their death, have ever been able to trace the urn, although
every exertion has been made by me for the purpose ; and although,
within the last few years, I have received from the French Govern-
ment the value of the plate and jewels which my father and mother
had been compelled to give up to the municipality of Calais, in 1792,
To the last hour of her life my mother deeply regretted this loss,
and in July 1819, a few days before her death, expressed to me her
wishes with regard to the urn, if it should ever be recovered by me.

As I frequently opened the urn, the new filagree box, and the
steel case, after the native chief returned them to my mother, I will
give you, from my own recollection, some account of the appearance of
the frag'raents of the old filagree box, and of the steel case and its
contents.

The steel case was of the size and shape of an egg. It was open-
ed by pressing down a little knob, as is done in opening a watch-case.
Inside was a little parcel, supposed to contain all that remained of
Montrose's heart, wrapped up in a piece of coarse cloth, and done over
with a substance like glue. The gold filagree case was similar in
workmanship to the ancient Venetian work in gold which you have
frequently seen, particularly to that of the gilt worked vases in which
the Venetian flasks at Warwick Castle are enclosed. I have none of
the fragments : they were always kept along with the writings on the
subject within the silver urn. My grandfather never had a doubt
that the steel case contained the heart of Montrose.
Believe me to be, my dear daughters.

Your most affectionate father,

Alexii. Johnston.

MONTROSE'S POEMS.

[The following poems, with the exception of the pasquil on Hamilton,
p. 268, are all that have been preserved of those poetical compositions al-
luded to, by Dr Wishart, as having been the amusement and solace of the
few moments Montrose could devote to the elegant accomplishments of his
gifted mind. The authorship has never been disputed or questioned, and
they bear the stamp of Montrose's mind and manner. They were first
printed together, in Watson's now rare collection, 1711, and, as that
editor states, from unprinted manuscripts. Probably, however, they are
to be met with printed separately, of an older date, on single sheets, or
" Broadsides," as was the fashion of the times.]

No. I.
Part First.

My dear and only love, I pray,

This noble world of thee
Be governed by no other sway

But purest monarchie.
For if confusion have a part.

Which vertuous souls abhore.
And hold a synod in thy heart,

I'll never love thee more.

Like Alexander I will reign.

And I will reign alone.
My thoughts shall evermore disdain

A rival on my throne.
He either fears his fate too much.

Or his deserts are small.
That puts it not unto the touch.

To win or lose it all.

But I must rule and govern still.

And always give the law.
And have each subject at my will.

And all to stand in awe.

MONTROSE S POEMS.

But 'gainst my battery if I find
Thou shun'st the prize so sore,

As that thou set'st me up a blind,
I'll never love thee more.

If in the empire of thy heart.

Where I should solely be,
Another do pretend a part.

And dares to vie with me.
Or if committees thou erect.

And goes on such a score,
I'll sing and laugh at thy neglect.

And never love thee more.

But if thou w^ilt be constant then.

And faithful of thy word,
I'll make thee glorious by my pen,

And famous by my sword.
I'll serve thee in such noble ways

Was never heard before ;
I'll crown and deck thee all with bays.

And love thee evermore.

Part Second.

My dear and only love, take heed.

Lest thou thyself expose
And let all longing lovers feed

Upon such looks as those.
A marble wall then build about,

■Beset without a door;
But if thou let thy heart fly out,

I'll never love thee more.

Let not their oaths, like vollies shot.

Make any breach at all ;
Nor smoothness of their language plot

Which way to scale the wall ;
Nor balls of wild-fire love consume

The shrine which I adore ;
For if such smoke about thee fume,

I'll never love thee more.

I think thy virtues be too strong
To suffer by surprise ;

567

>68 MONTROSE'S POEMS.

Those victual'd, by my love, so long,
The siege at length must rise,

And leave thee ruled in that health
And state thou was before ;

But if thou turn a common-wealth
I'll never love thee more.

Or if by fraud, or by consent.

Thy heart to ruine come,
I'll sound no trumpet as I wont.

Nor march by tuck of drum ;
But hold my arms, like ensigns, up.

Thy falsehood to deplore,
And bitterly will sigh and weep.

And never love thee more.

I'll do with thee as Nero did,

When Rome was set on fire.
Not only all relief forbid.

But to a hill retire.
And scorn to shed a tear to see

Thy spirit grown so poor ;
But smiling sing, until I die,

I'll never love thee more.

Yet, for the love I bare thee once,
* Lest that thy name should die,
A monument of marble-stone

The truth shall testifie ;
That every pilgrim, passing by.

May pity and deplore
My case, and read the reason why

I can love thee no more.

The golden laws of love shall be

Upon this pillar hung, —
A simple heart, a single eye,

A true and constant tongue ;
Let no man for more love pretend

Than he has hearts in store ;
True love begun shall never end ;

Love one and love no more.

Then shall thy heart be set by mine,

But in far different case ;

4

Montrose's poems. 369

For mine was true, so was not thine.

But lookt like Janus' face.
For as the waves with every wind.

So sails thou every shore,
A nd leaves my constant heart behind, —

How can I love thee more ?

My heart shall with the sun be fix'd

For constancy most strange.
And thine shall with the moon be mix'd,

Delighting ay in change.
Thy beauty shin'd at first most bright.

And woe is me therefore.
That ever I found thy love so light

I could love thee no more.

The misty mountains, smoking lakes.

The rocks resounding echo.
The whistling wind that murmur makes.

Shall with me sing hey ho.
The tossing seas, the tumbling boats.

Tears dropping from each shore,
Shall tune with me their turtle notes,

I'll never love thee more.

As doth the turtle, chaste and true.

Her fellow's death regrete,
And daily mourns for his adieu.

And ne'er renews her mate j
So though thy faith was never fast.

Which grieves me wond'rous sore.
Yet I shall live in love so chast,

That I shall love no more.

And when all gallants I'ide about

These monuments to view.
Whereon is written, in and out,

Thou traitoroits and untrue ;
Then in a passion they shall pause.

And thus say, sighing sore,
Alas ! he had too just a cause

Never to love thee more.

And when tliat tracing goddess. Fame
From east to west shall ilee.

570 MONTROSE'S POEMS.

She shall record it, to thy shame,
Hoiv thou hast loved djc ;

And how in odds our love was such
As few have been before ;

Thou loved too many, and I too much.
So I can love no more.

No. II.

There's nothing in this world can prove

So true and real pleasure.
As perfect sympathy in love.

Which is a real treasure.

The purest strain of perfect love

In vertue's dye and season.
Is that whose influence doth move,

And doth convince our reason.

Designs attend, desires give place,
Hopes had no more availeth.

The cause remov'd the efi"ect doth cease.
Flame not maintain'd soon faileth.

The conquest then of richest hearts.
Well lodg'd and trim'd by nature.

Is that, — which true content imparts, —
Where worth is join'd with feature.

Fill'd with sweet hope then must I still

Love what's to be admired ;
When frowning aspects cross the vrill.

Desires are more endeared.

Unhappy, then, unhappy I,

To joy in tragick pleasure,
And in so dear and desperate way

T'abound yet have no treasure.

Yet will I not of fate despair.

Time oft in end relieveth.
But hope my star will change her air.

And joy where now she grieveth.

Montrose's poiuMs. 571

No. III.

On False Friends. *

Unhappy is the man, in whose breast is confined

The sorrows and distresses all, of an afflicted mind ;

The extremity is great — he dies if he conceal — •

The world's so void of secret friends — betrayed if he reveal.

Then break afflicted heart, and live not in the^se days.

When all prove merchants of their faith none trusts what other says.

For when the sun doth shine then shadows do appear,

But when the sun doth hide his face they with the sun reteir ;

Some friends as shadows are, and fortune as the sun.

They never proffer any help till fortune hath begun,

But if in any case fortune shall first decay.

Then they, as shadows of the sun, with fortune pass away.

No. IV.

In praise of Women.

When heav'n's great Jove had made the world's round frame,

Earth, water, air, and fire, above the same

The ruling orbs, the planets, spheres, and all

The lesser creatures in the earth's vast ball :

Then, — as a curious alchemist still draws

From grosser metals finer, and from those

Extracts another, and from that again

Another that doth far excel the same, —

So fram'd he man of elements combin'd,

T' excel that substance whence he was refin'd ;

But that poor creature, drawn from his breast,

Excelleth him, as he excell'd the rest; *

Or as a stubborn stalk, whereon there grows

A dainty lily, or a fragrant rose.

The stalk may boast, and set its vertues forth.

But, take away the fiower, where is its worth 'i

And yet, fair ladies, you must know,

Howbeit I do adore you so.

Auld Nature swears, the lovely dears
Her noblest work she classes, O :

Her prentice ban' she try'd on man,

And then she made the lasses, O. — Bttrui.

572 MONTROSE'S POEMS.

Reciprocal your flames must prove,
Or my ambition scorns to love.
A noble soul doth still abhore
To strike, but vv^here 'tis conquerour.

No. V.

Can little beasts with lions roar.
And little birds with eagles soar ?
Can shallow streams command the seas.
And little ants the humming bees ?
No, no, — no, no, — it is not meet
The head should stoop unto the feet.

No. VI.

Burst out my soul in main of tears.

And thou my heart sighs' tempest move.

My tongue let never plaints forbear,

But murmure still my crossed love ;
Combine together all in one.
And thunder forth my tragick moan.

But, tush, poor drop, cut breath, broke air.

Can you my passions express?

No : rather but augment my care.

In making them appear the less.

Seeing but from small woes words do come.
And great ones they sing always dumb.

My swelling griefs then bend your self

This fatal breast of mine to fill.

The centre where all sorrows dwell.

The limbeck where all griefs distil.
That silent thus in plaints I may
Consume and melt my self away.*

* My thoughts their dungeon know too well
Back to my breast the wanderers shrink,
And droop within their silent cell,— Byrori.

montrosp:'s poems. 573

Yet, that I may contented die,
I only wish, before my death,
Transparent that ray breast may be.
Ere that I do expire my breath ;

Since sighs, tears, plaints, express no smart,

It might be seen into my heart.

No. VII.

On Charles I.
Great, Good, and Just, could I but rate
My grief, and thy too rigid fate,
I'd weep the world in such a strain
As it should deluge once again :
But since thy loud-tongued blood demands supplies
More from Briareus hands than Argus eyes,
I'll sing thine obsequies with trumpet sounds.
And write thine epitaph in blood and wounds.

No. VIII.

Metrical Prayer.
Let them bestow on every airth a limb,
Then open all my veins, — that I may swim
To thee, my Maker, in that crimson lake, —
Then place my purboiled head upon a stake.
Scatter my ashes — strew them in the air —
Lord ! since thou knowest where all these atoms are,
I'm hopeful tlioul't recover once my dust,
And confident thoul't raise me with the just.

ADDITIONAL NOTES

AND

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Note I. pp. 105 — 151. — Montrose's Assassinations.

Clarendon, in the suppressed passage referred to in our text,
gives the following account of the Incident :

" Upon a sudden, two or three days before the Session was thought
to end, the two great Lords, Hamilton and Argyle, at midnight, with
such followers as were at hand, fled out of the town to a house of the
Marquis of Hamilton's, some miles distant from Edinburgh, where
they stood upon their guard, their dependants giving it out that there
was a plot to have murdered them. The town was presently in an
uproar, the gates shut, and guards set, and the Parliament there in
great disorder and apprehension ; whilst the two Lords sent letters
both to the King and to the Parliament, of great conspiracies and
combinations, entered into against them, not without some reflection
upon his Majesty. The King desired the Parliament to be careful
in the examination of all particulars, who thereupon made commit-
tees ; and after some days spent in taking the depositions of such
witnesses as ofl"ered themselves, and of such other persons whom they
thought fit to produce, the Lords return to Edinburgh, not without
some acknowledgement to the King of an over-apprehension ; though
otherwise they carried themselves like men that thought they were
in danger. That which gave most occasion of discourse was, that
from that time. Will Murray, — who was the only, or the most no-
table prosecutor and contriver of whatsoever was to have been done
in that business, and was before understood to be a most avowed
enemy to Marquis Hamilton, grew to be of a most entire friendship
with him, and at defiance with the Earl of Montrose, with whom,

ADDITIONAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 575

till then, he had so absolute a power, that by his skill and interest
that Earl was reduced to the King's service ; and I have heard the
Earl of Montrose say, that he was the only man who discovered that
whole counsel [to impeach Hamilton and Argyle] to the Marquis,
after he had been a principal encourag-er of what had been proposed
to the King- ; and an undertaker to prove many notable things him-
self. Whatever was in this business, and I could never discover more
than I have here set down, though the King himself told me all that
he knew of it, as I verily believe, it had a strange influence at West-
minster, and served to contribute to all the senseless feai^s they thought
fit to 2)ut on."

This narrative, together with the whole suppressed passage from
which we have extracted it, seems conclusive as to the fact that Cla-
rendon had not been told ))y the King either that Montrose had off"ered
to assassinate Hamilton and Argyle, or that he was supposed to be
implicated in the alleged projected massacre called the Incident. The
following letter from Charles himself to Montrose, written soon after
the King returned to England, affords another most convincing proof
that Montrose had never proposed himself as an assassin to a Sove-
reign who, with all his faults, was enlightened, refined, and merciful,
and to whom Montrose himself said, in the letter from Inverlochy,
that he had endeavoured to restrain the slaughter, " for well I know
your Majesty does not delight in their blood."

" Montrose,

" I know I need no arguments to induce you to my service. Duty
and loyalty are sufficient to a man of so much honour as I know you
to be : Yet as I think this of you, so I will have you to believe of
me, that I would not invite you to share of my hard fortune, if I in-
tended you not to be a plentiful partaker of my good. The bearer
will acquaint you of my designs, whom I have commanded to follow
your directions in the pursuit of them. I will say no more but that
I am your assured friend, —

" York, 7th 3Iay \G-^2r " Chables R."

Is it possible that Charles could have written in this strain, if,
only a few months previously, he had had occasion to reject, icith ab-
horrence, a proposiil of assassination from Montrose ? But Mr Bro-
die continually s])eaks of ^lontrose's assassinations in the plural
number. This multiplication of the calumny depends upon no
better materials that Mr Brodie's own violent assumption against

576 ADDITIONAL NOTES

Montrose of one other story of assassination, for which, however, I
cannot discover any authority. He accuses Montrose, — who, he is
pleased to say, " had already betrayed his aptitude to commit the base
and cowardly crime of assassination," — of having murdered the Regi-
cide Dorislaus at the Hague. Our historiographer has quoted no
authority whatever for this assertion. The King's murderers had
the effrontery and rashness to send that notorious participator as their
ambassador to the Hague, immediately after the King's death, and
accordingly Dorislaus fell a sacrifice to the natural excitement, though
most unjustifiable means, of some of the Royalists resident there.
Clarendon, after narrating the fact, adds, — " They kept not their own
counsel so well, believing they had done a very heroic act, but that
it was generally known they were all Scottish men, and most of them
servants or dependants upon the Marquis of Montrose." This is
extremely likely, for all the ultra Royalists at the Hague came under
that denomination. But Montrose himself was then occupied with
the King in a manner that renders it most improbable that he had
any participation whatever in this lawless and impolitic act, even had
such deeds not been repugnant to his " clear honour" and heroic
character. Nor does it at all appear that Clarendon meant to im-
plicate Montrose personally in the matter. I can find no other au-
thority for th,e assertion of Mr Brodie, who, by the way, keeps out
of view any testimony aflforded by Clarendon of a contrary tendency.
Clarendon mentions that the chief fomenter, of the violent spleen to
the person of Montrose displayed at the Hague, was Lauderdale,
" whose fiery spirit was not capable of any moderation." One of the
Council asked him, " what foul offence the Marquis of Montrose
had ever committed that should hinder those to make a conjunction
with him ?" Lauderdale, in reply, particularly referred to the slaugh-
ter at Inverlochy. The other asked him, " if Montrose had ever
caused any more to die in cold blood, or after the battle was ended,
since what was done in it flagrante was more to be imputed to the
fierceness of his soldiers, than to his want of humanity." The very
terms of this question indicate the contemporary opinion of the re-
lative characters of Montrose and his enemies ; and the reply of
Lauderdale is most important to Montrose : " The Earl confessed
that he did not know he was guilty of any but tvhat was done in the
fields In fact, Montrose's bitterest enemies had never more to al-
lege against him. In that violent tissue of malice and falsehood,
with which the covenanting faction met Montrose's Declai'ation in
name of the King, shortly before his capture and execution, and which

AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 577

is sig-ned, and probably composed by Archibald Johnston, Clerk-
Register, and minion of the Kirk, he is only accused of apostacy,
malignancy, and murders in battle. Yet Archibald Johnston, whose
violent narrative there given, of the persecution of Montrose in 1641,
is unquestionably false, would have been too happy, could he have
ventured, with the slightest plausibility, to record " assassinations"
against one who in that precious document of the covenanting go-
vernment is termed, " That viperous brood of Satan, James Graham,
whom the Estates of Parliament have long since declared traitor, the
church hath delivered into the hands of the Devil, and the nation
doth generally detest and abhor."

Against all the assertions, then, of his modern calumniators, we
take as the certain truth, Montrose's own dying declaration, fortified
by the testimony of his bitterest contemporary enemies, — " Disorders
in an army cannot be prevented, but they were no sooner known
than punished ; never was any man's blood spilt but in battle, and
even then, many thousand lives have I preserved." This is not the
language of an assassin*

I had intended to add Robert Baillie's paper, circulated at the time,
and in which he labours to prove there was a Plot and an Incident}
and that Montrose and Traquair were at the bottom of both. But
the paper referi'ed to, p. 131, would occupy more space than it is
worth, and the curious reader is referred to the Bannatyne edition of
Spalding, Vol. i. p. 347, where he will find it printed. Baillie's paper
proves nothing, while it professes to prove every thing, and only
shews, to use Lord Napier's phrase, how " these excellent wits can
make any thing out of any thing."

Note II. p. 262. — Montrose s Siege of Blorpeth.

Dr Wishart gives no account of Montrose's siege of the Castle of
Morpeth, but a long and minute history of it will be found in Lord
Somerville's " Memorie of the Somervilles," edited by Sir Walter
Scott, Vol. ii. p. 306 to 343. The account is curious, as proving that
Montrose possessed science and patience for the successful conduct of
the most arduous siege, no less than that decisive daring, and prompti-
tude of action, which so eminently characterized his subsequent desul-
tory wars in Scotland. From the details of this siege we obtain
another proof that the objection sometimes urged against Montrose's
tactics, namely, that he possessed himself of none of the strongholds
of Scotland, in those wars, as if he were Idiud to the value of such
acquisitions, or incapable of such patient and scientific warfare, is a crudu
VOL. u. o o

578 ADDITIONAL NOTES

and false criticism. We may depend upon it that Montrose knew best
and that nothing- but the impolicy of such attempts, in reference to his
immediate object, or their impracticability, in reference to his peculiar
means, deterred him from laying siege to the covenanting strongholds,
instead of destroying their armies in detail, as he did, accoi'ding to
a plan, the conception and execution of which deservedly ranks Mon-
trose with the greatest military geniuses of history. The account of
this siege is also highly complimentary to the humanity of Montrose
as a conqueror. " The same day the castle was delivered up, the
Marquis of Montrose was pleased to invite the late governor and his
four captains to dine with him at his quarters, then within the town
of Morpeth, which they accepted of. A little before the table was
drawn, there comes a gentleman belonging to the governor, and
sounds him in the ear that, his soldiers being drawn out, attending
their convoy, the English foot had barbarously fallen upon them, beat
them with the buts of their muskets, and had not only taken from
them their cloak-bags, but also shamefully stripped several of the sol-
diers to their shirts. This was surprising to the governor, and imme-
diately his coimtenance changed so that the whole table took notice
thereof, but more particularly the Marquis of Montrose demanded of
him what news he had received from that gentleman. ' Such,' says
the governor, ' as I am persuaded your Excellence will not be well
pleased with when you shall understand the articles of capitiilation
are fully broken.' ' What,' says the Marquis in great passion, ' who
durst break any of them ?' — ' This gentleman will inform your Ex-
cellence ; which when he had done, the Marquis immediately rises from,
the table, and calls for the English officers, commanding them instant-
ly to repair to their respective companies, and cause to be delivered
back whatever their soldiers had taken from the garrison soldiers, and
that upon their highest peril, as they would answer to him." — Me-
movie of the Somervilles, p. 332.

Note III. p. 548. — Montrose s Defence and Dying Speech.

Argyle pretended to keep aloof from the condemnation of Montrose,
but there can be no question whatever that it entirely depended upon
the nod of the Dictator whether his rival lived or died. Balfour's
notes, quoted at p. 528, are important in reference to this subject.
The fact of Argyle attempting to implicate Charles II. in the death
of Montrose, indicates that Argyle himself was conscious of the foul
deed, and anxious to excuse it, even by a statement which he must
have known to be false. Balfour refers to a document (in the garbled

AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 579

and partial manner wliich too frequently characterizes his notes in re-
ference to Montrose,) by which it was said, Charles II. had command-
ed Montrose to lay down arms. Carte, who was not awai'e of Balfour's
note, quotes the identical document, from the original, " penes Robert
Long, Baronet." With Argyle's own commissioners bis Majesty sti-
pulated, " That he should oblige Montrose to lay down his arms, and
leave his artillery, arms, and ammunition with the Sheriff of Orkney,
and have 10,000 rix dollars jiaid to his use, in Sir Pati-ick Drum-
mond's hands, and aftdl indemnity be granted to him, to the Earls of
Seaforth and Kinnoul, the Lords Napier and Reay, Sir James Mac-
donnel, and all his officers, soldiers, and adherents, with liberty for him
to stay with safoty for a comjietent time in Scotland, and then a ship
to he provided for transporting him where he pleased." This is clear-
ly the document alluded to by Balfour ; allowing for the difference
of the old and new style, it bears the very date. Carte adds, that,
immediately on being signed, it was sent to Scotland by the hands
of Sir William Fleming. Argyle was perfectly cognisant of the
fact that the King had sanctioned every step Montrose took, and
that he was most anxious for his safety. Hence the indecent haste
with which Montrose was hurried to the scaffold, a circumstance pret-
ty generally understood at the time. Whitelocke notes, " May 20th,
letters from Berwick, that in Scotland Montrose was sentenced to be
quartered, and preparations for his execution, before they heard from
their King, or he from them, lest he should intercede for his jjardon."
Montrose himself was perfectly aware of the colour with which Argyle
and his clique would attempt to cover their murderous decree against
him, than which, in the whole compass of history, there is nothing
meaner or more foul. Hence Montrose's anxiety to maintain in the
face of his murderers that, from first to last, he had simply acted by
the express commands, and under the royal commissions of the two
Charleses. Mr Brodie, (Hist. Vol. iv. p. 269,) is pleased to record,
contrary to the evidence of every ear and eye-witness, and the con-
curring testimony of Montrose's enemies, — that, " jvhen reproached
in Parliament, previous to his sentence, with his manifold enormities,
his temper forsook him." The following are the precise words of
Montrose's reply to Argyle's ci'eature, the Chancellor Loudon, whose
vituperative address proves that his temper had indeed forsaken him,
while Montrose, even Balfour admits, " behaved himself with a great
deal of courage and modesty."

" He desired to know if he might be allowed to speak for himself,
which being granted, he said ; — ' Since you have declared unto nir

580 ADDITIONAL NOTES

that you have agreed with the King, I look upon you as if his Ma-
jesty were sitting amongst you, and in that relation I appear with
this reverence, hare-headed. My care hath been always to walk as
became a good Christian, and a loyal subject. I engaged in the^r*^
Covenant, and was faithful to it, until I perceived some private per-
sons, under colour of Religion, intended to wring the authority from
the King, and to seize on it for themselves. And when it was thought
fit, for the clearing of honest men, that a bond should be subscribed,
wherein the security of Religion was sufficiently provided for, I sub*
scribed. For the League and Covenant, I thank God I was never
in it, and so could not break it ; but how far Religion hath been ad-
vanced by it, and the sad consequences that have followed on it, these
poor distressed kingdoms can witness. When his late Majesty had,
by the blessing of God, almost subdued those Rebels that rose against
him in England, and that a faction of this kingdom went into the
assistance of those Rebels, his Majesty gave commission to me, to
come into this kingdom, and to make a diversion of those forces that
were going fi-om hence against him. I acknowledged the command
most just, and I conceived myself bound in conscience and duty to
obey it. What my carriage was in this country many of you may
bear witness. Disorders in an army cannot he prevented ; hut they
tvere no sooner Jcnown than punished ; never was any mans blood
spilt hut in battle ; and even then many thousand lives have I pre-
served ; and as I came in upon his Majesty's warrant, so, upon his
letters, did I lay aside all interest, and retreat. And, for my coming
in at this time, it was by his Majesty's commands, in order to the
accelerating the Treaty betwixt him and you, his Majesty knowing
that whenever he had ended with you I was ready to retire upon his
call. I may justly say, that never subject acted upon more honourable
grounds, nor by so lawful a power, as I did in this service. And,
therefore, I desire you to lay aside prejudice, and consider me as a
Cliristian, in relation to the justice of the quarrel, — as a subject, in
relation to my Royal Master's commands, — and as your neighbour,
in relation to the many of your lives I have preserved in battle. And
be not too rash, — but let me be judged by the laws of God — the
laws of nature and nations — and the laws of this land. If you do
otherwise, — I here do appeal, from you, to the righteous Judge of
the world, who one day must be both your Judge and mine, and who
always gives righteous judgement.' — This he delivered with such gra-
vity, and tvithout passion, as was much admired even by his enemies.
After v;hich the Chancellor commanded the sentence to be read,

AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 581

which he heard with a settled and unmoved countenance, and, do-
siring- to be further heard, was presently stopt by the Chancellor,
who commanded he should be presently removed back again to prison."
The historian is neither to be admired nor envied whose com-
ment, in reference to such a speech, pronounced under such circum-
stances, is, — " His temper' forsook him" .

The same eye-witness narrates, that, — " Because all his friends,
and well-wishers, were debarred from coming near him, there was a
boy, designed for that purpose, on the scaffold, who took his last
speech, which was to this eifect : ' I am sorry if this manner of my
end be scandalous to any good Christian. Doth it not often happen
to the righteous according to the ways of the wicked, and to the
wicked according^ to the ways of the righteous ? Doth not some-
times a just man perish in his righteousness, and a wicked man pros-
per in his malice ? They who know me should not dis-esteem me
for this. Many greater than I have been dealt with in this kind.
Yet I must not say but that all God's judgments are just. For my
private sins, I acknowledge this to be just with God, — I submit my-
self to Him. But in regard of man, I may say they are but instru-
ments,— God forgive them — I forgive them — they have oppressed
the poor, and violently perverted judgment and justice, — but He that
is higher than they will reward them. What I did in this kingdom
was in obedience to the most just commands of my Sovereign — -for
his defence, in the day of his distress, against those that rose up
against him. I acknowledge nothing-, but fear God and honour the
King, according to the commandments of God, and the law of nature
and nations. I have not sinned against man, but against God, and
with Him there is mercy, which is the ground of my drawing- near
vmto Him. It is objected against me by many, oven good people,
that I am under the censure of the church. This is not my fault,
since it is only for doing- my duty, by obeying my Prince's m.ost just
commands, for religion, his sacred person, and authority. Yet 1 am
sorry they did excommunicate me, — and, in that which is accord-
ing to God's laws, without wronging my conscience or allegiance, I
desire to be relaxed. If tJiey will not thus do it, I appeal to God,
who is the righteous Judge of the world, and who must and will, I
hope, be my Judg-e and Saviour. It is spoken of me that I should
blame the King !* God forbid. For the late King, — he lived a Saint,
and died a Martyr. I pray God I may so end as he did. If ever I

* ». e. As if I meant to blame the King. See Argyle's letter, quoted in note
to p. 550.

582 ADDITIONAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

would wish my soul in another man's stead, it should he in his. For
his Majesty now living, never people, I believe, might be more happy
in a King. His commands to me. were most just. In nothing that
he promiseth will he fail. He deals justly with all men. I pray
God he be so dealt with, that he be not betrayed under trust as his
father was. I desire not to be mistaken, as if ray carriage at this
time, in relation to your ways, were stubborn. I do but follow the
light of my own conscience, which is seconded by the working of the
good spirit of God that is within me. I thank Him I go to Heaven's
throne with joy. If He enable me against the fear of death, and fur-
nish me with courage and confidence to embrace it even in its most
ugly shape, let God be glorified in my end, though it were in my
damnation. Yet I say not this out of any fear or distrust, but out of
my duty to God, and love to his people. I have no more to say, but
that I desire your charity and prayers. I shall pray for you all. I
leave my soul to God — my service to my Prince — my good-will to
my friends, — and my name, and charity, to you all And thus briefly
I have exonerated my conscience.' Being desired to pray apart, he
said, ' I have already poured out my soul before the Lord, who knows
my heart, and into whose hands I have commended my spirit ; and
he hath been graciously pleased to return to me a full assurance of
peace, in Jesus Christ my Redeemer.' "

THE END

TRIXTED BY JOHN STARK,
OLD ASSEMPLY CLOSE, EDINBURGH.

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