* NOV 2 1^00 *
N«,
THE VlCTUKlors HYMN OK MENKl'TAH 11 CONTAINING. IN THE MID-
DLE OF THE SECOND LINE f'ROM BELOW. THE NAME "ISRAEL."
THE MONUMENTS AND THE
OLD TESTAMENT
EVIDENCE FROM ANCIENT RECORDS
/
BY
IRA MAURICE PRICE, Ph.D.
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATUKKS
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
WITff MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
SECOND EDITION
CHICAGO
THE CHRISTIAN CULTURE PRESS
1900
Copyright, 1899
By IRA M. PRICE
Set up, Electrotyped and Printed, Sept.-Oct., 1899;
Second Edition, Jan., igoo
TO
MY FATHER AND MOTHER
PEEFACE
The new-old stories told by oriental tablets, tem-
ples, and tombs, have revealed to us a new world in
the ancient Orient. These stories are the fruitage of
a full half-century of exploration, excavation, dis-
covery, and decipherment of oriental antiquities.
The records of these achievements now fill scores of
volumes extending through a half-century of time.
Eomantic and fascinating as all these volumes may
be, they are manifestly not within the reach of our
readers, nor are they desired by the majority of them.
Scattered here and there throughout these works, we
find material of especial interest to readers and stu-
dents of the Bible. This information is so distrib-
uted and intermingled with a mass of other matter,
that its separation and organization require long and
patient toil.
This volume is an attempt to furnish an answer to
this oft-heard question: "Where shall I be able to
find, in concise form, the best reliable information
furnished by the monuments, illustrative of the Old
Testament ?^^ The abundance of material in several
periods of history, and the multifarious themes call-
ing for treatment, were continuous sources of em-
1
2 PREFACE
barrassment. But the limits of space required a
selection and condensation of the most important
monumental matter. Certain chapters present with
some fullness the events of the Old Testament rec-
ords. This was due to the necessity of painting the
picture in which the monumental characters appear
and play so important a role.
This work is intended for those readers and stu-
dents of the Bible and ancient history who are not
able to read the inscriptions on the monuments, or
to make practical use of the larger technical works.
Of course, some outline knowledge of the periods of
Old Testament history is presupposed. The book is
so arranged that it yields readily to a plan of read-
ing and study, covering a period of six months. These
chapters in their condensed form are merely intro-
ductions to a wider study of the fascinating themes.
Readers who desire to investigate the subjects farther
will find on pages 301-6 a select list of references to
the best and latest semi-popular books on the monu-
ments. This plan was preferred to that of present-
ing scores of titles of books on each chapter, which
are either antiquated, or permeated with unproved
theories, or too diffuse for busy readers or students.
The convenience of students was also consulted
in the arrangement of the book. It will be seen
that the "Contents" give the theme of each of the
two hundred and eighty-five sections, distributed
under the twenty-five chapters. The "List of Illus-
PREFACE 3
trations^^ is arranged, not according to the succession
of pages, but in alphabetical order. The head-line of
each page presents the theme discussed on that page.
The "Ancient Dates Mentioned," "Texts Quoted and
Noted,'' and "Index," put the volume at the ready
command of every reader.
The author has laid under tribute to this work the
best available sources. These are amply named in the
list of "Books for Further Study," in "Texts
Quoted" (pp. 310-2), and occasionally in the body of
the book. Familiarity with the original texts of the
cuneiform inscriptions was of especial value in that
part of the work treating of the light from those
sources.
An attempt has been made to present a selection
only of the available illustrations that represent the'
discovery, decipherment, and contents of the inscrip-
tions. The gratitude of the author is hereby ex-
pressed to the several publishers who either furnished
electrotypes, or granted permission to copy illustra-
tions from their works. Due acknowledgment for
these courtesies is found in the "List of Illustra-
tions" (pp. 13-15), under the several subjects. The
author's thanks are also due the University of Chi-
cago Press for the use of several electrotype plates.
Notwithstanding the great care exercised in the
production of the book, the author has lived long
enough to know that some errors escape the keenest
scrutiny and the sharpest eye.
4 PREFACE
It is the sincere hope of the author that this book
may be a right-hand helper in the study of the Old
Testament; that it may infuse new life into the ear-
lier and the later periods of the history; that it may
cast a new halo about the heads of the prophets who
faced the conditions existent during the activity of
the great kings of the East and the West; and that
it may present an unimpeachable argument for the
historicity of much of this Old Testament revelation.
Ira M. Price.
Chicago, September 25, 1899.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
A century's gleams out of the orient
1. A century of romance. — 2. Israel greatly antedated.
— 3. A new background to the Old Testament. — 4. A new
geography. — 5. A better chronology. — 6. Discovery con-
tinuous.— 7. Some results provisional, - - 17-21
CHAPTER I
A FRAGMENTARY OLD TESTAMENT
8. Chief events mentioned. — 9. Chief events omitted. — 10.
The moral character of the narrative. — 11. Progression in
the thought. — 12. The need of a background. — 13. Israel
and her neighbors. — 14. Necessity of knowing Israel's neigh-
bors, - - - - - - 22-30
CHAPTER II
A LONE OLD TESTAMENT
15. A testing time. — 16. Some critic's questions. — 17.
The standing of the Old Testament.— 18. Contemporary
nations are mentioned in the Old Testament. — 19. Ruins in
biblical countries, ----- 31-37
CHAPTER III
Egypt's riddle read
20. Ruins in the Nile valley.— 21. Finding of the Rosetta
stone.— 22. Translating of the Rosetta stone.— 23. Egypt
called from the tombs.— 24. The age of the Hebrews recog-
nized.—25. Egypt's treasures to-day, - - 38-43
5
6 CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
Mesopotamia's mounds opened
26. Traces of the past in Mesopotamia,— 27. Finds of
Rich.— 28. Botta's excavations at Khorsabad.— 29. Botta's
impetus to archaeological study.— 30. Layard's excavations at
Nimroud.— 31. Layard's success at Nineveh.— 32. Layard's
contribution to oriental study.— 33. Geo. Smith's discover-
ies at Nineveh; a cuneiform tablet.— 34. Rassam; de Sarzec.
—35. Other excavations: Tel el-Amarna; Nippur; Arabia,
44-55
CHAPTER V
CUNEIFORM SECRETS REVEALED
36. Behistun inscriptions copied by Rawlinson. — 37. The
Old Persian inscription translated by Rawlinson.— 38. The
two remaining languages read.— 39. A new galaxy of old
nations.— 40. Prevalence of cuneiform scholars.— 41. The
cuneiform language.— 42. The cuneiform literature.— 43.
Kinds of material in this literature: (1) historical; (2)
chronological; (3) mythological; (4) geographical; (5) com-
mercial; (6) international; (7) miscellaneous, - 56-66
CHAPTER VI
GLINTS FROM PALESTINE, PHOENICIA AND THE HITTITES
44. Beginnings of exploration in Palestine. — 45. The
great survey of western Palestine. — 46. Other surveys of
Palestine.— 47. Excavations in Palestine. — 48. Phoenicia and
Israel.- 49. Temple ruins in Phoenicia.- 50. Ruins of walls
and tombs.— 51. Images of Baal.— 52. Phoenicia's influence.
—53. The Hittites a reality.— 54. Hittites in Old Testament.
—55. Hittites in the inscriptions.— 56. Hittite antiquities.
—57. Excavations at Susa.— 58. Other finds, - 67-79
CONTENTS 7
CHAPTER VII
PRIMITIVE TRADITIONS AND GENESIS
59. Primitive traditions. — 60. The Assyrian creation. —
61. The Babylonian creation. — 62. Resemblances to Genesis.
— 63. Unlikeness to Genesis. — 64. The Sabbath. — 65. Sacred-
ness of seven. — 66. The garden of Eden. — 67. The cherubim.
—68. The fall of man.— 69. The Babylonian deluge.— 70.
Col. i. Translated.— 71. Col. ii. All aboard the ship.— 72.
Col. iii. The storm and landing. — 73. Comparison of the two
records. — 74. Similarities explained, - - 80-96
CHAPTER VIII
THE PATRIARCHS UNDER EASTERN LIGHTS
75. The table of nations.— 76. Ur of the Chaldees.— 77.
Abram in Egypt. — 78. The campaign of Gen. xiv. — 79.
Joseph a slave in Egypt. — 80. Joseph a prime minister. — 81.
Joseph's authority, . - - . 97-106
CHAPTER IX
ISRAEL UNDER THE GLOW OF EGYPT
82. Famines in Egypt.— 83. The famine of Joseph's day.
—84. Israel settled in Goshen.— 85. Time of Joseph's ac-
tivity.—86. Conquests of Thothmes III.— 87. Egyptian
royalty infatuated by Asiatics.— 88. The Tel el-Amarna
letters.— 89. Overthrow of the XVIIIth dynasty.— 90. Rise
of the XlXth dynasty.— 91. Activity of Rameses II.— 92.
Israel in Goshen.— 93. The Pharaoh of the oppression.— 94.
The Pharaoh of the exodus.— 95. The exodus.— 96. Death
of the first-born.— 97. Evidence of the Egj^tian sojourn.—
98. Length of the Egyptian sojourn.— 99. Why did Israel
sojourn in Egypt?— 100. Israel's training-school in Egypt,
107-122
8 CONTENTS
CHAPTER X
THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN AND ISRAEL
IGl. Towards Canaan. — 102. Canaan's earliest peoples. —
103. The location of Canaan. — 104. Canaan, a foraging
ground for the nations. — 105. Canaan ruled. — 106. The
peoples of Canaan. — 107. Israel's conquest of Canaan. — 108.
Israel a prey to Canaan. — 109. Israel's oppressors. — 110.
Rise of the Philistines. — 111. Samuel a victor, - 123-131
CHAPTER XI
FOREIGN NATIONS AND THE SINGLE MONARCHY
112. — Saul's victories. — 113. Saul's disasters. — 114.
David's victories. — 115. Egypt in David's day. — 116. Asia
in David's day.— 117. David in the North.— 118. David's
disasters. — 119. Solomon's heritage. — 120. Solomon's re-
sources.— 121. Solomon's decadence, - - 132-139
CHAPTER XII
SHISHAK AND THE MOABITE STONE
122. Disruption of the kingdom. — 123. Shishak's inva-
sion.— 124. Shishak's own record. — 125. Finding the Moabite
Stone. — 126. A supplement to 2 Kings. — 127. The stone
translated. — 128. Its significance, - - 140-147
CHAPTER XIII
SHALMANESER II AND TRIBUTARY ISRAEL
129. Omri's greatness. — 130. Hint at Assyria's power. —
131. Why Israel treated with Syria. — 132. Shalmaneser's
record. — 133. Results of the battle of Karkar. — 134. The
confederation of allies. — 135. Syria and Israel at war again.
— 136. Hazael and Shalmaneser. — 137. "Jehu son of Omri."
— 138. Syria's rapid growth. — 139. Israel's humiliation. — 140.
Ramman-nirari's conquest. — 141. Syria crushed, 148-158
CONTENTS 9
CHAPTER XIV
TIGLATH-PILBSER III AND THE WARRING JEWISH KINGDOMS
142. Assyria's inaction. — 143. Israel's expansion. — 144.
Judah's expansion. — 145. An acme of prosperity. — 146. A
new king of Assyria. — 147. Assyria in the West. — 148. The
western realm of Assyria. — 149. A succession of kings. —
150. Isaiah and distress. — 151. Ahaz appeals to Assyria. —
152. Assyria in Palestine. — 153. Downfall of Damascus. — 154.
Master of the West-land. — 155. Tiglath-pileser's glory,
159-170
CHAPTER XV
SARGON II AND THE FALL OF SAMARIA.
156. Shalmaneser in the Old Testament. — 157. Egypt on
the horizon. — 158. Assyria's stroke. — 159. The fall of Sama-
ria.— 160. The dispersion of Israel. — 161. Sargon's western
wars. — 162. Sargon's victories in the South. — 163. Sargon at
Ashdod. — 164. The allies of Ashdod. — 165. Sargon's final
acts and his death, .... 171-179
CHAPTER XVI
Sennacherib's western campaign and hbzekiah
166. Sennacherib's accession.— 167. Babylonia subjected.
—168. The West-land overrun.— 169. Judah raided and
plundered.— 170. Color of the record.- 171. Sennacherib's
purpose.— 172. Down the sea-coast.— 173. Assyria against
Egypt.— 174. In Philistia again.— 175. Assyria's army in
Judah.— 176. A chronological snarl.— 177. Hezekiah's gift
and stress. — 178. Jerusalem saved.— 179. Evidence of dis-
aster.—180. Two records compared.— 181. Sennacherib's
death, 180-193
10 CONTENTS
CHAPTER XVII
THE LAST CENTURY AND THE FALL OF ASSYRIA
182. Esarhaddon's accession. — 183. Esarhaddon in Asia.
— 184. Esarhaddon in Egypt. — 185. Esarhaddon's subjects.
— 186. Assurbanipal in Egypt. — 187. The Babylonian re-
volt.— 188. Babylonia subdued. — 189. Rebels in the West. —
190. The West subdued.— 191. Manasseh's captivity.— 192.
Assurbanipal's limits. — 193. The Scythian invasion. — 194.
Assyria's rapid decline. — 195. The fall of Nineveh. — 196.
Pictures of Assyria. — 197. Nahum and Nineveh. — 198. The
awful vacancy, ----- 194-209
CHAPTER XVIII
NEBUCHADREZZAR II AND THE NEW BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
199. Pharaoh Necho in Asia. — 200. Chaldeans in the
West-land. — 201. Jehoiakim's disaster. — 202. Jehoiakin's
captivity. — 203. The fall of Jerusalem. — 204. Nebuchadrez-
zar's war record. — 205. Nebuchadrezzar as a religionist. — 206.
Nebuchadrezzar and the Jews. — 207. A period of anarchy.
— 208. Nabonidus and worship. — 209. Nabonidus's decline,
210-222
CHAPTER XIX
CYRUS AND THE FALL OF BABYLON
210. The rise of Cyrus. — 211. Cyrus's early conquests. —
212. Cyrus and the West.— 213. The annals of Nabonidus.
214. The annals of Cyrus. — 215. The two annals compared.
— 216. The policy of Cyrus.— 217. Cyrus and prophecy. — 218.
Babylon and prophecy. — 219. Cyrus and the Jews. — 220. The
first Jewish return, - . . . 223-235
CHAPTER XX
DANIEL AND BELSHAZZAR
221. Sources not abundant.— 222. Daniel in training. —
223. Wise men in Babylon. — 224. Daniel's promotion. — 225.
Daniel and the Jews.— 226. Daniel at Belshazzar's feast. —
CONTENTS 11
227. Belshazzar and the king. — 228. Belshazzar's last stand.
— 229. Where was Belshazzar slain? — 230. Belshazzar in
" Daniel."— 231. Daniel's career closed.— 232. The Book of
Daniel, 236-247
CHAPTER XXI
THE CITY OF SUSA AND ESTHER.
233. Susa in the Old Testament.— 234. Excavators of
guea._235. Assurbanipal and Susa.— 236. Susa's great
palace.— 237. Sketch of Darius I.— 238. The background of
Esther.— 239. Ahasuerus identified.— 240. The royal ban-
quet in Susa.— 241. The promotion of Esther.— 242. Casting
the Pur.— 243. The Acropolis of Susa.— 244. " Shushan the
palace " in Paris.— 245. The Book of Esther, 248-261
CHAPTER XXII
THE HITTITES
246. Sources of information.— 247. The Hittites in the
Old Testament.— 248. The Hittites in the Tel el-Amarna
tablets.— 249. The Hittites in the XlXth dynasty.— 250,
The Hittites in the Assyrian records.— 251. The Hittite
antiquities, - - - - .- 262-267
CHAPTER XXIII
THE ARAM^ANS, OR SYRIANS
252. Sourcesof information.— 253. Aram of Mesopotamia.
—254. Aram-naharaim in the inscriptions.— 255. North Syria
in the Old Testament.— 256. North Syria in the inscriptions.
—257. Syria under Ben-hadad II.— 258. Syria undei^ Hazael.
—259. Syria smitten and dechning.— 260. Syria subdued.—
261. Syrian deities, . - - - 268-278
12 CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXIV
THE SAMARITANS
262. Force the bond of unity.— 263. Policy of deporta-
tion.— 264. Policy of importation. — 265. Samaria depopu-
lated.— 266. Samaria repopulated. — 267. A religious com-
posite.— 268. Anti-Semitism in Cyrus's day. — 269. Anti-Sem-
itism in Artaxerxes' day. — 270. A racial composite. — 271.
Jews fall into the trap. — 272. Nehemiah's wall-building. —
273. Nehemiah's rigorous reforms. — 274. Rupture between
the Samaritans and the Jews, - - - 279-290
CHAPTER XXV
OUR NEW OLD TESTAMENT
275. Discoveries of this century. — 276. Credits for the
Old Testament. — 277. Historical credits. — 278. Archaeologi-
cal credits. — 279. Geographical credits. — 280. Chronological
credits. — 281. Ethnographical credits. — 282. Religious cred-
its.— 283. Linguistic credits. — 284. Exegetical credits. —
285. Character of our evidence, - - 291-300
Books of Reference for further study, - 301-306
Ancient Dates Mentioned, - - - 307-309
Index of Texts Quoted, biblical and extra-biblical, 310-312
General Index, - - - - 313-321
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
ARRANGED IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER
Page
Aamu of North Arabia going down into Egypt, in Xllth
dynasty, A family of, . _ . . loi
From Ball, Light from the East: by jiermission of E. & J. B. Young «fe
Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Amorites, ------- 128
From Petrie, Racial Types of Egypt.
Apadana of Artaxerxes II, The, - . . 259
From Dieulafoy, L'Acropole de Suse.
Babylon, Cuneiform Account of Capture of, by Cyrus, 223
From Budge, Babylonian Life and History,
Babylon, Walls of, 238
From Babelon, Manual of Oriental Antiquities: by permission of the
Publishers, G. P. Putnam's Sons.
Behistun Rock, The, - - - - - 56
From Kinns, Graven in the Rock: by permission of the Publishers,
Cassell & Co.
Birs Nimrud, supposed ruins of Tower of Babel, - 36
From Peters, Nippur: by permission of the Publishers, G. P. Putnam's
Sons.
Champollion, Jean Francois, Decipherer of the Rosetta
Stone, -------41
From Kinns, Graven in the Rock: by permission of the Publishers,
Cassell & Co.
Cyrus, Portrait of, . - . - . 234
From Dieulafoy, L'Acropole de Suse.
Cyrus, Clay Cylinder of - - - - - 227
From Budge, Babylonian Life and History.
Deluge Tablet, A, 89
From Ball, Light from the East: by permission of E. & J. B. Young &
Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
13
14 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Esarhaddon, Portrait of, - - - - - 196
From Ausgrahungen in Sendschirli.
Hittites, Portrait of, - - - - - 264
From Petrie, Racial Types of Egypt.
Hittites, A King of the, - • - . . 264
From Petrie, Racial. Types of Egypt.
Hittites, An Inscription of the, - . - . 267
From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. VII.
" Israel " Inscription of Meneptah II, - Frontispiece
From photograph, by Bbnfils.
Jewish Captives as slaves in Nineveh, Supposed, - 192
From Layard, Monuments of Nineveh.
Jews Paying Tribute to Shalmaneser II, Procession of,
in Four Groups, . » . . 292-3
From the Black Obelisk.
Khorsabad Colossi in the Louvre, View of the, - 20
From a photograph by the Author.
Lachish, The Storming of, by Sennacherib's Army, - 187
From Ball, Light from the East: by permission of E. & J. B. Young &
Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Layard, A. H., Archaeologist, - - - - 48
From Kinns, Graven in the Rock: by permission of the Publishers,
Cassell & Co.
Madaba Map, The, - - - - - 70
Moabite Stone, The, . . . . . 144
From Nelson's Illustraied Teachers' Bible: by permission of the Pub-
lishers.
Nebuchadrezzar II, Cameo of, - - - - 238
Nebuchadrezzar II, East India House Inscription of - 216
From Boscawen, The Bible and the Monuments: by permission of E. &
J. B. Young & Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Philistine, A, - - - - - - 128
From Petrie, Racial Types of EgT/pt.
Phoenician Inscription of Eshmunazar II, A, - - 75
From Ball, Light from the East: by permission of E. & J. B. Young &
Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Pyramids of Gizeh, - - - - - 31
From a photograph, by Bonfils.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 15
Rameses II, Mummy of, - - - - - 120
Rawlinson, H. C, Decipherer of the Behistun inscrip-
tion, - - - - - - - 59
From Beitraegezur Assyriologie, Vol. II.
Rosetta Stone, The, - - - - - 39
From Nelson's Illustrated Teachers' Bible: by permission of the Pub-
lishers.
Rosetta Stone in the British Museum, The - - 43
From a photograph by the Author.
Samaritan Pentateuch, The, - . - - 289
From Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts: by permission of
E. & J. B. Young & Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Sargon II, Palace of, restored, - - - - 47
From Place, Ninive et I 'Assyrie
Sargon II, Portrait of, - - - 174
From Botta, Monument de Ninive.
Sennacherib at the Head of his Army, - - - 181
From Perrot & Chipiez, Histoi-y of Art in Antiquity, Assyria.
Shalmaneser II, Black Obelisk of, - - - 154
From Ball, Light from the East: by permission of E. & J. B. Young &
Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Shalmaneser II, Portrait of, - - - - 150
From Sayoe, Assyria, Its Princes, Priests and People,
Shishak with his Palestinian Captives, - - 141
From Nelson's Illustrated Teachers' Bible: by permission of the Pub-
lishers.
Syrians (Aramaeans), A Group of, - - - 272
From Ball, Light from the East: by permission of E. & J. B. Young &
Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Tel el-Amarna Tablet, A - - - - 112
From Boscawen, The Bible and the Monuments: by permission of E. &
J. B. Young & Co., the Publishers' American Agents.
Tiglath-pileser III, Portrait of, - - - - 166
From Nelson's Illustrated Teachers' Bible: by permission of the Pub-
lishers.
Map of Mesopotamia and the West-land, - - 44
Map of Egypt and Sinai, - - • - 107
INTEODUCTION
A century's gleams out of the orient
1. This is the century of romance — romance in
exploration, in discovery, in invention, in thought,
and in life. The achievements of man have far ex-
ceeded the most sanguine dreams of the forefathers.
We have not only made but discovered vast periods
of history. During the present century history has
receded by discoveries through a period of more than
four thousand years before the Christian era. It has
been dug out of mounds, tombs, and pyramids. It
has been found written on granite, alabaster, wood,
clay, and papyrus. It has been translated from
tablets, rolls, cylinders, statues, and temples.
Through a series of marvelous discoveries and roman-
tic events we have been let into the secrets of wonder-
ful centuries of hitherto unknown peoples and
events. Until nearly the middle of the present cen-
tury we knew nothing of the ages preceding Greek
and Eoman times, except through hints here and
there in the Old Testament, and in several ancient
compilations of uncertain value. And these inciden-
tal references possessed no value whatever in the
judgment of those who doubted the historical verity
17
18 ISRAEL ANTEDATED
of the Old Testament, and the genuineness of the
compilations.
2. Now through the cooperation of explorer, arch-
aeologist, and linguist, we are the heirs of what was
formerly regarded as prehistoric times. We now see
that the Old Testament is a collection of books pro-
duced comparatively late in the history of mankind;
that Moses, yes, even Abraham, did not belong to an
extreme antiquity, but were antedated by thousands
of years in which highly civilized and cultured races
occupied some of the choicest portions of the eastern
hemisphere. The children of Israel, w^hose impor-
tance is so vigorously set forth in the Old Testament,
are now seen to have been but one of the small tribes
of antiquity. They were antedated, too, by numer-
ous peoples of a far remoter antiquity. Through-
out their history, the people of Israel were sur-
rounded, influenced, and often controlled by mighty
conquerors and rulers, many of whose records have
been recently opened to the readers of our day.
3. These marvelous revelations from the archives
of the nations of the past have painted, for us a new
background, in fact our first background, of the Old
Testament, and have shown us the relations of Israel,
religiously, socially, commercially, and politically, to
their powerful contemporaries. We are now in posi-
tion to judge, partly, at least, in how far the people
of Israel were unlike their neighbors, and in how
far they possessed the same traits of character.
A NEW BACKGROUND 19
We can also make a comparison of the religious re-
quirements of the contemporary peoples, and thereby
discover wherein lies the great superiority of Israel's
religion. Again, the Old Testament's representation
of the character and life of its contemporaries is
strongly corroborated by the evidence of the inscrip-
tions themselves. Almost the whole landscape of
the Old Testament is now beautifully brought out by
the new colors and figures added through the numer-
ous discoveries in the mounds of the old East.
4. "We now have a new geography of ancient days.
The boundaries of great peoples in different periods,
the chief cities within these limits, and their methods
of commercial exchange, gathered from the inscrip-
tions, add largely to the definiteness of our concep-
tion of the geography of Old Testament times.
Long lists of countries and cities reveal to us many
places hitherto lost from history. The location of
Ur of the Chaldees, of Erech, of Babylon, and of
scores of minor places in the East has made the
study of biblical geography a new and lively subject.
Palestine, especially, has yielded many important re-
sults to the patient work of the Palestine Exploration
Fund.
5. The chronology also of the Old Testament has
received many notable glints from the entombed rec-
ords of the past. These contributions tell us that all
of the currently accepted biblical chronologies are
defective, are based on principles of writing history
20 DISCOVERY CONTINUOUS
unknown to the writers of the Old Testament.
While Archbishop Ussher's system has gained gen-
eral acceptance up to our day, its defects and general
errancy have been revealed by the vast amount of
chronological data brought to light in the excava-
tions of the East. These data unmask many of the
serious defects of current systems of chronology; they
show us how we may improve on these old systems;
and they also introduce new difficulties whose solu-
tions are as yet beyond our ken. We can now, as
never before, synchronize the history of many of the
nations contemporaneous with Israel.
6. The activities of the explorer and the excavator
are continuous, and are increasing with every decade.
Our museums are rich in treasures brought from the
old mounds of the East. To enter the British Muse-
um in London, the Louvre in Paris, the Royal Muse-
ums of Constantinople, or Berlin, the Metropolitan
Museum at New York, or the ancient treasure-house
of the University of Pennsylvania, is almost equiva-
lent to entering one of the palaces of one of the mon-
archs of ancient Assjrria. The pick and the spade have
opened volumes of ancient history, and volumes have
been written descriptive of the experiences of exca-
vators, and of the details of the work of excavation.
Others have been produced to present the archaeologi-
cal results of excavation, the decipherment of the in-
scriptions, and in some cases to describe the points
wherein these results touch the life of Israel. The
VIEW OF COLOSSI FROM SARGON'S PALACE AT KHORSABAD
(Now in the Louvre, Paris)
SOIVIE RESULTS PROVISIONAL 21
books of the last fifty years in this department alone
would make a fair-sized library.
7. In view of the vast achievements of explorers,
archaeologists, and linguists during the past half cen-
tury, and of the rapidity with which new excavations
are now being conducted in various biblical coun-
tries, scholars cannot afford to dogmatize regarding
those periods of history, in which, up to the present
time, there is a scarcity of facts. The careful student
of history will constantly keep in mind the fragmen-
tary character of his sources, and will so state his
conclusions as to admit new light from whatever
source. Some of the alleged results of higher
criticism have been already often modified in view of
the discovery of new and hitherto unknown facts.
And the modifications necessitated by the pursuit of
oriental archaeology promise greater things for the
future. It becomes us, therefore, as students of
biblical and oriental history, to recognize from the
beginning our limitations and ignorance, and never
to use it as a standard by which we may dogmatize as
to what could or could not have been at any given
period in the past.
CHAPTER I
A FRAGMENTARY OLD TESTAMENT
8. The Old Testament is a religious history of Israel.
It begins with the first chapter of Genesis, "God
created man in his image/' and sweeps through the
antediluvian, the patriarchal, and national periods,
the exilic and restoration times, to the Malachi
prophecy of the coming of Elijah. The long stretch
of time and the brief record embraced within these
limits awaken a desire to discover the principle on
which that history was written. A slight examina-
tion soon shows that the authors were accustomed to
abbreviate their accounts, and to embody in them only
such, facts as bore mainly on the religious history,
either progressive or retrogressive, of their own people.
These facts were crucial points in the history of indi-
viduals, or of the nation, or in the relations of other
nations or powers to Israel, emphasizing the religious
coloring of the record. The antediluvian volumes
are reduced to a few test cases where God deals directly
with man and woman. The devastating deluge, an
awful cataclysm full of tragedy and heartrending
scenes, of untold suffering and ruin, is described in a
couple of chapters, which recite in impassionate and
22
CHIEF EVENTS MENTIONED 23
judicial language merely the purpose and results of
that disaster as touching God's relations to man. The
individual, tribal, and national struggles subsequent
to the deluge and prior to the call of Abram — and
there must have been many — are embodied, aside
from the building of Babel, merely in a condensed
table of the lineal descendants of Noah and the an-
cestors of Abraham. In other words, the compiler of
this record saw fit to pass over the strifes and battles
of the expanding race, and to mention only the things
which would have significance for the history of
Israel. Thus even the peoples who should touch
Israel in the future, and the founder of that chosen
people, come in for bare mention in a genealogical
table. Of the long and eventful lives of the patri-
archs, we possess but brief accounts; and these
accounts are presumably statements of the most sig-
nificant religious acts and words in their careers.
Israel's sojourn in Egypt, the latter part of which
was in serfdom, is told in aggravatingly few words,
while their deliverance— God's deliverance of them—
is expanded and extended through a series of chapters.
Their wilderness wanderings of forty years receive
larger attention than any other event covering an
equal space of time. But in the record of this event-
ful period the prominence is given, not to the hard-
ships of wilderness life, but to laws and regulations
for the rebellious and obstinate people, and the means
adopted to defeat Jehovah's plan for them. The con-
24 CHIEF EVENTS OMITTED
quest of Canaan is compressed within a few chapters.
The dark ages of Israel's history — the period of the
Judges — covering two or three centuries, barely note
some of the terrific tragedies which next to wiped out
the tribal and national life of Israel. From the
founding of the kingdom to its final collapse before
the Chaldean army at Jerusalem, from the restoration
to the close of the Old Testament, there is an ominous
silence regarding events which deserve and always
receive chief prominence at the hands of secular his-
torians. The writers have designedly chosen only
such events as would most strongly set forth the real
purpose of their narrative.
9. It must now be evident that what we possess in
the Old Testament can scarcely be termed a history
at all. It lacks some of the chief characteristics of
such literature. It has been shown to be partial in
its statements — partial to the religious and moral
phases. It consequently omits, not only single events,
but whole series of events, which from a secular point
of view would have been of most fascinating interest.
This omission of many causes and events has given
the Old Testament a fragmentary and broken appear-
ance. Breaks occur of even a century or more, as
during the Egyptian sojourn, without materially
affecting the final purpose of the authors. It would
satisfy our curiosity to a profound degree if we could
ascertain what occurred in the wilderness during the
supposed thirty-seven years which fall between verses
CHIEF EVENTS OMITTED 25
13 and 14 of the twentieth chapter of Numbers. Why
was the burial place of Moses left a secret? How can
we explain the startling narrative, figures, and stories
of the book of Judges? Were they successive, or con-
temporaneous, or are they described in round num-
bers merely? The omissions here are something
appalling to the accurate student. And where, too,
can we locate that charming idyl, the book of Ruth?
The apparent carelessness of the author, when he
specifies its period by that indefinite phrase, ^Vhen
the judges judged," is an aggravation that receives
no comfort from the general purpose of the book.
Then, again, how is it that Solomon's reign, the acme
of Israel's glory, commercially and politically, is dis-
posed of in a few short chapters? There must have
been trying and troublesome secessions in his latter
days, which brought about such a weakening of his
power and kingdom that almost at a signal it fell to
pieces. How glad we would be to find out the little
foxes that undermined the walls and towers of his
strength, and brought his defenses tumbling to the
ground. True, we know of his alien wives and their
idolatry, but these were probably only one of the
causes of his downfall. Another omission of signal
character is found in the books of Chronicles. No
mention is made of the heinous sin of David or of
the rebellion of Absalom; the kings of the northern
kingdom, the ten tribes, are entirely omitted, unless
when in conflict or in alliance with Judah they re-
26 MORAL CHARACTER OF NARRATIVE
ceive mention. Then, in the prophetic books, it now
and then happens, as in the case of Obadiah, Joel,
and Jonah, that we cannot find sufficient historical
data or even hints to give them a definite and undis-
puted position in history. The books of Job and
Ecclesiastes are likewise embraced in this class.
Their local and historical statements are too meager
to rescue them from the field of contest. These are a
few of the outstanding examples of omissions in the
Old Testament which reveal to us its broken and
fragmentary character as history.
10. The fragments of Israel's history which we
possess are not devoid of character. They breathe
out the spiritual life, mercurial as it was, of Israel at
different periods of her history. In some instances, it
is true, the moral element may be so faint as almost to
evade detection. Some of the repulsive events nar-
rated in Judges and some in Kings are, nevertheless,
possessed of a moral quality, and are used to enforce a
moral lesson. To add significance and force to the
religious character of the record we find introduced,
at irregular intervals, prophets who acted as mouth-
pieces of God. Their words — the words of God —
are instruction to his people, statutes for their guid-
ance, admonitions for their help, and warnings
against sin. The germ of the narrative everywhere
is the statement of the prophet, not regarding present
conditions and needs only, but often pointing to the
future, both of Israel and of Israel's adherents.
PROGRESSION IN THOUGHT 27
These prophetic words teem with truth which Israel
could not afford to neglect. They were suited to
Israel's case, and form a valuable part of the records
we now possess. In some periods, as those of the
prophetic books, the prophet's words were so sweep-
ing as to touch, not Israel only, but all the outlying
nations. Their fiery zeal burned with Jehovah's
love, or with his consuming anger. They poured out
the divine wrath on their, and consequently God's,
enemies, or overflowed with passionate tenderness
toward the faithful worshiper of Jehovah.
11. Another characteristic is soon discovered, espe-
cially in the words of the prophets. In the revela-
tion of the character of Jehovah we find a progres-
sion, a development. Each successive revelation of
himself through the prophets and others brings out
more strongly some attribute not noted in preceding
prophecies. By this increasing strength and bril-
liancy in the revealed character of the Jehovah of the
Old Testament we recognize God's method of in-
structing and elevating his chosen people. In the
deluge, his mercy in saving the few is almost super-
seded by his unrelenting justice. This latter at-
tribute is also magnified in the destruction of the
Canaanites. In the acme of the kingdom his majesty
and glory shine forth, while throughout the decline
of the kingdom his long-suffering patience outshines
all other attributes. The return from the exile mag-
nifies his mercy and forgiveness in restoring Israel to
28 NEED OF A BACKGROUND
favor. This progressiveness is also apparent in the
growth of the Messianic idea.
Beginning with the protevangelium (Gen. iii. 15),
indefinite and vague as it is, we discover that the
prophecy of a struggle between good and evil in the
distant future grows in later prophecies more and
more distinct as time rolls by. The selection of
Abraham, Jacob, Judah, David, marks with ever
more convergent lines the specific progenitors of the
Messiah of New Testament times. The person, char-
acter, purpose, and work of this Messiah attains
greater and greater completeness as we proceed down
through the Old Testament. In Isaiah (chapter liii.),
the thought has so far advanced that we find a
picture, a prefigurement, of the character and sig-
nificance of the sufferings of this Messiah. Succeed-
ing prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and
others picture the means of entering and the wel-
come reception into this kingdom, and the part which
these new members shall play in its extension. The
focal point of all these utterances is the Messiah of
the New Testament and the kingdom he established.
12. But behind all of these acts of the prophets
and the people there was a background. Certain
conditions among the people demanded certain mes-
sages of the prophets. These conditions among the
people were of numerous kinds. There were wars,
oppressions, and peace; idolatries, violations of law
and statute, political alliances, broken faith, and cap-
ISRAEL AND HER NEIGHBORS 29
tivities. The prophet's messages were suited to each
specific case with remarkable nicety. Now, if the
purport of the prophet's words is to be understood,
we must know to whom he is speaking, and what evils
he is trying to remedy. That is to say, the real sig-
nificance of the prophet's words cannot be under-
stood until we are able to specify, in part, at least,
the conditions which his words were intended to
meet. Now, this fact opens up to us a new and in-
tensely engrossing field of research. It tells us that
we must endeavor so far as practicable to find the
background upon which the life of Israel can be por-
trayed in its proper colors.
13. Israel was not one of the great peoples of an-
tiquity, but simply a small tribe, then a small nation.
She came into existence late in time, as we now know,
and among the great political and commercial peo-
ples of early days played an insignificant part. She
was a wanderer for several centuries, a minor con-
queror for a brief time, then a servant to successive
masters of the world-empires. She was thus brought
into living contact with all of the great and small
peoples of the eastern Mediterranean coast countries
of her day. These peoples were living propagandists
of certain forms of worship, of specific manners and
customs, of commercial methods, and of a coined
political policy. Israel was always susceptible to
these subtle influences, and retains in her very sys-
tem, social, commercial, religious, and political, the
30 NECESSITY OF KNOWING THEM
marks of the wily foreigner. The powerful influ-
ence of these neighbors and rulers is apparent in
almost every address of the prophets. They strike at
the deadly adder of idolatry, the gaunt giant of op-
pression, the demon of debauchery and drunkenness,
and the fool who follows only in the ways of the alien.
In the light of the knowledge of these intruders, the
prophet's words increase in might and effectiveness
tenfold.
14. It cannot but be evident that students of the
Bible who would know what the fragments of Old
Testament history mean, must be able to read be-
tween the lines. This must be done, not by the im-
agination, but by actual information secured through
a careful study of the contemporaneous literature of
the Old Testament. Many of these breaks in the Old
Testament record can be already filled out from the
inscriptions on the monuments. Whole campaigns
and periods have been revealed in the marvelous light
of the discoveries of this century. Painted on its
new background, this Old Testament is a new book,
filled with a pulsating life, and appealing to the
highest instincts of the faithful student.
CHAPTEE II
A LONE OLD TESTAMENT
15. In order the better to appreciate the dis-
coveries of this century, let us inquire as to the esti-
mate placed on the Old Testament one hundred years
ago. That was a time when men had begun to test
every question by canons of criticism. Every state-
ment of scientist, logician, or historian was cast into
the crucible, and tried by the searching fires of
criticism. The position of the Bible as the treasure
of the church did not exempt it from the most rigor-
ous test. Its claim to an extreme antiquity rather
invited the challenges of the critical party. It was
laid alongside all other so-called historical works,
and given the same tests. The first question asked
was, "Has it any contemporaries? Are there any
documents of the same age and date which verify its
claims to so great antiquity?'^ Let us ask one of the
scientific critics of one hundred years ago a few ques-
tions, the answer to which will specify his views re-
garding the Old Testament.
16. "How far back in your judgment does history,
genuine history, reach into the past? What is the
oldest history recognized by your canons of criticism?
31
32 SOME QUESTIONS
"What value do you put upon the Old Testament as a
truthful picture of its times?" Answer — "Hard ques-
tions, but easily answered by a scientific spirit, full of
zeal for the truth. The oldest history known to us is
the history of Greece and Rome, reaching back to
400 years B. C. True, there are claims that this his-
tory runs back to the seventh and eighth centuries
B. C, but such statements are based on mythical
accounts, deserving of no credence whatever. There
are also works such as those assigned by many schol-
ars of this day to Josephus, Berosus, and a few
other ancient writers, who claim to present records
from an extreme antiquity. But a careful examina-
tion reveals the fact that their works are all compila-
tions of second or third-hand matter, are mixed
masses of fact and fiction from indeterminate and
undetermined periods of the past. Such methods of
history-making rule them out of court. And as for
the Old Testament about which you inquire, our first
canon of criticism effectually disposes of it, viz:
Credible history must be supported or corroborated
by contemporaneous documents; in other words, its
own testimony regarding its truthfulness cannot be
accepted without some outside testimony. Allow me
to illustrate: In Genesis, chapter xiv., we find that,
in some distant age, four kings of the East had con-
quered and held in subjection for twelve years the
five kings of the cities of the plain. In the thir-
teenth year these kings of the West rebelled against
SOME QUESTIONS 33
their eastern masters. In the fourteenth year these
eastern lords planned and executed a great cam-
paign against the West-land rebels, conquering and
capturing and plundering their former subjects.
Now, this is a most unlikely story. There is no evi-
dence outside of the Old Testament that any such
great kings of the East ever lived, no evidence that
the West ever suffered such a disastrous defeat at the
hands of any rulers at that distant day. In fact, the
whole story seems to be the invention of some en-
thusiastic Jew to laud the military ability of Abra-
ham, and to explain the origin of the tithe and of
Melchizedek.
^'Another case also should be mentioned. Who
were the Hittites? They are frequently mentioned
in the Old Testament, and sometimes as being a
powerful people, but is there any extra-biblical evi-
dence that they ever existed? Not one scrap. They
are simply one of the mythical peoples with which
the Old Testament is filled, and are introduced
merely to magnify the vast administrative ability of
David and Solomon in commanding and using for-
eign peoples in their armies and in their service.
"There is one name in Isaiah (chapter xx. 1) which
well illustrates my point. Sargon is mentioned as
king of Assyria. Other kings of Assyria are given
in other passages, but the writers have been ex-
tremely consistent and very shrewd in their intro-
duction of these mythical monarchs. This case in
34 THE OLD TESTAIMENT'S CLABIS
Isaiah is unique. The name is not mentioned again
in the Old Testament, neither is it found in any other
literature. Now, it is manifestly absurd to say that
such a name is anything but a myth, or a scribal
error.
"No, your Old Testament has no support whatever
from contemporaneous documents; in fact, there are
no documents contemporaneous with the times in
which it claims to have originated. It is a product of
a mythical and legendary age; it belongs back in the
fogs and mists of antiquity before the dawn of true
and corroborative history. Its uncorroborated claims
rule it out of court, and we must still maintain that
history as such cannot be traced back beyond the time
of the father of history, Herodotus."
In this manner our eighteenth century critic dis-
posed of every document that was unsupported by
contemporaneous witnesses.
17. Now this Old Testament which he relegated to
the age of myths and legends claimed to be older than
the extreme age which he allowed for Greek and
Roman history, viz., 400 B. C. In fact, its last pro-
phetic book, Malachi, claimed to be older than the
age and writings of Herodotus, the father, not of
history, as our critic claimed, but of Greeh history.
Beginning near the extreme limit of Greek history,
400 B. C, this Old Testament claimed to penetrate
backward about one thousand years, and to describe
peoples and events, all of whom lived out their day
CONTEMPORARIES FOUND 35
before Greece or Rome arose to supremacy. Thus
this Old Testament one hundred years ago stood
alone in an otherwise unknown age. It was the only
known representative of the ten milleniums preced-
ing the rise of Greece and Rome. One hundred years
ago there was not a single document contempora-
neous with the Old Testament known to be in exist-
ence. Its statements had to stand on their own
merits. If contradicted or challenged, they could
make no reply. The friends of the Old Testament
had no contemporary witnesses to subpoena to the
trial through which it was passing. This was the
case even after the beginning of the present century.
To the friend of the Old Testament there was no
adequate reply to be made to the challenges of
science. To the purely scientific investigator, the
question was settled against the Old Testament.
18. But let us pursue another line of research.
Does not the Old Testament make mention of many
names as if they were those of nations? and some of
them as if they were great nations? Did not Abram
come from Ur of the Chaldees in the far East,
stop at a place called Harran in Mesopotamia, pass
down through Canaan into Egypt, thence back into
Canaan? Did not some of his relatives and descend-
ants settle among the mountains and highlands not
far from the Jordan? Did not Israel suffer a galling
bondage under a powerful race in the Nile valley?
Did not David and Solomon carry on friendly rela-
36 RUINS IN BIBLICAL COUNTRIES
tions with an industrious and maritime commercial
people located in Tyre and Sidon? Did not Ahaz
suffer at the hands of a powerful Assyrian king,
whom he met at Damascus? And was not the king-
dom of the ten tribes crushed at Samaria and its
population carried away to Ass3rria? Was not Nine-
veh obliterated before its mortal foes? Was not
Judah's king besieged in his capital, and his own
person imprisoned within the walls of great Babylon?
Did not Cyrus capture this same great city and allow
the Jewish exiles to return in joy to the ruins of their
homes and capital, Jerusalem?
19. These simple questions affirmatively answered
in the Old Testament lead to another line of inquiry.
Can we not find in those countries recognized in
other works than the Old Testament records any
traces of a former race? Were there no external
signs that such persons or peoples ever existed?
Some of the cities mentioned in the Old Testament
books are now in existence, for example, Damascus,
Joppa, and Jerusalem ; and in Herodotus' day, Sidon,
Babylon, and Tjrre could be found. Let us take a
bird's-eye view of the countries where such events are
supposed to have taken place. Down in the beautiful
land of the Nile stand some of the most majestic of
all ruins, pyramids, sphinxes, temples, and crumbling
walls of dead cities, all coming down from unknown
times. Then the great Mesopotamian valley, the
fertile fields of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, are
RUINS IN BIBLICAL COUNTRIES 37
dotted by mounds of mysterious origin, through some
of which protrude bits of walls and veneered brick
towers. The east coast line of the Mediterranean Sea
at the foot of Lebanon is also rich in remains of a
bygone glory. The mountain passes of southern
Asia Minor in many places are hewn on one or both
sides into artistic forms to commemorate the glory
of a once-flourishing people. The lonely columns
and lion-laired ruins of Persia point to a once
wealthy, proud ruler of a powerful and expansive
nation. The very ground of the holy city, Jerusa-
lem, is teeming with marks of an older city, of an
older civilization. In the following chapters we
shall look at some of the excavations carried on
within the limits of these lands.
CHAPTER III
EGYPT'S RIDDLE READ
20. The Nile River robs the Sahara desert on its
eastern boundary of a long strip of territory. To
this margin of land is given the name Egypt. In
ancient times it embraced about 110,000 square miles
of territory, of which only about 12,000, or about the
same extent as Palestine, was arable. Through the
middle of this territory we find a green ribbon of
vegetation closely hugging the fertile river. The
width of this strip of land varies from four to sixteen
miles, and in Egypt proper extends from the first
cataract of the Nile to the Mediterranean Sea, a dis-
tance of 550 miles. This "child of the Nile," Egypt,
is fertilized by the alluvia of Central Africa, carried
on the bosom of this noble stream and deposited on
the fields and gardens of the Nile-dwellers. This
entire valley on either side is to-day almost one series
of museum specimens. The grand ruined temples
of Luxor, and its neighbors, the royal tombs in the
mountain sides, and Philge on an island in the Nile,
make this a choice collection of remains from the
past. Then Tel el-Amarna, where a peasant woman
found, in 1887, over three hundred cuneiform tab-
38
v«'
.,...i;j:;ii'^^-r:teiniii2it^i!in+ni-rQ;gE5F,ii •
-^.cz\'^i.y^^ -'''-'<^»'<'';r■-'■^\'^-'■'''•^|l^^-^•<<'»-uMf'J^.v^^-/^'^'-lt^o-s,«r'l^-<l^,'l|■rt>-b'I|-^l>^♦-«.''■^-f^
THE ROSETTA STONE
FINDING THE ROSETTA STONE 39
lets, correspondence between Asiatic and Egyptian
kings in the fifteenth century B. C, claims no small
attention from archaeologists. The great pyramids,
and sphinxes, and obelisks all arouse an intense inter-
est in whatever people may have erected these
stupendous miracles of engineering skill and con-
struction. Close examination of many mounds of
sand shows that they cover the ruins of some ancient
city or temple or palace, whose history is buried still
deeper from our view. Travelers had noted for long
that these old Egyptian ruins carried on them a kind
of ornamentation, made up of pictures of real and
imaginary objects, set in a kind of orderly manner.
Was it a language? Who could tell? If so, the key
to its reading had been lost with the passing of its
readers. The door into this old civilization seemed
to be securely bolted and barred. Men began to
despair of ever knowing anything about it.
21. One of the best results of Napoleon's cam-
paign to Egypt touches our theme. In 1799, just
one hundred years ago, a French engineer, by the
name of Boussard, while excavating at St. Julien,
near Rosetta, at the mouth of the Mle, hit upon a
strange stone. It was carefully removed from its bed
and found to be of black granite, 3 feet 9 inches in
height by 2 feet 4 J inches in width, and 11 inches in
thickness. It is thought to have been at least twelve
inches higher, and to have had a rounded top. On
this block could be seen at the top, parts of fourteen
40 FINDING THE ROSETTA STONE
lines of characters resembling those seen everywhere
on the obelisks and ruined temples of the land. Ad-
joining these and below are thirty- two lines of an-
other species of script, while at the bottom are fifty-
four lines, twenty-eight of them complete, in Greek
uncial letters. The Greek was readily readable, and
told the story of the stone. It was set up in 195 B.
C, in honor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, by the priests of
Egypt assembled at Memphis, because he had can-
celed the arrearages of certain taxes due from the
sacerdotal body. Among other things, the priests say
of Ptolemy that "he was pious toward the gods, he
ameliorated the life of man, he was full of generous
piety, he showed forth with all his might his senti-
ments of humanity." He lightened the taxes, re-
stored the temple revenues, discarded promotion fees
from priests, and renewed temple services. These
grateful priests had ordered their memorial decree to
be inscribed in the sacred characters of Egypt, in the
vernacular, and in Greek. It was soon conjectured
that the two inscriptions standing above the Greek
told the same story. Such being the case, the value
of the document was at once perceived. It was care-
fully copied, and packed for shipment. But the vic-
tory of the British at Alexandria, and the surrender
of the city in 1801, transferred this treasure to the
hands of the British commissioner, W. E. Hamilton,
one of the most distinguished scholars of that day.
The stone was shipped to England and deposited in
THE ROSETTA STONE IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
EGYPT'S TREASURES TO-DAY 43
ilization, we cannot object to the probable existence
of the Hebrews, who belong to a comparatively
younger age." There are, then, some points in which
the Old Testament seems to be true. Egypt,
wherever mentioned, is no longer simply a name, but
the home of a highly civilized and vigorous people,
dating from 5,000 B. C, a people, too, whose fortunes
for centuries run parallel to the Hebrews of the Old
Testament.
25. Egypt is, to-day, yielding rich rewards to her
excavators. She is turning over her vast storehouse
of antiquities to the patient and long-suffering archae-
ologist. The Egypt Exploration Fund alone has pub-
lished more than a dozen volumes descriptive of the
finds of its excavators since the organization of the
society in 1882, These are full of important draw-
ings, inscriptions, and portraits of the most valuable
kind. In this mass of material we are finding not
only new evidences of the greatness of the old civiliz-
ation of the Nile valley, but also testimony to the
accuracy of the records and hints of the Old Testa-
ment regarding the character of the ancient Egyp-
tians. In addition to this we are learning that the
early records of the Old Testament are replete with
traces of an Egyptian coloring, of an Egyptian influ-
ence upon the annalist.
CHAPTER IV
MESOPOTAMIA'S MOUNDS OPENED
26. The Old Testament abounds with references to
peoples who occupied the great valley of the Tigris
and Euphrates rivers. To this fertile basin of West-
ern Asia both kingdoms of Israel, the ten tribes and
Judah, were carried away captive. Travelers through
this valley for centuries had noticed many strange
ruins. Scattered here and there over this valley they
saw artificial mounds, dry beds of ancient canals, ruins
of towers, and cities, some of them of remarkable ex-
tent. In fact, the entire sweep of territory from
Armenia on the north to the Persian Gulf on the
south, and from the highlands of Iran on the east to
the great Arabian desert and Syria on the west, was
dotted with ruins and traces of some ancient and long-
departed civilization. These same travelers had
noticed and occasionally picked up here and there,
especially near the mounds, bits of burnt bricks and
fragments of tablets, upon which were found some
peculiar wedge-shaped characters. No one could de-
termine whether they were writing or simply a species
of artistic ornamentation. They were carefully pre-
served, simply as mementos and relics of an unknown
44
FINDINGS OF RICH 45
antiquity. These mounds remained practically undis-
turbed, except by the rains which tore great gashes in
their sides, until the present century.
27. Between 1808 and 1820 an Englishman by the
name of C. J. Eich, who had lived a romantic life in
the East, as a cadet, a writer, a secretary in an em-
bassy, and an adventurer, landed at Bagdad. While at
this place he became intensely interested in the old
mounds of the country, and made serious attempts to
investigate them. In the gullies cut by centuries of
rains, he gathered numerous little clay bricks, covered
on every side with the same wedge-shaped characters
as those seen on the bits of bricks found by travelers
on the plains. These he carefully saved, and, like
every loyal Briton, gave his collection to the British
Museum, where it may now be seen. The results of
his (Mr. Eich's) work were published in two volumes,
one in 1815 and a second in 1818.
28. Practically nothing was done to further the
work done by Eich until 1842, when France sent a
consul by the name of P. E. Botta to the city of
Mosul, on the upper Tigris Eiver. Botta, by training
and inclination an archaeologist, noticed across the
Tigris Eiver, east of Mosul, a range of extensive arti-
ficial mounds, which were supposed to be the ruins of
ancient Xineveh. These so aroused his curiosity and
interest that he employed a company of nativ5 diggers.
While engaged in this work, the natives perceived with
what care Mr. Botta preserved and put away every bit
46 BOTTA AT KHORSABAD
of brick which carried on it any marks. In fact, the
peasants from the neighborhood brought him many
fragments of alabaster and bricks. One of them in-
quired why he was so careful to keep all such bits of
broken stuff. When told that the consul was in search
of sculptures, a peasant advised him to investigate the
mound on which his village was built, because in dig-
ging the foundations for their new houses many such
things had been found. On further inquiry, the con-
sul learned that the village was Khorsabad, situated
on a little hill near the river Khauser, about twelve
miles northeast of Mosul. Mr. Botta transferred his
force of diggers to this new place. After an all-round
examination of this curious hill, he began operations
by sinking a shaft into the mound. Not far from the
surface he struck on the top of a wall, which he found
to be built of gypsum. A wider trench was made and
carried along in the same direction as the wall. Botta
soon found that he had entered a room of immense
proportions. The walls were all wainscoted with
sculptured alabaster slabs, upon which he saw a pano-
rama. There were figures of battles, sieges, triumphal
processions, hunting scenes, and like events, all in re-
lief. Across the face of many of these were lines of
characters similar to those found on the bits of burnt
bricks and alabaster found scattered on the plain.
Aroused to the highest pitch of excitement and joy,
Botta passed from the first room into others of similar
dimensions and ornamentation and figures. He
i — ^
VI
./wo ? 1
'^A\n,
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.t=l
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o
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illii'l!iiili'i-i'"'^i■'
A
BOTTA AND ARCHEOLOGY 47
pushed on and on, until he discovered acres of such
chambers, with scores of remarkable figures and co-
lossi. When he once stopped to think of the antiquity
of his finds, he was astonished. He faced a new race.
A new-old civilization gazed upon him from every
slab of alabaster, and from every giant colossus. In
fact, he seemed to be walking in a dreamland, in-
habited by gods, fairies, and colossi, by demons, drag-
ons, and crooked things.
^What can all this mean? Who built this struc-
ture? In what century did he live? To what nation
did he belong? Are these walls telling me their tales
of joy and woe? Is this beautiful cuneiformed char-
acter a language? I know not. I can read their glory
and their victories in their figures, but their story,
their age, their blood, is to me a mystery. Their re-
mains mark the fall of a glorious and a brilliant past,
but of a past known not to a living man.'
29. Botta's discoveries aroused the whole archaeo-
logical and historical world with enthusiasm. A tre-
mendous impulse was given to the study of the Orient.
The French government, highly gratified at the sur-
prising success of its consul, supplied him with ample
means for further research. With enthusiastic efforts
and energy Botta prosecuted his discoveries until he
succeeded in revealing what afterward proved to be
the palace of the great Sargon (722-705 B. C), prob-
ably the most magnificent palace the world has ever
seen, covering an area of more than twenty-five acres.
48 LAYARD AT NIMROUD
It stood in the northwest side of a square, almost one
mile on a side. The whole square was inclosed by a
high battlemented wall, and pierced by two gates on
each side. Within this square mile of inclosed terri-
tory were traces of lakes and small buildings of vari-
ous kinds. Botta secured in these ruins and brought
to Europe the first great collection of Assyrian an-
tiquities, which form to-day one of the most highly
prized treasures of the Louvre in Paris. Botta, in
conjunction with Flandin, an architect, prepared, and
the French government published, the results of this
expedition in five great folio volumes, entitled Monu-
ment de Ninive.
30. Mr. A. H. Layard, a young English scholar,
visited the East early in the forties to look over the
prospects of profitable excavations. Nimroud, a
mound about twenty miles southeast of Mosul, and
about one and one-half east of the present bed of the
Tigris, especially attracted his attention. The suc-
cesses of Botta stirred up Layard's desire to begin
excavation, but the means were not at hand. In the
autumn of 1845, Sir Stratford Canning indicated his
readiness to meet the expenses, for a limited time, of
excavations in Assyria, intimating that a successful
campaign would guarantee help for the same work in
the future. Mr. Layard at once set out for Mosul,
organized his gang, and began work at Nimroud. The
difficulties in his way were almost beyond the limits
of endurance. But over all he persevered, and in an
AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD
ARCH^OLOGIST
LAYARD AT NINEVEH 49
incredibly short time succeeded in uncovering one of
the most beautiful palaces of antiquity. This palace
afterward proved to be that of a king of Assyria,
Assurnatsirpal, who reigned 884-860 B. C, a con-
temporary of Omri, king of Israel. The rooms of this
palace were everywhere wainscoted with alabaster
slabs about seven feet high. Marvelous figures in re-
lief were found on each separate slab, or sometimes
extended over several slabs. Across the middle of
these were found lines of the same wedge-shaped
characters. Out of this palace Layard took more than
one hundred colossi and alabaster slabs, and trans-
ported a large number of them to the British Museum.
About twenty-five of them may be seen in the muse-
ums and colleges of our country. One of the chief
attractions of visitors to the British Museum is the
collection of giant-winged, human-headed bulls and
lions, and eagle-headed deities, brought by Layard
from Nimroud. Layard's work at this mound ex-
tended, at intervals, over several years, during which
he uncovered three palaces. Since his day Rassam
and George Smith have gathered precious treasures in
the same mound.
31. A few years later Layard made a second expe-
dition to Assyria. At this time the House of Com-
mons, with full confidence in his successes, voted the
British Museum authorities £3,000 for the purpose
of carrying on further excavations in the East. Mr.
Layard's intense interest in the mounds across the
50 LAYARD AND ORIENTAL STUDY
Tigris Eiver facing Mosul led him to attempt work
here. Except the slight digging by Botta's men, these
great mounds had stood undisturbed for more than
two thousand years. Xenophon passed here at the
head of his 10,000 Greeks 400 B. C, and knew not
what they covered. But the books of Jonah and
Nahum are sketches of their past. They covered the
great and cruel Nineveh, the pri-de of its peoples and
the scourge of the nations. She had been lost from
the sight of man for more than two thousand years.
Indeed, her very location was lost, forgotten, buried
under the dust of ages.
Layard's systematic and energetic work at this
mound rewarded him by the uncovering of another
palatial structure, built on the same magnificent pro-
portions as those previously discovered. This palace
proved to be that of Sennacherib, king of Assyria
(705-681 B. C), whose attack on Jerusalem in 701 B.
C. is said to have been followed by the destruction of
his army of 185,000 on the plains of Philistia. This
palace covered, according to the traces of foundations
laid bare by Layard, an area of eight acres— about
four ordinary city blocks — and contained more than
seventy rooms of various dimensions. This, as the
other palaces, was lined with inscriptions and figures
picturing events at home and abroad.
32. Layard's successes here, and in other places,
created an unbounded enthusiasm among all students
of oriental lore. They brought to light, and set up
GEORGE SMITH AT NINEVEH 51
before their eyes, objects twenty-five centuries old; in
fact, set them face to face with a forgotten, unknown,
and long-lost civilization. Layard has told us the
story of his epoch-making excavations in three roman-
tic volumes, Nineveh and Its Remains, 2 vols., and
Nineveh and Babylon, 1 vol. He has also published
two volumes of drawings of the monuments, entitled
The Monuments of Nineveh, and one volume of in-
scriptions. The English government, always ready
to recognize and to assist scientific research, appointed
Mr. Layard to a number of important diplomatic posi-
tions where he could further the work which he had
so successfully carried on for many years. After a
most brilliant career as an archaeologist and diplomat,
he died, July 5, 1894.
Layard's work was continued by Kassam, one of his
right-hand men in his excavations, by Taylor and
Loftus and Henry C. Eawlinson. The French were
also rivals in the field, with such workers as Thomas,
Fresnel, and Oppert. Each investigator has left us
a valuable record descriptive of his findings— some of
these attain to more than a single volume.
33. It was not until 1872 that any other notable
excavations were made. At this time, George Smith,
a young genius, an officer in the British Museum, dis-
covered fragments of a tablet on which was inscribed
an account of the deluge. The Daily Telegraph of
London sent him to the site of Nineveh to find, if
possible, other fragments of the same story or event.
52 A CUNEIFORM TABLET
Smith conducted excavations in one of the mounds of
old Nineveh, and was rewarded by finding a library of
30,000 tablets and cylinders, which had belonged to
the collection of Assurbanipal {66S-626 B. C), the
last great king of Assyria, a contemporary of Manas-
seh and Josiah of Judah. The position that these
tablets occupied showed that they had been arranged
by topics somewhat as we arrange our books on the
shelves of our libraries. They were almost all in a
good state of preservation.
Now some one may ask how clay tablets could have
been prevented from crumbling. To answer this, you
must be told how the books were prepared. In the
first place, the scribe secured a small piece of soft
clay, free from stones or hard kernels. This he
molded or pressed until it attained the form and size
of an ordinary cake of toilet soap. Into this piece of
clear clay he pressed what appears to have been the
corner of a cube, with one of its edges forming, with
the surface of the clay, a very sharp angle. The im-
pression made by such a process would be wedge-
shaped. These wedges put together in different posi-
tions formed signs, and these signs constituted the
language on these tablets. Of course, some were
larger and some smaller than that here described, but
this was about the average size. As soon as the work
of writing was finished, the tablet was baked hard to
preserve it from crumbling. Even baked bricks can-
not withstand the ravages of time. But in the case of
RASSAMj DE SARZEC 53
the library found by Smith, some striking observa-
tions were made. This great collection of tablets is
thought to have occupied the second floor. When
fire burned the palace, the cedar beams supporting
the second floor were burned away, and the library
crashed into the lower apartments. The walls of the
palace also fell in and buried the library. In this, as
in other mounds of Assyria and Babylonia, the great
thick walls of the houses and of the city's fortifica-
tions, of unburnt bricks, veneered with a layer of
burnt bricks, melted under the action of the elements,
flowed in and formed a mass or mound of earth and
preserved to our day these invaluable little volumes of
a remote antiquity.
In this library Smith discovered some fragments of
the famous creation and deluge tablets, about which
I shall have something to say in a subsequent chapter.
Mr. Smith made two successful expeditions, and while
on his way for a third, died of a fever in Aleppo,
Syria, August 19, 1876. An account of his work is
found in his volume entitled Assyrian Discoveries.
34. After the death of Smith, the trustees of the
British Museum sent out Rassam, who carried on ex-
tensive diggings in the Mesopotamian valley. He em-
ployed more than five hundred diggers at one time
and on several sites, and brought back to London
some of the most valuable inscriptions and other
specimens of antiquity that the British Museum owns.
54 TEL EL-AMARNA; NIPPUR
In 1878, France sent a consul by the name of de
Sarzec to Bosrah, lower Babylonia. His interest in
archaeological remains set him to investigating some
of the mounds in the vicinity. He soon began work
at Tello, in the lower Mesopotamian valley. He was
shortly successful in uncovering a palace and discover-
ing a lot of very ancient statues of black diorite, in-
scribed with a beautiful archaic writing. For about
twenty years, at intervals, de Sarzec has brought to
light treasures of material from these ruins. These
are of especial value as they preserve for us, among
others, an account of the career of the great ruler of
Lagash, Gudea, who was active in the affairs of this
valley about 2800 B. C. They show us a civilization
of marvelous proportions and extent. Many of
these antiquities are now in the Louvre at Paris, a
choice collection, dating from times anterior to
Abraham.
35. In 1887 there were found at Tel el-Amarna,
in Egypt, about 300 clay tablets, upon which is
written mainly the cuneiform language. Since
1887 the University of Pennsylvania has rewarded
American beneficence and enterprise and scholarship
by her marvelous discoveries at Nippur, in lower
Babylonia. Thousands of tablets have been un-
earthed, and deposited either in the museum at Con-
stantinople or in the University of Pennsylvania.
The story of the first two campaigns is admirably told
TEL EL-AMARNA; NIPPUR 55
by Dr. Peters in two luxurious volumes, entitled
Nippur.
I have thus briefly indicated some of the chief dis-
coveries of the present century on sites in Assyria and
Babylonia. The story of the decipherment of these
inscriptions I shall reserve for another chapter.
CHAPTER V
CUNEIFORM SECRETS REVEALED
36. The wedge-writing continued for long ages to
be an unsolved mystery. The discoveries of Botta
and Layard in the mounds at Khorsabad and Nim-
roud were contemporaneous with another and equally
or more remarkable event.
Oriental scholars in Germany, France, Scandinavia,
and other countries had set their wits to solve the
wedge-language of old Persia. By shrewd guessing
only did they arrive at a few results of value. No
very substantial progress was made, however, until a
young Englishman, an officer in the Persian army,
Henry C. Eawlinson, made a discovery in 1835 in the
Zagros Mountains. Here he found a limestone moun-
tain rising out of the plain to a height of 1,700 feet.
One side of this mass was almost perpendicular in
form. About 350 feet above the base on this per-
pendicular side, Eawlinson could see a large space
which had been carefully hewn off and polished.
Upon this prepared surface he could also descry a
large bas-relief representing a king, before whom
stood a long line of captives bound neck to neck with
a rope. Adjacent to this great group were several
56
THE BEHISTUN ROCK
HENRY r. RAWLINSON COPYING THE INSCRIPTIONS
THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTIONS 57
columns of cuneiform inscriptions. Rawlinson
thought that in ancient times there might have been
a scaffolding of some kind, so that the passer-by might
reach and read the inscriptions; but at this time
they were too high and too inaccessible. Rawlinson's
perseverance over slippery and dangerous places
finally brought him to the narrow ledge at the foot of
the inscriptions. This ledge, about fourteen inches
wide, had been made when the large surface had been
hewn and smoothed off, and the artistic work done.
Eawlinson resolved at once to copy these wonderful
columns of inscriptions. The narrowness of the
ledge, and the disappearance of a part of it by the
ravages of time, and the fearful chasm below him of
350 feet, put him in peril. Some of the inscriptions
he could copy from the ledge, for others he climbed a
ladder, the foot of which was held on the fourteen-
inch ledge by an attendant. But even this perilous
task could not be carried out above a space from which
the ledge had been worn away. Various schemes
were devised and native help employed to accomplish
his purpose. For a time he was suspended in a swing
in front of the columns of writing. Suffice it to say
that only after most painstaking effort and dangerous
risks, at intervals during four years, was Rawlinson
able to complete the copying of these columns of
wedge-vsrriting.
37. As soon as he discovered the probable value of
the inscriptions, and that he had not one language
58 THE OLD PERSIAN INSCRIPTION READ
but three in his possession, he set about industriously
studying the Sanskrit, Zend, and Pehlevi languages,
that thereby he might be the better equipped for his
task of translating. Some smaller Persian inscrip-
tions found at Persepolis and other points were also
used to advantage. Being familiar with modern
Persian, he was also in a peculiar sense ready for his
work. As other scholars who had at various times
tackled old Persian inscriptions, Eawlinson selected
as a basis for investigation the names Darius, Xerxes,
and Hystaspes. These same names occurred on a
number of inscriptions, and by ingenious guesses he
discovered some of the letters of which the names were
constituted. Then by testing the values of these let-
ters in other words the meanings of which were
known to him as a modern Persian scholar, Eawlinson
succeeded finally in translating the five columns of
old Persian cuneiform writing — nearly 400 lines.
Ten years after his discovery at Behistun, he sent his
translation to Europe. In 1847, the text, transla-
tion, and a commentary appeared in the Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society.
Eawlinson tells us that these inscriptions were cut
here by order of Darius I., king of Persia, about 515
B. C. They relate how, while Darius was still oc-
cupied in the reformation of the national faith, an
insurrection broke out in Susiana ; that the rebel ring-
leader was seized without the emplojrment of any
military force ; that there was also a revolt in Babylon
HENRY CRESWICKE RAWLINSON
DECIPHERER OF THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTIONS
THE BEMATNINQ LANGUAGES READ 59
of such a determined character that Darius was
obliged to lead his own troops to put it dovm. Other
valuable historical information is also contained in
this old document.
38. On the supposition that the other two inscrip-
tions told the same story, scholars began to attempt to
read them. Very soon the second tongue, the Median
or Susian, began to yield its secrets. Then the third
series of columns, the Babylonian, was forced to give
up its hidden treasures. This Behistun group was
found to sustain the same relation to the cuneiform
languages of Babylonia that the Eosetta stone sus-
tained to the tongues of ancient Eg}^t. It was the
key to its ancient life, people, and government.
But, as in all cases of great advance in any one
department, there were doubters and sceptics. To
make a final test of scholars' ability to read and
interpret these inscriptions, four men, Eawlinson (H.
C), the discoverer and translator of the Old Persian
inscription; Hincks (Edw.), an Irishman; Oppert (J.),
a Frenchman, still living; Talbot (H. F.), an English-
man, met in London in 1857. The trustees of the
British Museum gave each a fine lithographic copy of
a long historical inscription, and asked that he work
independently and present at a specified time the re-
sults of his work. At the given date all appeared and
compared results. To the great surprise and pro-
found satisfaction of everyone, their translations
agreed substantially from beginning to end. The
60 A NEW GALAXY OF NATIONS
triumph was almost incredible; the victory was com-
plete. This new philological solution was the greatest
achievement ever made in the field of language or
archaeology. It was as great a discovery in the field
of history and philology as the telegraph in the com-
mercial world.
39. Is this an . extravagant statement? But think
a moment. There lay the supposed old civilizations
of the Mesopotamian valley buried out of the sight of
man for thousands of years. Its former inhabitants
were unknown. Its mighty empires were apparently
blotted from the pages of history. Its relations with
outside nations were known only through hints here
and there. In fact, it was only a shadow, with the Old
Testament alone to point to a possible greatness. But
what now? This achievement in the translation of
the cuneiform inscriptions gives us at one stroke a
whole valley full of thrifty cities, well-organized gov-
ernments, conquering armies and world-wide rulers.
They are all made to step out upon the stage and play
their most important role in the drama of ancient
nations. Henceforth the Mesopotamian valley be-
comes one of the most dramatic sections of the earth's
surface, in which the fortunes of the nations of the
' known world were made or lost.
40. Scholars who read this magical tongue are now
found in nearly every enlightened country, and
special chairs for it have been established both in
European and in American universities, where a vast
THE CUNEIFORM LANGUAGE 61
amount of investigation is carried on in several im-
portant branches of the science. These men, how-
ever, especially in American universities, are so over-
loaded with work in more practical lines that they can
do a very small part for the advancement of this all-
important science. What is needed in America espe-
cially for this work is an investigation endowment,
which will provide means for the support of men who
are willing to do this unremunerative and yet essen-
tial line of work.
41. The language in which the mass of material
discovered in the Mesopotamian valley is preserved is
the Babylonian-Assyrian cuneiform, or wedge-writ-
ing. This language is not alphabetical. It has no
letters. It is a sign and syllable language. Each
separate wedge or combination of wedges constitutes
a sign. These are always pressed into clay, and cut
into stone or metal. They never appear in relief.
These signs possessed originally, and some of them did
in later times, merely an ideographic value; that is,
the sign stood for an idea, as, sun, mountain, man,
fish, etc. They also possess, most of them, a syllable
value, as ha, da, ra, laTc, pin, rid, shad, etc. A large
number of these signs possess several syllabic values,
one or two of them having as many as thirteen. The
context only is the determinator of the sign to be used
in any given case. Then, to complicate matters still
more, the same sign may have both ideographic and
syllabic values. Which is to be used in any given case
62 THE CUNEIFORM LITERATURE
can be decided only by the context in which the sign
is found. Of independent and entirely distinct signs
there are more than 550, formed by combinations of
anywhere from two to thirty wedges, paralleled, cross-
ing each other at various angles, or inserted within
certain combinations. Now, to increase the difficulty
a thousandfold, there are almost endless combinations
of anywhere from two to six of these different signs to
express both simple and compound ideas. There is
one published collection that contains nearly 15,000
combinations. This Babylonian-Assyrian cuneiform
language is Semitic in character, a half-sister to the
Hebrew of the Old Testament. Its relation to the
Hebrew is about as close as that between Italian and
Spanish.
42. The discoveries of the past half-century have
brought to light great masses of cuneiform literature,
clay-brick and clay-tablet volumes. We possess to-
day in published form more than six times as much
literature as is contained in the Hebrew of the Old
Testament. The British Museum alone has published
440 folio and 350 quarto pages, and there is one-half
as much more in private and archaeological publica-
tions. Not one-quarter of all the inscriptions dis-
covered has been published. The British Museum
alone has more than 30,000 tablets awaiting the
patient toil of the cuneiform expert. The period of
time covered by these documents is no less surprising
than their scope. They occur from prehistoric times.
KINDS OF CUNEIFORM LITERATURE 63
or before 5,000 B. C, down through a sweep of time
covering periods anterior to, contemporaneous with,
and subsequent to the Old Testament. In fact, docu-
ments in the cuneiform character have been found
dating from the first century before the Christian era.
43. What kind of material is contained in this mass
of literature, which prevailed through so many cen-
turies ?
(1) The most beautiful and elaborate inscriptions
are those which in a rough classification may be
termed historical. They picture with great vividness
the lordship of his majesty the king, the magnitude of
his military campaigns, the glory of his conquests,
the scope of his territory, and the cruel means by
which he kept his subjects in submission. For the
study of the Old Testament these inscriptions, or this
new knowledge, is invaluable. For example, Shal-
maneser II (860-25 B. C.) mentions in his records the
names of Ahab, Jehu, and Omri. Tiglathpileser III
(745-727 B. C.) names Menahem, Pekah, and Hoshea
of Israel, and Azariah and Ahaz of Judah — five kings
of Israel and Judah. The captivities of the children
of Israel are now new stories on a new and definite
background. Again, the later Babylonian empire,
captured by Cyrus, is now relieved of its burdens of
tradition with which Berosus and Herodotus had
loaded it down. Cyrus now tells us his own story, and
his captive king, Nabonidus, also leaves us his ver-
sion of the same wonderful campaign. In short.
64 HISTORICAL; CHRONOLOGICAL
these historical cuneiform inscriptions have painted
for us an entirely new background for the historical
and prophetical books of the Old Testament, which
recount events in Israel's history during the last two
centuries of its kingdom.
(2) One of the most tangled-up questions of the
Old Testament is that of its chronology. We are
doubtless aware that the marginal dates of our Bibles
were arranged by Archbishop Ussher of Armagh
(1580-1656). It is conceded by all scholars that this
system, though carefully wrought out, and as good as
could be constructed at that day, is now fraught with
insurmountable difficulties. No way is seen out of
this jungle. But in this age of startling discoveries,
we must not despair. This cuneiform literature pre-
serves for us long lists of officials and kings, extending
through centuries, which promise to aid us in getting
rid of this chronological snarl into which Ussher has
put the Old Testament. Let us hold the chronolog-
ical problem in abeyance for larger and more definite
information, stretching over greater periods of time.
(3) Babylonia-Assyria, as most oriental peoples,
had some stupendous stories about the origin and
early history of mankind. The literature embodying
these stories is quite abundant and exceedingly im-
portant. "We find here accounts or figures of the crea-
tion of the world, of the temptation, and of the deluge.
Their early heroes were extremely active, and played
an essential role in these tragical events. The impor-
GEOGRAPHICAL; COMMERCIAL 65
tance of these legends is based on the fact of their
close resemblance to the early chapters of Genesis.
(4) Many cities and places mentioned in the Old
Testament were lost, or were so indefinitely described
that their existence even was doubted. But our new
cuneiform literature presents us long lists of coun-
tries, cities, and towns in such order as to aid us
materially in locating some of those lost ones. The
lists give us a kind of word-map of ancient Babylonian
geography, including therein some of its subject peo-
ples. We can now point out, for instance, the site of
Nineveh, one of the places to which the kingdom of
Israel was carried captive, the seat of Sargon's great
palace at Khorsabad, and locations of other smaller
places. These facts help us to localize many of the
events of the Old Testament which have hitherto
been practically suspended in mid-air.
(5) The social life of a nation is often best pre-
served in its commercial transactions. Babylonian
excavations have brought to light large numbers of
contracts between parties engaged in commercial pur-
suits, such as bankers, merchants, land-holders,
money-lenders, etc. These documents tell us what
kind of masters Judah and Israel were compelled to
serve. They are shown to have been an active,
thrifty, wealthy people, who made Babylon long ages
ago one of the great trading marts of the oriental
world.
(6) No discovery of the past quarter-century has
66 INTERNATIONAL; MISCELLANEOUS
fired enthusiasm in oriental research more than the
bringing to light in 1887, in Tel-el- Amarna in Egypt,
of those 300 letters which proved to be international
letters or dispatches, dating principally from about
1,500 B. C; that is, while Israel was still sojourn-
ing in Egypt. They were letters to two kings of
Egypt from different kings and officials in Asiatic
countries. They speak of political conditions, of
social relations, of exchange of gifts, slaves, and pro-
posals of various kinds, such as were made between
different nations and subject nations. Their im-
portance can be perceived when we think that they
give us some of the real international life of Western
Asia and Egypt before a single word of the Old
Testament was written.
(7) There are many other kinds of literature in
these magical writings which I can barely mention.
We find documents, not scientific treatises, on
grammar, philology, ethnography, religion, geology,
zoology, and botany. But for our purpose these pos-
sess little value. They reveal to us, however, the fact
that previous to, contemporaneous With, and subse-
quent to Israel's career a tremendous influence and
power were at work in Babylonia, and its subject peo-
ples. Those things profoundly affected Israel and
gave color to many phases of her life.
CHAPTER VI
GLINTS PROM PALESTINE, PHCENICIA, AND THE
HITTITES
44. The land that to-day attracts the largest atten-
tion among Bible students is Palestine. Occupying
a territory of about 12,000 square miles, it still stands
as the center, as the scene of the most important
events in the world's history. From the first altar
built by Abram (Genesis xiii.) down to the destruction
of Jerusalem by Titus, its mountains and valleys, its
rocks and ravines, echoed and re-echoed with shouts of
warriors, with cries of grief, with calls of the shep-
herd, and with the weighty utterances of the Savior of
the world. Century after century, travelers have re-
corded for us the customs and topography of this little
land. But never until 1865 was an organization
formed for systematic and scientific research in those
holy fields. The first committee organized included
such names as the Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Shafts-
bury, Mr. A. H. Layard, Dean Stanley, Sir Henry
Rawlinson, and Canon H. B. Tristram. After a pre-
liminary examination this company began active
operations in 1867 on the site of Jerusalem, where it
continued until 1870. In the same year Clermont-
67
68 STBVEY OP WKSTEBX PALESTISE
Gmseu, a French arch^cdogist in the employ of the
oompanT, discoTered an inscribed stone which had
bekmged to Herod's temple. In the same year (IS TO)
tiie sttrvey of Sinai was condncted by Major H. S.
PiJmer and Captain Wilson, and in ISTl Prof. E. H.
Fiilmer made his perilons journey through the wilder-
45. The Great Survey of Western Palestine was
begrm in 1ST 2. After seven years of incessant, and
often dangerous, labor, and several changes in the
personnel of leaders, the work was completed- In
ISSO the great map of western Palestine was pub-
lished (on which each square mile is represented by
one inch) in twenty-sis sheets. The results of the
entire survey are now available in seven magnificent
volumes, which deal with all the characierisrics of
natural history and topography. One of the chief
results to ns of this great survey is the identification
of Scripture sites. There are in the Bible 622 names
of plac-es, supposed to have been located west of the
Jordan, Of these, 360 c-ould not be identified; but
this survey party succeeded in finding 1T2 of the 360
Tnijyjng places.
46. In ISSl Lieutenant Conder began the survey of
eastern Palestine, but the Turks compelled his retire-
ment. In IS 83 a geological expedition left England
under Prof. Edward Hull of the Geological Survey of
Ireland- In 18&5 and sinc-e that time large tracts of
ESCATATIC»IS Dl JESBO&kSJBM. 69
country in noniiem Palestiiie, in Bashan, and in the
Argob have been explored nnder the direction of the
Palestine Exploration Fund, The resultB at these
varions expeditions have been issued in a number of
valnable pnhKcations, Qnarteriy sUtements, bring-
ing the information np to date, are iasned for the
benefit of Pakstndan students and aeholara in ewerj
land-
47. Bnt the keT to the Holy Land is fonnd oai the
sranmits : t: ' " the modem dty Jerasakm. Ho
orients! :: : : iri-'il city has been subjected to sudi
patjr-^ - ::^ - > :;r thirty-fire centnries of time.
The storms : "^e throng all these ]FeaT« haTC
repeatf^ " l^r walls, it:-- r np«
her the direst resnlts of phmder :_ a.
From 1S6T to IS TO Lieutenant Wairen sunk scores of
shafts dovn through the ages of aci^Lzi^ ibbish,
always to bed-rock. WhereTerth ai
artificial structures, such as arv -• ^^^a-
tems, or other works, they were ei: ""
measured, and a plan sketdied to _ - ^
of these years of work --^-en - ^ - :-5Titi.
ful survey men:-, t-i
date, this dty li _ _
in Palestine. The latest ex" :ii "^ J^- ^' -
on this site, under the direction oi the p-mi^ - -^
years 1S^M:-9T, yieliri -i-j resTilts. s:: ^
TeaLur : i -il-hz 5 z: s^chan" '^
70 EXCAVATIONS IN PALESTINE
pavements, and pottery of various periods. These
results are recited in a new volume, entitled Excava-
tions at Jerusalem (1894-97), by Bliss and Dickie.
One point only in Palestine outside of Jerusalem
has been systematically explored, that is Lachish, or
Tell el-Hesy. In 1890 Mr. Petrie began to turn over
the hillocks of this mass of ruins. He found numer-
ous remains of pottery and old buildings of times prior
to, and of, Roman times. A little later Dr. Bliss con-
tinued the work, and laid bare several successive
cities, and published a detailed description of his ex-
cavations in A Mound of Many Cities.
One of the most interesting finds in Palestine is
that of the Madaba map. It was discovered and
identified December 13, 1896, by Cleopas M. Koiky-
lides, at the site of ancient Medeba, about eleven cara-
van hours from Jericho, in ancient Moabitish terri-
tory. It was in the ruins of an old basilica, upon
which the Greeks built a new church for their mem-
bers resident in the town. In constructing this build-
ing they destroyed large parts of the map, and covered
some of it with cement for a new pavement. The
original mosaic is thought to have covered 280 square
meters, but the fragments now remaining contain only
eighteen square meters. Its remains now show parts
of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. It is thought from
internal evidence to have been made between the
middle of the fourth and the middle of the fifth cen-
turies.
■a
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CD
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X
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PHCENICIA AND ISRAEL 71
48. The thrifty cities of Tyre and Sidon hold a
large place in the Old Testament. Though the
Phoenicians occupied just a narrow strip of territory
between the range of the Lebanon Mountains and the
Mediterranean Sea, no other people exerted so potent
an influence on Israel in the period of the dual king-
dom. From prehistoric times they figure as pioneers
and leaders in the maritime and land commerce of all
the world. From 1800 to 1500 B. C. the Mediter-
ranean Sea was dotted with the sails of Phoenician
ships. Their merchants called at all the ports of the
Mediterranean Sea and adjoining waters. Their
mines and merchants were found in every land. The
Old Testament is replete with statements of the com-
mercial importance of this people. In the days of
David and Solomon they were the chief artisans for
the preparation and for the construction of the royal
residences and the temple. Their products, cedar
and stone, were exchanged for the cereals and other
products of the Israelites. This commercial intimacy
introduced them very thoroughly to each other, and
they most naturally exchanged many customs and
manners. But the most fatal result to Israel was the
introduction and promulgation of Baal worship
among the hills of Palestine. The repugnance which
this system of religion arouses in the reader of the
Old Testament is equaled only by the horrible rites
which accompanied it. So far as the Old Testament
is concerned, the picture was a blood-curdling one.
72 TEMPLE RUINS IN PHCENICIA
and to many readers incredible without some external
testimony.
49. The discoveries of remains in this strip of terri-
tory have been slight as compared with those made in
Egypt and in Mesopotamia. Some ruins, however,
have been described with great detail. In 1860 the
Emperor of France sent Renan, the noted French
writer, to explore Syria and Phoenicia. One re-
markable temple ruin was discovered at Marathus on
the coast of Phoenicia. It was a grand plan cut into
the solid rock, 192 feet long by 160 feet broad. In
the middle of this area was left a portion of the
natural rock, 20 feet square by 10 feet high. On the
top of this cubical mass had been built, of separate
stones, a small shrine 15 feet by 12 feet and 14 feet
high. The walls were made of three layers of hewn
stone, and the roof of a single block. The only ex-
ternal ornament is a fillet and cornice on the four sides
of the roof. No steps or stairs lead up into this
chamber, and it is difficult to understand how it was
entered. It is supposed that it originally contained
an image of a deity before whom worshipers in the
court below prostrated themselves. Two similar
shrines were discovered by Renan in the same neigh-
borhood— indicating the importance attached to this
species of worship by the Phoenicians.
The best artisans employed by Solomon in the
construction of the temple at Jerusalem were
Phoenicians. In the substructure of the temple it
RUmS OF WALLS AND TOMBS 73
is found that the stones resting upon the native bed-
rock have in some instances a length of thirty-nine
feet and a depth of seven feet, while the courses for a
considerable height are formed of blocks almost equal-
ly massive. Excavations at Gebeil and Tortosa, in
Phoenicia, have shown walls composed of stones of
almost exactly the same character. But the most
notable temple yet discovered was at Paphos, in Cy-
prus. General di Cesnola deserves the honor of find-
ing and describing it. The ruins reveal a double peri-
bolus, both oblong squares, the larger 700 feet by
630 feet, the smaller or inner 224 by 165 feet. Both
are built of the usual colossal stones, some of which
measure 16 feet by 8 feet, and are not to be found
in that country, but were imported either from Egypt
or Cilicia.
50. The walls of cities were built of the same mass-
ive stone as those found in temple foundations. In
some cases the stones were beveled, but in others they
were simply squared blocks of immense size, set upon
one another in regular courses. The most striking
remains of this character are those of the Island of
Aradus. Eenan says : "The extraordinary wall which
surrounded the whole island served both for a defense
against the enemy, and against the waves. It was
composed of quadrangular prisms nine feet three
inches high and from thirteen to sixteen feet long,
without mortar or cement. They were brought from
a neighboring quarry on the island. I do not think
74 IMAGES OF BAAL
that there is anywhere else in the whole world a ruin
that is more imposing or of a more marked character."
The next species of discovery to which I desire to call
attention is that of the tombs. One of the so-called
twin tombs, MegJiazils, which stand behind Aradus,
near the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, is, says Ke-
nan, ^^a real masterpiece in respect of proportion, ele-
gance and majesty." It has a basement story, circular,
and flanked by four lions; a second story cylindrical
in form, and a third of smaller dimensions crowned
with a half-sphere. The whole, except the basement
story, which consists of four blocks, is cut out of a
single stone. The entire monument is thirty-two feet
in height. But of most interest is the fact that it
stands over a tomb chamber — built probably for
some king or notable personage. The entrance to this
chamber was at a little distance from the monu-
ment. Fifteen steps led down to a passage twenty-five
feet long, opening into a chamber twenty feet by
twenty by nine. At the farther end were two long
chambers, each containing niches for four coffins or
sarcophagi — all cut in the solid rock. Though with-
out date, these tombs are traced to a very early period.
51. Another species of remains is of still greater
interest. On the Isle of Cyprus, especially, a great
number of small and large images of Baal and Astarte
have been found. The character of these symbols
tells the tale of Israel's rapid defection. They are the
symbols of the most degrading forms of idolatry, and
^^
«,
A PHCENICIAN INSCRIPTION
(From the sarcophagus of Eshmunazar II, king of the Zidoniaiis about 400 B. C.)
PHCENICIA'S INFLUENCE 75
are designed to lead their devotees to an abandoned
life. The mistranslated word ''groves'' in the Old
Testament is descriptive of this species of worship,
which was so often carried on under the shades of
trees, and by its deeds of wickedness brought upon
Israel its doom of destruction,
52. The commercial and social influence of the
Phoenicians gave added strength to their beliefs and
worship. Wherever they established colonies, or built
cities, or carried on trading posts, they left the im-
press of their national characteristics, especially that
of their religion. The decipherment of Egyptian and
Assyrian inscriptions has also set before us many of
the most stirring events and crises in their political
history. Their relations to Assyria and Babylon are
vividly described in some of the triumphal and
annalistic records of the latter. Egypt's dependence
upon this maritime commercial people is also a
bright ray of light out of a dark period. While the
immediate discoveries of tombs, temples, and litera-
ture of ancient Phoenicia have been few, these, to-
gether with the revelations in the records of her
neighbors, are enough to win a glad welcome from
every student of the ancient past.
53. The Hittites are often mentioned in the Old
Testament. Otherwise they were a forgotten people
until the second half of the nineteenth century.
The lack of extra-biblical testimony to their existence
led some scholars about a half-century ago to deny
76 HITTITES IN THE OLD TESTAMENT
their historicity. They scoffed at the idea of Israel
allying herself with such an unhistorical people as the
Hittites, as narrated in 2 Kings vii. 6. But those
utterances have vanished into thin air. The Hittites
were as real a people and power as any that reigned
in Asia. Their supremacy in Asia Minor and north-
ern Syria was contemporaneous with the reign of
Rameses II in Egypt. Their power was matched
with the great army of that Pharaoh, with whom they
signed a remarkable treaty. They continued as a
powerful factor in the affairs of Asia Minor until the
downfall of their capital, Carchemish, before the arms
of Sargon II, in 717 B. C.
54. Their mention in the Old Testament begins
very early. "The children of Heth'' occupied a por-
tion of southern Palestine in Abraham's day. It was
from Ephron the Hittite that Abraham purchased the
cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii.). Esau took to wife
Judith, the daughter of Beeri the Hittite, and Bashe-
math, the daughter of Elon the Hittite (Gen. xxxvi.
34). These Hittites in Palestine were probably no
more than a small settlement of the great empire
whose headquarters were in the north-country. They
are named among the seven nations who occupied the
land of Canaan at its conquest by Joshua. Occa-
sionally one appears in subsequent days, such as
Uriah, the Hittite of David's warriors. The evident
reference in 1 Kings x. 29 and in 2 Kings vii. 6 is
HITTITES IN THE INSCRIPTIONS 77
to the great people in the north, whose armies were
to be feared for their valor and cruelty.
55. The Egyptian and Assyrian monuments picture
to us a powerful nation, able in the time of Rameses
II to cope with Egypt, or with any other world-power.
They are described both in the language and in the
portraiture of the Egyptians. Their origin is un-
known, and their first appearance as an influential
people began about the fourteenth century B. C.
From that time they formed one of the great nations
— "the congress of nations" — for nearly seven cen-
turies, though their military power was not always of
equal merit. We know from the material supplied by
these two peoples that the Hittites were not a myth-
ical, an unhistorical race of that far-off day, at what-
ever period the biblical narrative may have been
composed.
56. More than this, we have a quantity of Hittite
antiquities, carved on the sides of mountains, on rock
sides of mountain passes, on ruins of Hittite build-
ings of various kinds, in southern Asia Minor and
northern Syria. These remains consist of reliefs of
personages or deities, of animals, or of ritualistic ob-
servances of different kinds, and of quite a sum of
inscriptions, written in strange hieroglyphic charac-
ters. These antiquities tell us by their general char-
acter that their makers were a people who had reached
a considerable stage in civilization. Their religion
and art, as told by these outlines, were not equal to
78 DIEULAFOY AT SUSA
those of Egypt or of the East. There is a crudeness
in their representations and in their written language
which locates them lower in the scale of culture than
the Egyptians and Assyrians. But the greatest hin-
drance to our knowledge of the Hittites is the fact
that their inscriptions are not as yet successfully de-
ciphered. Numerous attempts have been made to
read the language, but the lack of a key, such as the
Eosetta stone was for the Egyptian or the Behistun
inscription for the cuneiform languages, baffles the in-
vestigator. When these stories of themselves shall
have been read, we shall know at first hand how they
recorded their own annals, their own thoughts, and
how they regarded their divinities, and their neigh-
bors. In the meantime we shall regard them as a
mighty people — a compact nation, who occupied a
distinct place in ancient times.
57. In the years 1884-86 a French engineer by the
name of Dieulafoy carried on excavations under the
auspices of the Louvre Museum, Paris, at Susa, or the
Shushan of the book of Esther. After some startling
experiences he finally succeeded in bringing to light
the palace of Artaxerxes II, together with a marvelous
quantity of interesting antiquities. These included
bas-reliefs, friezes, statues, inscriptions, and in fact
almost everything which made up the beauty and
magnificence of a Persian palace in the most pros-
perous period of the empire. Up to the present we
are not aware of the full significance of these finds.
ARABIA J SYRIA 79
because their treasures are not all accessible to the
scholarships of the world. But it is hoped that a
more careful study of these forty-six tons of antiqui-
ties may add materially to our knowledge of the events
and customs of the reign of the great Persian kings.
58. Discoveries of more or less significance for the
Old Testament have been made also in Arabia from
1888 to 1891, where Dr. Glaser, a German, found
Arabic inscriptions dating, as he claims, from the
times of the reign of Solomon. The Germans have
also opened a productive mound in Syria, at a place
called Senjirli, whence they took out Aramaic and
Assyrian inscriptions dating at the close of the eighth
and beginning of the seventh century B. C.
This brief sketch of some of the minor discoveries
of recent years must suffice for the present. We must
now turn our attention to a study of the most notable
light that these excavations yield to the understand-
ing of the Old Testament.
CHAPTEE VII
PRIMITIVE TRADITIONS AND GENESIS
59. Almost all of the great nations of antiquity-
have preserved legends or traditions of the creation
of the world, of the origin of man, of the fall, and
of the deluge. These traditions vary greatly in value.
Some of them are not worthy of mention, while others
are so startling in their resemblances to the accounts
in Genesis as to demand careful consideration. Of
all the traditions found to-day in the documents of
the old nations, those embodied in the cuneiform lan-
guage of Babylonia-Assyria are by far the most in-
teresting and important. In the consideration of
these traditions, the order of events narrated in Gen-
esis will be followed. It will be practically impossible
to present in full the Babylonian cosmogony, but its
general representation of the beginnings of things will
be seen from the appended specimens of translations.
60. The history of the finding of the creation tab-
lets of Assyria is full of romantic interest, but we can
notice here only its translation. It is supposed to
have consisted originally of seven tablets. The fol-
lowing is the only remaining fragment of the first
(Delitzsch, Assyr. Lesestilcke, 3d ed., p. 93):
80
ASSYRIAN STORY OF CREATION 81
There was a time when, what is overhead, was not called
heaven,
What is beneath, was not yet called earth. —
The abyss, the ancient, their progenitor.
The mother Tiamat, was the bearer of them all.
Their waters were all together in one place [ = unscattered].
The fields were not prepared, the moor was not to be seen.
At that time none of the gods had appeared,
Neither was any one's name implored, nor was any destiny
fixed.
[Then] the gods were created ....
Lachmu and Lachamu issued forth.
And they brought forth An-Sar (and)
Ki-Sar were created.
A long time elapsed ....
[Ere] the god Anu [Bel and Ea were born].
An-Sar and Ki-Sar [bore them !].
In brief, the interpretation of this fragmentary^ in-
scription is that early, even before the beginning of
things, except tbe abyss or chaos, the gods first ap-
peared. Lachmu and Lachamu produce the heavens
above (An-sar), and the earth beneath (Ki-sar). After
a lapse of time these two bodies produce the three
great gods of the Babylonian pantheon, Anu, ruler of
the sky, Bel, ruler of the earth, and Ea, ruler of the
sea. What we possess of the fourth tablet describes the
victory of Merodach over Tiamat, or the goddess of
chaos, and all her host of allies. This is the formal
defeat of chaos and the victory of order. Merodach
constructed the heavens out of the skin of Tiamat,
and Anu, Bel and Ea occupied it as their abode. The
fifth tablet describes in a beautiful manner the fur-
nishing of the heavenly mansions (Del., A. L., p. 94);
82 BABYLONIAN STORY OF CREATION
He [Merodach] prepared the mansions of the great gods ;
He fixed the stars, the lumashu, corresponding to them ;
He fixed the year, and set its boundaries.
[For] the twelve months he fixed three stars,
From the opening of the year to its close.
The sixth tablet has not been as yet discovered. The
seventh tablet, very fragmentary in form, describes
the following events (Del., A. L., pp. 94, 95):
At that time the gods in their assembly created . . . . ;
They prepared the mighty ;
They created the living creatures,
The cattle of the field, the [wild] beasts of the field, and
creeping things ;
[They prepared dwelling places] for the living creatures ;
They distributed the creeping things of the field, the creep-
ing things of the city.
the creeping things, the sum of all creation.
Though fragmentary to an aggravation, there are
some significant words and expressions as to the origin
of animal life.
61. A few years ago, Mr. T. G. Pinches, of the
British Museum, discovered another queer record of
creation. I append a few lines of the translation :
The glorious house, the house of the gods, in a glorious
place had not been made ;
A plant had not grown, a tree had not been formed ;
A brick had not been laid, a beam had not been shaped ;
A house had not been built, a foundation had not been
gloriously made.
Niffer had not been built, E-kura had not been constructed ;
Erech had not been built, E-ana had not been constructed ;
The abyss had not been made, Eridu had not been built.
BABYLONIAN STORY OP CREATION 83
(As for) the glorious house, the house of the gods, its seat
had not been constructed ;
The whole of the lands and the sea also,
When within the sea there was a stream.
In that day Eridu was built, E-sagila was constructed,
E-sagila which the god Lugal-du-azaga founded within the
abyss ;
Babylon was built, E-sagila was completed. He made the
gods, and the Anunnaki altogether ;
The glorious city, the seat of the joy of their heart, he pro-
claimed supremely.
Merodach bound together the amam before the water ;
He made dust, and poured it out with the flood ;
The gods were to be made to dwell in a seat of joy of heart.
He made mankind ;
Aruru, the seed of mankind, they made with him;
The beasts of the field, the living creatures of the desert
he made ;
He made and set in their places the Tigris and the Euphrates;
Well proclaimed be their name !
The ussu--plant, the dittu-iilant of the marshland, the reed
and the forest he made ;
He made the verdure of the desert ;
The lands, the marshes, and the greensward also;
The ox, the young of the horse, the stallion, the heifer,
the sheep, the locust,
Plantation and forest also ;
The he-goat and the gazelle before him.
The lord Merodach on the sea-shore fiJled up a mound,
formerly had not been,
he caused to be,
he made the tree,
he shaped the beam,
he built the city.
This is a wonderful story or tradition of the begin-
ning of things. The writer strives through the first
84 COMPARED WITH GENESIS
part of it to convey the idea of nothingness, of a time
when nothing existed. When he has exhausted his
resources in this direction he turns about and de-
scribes in the same manner positively the order of
creation. This story reads almost like an expansion
of the Genesis record with a Babylonian coloring.
62. Before passing on to other features of Baby-
lonian tradition, let us look at some of the resem-
blances and differences between Genesis and these
records :
(1) Genesis knows of a time when the earth was
waste and void. The Babylonian accounts mention a
time when all was chaos.
(2) In Genesis light dispels darkness, and order fol-
lows chaos. In the Babylonian records the god Mero-
dach routs and overthrows the demon of chaos, Tia-
mat.
(3) In Genesis, after a time, the dry land appears.
In the Babylonian account, Merodach created the dust
and poured it out.
(4) In Genesis, the stars, sun and moon are set in
the heavens. In the Babylonian, Merodach places
these as the mansions of the gods.
(5) In Genesis, God created the animals and creep-
ing things. In the Babylonian, the assembly of the
gods created animals and living creatures.
(6) In Genesis, God created mankind. In the
Babylonian, Merodach creates mankind.
Here are, then, six prominent similarities between
SABBATH IN THE INSCRIPTIONS 85
the two records. They are, of course, not identical,
but if other portions of this Babylonian account had
been omitted, these lines would read almost like a
copy of the Genesis record.
63. But the unlikenesses, though not so numerous
as the former, are extremely significant :
(1) Genesis mentions God as the Creator of all
things. The Babylonian record mentions no one as
creator of all things, but various gods come in for
their share in the beginnings.
(2) Genesis describes a waste and an abyss. The
Babylonian account personifies these words (Tohu and
Tiamat) as warriors.
(3) Genesis is pervaded with monotheism, while the
Babylonian account is shot through with polytheism.
How can we account for so few unlikenesses? Did
the writer of the Genesis record borrow his account
from the Babylonian tablets? or did the Babylonian
record have its origin in the Genesis account? or did
both derive their story from a common original
source? These questions will receive attention at the
close of this chapter.
64. The next Old Testament institution paralleled
on the monuments is the rest-day, the Sabbath. "God
rested on the seventh day from all his work which he
had made, and God blessed the seventh day and sanc-
tified it, because in it he rested from all his work
which God had creatively made" (Gen. ii. 3). The
seventh day rest, or festival, was observed among the
86 SACREDNESS OF SEVEN
Babylonians as among the Jews. Its name, and many
of its requirements, were the same as those of the
Mosaic ritual. The calendar of saints' days for the
intercalary month Elul makes the seventh, the four-
teenth, the twenty-first, and the twenty-eighth days
of the lunar month, days on which certain works were
forbidden to be done. On these days, among other
things, '^flesh cooked on the coals or in the smoke may
not be eaten; the clothing of the body may not be
changed; white garments may not be put on; sacri-
fices may not be offered; the king may not ride in
his chariot, nor speak in public." In fact, restrictions
were laid upon everything which implied or necessi-
tated work of any kind. The differences between the
Hebrew and Babylonian Sabbath are striking: (1)
The Hebrew Sabbath has no connection with Babylo-
nian astronomy and polytheistic worship — our day has
no. relation whatever to the planets or planetary dei-
ties. (2) The Hebrew Sabbath has nothing to do with
the changes of the moon — festivals of the new moon
and the weekly Sabbath are entirely distinct from one
another. The Old Testament assigns two reasons for
the observance of the Sabbath: (1) It was God's day
of rest; (2) Israel had been brought out of Egypt by a
mighty hand and an outstretched arm (Ex. xx. 11;
Deut. V. 15).
65. The Babylonians reckoned their time according
to the movements of the moon, and this, of course,
divided their lunar month into four weeks of seven
THE GARDEN OF EDEN^ 87
days each, corresponding to the four quarters of the
moon. The days also were named after the seven
planetary deities. This number seven seems to have
been held in especial reverence by the Babylonians,
possibly because of their high regard for the seven
planets which had been noted by astronomers from
ancient times. The old Babylonian hymns consecrate
the number seven in various ways. "Seven is the
number of spirits whose origin is in the depths, who
know neither order nor custom, nor listen to prayers
and desires. Seven and twice seven is the knot to
be tied by the woman who sits by the bedside of her
sick husband and conjures the evil spirits." The
mythical serpent in the hymns has seven heads, and
the gates to the underworld are seven — all testifying
to the general use and sacredness of the number seven
in those primitive times.
66. The vexed question of the location of the Gar-
den of Eden is not solved by the inscriptions of Baby-
lonia. They make frequent mention of the Tigris and
Euphrates rivers, and, among a list of irrigating canals
of that great valley, Prof. Delitzsch has found two by
the names of Guliana and Pisanu, answering to the
requirements of the narrative (Gen. ii. 10-14) in the
Old Testament. Whether this theory is true or not,
it is practically agreed among Assyriologists, whose
study of this valley has been most thorough, that
Eden was located in primitive times somewhere within
easy reach of the Persian Gulf, possibly at its head.
88 THE CHERUBIM
The inscriptions tell us of a primitive sacred garden,
in which there was a tree of life. This tree is seen fre-
quently on the seals of prominent personages of Baby-
lon. It also appears among the alabaster reliefs found
on the wainscoting of the royal palaces. Approach to
it seems to have been limited to the gods or to dis-
tinguished persons. Its fruit also contained qualities
capable of granting and maintaining life perpetually.
67. The cuneiform inscriptions represent the cher-
ubim as winged human-headed bulls and lions, which
were set as guards at the entrances to royal palaces and
public buildings. Even at the city's gates these mon-
ster colossi stood on perpetual guard against the pos-
sible incursions of evil spirits. Ezekiel (chap. i. 10
and X. 14) compares the face of a cherub with that
of a bull. His complicated figure in the first chapter
of his prophecy carries in it the different elements of
these colossi, when he describes the four faces as those
of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. Ezekiel's pres-
ence in Babylonia doubtless made him very familiar
with these stupendous guards, and caused him to re-
gard them as his best symbols of majesty and power.
The cherubim of the Tabernacle were set as protectors
of the ark of the covenant, of the majesty of Jehovah's
■presence. The Babylonian and Assyrian colossi, or
cherubim, were stationed as the guards to royal pal-
aces, to protect the majesty of the rulers' abodes. Just
what the cherubim who guarded the entrance to Eden
were, we cannot tell. But the similarity in name and
A DELUGE TABLET
THE TEMPTATION 89
in office suggests some relation in thought between the
guards at Eden's entrance and the great doorways to
the magnificent palaces of Babylonia- Assyria.
68. The inscriptions nowhere describe in words the
fall of man. This strange event is, however, sup-
posed to be implied in a remarkable seal cylinder of
a very primitive date. This cylinder carries on its
surface a peculiar group of figures. In the center of
this group stands a tree, from which there hangs fruit.
On one side of this tree sits a man, and on the other,
a woman. Behind the woman, with its head near
hers, is the crooked, crawling form of a serpent. Not
one word is recorded on the seal. The group alone
tells the story. Most scholars suppose that this is a
figurative representation of some tradition of the fall
of man which was current among the peoples of old
Babylonia.
69. Of all the traditions handed down to us through
the cuneiform inscriptions, the most extensive and
complete discovered thus far is the Babylonian ac-
count of the deluge. A record of this event is found
in the works of Josephus and Eusebius, but in all of
its details and vigor, the Babylonian account stands
pre-eminently next to the biblical record. This nar-
rative is found on the eleventh tablet of the great
GilgamesTi epic, first discovered and translated by
George Smith of the British Museum in 1872. Since
that date several editions of its text have appeared,
and also a large number of translations by scholars lq
90 CHALDEAN STORY OF THE DELUGE
different countries. This tablet contains 185 lines,
some of which are irrecoverably broken. The story
which leads to the recital of the deluge is full of myth-
ological interest. But we can give simply some of the
main facts. Gilgamesh, who is afflicted with a dread
disease, desires to consult his ancestor, Pir-napisJitim,
who dwelt far away, in an immortal state. After one
month and fifteen days' sail on the waters of death, he
reached that far-off land, and met his ancestor, and
prayed for his aid and advice. He also asked him
(Pir-napishtim) "how he happened to be removed
alive to the assembly of the gods." His great ances-
tor's reply is found on this eleventh tablet, together
with advice as to how Gilgamesh could be restored to
health.
I shall give below only some of the most notable
parts of the translation (IV Kawl. 43) :
70. Col. L:
Gilgamesh spake to him, to Pir-napishtim the remote :
" I look on thee, Pir-napishtim ;
Thy appearance is not changed, as I am, so art thou,
And thou art not changed, as I am, so art thou.
7 Tell me (how it happened) that thou hast obtained life
in the assembly of the gods, which thou didst covet? "
Pir-napishtim said to him, to Gilgamesh :
*' I will reveal to thee, Gilgamesh, the secret,
10 And the oracle of the gods will I tell thee ;
The city of Shurippak, the city, thou knowest, which
lies on the bank of the river Euphrates,
This city was old, when the gods within decided to bring
a deluge, even the great gods,
ALL ABOARD THE SHIP 91
15 ... . their father Anu, their counselor, the hero Bel,
their leader Adar, their chief the god Ennu-gi,
The god of wisdom, Ea, argued with them.
20 Their decision he announced to the country : ♦ Country,
country, town, town ; country, town, understand :
Man of Shurippak, son of Ubara-Tutu,
Build a house, construct a ship, rescue what thou canst
find of the seed of life ;
Leave behind thy property ; save (thy) life.
25 Bring the seed of life of every kind into the ship ;
The ship that thou shalt build, let her measurements
be determined upon,
Her width and her depth shall be equal (?) Then
launch her.'
30 Then I understood and spake to Ea, my lord :
* what thou didst command will
I observe, and I will do it.' "
On the following morning at daybreak I
The light I feared ;
all that was necessary I collected ;
On the fifth day I drew its design.
71. Col. 11. :
The lines which describe the building of the ship
are badly broken. While the work was progress-
ing he held a great religious festival for the gods.
At its completion he began to load the ship for the
destructive floo-^ announced by the assembly of the
gods.
22 With everything that I had, I filled it ;
With everything that I had of silver, I filled it ;
With everything that I had of gold, I filled it ;
25 With everything that I had of the seed of life, I filled it.
I embarked with my whole family, my servants.
92 THE STORM AND LANDING
The cattle of the field, the beasts of the field, and the
workmen, all of them I embarked.
Shamash set a time limit (a sign):
" When he, who sends the pouring rain, in the evening,
pours out a destructive rain,
30 Then enter the ship, and close the ship (thy door).
His time limit was reached.
He who sends the pouring rain, in the evening, poured
out a destructive rain.
At the break of day, I trembled,
I feared to see the day.
I entered the ship and I closed my door.
35 The guidance of the ship I gave to Buzurshadu-rabu,
the sailor,
The great structure, together with its contents.
72. Col. III.:
Then the violence of the storm is described in
terrific terms :
2 Like as an onslaught in battle, it fell upon the people,
4 Even in heaven the gods feared the deluge ;
They withdrew, went up to the heaven of god Anu.
There the gods crouched down like dogs, on the enclosing
walls they sat down.
18 Six days and [seven] nights
The storm raged, the flood and tempest.
20 At the dawn of the seventh day, the rain, the flood ceased,
The storm which had battled like an army ceased.
The waters of the abyss sank back, the great storm,
the deluge came to an end.
I looked out over the sea, crying aloud.
But all mankind had turned to earth (again).
25 In place of habitations, everything had be(!ome a marsh.
I opened an air-hole, and light fell upon my face^
I sank back, and sat down, I wept.
THE TWO STORIES COMPARED 93
My tears flowed down my cheeks.
I looked up : " The world a wide ocean " !
30 On the twelfth (day?) there appeared a bit of land.
To mount Nitsir the ship made its way,
The mountain of the land of Nitsir held the ship and
let it not go ;
One day, two days, mount Nitsir held the ship and let
it not go,
The third day, the fourth day, mount Nitsu: held the
ship and let it not go.
The fifth day, the sixth day, mount Nitsir held the ship
and let it not go.
The seventh day, at dawn,
35 I sent out a dove ; she left, she flew hither and thither,
There being no lighting place she returned ;
I sent out a swallow ; she left, she flew hither and thither,
There being no lighting place she returned.
I let go a raven ; he left.
40 The raven went, and saw the recession of the waters.
He ate, he waded about in the mire, he did not return.
I debarked ; to the four winds I presented an offering ;
I presented a libation upon the top of the mountain ;
Each time I set seven vessels,
45 Into (!) them I poured out calmus, cedar-wood, and
sweet-smelling lollium ;
The gods smelled the savor, the gods smelled the sweet
savor ;
The gods gathered like flies about the sacrifice.
The remainder of the tradition is full of interest, in
that it tells of the final acts in the consignment of Pir-
napishtim and his wife to the assembly of the gods.
But for a study of the deluge story, pure and simple,
it has slight value.
73. In a comparison of the two records, readers
94 HOW EXPLAIN LIKENESSES?
must be struck with their large number of resem-
blances. These are so important that we shall set
them down here side by side. The two accounts agree
in these points: (1) The building of an ark (ship);
(2) the preservation of the seed of life; (3) a deluge
of waters with a great storm; (4) a landing on a moun-
tain; (5) a sending out of birds; (6) an offering of sac-
rifice upon landing; (7) an acceptance of a sweet savor
by the deity (gods). These similarities give rise to a
series of questions as to their origins and relations.
"Without answering them at this time, let us note the
spirit of the two accounts: (1) The purpose of the
Genesis deluge was to put an end to the sinful race,
and the decision was Jehovah's; the Babylonian rec-
ord recites no purpose, but charges it all to the caprice
of the god Bel. (2) The Genesis account is monothe-
istic, while the Babylonian teems with an active poly-
theism.
74. The similarities noted in the preceding pages
between the records of Genesis and the inscriptions
call for further thought. These are not traditions
peculiar to Semitic peoples and religions, as growing
out of their characteristics. They are common to all
civilized nations of antiquity. They carry on their
. faces the marks of the civilizations in which they have
been preserved. Their common elements point to a
time when the human race occupied a common home
and held a common faith. The records of Genesis and
THE TRUE ANSWER 95
the inscriptions give us two forms of these early tradi-
tions.
How, then, is the similarity between Genesis and
the inscriptions to be explained? There are four an-
swers sometimes given to this question : (1) The Gen-
esis account is drawn from these traditions; (2) Gen-
esis is the source of these traditions; (3) Their like-
ness is attributable to like ways of thinking — similar
traditions having spontaneously arisen in different
parts of the earth because of "the natural tendencies
of the human mind in its evolution from a savage
state" (Nadaillac) ; (4) "Their likeness is due to a
common inheritance, each handing on from age to age
records concerning the early history of the race."
These theories are elaborated by Cave, and are
easily disposed of down to the fourth point. To thia
almost all scholars are now turning as the most" plausi-
ble solution of the question. All religions are reduci-
ble to a small number of facts. These facts are either
individual or common; of the common, some are un-
doubtedly due to the common nature of man, but
others are just as clearly explicable only as an inherit-
ance. Early races of men, wherever they wandered,
took with them those primeval traditions, and with
the varying latitudes and climes, their habits and
modes of life, have carried these, and present them to
us to-day in their different dresses. One ancient reli-
gion did not borrow these universal traditions from
another, but each possessed primitively these tradi-
96 GENESIS THE PUREST RECORD
tions in their original form. A careful examination
of all these traditions shows that the Genesis record is
the purest, the least colored by extravagances, and the
nearest to what we must conceive to have been the
original form of these traditions.
CHAPTEE VIII
THE PATRIARCHS UNDER EASTERN LIGHTS
75. The student of the Old Testament very early
confronts the question of the dispersion of the human
family. Whence came the numerous peoples? What
relations did they sustain to each other? How came
they to occupy the territories in which they are found?
What was their original home? Does the evidence of
ethnology point to the unity of the race? These and
a multitude of similar questions almost hedge in a
wide-awake student of the ancient Orient.
Some of these queries find their answers in a de-
tailed study of the tenth chapter of Genesis. This
is probably the oldest ethnological table in existence.
(The portrait gallery of Eekh-ma-ra, in a tomb at
Thebes, is the oldest ethnological record of its kind.)
This tenth chapter of Genesis does not describe the
characteristics of the races, but simply locates several
of them — that were familiar to the writer — geograph-
ically. The recognition of this geographical element
is necessary to the understanding of some of the pe-
culiar combinations of this table. When we read that
"Canaan begat Zidon his first-born, and Heth," does
it mean more than that the two occupied adjacent
97
98 THE TABLE OP NATIONS
territory in Canaan? When Elam and Asshur are
called the children of Shem, is the explanation found
in the proximity of their lands? In this table, the
three sons of Noah are each assigned to a particular
settlement; Japhet occupies the north, Ham the
south, and Shem the center. The cities and peoples
in these particular regions are apparently regarded as
the children of those great ancestors. The territory
occupied by these peoples, so-called descendants of
three great ancestors, formed almost a square. On the
north we find the limits at the Caspian Sea, Black
Sea, and Mediterranean Sea; on the south, the high-
lands of Ab3^ssinia and the Indian Ocean; on the
east, the mountains of Media and Elam; on the west,
the Mediterranean Sea and the Lybian and Sahara
deserts. The above territories combined give us the
whole of the primitive civilized portions of the earth,
with the possible exception of China.
This is no place to present a statistical table of these
names, but there is no part of the Old Testament
upon which the monuments have thrown more light
than upon this same tenth chapter of Genesis. It
shows us that the names are arranged ethnograph-
ically, and present the chief settlements of the de-
scendants of the sons of Noah. Out of this formerly
mysterious list of proper names, the inscriptions verify
the accuracy of more than thirty, by indicating both
places and peoples. The inscriptions both of Egypt
and of Mesopotamia also corroborate in many par-
UR OP THE CHALDEES 99
ticulars the statements of this chapter. In a word
this table is a limited bird's-eye view of ancient na-
tions, a word-map of ancient geography.
76. The home of the nativity of Abraham was long
a lost city. The excavations of Mr. Taylor, in 1854,
and the discovery by Major Eawlinson of important
historical documents, have settled beyond reasonable
dispute the location of Ur of the Chaldees. It stood
on the right bank of the Euphrates River, on a spot
now occupied by the mounds of Mugheir. It was
originally a port on the Persian Gulf, but the mounds
now representing its ancient site stand nearly 150
miles above the mouth of the Euphrates. This great
distance between its old site and the present head-
waters of the gulf are due, according to geologists, to
the abundant deposits of alluvia made by the river
during the past four thousand years. The inscrip-
tions discovered give a list of kings who ruled over
this territory before Babylon came to prominence, or
became a capital. Ur was presided over by the moon-
god, Sin, who was likewise the patron deity of Harran.
The family of Abram's father, in its migration west-
ward, made an important stop at this city. It was
located near the great western bend in the Euphrates
and was regarded as one of the chief cities of the
northwest territory. It stood on the great highway of
commerce between the East and the West, and served
as a kind of board of trade. Its name, Harran (harra-
nu)y means "road," "way." It was also a cosmopoli-
100 ABRAM IN EGYPT
tan city, for to this place came all the nations for gain
and trade.
77. Abram's sojourn in Canaan was cut short by
a famine, which drove him to the storehouses of
Egypt. His appearance in this country was so re-
markable that he was reported to the Pharaoh. In
rapid succession we have records of the lying of
Abram, the seizure of Sarah, and the plagues upon
the royal house. After the discovery of the real facts
in the case, this foreigner is treated with astounding
consideration. For his deception of the king he is
not slain, tortured, imprisoned, or even fined, but sent
on his way with a royal guard. What strange and
distinguished treatment at the hands of a foreign po-
tentate! Let us take a glance at the political status
of Egypt at this time. Egypt had already had about
three thousand years of history (Petrie puts the first
dynasty at 4777 B. C, Meyer at 3180 B. C). The old
kingdom covered the first six dynasties (4777-3410
B. C). The middle kingdom embraced dynasties XI-
XIII (2985-2565). The new kingdom included dy-
nasties XVIII-XX (1587-1240 B. G. [Mahler]); and
the foreign-domination dynasties XXII-XXV (930-
728 B. C). Of the omitted dynasties little or nothing
is known. The large gap between dynasties XIII and
XVIII was probably occupied by the domination of
foreigners from Asia. These invaders were either of
Semitic or Hittite blood. For long centuries, prob-
ably five or more, they held with a firm grasp the
c y.
o W
<; 2
H 2
o =*
THE CAMPAIGN OP GEN. XIV 101
scepter of Egypt. If Abram came to the borders of
this land while under their sway, he was a sojourner
in a land ruled by his own blood-relation. If this were
the case he would, of course, be the object of kind and
considerate attentions.
78. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis has been
under fire for a score or more of years. Its supposed
antiquity has brought against it denials of its histo-
ricity. It has been maintained that it originated with
the desire of magnifying the martial valor of Abram,
and of explaining the origin of Melchizedek; and that
the story of these great military campaigns was noth-
ing more nor less than a piece of fiction. These denials
have been based upon the theory that the events here
described are located in prehistoric times. But light
from the East has utterly dissipated this mist. We
are now apprised of the fact that the armies of Baby-
lonia were doing no new thing when they set out to
make a second conquest of the kings of the West.
They were simply following the precedent and polit-
ical policy of their distinguished predecessors. Sargon
I (about 3800 B. C.) and Naram-Sin, his son, had
already, centuries before, made expeditions into the
great West-land, the former having crossed over to
the Island of Cyprus. A distinct evidence in the in-
scriptions of the veracity of this chapter is found in
the character of the proper names. Chedorlaomer
contains two Elamitic elements. Kudur is the general
Elamite title, as Pharaoh in Egypt, Abimelech in Phi-
102 JOSEPH CARRIED TO EGYPT
listia, for king. It is found in a cuneiform name,
Kudur-Mabug. The second element is Lagamar, the
name of an Elamite deity. Larsa is represented in
the mound Senkereh, east of Erech. Tidal is Turgal
in the Septuagint, while Goyim (nations), according to
Major Eawlinson, should be read Gutium, a country
stretching from Mesopotamia northward to the
mountains of Kurdistan, within which at later times
the kingdom of Assyria arose. Other attempted
identifications do not discredit the facts already
stated. So that the testimony of the monuments is
to the effect that this chapter is not to be regarded
in any sense as a bit of fiction, but as a genuine scrap
of a record of a veritable old western campaign of the
allied kings of Mesopotamia.
79. When was Joseph carried captive as a slave into
Egypt? Many eminent Egyptologists think that the
lad Joseph was brought down through the fortified
frontier of Egypt, and sold to Potiphar, an Egyptian
in Egypt, while the sovereign and royal court was in
the hands of foreigners. It is also thought that these
foreigners were the Hyksos from Asia. It is signifi-
cant that the first Hyksos ruler was called Salatis,
Aramaic Shallit, and that Joseph was called in Gen.
xlii.6 Tiash-shallit, and that many centuries afterward
the Assyrians named the Pharaoh shiUanu, that is,
eultan. Joseph's position with a high officer at court
gave him exceptional opportunities to gain a knowl-
edge of Egyptian life and customs. As the trusted
JOSEPH IMPRISONED IN EGYPT 103
overseer of Potiphar's house, he had charge of a
characteristic Egyptian institution. In this respon-
sible position he was basely slandered by his master's
wife. There is a wonderful Egyptian tale, called
"Story of the Two Brothers," which may be either an
echo of this incident or based upon it. Its similarity
to the account of Joseph's experience in Potiphar's
house is so remarkable that the conclusion forces itself
upon one that there must have been some connection
between the two stories.
Joseph was thus slandered into the royal prison,
where the chief of the guard would reside. Here he
made the acquaintance of two other prisoners of high
authority. The distinguished ex-officials dream
dreams, and, as all Egyptians, attached great impor-
tance to their interpretation. The form and dress of
those dreams are thoroughly Egyptian, locating the
events beyond dispute within the border-lines of
Egjrpt. The subsequent dream of Pharaoh, with its
Nile River, its kine pastured on its banks, its grain,
and its sacred seven, are significantly Egyptian. Even
some of the words embodied in the Hebrew records
are Egyptian. The duty of the chief butler was that
of pressing the juice out of the ripe bunches of grapes
in the presence of the Pharaoh. This especial bev-
erage is noted on the monuments as one of the chief
offerings. The chief baker was beheaded in accord-
ance with an Egyptian custom. At a later date Amen-
ophis II decapitated several Syrian kings and hung
104 JOSEPH A PRIME-MINISTER
up their bodies on his galley, and afterward on his
fortress.
80. Joseph^s skill in interpreting the dreams of
those two imprisoned officials brought him to the at-
tention of the king. The fact that Joseph shaved
himself before appearing in the presence of the great
ruler betrays the Egyptian origin of the story; fortius
custom has always been abhorred by Semitic peoples.
It is now known, however, that even the Hyksos kings
maintained this Egyptian ceremonial at court. The
acuteness of Joseph's interpretations won for him the
favor of the king. In accordance with known Egyp-
tian court proceedings, he is formally installed as
prime minister over Egypt. The seal-ring or signet
was a stone or flat surface of gold, engraved for stamp-
ing upon soft material. These Egyptian rings are
the most rare and beautiful jewels found in our mu-
seums of this day. Mr. Tomkins calls attention to
one in the collection of M. Allemant. It is of black
jasper, graven in intaglio on both sides. On the front
there is a winged serpent and two Semitic signs; on
the back a Hebrew inscription, dating from the epoch
of the Shepherd-Kings, XVIIth dynasty. This is a
most important witness to the presence of Semitic
influences in Egypt in those early days. Tomkins
quotes de Eouge's description of Antef, prime min-
ister ("First Deputy of the King"). Joseph's author-
ity seems to be paralleled by that conferred on this
prime minister. He was called the "functionary of
JOSEPH'S AUTHORITY 105
the signet . . . chief of the chiefs, . .
alone in the multitude, he bears tlie word to men ; he
declares all affairs in the double Egypt ; he speaks on
all matters in the place of secret counsel. When he
enters he is applauded, when he issues forth he is
praised. . . . The princes hold themselves at-
tentive to his mouth, ... all his words come to
pass without (resistance), like that which issues from
the mouth of God.'^
81. The collar of gold with which Joseph was deco-
rated was one of the marks of distinction among Egyp-
tian officials. He was also to ride in the second royal
chariot of the king, and in his progress through the
land a word, a&re^, whose explanation is still a mystery,
was to be called out before him. Clothed with regal
authority and power, Joseph became the administrator
of the kingdom of Egypt. Whether this could have
taken place under any Egyptian monarch is not
known; but it is eminently plausible that a foreign
Semite could have been promoted to the position of
prime minister, if the ruling sovereigns were Asiatics
and Semites, as the Hyksos probably were.
The dignity of Joseph, as well as his authority in
office, was guaranteed by the Pharaoh securing for
him a wife of high rank. She was the daughter of
the high-priest of On. This official was the most
influential of the religious characters of the land.
Joseph's intimate relations with this house would in-
sure friendly cooperation between the ruling and the
106 JOSEPH'S OPPORTUNITY
ritual classes. Thus armed with authority by the
royal house, and protected by an alliance with the
priestly house, and guided by a wonderful Providence,
Joseph had every advantage in his favor for consum-
mating a great work for the Egyptians.
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CHAPTER IX
ISRAEL UNDER THE GLOW OF EGYPT
82. Joseph's promotion to prime minister of Egypt
was made in face of the famine which he had pre-
dicted to the Pharaoh. Periods of distress of this
kind had occurred by the failure of the annual rise
of the Mle, from prehistoric times. Rulers in the
past had made especial mention of the fact that their
foresight had provided storehouses for grain, so that
in the event of a famine their subjects might not be
reduced to a state of starvation. The monuments
already discovered make several references to
droughts of widespread prevalence. One, at least,
describes seven years of famine of great severity,
during which even the king on the throne is grief-
stricken at the distress all about him; the great mis-
fortune is charged to the failure of the Nile-flood for
seven years.
83. But there is a record of one famine which
many, among them Brugsch, have identified with the
time of Joseph. In a tomb at El-Kab, an inscription
of the governor, named Baba, states that he, in the
great famine which came upon his people, dealt out to
them grain which he had stored away in times of
107
108 ISRAEL SETTLED IN GOSHEN
plenty. Brugsch says, Baba "lived about the time
that Joseph exercised his office, under one of the
Hyksos kings, lived and worked under the native
king Ea-Sekenem Taa III in the old town of El-
Kab. The only just conclusion is that the many years
of famine in the time of Baba must precisely cor-
respond with the seven years of famine under Joseph's
Pharaoh, one of the Shepherd-Kings." Baba says,
"when a famine arose, lasting many years, I issued
corn to the city each year of the famine." A famine
of long duration at El-Kab would have reached the
adjoining lands, and even the fruitful delta. The
identity of the age of Baba and of Joseph is conceded
by many. The severity seems also to have gone be-
yond the boundaries of the Nile-lands, if the biblical
narrative is allowed to add its testimony.
84. It was just this kind of event that drove
Joseph's brethren to the storehouses of Egjrpt for
food. "Besides," says Prof. Sayce, "under the Hyksos
Pharaohs of Zoan intercourse between Egypt and Ca-
naan would have been easy and constant. No preju-
dice would have been felt against Hebrew strangers
by those who were themselves strangers in the land.
"The Pharaoh and his 'ministers' would have had no
hesitation in granting the land of Goshen to a pastoral
tribe from Asia. They would have seen in them
friends rather than enemies, and possible allies against
the conquered Egyptians." The location of the land
of Goshen, between the delta and the Asiatic frontier,
TIME OP JOSEPH'S ACTIVITY 109
would have given these Israelites the advantage of
proximity to a border-line, if for any reason they de-
sired to return to their former home. It was also a
territory adapted rather for grazing than for raising
the fruits, cereals, and vegetables of Egypt. The Is-
raelites were also sufficiently isolated to allow them to
enjoy the tribal life peculiar to wandering shepherds,
and if necessity demanded, to go to the aid of their
Hyksos benefactors. Israel was thus given a choice
bit of Egypt for her occupation, with all of the ad-
vantages of location and of character of the country
necessary for normal growth.
85. It seems most probable that the events of
Joseph's life and the settlement of his kin in Egypt's
land took place during Hyksos supremacy, otherwise
we should not expect to have seen such benevolent
consideration of their interests at the hands of the
ruling power. "There seems to have been but one
other period of history where these events could have
taken place, and that was during the reign of the last
two kings of the XVIIIth dynasty." But all things
considered, the statements of early historians, the time
necessary for the growth of Israel, and known facts of
the periods, the events of Joseph's career and of Isra-
el's settlement in Goshen are most appropriately
found in the last dynasty of Hyksos domination, or
according to Prof. Mahler's estimate, before 1590
B.C.
86. The struggles for supremacy of the old Egyp-
110 CONQUESTS OP THOTHMES IH
tian power finally succeeded in the expulsion of the
Hyksos rulers. They were driven back across the
frontier into Asia, and the throne was again occupied
by an Eg}^tian monarch. This beginning of the
XVIIIth dynasty was marked by a reversal of the
establishments of the Hyksos supremacy. Very soon
the new occupants of the throne began to drive far
into Asia their old oppressors. After routing on the
plain of Megiddo the combined armies of the Hittites
and Phoenicians, Thothmes III pushed his arms on-
wards and upwards through the Lebanon mountains
to the plains of Hamath. The shock of his battles
shattered the armies of those Asiatic nations as far
as the Tigris river and the mountains of Elam. So
successful and revolutionary was he in his aggressive-
ness that modern historians have named him "The
Alexander the Great of Egypt.'^ On his triumphal re-
turn to the Nile-land, he recorded on the temple walls
of Karnak a list of 355 cities that he had captured. Of
these 120 were in the countries located on the east
coast of the Mediterranean Sea. Among these we find
the familiar names of Gibeah, Ophrah, Shunem,
Chinneroth, Hazor, Joppa, Heshbon, Megiddo, Ha-
math, and Damascus.
87. But these conquests in Asia became remotely
the cause of the downfall of this XVIIIth dynasty.
The friendly relations which he had established with
the Asiatic peoples culminated within about a score
of years after his death in a royal marriage. His
TEL EL-AMARNA LETTERS 111
great-grandson Amenophis III took to wife a sister
of the Babylonian king, and thus furnished a basis
for perpetual amity between the leading political
powers of those eventful days. Amenophis IV,
his son, a half- Asiatic by descent, returned to the
home-land of his mother, and, as his father had done,
secured a beautiful Asiatic princess as a wife. This
young king became so infatuated with the Semitic re-
ligion of his mother and wife that he transplanted it
to Egypt, and set up at various places its altars and
shrines.
88. This period of Egyptian history has been won-
derfully opened up by the discovery of the Tel el-
Amarna letters in 1887. These clay documents have
proved to have been letters sent by various rulers,
kings, governors, and other men in authority in west-
ern Asia to the above-mentioned kings of Egypt.
These official and unofficial communications reveal
the political and social conditions prevalent in these
Asiatic dependencies in the latter days of the XVIIIth
dynasty. They are written for the large part, strange-
ly enough, in the cuneiform language, the language
of Babylonia. Among other places they hail from
Gezer, Ashkelon, Jerusalem, Byblos, Tyre, Accho,
from the people of Tunip, of Arkata; and from such
individuals as Aziru, Shubandi; from Mitanni, from
the king of Mitanni to Amenophis III; from the king
of Mitanni to the wife of Amenophis III; from Ali-
shaya, in upper Mesopotamia, to Amenophis III;
112 DOWNFALL OF XVIHTH DYNASTY
from Burraburyash, king of Babylonia, to Amenophis
IV. They are just so many flash-lights thrown into
the Asiatic possessions of these later kings of the great
XVIIIth dynasty. The political disturbances which
agitated these provincial boundaries glisten with great
brilliancy. We discover in this fifteenth century as-
tounding political, social and commercial activity in
western Asia, and a method of international com-
munication which revolutionizes all of our previous
ideas of those early days. These marvelous clay let-
ters, written in the cuneiform character, also show
how potent Babylonian influence had become even to
the borders of the Nile-lands.
89. But these friendly relations with western Asia,
as reflected in the Tel el-Amarna letters, introduced
into Egypt elements of disintegration. The domestic
ties initiated by Amenophis III and IV, brought
again into power peoples from Asia, and established
in the sacred precincts of Egypt a foreign religion.
Amenophis IV finally adopted as his form of worship
that of the sun-god, a Semitic deity of Western Asia.
The old hatred for the Hyksos was aroused, and he
withdrew from the sacred city of Thebes. At the
modern Tel el-Amarna he set up his shrines, his wor-
ship of Semitic deities, as against the state religion
of Egypt, which was sacredly guarded by the priest-
hood of the land. This heresy in the king of the land
could not be long endured, and finally, through the
letters from Tel el-Amarna, we learn that civil war
A TEL EL-AMARNA TABLET
A LETTER FR03I ABIMEI.ECH OF TYRP To THE KING OF EGYPT
RISE OF THE XIXTH DYNASTY 113
was breaking out, that enemies from the north, the
Hittites, were advancing, and that general dissolution
of the empire was in progress. In the midst of this
storm of protest, of secession, and of aggression,
Amenophis IV, or Ehu-n-Aten, died. But his sep-
ulchre was profaned, his mummy rent in pieces, and
his sacrilegious city destroyed. Asiatics who were im-
plicated in this heretical propagandism were forced to
flee for their lives, or suffer the penalty by death.
This chaotic condition of affairs ceased only at the
rise of a new house, a new dynasty, the Nineteenth.
90. This new house adopted a new policy of exclu-
sion in their motto, "Egypt for the Egyptians." The
early kings were Rameses I and his son, Seti I. Their
reigns were short and uneventful, except that Seti
carried his arms into Asia and established his suprem-
acy on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea. But
the accession of his son, Eameses II, marked the be-
ginning of a new era for this dynasty and for Egypt.
This young king was fired with the ambition of his
great predecessor on the throne of Egypt, Thothmes
III. With consummate skill he not only conquered
most of the Syrian territory of that great monarch, but
thoroughly organized it into a strong empire. Up the
Nile he pursued the enemy and made subjects as far
as the second cataract. In his Asiatic campaigns,
however, he soon met a strong rival in the forces of
the Hittites. They, by strategy, in one notable battle,
surrounded Eameses in his chariot and put his army
114 ACTIVITY OP RAMESES II
beyond his aid. In a pathetic and desperate appeal
to the gods, he is given supernatural help, and hero-
ically cuts his way through their ranks to freedom.
This close and almost fatal battle forms the basis of
that finest epic in the Egyptian language, "the Poem
of Pentaur." The apparent result of this clash with
the Hittites was a drawn battle. Eameses II offered
terms of peace. These terms were agreed upon, and
formed the basis of a treaty. This document, duly
executed and signed, is to-day almost a model of its
kind. It was ratified by a visit of the Hittite prince
to Eg}^t in his national costume, and by the marriage
of his daughter to Eameses II in the thirty-fourth
year of his reign. This is the most remarkable treaty
on record from early times. Among many other pro-
visions, it arranged for extradition in the case of ab-
sconding thieves, robbers, or slaves. It also formed an
offensive and defensive alliance between the treaty
powers.
91. While Eameses II was extending his bounda-
ries he was active in building canals, storehouses, pal-
aces, and temples. He surpassed all the kings of
Egypt in his building activities. Of the thirty-two
obelisks in Egypt, he is said to have erected in whole
or in part twenty-one. Of the eight ruined temples
in Thebes, he built in whole or in part, seven. His
activity in this direction led him to erase from former
temples and other monuments the names of his pred-
ecessors, and in their places to order his own
ISRAEL DURING XVniTH DYNASTY 115
inscribed. His generalship is displayed in the equip-
ment and government of a large standing army, with
which he protected the home empire, garrisoned his
foreign provinces, and made aggressions into new ter-
ritory.
92. During the troublous, prosperous, and finally
calamitous times of the XVIIIth dynasty, Israel occu-
pied the land of Goshen, which had been assigned
them under the direction of the Pharaoh of Joseph's
premiership. Here, presumably, they enjoyed their
liberties undisturbed. They mingled freely with
Phoenician traders of the coast lands, and with for-
eigners who came in from the East. From a couple
of hints in 1 Chronicles (vii. 21, 22, 24), it seems
that some of them had wandered back either as set-
tlers or as adventurers to the land of the patriarchs,
to Canaan. They doubtless rendered submission as
subjects of the reigning king, while peacefully carry-
ing on their occupations as shepherds and farmers.
The monuments of lower Egypt say little of the reigns
of any kings from the expulsion of the Hyksos to the
reign of the successor of Seti I, Rameses II. Israel
had thriven and multiplied in the land, and counted
themselves as part of its permanent population. But
the revulsion of feeling against "the heretic king'*
and everything Semitic which overthrew the XVIIIth
dynasty, took form in a "king who knew not Joseph."
This is supposed to be either the first or one of the
earlier kings of the XlXth dynasty. For at Moses'
116 THE PHARAOH OF THE OPPRESSION
birth the oppression had crystallized in a decree for
the murder of all male children. Eescued from this
slaughter of the innocents, Moses was reared and
instructed for forty years at the Egyptian court, and
forty years in the desert, being about eighty years of
age at the exodus. This gives us, at least, eighty years
of oppression.
93. But the question eagerly asked by all Bible stu-
dents is, who was the Pharaoh of the oppression?
This question is now laid to rest by the excavation, in
1883, of Edouard Naville, under the auspices of the
Exploration Fund, within the old territory of Goshen.
The numerous inscriptions and antiquities brought to
light at Tel el-Maskhuta show that this place was the
ancient city Pithom, whose Hebrew name was Suc-
coth; and further that the founder of this city was
the great Rameses II. In Grecian times this city was
called Heroopolis or Ero, the Eg3rptian word for store-
house, suggesting that Pithom and Raamses (Ex.
i. 11), which Israel built for Pharaoh, were treasure-
cities. At this place, ISTaville discovered even the
treasure-chambers themselves. They were strongly
built and separated by brick partitions from eight to
ten feet thick. The bricks, half sun-baked, were
made, some with and some without straw. These
storehouses were means adopted by the Pharaoh, Ram-
eses II, to provide for his people in the event of a
foreign invasion, or of a famine, such as had often
visited this land. These precautions served to make
THE PHARAOH OP THE EXODUS 117
Rameses' kingdom independent of his neighbors.
These cities of Pithom and Raamses accord with the
demands of the scripture narrative. The storehouses
occupy in Pithom almost the whole area of the city,
the walls of which are about 650 feet square and
twenty-two feet thick. The strawless bricks in these
walls almost re-echo the rigor of Pharaoh's words,
when he said, "Ye shall no more give the people
straw" (Ex. vi. 17), but demanded the former tale of
bricks. About these old walls we can see and handle
some of the handiwork of the Hebrew slaves. Could
those old ruins but speak, what tales of hard task-
masters, of bloody lashings, of exhaustion and distress
would they reveal to us! The bondage of Israel in
all kinds of hard and bitter service, aroused even to a
murderous deed the court-educated youth Moses.
94. If Rameses II was the Pharaoh of the oppres-
sion, who was the Pharaoh of the exodus? Rameses
II ruled sixty-seven years, and ruled in the latter half
of his days with a master's hand. He succeeded in
strongly intrenching himself in the midst of a pow-
erful empire, and of making ample provision as he
thought for its perpetuity. Any body of men who
could have escaped from the delta into Asia would
have been captured by his garrisons stationed
throughout his possessions in the northeast. If they
could have reached the Hittite country, the extradi-
tion section of the treaty between that land and Egypt
would have necessitated their return to their master
and king.
118 '* ISRAEL" ON THE MONUMENTS
At the death of Eameses II, 1281 B. C. (Mah-
ler), he is succeeded by a son who is by no means
the equal of his father. Meneptah IPs accession
seems to have been the signal for a rebellion against
the Egyptian throne. The Libyans of Northern
Africa, the inhabitants of the isles of the seas, peoples
from Asia, arose not only to free themselves from the
yoke of Egypt, but even to invade her territory. For-
eigners swarmed into lower Egypt and threatened the
very existence of the empire. The withering and
destructive oppression under which the Hebrews
groaned, is practically substantiated in one of the two
Egyptian inscriptions which contain the name
"Israel." "A hymn of victory addressed to Meneptah
alludes to '^the Israelites,' to whom 'no seed' had been
left.'' But this oppression met a severe blow in the
fifth year of his reign (1276 B. C). It was the year
of ominous uprisings among the surrounding nations.
These taxed the military resources of the young king
to their limits. The plagues also, paralyzing in their
effects on the land and the people, stung the Pharaoh
to a pitch of desperation. Driven on by rebellions
and by plagues, he finally grants every demand of the
Hebrews. They hastily gather up their goods and
their flocks, and as a "mixed multitude" (Ex. xii. 38),
they march eastward to pass out through the frontier
fortifications.
95. Naville's discovery of Pithom and our definite
location of the practical boundaries of the land of
THE EXODUS 119
Goshen, is an aid to the tracing of the route of the
Exodus. This motley throng of from two to three
million persons marched up against the boundary
wall-line. Thence they are led about until they face
an expanse of water. A strong wind blowing all night
forced back the waters, and the released slaves escaped
across the bared shallows of the upper end of Lake
Timsah into the eastern wilderness. Pharaoh sent
after the runaways a small detachment of charioteers,
who only perished in the returning waters. At about
this same time Meneptah routed the allied enemies of
his throne at a great battle, in which he took valuable
booty and a multitude of captives. It is not strange
that the flight of the Hebrews is not mentioned in
Egyptian history. The escape of slaves, especially
when it meant a practical defeat of the purposes of
the Pharaoh, would scarcely be recorded by the court
annalist. Again, the occurrence of such migrations
as this was not seldom in lands of shepherds and
nomads. Professor Sayce cites a case almost parallel
with this in modern times.
96. Another notable case demands attention just
at this point. The final plague was the death of the
first-born. Dr. Paine {Century Magazine, Septem-
ber, 1889) gathers from many inscriptions that
the records teil us of the sudden death of the
eldest son of the reigning Pharaoh. It relates
how Meneptah came to the throne when an old
man, and that he had a son of his old age.
120 EVIDENCE OP EGYPTIAN SOJOURN
This son_, when eighteen years old, he associated
with himself in the government of the land. The
tomb of the lad has been discovered at Thebes —
unfinished. At Gebel Silsilis some tablets represent
the royal group; one shows King Meneptah offering
an image. The inscription beneath it reads as fol-
lows : "The heir to the throne of the whole land, the
royal scribe, the chief of the soldiers, the great royal
son of the body begotten, beloved of him [Set] Me-
neptah— deceased." It should be said, however, that
all Egyptian scholars do not agree with Dr. Paine's
interpretation.
97. So far from denying the Egyptian sojourn of
the Hebrews, the biblical narrative preserves an Egyp-
tian coloring, sets admirably on an Egyptian back-
ground, and reflects Egyptian life and customs. The
excavations at Pithom, the two occurrences of the
name "Israel" on Egyptian monuments, suitable
political conditions, and the veritable mummies of
Seti i and Eameses II in the museum of Gizeh, testify
strongly to the definite sojourn of Israel in the land of
Goshen.
98. How long? From the migration of Jacob's
family into the land of plenty, to their exodus in 1276
B. C. How long were they in actual slavery? This
question cannot be specifically answered. If they
were enslaved by the early kings of the XlXth dynasty
and escaped in 1276 B. C, their actual slave-service
did not cover more than one century, while their
WHY SOJOURN IN EGYPT? 121
sojourn from Joseph's day may have lasted 300 or
more years.
99. What was the purpose of that long Egyptian
sojourn? What could Providence have had in store
for his chosen people that they were permitted to
suffer such hardships at the hands of cruel lords and
taskmasters? The more we penetrate the mists of
antiquity in the decipherment of its records, the more
we perceive the remarkable character of the oldest
civilizations located on the Nile and on the Euphra-
tes and Tigris rivers. The patriarchs in Palestine
were living among peoples of low moral character, of
a low type of civilization, if civilization it might be
called. God had in store large things for their
descendants. To occupy the position which he had
planned for them, it was necessary that they become
acquainted with the nations of their day. Their set-
tlement and sojourn in Egypt, through the mediation
of a Hyksos sovereign, was the introduction of Israel
to the foremost or one of the two foremost nations
of those times. Yet they were so compactly settled
that they lost neither their identity nor their life-
customs, nor their God. Their long, peaceful sojourn
gave them an opportunity to observe and to learn
what Egypt's life, its government, its customs, its
religion were. Then, daily mingling with the motley
crowd of foreign merchantmen, seeing the rushing
to and fro of Egyptian armies, and sharing in the
benefits of the kingdom of this great land, broadened
122 ISRAEL'S TRAINING-SCHOOL
their vision of the meaning of national life, and of its
claims upon its subjects and supporters.
100. Then their seizure and enslavement had just
as distinct a lesson for them. Though acquainted
with many of the arts practiced about them, their
actual training in these was forced upon them by task-
masters. "They made their lives bitter with hard
service, in mortar and in brick, and in all manner of
service in the field, all their service, wherein they
made them serve with rigor" (Ex. i. 14). These
words seem to teach that the Hebrews were compelled
to learn all the trades and occupations of their mas-
ters, and to work hard at them. This was an indus-
trial training-school in the foremost civilization of
that day. It was the severest, the sharpest, and the
most complete training a people could receive to make
them masters of the leading arts and occupations of
Egypt. Their easy contact with the Egyptians also
had its lessons, and its tests for future responsibilities.
Moses in the court of the Pharaoh, received the intel-
lectual training, the spiritual testing, and the all-
around preparation for his supreme task. The He-
brews, as bondsmen, were lashed into their places as
apprentices and tradesmen, to prepare for indepen-
dent service when the day of freedom should arrive.
Thus a tribe is planted in the garden of Egypt, is
trained and pruned with great care by an experienced
gardener to produce fruit in the distant days of the
unknown future.
CHAPTER X
THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN AND ISRAEL
101. The exodus of Israel from Egypt was her first
step toward entering and occupying "the promised
land." With eager hearts they set out to take pos-
session of the land of their fathers. This land was
occupied by a strange conglomeration of peoples,
whose claim to it must be disputed by Israel. In
other words, conquest was to be the means by which
they were to secure their new home-land. To appre-
ciate what a task they had before them, it will be nec-
essary for us to take a glance backward at the early
history of the peoples and political movements in
this land. Only the briefest reference can be made to
many important facts.
102. Some of the earliest references in cuneiform
literature to this territory calls it the "West-land";
and this term is broad enough to cover the entire east
coast of the Mediterranean Sea, extending back to the
desert lines on the east. This general term covers
what in later times was included in northern, central,
southern Syria, and Palestine. Who the earliest in-
habitants of this region were and whence they came,
are still mysteries from a prehistoric age. The earli-
123
124 THE LAND OP CANAAN
est names of peoples fixed in this territory are those
of the Canaanites and the Amorites. Presumably
they first occupied this territory at a period of time
subsequent to the earliest known settlements of Baby-
lonia, from which peoples migrated in various direc-
tions. Their exact relations in time and in blood to
the earliest occupants of Egypt are unknown. Our
first biblical information about the peoples of this
land is that supplied by the narratives of the patri-
archal epoch. Our first extra-biblical references are
found in accounts of the Egyptian campaigns into
this corner of Asia. The peoples found here by these
great military expeditions are supposed to have been
crowded westward across the Euphrates by the grow-
ing powers of Babylonia. Some of the clans settled
on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, and in course
of time, after ages of growth, betook themselves to a
seafaring and commercial life, and became in later
days the thrifty and wealthy Phoenicians. Others set-
tled upon the land and became agriculturists and
herdsmen.
103. The country of Palestine proper, the southern-
most division of this coast-land, is a small bit of terri-
tory, bounded on the north by the mountains of
Lebanon and Hermon, on the south by the desert
of Sinai, on the east by the Syrian desert, and on the
west by the Mediterranean Sea. Its area on both sides
the Jordan river was less than 13,000 square miles.
The peculiarity of its position, with desert on two
CANAAN A FORAGING GROUND 125
sides and sea on one side, lying on the highway be-
tween the fertile ranges of Asia and the Nile valley of
Egypt, gave it supreme significance as the future
home of Israel.
104. Palestine, then, as the bridge between Asia
and Africa, was crossed by every military campaign
carried on by either of these countries against the
other. This fact subjected the inhabitants of this
strip of land to frequent plunderings and to the
paral3^zing effect of stupendous military expeditions.
Palestine even became the battlefield, several times,
of great international strifes. These frequent cross-
ings and recrossings of large armies made of this land
a kind of periodical plunder-ground. During the
times of the XYIIIth and XlXth dynasties of Egypt,
Palestine was swept by at least fourteen military expe-
ditions. The inevitable effect on the people in any
such territory would be to blight their courage and
ambition, neutralize their means of common self-de-
fense, scatter their strength, and reduce them to mere
separate neighborhoods and villages. This territory
was not only the highway between the East and the
West, but its possession was accounted of especial
value, because of its proximity to the great commercial
advantages of the eastern coast-line of the Mediter-
ranean Sea.
105. The Tel el-Amarna letters, already referred to,
are a new revelation of the conditions existing in
Palestine during the reigns of Amenophis III and
126 THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN
IV of the XVIIIth dynasty of Egypt. However much
the population of Palestine may have had to do with
the Hyksos domination of Egypt, they were for a con-
siderable time in the XVIIIth djmasty, subjects of
the king of Egypt. These letters describe an unsettled
and anxious condition of affairs. Invaders from the
North threatened subjection, petty governors be-
sought help from the king, in fact, the whole West-
land seemed to be about ready to break up into a lot
of minor states or cities. After the death of Ameno-
phis IV this entire sweep of territory fell before the
arms of invaders. During the domination of the
kings of the XlXth dynasty, this same fateful strip
fell back again to the sway of Egypt. To her it re-
mained subject until the breaking up of the empire,
earl}'' in the reign of Meneptah, about the date of the
exodus of Israel. At this time her peoples achieved
independence.
106. Early in the biblical narrative, regarding the
occupants of Palestine, just before Israel's entrance,
we find mentioned, besides the Canaanites, the Amor-
ites, Hittites, Hivites, Jebusites, Perizzites, and Gir-
gashites. Of the Hittites we have already said that
they probably were only a small colony, of the great
northern empire, which had settled on the hills of
Canaan. They seem simply to have lived among the
other peoples of the land, and not to have formed a
military community. The Hivites were merely, as
the name signifies, "villagers," and were especially
CANAANITE AND AMORITE 127
numerous near the northern boundaries of the land
(Josh. xi. 3; Judg. iii. 3). Their chief cities seem to
have been Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) and Shechem. The
Jebusites seem to have been confined to one point, the
formidable fortress of Jebus, within the confines of
what later became Jerusalem. The Perizzites were
the country people, in distinction from the inhabi-
tants of villages or cities. Nothing whatever is known
of the Girgashites, unless the brief reference in the
Poem of Pentaur, to "the country of Qirqash" be a
hint at the land occupied by these peoples. The
Amorites and the Canaanites, however, were more
formidable people and deserve larger mention.
In the Old Testament, "Canaanite," says Prof.
McCurdy, is both a geographical and an ethnical term.
Neither the people nor the land are ever assigned to
the east side of the Jordan, but are rather confined to
the coastline of Palestine, and the "Sidonian" country
to the north of the plain of Jezreel, and as far east as
the Jordan. "Canaanite" may even be the name ap-
plied to the occupants of any land west of the Jordan,
even though they may be designated elsewhere under
other local or racial names. "Amorite,'' however, is
distinctly a racial name. The peoples to whom this
name was applied occupied the hill country of Judah
west of the Jordan, and were the races with whom
Israel clashed on the east of the Jordan.
"Canaanite" and "Amorite" are not interchange-
able terms, nor are they mutually exclusive. "Ca-
128 ISRAELIS CONQUEST OF CANAAN
naanite" is sometimes used for "Amorite" in the racial
sense, while "Amorite'' is never used for Canaanite in
that sense.
In addition to these peoples already described, the
lowlands between the mountains of Hebron and the
Mediterranean Sea were occupied by the Philistines,
immigrants probably from Crete, or some other
Grecian coast. These, with Hittites from northern
Asia Minor, Ganaanites from the Persian Gulf, Amor-
ites from some distant land, made Palestine a strange
commingling of foreigners.
It is altogether probable that the hint already
noted in 1 Chronicles, and the scraps of information
contained in Judges (chap, i.) preserve sufficient ev-
idence to warrant the conclusion that there were also
present in Canaan among these frequently mentioned
nationalities communities of Hebrews. They were
already in quiet possession of certain districts, and
were an element in favor of the increasing army of
their brethren.
107. This mixed population, in this small bit of
territory, overrun and plundered by every crossing
army for hundreds of years, was the problem which
faced the invading Israelites. Separated into small
clans, or centered in small cities, some of them well-
walled and strongly fortified, without any central
org;anization, or any common bond of unity, these
peoples became an easy prey even to such an army
as that with which Joshua crossed the Jordan. His
5 A PPITLISTINEJ
AMORITES
ISRAEL'S OPPRESSORS 129
stroke and capture of the key to the land, Jericho,
and his marvelous success in taking one city after
another, and his good fortune in not meeting a great
and united army, gave him easy possession of many
of the strongest points in the West-Jordanic territory.
108. After the partial conquest of this land and the
formal settlement of the tribes among their conquered
and unconquered neighbors, we find Israel subjected
to the fiercest temptations. Peaceful proximity to
the corrupt customs of their neighbors was a dan-
gerous condition of things. It very soon resulted in
friendly commercial intercourse, in mixed marriages,
in a kind of free and easy coalescence of plans and
purposes. The seductive religious rites of these new
peoples, appealing to the physical senses of Israel,
soon made captive the unwary conqueror, and won
him over to the customs of the conquered.
109. This rapid coalescence of Israel with the peo-
ples of Canaan dragged them down and made them an
easy prey of invaders. Very early after their con-
quest and settlement in their new home-land, an
ambitious ruler from Mesopotamia, Cushan-rishath-
aim, an Aramaean king, carried his arms down into
Palestine. This invader was probably a successor of
the Mitanni, already mentioned. His seems to have
been the first foreign military campaign of any note
since Israel had settled in Canaan. The deliverer
was Othniel, one of the men trained probably by
Joshua. The Mesopotamians were driven out and
Israel again became independent. Enemies began to
130 RISE OF THE PHILISTINES
arise from nearer quarters. Moab crossed the Jordan
and subdued southern Israel and established her
headquarters at Jericho. Ehud, a valiant Benjamin-
ite, by a deed of treachery, slew the king, roused his
countrymen and threw off the Moabite yoke. The
unconquered Canaanites of northern Palestine like-
wise overcame the newcomers and held Israel under
oppression until the victorious stroke of Deborah and
Barak. Next came bands of Midianites, who ravaged
the territory of Israel and so terrified its inhabitants
that they sought hiding-places from these robber
bands. This annual invasion was finally terminated
by the rise and valor of Gideon and his valiant corps
of three hundred heroes. The next threat and op-
pression came from another eastern tribe, the Am-
monites. The frontier free-booter Jephthah, armed
with a reckless daring, and a devotee to a crude form
of religion, smote the enemy full in the face. His
rugged zeal and fidelity led him to fulfil in all of its
horrible details the conditions of his vow to the
Almighty.
110. Still another enemy to Israel's peace appeared
on the southwestern horizon. The Philistines, now
grown in power, had begun to spread their net.
Israel soon fell into its meshes. A hardy race cen-
tered in five strong cities, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gaza,
Ekron and Gath, they early threaten the liberty of
the Israelitish colony. Scarcely Semitic in descent,
they, nevertheless, soon adopt the manners, language.
SAMUEL A VICTOR 131
and even the religion of their neighbors. Their first
raids were repelled by the valor of Shamgar, while
later Samson plays his tricks with their armies.
Finally, however, entrapped in their folds, he meets
a most tragical death, but succeeds in taking dire
vengeance on his persecutors.
In the latter days of the judges, we find a fearfully
corrupt condition of affairs (Judg. xix.-xxi.). The
prevalence of priestly prostitution to the service of
idols, of horrible crimes, kindled a spark, a flame of
internal strife, in which one tribe was almost exter-
minated. This state of things opened the door for
the aggression of the Philistines, who were not slow
to see and improve their opportunity. By the time
of the closing years of Eli we find the Philistines
carrying out their own sweet will despite every op-
posing faction of Israel.
111. Their advance was first successfully disputed
only by the rise and power of Samuel. Israel's hu-
miliation, and degradation in the presence of these
indomitable fighters, led to the unification as never
before of the scattered strength of Israel. It demon-
strated to them that if they were to have a career as
a people, they must stand together and fight together
against their common foes.
Israel's settlement and quarrels and oppressions in
their new territory, tried them in the fire, melted
them in the furnace, and burnt out of them some of
the dross, that had interfered with their unity and
comparatively unified them as a nation.
CHAPTEE XI
FOREIGN NATIONS AND THE SINGLE MONARCHY
112. The unification of the tribes of Israel under
one ruler was consummated by the efforts of Samuel,
the last judge, and the founder of the prophetic order.
Under divine direction he selected privately and pub-
licly a Benjaminite, Saul, to be the founder of the
new kingdom of Israel. Saul's early test of leader-
ship was in war against the Ammonites east of the
Jordan. His victory over this enemy won for him
the public enthusiasm and comparative unification of
all Israel. His early administration is seen mainly in
his energetic conduct of war with the minor peoples
adjacent to the borders of his kingdom. The Philis-
tines receive early and prompt attention, and are
driven out of many of the fastnesses of the land.
Jonathan's valor and action were a prominent initia-
tive in this victorious result. The Amalekites, too,
who had struck a blow at Israel immediately upon
their escape from Egypt, suffered a withering defeat
at the hands of Saul's army.
113. But the power of Saul exhausted itself on the
battlefield. His poor administration' of the govern-
ment, his disobedience to the commands of the pro-
132
David's victories 133
phet, forebode disaster. Though victorious over his
neighboring foes, one of the chief elements of his
success against the Philistines was found in David,
a valiant warrior of Bethlehem. The sudden popu-
larity of the youthful hero aroused the jealousy of
the monarch. This jealousy grew into a bitter hatred
that assumed the form of a species of insanity. David
was compelled to flee for his life, and to live the life
of an outlaw. The power of the king rapidly waned,
and the aggressions of the Philistines equally grew.
Finally, the fateful battle took place on Mt. Gilboa,
where Saul and his valorous sons fell victims to a
Philistine victory. These doughty warriors now
ruled western Palestine and crowded the scattered
remnants of Saul's army to the east of the Jordan.
Abner, Saul's general, made Ishbosheth king of the
fragment of a kingdom.
114. David, who had finally taken refuge from
Saul, in the friendly land of Philistia, now returns
to Hebron. By the intrepid vigor of the warrior
Joab, this initial movement soon crowds back the
Philistines, and David becomes master and king of
all Judah. On the basis of overtures from Abner,
David's authority soon extends over all Israel. The
fortress of Jebus is now captured and the king makes
this the capital of his kingdom. From Jerusalem as
the center, his army swept about the whole horizon,
subduing, receiving tribute, and concluding treaties.
115. But some one may ask: How was David's
134 EGYPT AND ASIA IN DAVID 'S DAY
army able to raid territory at such distances as
Damascus and the Euphrates? "What were the politi-
cal relations of the great world-powers whose armies
had often crossed this bridge? An examination of
these questions reveals facts of double interest. "The
successors of Eameses III of the XXth dynasty
(llSO-1050 B. C), nine in number, all bearing the
same name, had become mere tools in the hands of
the great priestly guild of Thebes, and their reign is
marked by domestic weakness and by official corrup-
tion. The next dynasty, the XXIst (1050-945 B. C),
was not only controlled by the priests, but actually
consisted throughout of high-priests of Amun at
Thebes." The military and administrative power of
Egypt reached so low an ebb that this dynasty finally
fell before the power of a strong Libyan leader who
had formerly served as a mercenary in the Egyptian
army. This condition of things in Egypt could inter-
ject no opposition to the conquests of David, but
would rather encourage his adventurous spirit.
116. When we turn our attention to former em-
pires of Asia, we discover similar political conditions.
The Babylonian monuments are silent about the
West-land, and the Assyrian records have next to
nothing to say of affairs in the West between the
reigns of Tiglath-pileser I (1120-1090 B. C.) and
Assurnatsirpal (884-860 B. C). So that there arose
no protest against David from the peoples of Assyria
and Babylonia beyond the Euphrates. Again, it is
DAVID IN THE NORTH 135
noticeable that the Hittites, whose power had often
been the dread of Egypt and of all the minor tribes
on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea, are not
mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions as a world-
power after 1000 B. C. It is supposed that they had
been crowded back into the mountains by the victo-
rious campaigns of the Aramaeans, who had crossed
and occupied territory on the west banks of the
Euphrates river. If, then, the Hittites were expelled
by the peoples of Mitanni, or Paddan Aram, Syria,
northern and middle, was Aramaic territory before
the time of David. Its strong centers, such as
Hamath and Damascus, presented a formidable de-
fense against any invader. Damascus, especially, had
been a prominent commercial center from prehistoric
times, standing as it did on the great highway between
the East and the West.
117. David's conquests embraced the peoples of
Edom, Ammon, Moab, Philistia, and Amalek. His
wars with these tribes were not long drawn out.
Ammon, however, made a stubborn resistance. The
most powerful opponents to Israel's advances were
the Aramgean kings of the north and northeast.
Hadadezer of Zobah was at the head of a federation
of troops from Eehob, Tob and Maacha. These
received a disastrous defeat at the hands of Israel
under the leadership of Joab. Hastily they sum-
moned all their allies, even from the east banks of the
Euphrates. This formidable Aramaean army was
136 David's disasters
met by Israel, led by king David in person. The
trained fighting army of Israel was victorious, not
only over this great body of Aramaean allies, but over
all Syria. The king of Hamath, likewise an enemy
of Hadadezer, freely submitted to David and sent him
gifts as symbols of his homage. The final reduction
of Kabbath-Ammon concluded the conquests of
David.
118. The scope of David's territory, and the diver-
sity of his subjects, demanded careful organization.
The king established an apparently successful admin-
istration. From the centralized power, the concen-
tration of wealth, the building up of a court after the
manner of oriental despots, and the moral weakness
of the king, there sprang up a brood of disasters. A
criminal king, family corruption, fratricide, and open
plotting and rebellion on the part of Absalom, almost
tore the kingdom asunder. But its destruction was
finally prevented by the timely foresight of the king's
counsellors, and the defeat and death of the rebel
Absalom. At the close of the king's life another
claimant to the throne, Adonijah, arises, but is super-
seded by Solomon.
119. Solomon's heritage was a kingdom thoroughly
organized, at peace with its neighbors, and ready for
development. This new king originated and exe-
cuted vast building enterprises both in his capital and
among his subject peoples. To insure peace and se-
curity he made domestic alliances with all his subject
SOLOMON^S HERITAGE 137
tribes and powers. He also stepped over his own
boundary lines and took as wives princesses of Egypt
and of Phoenicia.
These relations not only secured the good-will of
leaders among these peoples, but opened the door for
political and commercial negotiations. The king of
Egypt conquered, and gave to Solomon as a dowry
with his daughter, the strong fortress of Gezer on the
extreme southwestern limits of Israel's possessions.
"With Phoenicia Solomon established commercial rela-
tions of an important character. The artisans of
Phoenicia became the chief workmen in the splendid
architectural achievements of Israel. On the sea,
too, Solomon employed the skilled tars of Phoenicia.
The remote and still undetermined land of Ophir
yielded him once in three years a mine of gold and a
menagerie of tropical life. More than this, Solomon
established great marts of trade within his territory.
Tadmor, in the desert, was a kind of custom-house
through which all the caravans from Mesopotamia
passed and paid their fees. From Egypt he imported
chariots and horses and passed them on at a fixed
rate to the Hittites in the distant lands of Asia Minor.
The revenue from all of these sources was something
stupendous. It filled the coffers of the kingdom and
made possible the chiefest luxuries of the wealthiest
oriental monarchs.
120. This widely developed commerce scattered the
fame and name of Israel to distant shores. The supe-
138 Solomon's decadence
rior shrewdness and wisdom of Solomon followed the
lines of trade, and aroused among foreign peoples a
peculiar respect for, and curiosity to see, the man
whose genius had wrought such revolutions on this
insignificant strip of territory. This reputation
among foreign peoples, these new international social
relations, laid new duties on the court. The increased
wealth of the kingdom supplied the means for giving
the monarch more than ever the chief place in
Israel. The throne became absolute, and the people
merely the puppets of the king. This step toward a
despotic monarchy tended to dissolve rather than fix
the unity of the kingdom.
121. Solomon's matrimonial alliances doubtless
had the virtue of establishing at the beginning of his
reign peaceful and harmonious relations with his
neighbors and subjects. These treaty relations led to
increased commercial enterprise, and to a consequent
material wealth. This wealth allowed the king to
gratify the luxurious desires of the court. The pres-
ence of numerous foreign wives, princesses of decided
power, made especial demands on Solomon. Their
requests, perfectly natural, that they should be per-
mitted to serve their fathers' gods, seem to have been
readily granted. The king erected shrines for the
whole troop of foreign deities worshiped by his treaty
wives. This soon made Jerusalem a pantheon. It
presented the anomaly of Solomon establishing at
his capital a practical polytheism. This was too much
SOLOMON'S DECADENCE 139
even for a Solomon. The luxurious outlay in his
court, the mingled array of Egyptian, Phoenician,
Hittite, Edomite, Ammonite, and Moabite beauty, the
lavish shrines of the multifarious deities, and the
entrancing rituals of worship submerged the old
monarch. His grip on his administration slackened,
and border rebels arose. The specter of rebellion
appeared even within his own capital. He struck at
the ghost, but it evaded his blow and took refuge with
a new king of Egypt — a usurper of unusual strength.
Elements of dissolution were at work throughout
Solomon's entire realm. Eezon of Zobah had secured
control of Damascus, and Hadad of Edom had re-
turned from Egypt, and established himself among
his own people. In a word, Solomon's power, at first
enhanced by foreign alliances, gradually faded away
before the blandishments and seductions of the ele-
ments introduced by these relations. The life of the
united monarchy is threatened, its power has become
its weakness, and its days are numbered.
CHAPTER XII
SmSHAK AND THE MOABITE STONE
122. The death of Solomon closed the glory-period
of Israel. When Rehoboam assembled all Israel at
Shechem his final reply to the reasonable demands of
Israel ruptured the once united kingdom. Rehoboam
was compelled to retreat for safety to the bounds of
Judah — the original Davidic realm. Jeroboam, who
had fled from the wrath of Solomon, and taken refuge
in the court of Shishak, the new Libyan usurper of
the throne of Egypt, was recalled and hailed as king
of the seceding tribes. This disruption of the united
kingdom gave Solomon's son the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin, while the remainder fell to the lot of the re-
turning fugitive Jeroboam. Thus for more than two
centuries these rival kingdoms faced each other, gen-
erally in friendly, but sometimes in hostile relations.
They fortified their realms against each other, and
attempted to establish such political and religious
policies as would guarantee patriotic fidelity on the
part of their citizens and permanency of government.
123. The new Pharaoh of the XXIInd dynasty,
Shishak (Sheshonk) I, had dethroned the power of
the king whose daughter Solomon had taken to wife.
140
SHISHAK WITH HIS PALESTINIAN CAPTIVES
shishak's invasion 141
In this new court Jeroboam had been sheltered (1
Kings xi. 26-40). Doubtless Shishak's ambition had
stretched into Asia, which had been in early centuries
the foraging ground of some of Egypt's greatest vic-
tors. We do not know whether Jeroboam had any
part in suggesting an aggressive campaign in this
direction, though his acquaintance made in his brief
Egyptian sojourn could not have been entirely for-
gotten. Whatever his motive may have been, Shi-
shak, in the fifth year of the reign of Eehoboam (1
Kings xiv. 25-38), carried his arms into Palestine.
He overran the territory of Judah, stormed, cap-
tured, and plundered Jerusalem. He carried off to
'Egypt the immense treasures of Solomon's accumula-
tion, and compelled the proud Eehoboam to acknowl-
edge his supremacy. Shishak also ravaged consider-
able territory of the northern kingdom, including the
capture of some of its prominent cities.
124. On the southern wall of the court of the great
temple of Amun at Karnak, Shishak has inscribed a
sculpture representing this campaign. He enumer-
ates 133 places, towns and fortresses that he cap-
tured, the northernmost being Megiddo. In this
sculpture, the giant figure of Shishak is represented as
holding in his left hand the ends of ropes which bind
long rows of captives neck to neck. Their hands are
tied behind them, and the victor's right hand holds
over others a rod with which he threatens them. The
names of the conquered cities are inscribed on ovals
142 shishak's own record
or shields that cover the lower part of the body of
each prisoner. Some of the most familiar names in
this list are: Gaza, Taanach, Abel, Adullam, Beth-
anath, Beth-horon, Aijalon, Gibeon, Shunem, and
Judah-Melech, which the late Dr. Birch regarded as
the name of the sacred city of Judah, Jerusalem.
Prof. Sayce sees in the heads of the conquered those
of Amorites, not of Jews. They are the fair-skinned,
light-haired, blue-eyed, long-headed Amorites who are
seen on the earlier monuments of Egypt. This seems
to point to a general prevalence of Amorites among
the Jews at this time.
Whether the resistance that Shishak met was so
stubborn as to discourage further advances into Asia
is unknown. Neither is there any evidence that he
exercised continued authority over the people and
territory captured. Whatever may have been the
immediate results to Judah and Israel of this incur-
sion and plunder, it is evident that within the next
fifteen years the northern and southern kingdoms
met in a mortal combat without interference from
any outside power.
125. The next monument of value in Old Testa-
ment study is the Moabite Stone. This notable speci-
men of antiquity was found at Dibon (Isa. xv. 2) by a
missionary, the Rev. F. Klein, in August, 1868. Its
importance lies in the fact that it preserves one of
the most ancient styles of Hebrew writing, and that
it supplements the records of 2 Kings iii. It was a
FINDING THE MOABITE STONE 143
stone of bluish-black basalt, 2 feet wide, nearly 4
feet high, and 14J inches thick, and rounded both
at the top and the bottom. Across it on one side
could be seen an inscription of thirty-four lines in
Phoenician letters. Without perceiving the great
value of this inscription, Mr. Klein copied a few
words, and attempted to buy the relic for the museum
of Berlin. After about a year's negotiations, terms
were agreed on, and the stone was to be delivered
to the German authorities for about $400. The
French residents at Jerusalem, however, sent men to
take paper impressions of the stone, and offered the
natives at the same time more than $1,800. Very
naturally, the owners suspected that it contained
fabulous powers, and the Governor of Nablus de-
manded it for himself. Fear of losing such a prize
impelled the Arabs to build a fire under it, and when
hot to pour cold water over it. This process cracked
it into fragments, which they distributed among
themselves as amulets and charms. This looked like
a fitting result of the contentions of the national rep-
resentatives at Jerusalem, and an irreparable loss to
the science of archaeology. But, fortunately, some
time after, M. Clermont-Ganneau succeeded in re-
covering most of the broken pieces. By means of the
squeezes, or paper impressions, taken before the
stone's destruction, he reset the fragments. The
restored stone may now be seen in the Louvre in
Paris.
144 A SUPPLEMENT TO 2 KINGS
126. This inscribed stone is a supplement to the
records of the reigns of Omri, Ahab, Jehoram, and
Jehoshaphat. Omri had subdued Moab, and had col-
lected from her a yearly tribute. Ahab had also en-
joyed the same revenue, amounting, under Mesha's
reign, to the wool of 100,000 lambs and 100,000
rams (2 Kings iii. 4-27). At the close of Ahab's
reign, Mesha refused longer to pay this tribute. The
allied kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom marched with
their armies against them. The Moabites fled for
refuge within the strong fortress ■Kir-haraseth, where
Mesha offered up his own son on the wall as a burnt
offering to Chemosh, his god. This stone was set
up by king Mesha, to Chemosh, about 850 B. C, to
commemorate his deliverance from the yoke of Israel.
127. Its translation runs as follows, the numera-
tion of lines corresponding in general to the original:
1 I (am) Mesha, son of Chemoshmelek, King of Moab,
the Dibonite.
2 My father ruled over Moab thirty years, and I ruled
after my father.
3 And I prepared this monument for Chemosh at Korkhah,
4 A monument [to celebrate] deliverance, because he saved
me from all invaders, and because he let me see (my de-
sire) upon all mine enemies.
5 Omri (was) king of Israel, and he oppressed Moab many
days, for Chemosh was angry with his land.
6 His son succeeded him, and he also said, " I will oppress
Moab."
7 In my days said he [thus] : I will see my desire on him
and his house, and Israel perished with an everlast-
ing loss.
TRANSLATION OF THE STONE 145
8 And Omri took possession of the land of Mejiedeba, and
dwelt therein during his days, and half the days of his
eon, forty years.
9 But Chemosh restored it in my days. I built Baal-Meon,
and constructed in it a pool ( 9),
10 And I built Kirjathan. The Gadites had dwelt in the
land from ancient times, and the king of Israel had
built for himself Ataroth ;
11 But I warred against the city and took it.
12 And I slew all [the inhabitants of] the city, a spec-
tacle for Chemosh and for Moab.
13 And I carried off thence the arel of Dodeh, and I dragged
it before Chemosh in Kerioth.
14 And I caused to dwell therein the men of Sharon and
the men of Meheroth.
15 And Chemosh said to me : Go take Nebo against Israel.
16 And I went by night and fought against it from early
dawn until high noon.
17 And I took it and slew all of it, seven thousand men
and women, and female slaves; for to
Ashtor-Chemosh I had devoted it.
18 And I took thence the arels of Jehovah, and dragged
them before Chemosh.
19 Now the king of Israel had built Jahaz, and he dwelt
in it while he waged war against me; but Chemosh
drove him out before [me ; and]
20 I took of Moab two hundred men, all chiefs ; and I led
them against Jahaz, and took it to add it unto Dibon.
21 I built Korkhah, the wall of the forests (or Jearim),
and the wall of the fortress (or ophel).
22 And I built its gates, and I built its towers.
23 And I built the king's palace, and made two large recep-
tacles (?) for water in the middle of the town.
24 There was no cistern in the middle of the town of Kor-
khah ; and I said to all the people,
25 Make for yourselves, each man a cistern in his own
house. And I dug the channels for Korkhah by means
of the prisoners of Israel.
146 ITS SIGNIFICANCE
26 I built Aroer, and I made the highway alongside of the
Arnon.
27 I built Beth-Bamoth ; for it had been torn down. I built
Bezer, for in ruins [it had fallen].
28 [And the chiejfs of Dibon were fifty, for all Dibon was
submissive [to me].
29 And I reigned over a hundred [chiefs] in the towns
which I added to the land.
30 And I built Beth-Mehedeba and Beth-Diblathen, and
Beth-Baal-Meon ; and located there the shepherds (?).
31 the small cattle of the land. And
in Horonaim there dwelt .... and
32 Chemosh said to me : Go down, fight against
Horonaim. And I went down
33 Chemosh restored it in my days. And
I went up thence to
34 And I
128. This old document reads almost like a new-
chapter of 2 Kings. Its significance can be indicated
but briefly. It touches history, religion, and topog-
raphy. Its contribution to the historical situation
in Israel is of first importance. We learn (1) that
Omri was obliged to resubjugate Moab (line 5) in
the early years of his reign; and (2) that he occupied
the cities captured during his campaign (line 8);
(3) that this occupation suddenly ceased in the
middle of the reign of Ahab (line 9); (4) that
the expulsion of Israel was accomplished by
Mesha only after a series of battles; (5) that the
cruelty visited on the captured cities resembled the
methods employed by Joshua in the conquests of
Canaan (lines 12 and 17); (6) that the cities and
MOABITES NOT BARBARIANS 147
fortresses retaken were strengthened for future de-
fenses; (7) that the territory recaptured was repopu-
lated; and (8) that the methods of warfare and marks
of civilization were similar to those found in Israel.
We also ascertain the fact that national defeat, as
in Israel, was attributed to the anger of their god.
More important yet is the mention of the name of
Jehovah, to whom Israel is said to have erected arels
— probably altars or shrines, or a sanctuary — in Nebo.
This wonderful document, erected soon after the
death of Ahab, is the finest and oldest Hebrew in-
scription yet discovered. It has not been copied by
scribes through a series of centuries, as is the case
with the books of the Old Testament. But it is seen
to-day just as it was prepared by its artist in the mid-
dle of the ninth century B. C. It tells us also that
the Moabites used the same language and employed
the same customs of warfare as their neighbors and
kin, Israel. We are also aware of the fact that Moab
in the ninth century B. C. was not a barbarous, but
a progressively civilized people.
CHAPTER XIII
SHALMANESER II AND TRIBUTARY ISRAEL
129. The fame of Omri, first king in the fourth
dynasty of Israel, had reached all the surrounding
nations. His influence at the court of Sidon had
favorably introduced his son Ahab and secured
for him matrimonial alliance with the royal house.
His vigorous campaigns east of the Jordan had gained
for him large tribute, and in the settlement of ac-
quired possessions, an outlet for his surplus popula-
tion. The strength of his new capital, Samaria, and
his ability in organizing and building up his kingdom,
had doubtless been carried to the distant capitals of
the Assyrians, for we find in their inscriptions of the
next two hundred years that Canaan was designated
as "the land of Omri," "the land of the house of
Omri." Early in his reign the power of Assyria
began to grow. The first great king in this new
epoch was Assurnatsirpal (884-860 B. C). His con-
quests swept westward to the shores of the Medi-
terranean Sea, but left Syria and Israel practically
undisturbed. The invincible character of his army,
however, sounded a note of alarm to these kingdoms,
whose political schemes for more than two centuries
had been free to run their own course.
148
HINT AT ASSYRIA'S POWER 149
130. The ^on and successor of Assurnatsirpal, Shal-
maneser, came to the throne and ruled for thirty-
five years (860-825 B. C). His administrative powers
were early exerted in maintaining the unity of his
father's realm. His military campaigns reached the
number of twenty-six^ several of which are of especial
interest to students of the Old Testament. The first
intimation of his dangerous approach to Israel ap-
pears in 1 Kings xx. 34. Here we learn that Ahab had
defeated Ben-hadad in battle; or, rather, Syria had
fled at the supposed sound of Israel's approaching
allies. A second battle is fought in the plain near
Aphek, where the God of the Hebrews, being a God
of the hills, as the Syrians supposed, would be pow-
erless to help. The Syrian king and army, however,
met a disastrous defeat. Ben-hadad, at the counsel
of his officers, came out of his hiding-place and pre-
sented himself, with a rope about his neck as an ap-
peal for mercy, to Ahab of Israel. So far as can be
judged from the Kings record, Ben-hadad was not
subjected to the indignities which he, as a captive,
should have received. More than that, Ahab gave
him large quarter, and began negotiations which re-
sulted in a treaty. Some of the stipulations of this
document were that Ben-hadad should restore cities
which his father had wrested from Ahab's father,
Omri, and that Israel should now have streets in
Damascus, as Syria formerly had had in Samaria,
probably as depots or commercial sales-houses.
150 WHY TREAT WITH SYRIA?
131. There must have been in this treaty, either
expressed or implied, another important provision.
How did Ahab show such leniency toward Syria?
Why did he not demand the surrender of Damascus,
or some other thing commensurate with the weight
of his victory? Upon an examination of the political
horizon, we determine that Ahab was not yet ready
to commit national suicide, and that he exhibited
in this treaty some of the best traits of statesman-
ship. If this event is properly located as to time,
we find that the great Shalmaneser II of Assyria,
with his almost invincible troops is sweeping the
country east of the Euphrates; that his army is bent
on a western campaign; and that the political skies
are darkened by the ominous clouds of an invasion.
Syria, as centered at Damascus, was the only barrier
between Ahab and this portent of destruction. To
have cut down Ben-hadad and leveled this breast-
work would have been the height of folly, and the
shortest road to national disaster. This treaty, which
preserved intact the king and kingdom of Damas-
cus, was AhaVs best defense for his own people and
realm.
132. Another evidence of the truth of what has
just been said is found in an inscription of this same
Shalmaneser II (III Rawl. 8, 78-102) :
*' In the eponym-year of Dayan-Asshur (854 b. c), on the
fourteenth day of the month lyyar (about May), I left
Nineveh, crossed the Tigris river, and advanced against
PORTRAIT OF SHALMANESER II
(With an inscription cnt across it)
shalmaneser's record 151
cities of Giammu, on the river Balich. They feared the
awe of my majesty, and the terror of my powerful weapons ;
and they slew with their own arms Giammu, their lord.
I entered Kitlala and Til-sha-balachi. I set up my gods
in his temples, and in his palaces I made a feast. I opened
his storehouse, beheld his treasures, carried away his sub-
stance and goods as spoil, and brought them to my own
city of Asshur. From Kitlala I set out, and approached
Fort Shalmaneser. In boats [or floats] of sheepskin I crossed
for the second time the Euphrates river at its flood. The
tribute of the kings on the farther side of the Euphrates,
of Sangar of Carchemish, of Kundashpi of Kumukh, of Arame
son of Gusi, Lalli of Milid, of Chayani son of Gabari, of Kal-
paruda of Chattin, of Kalparuda of Gurgum : silver, gold,
lead, copper, vessels of copper, I received at Asshur-utir-
atsbat on the further side of the Euphrates, in the city of
Shagur, which the Hittites call Pitru (Pethor, Num. xxii. 5).
I set out from the river Euphrates, and drew near to Chal-
man (Aleppo). They feared to contend with me, and em-
braced my feet. I received silver and gold as their tribute,
and sacrificed before Ramman of Chalman.
" I marched forth from Aleppo. I approached the cities
of Irchulina of the land of Hamath. I captured Adinnu,
Mashga, and his royal city Argana. I set out from Argana
and arrived at Karkar. Karkar, his royal city, I destroyed,
razed, and burnt with fire. Twelve hundred chariots, 1,200
cavalry, 20,000 soldiers of Hadadezer of Damascus, 700 char-
iots, 700 cavalry, 10,000 soldiers of Irchulina of Hamath, 2,000
chariots, and 10,000 soldiers of Ahab of Israel {A-ha-ab-bu-
mat Sir-'i-la-aa) ; 500 soldiers of the land of Kue; 1,000
soldiers of the land of Mutsri ; 10 chariots and 10,000 soldiers
of the land of Irkanati ; 200 soldiers of Matinu-Baal of the
land of Arvad ; 200 soldiers of the land of Usanata ; 30 char-
iots, 10,000 soldiers of Adunu-Baal of f;he land of Shian;
1,000 camels of Gindibu'u of the land of Arabia,
1,000 soldiers of Ba'asha son of Ruchubi (Rehob) of the land
of Ammon, — those twelve [eleven] kings he took to himself
as allies ; and they marched forth to fight with me in battle.
152 THE CONFEDERATION OP ALLIES
With the splendid forces which the lord Asshur gave me,
with the powerful arms which Nergal, who marched before
me bestowed, I fought with them; from Karkar to Gilza
I routed them ; 14,000 of their fighting men I brought down
with the sword. Like Ramman (the weather god) I poured
upon them a flood [of troops] ; scattered their corpses far
and wide, covered the surface of the plain with their numer-
ous troops, poured out their blood with the sword
I reached the Orontes before turning back. In that battle
I took from them their chariots, their cavalry horses, and
their draught horses."
133. This quite full account of the second cam-
paign of Shalmaneser into the West-land pictures the
attempt of the allied forces to withstand him. The
number of slain in this battle is told in a briefer
record on the obelisk as 20,500 men, while another
account gives the number as 25,000. The Assyrians
advanced as far as the Orontes River before they
turned back. The real issue of the battle is not told.
It seems that it must have been a draw, as no immedi-
ate advantage, toward the South, at least, was taken
by Shalmaneser.
134. The composition of the allied troops is most
interesting. It is evident that the advance of Assyria
into this territory aroused great consternation among
its peoples, who united their military strength and
succeeded in putting a temporary check, at least,
on the vaulting ambition of this new Assyrian mon-
arch. In this arm}'^ we discover the largest com-
panies of troops under the king of Hamath, the king
of Damascus, and under Ahab of Israel. The first
SYRIA AND ISRAEL AT WAR 153
name in the list is that of the king of Damascus,
etymologically the same as Ben-hadad, the peoples
with whom Ahab made his treaty already noted. He
joined common cause with all the provinces on the
east coast of the Mediterranean, to repel a common
enemy and invader. In this army we find also the
Mutsri from Cappadocia, several detachments from
the Phoenician coast, Ammonites from the edge of the
Syrian desert, and Arabs from the desert itself.
Shalmaneser's loss is not given, but his advantage
was so small that he did not return to this territory
for five years.
135. Although the kingdoms of Israel and Syria
were usually at swords' points, the evidence goes to
show that the advance of Shalmaneser forced an alli-
ance between these kingdoms. We ascertain in 1
Kings xxii. that after a peace of three years between
these powers, war again broke out, and Syria again
ravaged the East-Jordanic territory. If the battle
of Karkar occurred in 854 B. C, we must set the
death of Ahab at least three years later, 851 B. C,
for at this time S5rria and Israel were in mortal com-
bat at Eamoth-gilead, east of the Jordan. In two
subsequent campaigns of Shalmaneser, we read of
coalitions between the western provinces, but none
in which Israel is mentioned.
136. Hazael of Damascus, who secured the throne
of Syria by smothering his master, Ben-hadad (2
Kings viii.), plays a large part in some of Shahnan-
154 HAZAEL AND SHALMANESER
eser's campaigns. Mention cannot be made here of
several expeditions between 854 and 842 B. C, as
they did not bear directly on Israel. But in 842 the
Assyrian monarch advanced directly against this
Hazael of Damascus. His own record on a pave-
ment slab from Calah tells the story (III Eawl. 5,
No. 6, 40-65) :
" In the eighteenth year of my reign I crossed the Euphra-
tes for the sixteenth time. Hazael of Damascus trusted in
the power of his forces, marshalled his troops in full strength.
He made Senir (Hermon, cf. Deut. iii. 9), the summit of the
mountain opposite Lebanon, his stronghold. With him I
fought, and defeated him. Six thousand of his soldiers I
brought down with weapons ; 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his
horses, together with his camp, I took from him. To save
his life he fled ; I pursued him ; in Damascus, his royal city,
I shut him up. His plantations I destroyed. As far as the
mountains of Hauran I marched. Towns without number
I laid waste, razed, and burnt with fire. Their innumerable
spoil I carried away. As far as to the mountains of Baal-
Rosh, situated close to the sea (the headland at Dog River),
I marched. My royal image I set up in that place. At that
time I received the tribute of the Tyrians and Sidonians,
and of Jehu the son of Omri."
137. In this sixteenth campaign we find Shalman-
eser reducing Damascus, the Hauran, and all the ter-
ritory to the Mediterranean Sea. Among his tribu-
tary princes or kings we find the name of "Jehu son
of Omri" of Israel. The black obelisk of Shalman-
eser, which represents both in word and in pictures
several nations who paid him tribute, presents us
a line of tribute-bearing personages loaded down
THE BLACK OBELISK OF SHALMANESER II
THE MOABITE STONE
(Of the Ninth Century B. C.)
*'JEHU SON OP OMRl" 155
with goods, while over them we find this inscrip-
tion: "The tribute of Jehu the son of Omri, sil-
ver, gold, basins of gold, bowls of gold, cups of
gold, buckets of gold, lead, a royal sceptre,
staves, I received/^ There is no biblical or As-
S3Tian record of any defeat of Jehu before Shal-
maneser, nor is there evidence that he was merely
paying the tribute of his predecessors on the throne.
The dangerous approach of Shalmaneser, and the
invincible character of his army, forwarned Jehu
that his surest method of deliverance would be to
dispatch his envoys, even if he himself did not go,
and pay the price of submission. "The son of Omri"
has no more significance than to designate Jehu as
Omri's successor on the throne of Israel.
138. The perpetual enmity existent between Israel
and Syria may have led Jehu to hope to form some
sort of an alliance with Shalmaneser whereby he could
gain an advantage over Hazael. In another, and the
last campaign against Hazael, in 839 B. C, we find
the Tyrians and Sidonians again paying tribute,
though no mention is made of Jehu. Whatever may
have induced Jehu to court the favor of Shalmaneser
in 842 B. C, it is practically certain that that act
did not protect him from the incursions of Syria. For
in 2 Kings x. 32, 33, we read : "In those days Jehovah
began to cut Israel short : and Hazael smote them in
all the coasts of Israel; from Jordan eastward, all
the land of Gilead, the Gadites, and the Eeubenites,
156 ISRAEL'S HUMILIATION
and the Manassites, from Aroer, which is by the
valley of Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan." The
withdrawal of Shalmaneser from the West-land gave
Hazael wide opportunity to develop his ambitious
designs. His army, after subjugating the whole
of the East-Jordanic territory, turned westward.
Israel's complete overthrow seemed near at hand.
Hazael crossed the land of Judah, stormed and cap-
tured Gath, one of the great fortresses of Philistia,
and even dictated terms to Jerusalem, the capital
of Judah. Thus the hostility between Jehu and
Hazael resulted in the humiliation and defeat of the
former, and in the growth and development of Syria
beyond any other period of her history.
139. Subsequent events in the kingdom of Israel
add only to the harsh treatment she had received at
the hands of Syria. The record in 2 Kings xiii. 7
says that "there had been left to Jehoahaz of the
people only fifty horsemen and ten chariots and ten
thousand footmen; for the king of Syria [Ben-hadad
III, son of Hazael] had made them to be trodden
down like dust." While during the reign of Ahab
she was able to take her place as one of the three
strongest allies against Shalmaneser at Karkar, Israel
is now nothing more than a small province of Syria,
absolutely under her will and control. This sore
condition of things brought her to her knees, to im-
plore the mercy and aid of Jehovah (2 Kings xiii.
RAMMAN-NIRARl'S CONQUESTS 157
4, 5). "We find that a deliverer was granted, but who
was he? and whence did he come?
140. The West-land remained undisturbed by As-
syria for about forty years, from the middle of Shal-
maneser's reign to that of his grandson, Eamman-
nirari (810-781). That conqueror extended his
boundaries beyond those of any previous king. At
least five campaigns were conducted for the conquest
of these western regions. His campaigns of 804-797
B. C. decided the fate of Phoenicia, Syria, and Pales-
tine. His own epitomized story is as follows (III
Rawl. 35,10-18):
" As far as the shores of the great sea at the rising of the
sun, from the banks of the Euphrates, the land of the Hit-
tites, the land of the Amorites to its farthest limits, the land
of Tyre, the land of Omri, the land of Edom, the land of the
Philistines, as far as the shores of the great sea (Mediter-
ranean) at the setting of the sun, I subjected [them all]
to my yoke, tribute and presents I required of them.
Against the land of Syria I marched; Mari', the king
of the land of Syria, I shut up in Damascus, his royal city.
The terror of the majesty of Asshur, his lord, overwhelmed
him ; he embraced my feet, he became a vassal."
141. This account tells us that the rival power,
Damascus, was crushed, that Israel was released from
the immediate presence of a dangerous foe, and that
the entire east coast-line of the Mediterranean Sea
was compelled to yield submission to the king of
Assyria. The tenor of the record of the Assyrian
king leads us to conclude that of all his conquests,
158 SYRIA CRUSHED
that of Syria and Damascus was the most impori:ant.
Its subjection meant not only release for Israel, but
freedom in the immediate future to extend their
power and increase their revenues. Without the
statement of the definite facts in the fragmentary
inscriptions of this king, it is probable that Ramman-
nirari exercised his sway and collected his tribute un-
til the time of his death (781 B. C). The expansion
of Israel under Jeroboam II, and of Judah under
Uzziah, occurred during the following decades of in-
activity on the part of the kings of Assyria.
CHAPTEK XIV
TIGLATH-PILESER III AND THE WARRmG JEWISH
KINGDOMS
142. After the death of Eamman-nirari (810-781
B. C), the next three kings of Assyria employed their
mediocre strength and all their time in the neigh-
borhood of their capitals. The West-land was prac-
tically abandoned to the will of its populations. Ar-
menia especially was the object of Assyrian conquests,
though its resistance was so formidable as to force
Assyria to withdraw from the field. Armenian docu-
ments preserve for us that side of the question, and
show that Armenia assumed even an offensive atti-
tude toward the Assyrian provinces in the North.
The weakness of the Assyrian kingdom is apparent
when it is said that the monarchs were barely able
to hold their own in their capital. Their inaction
certainly reveals a condition which might seriously
endanger the permanency and perpetuity of the
Assyrians as a world-power.
143. But this period of Assyrian inactivity was the
opportunity of the West-land. Jeroboam II, the
fourth king in the dynasty of Jehu, who began to
reign about the time of the death of Eamman-nirari,
159
160 ISRAEL'S EXPANSION
rose to the occasion. The chastisement and humili-
ation of the kingdom of Syria by the late Assyrian
king opened a door for Israel's expansion. Jeroboam
not only recovered the Israelitish territory which had
fallen subject to Syria, but engaged in campaigns
directly against her. His marvelous military suc-
cesses carried his arms and planted them on the banks
of the Euphrates, and at Hamath, in northern Syria.
On the east of the Jordan also he conquered the
Moabites, and set his southern boundaries at the
lower end of the Dead Sea. This immense territory
gave Israel her largest realm and made possible for
her the natural development of her resources. This
expansion of territory soon resulted in increased
revenues, in larger influence over her neighbors, and
in more abundant leisure and luxury. These com-
mercial and social conditions and their direful re-
sults are set forth in the gruesome pictures of Amos
and Hosea.
144. The kingdom of Judah, now under the reign
of Uzziah, likewise took advantage of the decline of
S3rria and the absence of Assyria. The two kings,
contemporaries, and on peaceful terms, were almost
equally victorious in their respective spheres. Uzziah
wholly conquered the Philistines, and the peoples to
the south and southeast, until he reached practically
the southern boundaries of the old Solomonic realm.
This territory and people he thoroughly organized.
He established a large and well-trained standing
ACME OP PROSPERITY 161
army, to meet all emergencies that might endanger
a kingdom like his. He strengthened the fortifica-
tions of Jerusalem by adding to its defenses some of
the most formidable weapons of his times. His inter-
est in the direct welfare of his people is seen in the
fact that "he hewed out many cisterns, for he had
much cattle" (2 Chron. xxvi. 10), and thus took a
lively interest in husbandry and agriculture.
145. The two kingdoms of Israel and Judah, under
Jeroboam II and Uzziah respectivel}^, mark the acme
of political and commercial prosperity of the divided
kingdom. Their combined territory was now almost
coterminous with the Davidic and Solomonic realm.
Their opportunity was due to the former great power
of Assyria in crushing Syria, and her present inac-
tivity in the West-land. This prosperity, especially
of Israel, led to her decay, while that of Judah was
followed in the reign of Ahaz by disastrous species of
idolatries and by rebellion against Jehovah.
146. The precarious health of the Assyrian king-
dom was entirely restored by the accession^ probably,
usurpation, of the throne by Pulu, or as he chose to
call himself, Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 B. C).
This king took hold of affairs with a new grip. He
shook up the dry bones of the last thirty-five years,
and inaugurated a new and aggressive policy. He
made rapid work of his conquests throughout his
realm. His plans of organization and government
differed from those of all his predecessors. They so
162 TIGLATH-PILESER IN THE WEST
unified and strengthened his hold upon his peoples
that the Assyrian seemed for once to be permanently
established. His policy of deportation of rebellious
subjects and of the importation of foreign subjects to
take their place, was continued by successive Assyrian
rulers with the best of results. In addition to this,
Tiglath-pileser established in his vassal states, wher-
ever possible, a civil in place of a military administra-
tion, one in which the populace would have some part
or word. Of course, we cannot indicate here the
merest outlines of the healthful influence of these
governmental reforms.
147. The first two years of Tiglath-pileser's reign
were occupied in settling affairs, quelling uprisings,
and establishing his authority in Mesopotamia, even
down to the south of Babylon. For the next three
3^ears (743-740) he was engaged about Arpad, in
Northern Syria, both in taking its adjacent territory
and in storming that city. It finally fell, and Assyria
became master of all the adjoining communities.
The Hittite peoples on the Orontes and in northern
Syria rendered submission, and were made a part of
the Assyrian domain (739 B. C). In the next year
of his reign Tiglath-pileser made further additions to
his realm. As one of the results of this campaign, his
own records say (III Eawl. 9, No. 3, 30-32) : '^Nine-
teen districts belonging to Hamath, together with the
towns in their circuit, situated on the sea of the
setting sun (Mediterranean), which in their faithless-
WESTERN REALM OP ASSYRIA 163
ness had revolted against Azariah, I restored to the
territory of the land of Asshnr; my officers, my gov-
ernors I placed over them." One of the peculiar
statements of this inscription is the remark that peo-
ples near Hamath had revolted against Azariah.
Who was this Azariah? Another fragment of an
inscription settles the question when it says (III
Eawl. 9, No. 2, 2-3) : "In the course of my campaign
[I received] tribute of the kings (?): [Azar]iah,
the Judean," etc. It seems, then, that Uzziah of
Judah must have had some negotiations with Jero-
boam II, whereby he had secured control or a pro-
tectorate over territory in the far North. The occu-
pants of this territory had thrown off the yoke of
Judah, but were reduced by Tiglath-pileser to vas-
salage to Assyria.
148. In the same year (738) Tiglath-pileser moved
southward against Palestine. In 2 Kings xv. 19-20
we find: "Then came Pul, king of Assyria, against
the land, and Menahem gave to Pul a thousand talents
of silver that his hand might be with him to confirm
the kingdom in his hand. And Menahem exacted
the money of Israel, even of all the mighty men of
wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give
to the king of Assyria. So the king of Assyria turned
back, and stayed not there in the land." The
Assyrian annals of Tiglath-pileser from this time
specify (Layard Inscrip. 50, 10) that he "received the
tribute of Kushtashpi of Kumukli,Rezonof Damascus,-
164 A SUCCESSION OF KINGS
Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre," etc. These
statements inform us that Menahem of Israel, at least,
could not occupy the throne without paying the price
of that position, without turning over to Assyria a
guarantee of his submission. The amount of money
was simply enormous, nearly if not quite one and one-
half million dollars.
This story tells us that the northern kingdom was
nothing more nor less than a vassal province of the
empire of Assyria. With a vast amount of booty, and
guarantees of submission on the part of these western
provinces, including Phoenicia, Syria and northern
Palestine, Tiglath-pileser returned to his capital on
the Tigris. From this point he carried campaigns
over into Media and annexed large portions of that
land to his imperial domain. Toward the North he
chastised and partially annexed Armenia. In 734 he
turned again toward the great West-land, from which
three years before he had transferred to the capacious
coffers of Assyria such enormous treasures.
149. The thrones of the Israelitish kings suffered
frequent changes. Jotham of Judah, whose reign
was mostly contemporaneous with the leprous days of
IJzziah, his father, died in young manhood only a
year or so after his father. His successor was the
youth Ahaz, a character famed for his notorious
wickedness. The throne of Israel was occupied at
Menahem's death by Pekahiah, his son, who in turn
was slain by Pekah, a general in the northern army.
ISAIAH AND DISTRESS 165
These changes only complicated a distressing condi-
tion of affairs and sapped Israel's power of resistance
to any foreign invader or conqueror. There was also
a longing look toward Egypt as the place of possible
deliverance from the Assyrian oppressor.
150. But Assyria had its hand on the country.
The political and social distress of the northern king-
dom is vividly portrayed in the hook of Hosea (chaps.
iv.-xiv.). The southern kingdom, with all its sturdy
kings, its great outward prosperity, and its apparent
conservatism, now fell into young and weak hands.
Its very prosperity as that in the northern kingdom
had supplied the means for the luxury and corruption
which followed with such disaster. In this same
period we have the beginnings of the prophecies of
Isaiah. His spiritual perception discerned the trend
of affairs, and his words from Jehovah gave wise coun-
sel in the face of the impending calamities. The
invasion of the Syrian, and the Ass3rrian hosts, and
the futility of a league with Egypt, are all open to
his keen sense of the situation.
151. Early in the reign of Ahaz, Pekah of the
northern kingdom and Eezin of Damascus made a
league and probably rebelled against Tiglath-pileser.
These two kings, it seems, attempted to force Ahaz
into such a coalition. Isaiah's admonition (chap,
vii.) was that he should quietly trust in Jehovah and
let him control affairs, but the formidable front of
the allies, and his vain endeavor to repel their ad-
166 AHAZ APPEALS TO ASSYRIA
vances, finally drove him to take refuge in his capital
fortress. A portion of the Syrian troops and the
Edomites combined and captured Elath on the gulf
of Akaba. The allies gradually advanced against the
city itself. Ahaz now reduced in territory almost to
the walls of Jerusalem itself, was in great terror.
Even the strong words of Isaiah were of no encourage-
ment to him. To prevent a crushing defeat and
humiliation at the hands of the allied troops now
moving on the city Ahaz made a frantic appeal to
Tiglath-pileser, whose advance in the North was creat-
ing alarm. The purport of his appeal may be seen in
his own words (2 Kings xvi. 7; 2 Chron. xxviii. 16):
"I am thy slave and thy son." These words are a
surrender of his realm and a guarantee of submission
and tribute — these in spite of Isaiah's protest and
prophecies.
152. Tiglath-pileser's campaign had for its pur-
pose the resubjugation and organization of all the
West-land, and still more, the conquest of Egypt.
His campaign of 738 had accomplished much, but
this one of 734 had for its purpose the securing and
completion of that earlier expedition. His line of
march seems to have been down the sea-coast as far
as Carmel. Thence he entered Palestine through the
valley of Jezreel and raided all of the neighboring
country. The royal annalist in 2 Kings (xv. 29)
says : "In the days of Pekah, king of Israel, Tiglath-
pileser, king of Assyria, came and took Ijon and
TIGLATH-PILESER III (745 27 B. C.)
(From a portrait on the walls of his palace)
TIGLATH-PILESER IN PALESTINE 167
Abel-beth-maacah, and Janoah and Kedesh, and
Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, all the land of
Naphtali; and he carried them captive to Assyria?'
Tiglath-pileser's own record, though distressingly
fragmentary, seems to confirm this statement in that
it speaks of territory on the borders of the "land of
Omri," which was annexed to the realm of Assyria.
Tiglath-pileser next advanced against Philistia.
"Hanno of Gaza," says he, "took to flight before my
troops, and escaped into Egypt." The badly broken
text tells intermittently how he captured Gaza, and
carried off vast sums of booty and captives to
Ass}Tia. On this boundary line he erected his statue
symbolizing his sovereignty. In this same fragment-
ary inscription we come upon a most interesting state-
ment. It shews that the monarch, content with
his southern limits, turned his attention to his rebel-
lious foes in the North. His southern campaign had,
at least, prevented any alliance of his rebels with
Egypt, and he could take his own course in disposing
of them. In a fragment of the same inscription
quoted above he says (III Eawl. 10, No. 2, 20):
"Pekah, their king, they overthrew, Hoshea I ap-
pointed over them." The biblical record (2 Kings
XV. 30) says : "'And Hoshea the son of Elah made a
conspiracy against Pekah, the son of Remaliah and
smote him, and slew him, and reigned in his stead."
The two records taken together seem to state that
Hoshea at the instigation and promise of Tiglath-
168 DOWNFALL OP DAMASCUS
pileser, murdered the king of the northern kingdom,
and occupied his throne.
153. The order of Tiglath-pileser's movements at
this time is not quite certain. But his next stroke
after a campaign against Arabia seems to have been
against Damascus, the headquarters of his chief rebel,
Eezin. This formidable capital and fortress was left
for his last great fight. Outside of the city he met
and routed the Sjrrian army (in 733) and drove it
within its walls. He states that Rezin fled "like a
hunted stag into the city through its great gate,"
where he was "shut up like a caged bird." The
Ass}Tian army laid waste all the surrounding coun-
try, the parks, and the city gardens outside the wall.
Important residences, and hundreds of small towns
and villages in every direction were captured and
pillaged. The sixteen tributary districts of Damas-
cus were made "like heaps in the wake of a storm-
flood." This harrowing picture of devastation prac-
tically concludes the fragmentary record of that cam-
paign. That Damascus was taken and its peoples
deported to Assyria seem implied in subsequent
hints. And the biblical record (2 Kings xvi. 9f .) con-
firms this point: "And the king of Assyria went up
against Damascus, and took it, and carried the people
of it captive to Kir, and slew Eezin."
154. This suppression of Pekah of Israel and
Eezin of Damascus made Tiglath-pileser master of
this southern territory of Syria. The appeal of Ahaz
TIG. LORD OP THE WEST-LAND 169
to Tiglath-pileser, though probably not in its proper
chronological order, is noted in Kings just after the
record of the fall of Damascus. The great monarch
is supposed to have summoned his tributary princes
and governors of this West-land to appear before him
in the midst of this captive fortress, Damascus. One
of the notables at this great gathering was the king
of Judah, the ignoble Ahaz (2 Kings xvi. 10). He
had sent to Tiglath-pileser as a gift, "the silver and
the gold which were found in the house of Jehovah
and in the king's house." Probably this was simply
the first installment of a tribute which thereafter he
paid annually into the treasury of Assyria. In a list
of his western subjects, Tiglath-pileser includes,
among a host of others, these names (II Eawl. 67,
61-62): "Matanbi'il of Arvad, Sanipu of Ammon,
Salamanu of Moab, Mitinti of Ashkelon, Ahaz of
Judah, Kaushmalak of Edom, Hanno of
Gaza.'' These were his tribute-payers, who rendered
the same either as the result of conquest, or of fear
before his imperial majesty.
The last reductions or submissions made by the
Assyrian ruler were the coast states of Phoenicia.
These freely paid him an enormous tribute, and with
his vast treasures Tiglath-pileser returned to his east-
ern capital.
155. The remaining four years of his life were
spent in the East. The peoples of Babylonia, the
Chaldaeans, presented a very obstinate resistance to
170 tiglath-pileser's glory
his authority, but by the end of two years he suc-
ceeded in establishing his power and in so transport-
ing the population as to avoid immediate rebellion.
The last two years of his life were spent in extend-
ing his architectural schemes, building and beautify-
ing his palaces and temples, and in recording the
annals of his reign. His last days were spent in
peace and quiet, and in the enjoyment of his well-
won victories, and his abundant resources. His reign
meant for Israel the end of all independence, the
position of a subaltern after chastisement, and the
humiliation of a petty province. For Assyria, his
reign meant strong organization, better unification of
the peoples conquered, and vigorous transportation of
rebels as a prevention against future uprisings.
CHAPTEE XV
SARGON II AND THE FALL OP SAMARIA
156. Tiglath-pileser III died, and was succeeded,
probably, by his son, Shalmaneser IV in 727 B. C.
Up to the present time we are so unfortunate as not
to have discovered any documents or annals which
this king may have prepared. In the Old Testament,
however, we have two distinct references to him and
to the part that he took in the final overthrow of
Samaria. The Israelitish king on the throne was
Hoshea, the appointee of Tiglath-pileser (152).
Shalmaneser's relation with Hoshea is summed up
in these biblical statements (2 Kings xvii. 3-6): "[3]
Against him [Hoshea] came up Shalmaneser, king of
Assyria; and Hoshea became his servant, and brought
him presents. [4] And the king of Ass3rria found
conspiracy in Hoshea; for he had sent messengers
to So (or Seve), king of Egypt, and offered no present
to the king of Assyria, as he had done year by year :
therefore the king of Assyria shut him up, and bound
him in prison. [5] Then the king of Assyria came
up throughout all the land, and went up to Samaria,
and besieged it three years. [6] In the ninth year
of Hoshea, the king of Assyria took Samaria, and
171
172 EGYPT ON THE HORIZON'
carried Israel away unto Assyria, and placed them
in Halah, and in Habor, on the river of Gozan, and
in the cities of the Medes." The next account is
found in connection with Hezekiah's reign (2 Kings
xviii. 9-11). [9] And it came to pass in the fourth
year of king Hezekiah, which was the seventh year
of Hoshea, son of Elah, king of Israel, that Shalman-
eser, king of Assyria, came up against Samaria and
besieged it. [10] And at the end of three years they
took it: even in the sixth year of Hezekiah, which
was the ninth year of Hoshea, king of Israel, Samaria
was taken. [11] And the king of Assyria carried
Israel away into Assyria, and put them in Halah, and
in Habor, on the river of Gozan, and in the cities
of the Medes.^' Aside from material for checking the
dates, these records are practically one and the same.
157. The political situation which led to this final
act is gathered from contemporaneous records. It
appears that Hoshea, always loyal to his old master,
Tiglath-pileser III, had become involved in political
intrigues of a serious nature. The death of Tiglath-
pileser had allowed Hoshea to turn his eyes in
other directions. A new king, an Ethiopian, had
just risen to the throne in Egypt. His fears and
his ambition turned toward Asia, — fears that the pro-
gressive power of Assjrria would ere long cross the
borders and seize the scepter of Egypt, — ambition
to duplicate the illustrious careers of his predeces-
sors on Egypt's throne, Thothmes III and Kameses
ASSYRIA'S STROKE AT EGYPT 173
II. Since Shishak's invasion of Rehoboam's realm,
Egypt had not reached even Jerusalem. Change of
rulers on the Tigris gave So (Shabaka) of Egypt his
opportunity. Doubtless these western rulers were
quite willing to enter a coalition against Assyria, and
to combine with their near neighbors, Egypt.
158. Eumors of rebellion, along with refusals to
pay the usual annual tribute, reached the ears of
Shalmaneser. The Assyrian army, together with the
provincial garrisons, adopted means for suppressing
it. The mere presence and demand of the Assyrian
officials brought Hoshea to his knees, and he paid the
tribute. We must note also that Hoshea, notwith-
standing his pretended submission to Shalmaneser,
sent messengers to Seve (or Shabaka) of Egypt to
consummate a league. Simultaneously, apparently,
he refused to pay further tribute to Ass3rria. This
precipitated the plans of Shalmaneser, and Hoshea
was seized, either in battle or in his capital, thrown
into chains and imprisoned. His place of confine-
ment and his fate are as yet unknown. The land of
Israel was raided and its capital, Samaria, besieged.
Whatever combination may have been effected with
the king of Egypt, it availed nothing for Israel. Her
capital was doomed before the invincibles of Assyria.
159. The statements in the biblical records (2
Kings xviii. 9-11) seem to say that the king of As-
syria, who laid siege to Samaria, also captured it.
But that credit is claimed by Sargon II, the sue-
174 THE FALL OF SAMARIA
cessor of Shalmaneser IV, in December, 722 B. C.
The change in the occupants of the Ninevite throne,
apparently, brought about slight disturbances in the
empire. The armies of occupation and siege
remained faithful at their posts, and the stability of
the government was not endangered. Sargon's rec-
ords are very full, and specify among the events of
the first year of his reign this one (Winckler, Sargon,
PI. 1, 10 ff.): "The city Samaria I besieged; 27,290
inhabitants of it, I carried away captive; fifty chari^-
ots in it I took for myself, but the remainder (of the
people) I allowed to retain their possessions. I ap-
pointed my governor over them, and the tribute of
the preceding king I imposed upon them." This
record supplements the Kings account, in that it
supplies the name of the captor, and specifies the
number of inhabitants carried away. This record
omits, while the biblical account names, the places
to which they were carried. In addition to this, 2
Kings (xvii. 24f.) speaks of the special importations
by which this territory was repeopled, and the syn-
cretistic worship which sprang up among them.
160. The downfall and deportation of Samaria
marked the last stage in the history of the northern
kingdom. From the close of the reign of Jeroboam
II it had rapidly declined. It had fallen into the
hands of Assyrian monarchs, been raided, plundered,
oppressed, and almost strangled to death. Its final
appeal to the new and aspiring king of Egypt, signed
iSilRisSi^i^
SARGON II (722-705 B. C.)
CAPTOR or SAMARIA
sargon's western wars 175
its death-warrant. Its disappearance, its denationali-
zation, was the most eloquent answer to the religions
and political policies established and perpetuated by
the successive usurpers of its throne. ^^The Ten
Tribes" that were distributed throughout the Assyr-
ian domain, were assimilated, as were the few country
people who remained in the land, with their neigh-
bors. Their captivities extended over many years of
time, and their amalgamation with their nearest
neighbors was rapid and complete. The literary fic-
tion of the discovery of the "lost ten tribes," has
assumed great prominence in some circles. But any
one who has acquainted himself with Assyria's meth-
ods of government, with the wide distribution and
assimilation of the Israelitish captives, and the utter
impossibility of preserving intact the identity of those
tribes as a whole, will recognize the futility of any
attempt to find them. That members of certain
tribes, and many of them, took advantage of Cyrus'
decree is certain. But there is no people or nation
or tongue to-day who can be identified as "the lost
ten tribes."
161. Sargon's incumbency of the throne was put
to the test very early in his reign. The malcontents
of Babylonia demanded vigorous movement on the
part of his army. An indecisive, yet terrific, battle
was fought on Babylonian soil. Sargon temporarily
abandoned this district for the West-land. In 720,
he found that Hamath, in the extreme north, was
176 S ARGON IN THE SOUTH
in revolt. Ilubi'id, the leader, had as his allies among
others, the peoples of Arpad, Damascus and Samaria.
At Karkar he met them and victoriously defeated
them, flaying alive their rebel leader. Suspicious
that the king of Egypt was inspiring these rebellious
uprisings, Sargon pushed his way down along the
Mediterranean sea-coast. Hanno, of Gaza, again, as
in Tiglath-pileser's reign, fled to Egypt. The allied
Egyptian army came to his relief, but Sargon com-
pletely overthrew them at Kaphia, on the coast-line
(720 B. C). Seve, the Egyptian, withdrew to the
Nile, while Sargon carried his captive king of Gaza
and his booty back to Assyria.
162. Sargon occupied his time during the next
eight years in reconquering, reorganizing and uni-
fying his realm. One or two significant remarks in
his records are worthy of notice just here. In 717
Carchemish, the headquarters of the Hittites for
many centuries, fell before his arms, and yielded an
innumerable booty. He sent an army also to pene-
trate the Arabian desert and to bring under his sway
its numerous peoples. In 715 his records read (An-
nals, 94-99) : "The tribes of Tamud and Ibadid, Mar-
siman and Chayapa, far-off Arabians, inhabitants of
the wilderness, of whom no sage or scholar had
known, who had never paid tribute to any king, I
smote in the service of Asshur my lord; the rest of
them I carried away and settled in Samaria. From
Pharaoh, king of Egypt, Samsi, queen of Arabia, and
SARGON AT ASHDOD 177
Ithamar of Sabaea, kings of the sea-coast and of the
wilderness, I received as their tribute, gold the prod-
uct of the mines, precious stones, ivory, ussu plants,
spices of all sorts, horses and camels.'^ The extent
of Sargon's raids and sovereignty, sketched in this
excerpt, stretched southward into the Arabian penin-
sula, and westward to Egypt's borders. There is in
fact recognition by the Pharaoh, Shabataka, of As-
syria's sovereignty. These campaigns yielded an
enormous revenue to the coffers of Sargon.
163. The name Sargon is mentioned but once in
the Old Testament, and that in connection with the
next notable campaign (Isa. xx. 1) : "In the year that
Tartan came unto Ashdod, when Sargon, the king
of Assyria sent him, and he fought against Ashdod
and took it." This campaign took place in 711 (or
713, according to one document) and is described
in Sargon's own records. It appears that Ashdod was
the center of political disturbance, in the southwest,
and that the contagion was likely to spread among
other neighboring dependencies. Azuri, king of Ash-
dod, had conspired with neighboring rulers to throw
off allegiance to Assyria. Sargon had deposed him
and set on the throne his brother, Ahimiti. The
aspiring peoples of this section refused to recognize
Assyria's representative, and set on the throne
Yamani. Sargon's own words are (Winckler's Sar-
gon, pi. 33, 1. 101 f.): "But Yamani heard from
afar of the coming of my expedition, and fled to the
178 ALLIES OF ASHDOD
borders of Egypt, within the limits of Melucha, and
it was not found out where he was fear
of the splendor of my royalty overspread him, and
terror was shed forth upon him; he [king of Mel-
uchaj threw him into chains, and fetters and bands
of iron, and they brought him to Assyria in my pres-
ence."
164, In another inscription Sargon tells us of the
part taken in this sedition by other provinces of
Palestine (Winckler's Sargon, PL 44D, 25ff.): [The
governors] "of Philistia, Judah, Edom, Moab, dwel-
lers by the sea, who paid tribute and gifts to Asshur,
planned a rebellion, did not refrain from mischief,
for in order to stir up rebellion against me they
brought gifts of friendship to Pharaoh, king of
Egypt, a prince who was no savior to them, and en-
deavored to form with him an alliance." The hope
of these western rebels was a defensive alliance with
Egypt. But Sargon's movements were both too
rapid and his strokes too severe to allow such a league
to be in any way effective. The peoples of Ashdod
were severely punished, and even carried away cap-
tive, though there is nothing to indicate that the
neighboring states suffered at his hands. The sub-
mission of the Egyptian king in sending to Assyria
the rebel king Azuri of Ashdod, seemed to guarantee,
for a time at least, no further interference from that
quarter.
165. The chronological order of events during the
sargon's death 179
remainder of Sargon's reign is not certainly known.
If Hezekiah's sickness immediately followed Sar-
gon's campaign against Ashdod (in 711 B. C), then
Merodach-Baladan's embassy, nominally to congratu-
late Hezekiah on recovery from his sickness, but
really to ascertain the possibility of an alliance against
Sargon, took place in 710 B. C. This order is not
impossible, for Sargon's next two or three years were
spent in fully crushing all of his foes in southern
Babylonia. After the conquest and organization of
all his long-dreamed-of realm, Sargon sought to per-
petuate his fame in another way. He established at
Khorsabad, several miles above Nineveh, his royal
headquarters. Here he built his enormous palace,
uncovered by Botta. He entered this magnificent
home in 706 B. C, and in the very next summer
was assassinated by one of his own soldiers.
CHAPTEE XVI
SENNACHERIB'S WESTERN CAMPAIGN AND HEZEKIAH
166. The assassination of Sargon yielded the
throne of Assyria to his son, Sennacherib (705-681
B. C). Whether this son had anything to do with
the intrigue is not known. It is at least significant
that the father's name is not found in the records
of the son. This king of Assyria, from his frequent
mention in the Bible, is most familiar to Bible stu-
dents. His records of his own campaigns, his con-
quests, his cruelties, modify in no important respect
the character attributed to him by the books of Kings
and Isaiah.
167. The earlier activities of Sennacherib were
confined to his eastern and southern boundaries. He
measured lances with the irrepressible Chaldeans of
the South. His own brother, whom he had put upon
the throne of Babylon, was displaced by a usurper;
and this usurper, after one morrth, was deposed by
Merodach-Baladan. Sennacherib swooped down on
the intriguing army of seceders and crushed them,
and established his authority in lower Babylonia. To
•secure himself still further, he captured and pillaged
seventy-five cities and 420 villages; 208,000 captives,
180
22
THE WEST-LAND OVERRUN 181
with nearly a million large and small cattle, he de-
ported to Assyria. As a kind of figure-head, he placed
on the throne of Babylon Bel-ibni, while the country
of Chaldasa was under a military governor. With
these temporary rulers in power, Sennacherib
returned to Nineveh.
168. The most stupendous Assyrian campaign
touching the Old Testament occurred in 701 B. C.
Sennacherib tells his story in simple yet eloquent
words (Taylor Cyl. col. II. 1. 34 f.):
"In my third campaign, I marched to the land of the
Hittites. Luli, king of Sidon, — the glory of my majesty
overpowered him, and he fled to a distant place in the
midst of the sea, and I put his land (under my yoke).
Great Sidon, Little Sidon, Beth-Ziti, Sarepta, Machalliba,
Ushu, Achzib, Akko, his strong cities, his fortresses, gran-
aries, reservoirs, barracks, — the might of the weapons of
Asshur my lord overwhelmed them, and they threw them-
selves at my feet. Ithobal on the throne of royalty I set
over them. Tribute and offerings of my sovereignty yearly,
without fail, I imposed upon him. As to Menahem of Sam-
siruna, Ithobal of Sidon, Abdili'tu of Arvad, Urumilku of
Byblos, Mitinti of Ashdod, Pudu'il the Beth-Ammonite,
Chemoshnadab the Moabite, Malikram the Edomite, all the
kings of the West-land, regions wide-extended, their weighty
gifts with (other) things, they brought before me and kissed
my feet. And Zedekia, king of Ashkelon, who had not sub-
mitted to my yoke — his ancestral gods, himself, his wife,
his sons, his daughters, his kindred, I took away and de-
ported to Assyria. Sharludari, son of Rukiptu, their former
king, I set over the people of Ashkelon : the rendering of
tribute and gifts of my sovereignty I imposed upon him,
and so he became my vassal. In the course of my cam-
paign, Beth-Dagon, Joppa, Bene-Berak, Azur, cities of
182 JUDAH RAIDED AND PLUNDERED
Zedekia, which had not promptly thrown themselves at
my feet, I besieged. I took, I carried ofif their spoil. The
lords, the nobles, and people of Ekron, who had cast into
fetters Padi their king, against their covenants and oath
to Assyria, and had turned him over with hostile intent
to Hezekiah of Judah (and he shut him up in a dungeon) —
feared in their hearts. The kings of Egypt, and the archers,
chariots, and horses of the king of Melucha, a countless
army, they invoked, and they came to their relief. In front
of Elteke they drew up in battle array against me, and
appealed to their weapons. With the support of Asshur
my lord, I fought with them and defeated them. The
commander of the chariot and the sons of the Egyptian
king, together with the commander of the chariots of the
king of Melucha my hands took alive in the thick of the
fight. Elteke and Timnath I besieged and took and car-
ried off their spoil.
(Col. III.) " (Again) I drew near to Ekron ; the lords and
the nobles who had committed sin I slew, and on stakes
all around the city I impaled their corpses. The people
of the city who had done crime and wickedness I took
captive. The rest of them who had not committed sin
and wickedness, and who were not guilty, I set free. Padi,
their king, I brought out from the midst of Jerusalem, and
set him upon the throne of dominion over them, and the
tribute of my sovereignty I imposed upon him.
169. "But Hezekiah of Judah, who had not submitted
to my yoke — forty-six of his fenced cities and fortresses,
and small towns in their vicinity without number, by break-
ing them down with battering rams, and the blows of
o . . . . and the strokes of axes and hammers, I be-
sieged and took ; 200,150 persons, small and great, male
and female, horses, mules, asses, camels, large cattle, small
cattle, without number, I brought forth from the midst
of- them, and counted as spoil. As for Hezekiah himself,
like a bird in a cage, in Jerusalem, his royal city, I shut
him up. I threw up forts against him, and whoever would
come out of the gate of the city I turned back. His cities,
COLOR OP THE RECORDS 183
which I had spoiled, I cut off from his land, and gave
them to Mitinti, king of Ashdod, Padi, king of Ekron,
Zil-bel, king of Gaza, and so made small his territory.
To the former tribute, the gift of their country, the pres-
ents due to my sovereignty, I made an addition and im-
posed it upon him (them). As for Hezekiah himself, the
fear of the glory of my sovereignty overwhelmed him ; and
the Arabs and his other allies, whom he had brought to
strengthen Jerusalem, his royal city, were seized with great
fear. Thirty talents of gold, and eight hundred talents of
silver, . . . great stores of lapis-lazuli, couches of ivory,
arm-chairs of ivory [ covered (!) ] with elephant's hide, ivory
tusks, ussu wood, urkarinu wood, and the like, an immense
treasure ; and his daughters, his palace- women, men-singers,
women - singers, to Nineveh, my royal city, I made him
bring; and for the delivery of the tribute, and rendering
homage, he sent his ambassador."
170. This is Sennacherib's record of that memora-
ble western campaign. Its character is not different
from that of other Assyrian annals of this period.
The Assyrian annalist presents his views of the cam-
paign, or at least as much of it as he wished to appear
in the records of his lord. It is scarcely to be ex-
pected that he would have recorded anything that
would in any way discount the valor or the glory of
the Assyrian troops. The biblical record, on the other
hand, describes the expedition from the view-point
of Judah's annalist. In some respects the Assyrian
and biblical records supplement each other. But in
other respects they leave great gaps unfilled. They
can, however, be so harmonized as to present a rea-
sonably complete story of this campaign.
184 Sennacherib's purpose
171. The object of Sennacherib's campaign lies
well on the surface. It is apparent from his own rec-
ords that he was on an errand of resubjugation. The
Phoenician and the Philistine cities had thrown off
the yoke of Assyria. Even the few among them who
had remained faithful, were forced to join the coali-
tion, as was the case with the authorities in Ekron.
Their king, Padi, was thrown into chains and deliv-
ered to Hezekiah, who lodged him in a dungeon in
Jerusalem. In fact, the whole chain of cities on the
east coast of the Mediterranean Sea, including Jeru-
salem, were parties to this uprising. A careful study
of the situation shows that there was another element
of disturbance, possibly one of the chief elements in
the whole movement. Sennacherib's own records,
and the prophecies of Isaiah (chaps, xxx.-xxxi.), unite
in attributing no small part to Egypt. Tirhakah, as
his forefathers, was not slow to take advantage of
every step toward Asia. Doubtless these rebellious
provinces of Assyria saw that alone they could not
face the armies of Assyria, and that their only hope
of permanent release from her yoke, would be in
an alliance with some strong power like Egypt. The
Egyptian party at Jerusalem, in spite of Isaiah's pro-
tests, despatched ambassadors to the Nile-land to
conclude a treaty. From the general political situa-
tion, it seems that Hezekiah was a leader in this event,
and that this embassy was acting not for Judah alone,
but for the combined allies of the West-land. The
DOWN THE SEA-COAST 185
direct purpose of Sennacherib then was the chastise-
ment and suppression of all the former subjects of
Assyria on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea,
and indirectly, yet not so indirectly, the conquest of
Egypt.
172. According to his own statement he begins his
triumphal march by citing the readiness with which
some of the Phoenician rulers prostrated themselves
at his feet. He stormed and took by force every one
that resisted his demands. Not a word is said about
Tyre unless it is referred to as "in the midst of the
sea." It appears that his presence in this country
was sufficient to call for the submission of every tribe,
who did not feel equal to a fight with Assyrian war-
riors. We find among those who embraced his feet
representatives of Sidon, of Arvad, and of Byblos in
Phoenicia, also of Ashdod, of the Ammonites, of the
Moabites, and of the Edomites. With these loyal
cities and provinces already in hand, Sennacherib ad-
vanced against the aggressive rebels of Philistia and
Jerusalem. Ashkelon and its subject cities first suf-
fered defeat and deportation, and a former king,
faithful to Assyria, whom the anti- Assyrian leaders
had deposed, was restored to his throne. The next
stroke was made at Ekron, whose king, loyal to As-
syria, had been imprisoned by Hezekiah in Jerusalem.
In the midst of the siege, apparently, the approach
of the Egyptian army is announced.
173. Tirhakah had learned of the invasion of Sen-
186 EGYPT AND PHILISTIA DEFEATED
nacherib, and, either in faithfulness to his alliance
with these rebel states of Assjrria, or as a check on the
southwestern advance of the Assyrian conqueror,
mustered his troops and moved toward Philistia. His
army, strengthened by the forces of the governor of
the Sinaitic peninsula, was drawn up in battle array
at Elteke. Sennacherib's army withdrew from Ek-
ron, moved southward, and met them full in the front.
The issue of the combat, according to his account,
was the defeat of the Egyptian army, and the capture
of some of its chief officers. But the Assyrian seems
not to have taken advantage of this victory, or at least
not to have made record of any which he may have
taken.
174. After his defeat of the Egyptians, Senna-
cherib renewed his siege of rebellious Ekron. The
city soon succumbed to his assaults, and was most
severely and cruelly punished. The rebels were im-
paled on stakes all around the city, and the innocent
were set free. The old king, whom Hezekiah had
imprisoned in Jerusalem, was restored to his throne
and laid under tribute to Assyria. It is strange, and
yet instructive, to find that some of Sennacherib's
movements in this plain are not mentioned in his
annals thus far discovered. On the walls of his own
palace in Nineveh we find, recorded in pictures only,
.some of the most important actions of this campaign.
Among these are the beautiful representations of the
siege of Lachich, the reception of its submissive pop-
THE ASSYRIAN ARMY IN JUDAH 187
ulation, and a long line of valuable booty being trans-
ferred to Nineveh. The first of these, shown in the
accompanying cut, explains how the Assyrian army
stormed and captured a strong fortress. Having
thrown up an embankment of earth, they placed upon
it several layers of stone-flagging, upon which they
could operate their heavy battering-rams. The
enemy on the walls rained torches upon the besiegers,
but these were harmless because an attendant on the
ram continually poured over it a stream of water. At
the foot of the mound, we see expert slingers, who
are taking their part in the assault, while others are
undermining the walls of the city.
175. Sennacherib's records are not clear as to the
exact time of his ravaging of Judah. His summary
presents an appalling result of that raid. Forty-six
walled cities and fortresses, with countless villages,
fell before his assaults, and battering-rams. Two
hundred thousand, one hundred and fifty captives
and an innumerable host of cattle were taken as the
spoil of war. After having ravaged and plundered
this territory, he besieged Jerusalem, the capital of
the arch-rebel, Hezekiah. He boasts of having shut
up Hezekiah "like a bird in a cage in Jerusalem," and
of having controlled the gates of the city. But he
nowhere claims to have taken the king or his capital.
His boasts are (1) that he cut off Hezekiah's territory,
and assigned it to three kings of the Philistine ter-
ritory; (2) that Hezekiah and his allies were over-
188 A CHRONOLOGICAL SNARL
whelmed with the fear of his majesty, and (3) that
he sent after him to Nineveh a great mass of valuable
tribute, including even members of the royal court.
This in epitome is Sennacherib's story of his great
western campaign touching Jerusalem, as it appears
in modern form. Let us now see how it relates itself
to the biblical account.
176. The biblical record (2 Kings xviii. 13) says:
"In the fourteenth year of king Hezekiah did Sen-
nacherib, king of Assyria, come up against all the
fenced cities of Judah, and took them." This verse
has been a thorn in the flesh of biblical students.
(1) If the statement is to stand as it now reads, then
Hezekiah began to reign in 715 B. C, and we must
erase at least three statements regarding the syn-
chronism of the reigns of Hezekiah and Hoshea (2
Kings xviii. 1, 9, 10). (2) If Sennacherib were mere
commander-in-chief of Sargon's army, the statement
may refer to Sargon's reduction of Ashdod, though
its statements are rather too sweeping to describe that
campaign. (3) If for the name "Sennacherib" we
substitute that of "Sargon," the difficulty is relieved
though not dissipated. It is not impossible that the
compiler of Kings, finding but a single verse that
referred to Sargon's Ashdod campaign, put that with
its chronological mark at the head of his record of
.Sennacherib's campaigns; and, knowing nothing of
the earlier raid, deliberately changed the name to
Sennacherib as the great figure in Assyria's relation
hezekiah's gift and stress 189
to Hezekiah. (4) One of the documents left by Sar-
gon dates his campaign against Ashdod in the ninth
year of his reign (713); if to this be added the year
of Hezekiah's reign given in this verse, the resultant
is 727 B. C. But no one of these explanations is clear
of difficulties, and it is probably better to refer the
verse, in spite of its mark of chronology, to the cam-
paign of Sennacherib (701 B. C).
177. Taking 2 Kings xviii. 13 as introductory to
the whole account we discover in the next verse that
Hezekiah was not tardy in attempting to avert the
approaching disaster. The chronological order of this
event is not certain, though it probably occurred early
in Sennacherib's movements in Philistia. Hezekiah
sent his embassy to the Assyrian king to Lachish (cf.
174), saying: "I have offended: return from me:
that which thou puttest on me will I bear." The
gift was specified. Hezekiah, by emptying the treas-
uries of the temple and the king's house, and cutting
off the gold-plate of the door-posts of the temple,
sent thirty talents of gold and 300 talents of silver
to buy off Sennacherib. Instead of being satisfied
with this enormous sum of money, the king of As-
syria aspired to take possession of a city which could
pour out on demand such a mass of precious metal.
Accordingly he sent a detachment of his troops from
Lachish to demand entire surrender of the Judean
capital (2 Kings xviii. 17; xix. 8). The Eabshakeh
having asked for an audience with Judean representa-
190 JERUSALEM SAVED
tives, three of Hezekiah's officers met them outside
the city. The Assyrian general made a bold demand
for immediate surrender. He ridiculed their confi-
dence in Egypt, and scorned their trust in Jehovah,
since the gods of no land had been able to stand
before them. He discounted their own strength, and
appealed directly to the people to give up their vain
hope of successful resistance. Having spread con-
sternation and sorrow in Jerusalem, the army with-
drew to Philistia, and found that Lachish had al-
ready fallen, and Libnah was now under siege.
178. At this time, it appears, a courier announced
the approach of the Egyptian army. Sennacherib
now sent messengers with a letter to Hezekiah, af-
firming the utter futility of further resistance, as
no gods had ever been able to stand before Assyrian
arms. The letter doubtless told of the helplessness
of their Egyptian allies, and the certainty of their
overthrow. Hezekiah is so perplexed that he resorts
to the temple and spreads the letter before Jehovah.
As in the case of the first demand for surrender, the
prophet Isaiah comes to the rescue and holds up the
faith of the king, and points out that dire vengeance
is on the track of the Assyrian robber, and that it
will overtake his army, and finally murder him him-
self in his own land. The next statement after
Isaiah's words to Hezekiah tells of the terrible cal-
amity that befell the Assyrian army. "And the angel
of the Lord went forth and smote in the camp of the
EVIDENCE OF DISASTER 191
Assyrians a hundred and fourscore and five thousand :
and when men arose early in the morning, behold,
they were all dead corpses" (Isaiah xxxvii. 36). This
is presumably supported also by another passage (Isa.
xvii. 14) : "At eventide behold terror; and before the
morning they are not. This is the portion of them
that spoil us and the lot of them that rob us."
179. Sennacherib's own records make no mention
of serious disaster to his troops in the Southwest.
But several significant events combine to corroborate
the biblical narrative. In the first place, a tradi-
tion preserved in Herodotus (II, 141) relates that
"Sanacherib, king of the Assyrians and Arabians,"
led a great army against Egypt. This military move
seems to have been subsequent to the subjugation
of Philistia and Judea, and a final stroke to secure
one of the ultimate objects of his expedition — the
conquest of Egypt. The tradition states that the
Egyptian army was made up of artisans and mer-
chants, and that in great fear they encamped at Pelu-
sium, within range of the enemy. The enemy's
camp was completely overrun by an army of field
mice, which gnawed apart all of their leather trap-
pings, such as bow-strings, quivers, and shield-straps.
On the next morning, with only fragments of weap-
ons, the Assyrian troops were routed, put to flight,
and many of them slain. This tradition has some
basis, doubtless, in fact, and is an echo of some
calamity to the Assyrian army. In the second place,
192 THE TWO RECORDS COMPARED
Sennacherib's record, as given above (169), gilds the
termination of his campaign by giving the astound-
ing array of booty turned over by Hezekiah, though
the biblical record locates such a gift at the time of
the siege of Lachish, some time before the conclu-
sion of his expedition. Again, there is a mystery
hanging about the results of this vast campaign.
Although Sennacherib subjugated the entire eastern
coast-line of the Mediterranean Sea, and carried off
countless booty, and levied tribute on the conquered
cities and provinces, there is no hint in his records
during the remaining twenty years of his reign that
he ever again visited this territory. It seems that
some spectre haunted his memory and blighted his
ambition regarding the final conquest of Egypt.
180. Now we are enabled to see wherein the two
records agree, and in what respects they may be dove-
tailed. Both agree (1) if we count in the pictures
in the Ninevite palace, that Sennacherib laid siege
to Lachish; (2) that Hezekiah, as a rebel, sent a
handsome gift (or tribute) to purchase the favor of
the king of Assyria, though differing as to the time;
(3) that Egypt was an ally of Judah, upon whom she
leaned for support at this time; (4) by implication
only, that some disaster suddenly cut short Senna-
cherib's campaign and conquests. The remaining
statements of the two records vividly paint their own
pictures. The remarkable thing is the fact that the
records so fully corroborate each other — that the
SUPPOSED JEWISH CAPTIVES AT WORK AS SLAVES
IN NINEVEH
SENNACHERIB'S DEATH 193
Assyrian king and the compiler of Kings agree in
so many particulars, and introduce so few new diffi-
culties.
181. Sennacherib's reign was marked by many cruel,
inhuman, and almost fiendish acts, such as the awful
destruction of Babylon, which returned in vengeance
upon his own head. His death was a characteristic
oriental court tragedy. While worshiping at the
shrine of his god Nisroch ("Nusku," in Assyrian),
he is brutally assassinated by his two sons (2 Kings
xix. 37). The Babylonian chronicle speaks of only
one as the assassin. This was the concluding act of
an insurrection in Nineveh. Neither of these two
guilty sons succeeded to the throne of their father.
The aspiring assassins were younger sons of the great
monarch, but, nevertheless, hopeful that their deed
would command general approval and win for one
of them the throne of the empire. But, cruel as is
man, justice always pronounces the final sentence.
CHAPTEK XVII
THE LAST CENTURY AND THE FALL OF ASSYRM
183. The death of Sennacherib and the accession
of his son marked the opening of a new era in the
history of the Assyrian empire. The biblical record
(2 Kings xix. 37) states that the assassins of Senna-
cherib ^^escaped into the land of Ararat, and Esar-
haddon his son reigned in his stead." This two-line
notice covers a multitude of events. Fortunately, we
have a brief inscription in the Babylonian chronicle
that gives us a fragmentary portraiture of the polit-
ical situation. ^^In the month of Tebet (December,
681 B. C), the 20th day, Sennacherib, king of
Assyria, his son in an insurrection slew him. Twenty-
three years Sennacherib administered the kingdom
of Assyria. From the twentieth day of the month
Tebet until the second day of the month Adar (Feb-
ruary, 680), the insurrection prevailed in Ass)rria.
In the month Sivan (May, 680), the eighteenth day,
Esarhaddon his son seated himself upon the throne
in Assyria." The power of the insurrection in Nine-
veh was broken at the end of one month and a half.
But the new king, who was probably occupied in
suppressing rebellious subjects outside of Nineveh,
194
ESARHADDON IN ASIA 195
was not formally installed as king until five months
after the murder of his father.
183. This new king inaugurated a new policy
of administration and control. He sought to restore
to prosperity the Babylon and Babylonia which Sen-
nacherib had so wantonly and cruelly laid waste and
destroyed. He conciliated the population of that
region by restoring to their former position the hu-
miliated gods of Babylon. He lifted the royal city
out of its wasteness and ruin, and made it the proud
abode of Nebo and Merodach. He declared hfmself
ruler of Babylon, but subordinate to those chief
deities. His popular policy elevated him at once in
the estimation of the people, and gave him almost
undisputed command of this territory. His next
move (678 B. C.) was toward the West-land. Phoe-
nicia was the first to feel his power, and readily
yielded, except the island city. Tyre. No resistance
of any kind seems to have interfered with his south-
ward march, until he struck the Arabian desert.
Here he spent presumably two years (675-674 B. C.)
in the subjugation of Arab tribes on the east and
southeast of the Gulf of Akaba, and in the Sinaitic
peninsula. These conquests cut off from Egypt all
supplies and allies from their eastern friends and de-
pendencies, and made Esarhaddon master of all the
eastern roads to Egypt.
184. The Babylonian chronicle mentions two expe-
ditions of this king into the Nile-land. The first
196 esarhaddon's sway
occurred in 673, without, apparently, any secure re-
sults. The second took place in 670: "In the tenth
year in the month Nisan the troops of Assyria
marched against Egypt." The same Ethiopian king
of the twenty-fifth dynasty, Tirhakah, who met Sen-
nacherib (in 701) at Elteke, was on the throne. Sev-
eral successive battles were fought. The Egyptians,
though constantly retreating, presented a checking
resistance. At last Memphis was reached, and fell
after a half-day's siege. As a warning and a terror
to their antagonists, the Assyrians plundered and
destroyed this old capital. Tirhakah fled to his
native land, while all Egypt now laid down arms be-
fore the indomitable Assyrian. The dream of former
Assyrian rulers had materialized. Egypt now be-
came an Assyrian province, administered by Assyrian
officers. Esarhaddon's only regret was that Tyre
could not be taken. On its island rock it stood out
alone in open defiance of the new world-conqueror.
185. This new victor, though king less than thir-
teen years, surpassed the record of all his prede-
cessors. He numbered among his subjects the most
cultured nations of that day. The ruling king of
Judah was Manasseh, whose record is Such a blot on
the story of the kings of Israel. His allegiance to
Assyria was undoubtedly avowed on the first appear-
ance of Esarhaddon before the Phoenician cities.
In a list of twenty-two royal subjects in the West-
land and the island of Cyprus, we find "Manasseh,
ESARHADDON, KING OF ASSYRIA
(Representing the submission of Tirhakah (Ethiopian
king of Egypt 704-663 B. C, 2 Kings xix. 9), the
smaller figure, and of Baal, king of Tyre, to his
authority. They are held by thongs passed through
their lips.)
ASSURBANIPAL IN EGYPT 197
king of Judali," also the rulers of Edom, Moab, Gaza,
Ekron, Byblos, Beth-Ammon, Mitinti, king of Ash-
kelon, and Ahimelech, king of Ashdod. The brief
records of Kings are silent on the political relations
of Manasseh. The literary artist has exhausted his
dark colors in portraying the infamy of his idolatrous
career. Esarhaddon^s supremacy continued in this
territory until his untimely death in 668, while on
another expedition to his rich and valuable province,
Egypt.
186. Esarhaddon's son, Assurbanipal, was his suc-
cessor on the throne of Assyria. One of his first
tasks was to quell the uprisings instigated by Tirha-
kah in his Egyptian province. His Egyptian cam-
paign was apparently entirely successful. Tirhakah's
troops were routed, and the country reconquered as
far as Thebes. Upon the withdrawal of the main
Assyrian army, malcontents arose in the delta and
plotted rebellion, but were duly suppressed, slain with
barbarous cruelty, and their leaders carried to Nine-
veh. But the disaffected could not be satisfied. An-
other open rebellion broke out, which required for
its arrest the presence of the main Ninevite army.
This campaign was conducted with terrific severity
and celerity. The rebels retreated in hot haste to
the south, to Thebes. At the approach of the
Assyrians they fled up the Nile. Thebes was merci-
lessly pillaged, and the Egyptian army pursued and
defeated at Kipkip, the capital of Nubia (662).
198 THE BABYLONIAN REVOLT
This completed the subjugation of all Egypt, and the
Assyrian army, loaded with trophies, returned to their
capital, Nineveh. This event marked the culmina-
tion of Assyrian supremacy in the Nile-land. The
next few years saw their power honeycombed and
on the wane. With the rise of Psammetichus I,
strengthened by a force of voluntary allies, Assyria
was obliged to relinquish her claims on Egypt.
Isaiah xix. is a rough sketch of the Assyrian domina-
tion of this old civilization.
187. The king of Assyria had problems enough in
the East to occupy his whole time. His own brother
on the vassal throne of Babylon had long dreamed
of a kingdom all his own. Early in his reign he had
planned to accomplish just this thing. But the close
attention of the Ninevite king to the details of the
administration of Babylon, as well as to the govern-
ment of neighboring provinces, furnished no oppor-
tune moment for such a stroke. The barbarity, too,
which was visited upon rebel officers served to check
any move which might endanger his authority. But
the time ripened, and the long-laid schemes were
brought to fruition. The entire southern and south-
western provincial dependencies of Assyria struck for
freedom and independence, probably with Shamash-
shum-ukin, the king's brother, as their leader.
Assurbanipal presents his side of the case in the fol-
lowing statement (Rassam Cyl. col. iii. 96-108):
"Yet he, Shamash-shum-ukin, an unfaithful
BABYLONIA SUBDUED 199
brother, who did not observe the covenant made with
me, incited the people of Accad, the Chaldseans, the
Aramaeans, the people of the sea-land from Akaba
to Bab-Salameti, my servants and subjects, to rebel
against me. Ummanigash, the fugitive, who had em-
braced my royal feet, whom I set on the throne of
Elam, and the kings of the Gute, of Palestine, of
Melucha, whom I had installed by the warrant of
Asshur and Beltis, — all of these he set at enmity
against me, and they made common cause with him.
The gates of Sippar, Babylon, and Borsippa he
barred, and cancelled the bond of brotherhood.'*
188. The stupendous revolt was charged to the
aspiring and invidious brother on the throne of Baby-
lon. The regular army of Assyria promptly sensed
the situation, and just as vigorously struck at Baby-
lonia, the head of the rebellion. The rebels were
repulsed in battle after battle, and the territory of
Babylonia so foraged and pillaged as to cut off the
resources of the rebel headquarters. The heavily-
walled cities of Sippar, Cutha, and Borsippa fell
before the intrepid warriors of Nineveh. The capi-
tal city in which the rebel brother resided was finally
forced to fall. The inhuman barbarities executed
upon rebels in other cities led Shamash-shum-ukin
to withdraw into his palace and apply the torch to
his own funeral pyre. This put an end to the devas-
tation of country and cities in Babylonia. Assur-
banipal then became undisputed king of Babylon, in
200 REBELS IN THE WEST
648 B. C. The permanency of his authority, how-
ever, was not assured until he had scourged Elam
and plundered the rich treasures of its capital city,
Susa (cf. 235).
189. The record of Assurbanipal mentions, as
other parties to the revolt, certain peoples of the
West-land. Just how valuable they were to the de-
signs of the leader is not apparent. But Sennacherib
and Esarhaddon emphasized the importance of their
conquests in Arabia and Melucha (that is, the Sina-
itic peninsula). Even the battle of the allies against
Shalmaneser II at Karkar (in 854 B. C.) had a de-
tachment of Arabian troops. We even find in Assur-
banipal's reports that a certain Arab chief on the
east of Palestine, Wateh-ben-Hazael, had sent two
of his chiefs with a troop of cavalry to assist in the
Babylonian uprising. Of all the peoples of Pales-
tine, none were of more importance as allies than
those of Judah, with their strongly fortified capital,
Jerusalem. The king now on the throne was Manas-
seh, a former vassal of Esarhaddon. From all the
statements and hints in the cuneiform records, from
the general political condition of this West-land,
Manasseh was involved in this rebellion against the
king of Assyria.
190. This western branch of the uprising occupied
the next attention of Assurbanipal. To meet the
conditions promptly and decisively, the Assyrian
army made one of the most remarkable marches re-
manasseh's captivity 201
corded in all oriental history. To save time, and to
avoid the publicity necessitated by a march over the
regular caravan routes, and to strike the rebels un-
awares, the army crossed the Tigris and Euphrates
rivers and plunged through the Syro- Arabian desert.
This daring feat permitted them to strike suddenly
and victoriously the peoples of Nebaioth and their
allies, whom they carried captive to Damascus. In
quick succession the Assyrians chastized and plun-
dered all the rebels, carrying multitudes of them into
captivity. The host of cattle and camels driven to
Nineveh was so great, according to their reports, that
it filled all the land.
191. That Manasseh had been tributary to Assur-
banipal is attested by the fact that we find "Manas-
seh, king of Judah" in a list of twenty-two of his
vassal kings in the West-land. It is not identical
with that of Esarhaddon's (185), as it contains, in
some cases, other names than those in his list. In
2 Chronicles (xxxiii. 10-13) we read: "And Jehovah
spoke to Manasseh and to his people; but they gave
no heed. Wherefore Jehovah brought upon them
the captains of the host of the king of Assyria, which
took Manasseh in chains, and bound him with fetters,
and carried him to Babylon. And when he was in
distress he besought Jehovah his God, and humbled
himself greatly before the God of his fathers. And
he prayed unto him; and he was entreated of him,
ajid he heard his supplication, and brought him
202 assurbanipal's limits
again to Jerusalem into his kingdom." The raid of
the Assjrrian captains is here charged to the heedless-
ness of Manesseh to the injunctions of Jehovah.
Doubtless the prophets had warned him against tak-
ing any part in the rebellion already described. It
is suggested that he may not have gone further than
to confer with the powerful Arab tribes regarding
such an attempt, as was made, to throw off Assyria's
yoke. At any rate, he was seized and carried in true
Assyrian fashion to Babylon, of which Assurbanipal
had just announced himself king (648 B. C). The
Chronicles record states that upon repentance he was
restored to the throne. This is not improbable, since
we know that this same Assyrian king carried cap-
tive to Nineveh a certain Egyptian rebel, Necho,
and afterward restored him to his former seat of
power. It is of no consequence that this incident
is not mentioned in the Assyrian annals. It was only
of minor importance, and merited no notice at the
hands of the great Assyrian recorder.
192. It is manifestly impossible and quite beyond
our purpose in this connection to follow Assurbani-
pal in detail to the end of his career. He had now
lost Egypt, but had succeeded in putting down the
rebellion which had involved all of his southern and
southwestern possessions. The northern peoples,
east and west, had also achieved their independence,
leaving to Assyria merely the great valley of the
two rivers and the peoples of the West-land. The
THE SCYTHIAN INVASION 203
compactness of this realm gave him an opportunity
so to organize his government as to insure its per-
manency. But this he failed to do. Peace was
maintained only by the presence of Assyrian troops.
The annals of this king do not carry us farther
down in his career than 643 B. C, about sixteen
years before his death. We know that he turned his
latter days largely into literary pursuits. He founded
and filled a vast library with copies of the most valu-
able ancient documents. These were prepared by an
army of expert scribes who traveled from city to city
in Babylonia, selecting and copying the choicest
pieces of literature. To Assurbanipal's energy in
this line are we indebted for the creation and deluge
tablets discovered at Nineveh (33). The last days
of this king are wrapped in obscurity, an obscur-
ity that omens disaster to his great empire, that
teems with visions of rising kings and vengeful
armies, seeking to blot out the perpetual enemy of
their freedom.
193. Southwestern Asia, according to Herodotus,
suffered a calamity in this period. Hardy mountain-
eers of the northeast, under the name of Scythians,
rolled in waves of invasion down across the moun-
tains of Armenia, the upper plains of Mesopotamia,
Sjrria, and Palestine, until bought off on the borders
of Egypt. They are described as uncleanly, wander-
ing hordes who lived in rude wagons or in tents,
and subsisted on mares' milk and cheese, with an
204 ASSYRIA'S RAPID DECLINE
occasional diet of meat. In battle they were more
cruel than a warring Indian. They drank the blood
of their victims, hung their scalps as trophies on
their bridle reins, and used the tops of their skulls
for drinking-cups. Their weapons were bow and
arrows, a short spear, and short sword. They foraged
the country, plundered and destroyed settlements
and villages, and even encountered and defeated
strongly armed troops. The ominous silence of all
other known records than those of Herodotus leaves
us in doubt as to just when or how long these incur-
sions took place. Herodotus' "twenty-eight years"
can scarcely seem correct, though the whole period
from their first appearance on the Median frontier
to their final recession into their mountain steppes
of the north may have occupied so much time. The
time of this twenty-eight years, as Prof. McCurdy
suggests, may have extended from 635-607, a prob-
able date for the fall of Nineveh.
, 194. If now these Scythian hordes swept across
northwestern and western Assjrria, with the direful
results pictured by Herodotus, we can see the prob-
able effect on the Assyrian provinces. This great
empire would lose its western dependencies and draw
its outer lines of supremacy nearer its capital. Doubt-
less Jeremiah (chaps, v. and vi.) has partially in mind
.the invasions of these mountain marauders, and Eze-
kiel (chap, xxxviii.) has not forgotten the devastation
wrought by their raids. Under the shadow of a de-
THE FALL OP NINEVEH 205
dining power Assurbanipal died in 626 B. C. His
successor on the throne was Asshur-etil-ilani, about
whom we know very little. In the next year, 625,
we learn that Nabopolassar, a Chaldaean, was made
viceroy of Babylon, a recognition on the part of the
Ninevite king, at least, of the importance in Baby-
lonia of the Chaldaean element. This descendant
of the irrepressible Merodach-Baladans of former days
soon began to lay his plans for achieving indepen-
dence. The repeated disasters which had fallen upon
the revolutionary attempts of his ancestors taught him
to move cautiously. The sturdy Medians of the north-
east were animated by a like spirit. Negotiations be-
tween these two dependencies resulted in a league,
which was ratified by the marriage of Nabopolassar's
son, Nebuchadrezzar, to a Median princess.
195. We have no first-hand information of the im-
mediate results of the Medo-Babylonian combination.
But the final issue is certain. This coalition not only
secured the independence of its two contracting peo-
ples, but succeeded in trampling to death its former
ruler and oppressor. There is no contemporary de-
scription of the awful vengeance which overtook the
Assyrian capital. But Nabonidus, king of Babylon,
555-538 B. C, has left us his brief account of the
overthrow of Assyria by the hardy Median troops
(Stele of Nabonidus, col. I) : "The king of Assyria,
who in Merodach's wrath had wrought the ruin of
the land, — the son, the issue of his own body, smote
206 PICTURES OP ASSYRIA
him with the sword. . . . as a helper he gave him,
as an ally he made him possess. The King of Um-
man-Manda (Medes), who had not an equal, he sub-
dued; at his bidding he made him march to his
assistance. [Above] and below, [right] and left,
like a flood he overwhelmed; he avenged Babylon;
he multiplied corpses. The king of the Umman-
Manda the fearless ruined all the temples of the gods
of the land of Assyria; and the cities on the border
of the land of Accad, which had revolted against
the king of Accad, and had not gone to his assist-
ance, he destroyed, and left none of their sanctuaries,
he laid waste their cities." The terrific vengeance
which must have been dealt out to her can be par-
tially pictured from this brief inscription, from the
gruesome sketches of the Old Testament, and from
the inevitable action of the law of retribution. We
have no means of knowing how long the siege lasted,
nor by what assaults her high and heavy walls were
finally broken through. But the vigorous young na-
tion gave her the fatal blow that almost wiped her
off the face of the earth. The whole city of Nineveh
was plundered and burned and left a mass of ruins.
Her devastation was so complete and her memory held
in such contempt that she was absolutely abandoned
to the disintegrating and destructive power of the
elements.
196. Assyria was driven to her death in 607 or
606 B. C. Her sudden destruction was a salvation for
NAHUM AND NINEVEH 207
US of her priceless treasures. After almost twenty-five
centuries of oblivion, her vastness, her majesty, her
power, and her cruelty are brought to light and set
down beside the character given her by the writers
of Holy Writ. Isaiah (v. 25-29 and elsewhere), Na-
hum, Zephaniah, and others have left us a fragmen-
tary portraiture of the Assyrian, but, as far as it goes,
as true to life as that painted by the monarches own
artists. Zephaniah describes the punishment that
will be meted out to all the nations, and finally says
(ii. 13-15) of Assyria and its capital: "And he will
stretch out his hand against the north, and destroy
Assyria and will make Nineveh a desolation, and
dry like the wilderness. And herds shall lie down
in the midst of her, all beasts of the nations: both
the pelican and the porcupine shall lodge in the
chapiters thereof: their voice shall sing in the win-
dows; desolation shall be in the thresholds: for he
hath laid bare her cedar work. This is the joyous
city that dwelt carelessly, that said in her heart, I
am, and there is none else beside me : how is she be-
come a desolation, a place for beasts to lie down in!
Every one that passeth by her shall hiss, and wave
his hand." Zephaniah saw in the future the fate that
would overtake this great city.
197. Nahum is the prophet-artist who gives us the
most terrifying and ghastly picture of the final trag-
edy in the history of Assyria. The vividness and
detail, descriptive of methods of defence, of the fruits
208 THE AWFUL VACANCY
of plunder, of the movements of the army in the
streets, and of numerous other data, mark this as
the work of an eyewitness, or of one very familiar
with life in the capital. We see the dash of the
enemy, with his glittering and bounding chariots,
the flashing of weapons, the prancing of the horses,
as the walls are stormed. The defenders prepared a
mantelet to meet the assault (ii. 5). But by some
means or other, possibly, as sometimes suggested,
by the rising and roaring river the walls were under-
mined or the river-gates carried away. "The palace
is dissolved." May it not have been that, like Zimri
in Tirzah (1 Kings xvi. 18), or Shamash-shum-ukin
in Babylon (188), the king of Assyria, seeing
his dread fate so near at hand, preferred to perish in
the burnings of his own palace, than by the merciless
tortures of an angry foe? The bloody combat and
noisy confusion in the streets, result (iii. 3) in "a
multitude of slain, and a great heap of carcasses ; and
there is none end of the corpses; they stumble upon
their corpses." "Take ye the spoil of silver, take ye
the spoil of gold; for there is none end of the store, the
wealth of all goodly furniture" (ii. 9), — gathered
from the ends of the earth.
198. "She is empty and void and waste: and the
heart melteth, and the knees smite together, and
anguish is in all loins, and the faces of them all are
waxed pale" (ii. 10). The looker-on is terror-stricken,
horrified, unnerved and faint at the sudden doom of
A JUST RETRIBUTION 209
the proud city. "Where is the den of the lions, and
the feeding-place of the young lions, where the lion
and the lioness walked, the lion's whelp, and none
made them afraid? The lion did tear in pieces
enough for his whelps, and strangled for his lionesses,
and filled his caves with prey, and his dens with
ravin" (ii. 11, 12). The nation that roared like a
lion (Isa. v. 29), whose chief sport was hunting and
slaying lions, and whose ravages were most fittingly
compared with those of lions, had suddenly disap-
peared, and gone forever. With Nahum's final words
(iii. 18, 19), we close the chapter: "Thy shepherds
slumher, 0 king of Assyria ; thy worthies are at rest :
thy people are scattered upon the mountains, and
there is none to gather them. There is no assuaging
thy hurt; thy wound is grievous; all that hear the
report of thee clap the hands over thee; for upon
whom has not thy wickedness passed continually?''
CHAPTEK XYIII
NEBUCHADREZZAR II AND THE NEW BABYLONIAN
EMPIRE
199. The new Babylonian empire arose on the
ruins of Assyria. While the combined armies of
Babylon and Media were preparing for their final
charge against Assyria, a new and ambitious king
of Egypt, Necho, cast longing eyes toward western
Asia. He resolved to take a hand in the partition of
the empire of the hated Assyrians. With firm con-
fidence in his troops he set out for the Euphrates
river. Josiah, king of Judah, from what motive we
know not, attempted to check his advance. Heed-
less of the warning given him, he rashly rushed into
battle at Megiddo and was carried back to Jerusalem
a corpse. Necho reached his northern goal and estab-
lished himself at Eiblah in Hamath, whence he ad-
ministered the affairs of his newly conquered prov-
inces. Eeport of his advances now came to the ears
of the new authorities at Babylon. The main army
under Nabopolassar moved with the Medes under
Cyaxares against the city of Nineveh, and encom-
passed its walls. Somewhere about the time of the
fall of Assyria, Nabopolassar's own son, Nebuchad-
210
THE CHALDEAN ARMY IN THE WEST 211
rezzar, was sent with a formidable army to strike a
blow at Necho.
200. In 605 B. C. the great armies of Egypt and
Babylon met near Carchemish to decide the question
of the supremacy of southwestern Asia. Necho was
defeated (Jer. xlvi.), and with his army was forced
to retreat to the land of the Nile. The book of 2
Kings does not describe, but merely refers (xxiv. 7)
to the results of this battle. It says (xxiv. 1) : "In
his [ Jehoiakim's] days Nebuchadnezzar king of Bab-
ylon came up, and Jehoiakim became his servant
three years: then he turned and rebelled against
him." What was the date of this occurrence? It is
commonly held, in the absence of positive informa-
tion, that Nebuchadrezzar smote and routed the
Egyptians, and then retired at once to Babylon to
secure himself on the throne. This is not at all im-
probable. On the other hand, it is not quite consonant
with the aggressive character of this young command-
er, not to take immediate and decisive advantage of
this notable victory. It is indeed rather probable that,
while he hastened back to Babylon, he sent the main
army in pursuit of the fleeing Egyptians, to secure
the allegiance of the neighboring peoples of the West-
land. Jehoiakim, a sworn vassal of Egypt, would fall
naturally under the sway of the new conqueror.
Neither is it beyond the range of possibility that this
raid of Palestine yielded such fruits of victory as are
recorded in Dan. i. 1. The difference of one year
212 jehoiakim's disaster
between the dates of Jer. xxv. 1 and Dan. i. 1, always
taking account of the possibility of different chron-
ological methods, is of no consequence whatever, ex-
cept to furnish a basis for an argumentative disagree-
ment. If then the Babylonian army made a rapid
march and secured the sovereignty over these western
provinces, we have in 605 B. C. the beginning of a
captivity of the Jews in Babylon.
201. It is not our purpose to present in full the
biblical record of Judah's decline and fall, but to
rehearse only so much of it as will illustrate the great-
ness of the Babylonian empire. The king's presence
and army seems to have been demanded for the next
several years in Babylonia. Possibly from some
secret intrigues with Egjrpt, his former master, Je-
hoiakim's allegiance to Babylon was broken off at the
end of three years (about 602 B. C). The Chaldean
garrisons located at various strategical points, to-
gether with small bodies or bands of Syrians, Moab-
ites, and Ammonites, harassed him on every side, to
force him back into his former allegiance. At the end
of three or four years (about 598 B. C.) of such war-
fare the great king Nebuchadrezzar himself led his
main army into the West-land. The Old Testament
records recite few details of this expedition. Jeru-
salem itself was visited, and the rebellious king dis-
patched. The chronicler (2 Chron. xxxvi. 6) states
that he was bound in fetters to be carried to Babylon.
The compiler of Kings draws a veil over his demise.
jehoiakin's captivity 213
Jeremiah, in view of his deceitful, intriguing char-
acter, prophesies (xxxvi. 30) that "his dead body shall
be cast out in the day to the heat, and in the night
to the frost;" also (xxii. 19) that "he shall be buried
with the burial of an ass, drawn and cast beyond the
gates of Jerusalem." It is not inconceivable that all
the records are true; that in the general capture of
the city he was taken with other captives, that upon
examination he still showed a rebellious spirit, and
was slain by the order of the king and disgraced by
being cast without the city and left unburied.
202. Nebuchadrezzar chose as Jehoiakim's succes-
sor, his son Jehoiakin. A very brief period served to
test the spirit of the youthful ruler. For within three
months his haughtiness and defiance of authority
brought upon his capital the Chaldean army. At the
approach of the great king, Jehoiakin surrendered,
with his queen-mother, "his servants, and his princes
and his officers" (2 Kings xxiv. 12). Jerusalem was
plundered and immense quantities of booty carried to
Babylon. But of most importance for Nebuchadrez-
zar, who had already projected for Babylonia exten-
sive building schemes, were the seven thousand men
of war, one thousand artisans and smiths, and two
thousand of the best citizens of Jerusalem. This pol-
icy of deportation for the crushing of rebellion was
the same as that inaugurated by the Assyrian kings
of the eighth century. Nebuchadrezzar's plan served
two purposes : it guaranteed, for a period at least, the
214 THE FALL OF JERUSALEM
respectful submission of this western district, and
furnished him the skillful artisans for the execution
of his elaborate projects for the rehabilitation of
Babylonia.
203. Out of the leavings of the population Mat-
taniah, with his name changed to Zedekiah, a younger
son of Josiah, was set on the throne of Jerusalem, as
a sworn vassal of Babylon. Nebuchadrezzar appar-
ently left him practically undisturbed until there was
uncovered a secret plot to join an alliance with
Hophra of Egypt. Doubtless a refusal of Zedekiah
to pay the annual tribute assured the king of Babylon
of the truth of the suspicion. Jerusalem was made
the target of the Babylonian army. It settled down
to a long siege. Jeremiah advised capitulation, and
consequent mercy and life for its occupants. But
the vacillating king, under the control of the rebel-
lious princes, simply echoed their spirit. The Egyp-
tian allies, true to their oath, came to the rescue of
Jerusalem. The Babylonians raised the siege only
long enough to strike them a blow that drove them
back to the Nile-land. After indescribable sufferings
and horrors within the city, mirrored in the book of
Lamentations, at the end of one year and a half
Jerusalem was broken into. The walls had yielded
to the fell strokes of the battering-rams, and the king
with his retinue made a vain attempt to reach the
East-Jordanic country. He was captured and car-
ried to Eiblah, to the presence of the king against
NEBUCHADREZZAR'S WARS 215
whom he had rebelled. True to the Assyrian policy
of cruelty meted out to persistent rebels, his own
sons were slain before his eyes, his own eyes put
out, probably in the manner indicated on Assyrian
monuments, by the use of short spears, and he was
manacled with fetters and carried a prisoner to Bab-
ylon. To forestall the possibility of any future dif-
ficulty in this strong fortress, the city was thoroughly
plundered, burned, its walls razed to the ground, and
the better part of the population transported to Baby-
lonia.
204. The main causal instrument in the overthrow
and destruction of the Judean kingdom was Ne-
buchadrezzar II, son of Nabopolassar, a Chaldean ap-
pointee of the king of Assyria, to the vice-regal gov-
ernorship of Babylon in 625 B. C. This king is men-
tioned more than one hundred and fifty times in the
Old Testament, and sustained the closest relations
with the Jewish captives in Babylonia. During his
forty-three years of administration (604-561 B. C.) he
made Babylon the political, commercial, and religious
center of the civilized world. His achievements by
force of arms must have been something tremendous.
Unfortunately his numerous inscriptions thus far dis-
covered contain merely hints of his martial career.
A few lines out of one of his inscriptions (Phillips
Cyl. col. iii. 18-22, P. S. B. A., Feb. '88) reads: ''The
wide-spread peoples with whom Merodach the lord
filled my hand, to Babylon I subjected. The tribute
216 NEBUCHADR. A RELIGIONIST
of the countries, the produce of the hills, the fullness
of the seas therein I received." An extract from the
great East India House inscription (Col. ii. 12-29)
says: "By his [Merodach's] supreme aid, to far off
lands, distant hills, from the upper sea, to the lower
sea, immense journeys, blocked ways . . a road
of difficulty, a journey of straits I pursued, and
the disobedient I reduced, the rebellious I fettered.
The land I controlled, and the people I made to
thrive, bad and good among the people I separated."
These are general statements regarding his conquests
and his authority, with no specific reference to any
one nation. The inscriptions thus far found do not
describe any of his victories East or West. If ever
the great mounds of Babylon shall be systematically
excavated, we shall hope for large information con-
cerning his notable military career.
205. If now we turn to some other phases of Neb-
uchadrezzar's life, we discover abundant information
in his inscriptions. As a builder he equalled or sur-
passed the marvellous record of Eameses II of Egypt.
He not only laid out and built the city of Babylon
on a magnificent scale, rebuilding more than twenty
temples in that city and in Borsippa, but he greatly
strengthened its fortifications and defenses. He built
great quays on the river's bank, and increased the
facilities for the growing commerce of Babylon. "Is
not this great Babylon that I have built?" (Dan.
iv. 30) was doubtless many times said by him, for
EAST INDIA HOUSE INSCRIPTION
OF NEBUCHADREZZAR II (604-561 B. C.)
NEBUCHADREZZAR'S POLICY 217
upon most of the bricks thus far taken out of this
mound, we find his name. The two most notable
buildings restored were the national temples, of Nebo
at Borsippa, called Ezida ("the enduring house"),
and of Bel Merodach at Babylon called Esagila (^Hhe
house of the exalted head"). The devotional and re-
ligious spirit of Nebuchadrezzar is reflected in many
passages in his inscriptions. Here is a sample (Ball's
Cyl. noted in Light from the East, p. 206): "Neb-
uchadrezzar, the king of righteousness, the humble,
the lowly, who hath knowledge of the fear (= worship)
of the gods, who loveth justice and righteousness,
who seeketh after life, who putteth in the mouth of
the people the fear of the mighty gods; who keepeth
up E-Sagilla and E-Zidda, the true son of Nabopolas-
sar, king of Babylon, am I." "When Merodach, the
mighty lord, to the lordship of the land lifted me up,
and called me an exalted name that I might keep up
the cities and renew his temples
I, the prayerful, the wise,
the suppliant, the worshipper of his god-head, —
of the building up of that house I bethought
myself." In his prayer to Shamash he says: "A
righteous scepter, a good shepherding, a just staff
of rule, prospering the people, adorn my kingdom
forever!" This is the outstanding characteristic of
this monarch in the majority of the inscriptions now
in our possession.
206. This was the type of ruler to whom the
218 ANARCHY IN BABYLON
people of Judah were subject. Whether in Egypt,
under his supremacy, or in Palestine or in Babylonia,
his word was law. We cannot as yet gain in the in-
scriptions so much as a hint as to the political, re-
ligious, and social conditions of the Jewish exiles.
Of course, the biblical picture, in accordance with
Nebuchadrezzar's general policy, is not a dark one.
The Babylonian exiles enjoyed. many of the privileges
of citizens, with settled homes and fixed communities.
Some of these were not far from the great capital;
for the river Chebar near which Ezekiel was active
has just been discovered on two tablets dating from
the reign of Artaxerxes I (464-424). It was a large,
navigable canal, not far from Nippur, southeast of
Babylon (see University of Pennsylvania texts. Vol.
IX, p. 28). In the inscriptions quoted above we saw
that Nebuchadrezzar made it one of the chief aims
of his life to bring prosperity to his subjects, and
therewith to bind' them to himself with ties stronger
than fetters. The respectful, pious Jews must have
experienced a peaceful, prosperous time, aside from
the tearful memories of the wasteness and desolation
of their native land.
207. Nebuchadrezzar's active reign of forty-three
years closed with his death in 561 B. C. The heri-
tage of his son Evil-Merodach (man of Merodach)
was a powerfully organized and stable government.
But the master was gone, and at the end of but two
years the new king was slain by his brother-in-law,
RISE OF NABONIDUS 219
Nergalsharezer. This old warrior and officer at the
fall of Jerusalem, probably identical with Nergal-
sharezer of Jer. xxxix. 3, seized the throne for him-
self. He followed in the footsteps of his father-in-
law, and restored, according to Nabonidus (Corona-
tion Cyl. iv. 3-6) certain temples and palaces and
greatly improved the water facilities of Babylon (I
Kawl. 67, ii. 15-39). At the end of four years (559-
555 B. C.) of rather successful administration, he
died, leaving the throne to his young son, Labashi-
Merodach. Nabonidus in his Stele (col. iv.) says:
"his young son incapable of ruling (?) against the
will of the gods sat on the royal throne" (Ball, p.
214). This gave a body of conspirators their oppor-
tunity, and within nine months the child-king was
murdered. Nabonidus says (Stele, col. v. 8 f .) : "By
the word of Merodach the lord, I was raised to the lord-
ship of the land, while they sang ^0 father of the
land!' and I had no rival. Of Nebuchadrezzar and
Nergalsharezer, the kings that preceded me, I was
their powerful legate; with their troops my hands
were entrusted; against their bidding I sinned not,
and their heart I made glad. As for Evil-Merodach,
the son of Nebuchadrezzar, and Labashi-Merodach
the son of Nergalsharezer .... they broke their
commands." According to the claims of Nabonidus,
he had been a trusted general of the troops of his
predecessors, and by reason of his faithfulness had
been promoted by the favor of Merodach to the sov-
220 NABONroUS AND WORSHIP
ereignty over Babylon. It is not improbable that
he was the chief instigator of the murderous con-
spiracy, and that success in the attempt was regarded
as the favor of Merodach.
208. We possess a large amount of literature from
the years of the reign of Nabonidus (555-538 B. C).
There are several semi-historical inscriptions and
more than a thousand commercial tablets — already in
published form. These date from every year of his
reign and give us an intensely interesting insight
into commercial methods and social life in Babylonia
under the eyes of the Jewish exiles. Nabonidus' ac-
tivity spent itself, so far as his records inform us,
in maintaining the stability of the empire in
strengthening the fortifications on the Euphrates,
and in restoring and beautifying the temples of the
gods. In one inscription (V Eawl. 64, col. i. 38-49)
we find a good illustration of the zeal of Nabonidus
in this direction : "I gave command to my widely dis-
tributed peoples, from the land of Gaza, on the bor-
der of the land of Egypt, from the upper sea beyond
the Euphrates unto the lower sea, the kings, princes,
governors, and the numerous peoples which Sin,
Shamash, and Ishtar, my lords, had intrusted to me,
to build E-gul-gul, the temple of Sin, my lord, who
walks beside me which is within the city of Har-
ran, which Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, son
of Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, a prince of my
predecessor, had buiU." He states that he fully
NABONIDUS' DECLINE 221
restored and rededicated this great temple "and the
city of Harran, to its entire extent, — like the new
moon I made its splendor to shine" (col. ii. 24, 25).
The temple of Shamash at Sippar, though restored
by Nebuchadrezzar, had fallen in decay. "When
I had brought out Shamash from within it, and made
him dwell in another house, that house I pulled
down, and I made search for its old foundation rec-
ord; and I dug to a depth of eighteen cubits, and the
foundation record of Naram-Sin the son of Sargon
(I), which for 3,200 years no king that preceded me
had discovered, Shamash the great lord of E-barra,
the temple of the dwelling of his heart's delight, per-
mitted me, even me, to behold."
209. Nabonidus, in reconstructing and gorgeously
decorating the temples of Sin at Harran and Shamash
at Sippar, was paying the highest regards to the an-
cient divinities of Babylonia. Other, ancient temples
of other ancient divinities were likewise restored,
and the former worship reestablished. This devo-
tion to the shrines of deities of a past age most
naturally detracted from his zeal for the great divin-
ities exalted and worshipped as supreme by Nebuchad-
rezzar and his immediate successors. He even neg-
lected attendance upon some of the established re-
ligious festivals, and thus incurred the wrath of the
priestly authorities. This lack of the right kind of
religious patriotism soon aroused against the king
enemies of the bitterest kind, who let no opportunity
222 DANGER AHEAD
pass of exposing his weakness. Even Cyrus in the
early part of his cylinder^, to be noted presently,
charges upon Nabonidus malicious intent. (Cyl.
6-8.) "An edict of dishonor to them .... daily
he contrived The continual offering he
made to cease . . . . by a yoke unrelaxing he
ruined them all." As the years went by Nabonidus
gradually lost his grip on the empire. Its religious
element became alienated from him, and its polit-
ical power was forced to lay down arms before the
advance of a mightier man, Cyrus the Elamite.
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CHAPTER XIX
CYRUS AND THE FALL OF BABYLON
210. The marvelous growth and prosperity of the
Babylonian empire was largely due to the compara-
tive peace which blessed all her borders. From
Greek sources we learn that this happy condition was
due to a triple alliance signed in 585 B. C. between
Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon, Alyattes of Lydia, and
Cyaxares of Media. The passing of Nebuchadrezzar
and the usurpation, if such it was, of the throne of
Babylon by Nabonidus, broke the bonds of this alli-
ance. Cyaxares, too, was succeeded in Media by
Astyages. These changes brought with them a new
spirit of rivalry and jealousy. The hardy stock of the
highlands south of the Caspian Sea, designated the
TJmman-Manda, were aggressive and ambitious. Their
new leader was anything but suitable to their likings.
In a little province in northwestern Elam and just
south of Media, we find in 559 B. C. a new character,
Cyrus by name. In his own records he says (Cyl.
20-22) : "I am Cyrus, the king of multitudes, the great
king, the powerful king, the king of Babylon, king of
Sumer and Accad, king of the four quarters (of the
world) ; son of Cambyses, the great king, king of the
223
224 CYRUS' EARLY CONQUESTS
city of Anshan ; the grandson of Cyrus, the great king,
king of the city of Anshan; the great-grandson of
Teispes^the great king, king of the city of Anshan; the
enduring seed of royalty, whose reign Bel and j^ebo
loved, whose lordship for their hearts' delight they
longed for." This genealogical table shows that his
royal ancestry had become thoroughly established on
the throne, and that he was the legitimate heir to the
headship of Anshan.
211. Within ten years from his accession (559 B.
C.) Cyrus absorbed the Median kingdom. How long
previous to this time he had made conquests of minor
tribes and peoples we have no means of knowing.
In 549 we find (ISTab.-Cyr. Chron. col. ii. 1-4): "[His
troops] he assembled, and against Cyrus, the king of
Anshan .... he marched. As for Astyages, his
troops revolted against him, and he was seized and
hand[ed over] to Cyrus. Cyrus marched to Ecba-
tana, the royal city; the silver, gold, goods and pos-
sessions of Ecbatana he carried forth and brought
them to the land of Anshan." This seems to have
been a voluntary choice on the part of the Medes
of Cyrus as their king, as against Astyages of the
IJmman-Manda. This throne became henceforth
the possession of Cyrus, and formed one of the chief
elements in the great empire which he afterwards
•created. Cyrus occupied the next two or three years
in the East in organizing and establishing himself in
NABONIDUS' RECORDS 225
his new realms, Persia in the meantime yielding to
his arms.
212. In 546 (Nab.-Cyr. Chron. col. ii. Obv. 15-18),
"in the month Nisan, Cyrus, king of the land of
Persia, mustered his troops, and below the city of
Arbela the Tigris he crossed; and in the month lyyar
to the land of Ish its king he slew, its
goods he took, and his governor he placed therein.''
In this western campaign Cyrus was a victor over
Croesus, king of Lydia, and pushed his authority as
far as the ^gean Sea. This gave him supremacy
from the eastern limits of Media, through the upper
plains of Mesopotamia, eastern, middle, and western
Asia Minor. Further conquests in the East occupy
his attention until the year 539-538 B. C. The
heavy and almost impregnable fortifications of Baby-
lon were left for the last stroke.
213. Fortunately we are not dependent upon the
statements of second or third-hand historians for a
description of the fall of Babylon. We have the rec-
ords both of Nabonidus, the reigning and vanquished
king, and of Cyrus, the conqueror. Though some-
what fragmentary in some places, they nevertheless
furnish us with a reasonably good picture of that
momentous event. Nabonidus' own record will be
cited first (Nab.-Cyr. Chron. col. i. Eev. 12-24) : "In
the month Tammuz [June] Cyrus having fought a
battle at Ukhu on (the banks of) the river Zalzallat,
226 THE FALL OF BABYLON
against the troops of the land of Accad, the people
of the land of Accad arose in revolt. Some persons
were killed. On the fourteenth day Sippar was
taken without fighting. Nabonidus fled. On the
sixteenth day, Gobryas, governor of the land of
Gutium, and the troops of Cyrus entered Babylon
without fighting. Afterwards, Nabonidus, being
shut up in Babylon, was taken. Until the end of the
month, the shields of land of Gutium guarded the
gates of Esagila. No arms had been stored in Esa-
gila and the sacred precincts, nor had any weapons
entered them. In the month Marchesvan (October),
on the third day, Cyrus entered Babylon, the walls
submitted before him. Peace for the city he estab-
lished. Cyrus spake peace to Babylon, to the whole
of it. Gobryas his governor he appointed governor
of Babylon. From the month Chislev to the month
Adar (November to February), the gods of the land
of Accad, whom Nabonidus had carried to Babylon,
returned to their own cities. On the 11th day of
the month Marchesvan, at night, Gobryas ....
. . . .the king's wife died. From the twenty-
seventh of the month Adar to the third of the month
Nisan, there was lamentation in Accad ; all the people
smote their heads." This remaiikable piece of the
royal annals astonishes us by recording but one bat-
tle in the neighborhood of Babylon. That was
fought near Accad, and resulted favorably for Cyrus'
troops. Thence the way was open into the city of
CLAY CYLINDER OF CYRUH
DESCRIBING THE CAPTURE OF BABYLON
THE RECORDS OP CYRUS 227
the empire. The reception of the army is equalled
only by the liberty which was announced for the
whole city.
214. Cyrus^ own cylinder gives us a no less won-
derful story. This sets out by assuring the reader
that Cyrus was thoroughly imbued with the idea that
he was the man of destiny (Cyl. 11-19, 22-24): "He
(Merodach) sought for, he found him, yea, he sought
out an upright prince, after his own heart, whom Ke
took by his hand, Cyrus, king of the city of Anshan ;
he called his name; to the sovereignty of the whole
world, he called him by name. The land of Qutu
and all the Umman-Manda he subjected to his feet;
the black-headed people, whom his hand conquered,
— in faithfulness he governed them. Merodach the
great lord, the guardian of his people, beheld with
joy the blessed deeds and his upright heart. To his
own city Babylon, he issued orders to march ; he bade
him also take the road to Babylon; like a friend and
helper he marched at his side. His wide-extended
troops, whose number like the waters of a river could
not be known, in full armor, marched at his side.
Without clash or battle he (Merodach) made him
enter Babylon. His own city Babylon he spared
(from disaster); Nabonidus the king, who had not
revered him, he delivered into his hand. The people
of Babylon in a body, the whole land of Sumer and
Accad, the nobles and the great ones, prostrated
themselves before him, kissed his feet, rejoiced at
228 THE TWO RECORDS COMPARED
his sovereignty, their countenances shone. The lord
(Merodach) who by his power had raised the dead,
who had freed all from difficulty and distress, — they
gladly did him homage, heeded his word
When I had entered Babylon peacefully,
with rejoicings and great joy, I took possession of
the king's palace as my royal residence. Merodach, the
great lord [granted!] me the open heart of the sons
(^inhabitants) of Babylon; and daily I invoked him.
My great army I stationed peacefully throughout
Babylon."
215. These two records of the capture of Babylon
from two different sources — one might rightfully
say from two opposing forces — present a marvellous
harmony. They unite in the statement that the city
made no resistance to the entrance of the army of
Cyrus, neither was there any objection to his im-
mediate assumption of control, unless, in the Nab.-
Cyr. Chron., we interpret the guard about the temple
of Esagila as a minor siege. On the other hand,
the population of the city seems to have welcomed
their new conqueror, deliverer, and ruler, as a friend
and benefactor. The popular prejudice aroused by
the faithful devotees of Bel and Nebo against Nabon-
idus for his neglect of worship, gladly transferred
their fealty to one who honored and revered the great
'gods of Babylon. It had likewise become evident
that the sway of Cyrus meant for other lands a re-
newed and continuous political prosperity and a reli-
THE POLICY OP CYRUS 229
gious liberty unknown in the annals of other rulers.
This array of facts freely opened the gates of Baby-
lon to give Cyrus a royal welcome. In view of this
direct testimony of two contemporaneous documents,
we are forced to the conclusion that the story of
Herodotus that Cyrus diverted the waters of the
Euphrates from its channel and marched in under
the unguarded gates of the river, cannot be true.
It may refer to the later capture of Babylon by Darius
in 516 B. C.
216. The policy adopted by Cyrus, and put into
effect at once in Babylon, fostered the affectionate
favor of the gods and of his subjects. (Cyl. 24-
36) : "I permitted Sumer and Accad to have no gain-
sayer. In Babylon and in all its cities I was solicit-
ous for the peace of the inhabitants
Their sighing I quieted, I soothed their sorrow. To
[do] works Merodach, the great lord, gave [me]
command. To me Cjmis, the king that reveres him,
and to Cambyses the son, the issue of [my] body,
, to the whole of my army he graciously
inclined All the kings who abode in
royal palaces, who in all parts of the world from the
upper sea to the lower sea abode on dry land, the
kings of the West-land, dwellers in tents, all of them
brought their rich tribute into Babylon and kissed
my feet. From . . . Asshur Accad,
Abnunak, the city of Zamban, the city of Mi-Turnu,
Durili unto the border of Qutu, cities on the Tigris
230 CYRUS A POLYTHEIST
whose settlements were founded from of old, — the
gods that abode in them I restored to their place,
and settled them in an everlasting abode; all their
population I gathered together and restored to their
own dwelling-places. And the gods of the land of
Sumer and Accad whom Nabonidus, to the anger of
the lord of the gods (Merodach), had brought into
Babylon, by the command of Merodach the great
lord I made to dwell safely in their own places, ac-
cording to their desires. May all the gods whom
I brought into their own cities, daily before Bel
(Merodach) and Nebo intercede for a long life for
me! may they speak in my favor, and to Merodach,
my lord, let them say: Cyrus the king, who reveres
thee, and Cambyses his son, . made
them dwell in a quiet habitation."
Unfortunately the remaining lines of this notable
inscription are almost entirely broken away. What
has been quoted gives us the sweep of Cyrus' su-
premacy and the gist of his beneficent policy. He
was the protector and the bounteous promoter of the
welfare of his subjects. Their deities and their
methods of worship were graciously restored, and
dignified by elevating them to their former positions.
The peoples, too, who had been forcibly deported
from their native lands were restored by the king's
,decree. This generous policy, in contrast with that
of preceding rulers, gave Cyrus unwonted influence
and power over his retainers. It may be that the fact
CYRUS AND PROPHECY 231
that he was an Aryan, with newer and freer ideas
than those that had grown up in Semitic thought
and power, threw an added charm about his per-
sonality and policy.
217. The significance of the rise of Cyrus is vividly
portrayed by the prophetic words to the exiles in
Babylon. Words of comfort addressed to the ex-
iles assure them (xl. 1, 2) that their punishment will
soon cease. They shall return to their home-land,
inhabit it and rebuild their cities and restore the
waste places (xliv. 26). This shall be accomplished
by a deliverer who is already on his way to conquer.
"Who hath raised up one from the east, whom he
calleth in righteousness to his foot? he giveth nations
before him and maketh him rule over kings; he
giveth them as the dust to his sword, as the driven
stubble to his bow. He pursueth them, and pass-
eth on safely; even by a way that he had not gone
with his feet. Who hath wrought and done it, call-
ing the generations from the beginning? I, Jeho-
vah, the first, and with the last, I am he" (xli. 2-4).
Again we find, "Thus saith Jehovah to his anointed
(selected), Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden,
to subdue nations before him, and I will loose the
loins of kings; to open the doors before him, and the
gates shall not be shut. ..... For Jacob my
servant's sake, and Israel my chosen, I have called
thee by name: I have surnamed thee, though thou
hast not known me. I am Jehovah, and there is
232 BABYLON AlU) PROPHECY
none else ; beside me there is no God : I will gird thee,
though thou hast not known me" (xlv. 1, 4, 5). Cyrus
is distinctly designated as the agent of Jehovah to
conquer the nations. His mission was a providential
one, and in no sense because he was a worshipper of
Jehovah, for the sake of his servant Jacob.
218. To deliver the Jews it was necessary that the
great Babylon, the pride of her kings, the yoke of
her subjects, should fall. Numerous prophecies from
Jeremiah down had pictured her doom. But her con-
querer is now at hand. "Come down and sit in the
dust, 0 virgin daughter of Babylon ; sit on the ground
without a throne, 0 daughter of the Chaldeans: for
thou shalt no more be called tender and delicate.
... Sit thou silent, and get thee into darkness, 0
daughter of the Chaldeans : for thou shalt no more be
called the lady of kingdoms." "Thou art wearied
in the multitude of thy counsels: let now the astrol-
ogers, the star-gazers, the monthly prognosticators,
stand up and save thee from the things that shall
come upon thee. Behold they shall be as stubble,
there shall be none to save thee" (xlvii.
1, 5, 13, 15). Nothing that they can muster shall
be able to avert the certain doom of the wicked city.
On the eve of its fall the prophet sees some of its
consequences. "Bel (Merodach) bows down, Nebo
crouches; their idols are upon the beasts, and upon
the cattle: the things that ye carried about are made
a load, a burden to the weary beast. They stoop.
CYRUS AND THE JEWS 233
they bow down together; they could not deliver the
burden, but themselves are gone into captivity" (xlvi.
1, 2). The substance of these and other prophecies
is that Babylon must be humiliated, her proud posi-
tion surrendered, and even her idols become a load
for beasts and not a joy to their own worshippers. This
last statement was fulfilled only in the sense that the
idols, as contrasted with Jehovah's power who was
bringing this about, would be merely a burden of use-
less material. For as Cyrus himself claimed, it was
under the auspices of the gods that he marched into
Babylon.
219. Having already given (213, 214) the con-
temporaneous records of the fall of Babylon, let us
now consider the Jewish return. We have noted
(215) that Cyrus inaugurated a policy of generosity
towards his new subjects, that he endeavored to pro-
mote in every way their welfare. As a wise states-
man, a shrewd politician, and a kind-hearted ruler,
he planned methods by which he could better the
condition of his peoples. He was ready to espouse
their cause almost to the endangerment of his throne.
He revered their gods, and where they had been neg-
lected or desecrated, he was solicitous for their restor-
ation to their former veneration. Babylon and all
its precincts bore evidences of his spirit in the re-
building and rededication of many shrines and tem-
ples. His own appeals to the gods, and his avowal
of their support, reveal Cyrus as a polytheist of a pro-
234 THE PROCLAMATION OP CYRUS
nounced type. It was not a matter of monotheism,
of a possible Zoroastrianism, that called his atten-
tion to the Jews, but other reasons of no mean pro-
portions. (1) In addition to the restoration and re-
habilitation of captive and dethroned deities, he says
(Cyl. 32): "Ail of their peoples I gathered together
and restored to their own dwelling-places." This
definitely stated national policy gives us one reason
for the royal proclamation (Ezra i. 2-4) issued in
favor of the Jews. (2) It is altogether probable that
Cyrus caught up from some one in Babylonia the
mission which had been assigned him by the prophets.
"Cyrus is my shepherd, and shall perform all my
pleasure: even saying of Jerusalem, She shall be
built; and to the temple, thy foundation shall be laid"
(Isa. xliv. 28). (3) Palestine had been a kind of
buffer-state from time immemorial between south-
western Asia and Egypt. To occupy and hold that
strong fortress, Jerusalem, was the first step toward
the conquest of the rival power. If Cyrus could con-
serve that advantage by aiding the Jews to build and
hold it, he would be setting up one battlement in the
face of Egypt's army. For one of his next strokes
would be at the rival power on the Mle.
220. C}Tus issued his proclamation authorizing the
return of the Jewish exiles in the first year of his
sovereignty as king of Persia (Ezra 1. 1), 538 B. C.
It is entirely reasonable to conjecture that, in accord-
ance with his general principles of government, he
PORTRAIT OF CYRUS
( From Murghab)
THE FIRST JEWISH RETURN 235
issued many similar documents. The copy quoted
in Ezra i. 3-4 gives a few only of the specifications
originally announced. In subsequent references to
the document (iii. 2-7; v. 13-16; vi. 1-5), we discover
that elaborate provisions were made for the building
of the temple, as well as for the reinauguration of the
worship of Jehovah. Cyrus h^d not overlooked any-
thing that would contribute to the rapid reclamation
of this western waste. The proclamation was of such
scope as to include the Jews in any part of his realm.
The citizens of the empire were also authorized, if
they chose, to render assistance to the pilgrims to
Palestine. How generally they responded to the
royal edict is stated in Ezra ii. This pilgrimage of
less than fifty thousand of the faithful to the land of
their fathers relieved the administration of Cyrus
from the presence, in any part of the realm, of a dis-
satisfied, disturbing Jewish element. It also popu-
lated and built up a section of his territory which had
been overrun and devastated by successive armies of
Assyria and Babylonia. It likewise gave spirit to a
people whose national life had been next to blotted
out by a succession of well-deserved chastisements
and captivities. In this event many of the brightest
and most hopeful utterances of the great prophets
found their fulfillment, and their fruition.
CHAPTER XX
DANIEL AND BELSHAZZAR
221. Our sources of information for this chapter
are somewhat scanty. There are a few inscriptions
that contribute something on the life of the times,
on the personality of Belshazzar, and on the fate of
the city in which Daniel lived. The book of Daniel,
so full of references assigned to this period, will also
serve, so far as its statements go, to let in a few
further rays of light on this epoch.
222. The presence in Babylon of one sturdy. God-
fearing Jew, during the whole time of the existence
of the new Babylonian empire, is an event of more
than ordinary significance. There is no sufficient
reason for the denial of the historicity of the person
Daniel. But when and how did he reach Babylon?
The solution of this question rests in part, doubtless,
on the position taken regarding the extent of Nebu-
chadrezzar's march after his battle with Necho. It
has already been stated (200) that there is no inher-
ent improbability in the statement of Dan. i. 1, even
though it were not put in written form until cen-
turies thereafter. The education of Jewish youths
in the court of Nebuchadrezzar would be in harmony
236
THE WISE MEN OF BABYLON 237
with his scheme of a world-wide administration.
The promotion of Joseph in Egypt, and the adop-
tion of foreigners in the Turkish court of to-day, are
examples of recourse to the same methods to facili-
tate government. The schools of Babylonia- Assyria
are reflected in the lists of cuneiform exercises, which
were prepared by just such pupils as were Daniel
and his companions. Their three years of training
were years of severe application to learn the intri-
cacies and mysteries of the cuneiform language, and
the monumental literature and science which it con-
cealed.
223. The Babylonian court was rich in hangers-
on. There were, besides the priests and other officials
connected immediately with the temple service,
magicians, soothsayers, astrologers, sorcerers, en-
chanters, and a special rank, called Chaldeans. It is
not easy always to distinguish between the functions
of these different classes. They constituted one of
the most useful addenda to the court. Their services
were in demand on all important or critical occasions,
and their decisions, like those of the oracle of Delphi,
were held in supreme reverence. The case of the
calling of Balaam (Num. xxii., xxiii.) by Balak, king
of Moab, from Pethor (Pitru on the Euphrates, in
the cuneiform inscriptions) to curse his new enemy
the children of Israel, is an example of the impor-
tance attached to these semi-officials. They were
among the wisest men of their times. They could
238 DANIEL'S PROMOTION
often read with surprising accuracy the signs of the
times, and could so adapt their wisdom to their pat-
rons' desires as often to win for themselves fame and
wealth (cf. Num. xxii. 7, 16, 17, 37; xxiv. 13).
224. Daniel's training and acuteness soon brought
him and his companions into competition with the
other wise men of Babylon. At length Daniel's day
came. The king had forgotten an important dream,
and demanded of his magi both the recalling and in-
terpretation of it. Their failure to comply with his
demand involved both themselves and the Jewish
youths in a sentence of death (Dan. ii. 13). Daniel's
prudent reply to the captain of the slaughter-guard
gave him an opportunity. And by divinely-given
wisdom he outranked all of his rivals. He secured
for himself great prizes, and governorship over the
province of Babylon, and the position of chief gov-
ernor over all the wise men of Babylon. In addition,
the king honored his request and appointed his three
companions over affairs in the province of Babylon.
But Daniel was at the king's court (Dan. ii. 48, 49).
This is the story that we find in Dan. ii. There is
no evidence yet discovered in the inscriptions to
confirm it, and none to dispute its truthfulness. The
disturbing element in many minds is the remarkably
miraculous character of the things done. But these
are quite equalled by the story of Joseph in Egypt.
225. The promotion of Daniel, according to the
statement of Dan. ii. 1, was made in the second year
CAMEO OF NEBUCHADREZZAR
>~— i-i—, tr-— ' t-t?
p:::
f t
.' .A,
rr;
_ .
!-i 1
— ^ i
f
r — '
i-^
1
) t
' -* '. . ', ■• iVsfi Wr J J^'
r- f
THE WALLS OF BABYLON
(From a relief in Assurbanipal's palace in Nineveh)
DANIEL AT THE FEAST 239
of Nebuchadrezzar (603 B. C). With the single
exception of the time of the interpretation of the
second dream of the king (in chap, iv.), Daniel does
not appear again until the fall of Babylon (538 B. C),
a period of sixty-five years. We have no means of
estimating what he may have accomplished for Nebu-
chadrezzar in the building-up and extension of the
new Babylonian empire. His influence with the king
and his power as governor of the chief province of
the empire were doubtless important factors in de-
termining the fate of the Jewish exiles. It is alto-
gether probable that the clemency allowed the com-
munities of exiles at various points in Babylonia, and
the possibilities of settlements in houses (Jer. xxix.
5), and the engagement of exiles in business enter-
prises, was due to the paramount influence at court
of that godly statesman. During all the vicissitudes
of the last two decades of the Babylonian empire,
when anarchy and bloodshed stained the throne, and
when the governmental policy toward the Jews was
uncertain, we can conceive that Daniel's counsel was
eagerly sought, and faithfully followed. We shall
never know how much courage his faithfulness gave
to the prophets as they prophesied the mercy and
pardon of God, and the release of the exiles.
226. Daniel's first recorded appearance after a
period of silence of more than one-half a century is
found in the account of Belshazzar's feast. In the
midst of the sacrilegious and defiant act of desecrat-
240 BELSHAZZAR AND THE KING
ing the vessels brought from Jerusalem, a shadow-
hand wrote on the wall opposite the king, four mys-
terious words. Terror seizes him, and the wise
men are called to interpret these riddles. Baffled
and defeated, they withdraw. Now the queen
(mother(!)) recalls the fact that Nebuchadrezzar
had found Daniel a man ^^in whom is the spirit of
the holy gods" (Dan. v. 11). Probably at the change
of administration Daniel had been retired as a *back
number.' But now a crisis was at hand, and the
wise men had ignominiously failed. The venerable
old wise man, probably about eighty-five years of age,
was sent for. With the same unerring divine wisdom
employed in interpreting the dreams of Nebuchad-
rezzar, Daniel read aloud, to the horror of every lis-
tener, the written doom of the kingdom : "Numbered,
numbered, weighed, divisions.'' For this master's
victory he was made the third ruler in the kingdom,
Nabonidus being first, and Belshazzar second. But
the position was ephemeral, for the prophecy found
its fulfillment on that same night (Dan. v. 30).
227. Belshazzar was a public character in the last
years of the Babylonian empire. In the passage de-
scriptive of his feast (Dan. v.) he is called "the king,"
while in the inscriptions of this period, noted in the
preceding chapter, Nabonidus was king at the fall
of Babylon. What is the explanation of this ap-
parent discrepancy? What was the relation, if any,
existing between the inscriptional and the Danielic
BELSHAZZAR IN THE INSCRIPTIONS 241
kings of Babylon just on the eve of its fall? In one
of Nabonidus^ inscriptions (I Eawl. 68, No. 1, col.
ii. 24-31), we find; "And in the heart of Belshazzar,
my eldest son, my offspring, implant the fear of thy
great godhead! let him not sin! may he be satisfied
with the fulness of life!'' This evidence is supple-
mented by a few contract tablets dating from differ-
ent years of the reign of Nabonidus. One tablet in-
scribed in "the fifth year of Nabonidus, king of Baby-
lon," tells that "'the secretary of Belshazzar, the son
of the king, leased a house for a term of three years,
for one and one-half manehs of silver, and other
considerations." Another tablet dated in "the elev-
enth year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon" (545 B.
C), reads: "The sum of twenty manehs of silver,
for wool, the property of Belshazzar, the son of the
king, which has been delivered to Iddin-Merodach
.... through the agency of Nebo-zabit, the stew-
ard of Belshazzar, the son of the king." A third
tablet dating from "the twelfth year of Nabonidus,
king of Babylon," states that ISTebo-zabit, of the
house of Belshazzar, had lent through a loans-broker
a sum of money, and taken as security the crops to
be grown near Babylon. There can be no reasonable
doubt, then, that Nabonidus the last king of Baby-
lon was the father of a son Belshazzar (Bel-shar-
uzur), whose position as heir to the throne must have
been one of prominence and authority in the admin-
istration of the kingdom.
242 belshazzar's last stand
228. Since, then, Belshazzar was a son of the reign-
ing king, let us see whether in the inscriptions he
was invested with any authority, or given any trust.
In the annals of Nabonidus (Col. ii. Obv. 1. 5, 10, 19,
23), dated in the seventh year of his reign (549),
we find: "The king was in the city of Tema; the
king's son, the nobles, and his troops were in the
land of Accad." This same thing is said of the
ninth, tenth, and eleventh years of Nabonidus. An
unfortunate break in the tablet carrying the annals
loses for us all the remaining years to the last, the
seventeenth. In this eventful year the army of
Cyrus appears on the horizon. A battle was fought
with the troops of Accad (Annals, Col. i. Kev. 13,
14), which were probably at this time as they had
been in the seventh, ninth, tenth, and eleventh years,
under the command of the king's son. The popu-
lation of Accad arose in revolt and there was blood-
shed. On the fourteenth day of Tammuz (June),
Sippar fell into the hands of the invaders, with-
out a battle, and ISTabonidus fled to Babylon. Now
what became of the king's son? Is Belshazzar's
feast one of the accessories, one of the final tragedies
of the taking of Babylonia? If so, where was that
gorgeous assembly feasted? The representation in
Dan. V. leads to the implication that there were pres-
ent many men of high authority, some of whom
possibly had come to Babylonia from outlying prov-
WHERE WAS BELSHAZZAR SLAIN? 243
inces to aid in the final resistance to the army of
Cyrus.
229. In determining this question, we must ascer-
tain as nearly as possible where the necessary con-
ditions are to be found. The only battle mentioned
in the records thus far discovered was fought in the
land of Accad. The immediate issue of this fight
is not given, though the final outcome was doubt-
less a victory for Cyrus. It may be that the Baby-
lonian (Chaldean) army after striking a severe blow
at the invaders retired within the walls of Accad,
and as a final rally determined to celebrate their
valor, and fire their martial zeal, by a sumptuous
patriotic banquet. But (Nab. Annals, Col. i. Eev.
13, 14) "the people of the land of Accad rose in
revolt, and many were slain." If at Accad, the citi-
zens and possibly army arose in defiance of authority,
at the futility of further resistance to Cyrus. When
the great feast had extended well into the night and
the banqueters had yielded their reason and their
powers to the soothing and mellowing qualities of
wine, the revolters broke into the royal banqueting
hall and cut down right and left the riotous lords.
This well accords with the statement, "In that night
Belshazzar the Chaldean king was slain" (Dan. v. 30).
The second location given to Belshazzar's feast, and
the one commonly accepted though not authorized
in Dan. v., lies in the possibility of such a fight
244 BELSHAZZAR IN ''DANIEL"
in Babylon. We saw (Annals, Col. i. Rev. 16-19)
that the temple Esagila in Babylon was surrounded
for one month by troops, and at the end of that
time yielded, though nothing is said of any fight or
bloodshed. If Belshazzar held his great banquet
in Babylon it was in this enclosure; and at the end
of the period of siege, taking advantage of the con-
dition of the defence, it was broken into and the
debauchees dispatched. This latter position would
more easily explain the ready presence at the banquet
of the vessels captured at Jerusalem. But the former
view, that all transpired at Accad, accords better
with the testimony of the monuments.
230. Difficulty is sometimes found with certain
positions attributed by the book of Daniel to Bel-
shazzar. If Nabonidus was king at the fall of Baby-
Ion, how does the narrative in Daniel give the same
title to Belshazzar? Long ages before the fall of
Babylon, we find cases where the prince-regent was
made and called "king" during the lifetime of his
father. Jehoshaphat of Judah appointed his son
Jehoram king of Judah seven years before his (the
father's) death (cf. 2 Kings viii. 16 with i. 19).
Jotham was made king of Judah when his father
TJzziah was smitten with leprosy, though still living
and reckoned as king in the final summing up the
years of his reign. Before starting on his dangerous
campaign of conquest toward central Asia, Cyrus is
said to have appointed Cambyses as his successor.
DANIEL'S CAREER CLOSED 245
Belshazzar had occupied this position apparently for
some time before the fall of Babylon (Dan. vii.;
viii.). Again, the queen and Daniel address Bel-
shazzar with the expression, "Nebuchadnezzar thy
father." We have no positive proof that Belshazzar
was a descendant of the great founder of the em-
pire. "Jehu son of Omri" is found on the inscrip-
tions of Shalmaneser II, when Jehu was the extir-
pator of the house of Omri. In all probability,
then, this means no more than that Belshazzar was
a successor of Nebuchadrezzar on the throne of Baby-
lon.
231. "And Darius the Mede received the king-
dom, being about threescore and two years old" (Dan.
v. 31). Up to the present time no such character
has been found for this period in the inscriptions.
jSTabonidus (Annals, Col. i. Rev. 20) says of Cyrus:
"Gobryas, his officer, he appointed governor in Baby-
lon." Many scholars maintain that "Gubaru," the
original form of "Gobryas," is to be identified with
"Darius." This is, at least, not impossible. We know
that Cyrus was a restless conqueror, and, as rapidly
as possible, gave the control of his provinces into the
hands of subordinates. If there is a possibility of
this identification, then Daniel, as Jeremiah at the
fall of Jerusalem, was held in the highest reverence
by the victors. In addition, he was given a position
of honor and responsibility in the administration of
the affairs of the kingdom. In this office he was the
246 THE BOOK OP DANIEL
victim of a malicious political intrigue. His punish-
ment of being thrown into the den of lions was a
characteristic Persian method of getting rid of crim-
inals. But the power which had controlled and pre-
served Daniel was equal to the emergency, and he
triumphed over his victors. With this event we
have the last recorded reference to Daniel in the
capacity of a politician. He was the recipient, how-
ever, according to our book, of a series of visions,
whose symbolism pictured the political revolutions
down to the middle of the second century B. C.
232. This chapter would not be complete without
a few remarks on the Book of Daniel. It its present
form it appears in two languages: Hebrew, with a
large section (ii. 4b — vii.) in Aramaic. The first six
chapters purport to be history, while the last six
are visions. In its style of composition it is unique.
It abounds in full, almost redundant expressions,
and a multiplicity of almost synonymous words. It
gives little scraps of events located at distant periods,
presumably in the life of Daniel. Foreign words,
too, notably Greek names of musical instruments,
and Persian names of officials and the like, are
found, especially in the first half of the book. There
are also a few alleged historical statements, such as
that concerning Darius the Mede (cf. Dan. ix. 1),
whose verity is not yet established by the inscriptions
thus far discovered, and whose explanations are as
yet impossible without assumptions. The fact of
DATE OF '< DANIEL'' 247
the erroneous writing of Nebuchadnezzar for the
only correct Nebuchadrezzar is no more strange in
Daniel than in the book of Jeremiah. Many other
alleged difficulties are largely attributable to the
adoption by some scholars in the case of the book
of Daniel of the forensic method in carrying a point.
But after all has been said on both sides of the
question of the date, the weight of probability de-
clares that the book of Daniel was compiled some
time after Daniel's day, but within the date of the
supremacy of the Persian empire.
CHAPTER XXI
THE CITY OP SUSA AND ESTHER
233. The city of Susa is encircled with a halo
of interest for every Bible student. It was the scene
of several fascinating incidents mentioned in the Old
Testament. The city is mentioned in three books:
Daniel, J^ehemiah, and Esther. To this city Daniel
was transported in a vision. "And I saw in the
vision; now it was so, that when I saw, I was in
Shushan the palace, which was in the province of
Elam; and I saw in the vision, and I was by the
river Ulai'^ Dan. viii. 2). The figures that Daniel
saw symbolized the successive dynasties that should
fight and rule on the bank of the Eulaeus at Susa.
Nehemiah was a member of the court of Artaxerxes,
king of Persia (464-24 B. C), when he learned of
the broken-down condition of the walls of Jerusa-
lem, the city of his fathers. The opening words of
his book read as follows: "Now it came to pass in
the month Chislev, in the twentieth year, as I was
in Shushan the palace" (Neh. i. 1). From this place
he went by the king's permission to Jerusalem, re-
.built the walls of the city, and again returned to his
former position. Later he made a second visit to
248
SUSA IN THE OLD TESTAMENT 249
the Palestinian colony and instituted some radical
reforms among the most liberal of the Jews.
The scene of the book of Esther is laid within the
walls of Susa, and most of it within the limits of
Shushan the Palace.
234. These facts render the ranges of ruins of old
Susa of double interest to every student of Bible
history. These mounds cover the buildings in which
some of the most important facts of Persian history
occurred. Probably there is no city where the very
palaces in which the scenes of the Old Testament
narrative can be so accurately reconstructed. This fact
is due to the energetic excavations conducted in this
pile of ruins. The first attempt of any consequence
was that of "W. K. Loftus, an Englishman, in 1852.
He found the bases of some columns "and the sub-
structure of an edifice built in the form of a large
hypostyle hall." His most important find was a
group of trilingual cuneiform inscriptions on the
bases of the columns. By these the date of the erec-
tion of the building was determined. It was orig-
inally built by Darius Hystaspes (521-485 B. C),
partly burnt down under Artaxerxes Longimanus
(464-424 B. C), and completely restored by Ar-
taxerxes Mnemon (406-359 B. C). Loftus described
his discoveries in his work, ChaJdcea and Susiana.
The next important excavator at this place was
M. Dieulafoy, a French engineer and architect, dur-
ing the years 1884-86. This expedition almost en-
250 ASSURBANIPAL AND SUSA
tirely uncovered one great palace. Its treasures in
great abundance are now deposited in the Louvre in
Paris. This work has been elaborately described in
his elegant volume, UAcropole de Suse. M. J. de
Morgan is now at work, under the auspices of the
French Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts,
on the same spot, and will doubtless secure large re-
sults for our knowledge of Persian supremacy in the
East.
235. The time of the founding of Susa is un-
known. "The Greeks believed the city to have ex-
isted in the time of the Trojan war." The cunei-
form inscriptions, however, inform us that it had
been the headquarters of the Elamite kingdom long
ages before the reigns of the later kings of Assyria.
Assurbanipal states that he restored from Susa an
image of the goddess Nana which the king of Elam
had carried away from Babylon 1635 years before
his day. This would make Susa a city of some im-
portance among the Elamites as early as 2280 B. C.
Without following it down through the centuries,
let us see how Assurbanipal treated it about 650
B. C. Elam had been a continual menace to the
power of Assyria until Assurbanipal completely
crushed her. Out of his long record of the Elamite
campaign a few lines descriptive of his plunder of
Susa must suffice (Eassam Cyl. col. v. 128 — vi. 76):
•• I plundered Susa, the great city, the dwelling of their
gods, the place of their oracle. By the command of Asehur
DESTRUCTION OF SUSA 251
and Ishtar, I entered the palaces, with rejoicing I took
a seat there, and I opened their treasures, in which gold,
silver, substance, wealth, and possessions were piled up,
which the former kings of Elam, and the recent kings
collected and stored there; on which no other enemy be-
sides me had laid his hand. I brought it out and counted
it as booty. Silver, gold, substance, wealth, and possessions
of Sumer, Accad, and Karduniash (Babylonia), which the
earlier kings of Elam had plundered in seven campaigns
and carried away to Elam precious stones,
a valuable treasure, befitting royal dignity, which former
kings of Accad and Shamash-shum-ukin had sent to Elam
to effect an alliance; garments becoming royal dignity;
weapons of war ; all kinds of instruments suitable for his
use; furniture that had been used in their palaces, upon
which (the kings) had sat and laid down, out of which they
had eaten and drunk, poured out libations, and anointed
(officials); chariots, wagons (and other) vehicles ;
horses with trappings of gold and silver, — (all these) I car-
ried away as booty to Assyria. The temple-tower of Susa,
built of alabaster, I destroyed. Shushinak, the god of
their oracle, who dwells in a concealed place, whose godly
pursuit no one sees, Shumudi, Lagamaru, Partikira (and
others) . . . whom the kings of Elam reverenced, . . .
these gods and goddesses with their
treasures, their possessions, their furniture, together with
their priests and temple servants, I carried away to Assyria.
Thirty -two statues of kings, of silver, gold, bronze, and
stone I took with me to Assyria. I turned over
the bull colossi, and all the colossi that guarded the temple
entrance, and dragged away the wild oxen, of furious mien,
that belonged to the gates. The temple of Elam I laid
in total ruins. Its gods and its goddesses I ordered (to be
cast) into the rubbish heaps. Their hidden forest, where
no stranger had ever sojourned, neither trodden its bounds,
my soldiers forcibly entered, saw their places of conceal-
ment, and burned them with fire. The mausoleums of
their kings, the earlier and the recent, who had not feared
252 susa's great palace
Asshur and Ishtar, my lords, but had rebelled against the
kings, my fathers, I destroyed, laid waste, and spread them
in the face of the sun. Their bones I took with me to
Assyria, upon their spirits I enjoined restlessness, and re-
fused them gifts of food and drink."
This is a dread but doubtless true picture of the
frightful vengeance taken upon Susa by her Assyrian
conqueror about 650 B. C.
236. Within one hundred years of this date Cyrus
was king of Elam, with Susiana as part of his pos-
sessions. But Susa did not come into prominence
until Cambyses son of Cyrus decided to build at this
point a great palace. Tradition says that he im-
ported architects and artisans from Egypt, to give
Persia the beginnings of an architecture. His early
death intervened, and the work was left to Darius
Hystaspes (521-485 B. C). One of the inscriptions
of Artaxerxes Mnemon (406-359 B. C.) found by
Loftus at Susa gives us the facts in the case: "My
ancestor Darius built this Apaddna in former times.
In the reign of Artaxerxes, my grandfather, it was
consumed by fire. By the grace of Ahuramazda,
Anaitis, and Mithras, I have restored this Apaddna.''
237. A rapid sketch of the early Persian kings is
quite necessary to appreciate the events of Esther's
day. Cyrus, slain in battle in 529 B. C, was suc-
ceeded by his son Cambyses. This ambitious young
man, to secure his crown, murdered his brother and
sister. After eight years of apparent success, in a
DARIUS I AND XERXES 253
fit of despair, he took his life. For eight months
a usurper, Gomates, held the throne, but was finally
slain, and Darius Hystaspes (521-485 B. C.) seized
the crown. It was under the early years of his ad-
ministration that the Jews at Jerusalem completed
and dedicated their temple (516 B. C). During
these years Darius suppressed revolts and uprisings
in all parts of his realm. He then carried his con-
quests as far as Scythia in Europe (508 B. C). He
fully equipped two great expeditions for invading
Greece, but both failed, the second at the famous
battle of Marathon (490 B. C). A third expedi-
tion was planned, but a revolt in Egypt (487 B. C.)
and his own death (485) intervened. He was buried
in an elaborate rock tomb near Persepolis, which
was adorned with sculptures and a long inscription.
Besides the winter palace at Susa, he built an im-
mense royal structure at Persepolis. To him we are
indebted for the Behistun inscription (36). He was
the greatest king that ever sat on Persia's throne,
both as regards conquests and power of administra-
tion. He was succeeded by Xerxes I, supposed to be
a remote kin of Cyrus the conqueror of Babylon.
238. Xerxes' first great work was the subjugation
of Egypt (485 B. C). After chastizing rebels in
Babylonia, he next turned his attention to the still
unconquered state of Greece. He called together his
nobles and counsellors from all parts of the empire,
as a kind of council of war. The conclusion of their
254 AHASUERUS IDENTIFIED
deliberations was that the most elaborate prepara-
tions be made, and Greece be brought to their feet.
Careful and complete provisions were made covering
a space of four years. The army was thoroughly or-
ganized, and the commissary department adequately
equipped. In 480 B. C. the army started on its long
campaign, aided by a large and well-equipped fleet.
It crossed the Hellespont on a bridge of double boats
and pushed through Macedonia down to Greece.
Through Thermopylae it poured over the bodies of the
brave 300 Spartans until Athens was captured and
burnt. The Persian fleet, disabled by storms, was finally
destroyed by the Greeks at the battle of Salamis (Sep-
tember 23, 480). The land force retreated to Thes-
saly, where a picked army remained over winter.
In the spring it resumed active offensive operations
and recaptured Attica. The Spartans raised a large
army, crossed the isthmus, and forced the Persians
to retire into Boeotia. On September 25, 479 B. C,
the Persian host was completely routed at Plat^a,
and returned to Asia, never again to invade European
Greece.
239. It is now generally recognized that the events
of the book of Esther should be sketched on the back-
ground outlined in the preceding section. The Hebrew
name for the Persian king Ahasuerus is AcJiashverosh,
the Persian is ChshyarsJia, and the Babylonian, Chi-
sJiiyarsha (var. Akhashiyarshi). It was through the
Babylonian form of the name that the identification of
A ROYAL BANQUET IN SUSA 255
Ahasuerus as Xerxes was finally fixed. This one
point determined, we are prepared to examine the
general features of the document in the light of mod-
ern discoveries. The dramatic character of the book
of Esther has assigned it, in some minds, to the realm
of fiction, and has attributed it to some author who
lived late in the Greek or in the Maccabean era.
Little more can be done than to ascertain in how
far the manners, customs, and laws reflected in the
book are distinctively Persian and in how far the
author gives a true picture of the social and political
conditions of the times of Xerxes.
240. The opening verses of the book describe a
one-hundred-and-eighty-day feast given by the king
in the third year (483 B. C.) of his reign. His
guests were princes and nobles from all his realm,
"from India to Ethiopia,^' who came in successive
companies for a period of six months, to enjoy the
favors of the king, to be impressed by the magnifi-
cence of his court, and to admire the majesty of his
imperial person. The real purpose of these ban-
quets, however, was to consider and decide on the
feasibility of another campaign against Greece. The
banqueting passion of the Persians was insatiate.
Some of these feasts had as many as 15,000 persons
present, and cost nearly $100,000. At the close of
this series of banquets, at which it was decided to
prepare for another campaign against Greece, a ban-
quet of seven days was given the citizens of Susa.
256 THE PROMOTION OF ESTHER
Vashti also entertained the women in a separate feast
of like magnificence. Xerxes' excess at wine con-
fused his brain, and he ordered his chamberlains
to bring in and exhibit before his intoxicated com-
panions the beauty of Queen Vashti. Herodotus
tells us that Macedonian ladies, introduced to a sim-
ilar banquet in Darius' day, were basely insulted.
Vashti may have known of this event, and so refused.
On consulting his chief counsellors, Xerxes decided
to suppress such insubordination, and deposed her.
This left a vacancy in the royal household. During
the next four years he was busily engrossed in pre-
paring for and in conducting that memorable cam-
paign against Greece. The affairs of the royal house-
hold were in the care of under-officers, and the neces-
sary preparations were on foot to secure an incum-
bent for the place of Vashti, whether or not she were
the chief queen.
241. The remaining chief events of the book of
Esther are located after Xerxes' disastrous campaign
against Greece. What more natural than that the
proud monarch, smarting under his humiliating de-
feat at the hands of the Greek troops, should seek
to drown himself in the luxuries of his palace?
Esther's introduction to him took place (chap. ii. 16)
in December, 479 B. C. She immediately wins the
favor of the king, and is made queen instead of
Vashti. It is not improbable that Amestris during
all this time, as stated by Herodotus, was the only
CASTING THE PUR 257
legitimate wife, that is, the only one derived from
one of the seven royal houses specifiec in Persian law.
That Esther was decorated with a royal crown is
no more noteworthy than that Mordecai, a kind of
prime minister, should wear such a mark of high
honor (chap. viii. 15). This promotion of Esther
was celebrated in true Persian style by "a great feast
to all his princes and his servants: and he made a
release to the provinces, and gave gifts, according
to the bounty of the king" (chap. ii. 18). The de-
feat of his great expedition, doubtless, militated
against the power and majesty of the king in the
eyes of his subjects. But a wide distribution of
favors such as is here described would do much to
restore their confidence in his beneficent character.
242. The first incident in this dramatic story that
is especially illuminated by the discoveries at Susa
is Haman's method of fixing a date for the destruc-
tion of the Jews. Strange to tell, M. Dieulafoy
found in the mound at Susa one of the dice that
were used in Persia to determine events. It is a
quadrangular prism, on the quadrangular faces of
which are engraved : one, two, five, six. Throw this
die and it will stop on an odd or an even number.
A vigorous objection has been made to the possibil-
ity of the reality of Haman's decree, because of the
long interval of time which was allowed the Jews
before the arrival of the day of their execution.
On the other hand, this is rather in favor of the genu-
258 THE ACROPOLIS OF SUSA
ineness of the story. A careful test shows that
one may throw this die even scores of times before
it will stop on the desired number. Haman's fixing
of the date was left entirely to the die. The word
for die at Susa in that time was Pur; whether or not
it was Persian is of no consequence. The text (chap,
iii. 7) says : "They cast Pur, that is, the lot" — an ex-
planation added for the Jews, to tell them that it
answered the same purpose in Susa as "the lot'^ did
among the Jews. The long projection into the
future of the massacre of the Jews was not Haman's
personal wish, but was the fate fixed for them by
the Pur, "the lot.''
243. There is no event described in the Old Testa-
ment whose structural surroundings can be so viv-
idly and accurately restored from actual excavations
as "Shushan the Palace." The discoveries of Dieu-
lafoy have contributed most largely to this result.
The Memnonium, or palace of Artaxerxes Mnemon
(236) was the restored palace of Xerxes. 'It was
composed of three groups of distinct apartments,
each surrounded by a special enclosure, but comprised
in the same fortress. The Apaddna or throne-hall,
resembled, by its appointments and its hypostyle
architecture, a Greek temple. The king occupied
in the tabernacle the place of the divine statue. The
hall at Susa covered more than twenty acres. The
porticos, the stairways, the enclosures, were devel-
oped upon an area more than eighteen times larger.
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''SHUSHAN THE PALACE'' IN PARIS 259
and divided by a pylon. On this side of the pylon,
a giant stairway that leads from the parade-ground
up to the level of a vast esplanade ; on the other side,
glittering with its enameled crown, losing itself in
the green branches of a hanging garden, was the
Apaddna.' ^Quite separated from the Apaddna,
grouping themselves about an interior court, were
the special apartments of the sovereign : the audience
hall, the rest chamber, rooms similar to a chancery,
and to an armory, for the guards, and for the king's
subsidiaries. Like the Apaddna, it is reached by
stairs of gigantic proportions, which connect the for-
tified gate of his especial apartments with the armory.
The private dwelling of the king, recognized by its
arrangement and isolation, and by the formidable
turret which protected it, occupied the southeast
angle of the acropolis.^
244. The antiquities brought from Susa to Paris
have been deposited in two large rooms of the Louvre.
On the basis of these finds, M. Dieulafoy has not only
set up various parts of the palace, such as the bases
and capitals of the columns in their natural size,
but has made a model, on the basis of the best in-
formation, of the great palace of Artaxerxes. The
throne-room was made by thirty-six fluted columns,
sixty-seven feet in height, supporting a flat cedar-
wood roof brought from Phoenicia. These columns
were arranged in the form of a square, the two sides
and back of the room consisting of a solid wall.
260 THE APADANA
through which four small doorways pierced. Either
comer is guarded by a great pylon, "composed of
two high walls, crowned with battlements, and stand-
ing at right angles to one another. These pylons
form wings at each side of the entrance to the central
hall, and at each end of the two colonnades at the
sides.'' They were built of brick, and were dec-
orated on the outside with narrow perpendicular
recesses and projections, and with friezes of enam-
eled bricks. These friezes are lions, warriors, or the
royal body-guard, and the like, characteristically
Persian. In fact, the whole structure as restored in
the model shows us just the environment in which
Esther and the other actors in that drama moved
about. With this picture before us we can now
locate "the king's gate," where Mordecai worried the
soul of Haman, "the inner court of the king's house
over against the king's house" (chap. v. 1), where
Esther appeared unbidden before the king; "the
outward court of the king's house" (chap. vi. 4),
where Haman appeared to request permission to hang
Mordecai; "the palace garden" (chap. vii. 7), to
which the king retired to cool his anger against
Haman — in fact, almost all the features of "Shushan
the Palace," in which those tragic events took place.
245. In view of the extensive revelations made in
the mounds of Susa, we can assert, at least, that the
book of Esther is true to what is known of Persian
institutions and customs in the times of Xerxes ; that
THE BOOK OF ESTHER 261
the so-called improbabilities of the book now reduce
themselves to a minimum. That Greek and biblical
sources are not in harmony is not surprising, since
both of them are fragmentary, and cannot be ex-
pected to give us a complete picture. The seeming
arbitrariness or weakness of Xerxes in granting the
conditions which produced a civil war in his realm is
in perfect accord with an absolute monarch whose
merest caprice might become law.
After everything is said, the most probable con-
clusion is that the book was written in the Persian
period, not far from the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon
(406-359 B. C), by a Susian Jew, who was perfectly
familiar with the palace, and with Persian history,
and with Persian institutions and customs. His
purpose was to preserve for his people the origin and
significance of the feast of Purim.
CHAPTEK XXII
THE HITTITES
246. Among the great nations that came into con-
tact with Israel, there is none more enveloped by
clouds of mystery than the Hittites. While it is true
that we possess notable specimens of art and a goodly
number of beautiful Hittite inscriptions, we are still
unable to translate more than a few characters, and
these mainly in proper names. Our knowledge of
that race consequently must be gathered from other
than Hittite sources. Hebrew, Egyptian, Assyrian,
and Armenian documents contribute something of
value to our knowledge of their history. Egyptian
art also preserves some marvellous portraits of these
powerful people. The mountain passes of Asia
Minor are still flanked by curious rock-sculptures,
representing scenes in the life of these early moun-
taineers.
247. "The land of the Hittites'' (Josh. i. 4) is
specified as within the borders promised the invading
Israelites, located, however, in the extreme north.
This territory was a battle-ground for long ages for
the armies of Egypt, of Syria, of Israel, of Assyria,
and of Babylon. From this locality the Hittites
262
HITTITES IN THE AMARNA TABLETS 263
migrated to found the little colony in Palestine,
which came in such close contact with the patriarchs
(cf. 54). It was with this northern territory that
Solomon carried on extensive commercial relations.
In fact, throughout the centuries between 1300 and
750 B. C, the Hittites were an element among the
nations of western Asia which had to be taken into
account (cf. 53-54).
248. The earliest mention of the Hittites is found
in the records of the kings of the XVIIIth dynasty
of Egypt. The record of the famous campaign of
Thothmes III, in which he penetrated as far as the
banks of the Euphrates, notes the fact that he re-
ceived the tribute of ^the land of the Hittites.' The
Tel el-Amarna letters, dating from the times of
Amenophis III and IV of this same dynasty contain
more than thirty references to these people.
Although in part subjects of Egypt, they were ag-
gressively hostile toward her. These letters reveal
the anxiety and the energy of Egypt's faithful north-
ern or Syrian dependents. A few extracts will suf-
fice to show how these frontiersmen were disturbing
and threatening the peace of the land. In a letter
of Aziru, a Phoenician governor, to Dudu, an inter-
cessor in the Egyptian court, we find (Berlin Coll.
No. 38, 21-24) : "But my lord, the king of the Hit-
tites has marched into Nukhasse, and the cities are
not strong enough to throw off the yoke of the king
of the Hittites." And (Berl. Coll. 31, 21-24): "The
264 HITTITES IN THE XIXTH DYNASTY
king of the Hittites is staying in Nukhasse, and I fear
him ; I am watching lest he go to Martu." Also (Berl.
Coll. 33, 38-41): ''And now he is staying in Nu-
khasse; there are two roads to Tunip, and I fear its
fall, that Tunip will not be able to resist (him)/' In
this same letter he begs for troops that he may de-
fend the king's possessions against the inroads of
these hostile aggressors. Again, we find a native
garrison defending the king's possessions (Berl. Coll.
160, 8-26) : "Behold, we were encamped against the
cities in the land of the Amki for my lord, the king,
when Idagama, the prince of Kinza, marched upon
us, at the head of the Hittite soldiers let
my lord, the king, grant troops, that we may possess
the cities of my lord, the king, and that we may live
in the cities of my lord, the king, my god, and my
sun." These quotations suffice to prove the presence
of the Hittites in the region of the north Syrian prov-
inces of Egypt, and that they were a perpetual men-
ace to the peace and security of these districts.
249. The decline and fall of the XVIIIth dynasty
of Egypt, gave the Hittites their opportunity, and
they occupied as their chief fortress, Kadesh on the
Orontes and Carchemish on the Euphrates rivers.
These were great commercial centres, as well as
strong military fortresses. From these as bases the
Hittites crowded still farther south, into central
Syria. The kings of the XlXth dynasty very early
turned their attention toward Asia. The Hittites,
HITTITES
A KING OF THE HITTITES
HITTITES IN ASSYRIAN RECORDS 265
now in possession of first-rate strongholds, and of con-
siderable military experience, were a formidable foe.
But Seti I and after him, his son, Eameses II, kept
up a vigorous succession of campaigns, until in the
fifth year of the latter, when what seems to have been
a drawn battle was fought within easy reach of Ka-
desh. The conclusion of these struggles was that
remarkable offensive and defensive treaty, formally
signed in the twenty-first year of Rameses II. Among
many other provisions of this document, we find:
"He [Rameses] shall be my ally, he shall be my
friend: I will be his ally; I will be his friend: for-
ever." This document was attested by the gods of
Egypt and the Hittites; and the Hittite copy was
engraved on a silver plate and presented to the king
of Egypt. This left the Hittites in possession of the
two great fastnesses, Kadesh and Carchemish.
250. There are incidental references to the Hit-
tites in the inscriptions of some of the kings of As-
syria preceding Shalmaneser II. But in the records
of this king, who defeated Ahab, and received the
tribute of Jehu, we find, in the sixth year of his reign,
that he received
" the tribute of the kings on the farther side of the Euphra-
tes, Sangarof Carchemish, Kundashpi of Kumukh, Arame,
son of Gusi, Lalh of Milid, Chayani, son of Gabari, Kalpar-
uda of Chattin Kalparuda of Gurgum, silver, gold, lead,
copper, vessels of copper, at Asshur-utir-atsbat on that side
of the Euphrates, above Shagur, which the Hittites call
Pitru (Pethor)."
266 WANING OF THE HITTITES
These were presumably Hittite governors who ren-
dered ready submission to the powerful Assyrian
forces. On the obelisk (Face D, top, 1. 59-64) Shal-
maneser says of the confederacy that met him at Kar-
kar:
"Then Hadadezer, king of the country of Emeriehu
(Damascus), Irkhulina of the country of the Hamathites,
together with the kings of the country of the Hittites and
of the coast of the sea. . I fought with
them, I defeated them."
It is apparent, then, that a part of the Hittite
princes were divided in their attitude toward Assyria.
But the open opponents of Assyria's aggressions were
brought to their knees in the battle of Karkar. In.
fact, the army of Assyria was so overwhelmingly
superior, that the Hittites could offer no successful
resistance. Tiglath-pileser III (745-27 B. C.) col-
lected tribute from the Hittites as soon as he had
established his authority in this territory of northern
Syria. One of the places often mentioned in the As-
syrian inscriptions from 860 B. C. downward was
Sam'al. Curiously enough, the German excavators
at Senjirli in 1888-91 found an old Aramaic inscrip-
tion of Panammu of Sam'al. Tiglath-pileser III twice
mentions Panammu of Sam'al as his tributary; once
he is found among such names as "Rezin of Damascus,
Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre, Pisiris of
Carchemish, and Eniel of Hamath." This list com-
prises tributary princes and kings from Samaria to
HITTITE ANTIQUITIES 267
the Taurus mountains. There is some inferential evi-
dence that the Aramaeans were gradually conquering
and absorbing the territory formerly occupied by the
Hittites. This new inscription, for example, has its
characters, in contradistinction to the Babylonian, As-
syrian, and Phoenician, cut in relief like the Hittites, a
mark apparently of Hittite influence on their invaders.
But this old people were on the decline. They grad-
ually waned until 717 B. C, when Sargon crushed
their capital, Carchemish. This was their final strug-
gle, and their names thereafter practically disappear
from the pages of history.
251. Whence came the Hittites? The verdict of the
Egyptian inscriptions, of the Tel el- Amarna cuneiform
tablets, of the records of the Assyrian kings, is that
they came down from the north, from the Taurus
mountains, and probably from Cappadocia. The places
of the discovery of their inscriptions and sculptures
would indicate that their power in Asia Minor ex-
tended as far west as Lydia, and on the south to
Hamath. Their inscriptions are not all alike. Some
are not far removed from the original pictures, while
others bear slight resemblances to any known objects.
This would not be strange, as the Hittites were a dis-
tinct nation for nearly one thousand years, — quite
long enough for the development of more than one
style of writing. Until their own records are trans-
latable, we shall be obliged to be satisfied with such
information as their neighbors have preserved for us.
CHAPTER XXIII
THE ARAM^ANS
252. "Aramaeans'' is a term comprehensive of the
peoples of northwestern Mesopotamia, and of north-
ern and central Syria, as far south as the northern
limits of Palestine proper. Our sources of informa-
tion regarding these races and localities are widely
scattered. They are found in the Egyptian records
of Thothmes III, in the Tel el-Amarna tablets of
the fifteenth century B. C, in the annals of the early
Babylonian kings who overran this West-land, and
in the royal records of the Assyrian monarchs of the
later centuries of the Assjrrian empire. We are also
so fortunate as to possess a few of the original docu-
ments of these peoples, dating especially from the
eighth and seventh centuries B. C. To this knowl-
edge may be added some excellent portraits of these
races, due to the skill of Egyptian artists, and found
in their decorated tomb-chambers.
253. The Aramaeans, or '^Syrians,' occupy a
prominent place in the Old Testament. ^Aram'
(Gen. X. 22, 23) was a son of Shem, as were Elam,
Asshur, Arpachshad, and Lud. He was father of
Uz, Hul, Gether, and Mash — the last occurring in
268
ARAM OP MESOPOTAMIA 269
the inscriptions of Assurbanipal as 'Mas/ the name
of a people occupying the desert east of Palestine.
Aram is also given (Gen. xxii. 21-23) as the grand-
son of Nahor, brother of Abraham. These genea-
logical lists would locate Aram in proximity to his
brethren. They further indicate that we are to look
for the descendants of Nahor in the region of Har-
ran, the northwestern halting-place of Terah's car-
avan or colony (Gen. xi. 31), which had migrated from
Ur of the Chaldees. To this same territory came
Abraham's servant to seek a wife for his son Isaac
(Gen. xxiv. 4, 10, 15; xxv. 20). This country of
Nahor appears under the name of Paddan-Aram in
several passages (xxv. 20; xxxi. 18; xxxv. 9, 26; xlvi.
15). It was the land to which Isaac sent Jacob when
he fled from the wrath of Esau (xxviii. 5-7), that
there he might be associated with his mother's kin,
and be at a safe distance from the wickedness of the
Canaanites. From Aram-naharaim ("Aram of the two
rivers"), the country lying between the Tigris and
the Euphrates rivers, came Cushan-rishathaim to op-
press Israel for eight years (Judg. iii. 8-10), just after
their settlement in the land of Canaan. It was from
Aram that Balak called Balaam the magician to curse
for him the camp of the invading Israelites (Num.
xxiii. 7). When Hadadezer of Zobah fought with the
armies of Israel, he summoned to his aid the Ara-
maeans "beyond the Eiver" (2 Sam. x. 16). This bib-
lical division of Aram embraced, then, northern and
270 ARAM-NAHARAIM IN INSCRIPTIONS
northwestern Mesopotamia, in the midst of which was
located that great commercial and religious centre,
Harran.
254. Aram of Mesopotamia is well-known in the
inscriptions. The kingdom of the Mitanni on the
east bank of the Euphrates, was taken by Thoth-
mes III while on his famous Asiatic campaign. Ac-
cording to the Tel el-Amarna letters the royal house-
holds of this kingdom furnished the princess Teie
as a wife for Amenophis III of Egypt, and his son,
Amenophis IV, now half- Asiatic, also married a Mi-
tannian or Mesopotamian princess. This action of
the Egyptian royalty finally resulted in the overthrow
of the XVIIIth dynasty (cf. 89). These same Mitan-
nians also took part in a campaign that attacked
Egypt in the time of Kameses III.
The Assyrian inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I (1120
B. C), of Assurnatsirpal III, represent the ^Arumu,'
the 'Arimu' as peoples who occupied territory either
on the east or west bank of the Euphrates river.
Among their conquests they name as Arumu peoples
dwelling in southern Armenia and in Babylonia.
Their use of the term was probably very general, and
slight weight should be attached to their classifica-
tions. It is at least apparent that the Aramaeans in
and about Harran were closely related to those set-
tled between the Euphrates and the Orontes rivers.
255. These Aramaeans of northern Syria, doubtless
the same peoples, in the main, as those east of the
NORTH SYRIA IN THE OLD TESTAMENT 271
river, are mentioned in the Old Testament under sev-
eral names. Though racially one with the occupants
of central Syria centered at Damascus, they still pos-
sessed characteristics. There were several prosperous
Aramaean cities in this northern territory. Saul seems
to have fought with the kings of Zobah (1 Sam. xiv.
47), one of whom in David's time was Hadadezer,
son of Eehob (2 Sam. viii. 3-12), who was smitten
by Israel as he attempted to recover his borders in the
north. Hadadezer summoned all of his allies from
beyond (east of) the Euphrates, and from Damascus
in the south, to meet the armies of David, but only
to meet a disastrous defeat that gave Israel suprem-
acy as far as the Euphrates. The subjugation of
Hadadezer gave David the ready submission and
thanks of Toi of Hamath, for Hadadezer had been
his enemy. David's victories put into his hands all
the great cities in northern Syria, Betah (Tibhath in 1
Chron. xviii. 10), Berothai, Hamath, and Helam (pos-
sibly Assyr. Chalman). From these he took as booty
immense quantities of valuable metals. At a sub-
sequent time, the people of Beth-rehob, and the Ara-
maeans of Zobah joined the Ammonites to resist the
aggressions of David's army (2 Sam. x. 6-18), but to
no purpose. Another combination meets the same
fate, and David is undisputed ruler of Syria. Under
Solomon this territory fell into the hands of Eezon,
an earlier vassal of the king of Zobah (1 Kings xi.
23-25). Eezon soon acquired supremacy over all
272 NORTH SYRIA IN THE INSCRIPTIONS
Syria west of the Euphrates, with Damascus as his
capital.
256. This same northern territory of Syria is fa-
miliar country on the monuments. In the quotations
from the Tel el-Amarna tablets (248) it was called
Nukhasse. Its proximity to the Hittites continually
tempted them to raid it and seize it. Every great
Assyrian campaign, from Shalmaneser down to Assur-
banipal, that crossed the Euphrates, foraged upon its
fertile fields, and stormed and captured its cities.
The confederacy met by Shalmaneser II at Karkar
was largely made up of Aramaeans, most of them from
this northern territory. One of the points of interest
in this section of Syria was Sam'al, a city or country
twice mentioned by Tiglath-pileser III. Its king,
Panammu II, allied himself with the Assyrian king,
and was rewarded therefor by a gift of some towns
near Gurgum. He afterward died in the Assyrian
camp before Damascus (in 733 B. C). His inscrip-
tion (250), with its characters cut in relief as those of
the Hittites, was erected by himself to the sacred
memory of his father.
The language of these peoples, as those east of the
Euphrates, was Aramaic, a Semitic tongue closely
connected with the Hebrew.
257. But the Aramaeans of which we hear most in
the Old Testament, were those who occupied central
Syria, with Damascus as the capital city. From 'the
successful rebellion of Rezon against the supremacy
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SYRIA UNDER BEN-HADAD II 273
of Solomon (1 Kings xi. 23-25) down to the over-
throw of Damascus by Tiglath-pileser III (in 732
B. C), Syria was almost a continuel menace to the
peace of Israel. With her capital, Damascus, located
on the commercial highway between the East and the
West, she had practically independent financial re-
sources. Our first reference to her after the division
of the kingdom, is found in the account of Asa's
career (1 Kings xv. 16 ff.). Ben-hadad of Damascus
and Baasha of Israel had formed a league. Baasha's
aggressive action against Judah led Asa to plunder
the temple, and with the treasures to bribe Ben-hadad
to break off his allegiance to Israel's king. The game
was successful, and Syria raided the northern por-
tions of Israel's possessions.
In the reign of Ahab "Ben-hadad, king of Syria,
gathered all his host together and he
went up and besieged Samaria and fought against it"
(1 Kings XX. 1 ff.). The outcome of this siege was
the defeat and flight of the Syrians (vs. 20). In the
next year the war was renewed, and the battle was
fought at Aphek, where the God of the Hebrews
proved himself to be a God of the valleys as well
as of the mountains. Syria was defeated, and a mar-
vellous treaty was signed, indicative of the political
situation in the far north (130). Doubtless the in-
vasion of Shalmaneser II made mutual friends of
these former enemies during the years of threatened
invasion. Ahab, however, lost his life in a battle
274 SYRIA UNDER HAZAEL
with Syria at Eamoth-gilead. Syria began to pursue
her old methods of raiding Israel (2 Kings v. 2).
And the raiding grew into systematic invasion.
Elisha the prophet forewarned the king of Israel, and
the Syrians were thwarted more than once in their
intended attacks (2 Kings vi. 8-10). Ben-hadad, how-
ever, made one desperate strike at Samaria. The city
was almost starved to capitulation, when the besieg-
ing Syrians heard "a noise of a great host : and they
said to one another, Lo, the king of Israel hath hired
against us the kings of the Hittites, and the kings of
the Egyptians, to come upon us" (2 Kings vii. 6).
This produced a pell-mell flight, in which all their
camps and valuables were left behind them.
258. Subsequently, upon a visit of Elisha to
Damascus, Ben-hadad was smothered by a damp cloth
by Hazael, who succeeded him as king. This was the
advent of troublous times for Israel. Hazael inaugu-
rated offensive warfare of a vigorous and cruel type.
Eamoth-gilead, east of Jordan, was the place of
Ahab's final stand and fall; and now Joram, son of
Ahab, with Ahaziah, his nephew, meets the same
army under Ben-hadad's successor, Hazael. The re-
sult seems to have been in favor of Israel (2 Kings ix.
14), though Joram was severely wounded. After the
accession of Jehu we find (2 Kings x. 32, 33): "In
those days Jehovah began to cut Israel short: and
Hazael smote them in all the coasts of Israel; from
Jordan eastward, all the land of Gilead, the Gadites,
hazael's supremacy 275
and the Reubenites, and the Manassites, from Aroer
which is by the valley of Arnon, even Gilead and
Bashan." The invasions of Shalmaneser in 842 and
839, were carried on with great vigor against the king
of Damascus. Hazael was caged up within the walls
of his city, his country was ravaged, his dependent
provinces plundered and destroyed, but his royal city
was not taken (cf. 136). The withdrawal of Assyria's
troops was simply a signal of warning to the peoples
near him. Gath fell before his arms, and Jerusalem
was saved only by the valuable treasures turned into
his hands, by Joash, king of Judah. "And the anger
of Jehovah was kindled against Israel (under Jehoa-
haz), and he delivered them into the hand of Hazael,
king of Syria, and into the hand of Ben-hadad, the
son of Hazael, continually" (2 Kings xiii. 3). "For
he left not to Jehoahaz of the people, save fifty horse-
men, and ten chariots, and ten thousand footmen;
for the king of Syria destroyed them, and made them
like the dust in threshing" (vs. 7). "And Hazael,
king of Syria, oppressed Israel all the days of Jehoa-
haz" (vs. 22). These brief quotations from Kings
and from Shalmaneser's inscriptions mark Hazael as
a king of exceptional ability. Under his administra-
tion Syria and Damascus were of first importance in
the West-land. No power crushed him, though he
defied every people within reach. He was practically
master of all central and southern Syria, including
Palestine.
276 SYRIA SMITTEN AND WANING
259. The successor of Hazael was his son, Ben-
hadad (III). In 806, Eamman-nirari (810-781 B. C.)
made an expedition into this West-land. He swept
the land of Syria, Palestine, and Phoenicia. The most
important of all his conquests was the city of Damas-
cus, of which special note is made in the summary
of his expeditions. The king of Damascus, according
to the Assyrian annals, was Mari', an Aramaic word
for 'lord.' There is no room for him in our list of
Syrian kings, uniess he is identical with Ben-hadad
III, son of Hazael (2 Kings xiii. 24). The capture
of Damascus marked an epoch in the history of Syria.
Its formidable power, always a menace to Israel, was
broken. Henceforth its resistance was materially re-
duced. At some point in this period of Syria's his-
tory, Joash of Israel is said (2 Kings xiii. 14-17, 25)
to have smitten Israel three times. Soon thereafter
Jeroboam II, son of Joash, taking advantage of
Syria's weakness, subjected her territory, including
the city of Damascus, and annexed it to Israel. The
whole Syrian domain thus fell into the hands of the
northern kingdom.
260. In 742 B. C, Tiglath-pileser III (745-727
B. C.) arrived in the "West-land. Arpad, in north-
ern Syria, withstood him for three years, but
was finally obliged to yield. He turned his at-
tention to the smaller cities and peoples to the
south, and gives in a list of tributaries, "Eezon of Da-
mascus and Menahem of Samaria" (148). After the
SYRIA SUBDUED 277
reception of tribute and partial establishment of his
authority, Tiglath-pileser returned to Assyria to look
after other subjects. This gave the ambitious king
of Damascus his desired opportunity. He persuaded
the new king of Israel, Pekah, to join him in a coali-
tion against the authority of Assyria. These two
attempted to force Ahaz into the combination. But
he appealed for help to the oncoming conqueror.
Damascus was besieged, and in 732, though the As-
syrian annals are very fragmentary, was captured,
*Eezin' slain, and its chief inhabitants carried cap-
tive to Kir, possibly some point in Armenia. The
king of Assyria plundered and carried away captive
all the northern and eastern territory of Israel. This
was the final and fatal stroke to Syria. Thereafter
she assumed no prominence as a nation among the
nations. She was merely a prosperous tributary of
some greater power, and her influence was mainly
commercial.
261. Syria's system of worship is occasionally re-
ferred to in the Old Testament. After Naaman, cap-
tain of the host of Syria, had been healed of his lep-
rosy by dipping in the Jordan, he requested of Elisha
(2 Kings V. 18) that when he should offer sacrifice
to Jehovah, he might be pardoned for going with
his master into the house of Eimmon, and bowing
himself in the house of Eimmon. This god was
probably identical with the Assyrian Eamman, the
weather-god. Another deity of prominence was
278 SYRIAN DEITIES
Hadad, or Addu, formed in such proper names as
Hadadezer, Hadad-Rimmon (Zech. xii. 11), and Ben-
hadad. On the Panammu inscription from Senjirli
(250) we find this: "And this memorial is the
of Hadad and El and Rekub-el, the lord
of the house, and Shemesh and the gods of Ja'di."
Other less prominent deities are mentioned incident-
ally in Aramaean inscriptions from other sections of
western Asia. Enough has been said to show that
Israel had just on her northern borders a powerful
people, kin by blood, rivals in politics, and diverse
in worship. Marks of their lives can be seen in many
places on the national life of Israel. And evidence
of her vigor and strength, and of the verity of the Old
Testament's statements, comes from many widely dis-
tributed monuments and peoples.
CHAPTER XXIV
THE SAMARITANS
262. The principal bond of union in the govern-
ment of ancient oriental monarchies was force. This
stubborn fact made perpetual demands on the vigi-
lance and the strength of the standing army of the
ruler. If for any reason there was a sign of weak-
ness, or of vacillation on the part of the right arm of
control, it was regarded by provincial subjects as a
call to arms, a trumpet blast announcing a revo-
lution. There was another occasion also that was
always anticipated by the "man in power" with
thoughts of alarm and terror. It was the critical
moment when the authority must be transferred from
father to son. Instead of the legitimate heir, a
usurper was ever a dread possibility. The death of
the king always carried with it a contingent upheaval.
As soon as the pressure was removed, expansive
human nature rebounded to its old conditions of lib-
erty and independence. This fact largely accounts
for the mercurial power of many ancient monarchies.
The accession of each successive ruler usually meant
the resubjugation of most of the peoples of his royal
heritage. If he was equal to this initial demand on
his military ability, he thereby laid the foundations
279
280 POLICY OF DEPORTATION
for a successful oriental realm. But if he exhausted
his resources in securing and maintaining the hom-
age of no more than his home subjects, his reign
was not an oriental success, to be displayed in loud-
sounding phrases in the royal annals.
263. Early conquerors and rulers had taken one
precaution against the possible secession of their new
subjects. They had been accustomed from time im-
memorial to carry away from conquered lands large
numbers of captives. These were either used as
slaves in the prosecution of large building enterprises,
or sold to be transported to the great slave marts of
the world. In either case they added to the resources
of their government. The provinces, too, from which
they had been wrested would be less able in the future
to offer a troublesome resistance to royal demands.
This policy was in vogue many centuries, apparently,
before it became evident that its results were disas-
trous to the provincial prosperity of the kingdom.
The deportation of the most thrifty of the popu-
lation, the transfer to Assyria of the best of the
cattle, and the robbing of the treasures of the cap-
tured state, brought about but one condition of
things. And that was a depleted and discouraged
people, a severe diminution in the amount of products
of the soil, and an abject dependence on higher au-
thorities for their direction and inspiration. This
would naturally centralize at the capital the pros-
perity, the authority, and the power of the kingdom.
POLICY OF IMPORTATION 281
264. But the beginning of the reign of Tiglath-
pileser III (745-727 B. C.) opened a new era in Assyr-
ian history. He ventured early in his reign to in-
augurate a new policy for his provinces. For a purely
military control of dependencies, established and exe-
cuted by his royal predecessors, he organized a sys-
tem of civil government, in which the governed had
some part. And in order to compensate in part for
the deportation of the population, and the depletion
of land values, Tiglath-pileser introduced a new
measure. The impoverished country was not left
to grow up wild and to be the haunts of wild beasts.
Into this territory he imported peoples from other
conquered lands. These were carried from different
provinces, so that, with little community of blood or
language, they might be less liable to combine in
rebellion against their master. This policy threw
together peoples of the most diverse customs, habits,
and religion. They spoke different languages, and
were descendants of widely separated nationalities.
The results of such aggregations of diverse peoples
were often very strange.
265. The land of Israel had been often plundered
by almost all of its neighboring peoples, but the
disastrous and devastating raids of Assyria surpassed
these in their permanent damage to the country.
Tiglath-pileser III had carried off multitudes from
East of the Jordan and from northern Israel. Shal-
282 SAMARIA RE-PEOPLED
maneser IV (727-722 B. C.) had received the king-
dom of Tiglath-pileser III, including the territory
and people of the ten tribes. Early in his reign,
Hoshea had plotted rebellion, but was forgiven on
payment of tribute. An attempt to form a league
with Shabaka of Egypt against Ass3rria was discov-
ered, and the Israelitish king captured and put in
chains. Shalmaneser spoiled the country, looted the
cities, carried off its population, and besieged their
capital city, Samaria. At the accession of his suc-
cessor, Sargon II, the city yielded to the horrors of
the siege. Sargon carried away 27,290 of its inhab-
itants and distributed them "in Halah, and in Habor,
on the river Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes'^
(159). The country, robbed of its population, and
the city itself now fallen and spoiled and deprived of
its most valuable citizens, were on the down grade
towards a rapid destruction.
266. The Old Testament recognizes the new Assjrr-
ian policy of importation or immigration when it
says (2 Kings xvii. 24): "And the king of Assjrria
brought men from Babylon and from Cuthah, and
from Avva, and from Hamath and Sepharvaim, and
placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of the
children of Israel, and they possessed Samaria and
dwelt in the cities thereof." Sargon also preserves one
reference to his own policy on this subject (Annals,
95-97): "The tribes of the Tamud, Ibadid, Marsiman,
Chayapa, the distant Arabians who inhabit the desert,
A RELIGIOUS COMPOSITE 283
whom no scholar or writer knew, who had paid tribute
to no king, I smote in the service of Asshur my lord,
the remaining inhabitants I carried away and settled
in Samaria/^ The Kings and Sargon's records
together name nine different peoples who were thus
transported from as many different places and put
down in the country about Samaria to build the waste
places, to cultivate the soil, and to yield tribute for
the great king. From the names in the lists we find
peoples from the desert, probably tribes of Arabs,
peoples from Hamath in the extreme northern end
of Syria, if indeed it were not just before this a city
of the Hittites, also some from Babylon, Cuthah, and
Sippar. It is not improbable that Sargon purposely
planted in this colony enough of the Babylonian ele-
ment to determine the prevailing character of the
resultant.
267. The immediate consequences of such an ag-
gregation of religious views are given in 2 Kings.
It is said (2 Kings xvii. 25-28) that at the beginning,
probably because of the long scarcity of population,
the peoples were plagued by the number of lions
in the land. Complaint was made to the king of
Assyria that this was because they knew ^^not the
manner of the God of the land." He issued an order
and they brought to Samaria one of the priests who
had been carried into captivity, that he might teach
the people of the land how to serve Jehovah. Then
we have a description (2 Kings xvii. 29-33) of the
284 ANTI-SE]VnTES IN CYRUSES DAY
religious result of this experiment: "Howbeit every
nation made gods of their own and put them in the
houses of the high places which the Samaritans had
made, every nation in their cities wherein they
dwelt. And the men of Babylon made Succoth-
benoth, and the men of Cuth made Nergal, and the
men of Hamath made Ashima, and the Avvites made
Nibhaz and Tartak, and the Sepharvites burnt their
children in the fire to Adrammelech and Anamme-
lech, the gods of Sepharvaim. So they feared Je-
hovah, and made unto them from among themselves
priests of the high places which sacrificed for them in
the houses of the high places. They feared Jehovah
and served their own gods, after the manner of the
nations from among whom they had been carried
away." This was the syncretistic form of worship
which resulted soon after the plantings of Sargon on
this northern soil of Palestine. The compiler of 2
Kings does not wish to be misunderstood, and so he
concludes his chapter (xvii.) thus: "So these nations
feared Jehovah, and served their graven images ; their
children likewise, and their children's children, as
did their fathers so do they unto this day."
268. It is evident from further references in Ezra
that the country must have been only sparsely occu-
pied by the importations of Sargon. Subsequent
kings found here an asylum for malcontents from dif-
ferent parts of their kingdoms. When the exiles that
had returned with Zerubbabel (537 B. C.) from Baby-
OPPOSITION IN ARTAXERXES' DAY 285
Ion began, according to the authorization of Cyrus
(Ezra iv. 3), to build a temple at Jerusalem, the peo-
ples of Samaria said unto them : "Let us build with
you: for we seek your God as ye do; and (mg.)
we do no sacrifice unto him since the days of Esar-
haddon king of Assyria (681-668 B. C), which
brought us up hither" (Ezra iv. 2). This coalescence
of such diverse peoples by persistent opposition to
the Jews, finally succeeded in frustrating all their
plans, and in fully checking for the time being the
work of rebuilding the temple. After fifteen years'
delay, however, under a reauthorization of another
king, Darius Hystaspes, work was resumed and the
temple was completed and dedicated in 516 B. C.
Yet it was done in the face of the persistent and
malicious opposition of their neighbors.
269. This Palestinian colony of Jews suffered by
reason of the continuous taunts and jeers of the
Samaritans. Probably early in the reign of Artax-
erxes I (464-424 B. C), the Jews again arose to build
their city. This time they were fiercely opposed by
their neighbor adversaries. Protests on the ground
availing them nothing, they dispatched a letter to the
king of Persia. The parties to this protest were
"the Dinaites and the Apharsathchites, the Tarpelites,
the Apharsites, the Archevites, the Babylonians, the
Shushanchites, the Dehaites, the Elamites, and the
rest of the nations whom the great and noble Osnap-
par (Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, 668-626 B. C.)
286 A RACIAL COIMPOSITE
brought over and set in the city of Samaria, and in
the rest of the country beyond the river" (Ezra iv.
9, 10). The composition of this conglomerate is un-
paralleled. Here are nine different peoples — though
the last clause of the quotation might lead us to sus-
pect that they occupied territory quite outside of that
usually assigned to the Samaritans. It is at least
significant that all these peoples, wherever located,
were involved in the public protest to the active
building operations of the Jews.
270. It must now be apparent that this so-called
colony of the Samaritans was a heterogeneous con-
glomerate. Sargon II (722-705 B. C.) imported Ha-
mathites, Babylonians from several rebellious cities,
and four tribes of Arabs from the desert. Esarhad-
don (681-668 B. C.) also added to this composite, while
Assurbanipal (668-626 B. C.) transported to this ter-
ritory Elamites, Shushanites, and several other dis-
tant peoples. These, mingled with the poor Jews
left in the country after Shalmaneser's and Sargon's
deportations, give us the basis, the racial material,
out of which sprang the later Samaritans. The gods
of all these peoples, set up and worshiped, not by
each exclusivel}^, but by any who would, give us a
mingled worship equaled nowhere else in ancient his-
tory. Naturally the Jews, if cognizant of all of the
claims of Jehovah, would assiduously avoid all con-
tact with the very thing that had undermined and
overthrown the kingdom of their fathers.
JEWS PALL INTO THE TRAP 287
271. In spite of these marks of open antagonism
to every advance step of the Jews, it is certain that
long years of living side by side somewhat cooled
that ardor. In fact, their relations became so molli-
fied and agreeable by the time of Ezra's return (458
B. C.) that intermarriages were not infrequent.
And these were current not simply among the com-
mon people, but "the hand of the princes and rulers
hath been chief in this trespass" (Ezra ix. 2). The
early opposition of Zerubbabel to uniting with these
peoples apparently had availed nothing, and the Jews
were again freely mingling with the most vicious of
idolaters. Ezra's drastic measures (Ezra x. 11), in-
human as they were, seemed to be the speediest and
most effective means of stamping out the evil. But the
Jews were almost surrounded by peoples who were
ready at every opportunity to strike them a death-
blow. Ezra's enforced separation of heathen wives
from their Jewish husbands had doubtless no small
part in kindling against the Jews new fires of enmity.
The liberal Samaritans and other nationalities now
had a new and valid reason for crushing the hated
Jew.
272. Several years (445 B. C.) after the reforms
of Ezra, Nehemiah returned from Persia to build
the walls of Jerusalem. The first report of this fact
that reached the ears of the enemy (N'eh. iv. 1) aroused
new opposition. Sanballat the Horonite, a leading
Samaritan, derided the Jews in the presence of the
288 NEHEIVnAH'S WALL-BUILDING
Samaritan troops: "What do these feeble Jews?"
(Neh. iv. 2). Tobiah the Ammonite, one of his aids,
said (Ezra iv. 3): "Even that which they build, if
a fox go up he shall break their stone wall." Ee-
peated attempts were made by these leaders to check
the enthusiasm of Nehemiah, but to no purpose.
Then a coalition of enemies was formed of San-
ballat, Tobiah, Geshem, the Arabians possibly those
settled near Samaria by Sargon II, the Ammonites,
and the Ashdodites, to stop the wall-building of
Nehemiah. The unswerving will of JSTehemiah
pushed ahead, despite all the warnings and words of
opposition. He was five times invited to a confer-
ence at Ono, but turned not aside from his steadfast
purpose, to step into a trap of the foe. Bribery was
the next means adopted to catch him, or slander him.
"Shemaiah, the son of Delaiah" (Neh. vi. 10) was
hired by Tobiah and Sanballat to induce Nehemiah,
a layman, to hide from a would-be murderer in the
sacred temple courts. This ruse also failed. And
the builders, armed for defense and service, finished
the repairing of the walls in fifty-two days, to the
dismay of their sworn antagonists.
273. The vigorous reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah
widened the gulf between the Jews and their neigh-
bors, especially between them and the Samaritans.
In 436 (Neh. xiii. 6) Nehemiah returned to Persia.
After some time he returned to Jerusalem, to find
that mixed marriages were still in vogue, especially
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nehemiah's rigorous reforms 289
among some of the country population (xiii. 23-25).
These he roundly cursed and beat, and put them
under oath not to continue the practice for their
children. But of most significance was the discov-
ery that one of the grandsons (Manasseh) of the high-
priest Eliashih, had become son-in-law of Sanballat
the Horonite, the most representative Samaritan who
had opposed the work of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 28).
Josephus {Antiq. xi. 8, 2) tells us that Manasseh
preferred rather to lose his wife than the high-priest's
office in Jerusalem. Sanballat promised him, if he
would retain his wife and forsake Jerusalem, that he
would build a temple for him on Mount Gerizim like
that at Jerusalem, and would see that Darius be-
stowed on him a high-priesthood. Elated by these
promises, he forsook Jerusalem and its temple, bear-
ing toward it only feelings of bitterness and enmity.
274. This event practically terminated the friendly
relations of the Jews and the Samaritans. It was
also the turning-point in the religious life of the
latter. A temple was built on Mount Gerizim, as a
rival of that in Jerusalem. Its new and first high-
priest, Manasseh, carried from Jerusalem sufficient
reverence for the law to make it the basis of worship.
His and his relatives' influence seem to have counter-
acted and overcome the semi-heathen idolatry of the
mingled peoples, and to have successfully contended
for the pure worship of Jehovah.
It is quite beyond our purpose to follow down to
290 RUPTURE BETWEEN SAMARITANS AND JEWS
the present day the history of this peculiar people.
We have seen how they originated, what species of wor-
ship they adopted, their attitude toward the Jews in
the restoration period, and one of the chief causes
of the rupture between them and the Jewish colony.
Suffice it to say that they adopted as their Bible the
Pentateuch. Their strict exclusiveness through all
the centuries has preserved them. And to-day about
one hundred and fifty of these devoted worshipers
are found at Nablus, at the foot of their holy moun-
tain, Gerizim.
CHAPTER XXV
OUR NEW OLD TESTAMENT
275. Our old Old Testament of the beginning of
this century has now become a new Old Testament.
This rejuvenation of the old book is due to the large
progress made in explorations, discoveries, and de-
cipherment of antiquities during the present cen-
tury, and preeminently during the last half of it.
Almost every Bible land has been laid under tribute
to this cause, and some of them have poured into
our archaeological coffers more than we can as yet
measure or interpret. Private and public expedi-
tions are at work to-day in several of these oriental
lands, and they promise to yield fruit as fast as we
can care for it. Eemains of all the principal peoples
mentioned in the Old Testament now decorate the
cases of our museums, and tons of new material are
being gathered in at the end of every season. This
work cannot be too strongly supported. Every addi-
tional fact added to our knowledge simply elucidates
some hitherto unexplained difficulty, and every spade
plunged into an oriental mound is merely a step
toward the discovery of some new fact.
276. The scope of the results of these discoveries
291
292 ITS NEW CREDITS
is immeasurable. They touch almost every part of
the Old Testament. The preceding chapters have
indicated to some extent their significance, though it
was manifestly impossible to treat every department of
the Old Testament aifected by the monuments, in so
limited a compass. The largest contribution is that
made to the historical setting of the children of
Israel in the different periods of their history.
Archaeology comes in for no small share in the per-
manent good derived from this source. A new and
definite location of events formerly assigned to semi-
oblivion gives additional vividness to the narrative.
The determination of the exact time of the occurrence
of events has also added interest to many of the facts
in the Old Testament. But there is no more fas-
cinating department of new information than that
pertaining to the ethnology of early oriental peo-
ples. There are few names of peoples now remain-
ing in the Old Testament about whom we have
not secured some new facts. The religions, too, of
the contemporaneous nations are better known than
they were a half-century ago. The meanings of some
words in the Old Testament have assumed a new im-
portance since the opening of the magical Babylonian-
Assyrian cuneiform tongue, a half-sister to the He-
brew. This larger meaning for the words of the Old
Testament assures us of a better understanding of
the original Hebrew, and a more expressive and sym-
JLIttiw
TRIBUTE OF JEHU, SOX OF O M R I
SILVER
GOLD
BASINS OF GOLD
BOWLS OF G (» L I)
PROCESSION OF JEWS PAYING TRIBUTE TO SHALMANESER II
(From the second group around the Black Obelisk)
CUPS OF GOLD
BUCKETS OF GOLD
LEAD
f^i'l
yw^l
A ROYAL SCEPTRE
STAY E S
I RECEIVED
PROCESSION OF JEWS PAYING TRIBUTE TO SHALMANESER II
(From the second group around the Black Obelisk)
HISTORICAL CREDITS 293
pathetic meaning for the words penned by the writers
of the Old Testament.
277. In surveying the whole sweep of discoveries
in the historical line, one may well be amazed at the
galaxy of characters now drawn up to view. Begin-
ning back at the fourteenth chapter of Genesis, we
find evidence of the existence of the leader, Chedor-
laomer, of the great Elamite campaign against the
cities of the plain. The probabilities of a Hyksos
domination in Egypt when Abram and Joseph reached
the Nile-land are increasing with each new Egyptian
discovery touching this period. The possession at
Gizeh Museum of the mummy of the Pharaoh of the
oppression, Rameses II, and a tablet of the time of
Meneptah II, bearing the name "Israel," add great
vividness to the bondage of Israel in Egypt. Por-
traits of some of the Canaanitish peoples show us the
kind of soldiers that disputed with Joshua the occu-
pation of the promised land. ShishaFs portrait of
his captives from Canaan bears evidence on the face
of it of the verity of the Kings record of that event.
The Moabite stone tells us that Mesha of Moab (2
Kings iii. -1) was no less a king than represented by
the compiler of Kings. Shalmaneser II's own record
bears testimony to the existence of Ahab, of Ben-
hadad, and Hazael of Damascus, and of '^Jehu son
of Omri." Tiglath-pileser III has left most valuable
documents in which he mentions Azariah (Uzziah)
294 ARCaEOLOGICAL CREDITS
and Ahaz of Judah, and Menahem, Pekah, and
Hoshea of Israel, and Rezin of Damascus. Sargori
II describes his capture of Samaria, and of Ashdod.
Sennacherib's records are full of facts regarding his
illustrious campaign of 701 B. C, where we find Heze-
kiah mentioned by name, the siege of Lachish pic-
tured on his walls, and the amount of tribute paid
the invader. Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal both
mention in their lists of tributaries Manasseh of
Judah. The overthrow of Nineveh, pictured in
Nahum, is attested by a small inscription of Nabon-
idus. The policy of Nebuchadrezzar, and his ad-
ministrative ability, are evident in his own records.
The annals of Nabonidus and of Cjrrus picture the
fall of Babylon and the governmental policy of Cyrus
outlined in the Old Testament. Belshazzar is seen
to be the son, co-regent, of Nabonidus, the last Sem-
itic king of Babylon. The construction of the pal-
ace of Susa is found to correspond in every important
respect to the descriptions of the book of Esther.
In brief, we now have several new and corroborative
chapters of history, as one immediate result of the
decipherment of the new documents dug out of the
earth within the last half-century.
278. The archaeology of those days is also a new
theme. The Old Testament representations of the
laws and customs of social and political life have often
aroused sharp criticism. The repulsive character of
the religious rites of some of those old nations has
GEOGRAPHICAL CREDITS 295
often been remarked. And the commercial enter-
prise of some of those old peoples was thought to be
an exaggeration. But now, in reading the records of
the peoples about whom the Old Testament made
such representations, we are surprised at the faith-
fulness of the sketch to the true picture. The un-
savory character of Phoenician Baal worship as de-
picted in the Old Testament is seen in the records of
Phcenicia to have been still more debasing and hor-
rible. We have also discovered that Israel possessed,
in common with other Semitic peoples, many of her
social, political, and religious customs. Most of the
religious rites adopted by Israel were current among
her kin. We find the ark, laws of purifications, offer-
ings, circumcision, and numerous other rites among
other Semitic tribes of that day. Their adoption by
Israel was their consecration to the service of one God
instead of to the many of her neighbors. This com-
munity of customs constituted one of the open doors
for Israel to enter into the idolatrous ways of her
neighbors. Common blood, common customs, and
a common language were a long step toward common
methods of worship. There are other points, and
many of them, where the archseology of the Old Tes-
tament has received great impetus from the records
of the past.
279. It is with a new zest that Bible students now
sit down to draw a map, for instance, of the empire of
Thothmes III, Rameses II, or of Shalmaneser II. We
296 CHBOXOLOGICAL CREDITS
can specify almost the boundary lines established by
those old kings. In some cases, as that at Dog
Biver, we find their boundary stones chiseled out
of the sides of the mountains. Besides the outer lim-
its, we can now fix the site of many a city whose very
existence was formerly in doubt. Xineveh, Pithom,
Lachish, and Amenophis IT's capital at Tel el-Amar-
na are notable examples. The identification of hun-
dreds of sites has given us a standard of measure-
ments of distances, so that we are able to estimate
the probable relations of events that occurred at this
and that place. In short, our increased knowledge
of ancient geography has furnished us a plan drawn
to a scale on which we mav locate anew manv of the
events of the millennium of the Old Testament.
280. Chronology is a right-hand helper to geog-
raphy. It is a gratifying fact that the inscriptions
have let in a little light on the troublesome chron-
ology of the Old Testament. The discovery of sev-
eral eponym lists covering about two and one-half
centuries, or from about 900-666 B. C, has given
hope to an apparently hopeless maze. By the use of
these tables we can determine in part the Hebrew
methods of compiling historical facts, and also the
allowance that must be made when we estimate the
chronology of the Hebrew kings of this period. It
is interesting to note that Ussher^s and the eponjrti
chronology agree in locating the fall of Samaria in
722 B. C, but that as we recede Ussher^s dates are
ETHNOGRAPHICAL CREDITS 297
too long. Instead of 975 (Ussher), the division of
the kingdom occurred at about 931 B. C. Though,
Egyptian chronology is as yet fragmentary, it is quite
probable that the exodus occurred about 1276 B. C,
while the period of the Tel el-Amarna letters was
between 1450 and 1400 B. C. The time for a com-
plete reconstruction of biblical chronology has not
yet arrived. But we can make valuable use of every
new fact until such time comes. The vital impor-
tance of the facts already acquired must be apparent
to every careful student of the period of the prophets.
281. The Old Testament is a kind of picture gal-
lery of the nations. Some of the peoples are depicted
much more in detail than others. Of some we see
only a bare outline. ^N'ow we are able to touch up
many of those pictures with new and striking colors.
We are able not only to complete these pictures, but
to estimate the relations of the subjects to each other.
The Aramaeans and the Hittites, the Assyrians and
the Chaldeans, the Elamites and the Persians, the
Samaritans and the Jews, can now be compared and
contrasted, with some probability of arriving at safe
conclusions. This study will also aid us in estimating
the specific influence of each of these peoples in
Israel. The better we understand the ethnography
of Israelis day, as preserved in the inscriptions, the
more far-reaching and just will be our conclusions
as to their relations to Israel.
282. The outer life of a nation can be correctly
298 RELIGIOUS CREDITS
estimated from the character of its religion and wor-
ship. With that elaborate work out of old Egypt,
the ^Book of the Dead/ and our penitential hymns,
and incantations in the cuneiform literature, we can
partially understand the religious life of the Egyp-
tian and Babylonian. The devotion of the Baby-
lonian-Assyrian kings to their great divinities is
also a revelation of the religious life of those mon-
archs. The very constitution of many of their names
is religious, embodying as it does the name of one of
their principal deities, and the recognition of his
part in the life of the named. The Egyptian, Ara-
maean, Phoenician, and many other deities men-
tioned in the Old Testament are now known either
in the portraiture or in the narrative of their re-
spective peoples. The attributes assigned to these
deities are those that give the chief mark to the
worship of each people. Israel's fall into idolatry
was a fall into the debasing life suggested by the
attributes of each several deity. The better we un-
derstand these deities the more light shall we gather
on the manner of Israel's defection from the worship
of the true God, Jehovah.
283. The study and interpretation of language lie
at the root of most other ancient oriental themes.
The fact that Israel lived at different times in close
proximity to many other nations, provides the pos-
sibility of introduction into her language of foreign
words. This century's 'finds' have shown in the
LINGUISTIC CREDITS 299
Old Testament a large number of words of foreign
origin. These words brought with them and retain
their original meanings. We find Egyptian, Canaan-
itish, Phoenician, Aramaean, Babylonian-Assyrian,
Persian, and Greek words in the Old Testament.
Their meaning can now be seen in their own language,
and consequently in the connections in which they
appear in the Hebrew.
Again, there are many Hebrew words that occur
once only in the Old Testament. Their meaning can
be ascertained by a long comparative process, but it
is now immensely clarified by the discovery in one
of the new cognate tongues of that word in scores
or hundreds of connections. This fact, especially
from the side of the Babylonian-Assyrian, the extent
of whose vocabulary is not yet measured, lends great
value to the linguistic study of the Old Testament.
The significance, too, of the proper names of the Old
Testament is greatly enhanced by these linguistic
additions to our knowledge.
284. The definiteness and clearness of meaning of
a passage is dependent on our understanding the ex-
act meaning of its words, or the meaning which the
author intended that its words should convey. The
discovery of words that aid us in understanding ob-
scure and difficult portions of the Old Testament is
a most happy contribution to its exegesis. This fact
increases the necessity every year for new translations
and expositions of the Bible. It emphasizes the im-
300 CHARACTER OF THE EVTOENCE
portance of carefully watching the results of the work
of Old Testament scholars, especially in expository
or exegetical lines. Every preceding item in this
chapter contributes its part to the understanding of
the Old Testament. The ever-increasing volume of
new facts, in their new relations, necessitates new
expositions and new commentaries. The ever-
expanding realm of truth requires that the student
of the Old Testament should be fully conversant with
the best that touches his work, and the best thought
on his work.
285. Our old Old Testament has now become a mar-
velously new Old Testament. Many of its trans-
formers were peoples whose ambitions were coequal
with the abode of man, whose policy was ^might es-
tablishes right,^ and whose interests were supremely
selfish. These nations formed the background of
Israel's life, and gave it many a tint, many a shade,
and spots of darkest dye. But their records, chis-
eled in adamantine volumes, stamped in perishable
clay, painted in the darkness of the tombs, or cut on
mountain side, bring impartial, unimpeachable, and
conclusive proof of the veracity of the Old Testament.
REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY
(additional to books named in the text)
Chapter I: A Fragmentary Old Testament
The Book of Judges; land 2 Kings: Hosea; Haggai;Ezra.
Chapter II: A Lone Old Testament
Robert Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persia^ Ancient
Babylonia, etc., during 1811-20 {1^'22)\ C.J.Rich, Memoir
on the Ruins of Babylon. 3d ed. (1818); Ainsworth, Travels
in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks (1844); Chesney,
Expedition for Survey of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris
(1859). — Ebers, Cicerone durch das alte und neue JEgypten,
2 vols. (1886); Edwards, A Thousand Miles up the Nile
(1876); McCoan, Egypt as it is (1877).
Chapter III: Egypt's Riddle Read
On decipherment and translation of Rosetta Stone, see
Budge, Dwellers on the Nile (1891) chap, i.; Birch, Records
of the Past, Vol. IX, 69-78. On discoveries, see Memoirs of
the Egypt Exploration Fund (1884 — ) and Research Account,
and several other works by Petrie; Petrie, Ten Years' Dig-
ging in Egypt; Sayce, in Recent Research in Bible Lands
(1896), pp. 95-128; Ball, Light from the East (1899), p. 255.
Chapter IV: Mesopotamia's Mounds Opened
Evetts, Light on the Bible and the Holy Land, chaps, i.
and ii.; Rich, Memoir on the Ruins of Babylon (1816);
Second Memoir (1818) ; Vaux, Nineveh and Persepolis (1850);
301
302 REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY
Bonomi, Nineveh and its Palaces (1853); Ward, W. H,, Re-
port on the Wolfe Expedition to Babylonia 1884-1885 (1886);
Rassam, Asshurand the Land of Nimrod (1897); Hilprecht,
in Recent Research in Bible Lands, pp. 43-93.
Chapter V: Cuneiform Secrets Revealed
Evetts, Light on the Bible and the Holy Land, chaps, iii.
and iv.; Rawlinson, H. C, " The Persian Cuneiform Inscrip-
tion at Behistun decyphered and translated," etc., in Jour.
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. X (1847); , "Notes on the
Inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria" in Jour. Royal
Asiatic Society, Vol. XII (1850); Sayce, Babylonian Litera-
ture ; Kaulen, Assyrien und Babylonien nach den neuesten
Entdeckungen (1891); Kinns, Graven in the Rock (1891),
chap. i.
Chapter VI: Glints from Palestine, Phcenicia and the
HiTTITES
Memoirs of the Survey of Western Palestine (1881-83);
Quarterly Statements of the Palestine Exploration Fund;
Conder, Tent-Work in Palestine (1878); Merrill, East of the
Jordan (1883); Schumacher, Across the Jordan (1886);
Conder, Palestine. Renan, Mission de Phenicie
(1863-74); di Cesnola, Researches and Discoveries in Cyprus
(1878); Perrot and CYA^^iez, History of Art in Antiquity,
Vol. Ill (1885). On the Hittites, see chap. xxii.
Chapter VII: Primitive Traditions and Genesis
Lenormant, Beginnings of History (1886); Smith-Sayce,
Chaldean Genesis (1881); Arnolt, W. M., " Babyl. Deluge," in
Biblical World, Vol. Ill, 109-118; Davis, Genesis and
Semitic Tradition (1894); Boscawen, The Bible and the
Monuments (1895); Sayce, The Higher Criticism and the
Monuments (1894), chap, iii.; Ball, Light from the East,
pp. 1-45.
REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY 303
Chapter VIII: The Patriarchs under Eastern Lights
McCurdy, History, Prophecy and the Monuments, Vol. I
§§ 100-116, 134-141; Sayce, Higher Crit. and Mon., chap, iv.;
Tomkins, Abraham and his Age (1897); , Life and
Times of Joseph (1891); Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine (1895),
chaps, iii. and iv.; , The Egypt of the Hebrews (1895),
chap, i.; Hommel, The Ancient Hebrew Tradition (1897),
chaps, iv.-vi.; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 73-82.
Chapter IX: Israel under the Glow of Egypt
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 142-167;
Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., chaps, iv. and v.; St. Clair,
Buried Cities and Bible Countries (1891), pp. 16-76; Fraden-
burgh, Light from Egypt (1897); Evetts, New Light on the
Bible and the Holy Land, chaps, vi.-viii.; Sayce, Egypt of
the Hebrews, chap, ii.; Winckler, Tel el-Amarna Letters
(1896); Ball, Light from the East, pp. 83-129. The various
Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund and Research
Account.
Chapter X: The Peoples of Canaan and Israel
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 125-133,
182-194; Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., chap, vi.; ,
Early Israel and the Surrounding Nations (1899), chap.ii.;
, Egypt of the Hebrews, chap, iii.; , Patriarchal
Palestine, chaps, v.-vi.; , Races of the Old Test.,
chap, vi.; Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad., chaps, ii., vii., viii.;
Ball, Light from the East, pp. 134, 135; Sayce, " Canaan "
in Hasting's Diet, of the Bible.
Chapter XI: Foreign Nations and the Single Monarchy
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§195-209;
Harper, H. A., Bible and Modern Discoveries, chap, vi.;
Vigouroux, F., La Bible et les D4couvertes Modernes. 5th
ed. (1889), Vol. Ill, pp. 409-554.
304 REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY
Chapter XII: Shishak and the Moabite Stone
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 210-15;
Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., chap, viii.; Kinns, Chraven in
the Rock, pp. 417-32; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 131-2;
139-40.
Chapter XIII: Shalmaneser II and Tributary Israel
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 216-54;
Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 389-401; Kinns, Graven
in the Rock, pp. 485-507; Ball, Light from the East, pp.
164-68.
Chapter XIV: Tiglath-pileser III and the Warring
Jewish Kingdoms
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 255-341;
Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 401-15; Ball, Light from
the East, pp. 170-84.
Chapter XV: Sargon II and the Fall of Samaria
McCurdy, Hist., Proph. and Mon., Vol. I, §§ 342-64;
Vol. II, §§ 620-68; Sayce, High. Crit and Mon., pp. 415-28;
Ball, Light from the East, pp. 185-6.
Chapter XVI: Sennacherib's Western Campaign and
Hezekiah
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. II, §§ 669-744;
Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 428-50; Kinns, Graven in
the Rock, pp. 531-71; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 187-97.
Chapter XVII: The Last Century and the Fall of
Assyria
McCurdy, Hist, Proph. and Mon., Vol. II, §§ 745-833;
Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 571-612; Ball, Light from
the East, pp. 198-202.
REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY 305
Chapter XVIII: Nebuchadrezzar and the New Baby-
lonian Empire
Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 615-51; Translation of
East India House Inscription in Records of the Past, New
Series, Vol. Ill, pp. 102-23; Ball, Light from the East, pp.
203-6.
Chapter XIX: Cyrus and the Fall of Babylon
Sayce, High. Crit. and Mon., pp. 497-525; Budge, Bahyl.
Life and History, chap, vi.; Ball, Light from the East, pp.
208-226.
Chapter XX: Daniel and Belshazzar
Evetts, New Light, chaps, x.-xii.; Sayce, High. Crit. and
Mon., pp. 525-37; Kinns, Graven in the Rock, pp. 651-9;
Ball, Light from the East, p. 207.
Chapter XXI: The City of Susa and Esther
Evetts, New Light, chap, ix.; "Book of Esther and
Palace of Ahasuerus," in Bibliotheca Sacra, Oct. 1889;
Dieulafoy, L'Acropole de Suse, pp. 359-89; Ball, Light from
the East, pp. 227-30.
Chapter XXII: The Hittites
Sayce, " Monuments of the Hittites," in Trans. Soc. Bib.
Arch. (1881); Wright, Empire of the Hittites (1886); Sayce,
The Hittites (1888); Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in
Antiquity, Vol. IV; L. de Lantscheere, De la Race de la
Langue des Hittites (1892); Ward, W. H., "The Hittites,"
in Recent Research in Bible Lands, pp. 159-90; Ball, Light
from the East, pp. 140-7.
Chapter XXIII: The Aram^ans
Sayce, Races of the Old Testament (1891), chap, vi.;
-, Early Israel and the Surrounding Nations, chaps.
ii. and iv.; Ball, Light from the East, pp. 135-9.
306 REFERENCES FOR FURTHER STUDY
Chapter XXIV: The Samaritans
Vigouroux, La Bible et les Die. Mod., Vol. IV, pp. 148-73.
Chapter XXV: Our New Old Testament
Evetts, Neiv Light, chap, xiv.; Ball, Light from the
East, p. 231.
Note: For outlines covering the whole period of Old
Testament history, with full references to popular litera-
ture of recent date, see Price, Syllabus of Old Testament
History, Revell Co., Chicago.
ANCIENT DATES MENTIONED
B. C. Page
4777-3410, 1st— Vlth Eg. dynasties, - - - 100
3800, Sargon I, - - - - - 101
2985-2565, XI-XIII Eg. dynasties, - - - 100
2800, circ.^ Gudea, king of Lagash, - - 54
1587-1240, XVIIIth-XXth dynasties, - - - 100
1500-1450, Tel el-Amarna letters written, - 66, 111-3, 263
1281, Death of Rameses II, - - - - 118
1276, circ. Exodus of Israel, - - - 118
1120-1090, Tiglath-pileser I, - - - - 134
1080-50, XXth Eg. dynasty, - - - 134
1050-945, XXIst Eg. dynasty, - - - - 134
931, circ. Division of the kingdom, - - 297
930-728, XXIInd-XXVth Eg. dynasties, - - 100
884-60, Assurnatsirpal king of Assyria, - - 134
860-25, Shalmaneser II king of Assyria, - - 149
854, Shal.'s battle at Karkar, - - - 150
851, Probable date of death of Ahab, - - 153
850, circ, Moabite Stone set up, - - - 144
842, Jehu paid tribute to Shal. II, - - 292-93,154
810-781, Ramman-nirari king of Assyria, - - 157
804-797, Ramman-nirari's western campaigns, - 157
745-27, Tiglath-pileser III king of Assyria, - 161
740, Capture of Arpad, ----- 162
739, Syria reduced, ----- 162
732, Damascus captured, . . - - 168
627-22, Shal. IV king of Assyria, - - - 171
722-05, Sargon II king of Assyria, - - - 174
722, Fall of Samaria, - - - - 174
720, Hamath reduced, ----- 175
720, Eg. army defeated, - - - - 176
307
308 ANCIENT DATES MENTIONED
B. C. Page
717, Fall of Carchemish, . . . . 76,267
715, Importations into Samaria, - - - 176
711 (or 713), Ashdod reduced, - - - - 177
710, Merodach-Baladan's alliance against Sargon, 179
705, Death of Sargon, ----- 179
705-681, Sennacherib king of Assyria, - - 180
701, Campaign against Judah, - - - - 189
681, Death of Sennacherib, - - - 194
681-668, Esarhaddon king of Assyria, - - 194
678, Esarh. in West-land, .... 195
675-4, Esarh. in the desert, - - - - 195
673, Esarh. against Egypt, - ... 196
670, Esarh. against Egypt, - - - - 196
668-26, Assurbanipal king of Assyria, - - 197
662, Destruction of Thebes, - . - - 197
650, circ, destruction of Susa, ... 252
648, Assurb. king of Babylon, ... - 199
626, Death of Assurbanipal, - - - 205
625, Nabopolassar's appointment, ... 205
607-6, Fall of Nineveh, .... 205-6
605, Neb.'s battle with Necho, - - - - 211
604-561, Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon, - 215
561-559, Evil- Merodach king of Babylon, - - 218
559-555, Nergalsharezer king of Babylon, - 219
555-538, Nabonidus king of Babylon, - - - 220
559, Rise of Cyrus, 223
549, Cyrus absorbed Media, - - - . 224
538, Fall of Babylon, .... 229
529, Death of Cyrus, 252
529-2, Cambyses king of Persia ... 253
522, Suicide of Cambyses, - - . - - 253
521-485, Darius (I) Hystaspes, - - - 249, 253
516, Capture of Babylon by Darius, ... 229
516, Completion of second temple, - - 253
515, Behistun inscription inscribed, - - - 252
508, Scythia invaded, .... 253
490, Battle of Marathon, - - - - 253
485-64, Xerxes I (Ahasuerus) King of Persia, - 253
ANCIENT DATES MENTIONED 309
B. O. Page
485, Egypt subdued, 253
483, Feast of Xerxes, .... 255
480, Battle of Salamis, 254
479, Battle of PlatEea, .... 254
464-24, Artaxerxes (I) Longimanus King of Persia, - 248
458, Ezra's return from Babylon, ... 287
445, Nehemiah's return from Susa, - - - 287
436, Nehemiah's return to Susa, - - - 288
406-359, Artaxerxes (II) Mnemon King of Persia, - 261
TEXTS QUOTED AND NOTED
BIBLICAL
Page
Genesis ii. 10-14 87
iii.l5 28
X 97,98
x.22,23 268
xi.31 269 2
xii. 6 102
xiii 67
xiv 32, 101 ^
xxii. 21,23 269
xxiii 76
xxiv. 4, 10, 15 269
XXV. 20 269
xxxi. 18 269
XXXV. 9, 26 269
xxxviii. 5-7 269
xlvi.l5 269
Exodusi.ll 116 2
i.l4 122
vi. 17 117
xii. 38 118
XX. 11 86
Numbers xx. 13, 14 25
xxii., xxiii 237
xxii. 5 151
xxii. 7, 16,17, 37 238
xxiii. 7 269
xxiv. 13 238
Deuteronomy iii. 9 154
V. 15 86
Joshua i. 4 262
ix. 17 127
xi.3 127
Judgesi 128
iii.3 127
310
iii. 8-10..
xix.-xxi.
Page
.. 269
.. 131
1 Samuel xiv. 47 271
Samuel viii. 3-12 271
X. 6-18 271
16 269
Kingsx.29 76
xi. 23-25 271,273
xi. 26-40 141
xiv.25-28 141
XV. 16 ff 273
xvi. 18 208
XX. 1 flf 273
XX. 34 149
xxii 153
Kings i. 19 244
iii 142
iii.4 293
iii. 4-27 144
v. 2 274
V. 18 277
vi.8-10 274
vii. 6 76, 274
viii 153
viii. 16 244
ix. 14 274
x.32,33... 155,274
xiii.3 275
xiii. 4, 5 156
xiii. 7 156
xiii. 14-17, 25 276
xiii. 24 276
XV. 19,20 163
XV. 29 166
TEXTS QUOTED AND NOTED
311
Page
XV.80 167
xvi.7 166
xvi.9ff 168
xvi. 10 169
xvii3-6 171
xvii. 24 fE 174, 282
xvii. 25-28 283
xvii. 29-33 283
xviii. 1,9,10 188
xviii. 9-11 172-3
xviii. 13 188
xviii. 17 189
xix.S 189
xix.37 193-4
xxiv.l, 7 211
xxiv.l2 213
1 Chronicles vii. 21, 22, 24 115
xviii. 10 271
2 Chronicles xxvi. 10 161
xxviii. 16 166
xxxiii. 10-13 201
xxxvi.6 212
Ezrai.l 234
i. 2^ 234-5
ii 235
ui.2-7 235
iv, 2 285
iv.3 ,285, 288
iv.9,10 286
v.13-16 235
vi.1-5 235
ix.2 287
x.ll 287
Nehemiahi.l 248
iv.l 287
iv.2 288
vi.lO 288
xiii.6 288
xiii. 23-25 288
xiii.28 289
Estherii.16 256
ii.l8 257
iii.7 258
V.l 260
Page
Vi.4 260
vii. 7 260
viii.l5 257
Isaiah v. 25-29 207, 209
vii 165
XV. 2 142
xvii. 14 191
xix 198
XX. 1 33, 177
XXX., xxxi 184
xxxvii. 36 191
xl. 1, 2 231
xli.2-4 231
xliv.28 234
xlv.1,4,5 232
xlvi.1,2 232
xlvii. 1, 5, 13, 15 232
liii 28
Jeremiah v., vi 204
xxii. 19 213
XXV. 1 212
xxix. 5 239
xxxvi. 30 213
xxxix. 3 219
xlvi 211
Ezekieli. 10 88
X. 14 88
xxxviii 204
Daniel i.l 211
ii. 1, 13, 48, 49 238
iv 239
iv.30 216
V.ll 240
V. 30 243
V. 31 245
vii., viii 245
viii.2 248
ix.l 246
Nahum 207
ii. 9, 12,18,19 208-9
iii.3 208
Zephaniah ii. 13-15 207
Zechariah xii. 11 278
TEXTS QUOTED AND NOTED
EXTRA-BIBLICAL
Herodotus n, 141.
Page
.. 191
Josephus, Antiq. xi. 8. 2 289
Layard, Insc, 50,10 163
I Rawl. 67, col. ii. 15-39 219
68, No. 1, col. ii. 24-31... 241
II Rawl. 67, 61-62 169
ni Rawl. 5, No. 6, 40-65 154
8,78-102 150
9, No. 2,2-3 163
9,No.3,30-32 162
10,No.2,20 167
IV Rawl. 43 90
V Rawl. 64, col. i. 38-49 220
64, col. ii. 24, 25 221
Amama Letters, Berlin coll.,
31,21-24 263
33,38-41 264
160,8-26 264
Assurb. Rassam Cyl. col. iii.
96-108 198
V.128— vi.76 250
Assyr. Lesestiicke, 3 ed., 93-95 . .80-82
Ball's Cyl. Neb 217
Cyrus' Cyl. 6-8 222
11-19 227
20-22 223
22-24 227
Page
24-36 229
32 234
Nab. Annals (Nab.-Cyr. Chron . ) ,
Col. ii. Obv.1-4 224
Col. ii. Obv. 5, 10, 19, 23 242
Col. ii. Obv. 15-18 225
Col. i. Rev. 12-24 225
Col. i. Rev, 13 243
Col. i. Rev. 13,14 242
Col. i. Rev. 16-19 244
Col. i. Rev. 20 245
Nab. Stele (Cor. Cyl.) col. i.... 205
Col. iv. 3-6 219
Col. v.8f 219
Neb., East India House, col. ii.
12-29 216
Neb., Phillips Cyl. col. iii. 18-22 215
Sargon, Winckler's, pi. 1, 10 ff.. 174
W. (Annals, 94-99), pi. 4, 8,
3-7 176
W. (Annals, 95-97), pi. 4, 8,
4-8 282
W. pi. 33, 101 f 177
W. pi. 44 D, 25 ff 178
Senn., Taylor Cyl. col. ii. 34 f.. 181-3
Shal. II. Obelisk, Face D, top,
59-64 226
Univ. Penn. Texts, Vol. IX, p.
28 218
312
INDEX
References are to pages; italicized words are titles of books; and the
asterisk (*) indicates an illustration.
*Aamu (Semites) family entering
Egypt, 101.
Abdili'tu, of Arvad, 189.
Abel, city, 142.
Abel-beth-maacah, 167.
Abimelech, 101.
Abner, 133.
Abnunak, 229.
Abraham, 54; in Egypt, 100.
Absalom, 136.
Abyssinia. 98.
Accad, 199, 223, 226, 251.
Accho, 111, 181.
Achzib, 188.
VAcropole de Suse, 250.
Adar, deity, 91.
Adar (Feb.), 226.
Addu, Aramaean deity, 278.
Adinnu, 151.
Adonijah, 136.
Adrammeleeh, deity, 284.
Adullam, 142.
Adunu-Baal, 151.
jEgean Sea, 225.
Ahab, 63, 144, 149, 151, 293.
Ahasuerus (Xerxes) , 254.
Ahaz, e3, 164, 165, 168-9, 294.
Ahimelech, kg of Ashdod, 197.
Ahimiti, kg of Ashdod, 177.
Aijalon, 142.
Akaba, 166, 195, 199.
Aleppo (Chalman), 151.
"Alexander the Great of Egypt,"
110.
Alexandria, 40.
Allemant, M., 104.
Amalekites, 132, 135.
Amenophis II, 103.
Amenophis III, 111, 263, 270.
Amenophis IV, 111, 263, 270.
Amki, land, 264.
Ammon, Ammonites, 130, 135, 151,
169, 185.
*Amorites, 127, 142, 157; *portraitof,
128.
Amos, 160.
Anammelech, deity, 83.
Anshan (Elam), 224.
Antef, Eg. premier, 104.
Anu, 81, 92.
Anunnaki, 83.
*Apadana, throne-room, 252, 258-9;
*Vie\v of, 259.
Apharsathchites, 285.
Apharsites, 285.
Aphek, 373.
Arabia, Arabians, 79, 151, 168, 200.
Aradus, 73, 74.
Aramaeans (Syrians), 135, 199.268-9.
Aramaic, 272.
Aram^, son of Gusi, 151, 265.
Aram-naharaim, 269.
Ararat, 194.
Arbela, city, 225.
Archaeology's gains, 294-5.
Archevites, 285.
Argana, 151.
Argob, 69.
Argyll, Duke of, 67.
Arkata, 111.
313
314
INDEX
Amon, 146.
Aroer, 146.
Arpachshad, 268.
Arpad, city, 162, 176, 276.
Artaxerxes I, 248, 285.
Artaxerxes II, 78, 252, 261.
ArurQU (Arimu), 270.
Arvad, 151, 169, 181, 185.
Asia Minor, 76.
Ashdod, 130, 177, 185, 197.
Ashima, deity, 284.
Ashkelon, 111, 130, 16&.
Ashtor-Chemosh, 145.
Asshur, deity, 98. 199, 250, 268.
Asshur-etil-ilani, 205.
AsshviT-utir-atsbat, 151, 265.
Assurbanipal, in Eg., 197; kg of
Babylon, 199; takes Manasseh,
201; destroys Susa, 250-1, 285-6.
Assumatsirpal, 49, 148, 270.
Assyrian Discoveries, 53.
Assyrische Lesestuecke, 80-2.
Astarte, 74.
Astyages, of Media, 223, 224.
Avvites, 284.
Azariah (Uzziah), 63, 160-1, 163,
164, 293.
Aziru, 111, 263.
Azur, city, 181.
Azuri, of Ashdod, 177, 178.
Baal, 71, 74, 295.
Baalam, 237, 269.
Baal-Meon, 145.
Baal-Rosh, 154.
Baasha, of Israel, 273.
Ba'asha, of Ammon, 151.
Baba, 107-8.
Bab-Salameti, 199.
♦Babylon, 58, 199, 226. 228; *cunei-
form account of capture of, 227;
*Walls of, 238.
Babylonia, 179, 180, 195, 237, 285-6.
Bttlak, of Moab, 237, 269.
Barak, 130.
Bashan, 69.
Bashemath, 76.
Beeri, the Hittlte, 76.
Behistun, 58.
*Behistun Rock, 56.
Bel (Merodach), 81, 94, 217, 224, 228,
230, 232.
Belshazzar, 236-44, 294.
Beltis, 199.
Bene-Berak, city, 181.
Ben-hadad II, 149, 293; ni, 273,
276.
Berosus, 63.
Berothai, city, 271.
Betah, city, 271.
Beth-Ammon, 181, 197.
Beth-anath, 142.
Beth-Baal-Meon, 146.
Beth-Bamoth, 146.
Beth-Dagon, 181.
Beth-Diblathen, 146.
Beth-horon, 142.
Beth-Mehedeba, 146.
Beth-rehob, 271.
Beth-Ziti, 181.
Bezer, 146.
Birch, Dr. 142.
*Birs Nimrud, tower of Babel, 36.
Black Sea. 98.
*Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser II,
154.
Bliss, F. J., 69.
Borsippa, 199, 216.
Bosrah, 54.
Botta, P. E., 45.
Boussard, 39.
British Museum, 45, 49, 59, 62.
Brothers," "Tale of the two, 103.
Bunsen, 41.
Burraburyash, 112.
Byblos, 111, 181, 185.
Cambyses, father of Cyrus, 223; son
of Cyrus, 229.
Canaan, 97, 123, 128.
Canaanite, 127.
Canning, Sir S., 48.
Cappadocia, 267.
Carchemish, 264-6.
INDEX
315
Caspian Sea, 98.
Cave, Alf., 95.
Chaldxa and Susiana, 249.
Chaldeans (Chaldaeans) , 199.
Chaldeans (wise men), 237.
Chalman (Aleppo), 151.
*Champollion, 41.
Chattin, 151.
Chayani, son of Gabari, 151, 265.
Chayapa, Arab tribe, 176.
Chebar, 218.
Chedorlaomer, 101, 293.
Chemosh, deity of Ammon, 144-5.
Chemosh-melek, of Moab, 144.
Chemosh-nadab, of Moab, 181.
Cherubim, 88.
Chinneroth, 110.
Chislev (Nov.), 226, 248.
Chronological gains, 296-7.
Clermont-Ganneau, M., 67, 143
Commerce, Solomon's, 138.
Creation, cuneiform, 80-84.
Crete, 128.
Croesus, of Lydia, 225.
Cuneiform tablet, 52.
Cuneiform language, 61-2.
Cuneiform literature, 62-66.
Cushan-rishathaim, 129, 269.
Cutha, 199.
Cyaxares, of Media, 210, 213.
Cyprus, 73, 74, 101.
*Cyrus, 63; grandfatherof, 224; king
of Persia, 225; a polytheist, 230-3;
policy of, 229, 294; *portrait of,
234; *clay cylinder of, 227.
Damascus, 110, 135, 168, 176, 273;
fall of, 276-7.
Daniel, 236-45.
Daniel, book of, 246.
Darius (I) Hystaspes, 249, 285.
"Darius the Mede," 245.
David, 133.
Deborah, 130.
Dehaites, 285.
Delitzsch, Prof., 87.
Deluge, Babylonian, 89-93.
♦Deluge tablet, a, 89.
Deportation, policy of, 280.
Di Cesnola, 73.
Dibon, 142, 146.
Dieulafoy at Susa, 78, 249, 257.
Dodeh, 145.
Dreams, Pharaoh's, 104.
Dudu, 263.
Durili, city, 229.
Ea, deity, 81, 91.
E-barra, temple, 221.
Ecbatana, taken by Cyrus, 224.
Eden, garden of, 87.
Edom, 135, 157, 178, 185.
Egulgul, temple of Sin, 220.
Egypt, extent of, 38; dynasties of,
100.
VEgypte, La Description de, 41.
Ehud, 130.
Eighteenth dynasty, fall of, 112.
Ekron, 130, 182, 186.
El, 278.
Elah, 167.
Elam, 98, 199, 223.
Elamites, 285.
Eli, 131.
Elon, 76.
Elteke, 182, 186.
Eniel, of Hamath, 266.
Ennugi, 91.
Ephron, the Hittite, 76.
Esagila, temple, 217, 226, 228.
*Esarhaddon, in Asia, 195; in Egypt,
196; death of, 197; 285-6; ♦por-
trait of, 196.
Esau, 76, 269.
Esther, 248, 260.
Esther, book of, 248-9, 256, 260-1.
Ethnographical gains, 297.
Euphrates River, 87.
Eusebius, 89.
Evil-Merodach, 218.
Exodus, Phar. of the, 117; route of,
119.
Ezekiel. colossi of, 88.
Ezida, temple, 217.
316
INDEX
Fall of man, 89.
Flandin, M., 48.
Fresnel, M., 51.
Galilee, 167.
Gath, 130, 156.
Gaza, 130, 137, 142, 167, 176, 220.
Gebeil, 73.
Gebel Silsilis, 120.
Geographical gains, 295-6.
Gerizim, Mt.. 289.
Geshem, the Arabian, 288.
Gether, 268.
Gezer, 111.
Giammu, 151.
Gibeon, 127, 142.
Gilboa, Mt., 133.
Gilead, 167.
Gilgamesh epic, 89.
Gilza, 152.
Gindibu'u, 151.
Girgashites, 127.
Gizeh, museum of, 120, 293.
Glaser, E., 79.
Gobryas, 226.
Goshen, 108.
Goyim (nations), 102.
Gubaru, 245.
Gudea, king of Lagash, 54.
Guhana, 87.
Gurgum, 151.
Gute, 199.
Gutium, 102, 226.
Hadad, deity, 278.
Hadad,of Edom, 139.
Hadadezer of Zobah, 135, 269, 271.
Hadadezer of Damascus, 151, 266.
Hadad-Rimmon, 278.
Ham, 98.
Haman, 257, 260.
Hamath, 110, 135, 151, 175, 271.
Hamathites, 286.
Hamilton, W. R., 40.
Hanno, of Gaza. 167, 169, 176.
Harran, 99. 221, 270.
Hauran, 154.
Hazael, 153-6, 274-5, 293.
Hazor, 110, 167.
Helam, 271.
Herodotus, 63.
Heroo polls (Ero), 116.
Hezekiah, 177, 179. 182, 184, 188.
Hincks, Edw., 59.
Hiram of Tyre, 164, 266.
*Hittites, 75-8, 113, 126, 135, 157, 181;
sources of information, 262; in
Amama tablets, 263; XlXth
dynasty, 264-5; crushed, 267;
♦portrait of, 264; *portrait of a
king of, 264; *an inscription of
the, 267.
Hivites, 126.
Hophra, of Egypt, 214.
Horonaim, 146.
Hosea, 160.
Hoshea, of Israel, 63, 167, 171, 188,
282, 294.
Hul, 268.
Hyksos, 102, 108, 110, 293.
Hystasjjes, 58.
Ibadid, Arab tribe, 176.
Idagama, 264.
Iddin-Merodach, 241.
Ijon, 166.
Ilubi'id, 176.
Importation, policy of. 281.
Indian Ocean, 98.
Irchulina, of Hamath, 151, 266.
Irkanati, 151.
Isaiah, 165.
Ishtar, 220, 251.
* "Israel" on Eg. tablet, see Frontis-
piece.
Israel, oppressors of, 129.
Ithamar of Sabeea, 177.
Ithobal, 181.
Ja'di. 278.
Jahaz, 145.
Janoah, 167.
Japhet, 98.
Jebusites. 127.
INDEX
317
Jehoahaz, 156, 275.
Jehoiakim, 211-2.
Jehoiakin, 213.
Jehoram, of Israel, 144.
Jehoram, of Judah, 244.
Jehoshaphat, 144.
* "Jehu son of Omri," 63, 155;
♦portrait of, 292.
Jephthah, 130.
Jeroboam I, 140.
Jeroboam II, 159, 163, 276.
Jerusalem, 69, 111, 133, 182, 213.
Jerusalem, 69.
Jerusalem, Excavations at, 70.
♦Jews, Procession of, paying trib-
ute to Shalmaneser II, 292-3.
Joab, 133.
Joash, of Israel, 276.
Jonah, 50.
Joppa, 110, 181.
Joseph, 102-9.
Josephus, 89.
Joshua, J29.
Josiah, 210.
Jotham, 164.
Judah, 178.
Judah-melech, 142.
Judith, 76.
Kadesh, 264-5.
Kalparuda, of Chattin, 151, 265.
Kalparuda, of Gurgum, 151, 265.
Karduniash (Babylonia), 251.
Karkar, city, 151-3, 176, 266, 272.
Kamak, 110, 141.
Kaushmalak, of Edom, 169.
Kedesh, 167.
Khauser River, 46.
Khorsabad, 46, 179.
Khu-n-Aten (Amenophis IV), 113.
Kinza, 264.
Kipkip, capital of Nubia, 197.
Kitlala, 151.
Klein, F., 142.
Koikylides, C. M., 70.
Korkhah, 144, 145.
Kudur, 101.
Kudur-Mabug, king of Elam, 102.
Kue, land, 151.
Kumukh, city, 163.
Kundashpi, of Kumukh, 151, 265.
Kurdistan, 102.
Kushtashpi, of Kumukh, 163.
Labashi-Merodach, 219.
♦Lachish, 186-7, 189-90, 295; *picture
of storming of, 187.
Lachamu, deity (!),81.
Lachmu, deity (!), 81.
Lagamar(u), deity, 102,251
Lalli,ofMilid, 151,265.
Larsa, 102.
♦Layard, A. H., 48-51; *portrait of,
48.
Libnah, 190.
Light from the East, 217.
Linguistic gains, 299.
Loftus, W. K., 51, 249.
Louvre, museum, 20, 259.
♦Louvre, view of Khorsabad co-
lossi, 20.
Lud, 268.
Lull, 181.
Lybian desert, 98.
Maacha, 135.
Machalliba, 181.
Machpelah, 76,
♦Madaba map, 70.
Malikram, of Edom, 181.
Manasseh, of Judah, 196, 200-1, 290.
Manasseh, high-priest, 289.
Marches van (Oct.), 226.
Mari', of Damascus, 157, 276.
Marsiman, Arab tribe, 176.
Martu, 264.
Mash (Mas), 268.
Mashga, 151.
Matinu-Baal (Matanbi'il), 151, 169.
Mattaniah, 214.
Medeba (Mehedeba) , 70, 145.
Media, 98.
Median, 59.
Mediterranean Sea, 98, etc.
318
INDEX
Jleghazils, 74.
Megiddo, 110, 141, 210.
Melchizedek, 101.
Melucha (Sinaitic Peninsula), 178,
182, 186, 199.
Memphis, 40, 196.
Minahem, of Israel, 63, 164, 266, 294.
Menahcm, of Samsiruna, 181.
Meneptah II, 118-20; 293.
Merodach, 81-4, 195, 214, 217, 219,
227, 229, 230.
Merodach-Baladan, 179, 180, 205.
Mesha, 144.
Midianites, 180.
Mitanni, 111, 129, 135, 270.
Mitinti, of Ashkelon, 169,197.
Mitinti, of Ashdod, 181, 183.
Mi-Turnu, city, 229.
Moab, 130, 135, 144, 169, 178.
*Moabite Stone, 142-7; *pictureof,
144.
Monument de Ninive, 48.
Monuments of Nineveh, The, 51.
Morgan, de, at Susa, 250.
Mordecai, 257-60.
Mound of Many Cities, A, 70.
Mugheir (Ur of the Chaldees), 99.
Mutsri, of Cappadocia, 151.
Nablus, 143, 249.
Nabonidus, 63, 205, 220, 223, 294.
Nabopolassar, 205.
Nadaillac, 95.
Nahor, 269.
Nahum, 50.
Nana, goddess, 250.
Naphtali, 167.
Napoleon's campaign to Eg., 39.
Naram-Sin, 101, 221.
Naville, Ed., at Pithom, 116-9.
Nebaioth, 201.
Nebo, 147, 195, 217.
Nebo-zabit, 241.
♦Nebuchadrezzar, II, 205, 211;
*cameo of, 238.
♦Nebuchadrezzar II. East India
House inscription of, 216.
Necho, governor of Eg., 202; kingof
Eg., 210-1, 236.
Nehemiah, 248.
Nergal, deity, 151, 284.
Nergalsharezer (Neriglissar), 219.
Nibhaz, deity, 284.
Nile-land, 195, etc.
Nineteenth dynasty, rise of, 113.
Nineveh, 50-2, 65; fall of, 205, 294.
Nineveh and Babylon, 51.
Nineveh and its Remains, 51.
Nippur, 54.
Nippur, 55.
Nisan (Mch.-Apr.), 226.
Nisroch (Nusku), 193.
Nitsir, Mt., 93.
Nukhasse, 263-4, 272.
Old Testament, religious history,
22; one centurj' ago, 31.
Omri, kingof Israel, 49, 63, 144; land
of, 148, 157.
On, high-priest of, 105.
Ophir, 137.
Oppert, M. J., 51, 59.
Oppression, Phar. of the, 116.
Orontes River, 152, 162.
Osnappar, 285.
Othniel, 129.
Padi, kingof Ekron, 182-4.
Paddan-Aram, 135, 269.
Palestine, 67-70, 124, 125, 199.
Palmer. E. H., 68.
Palmer, H. S., 68.
Panammu II, 266, 272, 278.
Paphos, 73.
Partikira,. deity, 251.
Payne, Dr., 119.
Pekah, 63, 164, 167, 276, 294.
Pekahiah, 164.
Pelusium, 191.
Pentaur, poem of, 114, 127.
Perizzites, 127.
Persia, 225.
Persian cuneiform, 58.
Philistia, 60, 135, 178.
INDEX
319
♦Philistines, 128, 130; *portrait of
one, 128,
♦Phoenicia, 71-5, 169, 195; ♦inscrip-
tion of, 75.
Phoenicians, 123.
Pinches, T. G., 82.
Pir-napishtim, 90-3.
Pisfinu, 87.
Pisiris, of Carchemish, 226.
Pithom uncovered, 116.
Pitru (Pethor), 151, 237,265.
Polytheism, in Jerusalem, 138.
Polytheist, Cyrus a, 230.
Potiphar, 102-3.
Proclamation of Cyrus, 234.
Prophecy and Cyrus, 230.
Psammetichus 1, 198.
Pudu'il, of Beth-Ammon, 181.
Pul(u) (Tiglath-pileser III), 161.
Pur, Purim, 257-8.
♦Pyramids of Gizeh, 31.
Qutu, 229.
Raamses, 116, 152.
Rabbath-Ammon, 136.
Rabsbakeh, 189.
Rameses 1, 113.
♦Rameses II, 76, 113, 120, 293; ♦mum-
my of, 120.
Rameses III, 134, 270.
Ramman, see Rimmon.
Ramman-nirari, 157-9.
Ra-Sekenem Taa III, 108.
Rassam, H., 49,51,53.
♦Rawlinson, H. C, 51, 56-9, 67, 99;
♦portrait of, 59.
Rehob. city, 135, 151.
Rehoboam, 140-2.
Rekh-ma-ra, 97.
Rekub-el, 278.
Religious gains, 298.
Remaliah, 167.
Renan, E., 71.
Rezon of Zobah, 139, 271.
Rezin (Rezon), of Damascus, 163,
164, 168, 266, 294.
Riblah, 210, 214.
Rich, C. J., 45.
Rimmon (Ramman), 276.
Rosetta Stone, 39-41.
♦Rosetta Stone, 39.
♦Rosetta Stone in British Museum,
43.
Rouge, 104.
Rukiptu, 181.
Sabbath, 85.
Saint Julien, 39.
Salamanu, of Moab, 169.
Sam'al, 266, 272.
Samaria, fall of, 174, 294.
♦Samaritans, 279-90; ♦Pentateuch
of, 289.
Samsi, queen of Arabia, 176.
Samson, 131.
Samuel, 131.
Sanballat, 287-9.
Sangar, of Carchemish, 151, 265.
Sanipu, of Ammon, 169.
Sarepta, 181.
Sargon 1, 101, 221.
♦Sargon II, 76, 173-9, 282, 294; ♦por-
trait of, 174.
♦Sargon's Palace, 47, 65 ; ♦bird's-eye
view of, 47.
Sarzec, de, M. E., 54.
Saul, 132-3.
Sayce, Prof., 142.
Scythian invasion, 203-4.
Senir (Hermon), 154.
Senjirli (Sendsehirli), 79, 266.
Senkereh, 102.
♦Sennacherib, 180-93; ♦portrait of
Senn. at head of his army, 181.
Sennacherib's palace, 50.
Sepharvaim, 284.
Seti I, 113.
Seve, or So (Shabaka), 171, 173.
Seven, sacredness of, 86.
Shabaka, see Seve.
Shabataka, 177.
Shaftsbiiry, Earl of, 67.
Sha^i,^ur, 151, 265.
320
INDEX
♦Shalmaneser II, 63, 148-56; ♦por-
trait of, 150; *Jews paying trib-
ute to, 292-3.
Shalmaneser IV, 281.
Shamash (Shemesh). 92.217, 220-1.
Shamash-shum-ukin, 198-9,207, 251.
Sharludari of Ashkelon, 181.
Shem. 98.
Shemaiah,288.
Shemesh, 278.
Shepherd-Kings, 104.
Shian, land. 151.
Shishak, 140-2, 293.
*Shishak with his Palestinian cap-
tives, 141.
Shubandi. 111.
Shumudi, 251.
Shunem, 142.
Shurippak, city, 90-1,
Shushan, the palace, 248, 258-9.
Shushanchites, 285.
Shushinak, deity, 251.
Sidon, 148, 181, 185.
Sin, moon god, 99; temple of, 220-1.
Sinai, survey of, 68.
Sippar, 221, 226.
So, see Seve.
Sojourn in Egypt, 120-1.
Solomon, 136.
Stanley, Dean, 67.
Succoth-benoth, deity, 284,
Sumer (and Accad), 223, 227, 230,
251.
Susa, 18, 248, 250-1, 294.
Susiana, 58,
Syria, 76, 79.
♦Syrians, see Aramaeans; *group
of, 272.
Syro- Arabian desert, 201.
Table of Nations, 98.
Talbot, H. F.,59.
Tammuz (June), 225.
Tamud, Arab tribe, 176.
Tarpelites, 285.
Tartak. deity. 284.
Taurus mountains, 267.
Taylor, J, E., 51, 99.
Teie, wife of Amenophis III, 111,
270.
Teispes, great-grandfather of Cy-
rus, 224.
*Tel el-Amama, 38, 66, 111, 112, 125,
262; *tablet from, 112.
" Tell el-Hesy," 70.
Tel el-Maskhuta, 116.
Tello, 54.
" Ten Tribes, The Lost," 175.
Thebes, 97. 197.
Thomas, M., 51.
Thothmes III, 110, 113,263.
Tiamat, 81.
Tidal (Turgal), 102.
Tiglath-pileser I, 134, 270.
*Tiglath-pileser III, 63, 161-71, 266,
281; *portrait of, 166.
Tigris River, 87, 225, 229.
Til-sha-balachi, 151.
Timnath, 182.
Timsah, Lake, 119.
Tirhakah, 184-6, 196.
Tob, 135.
Tobiah, 288.
Toi, of Hamath, 271.
Tomkins, H. G., 104.
Training-School for Israel, 122.
Treaty, between Egypt and the
Hittites, 114, 265; between Ahab
and Ben-hadad, 149: between
Hezekiah and Egypt, 186; be-
tween Babylon, Lydia and Media,
223.
Tristram, Canon, 67.
Tunip, 111, 264.
Tyre, 111, 196.
Ukhu, city, 225.
Ulai (Eulffius), river, 248.
Ummanigash, of Elam, 199.
Umman-Manda (Medee), 206,223-4.
Ur of the Chaldees, 99, 269.
Uriah, the Hittite, 76.
Urumilku, of Byblos, 181.
Usanaia, 151.
INDEX
321
Ushu. 181.
Ussher, 64, 296.
Uzziah, see Azariah.
Vashti.
Wateh-ben-Hazael, Arab chief, 200.
West-land, 101, 159, 181.
Wilson, Capt., 68.
Winckler, H., 174.
Wise men of Babylon, 237.
Xenophon, 50.
Xerxes, 58, 253-4
Yamani, of Ashdod, 177.
Zagros mountains, 56.
Zalzallat, river, 225.
Zamban, city, 229.
Zedekia, of Ashkelon, 181.
Zedekiah, of Judah, 214.
Zerubbabel, 284.
Zidon, 97.
Zil-bel, king of Gaza, 182.
Zimri, suicide of, 208.
Zoan, 108.
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