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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

VOLUME a 



e 



THE MORPHOLCX5Y OF THE 
HUPA LANGUAGE 



BY 
PUNY EARLE GODDARD 



BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

JUNE, 1005 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY 

The publications issued from the Department of Anthropology of the 
University of California are sent in exchange for the publications of 
anthropological societies and museums, for journals devoted to general 
anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology, and for specimens 
contributed to the museum collections of the Department. They are 
also for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express 
charges. They consist of three series of octavo volumes, a series of 
quarto memoirs, and occasional special volumes. 

GBAECO-KOMAH ARCHAEOLOGY., 

Vol. 1. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I. Edited by Bernard P. Grenfell, Arthur 
S. Hunt, and J. Gilbart Smyly. Pages 690, Plates 9, 1903 
Price, $16.00 

Vol. 2. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part 2 (in preparation). 

EOTPTIAN ARCHAEOLOOT. 

Vol. 1 . The Hearst Medical Papyrus. Edited by G. A. Reisner and A. M. 
Lythgoe (in press), 

AMERICAlff ABCHAEOLOGT AND ETHHOLOGT. 

Vol. 1. No. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 

Pages 88, Plates 30, September, 1903 . . . Price, 1.25 

No. 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 290, March, 

1904 Price, 3.00 

Vol. 2. No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by WiHiam J. 

Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April, 1904 . . Price, .40 
No. 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San 

Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 72, June, 1904. Price, .60 
No. 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. 

Pages 22, June, 1904 Price, .25 

No. 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, 

by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 60, Plates 7, January, 1905. Price, .75 

Vol. 3. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 

Pages 344, June, 1905 Price, 3.50 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL MEMOIRS. 

Vol. I. Explorations in Peru, by Max Uhle (in preparation). 
No. 1. The Ruins of Moche. 
No. 2. Huamachuco, Chincha, lea. 
No. 3. The Inca Buildings of the Valley of Pisco. 

SPECIAL VOLUMES. 

The Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans, containing an account of their 
rites and superstitions; an anonymous Hispano- American manuscript 
preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, Italy. Repro- 
duced in fac-simile, with introduction, translation, and commentary, 
by Zelia Nuttall. 

Part I. Preface, Introduction, and 80 Fac-simile plates in 

colors. 1903. 
Part II. Translation and Commentary. (In press). 
Price for the two parts $25.00 



Address orders for the above to the University Press, Berkeley, 
California. Exchanges to be addressed to the Department of Anthro- 
pology, University of California, Berkeley, California/ 

A. L. Kroeber, Secretary. F. W. Putnam, Director. 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 



AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 



VOLUME a 



FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM 

EDITOR 



BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1905 



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3x C "^jO"^. 1. 









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THE MORPHOLCX5Y OF THE 
HUPA LANGUAGE 



PLINY EARLE GODDARD 



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TABLE OP CONTENTS. 

PAGI 

iNTRODrcnON 9 

Nouns 13 

Claasilled aceording to Fonn and Length IS 

MonosjUabie 18 

Monosjllabie with PoMessiTe PreAz 14 

PoIjBjUabic, without Deocnptive Meaning 10 

Formed bj Means of Snffixee and Compoaition 17 

Suffixee 17 

Compounds 19 

Verbs as Nouns 21 

Active 21 

Passive 21 

Compounded with Nouns 22 

With Prefixes 22 

With Suffixes 23 

Compounds with Suffixes 23 

Phurals 24 

Cases 24 

Temporal Endings 28 

Pbonoxtns 29 

Personal 29 

Possessives 30 

Demonstratives 81 

Belatives 31 

Interrogatives 31 

Article 31 

Adjective Pronouns 32 

Numerals 32 

AJXTxenvxs 33 

Comparison 34 

Verbs 34 

Claseifled 34 

Transitive and Intransitive 34 

Classes 34 

Voice 35 

Modes and Tenses 36 

Person and Number 37 

Structure 37 

Prefixes and Infixes (preceding the root) 39 

Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction 39 

Prefixes of Pursuit 66 

Adverbial Prefixes of Manner 67 

Prefixes Expressing Identity 77 

Prefixes Expressing Distribution over Space and Time 78 



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6 University of California Publications. [Am. Aroh. Eth. 

YXBBS (continued), pa.ge 

Conjugations (based on syllable preceding the root) 95 

Class I 96 

Conjugation 1a 96 

Conjugation 1b 104 

Conjugation lo 109 

Conjugation Id 112 

Conjugation iB 114 

Conjugation 2 -. 116 

Conjugation 3a 122 

Conjugation 3b 131 

Conjugation 4 134 

Class II 140 

Conjugation 1a 140 

Conjugation 1b 142 

Conjugation Ic 145 

Conjugation Id 147 

Conjugation 2 149 

Conjugation 3a 152 

Conjugation 3b 155 

Conjugation 4 159 * 

Class III 161 

Conjugation 1 161 

Conjugation 2 165 

Conjugation 3 168 

aass IV 170 

Conjugation 1 170 

Conjugation 3 174 

Objective Conjugation 177 

Conjugation of the Passive Voice 193 

Conjugation of Irregular Verbs 196 

Conjugation of Adjectives 200 

Boots 203 

Listed in Alphabetical Order 203 

Classified as to their Form 286 

Classified as to their Meaning 297 

Suffixes 304 

Temporal 304 

Temporal-Modal 313 

Modal 319 

Indicating the Source of Information 322 

Conjunctional ^ 326 

Adverbial 327 

Advbebs 328 

Place and Direction 328 

Time and Sequence 333 

Manner 335 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 7 

Adverbs (eaniinued). page 

Degree 887 

ABsent and Negation 888 

Pbkpositions 889 

CONJUNcmoNS 848 

iNTXBJXonoNs 848 

OONGLUSION 844 



KEY TO THE SOUNDS BEPBE8ENTED BY THE 
CHABACTEB8 USED. 

a as in father. 

& nearly of the same quality, but of longer daration. It is used 

as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words 

from others nearly like them, 

ai as in aisle, 

e as in net. 

e as in they but lacking the vanish, 

ei the sound of e followed by a vanish, 

i as in pin. 

1 as in pique, 

o as in note. 

a more open sound than the last, nearly as in on. 
oi as in boil. 

u as in rule. 

u nearly as in but, a little nearer to a. 

^ a faint sound like the last. Sometimes it is entirely wanting. 

y as in yes. 

w as in wiU. 

w an unvoiced w which occurs frequently at the end of syllables. 

When it follows vowels other than 5 or ti it is preceded by 

a glide and is accordingly written uw. 
hw the preceding in the initial position. It has nearly the soimd 

of wh in who. 

1 as in let. 

L an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against 
the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely 
at one side of the tongue. 



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8 UmverHty of CaUfornia PtLbUca^ions, [Am. Aboh. Eth. 

L nearly like the preceding, but the sides of the tongue are held 
more firmly against the back teeth, resulting in a harsher 
sound often beginning with a slight explosion. Some 
speakers place the tip of the tongue in the alveolar posi- 
tion. 

m as in English. 

n usually as in English, but sometimes very short. 

n as ng in sing. 

h as in English but somewhat stronger. 

X has the sound of jota in Spanish. 

s as in sit. 

z the corresponding voiced continuant ; only after d and rare. 

c as sh in shall. It seldom occurs except after t. 

d is spoken with the tongue on the teeth. 

t an easily recognized, somewhat aspirated surd in the posi- 
tion of d. 

t an unaspirated surd which is distinguished from d with 
diflftculty. 

k, ky a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of 
the hard palate. Except before e, e, i, and i a glide is 
noticeable and has been written as y. 

g, gy the sonant of the preceding, occurs rarely. 

k when written before a back vowel (a, o, 5, % u) without a 
following y stands for a surd nearly in the position of c 
in come, but the contact is very firm. The resulting sound 
is very harsh and quite unlike the English sound. 

q is a velar surd occurring only before back vowels. 

tc as ch in church. 

dj the corresponding voiced sound equivalent to j or soft g in 
English. 
The syllables, considered as phonetic elements without regard 

to their possible morphological force, have been separated by 

spaces thinner than those employed between words. 



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THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE 
HUPA LANGUAGE 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Hupa are a small community isolated in their home by 
the surrounding mountains. The valley which bears their namtt 
is in Humboldt county, California, on the Trinity river a few 
miles above its confluence with the Klamath. It was here the 
Hupa were found by the first white men who passed through this 
section of the state in 1850. The short memory of their own 
traditions knows no time when they lived otherwheres. Their 
myths explain that they came into spontaneous existence here, 
as the tree springs fnmn the soil. 

At the taking of the first census in 1866 there were reported 
to be 650 of them, already physically on the decline from contact 
with civilization. They number now about 450, upon whcnn their 
old traditions and religion have a strong hold notwithstanding 
their garb and dwellings supplied by white people. The older 
people speak their own language chiefly, having recourse to the 
few English words they know when communication with 
white people is necessary. The younger people all employ the 
Hupa language in their home life and when talking to each 
other, but have a good command of English for their intercourse 
with white people. 

The Hupa neighbored and traded with the Yurok and Earok 
on the Klamath river, rather than with the tribes to the south 
and west. Travel by water in the excellent canoes was swift, 
comfortable, and comparatively safe. The crossing of the moun- 
tains not only entailed severe physical exertion but brought the 

Am. Abch. Era. S S. 



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10 University of Calif ornia Publications, [ Am. Aeoh. Era. 

traveler into places in which might iurk the foe, man or beast. 
There was little necessity for travel. The salmon came up the 
river in abundant numbers to the nets of the waiting fisherman. 
The deer and elk, unlike the buffalo, wandered but short dis- 
tances from their accustomed feeding grounds. 

Trade, never extensive, was carried on by canoes with the 
Yurok along the Klamath and southward from its mouth. In 
return for seaweed, which furnished the supply of salt, and sea- 
fish, the Hupa supplied the coast peoples with acorns and other 
inland foods. Dentalia were the common currency. The Hupa 
and Yurok intermarried largely, and attended one another's 
dances, in which they joined, as well as in the games and con- 
tests which followed them. Since these people spoke languages 
totally different, communication was necessarily carried on by 
and through those who knew both languages. 

That the Hupa language differs widely from the other lan- 
guages of the Athapascan stock, to which it belongs, is evident. 
How much of this difference is due directly to the non-Atha- 
pascan Yurok, with whom they were so intimate, and how much 
is due to the slow and ordinary changes which are constantly 
taking place in an isolated people, it is impossible to tell at 
present. This difference is manifest in the phonetic character, 
several changes in the consonants and vowels having taken place ; 
in the vocabulary, many new nouns, especially, having arisen; 
and morphologically, verb forms having been multiplied and 
extended. 

On the other hand, the remaining languages of the Pacific 
Division of the Athapascan are rather closely connected and 
grade into each other. They were spoken from the valley of the 
XJmpqua, in Oregon, southward to the Klamath, where their ter- 
ritory was cut through by the Yurok and Wishosk. South of these 
peoples they occupied most of the valleys of Mad and Bel rivers, 
as well as the intervening mountains and the coast as far as Usal. 

There is no published account of other languages of this divi- 
sion. Some material in manuscript, not yet thoroughly digested, 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 11 

is in the poflsearion of the Department of Anthropology concern- 
ing the Tolowa language, spoken in Del Norte county, California, 
and the Wailaki and Laasik dialects spoken on the upper waters 
of Eel river, in southern Humboldt and northern Mendocino 
counties. Less complete material of the same nature from the 
Athapascan peoples of western Oregon is also at hand. 

Of the languages of the Northern Division of the Athapascan 
we possess a large comparative dictionary in French, Diction- 
naire de la Langue D^n^-Dinji^, par le R. P. E. Petitot.' who 
was for many years a missionary among the peoples near the 
mouth of the Mackenzie river. As a preface to that volume a 
comparative sketch of the grammar of the languages treated is 
given. The dialect of the Carriers, which is not included in the 
above mentioned work, has been treated by Father Morice in a 
paper entitled, "The D6n6 Languages," published in the Trans- 
actions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, March, 1891. 

The linguistic material concerning the »Southem Division is 
exceedingly scanty. Dr. Washington Matthews has published a 
few texts in connection with his treatment of Navaho religion, 
but the frequent repetitions in the prayers and hymns reduce 
the lexical and grammatical material to the minimum. The 
Apache and Lipan are almost unknown in regard to language 
and culture. 

The sources of information for the matter published in this 
paper have been two. The Hupa Texts,* collected and published 
largely for the purpose, have furnished many forms of the gram- 
mar, and a context for their interpretation. Such texts are 
lacking in first and second persons of the verb, and in colloquial 
forms of the language. These have been supplied by means of 
questions suggested by forms occurring in the texts. 



^ Bibliotheque de Lingmstiqiie et d 'Ethnographie Americaines, YoL 2, 
Paria, 1876. 

*Hupa Texts, Plinj Earle Goddard, Univeraitj of California Publiea- 
tiozLB, American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 1, No. 2. The numbers 
given after the examples in the present paper are to the pages and lines of 
Volume 1 of this series. 



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12 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Bra. 

The words and forms thus obtained have been studied by 
means of comparisons, seldom extending beyond the limits of the 
language ; and analyzed to determine the force of each changing 
part. Afterward these forms have been assembled in classes, 
that an adequate conception of the language as a whole might be 
obtained. 

In the presentation of the morphological facts the number of 
examples has not been limited, that the conclusions drawn may 
be easily and quickly justified, and that complete material may 
be available for comparative studies. Little regard has been paid 
to the terms and forms of formal grammar, since they tend to 
obscure the facts of a language in many respects quite different 
from those to which they were originally applied. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 13 

NOUNS. 
CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO POBM AND LENGTH. 
The norms of the Hupa lan^a^^, when classified according 
to their length and form, fall into five fairly well marked classes. 

MONOSYLLABIC. 

There are many monosyllabic noons, for the most part, names 
of common material objects and elements. These words and 
others are found with various phonetic changes in the cognate 
languages. Some of them are the following: 

a, cloud. 104-13, 105-8. 

es, fish trap, cf . es tcin. 208-5. 

ya, lice. 151-10. 

yon, comer, part of house back of the fire. 241-2, 136-6. 

la, a seaweed, Porphyra perforata. 31. 

lin, pet, domesticated animal, dog. 114-12, 195-8. 

Lit, smoke, steam. 96-2, 170-7, 321-7. 

L6L, a strap. 278-9. 

Ldn, mouse. 153-15. 

Ldk, fish, salmon. 98-7. 

IjUW, rattlesnake. 195-8. 

L6, grass, herb, medicine. 101-3, 121-15, 242-4. 

LOtc^, alder. 341-14. 

ml, weather spirit. 79, 271-3. 

mintc, a hut. 17. 

mMk, lake, pond. 100-7. 

nin, ground, the earth. 

hti^a, sun, moon. 104-10. 

htdn, song. 315-5. 



xai, 


winter. 198-1. 


xai, 


root of conifer. 39, 41. 


zon, 


fire. 104-15. 


xaiL, 


load, burden. 105-16, 171-17. 


xun, 


river. 265-9, 200-9. 


sats, 


bear. 276-1, 198-7. 


sits. 


skin, bark. 97-4. 


dje, 


pitch. 150-11. 



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14 University of Calif omia PubKcations. [Am. Aroh. Eth. 

tan, gods of the deer. 77. 

te, blanket. 190-4, 204-7. 

teuw, coal, charcoal. 114-4. 

tin, road, trail. 102-8, 106-15, 121-7. 

tits, cane, digging stick. 150-9, 12, 363-11. 

t5, water, ocean. 159-7, 195-4. 

tse, stone. 197-1. 

tse, brush, fence. 176-9. 

tseuk, fur for tying hair. 247-14. 

tcint, dead things. 346-5. 

tcwal, frog, toad (»). 164-13, 196-1. 

tcwiltc, huckleberry. 32. 

tcwitc, wood, firewood. 157-2. 

tcwun, dirt, excrement. 111-10, 207-3. 

kin, stick, tree. 100-2, 108-14. 

kin, a game. 61. 

kos, bulbs. 110-5. 

kat, root of a decidious tree. 39, 41. 

kya, woman's dress, a skirt. 164-9, 179-10, 333-8. 

kySts, sinew. 97-4, 288-5. 

qo, worm. 

MONOSYLLABIC WITH POSSESSIVE PREFIX. 

Many nouns, of themselves monosyllabic, do not occur with- 
out a possessive prefix. These words, like the preceding class, 
seem to belong to the oldest stratum of the language. Most of 
them are to be found in the other Athapascan languages. They 
are generally the names of parts of the body and personal pos- 
sessions, and terms of relationship. 

adilla, her hand. 307-2. 

adimmit, her own belly. 276-5. 

adit^a, (in) his sack. 152-9, 282-6. 

a dit tsel, his biceps. 142-2. 

iLde, sisters (of each other). 169-1. 

liLLin, brothers (of each other). 140-9. 

minnin, its face. 115-15. 

mit tseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-4. 

mit tsin, its meat. 208-13. 



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Vol. 8] Goddard. — Morphology of ihs Hupa La$iguage. 15 

mite tcwd, grandmother. 136-12. 

mikke, its tail. 283-15. 

mikkil, her brother. 189-13. 

mikkin, its base. 230-6. 

mflntcwifi,* their mother. 136-10,229-12. 

ne xM, your husband. 210-11. 

nitdje, your mind. 351-9. 

nittai, your paternal uncle. 237-3. 

ndta, our father. 192-9. 

hu^auu^, my sister's boy. 120-14. 

htrimmity my belly. 112-17. 

hwia nifi, my face. 247-12. 

hw^w xai, my boy. 137-5. 

htrit djg, my mind. 296-13. 

hidkkai, my brother-in-law. 142-14. 

hidintcwifi, my mother. 181-9. 

xoi kil, his younger brother. 150-1, 332-1. 

xoi kyai, her granddaughter. 135-1, 241-5. 

xoi kydn, her odor. 165-4. 

xoikkyM, his mind. 102-16. 

xdAi, his wife. 117-15,195-1. 

xdla, his hand. 96-4. 

xd mit, her belly. 102-15. 

xonna, his eyes. 105-15. 

xonnifi, his face. 174-8. 

xdxa, his tracks. 159-4. 

xdxai, her boy. 139-9. 

x6 xM, her husband. 305-11. 

xddjg, his mind. 307-9. 

x5ta, his father. 169-1. 

x5tda, his mouth. 112-14, 113-18. 

xot detc, her sister. 169-13. 

x5tse, his daughter. 237-1. 

xottseflk, its umbilical cord. 157-7. 

xottsel, his biceps. 139-13. 

x6tctcitc, his elbows. 347-8. 



^Thifl word and iHcHintewifi below point to diflsylabio base, Antewifi 
probably oonneeted with the root -tewe, to make. 



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16 UwiversUy of CaUfotmia Pt^Ucations. [Am. Aeoh. Btb. 

xotcwo, his grandmother. 290-2. 

xokyiin, his breast. 301-1. 

ketse, somebody's penis (severed from the body). 171-3. 

kekai, somebody's thigh. 171-7. 

kutctewo, its grandmother. 100-16. 

POLYSYLLABIC WTrHOUT DESCRIPTIVE MEANING. 

A considerable number of nouns of two or more syllables, 
evidently secondary, are not easily analyzed. The Hupa them- 
selves do not attempt to assign meaning to them beyond the 
designation of the objects for which they stand. Examples are 
the following. 

is de au, madrona. 96-11. 

isdits, strings (verbal?). 144-7. 

yiLxai, mornings (verbal?). 255-17. 

wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13. 

littcuK;, sand. 117-16. 

min tsit da, smokehole. 136-3. 

min kil en, menstruating women. 253-6. 

mis dje, fog. 244-6. 

nadiyau, dentalia. 208-13. 

natses, arrows. 139-12. 

nis kin, Douglas spruce. 152-16. 

no le, dam, waterfall. 102-7. 

xai tsa, basket-bucket. 110-16. 

xea kai, baby-basket. 289-17. 

xo is dai, man. 136-15. 

xoLit, noise. 241-2. 

xonta, house. 97-13. 

xos saik, abalones. 347-17. 

din nnw, manzanita. 200-3. 

din nai, arrowpoint. 119-3. 

dittsik, acorns. 137-15. 

dje 15, storage basket. 151-12. 

tai kymu, sweathouse. 98-15. 

feaxutc, girl. 189-8. 

tis mil, eagle. 114-8. 

tsiLtin, bow. 139-12. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 17 

icmuhwHiw, elder sticks. 118-1. 

kai Ifttr, willow. 197-2. 

keL tsan, maiden. 135-2. 

kix xak, net. 256-7. 

kit to, paddle (verbal?). 314-4. 

kastan, hat. 209-4. 

kyiikka, deer fat. 164-10. 

FORMED BT MEANS OP SUFFIXES AND OOMPOBTriON 

There is a larpre and increasing number of nouns, formed by 
suffixes or by composition, the descriptive force of which is ever 
present in the mind of the speaker. The occasion for the increase 
of this class of nouns is the death of well known people who had, 
for a name, the name of some object or animal ; and the intro- 
duction of new things by the white people.^ 

Suffixes which have no separate existence are few. The 
inhabitants are distinguished from the place they inhabit by 
suffixing -xoi to the name of the locality. 

Ldmittaxoi, prairies among people, New River people. 

110-12. 
natinnoxxoi, Hupa Indians. 
xoiLkatxoi, Redwood creek Indian. 110-12. 
kit don xoi, people having evil power. 181-1. 

A suffix, which does not appear as a verb, signifies that the 
plant or animal is found in, or frequents the place named. 

yin ne tau, in the ground they are ; a bulb. 135-2. 
xaslintau, riffles he frequents; crane. 203-14. 
xoL tsai tau, dry places he lives ; a land monster. 114-18. 
xon teL tau, glades, he frequents ; coyote. 151-8. 

Augmentatives are made by the suffix -ky6, which is evidently 
connected with the adjective nikkyaS. Its use is frequent to 
distinguish the larger of two plants or animals which resemble 
each other. 



^Compare Amer. Ajithropologist, New Series, Vol. 3, p. 209; and Life 
and Culture of the Hupa, p. 73. 



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18 University of CiMfornia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

selkyo, Heradeum lanatum. 31. 

kki we ky5, spider. 151-13. Ek. we is a small enemy of 
mankind.^ 

kiLmukkyo, ArdUa Calif omica. 

kiL dik kik kyo, pileated woodpecker. 204-7. 

koskyo, Chlorogalum pomeridanum. 109-12. 

tcimmiUkyo, an herb. 295-footnote. 
Diminutives are formed by adding -itc or -tc to the noun. 

isdewite, Heteromeles arbutifoUa; from is dean, the 
madrona, whose fruit resembles the Heteromeles, 

littsowitc, little blue ones (beads). 199-7. 

Lodaitc, an herb. 310-10. 

L5 kate, a straw. 158-6. 

medilitc, a small canoe. 102-9. 

nuLtcoLwaltc, a small axe, hatchet. 198-8. 

minditc, wildcat. 222-12. Panther formerly had the 
corresponding augmentative for a name. 

naLtsisitc, a spoon basket; it hangs small. 288-6. 

nis sate din, a little way. 234-5. Compare, nissa, a 
long way. 

dje Idtc, a small dje 15, a storage basket. 158-13 
Small trees and animals have a diminutive in -yauir. 

Lok I yautc;, small salmon. 

niLttlkyauir, young black oaks. 362-17. 

tcimmeyauti;, young Douglas spruce. 283-7. 
A sufiSx -newan is a very fruitful source of new nouns. 

xonnewan, fire like. 329-10. 

to newan, water like ; glass, black obsidian. 108-2. 

tsel newan, blood like; red obsidian. 180-11. 

kim mit ne wan, belly like ; watermelon. 

kit tsai xiki ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. 

qd newan, worm like; rice. 

Compare, no nin Luk ne wan, dough put on the ground 

like, 209-4, and xot tsin ne wan, carefully. 142-5. 

Certain adverbial suffixes of place furnish secondary nouns. 

Littcuti;din, sand place, a village. 169-1. 



^ Compare life and Culture, p. 64. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hnpa Language, 19 

mil la kin ta, its hand bases ; its wrists. 215-2. 
niLtiikalai, black oak tops among; a dancing place 

among oaks. 174-5. 
xon ta din, honse place ; village, vicinity of a house. 210-5. 
to din, water place ; the river. 
tsSdin, brush place; a grave (from the ancient practice 

of fencing graves with brush). 176-8. 
misk&t, a slide on; a Hupa village. 105-4. 
kin tcQir hurik kdt, its nose on ; a Hupa village situated 

on a nose-like ridge. 135-1. 

OOMPOUNINI. 

a) a few compounds consist of two nouns in juxtaposition 
without a subordinating possessive prefix. 

The second noun qualifies the first 

Luirxan, snake river; eel. 98-13. 

L5tse, grass stone; a sedge. 100-8. 
The first noun qualifies the second. 

hiriLtsiLtinL5L, my bow string. 153-15. 

xon na ^fifi, his eye leaves ( *) ; his eyebrows. 362-11. 

xd tsin dfik kan, her leg ridge; her shin. 103-1. 

kinnsLdfintsS, kinaLdfin stick. 238-7. 

kix xak kin, net pole. 257-6. 

b) Compounds consisting of two nouns, the second of which 
has a possessive prefix, have the first qualifying the second. 

xon na k&t t5, her eyes their water ; her tears. 245-11. 
din n^w mtl wit wat de, manzanita its flour. 200-3. 
dindai mitctcwo, flint its grandmother; a bird. 182-1. 
tin miiwa, trail its edge. 121-7. 
kai IQw mfik kftt de, willow its root. 197-2. 
ldyaut(;medeai, bird its scalp, woodpecker's scalp. 187-5. 
kiL La xfin mit tcit dil ye, deer its dance. 231-1. 

o) A few compounds, true substantives, have the first ele- 
ment a noun and the second an adjective qualifying it. 
ya^Lkai, louse white; grey-back. 111-1. 
niLtcwindilmai, niLtcwin gray; an herb. 283-8. 



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20 University of CaUfornia Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth. 

nin nis an Luk kai, mountain white ; Mount Shasta. 328-1. 

tittauLukkai, tittau white; a bird. 144-10. 

to nuw hw;6n din, water good place; Freshwater Lagoon. 

245-17. 
^untcwin, leaves fragrant; pepper wood. 271-9. 
tseLkai, stone white; a white knife. 101-1. 
tse lit tso, stone blue ; a hard bluish stone. 114-17. 
tse lit tso, brush blue ; Ceanothus integerrimus, 319-8. 
tsoyoLtel, (») wide. 223-8. 

d) Certain compounds whose first elements are nouns fol- 
lowed by qualifying adjectives are introduced by possessive 
prefixes. These words, while performing the oflSce of substan- 
tives, really qualify a subject understood. 

^ mintcui4;mil, its nose pierced (*); yellow-hammer. 
113-12. 
mis sa niL tcwin, its mouth stinks ; buzzard. 113-17. 
mite tcwun tuL tan, its dung soft ; fox. 143-12. 
xon tctiw ditc tcetc, his nose rough; a mythical charac- 
ter. 150-1. 
kimmiLnatultcuwol, its foot round; bob-cat. 143-6. 
kit ^un dun qotc, its leaves sour; Oxalis Oregana. 121-12. 
MttsaiLkai, its (») white; bluejay.^ 120-13. 

b) There are compounds, similar to the last, but having for 
their last elements words indicating the presence, abundance, or 
lack of some part or quality. 

mex xon tau xd len, its house it has ; wood-rat. 152-9. 

mis Ifit xo len, folds having. 364-14. 

mite dje xo len, its pitch abundant; Pinus Lambertiana. 

110-15. 
mite dje e din, its mind lacking ; a baby. 101-14. 
mite tcil le xo len, their wings they have. 317-3. 
mux xaix xo len, their chidren they have ; does. 310-2. 
mfixxatcexdlen, its roots abundant; Leptotaema Cali- 
fomica. 



^ For the first element, compare, kit tsai xdL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. 
* Compare, xon ta e din, house without. 192-14. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 21 

VSBBS AS NOUNS. 

Any verb in the third person present, of the active or paasive 
voice, seems capable of becoming a noon without changing its 
form. Verbs are also variously compounded to form descriptive 
substantives. 

Active. 

na I ya, it comes down ; rain, or it is raining. 229-3. 

nasdik, over the ground it creeps; yerba buena. 364-15. 

nakedilyai, on each side they hang(f) ; beads. 190-10. 

nillin, it flows; a creek. 119-17. 

nistan, on the ground it lies; a log. 341-4. 

nd taL a ; big lagoon. 1 17-7. 

ndndil, they come down; snow. 170-10. Compare, 

na i ya above, 
xoi de il 10, they attack ; a war company. 332-6. 
xot dan tee, it blows down ; a wind. 227-4. 
x&ineilii;, it speaks; language. 110-10. 
duk kan, it is on edge ; a mountain ridge. 137-9. 
tea deli, they came; hoar frost. 270-5. 
tciLwal, he shakes; the kinaLdun dance. 366-2. 
tcitdilye, they dance; a dance. 
tciL tal, he stamps with his foot ; a dance. 366-2. 
kai tim miii, he carries along ; a wood-basket. 363-11. 
ken n^w ; thunder. 144-4. 
kisseaqot, he works with a needle (*) ; a net-headdress. 

159-9. 

Passive. 

yai kyti wil tats, they have been cut in strips ; a blanket or 

dress of strips. 207-5. 
wil loi, that which has been tied ; a bundle. 210-3. 
Le na wil la, they have been laid together ; a fire. 109-10. 
na iil mats, around it has been coiled ; a coil. 151-13. 
na zo wil loi, around him it is tied ; a belt. 209-6. 
ndnawittan, a long object placed; a door or cover of 

boards. 203-9. 
da kyfi we wit tan ; fishing board. 



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22 University of CaUfornia PtLbUccUions. [Am. Aeoh. Em. 

talkait, over the water it has been pushed; a fishing 

board. 119-18. 
kin nal mats, around it is coiled ; cribs of hazel. 191-3. 
kin nakyuwil mats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 

191-4. 
kit Loi, it is twined ; a basket. 103-7. 

GOICPOUNDED WTTH NOUNS. 

Compounds are formed with a noun for the first element, as 
subject, object, or the limit of motion of the second element, a 
verb. 

es tcin nauii;, fish-trap ( * ) it comes in ; a swimming deer. 

162-1. 
naxkekos naduwOl, two its necks waving around; a 

monster. 163-12. 
Lekontc dittille, salt it likes ; wild goose. 
Ldk yitdittille, fish it likes; otter. 144-8. 
sa luu?, they are put in the mouth ; food consisting of the 

green stems of herbs, 
sa xsixxw, liquid is put in the mouth ; acorn soup, 
na di yau kiL tcwe, dentalia maker. 325-9. 

With Prefixes. 

Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and 
manner make substantives out of verbs. 

met! na sit tan, under it sits ; a head-dress. 211-12. 

me dil, in they go ; a canoe. 101-12. 

miL xo wit loi, with it he is tied ; his belt. 120-2. 

miL da kit diL dil, with it she shakes (*); a winnowing 

basket. 365-10. 
miL tcoL waltc, with it he chops ; an axe. 198-8. 
miL kit tuk kutc, with it he plays shinny ; a shinny stick. 

143-5. 
miLkytiwohwal, with it he hooks; a hook. 106-16. 
miLkyoxait, with it one buys; money. 145-3. 
muk kai kit Loi, on it it is woven ; hazel basket ribs. 290-6. 
nistankakittukgot*;, log along he runs; pine-martin. 

222-12. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard.— Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 23 

nawitditstinnaiiK;, in a circle it goes around; a whirl- 
pool. 120-3. 

ninnuwinnakisten, world around it lies; earthquake. 
143-16. 

xd mfik kfit tsis dai, his on it he sits ; his stool. 292-3. 

te kyd xol xQt, from the water ; a monster. 328-4. 

tsefik ka yaii ai, on a stone he sits ; ground-squirrel. 222-11 

kiLnadil, ¥nth them they travel; a wolf. 174-7. 

With Sumxxs. 

Suffixes of location furnish names of places 

Lei din, the flowing together place ; village at the junction 

of the main Trinity and its south foriL 105-13. 
Le nal din, the flowing together a second time place ; the 

junction of the Trinity and Klamath. 158-16. 
Naillitdiji, fire runs over the ground place; a village 

west of the Klamath river. 158-2. 
nanatdLdin, the stepping down place; at the foot of 

the ladder in the sweat-house. 207-2 
natetsedin, the pushing back place; the sliding docnr- 

way. 97-17. 
TakimmiLdifi, the making acorn soup place; a Hupa 

village. 104-10. 
Mdk ka na du w^ a difi, upon it they come and go; the 

beach at the mouth of the Klamath, descriptive of 

the surf. 355-5. 

Compounds with Surnxxs. 

Compounds of noun and verb also add the suffixes of location 
to form place names. 

Sa xauu; sai ke xauu^ din, soup eating place. 226-8. 

Djic tafi a din, Djic ( *) projects place. 104-5. 

Tdndnatcifi, water's end toward. 243-5. 

Tse n5n a din, stone end place. 354-5. 

Tcwitc no nin a difi, wood across place ; place of fish dam. 

353-14. 
Ki yautr ndn diL din, birds stop place. 199-5. 



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34 University of CaUfornia Publications, [Am. Aeoh. Hth. 

PLUBALS. 

The only Hupa nouns which change their form to indicate 
the plural are those which classify human beings according to 
their sex and state in life ; and terms of relationship. 
Only three instances of the first case have been noted. 

keLtsan, virgin, maiden; plural kcLtsun. 135-2, 138-5. 
tsiimmesLon, a fully grown woman; plural tsummes- 

Lon. 98-9, 280-4. 
xux xai, a child ; xux xaix, children. 220-10, 164-16. 
But few of the terms of relationship are found with plurals.^ 
nik kil, your brother ; nik kil xai, your brothers. 191-13, 

191-18. 
hu^ittsoi, my grandchild; hu;it tsoi xai, my grandchil- 
dren. 222-14. 
xoLtistce, hisskrt;er; xoLtistcexai, his sisters. 208-12. 

CASES. 

To show possession, the qualified noun has pronomial ele- 
ments prefixed. Accompanying these prefixes, in some instances, 
there is an extension of the word, by an added syllable if the 
word ends in a consonant or close vowel ; or by a vowel making a 
diphthong, if the word ends in an open vowel. It is likely most 
words under this condition were once so extended and have been 
curtailed. 

Nouns beginning with l change that sound to the voiced 1 on 
receiving the prefix.* 

mil lit de, their smoke ; lit, smoke. 116-1,3. 

mit L5 we, its herb ; Lo, herb, grass. 287-7, 215-5. 

mittsinne, its bones; kittsin, something's bones. 171-13. 

mik kix xak ka, their nets ; kix xak, a net. 99-6. 

mu wit wat de, its flour ; wit wat, flour. 200-3. 

muk kut de, its roots ; kut, a root. 197-2. 

no lin ke, our pets; Lin, a pet, dog. 115-2. 

no xon tau, our house ; xon ta, a house. 192-9. 

*■ Compare the siinilar limited use of the plural and maimer of its forma- 
tion among the Carrier. Rev. Father Morice, Transactions of the Canadian 
Institute, Vol. I, No. 2, p. 184. 

'Bev. Father Morice has noted similar phenomena among the Carrier. 
Trans, of the Canadian Institute, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 183. 



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V<»«. 31 Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 26 

htdl Id ka, my salmon ; Ldk, salmon. 100-6, 15. 

xolifike, his pet; lin, a pet 115-11. 

xdhu^inne, her song; hmn, a song. 333-9. 

xd xon tan, his lu>nse ; xcm ta, a house. 117-16. 

x5titse, his cane; tits, cane. 150-8. 
There are several suffixes in the Hupa language which might 
be looked upon as case endings since they are not permanent 
parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate vary- 
ing relations of position or direction. These endings are also 
prepositions, but when they are used as prepositions they are 
joined to a possessive pronoun vrith which they form a word 
standing after the nouns to which they relate. 

One of these, -me, indicates position in, or motion into a 
house, the interior of a mountain, a valley, or an opening or 
glade in a forest. 

Is din na me, a place. 324-1. 

Yas tsim me, a place. 270-1. 

L5huninme, a place. 299-13. 

MM kat me, lake place. 328-3. 

niL tcwin me, a feather case. 288-3. 

hu^ittadlme, my chest 247-14. 

Xaiyame, a place. 253-4. 

Xa is dil me, a place. 300-2. 

xon ta me, house in. 278-8. 

xonteLme, in a glade. 121-3. Compare, xcmt^tau. 

Djel5ome, a mountain. 299-8. 

taikyuu;me sweat-house in. 363-7. 

Tafiaime, a mountain. 300-12. 

Tseyeme, rock under. 280-11. Compare, tseyedin. 
208-6. 

Tseninme, a place. 299-3. 

KauM; kyu wim me, among the redwoods. 230-3. 
Place at which, and sometimes place toward which, is ex- 
pressed by a noun with the ending -din. 

Il ba la din, a place. 364-16. 

Lei din, a place. 105-13. 

Le nal din, a place. 158-16. 

Littcutrdin, a place. 169-1. 

Am. Abcr. Bth. 3. 3. 



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26 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Aboh. Bth. 

Loknasaiindm, a place. 317-7. 

me din niiii din, at one side. 361-17. 

me tsa x5 sin din, bad places. 302-7. 

min nin xiin din, by the sweat-house entrance. 115-7. 

misxiistiindin, a place. 300-8. 

mikkindin, at its base. 287-1. 

na il lit din , a place. 158-2. 

naiitsisdin, hanging place. 204-3. 

nanatikidin, stepping down place. 207-2. 

Na de il tcwiin din, a place. 328-10. 

na te tse din, at the door. 98-2. 

Nil lin kin din, a place. 271-13. 

NiLtcwinakadin, a place. 157-1. 

nin nis an ndn a din, a place. 115-16. 

no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8. 

no nin din, at our heads. 190-5. 

No tan a din, a place. 179-6. 

niin dil win ^e din, snow always there place. 328-3. 

Xaslindin, a place. 265-1. Compare, xaslintau, 

crane. 203-14. 
zdLtsaidin, in the dry place. 112-6. Compare, xdL- 

tsaitau. 
xon na din, in his eye. 118-7. 
Xon xauu^ din, a place. 117-14. 
Xon sa din, a place. 174-1. 
xon din, fire in. 109-16. Compare, xon tcin, fire toward. 

109-15. 
xon ta din, to the house. 210-5. 
Xoxotcdin, a place. 245-4. 
x§ xon tau din, his house place. 195-7. 
xotnfindin, a place. 244-3. 
Xot tin nan din, a place. 198-13. 
xo qot din, knee deep. 365-11. 
Sauu; titc din, a place. 198-10. 
Sa xauK; sai ke xauti; din, soup-eating place. 226-8. 
Da din mot din, a place. 300-10. 
Datcwindin, a place. 179-1. 
Djictanadin, a place. 104-5. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 27 

tai kyfiu; din, sweat-house. 203-9. 

Ta kim mk. din, a place. 104-10. 

tin ta din din, in the woods. 247-3. 

TseLtcedin, a place. 280-2. 

Tse n5n a difi, a place. 354-5. 

Tse niin sin difi, a place. 102-5. 

TsS din, a place. 280-10. 

Tee in di q6t din, a place. 216-10. 

TciL tel nal la din, a place. 365-6. 

Tc5xoltcwedin, a place. 98-6. 

Tcwitc na nin a din, a place. 353-14. 

Eainonadin, a place. 208-4. 

EI yaair non diL din, bird 's resting place. 199-5. 

Kllaigyadin, a place. 243-17. 

EiL w$ din, a place. 354-12. 

EI xdn nai ta difi, a place. 226-10. 

kit ta din, in the brash. 162-9. 

EytL we Le din, a place. 354-8. 

hytlwinyainyantadin, a place. 211-15. 
The place toward which is usually expressed by adding -tcift 
to the noun. 

TI da x5 min wa tcifi, to a place. 208-8. 

Ld hwM kiit tcin. Bald HiU ( toward ) . 216-15. 

min sit da tcin, smoke-hole to. 329-13. 

Mis kfit tcin, to MiskAt. 105-11. 

m^ xa tee tcin, to the root. 210-1. 

nin nis an nd& a tcin, the world 's end. 159-14. 

nin tcin, toward the ground. 163-1. 

ndna wit tse tcin, toward the door. 166-1. 

Xai ya me tcin, to Xaiyame. 267-9. 

xontatcin, to the house. 97-12. 

xontcin, fire toward. 109-15. 

Tee wil lin tcin, to the mouth of Redwood creek. 175-5. 
Motion along, beside, or by the way of, is expressed by the 
ending -kai or -ka. 

min ^a kai, in (through) the wood room. 182-1. 

min tsit da kai, out of the smoke-hole. 158-7. Compare, 
min tsit da tcin. 329-13. 



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28 University of CaUfornia PiibUcatians, [Am. Aboh. Bth. 

xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (along). 347-13. 
xoLtcwilakai, a marshy way. 361-12. 
xon na de kai ta, his legs (along) too. 347-14. 
xonnisteka, his throat down. 118-1. 
xot tsel kai, from under his arm. 143-4. 
xdnnfikka, river along. 211-14. 
Motion toward, or position on a thing or place, is expressed 
by the suffix -k<it, or -ka. 

Loka, the prairie (grass on). 150-8. 
Ml me da kut, a plaee. 185-1. 
Miskut, a place. 105-4. 
Xowunkut, a place. 121-5. 
Xo tu wai kut, a place. 336-1. 
denokut, the sky (this us on). 286-12. 
Tse tit mil a kut, a place. 203-4. Compare, Tse tit- 
mil me. 299-11. 

TEMPORAL ENDINGS. 

The fact that the particular object referred to has ceased to 
exist, or has not yet come into existence, may be shown by end- 
ings suffixed to the noun. To indicate that the object no longer 
exists in the relation thought of, the suffix employed is -ne en. 

me dil ne en, canoes used to be. 153-17. 

mit date ne en,* shells. 171-16. 

na di yau ne en,* dentalia. 171-16. 

nin nis an ne en, world used to be (a hypothetical case). 
343-14. 

nin xos tin ne en, frost used to be. 273-7. 

nik kyu win ya in yan ne en, your child used to be. 221-2. 

no le ne en, dam used to be. 102-11. 

xoi kit Loi ne en, her basket used to be. 325-1. 

xo u^ ne en, his wife used to be. 187-8. 

xo lin ke ne en, his pet used to be. 115-14. 

xo lo ka ne en, her salmon used to be. 100-16. 

xo mit ne en, his belly used to be. 121-10. 

xon na kut to ne en, his tears used to be. 338-10. 

' In these cases it is possession of the object, and not the object itself, 
which ceases. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 29 

xon nin ne en, his face iised to be. 143-10. 

zontaneen, house used to be. 114-17. 

zd zdn ne en, her husband used to be. 308-4. 

zotaneen, father used to be. 172-1. 

zdkdsneen, his neck used to be. 163-18. 

te ne en, blankets. 144-9. 

tsit duk na we ne en, fisherskin quivers. 144-8. 

kai tel ne en, basket-plate used to be. 289-15. 

kiL La zdn ne en, deer used to be. 96-8. 

kimmiLnatultctLwdlneen, wildcat used to be. 143-9. 

kyfi wl yfll ne en, food used to be. 96-8. 
That the object will ezist in the future, or the poBsession of it 
will oome to pass in the future, is ezpressed by adding the suf- 
fiz -te. 

hwuw te te, my blanket it will be. 204-16. 

mit L5 we te, their medicine will be. 121-15. 

PRONOUNS. 

PEKSONAL. 

The personal pronouns in their independent form are used 
chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incor- 
poration of the object into the verb, and its inflections to show 
the subject, reduce the need of pronouns as independent words 
to the minimum. 

The pronoun for the first person singular is hu;e, which 
serves for both subject and object, and may be placed before a 
possessive to add emphasis. All other Athapascan languages have 
a word phonetically related to this. The Tolowa word is ci ; the 
Carrier, si; and the Navaho, cl. The change of c or s to hir, 
while rather unezpected, is regular. The plural of the first 
person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers, when more 
than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead 
of hire and nehe, longer forms, hire en and nehe en, often 
occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle 
en, which points to a person, contrasting him with another, 
hire. 104-16, 151-17, 204-16. 
hween, 109-4, 138-14. 



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30 Universiiy of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Era. 

nehe. 216-18, 334-6. 

neheen. 139-3, 165-7. 
The second person sin^ar is expressed by nin, and the 
plural by no hin, or no n. 

nin. 106-9. 

no hin. 280-5. 
It is to be thought that originally there was no personal pro- 
noun for the third person, its place being taken by the demon- 
stratives and by incorporated and prefixed forms. In speaking 
of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required xon occurs. This 
appears to be xo-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and en 
mentioned above contracted with it. No example of a third 
person plural occurs in Hupa Texts. When inquired for, ya xwen 
was given. This is no doubt xon of the singular with ya, the 
sign for the plural in the verbs and elsewhere. 

xon. 96-3. 

P0SSESSIVE8. 

Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the 
qualified noun to express possession. Kwe and nin are repre- 
sented by hW' and n-, uniting with a following vowel, but form- 
ing a syllable before semi-vowels and consonants. The syllable 
is completed by i or u, before y and w respectively. Before con- 
sonants the vowel of the syllable is i, which is closed by taking 
over the succeeding consonant. The first and second persons 
plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which 
may be prefixed in that form to any noun. The third person 
singular has xo- prefixed when an adult Hupa is meant, but m-, 
receiving the same treatment as hw- and n- above, when the ref- 
erence is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person 
of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things m- 
is also frequently used, but for the former k- seems more fre- 
quent. When the possessor of the object is not known k- is also 
employed. 

A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity 
exists. The form is a d- with the second syllable completed, as 
in the case of hu;- and n-. (Examples of these possessives are 
given above on p. 14.) 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 31 

DEMONSTBATIVEa 

The demoDstratiyeB for the nearer person or object, which 
must be in sight, are ded, hai ded and hai de, which do not differ 
in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in si^t 
or not, is referred to by y6 or hai yd. 

ded, this. 96-10, 98-3. 

haide, this. 100-6. 

y5, that 151-14. 

hai yd, that 115-14. 

BELATiyE& 

There are no words whose special c^ce is the expression of 
relation. The definite article (or weak demonstrative) hai 8(»ne- 
times has nearly the force of a relative. Line 12 on page 162 
contains a sentence which has a relative : 

hai tcenifiyateneen xonteLtan ddhetcenifiyai. 
The he was going to coyote he did not come out 

come out 
C<^te, who was going to come out, did not come out. 
Again, on page 174, line 9, the sentence : 
hai Mkya hai tcit tea deL te. 

The he saw it was the they two were to travel. 
He saw it ¥ras he with whom he was to travel. 

INTEBEOGATIVE. 

Questions asking toko are introduced by diindafi; those 
asking u;Aai, by daxwedfln. 
dMdafi, whot 151-16. 
daxwediin, whatf 163-3. 

ABTICLE. 

The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular 
or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that, the 
demonstrative, and the definite article the. The occasional 
use of hai with a relative force has been mentioned above. It is 
sometimes employed where our idiom does not require it. It 
usually occurs before a possessive. 

hai x6 lin ke, ''the his pets. " 195-8. 



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32 University of California PubUcations. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

ADJECTIVE PE0N0UN8. 

The following words usually stand alone, the persons, or 
things limited by them being understood from the context, 
a tin, all. 96-8. 
a tin ne, all people. 138-6. 
atinxoun^e, everything. 176-16. 
a tin din, everyplace. 96-5, 98-4. 
atinkaun^e, everykind. • 110-10, 113-3. 
xo dai de he, anything, 
di hii;o, something. 144-8, 117-17. 
dihM;ee, nothing. 153-10. 
duuLunhtron, several people. 
dunLunhtro, several things. 164-16, 176-10. 
dun hti;e e, nobody. 109-12. 
dM hwo, somebody. 107-5. 

NUMERALS. 

CARDINALS. 

The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan lan- 
guages, most of which have cognate words for live, also, which is 
dissyllabic. Prom five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily 
analyzed. Ten, minLun, means, ** enough for it." The numer- 
als above ten are made by an expressed addition for numbers 
lying between the decimal terms ; and by multiplication for those 
terms. The meaning of La it dik kin, one hundred, is not evi- 
dent, but by a variation of the first syllables the hundreds are 
enumerated to a thousand, or beyond if necessary. 

The terminations of the cardinals which are used of persons 
differ from those used of things. This seems to be brought about 
by the use of an old termination, -m or -ne, which means people. 
Numerals used of things. 

La, one. 98-12. 

nax, two. 101-9. 

tak, three. 294-8. 

dink, four. 

tcwola, five. 101-6. 

xos tan, six. 

xo kit, seven. 



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▼o<- 3] Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 88 

ke nim, ei^t. 
mfikkoBtau, nine, 
min Lfln, ten. 140-9. 

min Liin m5 wa na La, ten by its side again one. 
min lM mtL wa na nax, t^i by its side af<ain two. 
na dim min lM, twice ten. 
ta kiit dim min Li^, three times ten. 
din kit dim min lAh, four times ten. 
tcwd la dim min Liifi, five times ten. 
z56 tun dim min Lfifi, six times ten. 
zo kit dim min lM, seven times ten. 
ke nim dim min LQn, eight times ten. 
mfik k5s ta dim min Lfin, nine times ten. 
La it dik kin, one hundred, 
na xut dik kin, two hundred, 
takdtdikkin, three hundred. 
Numerals used of persons. 
LtL wun, one man. 234-1. 
nanin, two men. 139-2. 
tatdin, three men. 169-1. 
difikin, four men. 234-8. 
tcwd lane, five men. 234-9. 
xostfin, six men. 234-12. 
xo kit din, seven men. 235-3. 
ke nim min, eight men. 235-6. 
mfik kos tau win, nine men. 235-7. 
miuLfin, or minLfinne, ten men. 207-1. 

ADJECTIVES. 

The qualifying adjectives in the Hupa language are very 
closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated like 
verbs, indicating by internal changes the person and number of 
the subject qualified and indicating by changes of tense whether 
the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. The 
conjugation of the adjective for convenience of treatment has 
been given below following the conjugation of the verbs. 

These adjectives in the present tense seem without exception 
to be dissyllabic. 



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34 University of CaUfornia Pv^UcaUons. [Am. Aboh. Bra. 

COMPARISON. 
The superlative, the only form of comparison employed, is 
expressed by prefixing dad-, the second syllable being com- 
pleted in harmony with the following sound. 

hai da din nes nin tuti;, the longest one bring. 

hai da diL Luk kau niL tuw ne, the fattest one you must 

bring, 
hai da dit dit sit, the shortest one. 
hai da dik kya 5, the largest one. 

VERBS. 

CLASSIFIED. 
TBANSrnVB AND INTRANSITIVE. 

Most transitive verbs differ in form from the intransitive in 
that they have a change of root when the object is plural. If 
the object is an adult Hupa, it is incorporated in the form of the 
weak personal pronoun. Many, but by no means all, transitive 
verbs have -l immediately preceding the root but affiliating 
itself with the foregoing syllable. 

Most intransitive verbs have an entirely different root for a 
dual or plural sviject. They do not have -l preceding the root. 

CLASSES. 

When a large number of Hupa verts are compared, most of 
them are seen to fall into two classes, according to the presence or 
absence of -l before the root. In only a few cases it may be 
present or absent in words otherwise alike in form. In these 
cases it has the power of changing by its presence an intransitive 
verb to a transitive verb. TcittetaL means he stepped along; 
tcitteLtaL, he kicked something along. EewiL^an (150-12) 
means he put pitch on the top of something, in this case a cane ; 
ke win ^an would mean that a bird on alighting stuck fast. In 
a general way -l may be considered the sign of the transitive. 
Its absence marks the intransitive ; and it is present in all transi- 
tive verbs except a large but well marked class which express by 
the root itself the nature of the object affected and can there- 
fore be used without an expressed object. 

yawinxan, he took up something of a liquid or smally 
divided nature which must be contained in a basket 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 85 

ya win an, he took up a round object as a stone, 
ya win tan, he took up a long object as a stick. 
yawinGt, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object as a 
blanket 
But, also, — 

ya wiL kyds, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object. 
yawiLten, he took up an animal (including man) or an 
animal product. 
While it is quite evident that in its past histoiy this -l was 
in some way closely connected with the transitive forms of the 
verbs, it is doubtful if at the present it has such a force, or the 
two forms ya win iit and ya ¥nL kyCs could hardly stand as 
synonjrms. All that can be safely said is that -l is associated 
with certain roots, while other roots are used without it. The 
last, for the sake of convenience, have been made to form class i, 
and the former, containing -l, class ii.* 

The third class has immediately before the root either d- or -t. 
The former is found in certain places in the conjugation where 
it is the initial sound in an inserted syllable. The latter occurs 
regularly in certain cases where it is joined to a syllable already 
existing, as its final sound. The verbs of this class are of three 
kinds; a number containing certain roots which never occur 
without the dental sound which is the characteristic of the class, 
verbs having the prefix na- with the iterative force of again, 
and all passives formed from class i. 

The fourth class has -1 preceding the root. It is composed 
of a number of verbs having roots which evidently require this 
sound preceding, since they do not occur without it, and all 
passives corresponding to class ii. 

VOICE. 

The passive voice is present in the language, but not common. 

It is usually desired and considered important that the agent or 

author of the act should appear in the sentence; and when he 

does so appear, it is as the subject of the verb. The passive is 

only employed when the author of the act is unknown ; or some 

^Father Morice, in the work cited, p. 194, hsB taken this -L as the char- 
acteristic of one of his conjugations. He speaks of it as a ''pronominal 
consonant." 



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36 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Aic, Aech. Eth. 

reason, usually religious, prevents reference to him. The passive 
is also used as a noun. 

MODES AND TENSES. 

The clear cut distinction of formal grammar between modes, 
on the one hand, and tenses on the other, does not exist in this 
language. There are special forms which afS.rm the act, and 
others that indicate it as impossible or improbable. So, too, there 
are forms for the past, present and future, but one cannot have 
a past tense of the Impotential mode. The same form does serv- 
ice as a present indicative, a subjunctive of proposed action, and 
the second person of it as an imperative. The following names 
have been assigned to the existing forms. — Present Indefinite, 
Impotential, Imperative, Customary ; and Past Definite, Present 
Definite, and Future Definite. The last and many other forms 
are made by suffixes. 

Present Indefinite, 

This name has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider 
use and less discrimination as to the time of the action from the 
Present Definite, which affirms a single act as being just com- 
pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed 
when such act consumes appreciable time, or of acts desired or 

intended. 

Impotential, 

The form of this mode-tense differs from the present, only in 
the nature of the root syllable which is the longer or stronger 
form. It is used mostly, or entirely, of future acts which are 
declared will not take place because they are impossible. The 
form does not stand by itself but is given the negative sense by 
the usual negative prefix d6- and the potential force by a sort 
of auxiliary which means to be or become. It seems possible that 
the form has been differentiated from the present by the accent. 

Imperative, 
The real imperative forms, that is, the second person singular 
and plural, are identical with the same number and person of 
the present. In the third person, forms are found which do not 
occur elsewhere in Hupa. The command or request is that the 
person spoken to, permit or compel the third person to perform 
the act. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 87 

Customary, 
Acts which are habitual or repeated are expreased by meana 
of this form. Acts or conditions which are thou^t of as contin- 
uous or nearly so have forms with -win te suffixed to the present. 

Definite Tenses. 
The past, present, and future statement of particular and defi- 
nite acts, or states, has forms for their expression closely related 
to each other and distinctly set off from the foregoing. The past 
differs from the present in the form of the root, which is longer 
and often varies its termination. This is due perhaps to a sort 
of accent, which seems to consist mostly in dwelling on the syl- 
lable for a longer time. The future is formed from the present 
by the suffixes, -te, or -teL. 

PERSON AND NUMBER. 

Besides the usual three numbers there is found in Hupa a 
second form for the third person which is used when referring 
to a Hupa child, or very aged person ; or to the members of other 
tribes, or races, and to animals. Intransitive verbs and the pass- 
ive voice of transitive verbs have in the third person three num- 
bers, — ^the singular; the dual, which differs from the singular 
only in its having the plural form of the root; and the plural, 
which differs from the singular in having the syllable ya infixed 
or prefixed. The active voice of transitive verbs does not have a 
change of root, and therefore no dual. In the first person of all 
verbs the dual form seems to have pretty nearly superseded the 
plural. The plural form can be used if it is desired to do so. 
The form is made by introducing ya, which often becomes yu 
because it is followed in many cases by n in the same syllable.^ 

8TBUCTURE OF THE VERBS. 

The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, pre- 
sents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of 
the sentence. Xa na is di ya de, ''if she comes back up," has 
first, an adverbial prefix, xa-, denoting that the motion is up 
the side of a hill, in this case the river bank ; next, is found the 

^According to Father Morice, the Carrier have a dual onlj in the first 
person. Work cited, p. 190. 



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38 Umversiiy of CaUfortiiaPubUcaiians. [Am. Aech, Bth. 

particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the act is 
done a second time, in this case it is only meant to show that the 
path from the river is passed over a second time ; the syllable -is- 
shows by the consonant it contains that the act is thought of as 
progressing over the surface of the ground. Had the act been 
considered as being begun and not requiring progression, the 
syllable -wifi- would have been employed. Yawinxan, "she 
picked up a basket of water. But if the act had been thought 
of in its completion the syllable would have been -nin-. Nonin- 
xan, **she put down a basket of water. These three syllables, 
-is-, -wifi-, and -nin-, occur only in the case of single defi- 
nite acts. 

The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indi- 
cates that the action is thought of as performed by an adult 
Hupa. Had the act been thought of in connection with a child, 
an aged person, or one of another tribe or race, the s would have 
been united with the preceding syllable na. There is in this 
form of the verb nothing to show its person. The second person 
singular would be xa na sin di ya de, in which -in of the third 
syllable would indicate the person and number. The infixed 
syllable -di-, of which d is the essential part, usually follows the 
iterative infix na, the two being equivalent to English **back 
again." The next to the last syllable, -ya-, may be called the 
root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion 
of a single human being on his feet at a walk. Had this verb 
been in the plural, the root would have been -deL. Had the 
pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. The 
final syllable indicates a future contingence. Had it been viewed 
as a future certainty, -te would have been employed. 

The Hupa verb is modified in various ways, as has been seen 
from the preceding example. 

First. — ^By prefixed and infixed syllables, the direction of the 
motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or 
not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or 
completed is expressed. 

Second. — By the inflection of the syllable preceding the root, 
the person and number of the subject is indicated. 



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YoL. 3] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 39 

Third. — By variatioius in the form of the root, ii shown the 
number of the subject in transitive verbs; the object in 
intransitive verbs; and also whether the act or state is one and 
definite in time, or repeated and continuous. Certain roots, since 
they apply only to certain class of object or kinds of actions, 
show by their inherent meaning the nature of the object affected. 

Fourth. — By syllables suffixed to the root, the action may be 
further limited as to its time, continuance, or likelihood. 

It will be realized that by so many means of modification the 
possible number of verb forms is very great. There are, in fact, 
a very large number employed. Their number is limited, of 
course, by the logic and necessity of their use. 

The structure of the verb will be treated in the order given 
above. 

PREFIXES AND INFIXES. 

Abvubial PRxnxis of Pu^ci and Ddlbctiom. 
Adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at 
rest, and the place^ limit, or origin of motion. 

Ya- is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things 
up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through 
the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The 
primary meaning seems to be, "in the air, above the surface of 
the ground." 

a) Relaiing to the sitting position. 

ya a a, he sat. 150-8. 

yautc' htc'ai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. 

ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2. 

ya win a, sitting. 162-11. 

ya win a hit, when he sat. 174-6. 

ya wifi eL, they were sitting 181-8. 

yan a, sitting. 110-14. 

ya na wes a, he sat down. 165-17. 

yanawinai, he sat down. 136-6. 

ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. 

da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6. 

da ya win a ye, someone sitting was. 337-2. 

da ya win a ye, someone fishing. 1 19-16. 

da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. 



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40 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Era. 

da ya na wes a, it sat there. 144-11. 
dayanawinai, sitting. 162-2. 
The following two are used of material things, but seem to 
bel<Hig here. 

ya name da a, it loomed up. 121-11. 

ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. 

b) Used of picking up from the ground a person or thing. 
ya a wtitc;, he always takes on his back. 195-6. 

ya il luic;, he picked up (a woodpecker head) . 292-14. 

yauti; ttiw;, let me pick it up. 286-11. 

yayakinen, they packed up. 164-4. 

yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3. 

yawibkyos, he picked up. 293-6. 

yawimmeL, he took them up. 142-4. 

yawinan, he picked up (a stone). 342-1. 

yawinxan, he picked it up (a basket of water). 337-6. 

ya win tan, he took. 108-18. 

ya win tun hit, when he picked it up. 202-6. 

ya wi zauii; Ylwvl te, he will take it up. 295-17. 

ya \vLWy he picked it up. 292-15. 

yanauw;tuw, I will pick up. 286-9. 

ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6. 

ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. 

ya na ke u wuti;, he used to pack up. 237-7. 

ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. 

ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3. 

yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. 

c) The following seem to imply vertical motion. 
yai immil, it kicked up (its legs). 290-2. 

ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 

342-14. 
ya wil lai hit, when he opened his eyes ; when he lifted his 

eyelids. 347-5. 
ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9. 
ya wiL kas, he threw up. 96-3. 

ya win na hwiL de, if it raises up (the ocean) . 117-10. 
ya wit xus sil lei, it flew up. 294-15. 



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Vol. 8] Goddard.— Morphology of the Eupa Lofnguage. 41 

ya wit qdt, he jumped up. 329-13. 

7alt5nei, it jumped off. 163-18. 

yanaitxdSy it kept fljing up. 113-1. 

yanauu? din, the going up place (said of the ann). 195-6. 

yanyai, the tun was up. 308-3. 

yafi xuts ei, it flew up. 271-2. 

d) Of horizontal motion through the air, 

a diLyakiLqdto, he threw himself with it. 202-3 

ya auu; hirei, he held it out. 166-5. 

yai wa au«? wiL •x, it increased in blowing. 324-6. 

3raitqdt, it always dodged. 286-11. 

yawiLwaL, he threw (through the air). 362-8. 

yawimmas, he rolled over. 112-15. 

ya win en, he carried. 210-4. 

ya wifi kiitc, he threw. 143-15. 

yawitqdt, he tumbled. 118-15. 

yawMxfitssillen, he nearly flew. 176-13. 

yanawinen, she carried. 172-1. 

ya na wit qdt, he jumped. 329-15. 

3ra nat xfits ei, he flew away. 113-10. 

ya nat dje fL, they came back. 301-15. 

ya xoL ten, he has taken him. 151-4. 

ya x6n its, he shot. 166-8. 

ya xos meli, he whipped him. 164-3. 

yatqdt, it dodged. 286-10. 

ya ke wfiw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4 

yakinwtLu;, carry it. 105-18. 

ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 

Ya- seems sometimes to carry the meaning of the object's 
being reduced to many pieces. 

yai kytl wil ^ats, blanket of strips. 207-5. 
yanaiskil, he split. 142-3,210-2. 
yanakyuwiLtsilliLte, they (one) may split. 109-8. 
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

Ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and space 
however slightly inclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes 
and baskets. 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 8, 4. 



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42 University of Calif ornia Publications. [ Am. Aech, Bth. 

a) Of a house. 

ye in yauw, they always go in. 305-9. 

ye wee a, was in. 153-10. 

ye win ya, come in. 305-8. 

yewinyayexolun, had gone in. 118-5. 

ye wit qot, it fell in. 136-3. 

ye nai dib, let us go in. 210-13. 

ye na it danu;, he used to go in. 288-6. 

ye na wil 16s, she dragged in. 190-2. 

ye na wil LAt, she ran in. 136-1. 

yenawityai, he went in. 98-15. 

ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. 

yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. 

ye nal Lat, she ran in. 329-8. 

yenandeL, they came back in. 301-16. 

ye nfln dsLUw, come in. 98-17. 

ye xon un hit, when they ran in. 169-11. 

yezotaan, they ran in. 238-9. 

yetceilltiu;, he used to take in. 288-2. 

ye tcit tcL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. 

ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. 

yetcuwiLda, she carried in. 191-13. 

ye tcu win yai, he went in. 97-3. 

yetcuwinxan, she brought in. 209-10. 

ye tcti win deL, they went in. 278-4. 

ye Ml tseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. 

ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. 

ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. 

doyeinnauK?, (no one) ever comes in. 329-4. 

doyeindil, never come in. 305-10. 

do yenawityai, he did not come in. 238-12. 

b) Of a mountain, spoken of as hoUow. 
ye i yoL, she blew in. 302-8. 

ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. 
ye yu wIl kit de te, will go there. 301-9. 
ye wit dje u, they went in. 299-14. 
ye tcu wil lai, he took them in. 301-7. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of ike Hupa Lamguage. 48 

ye tcu wk. tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. 
ye kyti wee tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. 

c) Of entering the bed of a stream, 
yetcfiwinyai, he went up. 101-8. 
yeyax5lai, they took them. 179-12. 
ye ya x5 la yei, they took them. 179-9. 
yewindeLte, they will go. 255-3. 

ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. 

d) Of landing, with a canoe or otherwise, 
yewitkait, he landed. 140-1. 
yewitkaite, (a canoe) will come. 209-3. 
ye wit kait din, landing place. 140-2. 
yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12. 

ye nin dil lin ye, had washed ashore. 267-12. 
yetcuwiLtaLei, they landed. 362-5. 

e) Of broad spaces, 

ye e il ton xd Ian, (birds) used to jump in. 117-17. 

yejrinneySt, (dogs) drove by barking. 321-5. 

yenaw6deLte, you will travel in (the underworld). 
361-12. 

yenaxoLwaL, he threw him (under a basket.). 106-13. 

yetcinnauM;, they will come in (the dancing-place). 
231-6. 

ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-4. 

ye kiL taL, they began to dance. 179-2. 
b) Of a canoe. 

ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2. 

ye we ya te, I am going into it. 314-3. 

ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11. 

yetcuwiLtennei, he took him in. 222-8. 

ye tcu win ya din, in entering. 140-2. 
p) Of a basket or small object, 

yenawiLten, she put it in (a basket-cradle). 136-5. 

ye tee iL kas, he threw ( into a basket ) . 288-7. 

yetcuwiLten, she put it in (a basket cradle). 289-17. 

ye tcu wiL *o, he slipped them (one into the other). 329-1. 

ye tcti wim meL, they put into (a storage basket) . 200-5. 



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44 University of Calif omia Publicaiions. [Am. Awm. Bra. 

ye tea win tan, he put in (his quiver) . 96-13. 

yekiLwis, he bored a hole. 197-3. 
Wa- seems to mean through, with verbs of cutting and burn- 
ing. 

wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. 

wa kin nin iats, he cut through. 

wa kin nin seL x5 Ian, was heated through he saw. 329-16. 
Compare, 

wun dim mil, going through. 144-3. 

wfLn dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. 

yu wun dim mil lei, went through. 211-5. 
Wa- is employed with verbs of handing or giving something 
to a man or animal. 

wai e xussei, he threw at her. 333-1. 

wai iL tuu;, he always gave. 136-12. 

wa im mil, he always distributes them. 195-8. 

miLwayakindillai, they traded with them, ''with they 
handed each other. ' ' 200-4. 

nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6. 

nuwananelate, I will loan you. 356-7. 

nu wa nel la te, I will give it to you. 353-7. 

hiru wa mcL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11. 

ht«;uwamiL tcwit, loan me. 326-7. 

hu;u wun tuu;, hand me. 278-7. 

xo wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13. 

xo wa in tan, he gave him. 211-1. 

xo wa ya in tan, they gave him. 144-14. 

xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. 

xo wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan him. 356-17. 

xo wa tcil lai, he gave away. 103-7. 

xdwatcinxan, to her she gave. 246-12. 

xwa iL kit, she gave him to eat. 98-11. 

xwayaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5. 

xwayakiLkit, she fed them. 192-11. 

do hwn wun nu wit lai he, don't to me bring them. 230-13. 

kyu wa na iL tuir, he who gives back. 241-4. 
Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of 
objects. It has the special meaning of building a fire from the 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language, 45 

placing together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a 
circle or a circuit in traveling. 

a) Of things brought together and of people meeting. 
yaLedaadiil, the comer. 286-1. 

Le il loi , he ties together. 334-12. 

Leinnauu;, they came together. 305-2. 

Leyakix5lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. 

Le ye tctl win yenw, he jammed in. 143-10. 

Lena is loi, he tied together. 210-5. 

Le na ya kyU wil lau, they have gathered up. 171-12. 

Le nal ditc tcwin xd Ian din, it had grown together place. 

281-15. 
LenaneLnd, he placed on end (in a circle). 235-12. 
Le na de eL, were joined. 347-4. 
Lenakillane, gather together. 192-8. 
Le na kil dH htrdt, it grew back on. 164-1. 
Le ncL te, let us meet. 174-3. 
Le ntL wil nes, met together. 215-6. 
Len^ditctcwennexdl^ it had grown together. 113-8. 
LenfbidtiwaL, it shut 108-16. 
Compare, Le dQ wil Id, he had killed several. 165-16. 
LcdeeLta, in a comer. 270-5. 
Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. 
Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10. 
Liny ate, they will come together. 295-1. 

b) In the special sense of building a fire. 

Le nai yftn dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 
Le na il Idir, she started a fire. 153-1. 
Le nauu^ dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. 
Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9. 
Le na ItLu^, he built a fire. 235-14. 
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 
Le na nil la x5 Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 
Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. 
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. 
d5 Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. 
O) Of completing a circuit. 

Lenaindlyai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 



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46 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

Lenaindlyate sillen, he got nearly aroiind. 220-6. 
Lenaitdautr, he used tx) make the roiinds. 336-7. 
LenaniLten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. 
Le na nin deL ei, they went clear aroiind. 102-1. 
Me- seems to have the meaning of position at ; or motion to, 
against, or along the surface of something. 

a) Of cUmbing a steep hill or a tree. 
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16. 
menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. 

me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. 
me sit te deL, they went along up. 198-13. 
me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. 

b) Of landing, coming against the shore or a fixed point. 
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. 

me ne men, he landed him. 162-9. 

menillayei, they landed. 216-13. 

me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. 

me nim dl yai, years, said of the sirn 's arrival at a certain 
point in its yearly journey up and down the moun- 
tain ridges. 145-7. 

mi nil la yei, the waves came ashore. 362-4. 

minyai, it was nearly time. 286-6. 

o) Of sticking or tying, or of being sttuik or tied, against a 
surface. 

me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 

me it ^an, he stuck to it. 202-3. 

me win ^an ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. 

mil loi ne, you must feather. 207-4 (arrows). 

d) Of bringing something to, or pushing it against a surface. 
mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1. 
menaniLtcwit, he pushed it. 106-13, 163-16. 
me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2. 
meniLtcwit, he put aside. 234-8. 
me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13. 
me du wiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. 
miL tcwit, push it. 105-18. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 47 

e) Of bringing steam or heat against something to be cooked. 

me wit dil na te, we will steam it. 241-11. 

menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. 
What seems to be the same prefix used in a figurative sense 
appears in the following. 

a) Of speaking and singing, 

me ya dQ wil wauu?, they began to talk about it 265-1. 

meyakytlwiLtel, they sang. 234-1. 

menakydwiLttl, they sang again. 238-15. 

me dil wautr, they talked about. 340-5. 

me dil wauu; ta, they talked about places. 340-12. 

mekytLwiLtel, singing. 235-4. 

mekytLwiLtfL, he sang. 234-6. 

b) Of watching. 

me ItLii^, watching. 204-6. 

me Itlfr ^x, he watched it 205-2. 

me luu; te, I am going to watch it. 292-9. 

me nai Ifiw te, I will watch them. 258-10. 

me nautc' Ifiw te, I will watch. 267-17. 

mtLu; IQu; te, I will watch. 218-3. 

c) Of finishing. 

me ncL xe, I finish. 260-15. 

me ncL xe tcL, I am finishing. 260-4. 

meniLxe, he finished it. 296-8. 

d) Of desiring. 

medtiwintcwen, he was hungry for. 99-1. 

me dfiw tcwifi, I want. 254-12. 

dd me ddu; tcwifi, I don't want. 253-5. 
Unclassified, 

me nai yi yauu;, they eat it down. 356-13. 

me nai yl yauu; e xd Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11. 

me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. 

me na tcwil lib te, it will settle. 117-11. 
Me- appears with much the same meaning as ye-, except 
that it usually refers to position in something, while ye- is 
employed of motion into. 

me nin sis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. 

me no nil lai, in she took. 307-2. 



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48 UniverHtyofCaUforniaPubUcatians. [Am. Awm. Bra. 

mendninan, he put inside. 328-13. 

me sa M, was in it. 243-15. 

mesitdittetc, in we would be lying. 190-4. 

me sit tin te^ in they lie. 307-11. 

me sit tun, was in it. 243-9. 

me tsis yen, who stands in. 195-11. 

metsistete, they lie in. 306-8. 

me tee ya niL ^6, they skinned him. 328-5. 

domesaun, (nothing) was in it. 243-9. 
Na- is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the 
groirnd or water; and of position on the earth's surface. The 
primary meaning may be ** horizontal." 

a) Of motion over the surface of the ground. 

na a a, he always has (said to mean he always carries it) . 
257-4. 

na 1 ya, she used to go. 135-2. 

na iL its, it is running aroirnd. 294-4. 

na iL te ^x, she carried it. 290-6. 

na in nel le xo Ian, he played, he saw. 186-1. 

na in deL, they went. 266-9. 

na is its, she ran different places. 185-6. 

naisya, he walked around. 157-9. 

na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. 

na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. 

na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6. 

na is te, he carried it around. 282-4. 

naistsu, he rolled about. 119-4. 

na it dil, who go around. 305-9. 

na ya wit dil, they went along. 172-1. 

nawaye, he goes around. 231-9. 

na wa ng djox, while walking. 276-1. 

nawenellexolun, he had been playing. 292-13. 

na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11. 

nanaLits, it running aroiind. 295-10. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 

naht«;a, I will walk. 164-6. 

naxotcLtcwoig, he swept. 210-12. 

na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. 



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YoL. 3] Goddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 49 

na xfbs din na tstl, moving die heard 191-12. 
nasSte, I will go. 137-14,139-10. 
nasinyate, you will travel. 366-2. 
nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3. 
nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. 
nas deL, they began to walk. 180-16. 
nasddkqdt, it tumbled about 136-4. 
nas q5l, it crawled around. 294-1. 
nadibte, they will travel. 107-7. 
nateLditdauu;, he ran. 100-13. 
natcLten, he took it along. 282-3. 
natae, rolling around. 157-4. 
natciLtsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6. 
nakaxasdannatsOf someone moving. 165-18. 
na Ids deL, they came around. 200-2. 
nakisqdt, he pushed a stick. 145-12. 
nakisqdtte, he is going to poke. 192-9. 
ddnawa^ (nobody) going about 166-2. 
donahtcaiy I have never been. 336-11. 
dd nas dd, they won 't dodge. 258-13. 

b) Of horizontal motion on or under the surface of water. 
na a xa, fiUs it, floats on its surface. 310-8. 
naazaei, fills it 311-5. 

naime, I swim in. 311-11. 
naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1. 
nanw me, let me swim. 97-15. 
na wim me, he swam. 209-13. 
nala, floating. 243-8. 
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. 
nalatdei, it was floating. 243-17. 
nanalatdei, it was floating. 244-9. 

c) With the meaning of living, derived from the preced- 
ing (a and b). 

nai ya din, I live place. 231-5. 

nawa, were there. 209-3. ' 

nawa^x, stayed. 166-14. 

nawinyayeidifi, he had lived time. 336-7. 

nala, which live (said of fish). 100-7. 



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50 University of CcMfornia PubUcaiions. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. 
na nan dil Ul te, they will live. 343-13. 
nana sin yate, yon will be. 353-8. 
na nas deL te^ they will be. 228-2. 
na niL ne, how must they live. 317-1. 
nas deL te^ they will stay. 253-4. 
nadil, were living (in water, said of fish). 100-7. 
na dil le, they are. 211-13. 
na diL, they living. 321-3. 
na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. 
donawate, will not live. 257-11. 
d) Of marking, cutting, or rubbing the surface of the body. 
naitiwLu, I paint. 247-12. 
nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3. 
nayadeittiil, they used to drag their feet. 207-3. 
nanaititc^me, I bathe it. 247-1. 
nanaime, I bathe. 311-8. 
na na im me ei, who always bathed. 311-8. 
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. 
na niL deL, he struck. 120-4. 
na niL Ids, he cut him. 164-1. 
nax5wiLme, he bathed him. 187-12. 
na de lu, she marked across. 311-13. 
nadcLwaL, he put it (on him as paint). 114-5. 
b) Of a position of rest, lying or sitting on the ground. 
nawilyetiw, he rested. 119-14. 
na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1. 
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. 
na nu win tu hw?iL ne, you must lie. 343-12. 
nasafinte, will lie. 226-9. 
na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. 
nadeLtse, are living. 217-8. 
na tcil yeuu; sa an din, resting place. 363-3. 
natcilyeuw;din, , resting place. 347-3. 
xotcinnasillai, she was dressed in, ''on her they lay." 

164-9. 
do navLW ai, I do not wear. 247-15. 
donasilkas, was left. 192-16. 



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Vol. 81 Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 51 

p) Of trees and other objects standing upright from the sur- 
face of the ground. In this case na is followed by a syllable 
beginning uHth d. 

na na dd wa al, rose up. 103-13. 

na na dQ win a, stands. 364-14. 

na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14. 

na da a, stood. 150-8. 

na da ai, stands in the river. 244-12. 

na da ai, standing. 100-8. 

nadtLwina, it stood up. 158-6. 

na dH win a, smoke came out. 197-5. 

na du win a ei, stand up. 243-6. 

na dtl win a te, it will stick up. 204-2. 

na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-3. 
Na-, or, nana- expresses motion downward or toward the 
earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since what- 
ever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up. 

na e 1 ya, it used to rain. 229-2. 

nailiuu;, (tears) dropping. 337-14. 

nailtsit, falls. 275-3. 

nailtsitte eillfl, would drop. 104-11. 

nainxdt, dropped down. 115-14. 

naisxAt, he tore down. 104-8. 

na 51 i^Wy drops first. 115-12. 

na ya is xfit, they tore down. 267-8. 

naweslenei, it falls. 104-1. 

nawintau, it will settle down. 273-7. 

na wit xi^ iL, he is falling. 152-5. 

nal i^w te, will drop. 115-13. 

naltsit, fell down. 145-2. 

naneedauu^, (sun) goes down. 364-4. 

nanaitdauu^, (sun) gone down. 104-10. 

na naufT daL din, gone down time. 322-9. 

nanayawillai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. 

nanawiLky(5s, he took it down. 204-4. 

na na win an, he had taken down. 176-10. 

na na win lin xo IM, he had taken down. 176-17. 

na na win tan, he took down. 97-16. 



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52 University of CdUfomia PubUcaiians. [Am. Aech, Bth. 

na na wit yai, he came down. 138-15, 174-9. 
na na wit xftts, he flew back down. 114-2. 
nanaldeiHt^;, dripping off. 337-5. 
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4. 
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. 
na na diL, come down. 166-7. 
nanatihidin, stepping down place. 207-2. 
nanatyai, (son) had gone down. 202-9. 
nanya, it rains. 229-3. 
nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. 
nax6wiltsitx6liin, fell. 306-15. 
nadittemeL, fell. 245-11. 
Na- is used of motion or position horizontally, as a line 
stretched, or of crossing a stream. 

a) Of crossing a stream. 

nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them ( across) . 179-11. 
na na in dl yai, he came across. 103-11. 
na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. 
nanayanindeL, they arrived (on the other side). 172-2. 
nananindeL, they went over. 267-6. 
na nin yai, he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. 
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. 
nanayaxonniLxaei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

b) Of horizontal position. 
naL tsis, hanging. 204-12. 
nan a ei, hangs there. 295-3. 
na naL tsis, it hiing. 207-9. 

na na kin nn wiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. 

nanuwesa, run across. 363-14. 

nan^wilxfit, hanging for a door. 171-1. 

na nu win dik, they lined up. 216-17. 
Na- is used, in verbs of derived meaning which do not reveal 
with which of the above they are connected. 
a) iTiiransitive. 

nayaisdillenei, they became. 166-13. 

nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. 

na dil le, they are. 211-13. 

na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 



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Vol. d] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Lm^guage, 53 

na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. 
na dil le te ne en, which was going to happen. 117-5. 
na dil 10,- will be. 243-2. 
na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. 
nateLditctcwinz6l<in, they had grown* 119-10. 
nat le lib te, will become. 312-4. 
nakyttwifiza, grows. 364-11. 
do na z5b dil le te, will be no more. 228-4 
do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. 
b) Transitive. 

naizoiiLtcweei, they made him. 196-6. 
na is tcwen, he made. 110-12. 
na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7. 
na is tcwin teL, who will make. 321-11. 
nai k6 yfln te, they will grow. 296-4. 
nanu; tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. 
na yai zoi iii tcwe, they make him. 196-3. 
na ya iB tcwen, they made. 284-1. 
nascL tcwen, I made. 296-2. 
naseLtcwifi, I make. 302-11. 
na seL tewin te, I will make it. 257-14. 
N5- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing 
something in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of 
something, or of completing a task. 

a) Of coming to, or bringing something to position of rest, 
nd a din nin zan, she placed herself. 223-9. 
nd a din xhxiw, lay yourself down. 223-9. 
no il ItLw, she put. 157-11. 
ndilLa, he came running. 360-8. 
no in nauu;, she stopped. 158-5. 
noi zwe iL Ltl, they throw down. 195-11. 
noi dtl win taL zo IM, he had made a track (he had placed 

down his foot). 292-5. 
noyanindeL, they sat down. 280-5. 
noyazonniLten, they left him. 169-7. 
n5yatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. 
no wit i^w wiL te, one shall always be left. 289-12. 
no na itlu; zauu;, I leave it. 247-3. 



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54 University of California Publications. [Am. Aech. Bth. 

no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. 

no na 11 kyos, she put away. 333-7. 

n6 na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. 

no nauw ante;, I never leave. 248-1. 

non BMW ne, you must put it down. 210-7. 

no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 

no na wiL dits tse, had a door shut. 97-2. 

nonaniLten, he put it. 221-11. 

nonaneun, I will leave it. 296-5. 

no na nin an, he placed. 117-8. 

no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. 

no na nin deL x6 Ian, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. 

no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. 

no na xol tutc^, he had her laid. 342-8. 

nonaduwintaL, he stepped away. 223-11. 

no na ta un hit, when she turned. 245-10. 

no na kin autc^ ne, you must leave. 353-10. 

no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. 

no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 

no na kin nin un te, you will leave. 351-13. 

no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 

no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2. 

no nil lai, he put. 98-2. 

no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. 

no niL tin din, he put it place. 266-9,294-10. 

no niii kait, he pushed them. 139-13. 

noniLkas, he threw. 185-8. 

no niL kyos, he put it. 208-10. 

no nin an, he established it. 273-3. 

no nin ut, he threw it. 112-3. 

no nin xan, she put it. 242-7, 287-7. 

n5 nin xun te, who will set 290-12. 

no nin xuts, he dropped. 362-9. 

no nin tan, he put. 210-16. 

non di yan, was left. 118-11. 

no nun di ya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17. 

no nun dim mil, rope fell back. 151-18. 

non yai, it went down. 348-3. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 55 

ndnzauii;ne, put it 296-14. 

nSndemil, it feU. 143-8. 

non de q5t ei, it stopped. 287-2. 

nd dtL win taL z5 Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. 

n5 ke iOu; qSt, I always set up. 247-4. 

nd kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. 

b) Of liquids or gases spread over a surface. 
noiiiikit, (fog) spread out 321-7. 

noi wiL kil lib te, it will be foggy. 230-6. 
noiniLkit, (smoke) hangs. 337-11. 
noiniLkit, (smoke) is everywhere. 241-8. 
noi nil. kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. 
n6 wil lin, it was covered (with blood) . 115-16. 
n5nainiLkit, (smoke) settled. 96-3. 
n6 hu?e detLu; htren nei, darkness came. 300-15. 
notd^x, water staid. 324-3. 

Ck)mpare, nd kin nin yoir, (dentalia) scattered about 
145-3. 

c) Of arriving at a limit, of finishing something, 
nd il La, he came running. 360-8. 

no ih zftts, he chewed oflF. 288-5. 

noi nin yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. 

no in nhnw, she stopped. 158-5. 

nd it td, the water comes. 310-7. 

noi td ydu; din, as far as it goes. 311-6. 

nd win na hu;iL te, (thus far) he will go. 230-1. 

ndnailltLii;, she left off. 332-10. 

nd na in dfik qdt, he reached by jumping. 329-18. 

nd na wit ^ats, it is cut down. 144-17. 

nd nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. 

nd na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. 

nd na xon tstL, they had finished filling the grave. 175-15. 

nd nil lit hit, when he had finished sweating. 210-8. 

nd nin fin hit, when he finished. 234-7. 

ndninnas, he whittled it down. 197-3. 

nd nfin de xen, they floated to shore. 216-6. 

nd nfin dil lat, it floated back. 245-13. 

ndn dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. 



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66 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [Am. Arch. Era. 

no zo autr htril, they kept arriving. 208-1. 

n5 x6 nin M, they fell in with them. 179-5. 

no x^Wy floats ashore. 346-5. 

no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4. 

nd te duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. 

nd te diik kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. 

nd kiL dje xa in nautr, she quit fighting. 333-6. 

no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. 

nd kyti wil taL, final dancing place. 105-6. 
Xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of 
movement up a hillside when the speaker's standpoint is at the 
top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and 
motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses. 

a) Of motion up along the surface of the ground. 
xaisyai, he came up. 105-1, 294-7. 

xa is ya din, he got up place. 272-2. 

xaislai, she brought up. 98-16. 

xaisxunhit, when she had brought up. 99-9. 

xaisten, she brought up. 99-2. 

xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5. 

xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2. 

xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. 

xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. 

xa na is diL Lat, she ran up. 135-13. 

xa sin nautr din, where the sun rises. 332-5. 

xasindeLdin, coming up place. 363-3. 

xa kis wen, he had carried it (up a tree). 166-4. 

b) Of digging things from the ground, or of their emergence 
from the surface of the ground or water. 

xai iin te, I will take one out. 135-5. 

xautr autr, I am going to take it out. 135-7. 

xawaautrhiriLte, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. 

xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. 

xa win an, he took out. 100-10. 

xanayawittcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. 

xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. 

xanaxoiLtutr, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. 



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▼<«*. 3] Goddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language, 57 

xanaxdfian, they came up again (from the grave). 

360-10. 
xanxenne, he came up (after diTing). 210-9. 
xa x6 wil waL, dug-f rom-the-ground. 138-9. 
xa te mas, rolled out of the ground. 270-5. 
xakehire, (she c<mimenced) to dig. 135-2. 
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3. 
xakyuwitctceliLte, from the ground the wind will 

blowout. 272-10. , 

c) Of motion out of the top of a house or a receptacle. 
xa wes a, he peeped out. 176-9. 

xawitqdt, he jumped (out of the smoke-hole). 329-13. 
xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up (out of the smoke-hole). 
158-7. 

d) Of growing up from the ground, or of standing in it as a 
plant. 

xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. 

xalaxdlun, had grown up. 121-11. 

xal tcwin x5 Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8. 

xanakyUxoldaa, grown over with grass. 165-16. 

xan dik, standing. 276-10. 
Xee- in the sense of "away from/' as in blowing and 
pushing. 

xe e iL y5l, he blows away. 296-15. 

xeeyaxowitmeL, they had thrown away part of them- 
selves. 181-9. 

xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11. 

xe e win qotc ei tsQ, he heard him lope away. 175-8. 

xeenaiLkis, she pushed it away. 185-3. 

xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 

xe e du waL ei, it disappears over the hill. 208-17. 
Xot da-, with the general meaning of down, expresses motion 
down a hill or stream. 

xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8. 

xot da wil lai, they came down. 215-13. 

xot da win yai, he went. 272-3. 

xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. 

Am. Abch. Eth. 3. 5. 



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58 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. 

xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. 

xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. 

xot da na kyti we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. 

xot dan yai, it went down. 281-1. 

xot dan xen, they floated down. 21 6-5. 

xot dan tee, blows (down). 227-3. 

xot da ke 1 yaui^, they came down the hill. 310-6. 

xotdankyuwestee, blows (down). 227-7. 

xotdatkait, they came down. 158-14. 
Xotde- is used of one person's meeting another on the trail 
where the movement of only one of the persons is of interest at 
the moment. Le- is employed when one wishes to say they came 
toward each other. The first part of the prefix, xo-, seems to 
be the third person of the pronoun, used as an indirect object. 
Compare, nit de sin nau«7 un, didn 't she meet you t 165-2. 

xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14. 

xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. 
Sa- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, 
drinking or biting. 

sautr titc din, let me put in my mouth place. 198-10 and 
note. 

sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. 

sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. 

sahii?illu«?, put (me) in your mouth. 276-8. 

missaixunte, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. 

mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. 

mis sM xauu? ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. 

hii^issakinits, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 

xosawinxan, her mouth he put in. 342-7. 

xd sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 

kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth. 257-5. 
Da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than 
the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to 
rest. 

a) Of a person sitting on something above the surface of the 
ground. 

da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6. 

da ya win a ye, someone sitting. 337-2. 



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Vou 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 59 

da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. 

da ya na wee a, sat there. 144-1 1. 

da ya na win ai, dtting. 162-2. 

da ne sedate, I will go fishing. 256-8. 

da nin sa, sit. 107-12. 

da nd nin deL, they sat. 179-2. 

da nd te deL te, everybody will fish. 256-9. 

da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. 

da tdn nes dai, he sat. 107-12. 

da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. 

b) Of persons or animals stepping, jumping, lighting or lying 
on something higher than the ground, 

da On xQs, fly (on to a tree) . 114-2. 

da wil Lat, it jumped on. 113-14. 

da wil t5n ei, it jumped. 115-9. 

danatxiitstse, it lit on. 204-8. 

da n5 dtL win taL, he stepped. 120-3. 

da zd 5 autr, they jumped. 195-9. 

da x6n an nei, they jumped. 347-18. 

da tee e xday used to light. 150-9. 

da tctL wil t5n, he jumped. 109-14. 

da tcti win zftts, he flew up there. 114-1. 

c) Of objects resting or being placed on something higher 
than the ground, 

da e itltt? ttltr, I put. 247-7. 

da e iL te, were on a stick. 186-11. 

da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. 

da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. 

danaliuirdin, it dropped place. 338-4. 

da na xol ten, he put him. 108-1. 

da na deL waL, he poured it. 281-17. 

dasiLten, lying on something. 186-4. 

da sit tan, sitting there. 246-10. 

da sit ten, it was lying. 114-16. 

dasittM, it sits. 246-9. 

da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6. 

da tcti win en, he put fire on. 119-15. 



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60 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

d) Of a fixed position in a body of water or on its surface, 

da il lei, it always swam (in one place) w 266-6. 

daweslal, it stayed still. 245-1, 314-10. 

da wes lei, it swam around in one place. 266-5. 

da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. 

da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. 

da wit dil, live (said of fish). 365-8. 

dawitdiLneen, they used to live (said of fish). 259-4. 

da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. 

danatlale, it floated. 243-13. 
Unclassified. 

da e iuu) kel, I held under. 337-14. 

da yi kin yan e x6 liin, mouse has chewed up. 153-15. 

da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. 

da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 

dakinyfinte, to chew oflf. 151-9. 

dakytiwestce, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 

dakyuwinxaei, (a plant) stood. 242-3. 
Dad-, with various meanings, a common significance being 
unknown. 

a) Of the removing or taking away of persons or objects, 
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. 

da dti wil ten, he has been carried oflf. 150-10. 
da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. 
datcitduwiLkyos, he has taken away. 207-11. 

b) Of running, 

da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. 

da din i^, run. 176-6. 

da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. 

da tcit dti win Lat, he started to run. 176-11. 

c) Of placing things at right angles to each other, or of point- 
ing at something, 

da na diL a, shoot. 329-11. 
da na du wiL a, he set another on it. 197-4. 
da na du wiL a, he shot. 329-12. 
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 
danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4. 
daduwesatenewan, he could hardly hold pointed to 
it. 271-10. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 61 

d) Of the blowing of the tWiui. 

da na kit dtL wit tee iL te, the wind blew gently. 273-1. 

da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. 

da kit dtL wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. 

Ded- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. 
The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound 
which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable. 

denadeiutrmil, I put (in the fire). 247-9. 

de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

de na dd win <in te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 

de xdt diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. 

de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. 

de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. 

dedftauhtdLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. 

deddwillai, he put on the fire. 266-11. 

de dti wil la te, he will put in the fire 255-15. 

dedtlwimmeL, he threw in the fire. 165-10. 

dedtLwinan, he put in incense. 266-16. 

deddwintan, he put them in. 150-4. 

dedtlM^tM, (let) me put them in the fire. 150-4. 

de ki dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

Du- occurs in a few verbs with the meaning of off, from off. 
du win xuts, it came off. 157-7. 
tcitdiiwilLat, he jumped off. 107-11. 
tcitdtLwiLwaLei, she knocked off. 159-11. 
tcitduwiLtseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. 
tcitdtiwimmitc, he pulled it off. 293-16,287-2. 

Dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as the splitting of 
wood. 

djewiLtseL, he pounded it (open). 108-11 
djewiLkil, he tore away. 176-9. 
dje win tan, spread open. 289-14. 
djenawiLtutr, he opened it. 109-2. 
djenyai, it opened. 108-11. 
djet waL, it opened. 281-17. 

Ta- is employed of motion toward and away from a body 
of water, with special regard to its surface. 



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62 UniverMy of CaUfornia Publications. [ Am. Aech. Era. 

a) Of motion away from and out of water. 
tayaishiral, they caught. 328-4. 

ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 

tanaisdiyai, he came out of it (the canoe) again. 314-6. 

tana is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. 

ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. 

ta nautr tu htriL te, I will take out. 267-18. 

tanaxdautr, they jumped out. 165-6. 

tatciswen, he carried it out. 120-10. 

ta kit den tee, the wind blows out the water. 365-12. 

b) Of motion toward, into, or over water. 
tawesa, will project (of a mountain). 255-2. 

ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 
taneL, sticking out (roots of a tree). 341-15. 

c) Of the coming and going of boats. 
tawillai, it had started. 362-10. 
ta wil la yei, they went. 362-12. 
tavdLkait, he started across. 315-1. 
tanxennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. 
tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3. 
tadeslat, came. 105-2. 

ta des deL x5 luii, had come ashore. 101-2. 

d) Of drinking. 

taiwinnfiniLde, if he drinks water. 338-7. 

tai din nfln, let us drink water. 179-3. 

tautr din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. 

ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. 

ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. 

ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. 

tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. 
Ta- is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place 
permanently. 

tas ya hidin, one ought to go away. 215-8. 

tasyai, have left. 271-2. 

tas ya ye x6 lun, they had gone. 267-14. 
One word with a prefix ta- shows no connection in mean- 
ing with either of the above classes, tanaixosdowei, they cut 
him all to pieces 106-14, 108-2. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 63 

Te-y unlike ta-, refers only to motion into water and under 
its surface. 

te iL auir hirei, in the water crawl. 311-7. 

te wa at te, in water I will throw. 111-17. 

te weL q5tc te, I will throw in (the water) . 112-4 

tewiltsit, sank (of boats). 153-17. 

te win eL, stand out. 283-14. 

tewitqotte sillennei, in the water it seemed about to 
tumble. 286-13. 

tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1. 

te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 

tenadeilya, in the water they stand. 310-4. 

te nd dft win taL, in the water they stepped. 120-3. 

tetcQwifian, he put it in water. 157-8,342-6. 

te tcA win tan, he put in the water. 101-14. 

te ke i yautr htrei, go in. 311-2. 

tekeitste, I will shoot in (water). 112-9. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

te kiL qdtc, he threw it in. 112-6. 

tekifiits, he shot it in. 112-10. 
Tsifi- means away from in expressions of fleeing. 

triyfbiteildil, they always ran off. 333-11. 

tsl yM tes dil deL, we went (away from them) . 200-1. 

tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. 

tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. 
Tee- has the general meaning of ''out of,'' and is employed 
of motion out of a house, or out of a small receptacle, but also 
of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of 
a stream. It is the correlative of ye-. 
a) 0/ motion out of a house. 

tee e autr, he took out. 333-2. 

tee il qol e x6 Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11. 

tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. 

tee in nauu? wei, she used to go out 136-14. 

tee in diL min, them to come out for. 102-9. 

tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11. 

tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. 

tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13. 



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64 University of CaUfomia Publications. [ Am. Arch. Bth. 

tee na nim meL, he had them thrown oat. 301-14. 

tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. 

teeneyate, I will go out. 332-8. 

tee ne yai, I have gone out. 99-14. 

teeniLkait, he put out. 153-9. 

tee nin yai, he went out. 97-16. 

tee nin ya ne, you must go out. 242-1. 

teenyahtriLte, you will go. 356-8. 

tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. 

teexoniLten, they took him out. 278-4. 

tee kin nin yan, they eame out. 98-2. 

b) Of motion out of a small receptacle. 

tee il lutr, he used to take out (of a basket). 230-11. 
teenanillai, he drew out (from his throat). 119-2. 
teenaniLkaitdei, he poked out (of a hollow stump). 

174-9. 
tee na nin an, he took out (from an elder stiek). 119-3. 
tee na xon niL ten, he took out (from a saek). 153-7. 
teenillai, he pulled out (from his arm). 143-5. 
tee niL ten, he took out (from a hollow tree). 282-2. 
tee nin an, he took out (from a quiver). 119-15. 
teeninyos, he pulled out (from his quiver). 118-10. 
tee nin tan, he took out (from a quiver). 97-4, 329-10. 

c) Of motion into a more open space, as from the brush into 
a glade, or to the river shore. 

teeilLat, he jumped out. 106-2. 

tee in nauii? din, where he eomes out. 195-3. 

tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. 

tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. 

tee nauii?, smoke eoming out. 170-7. 

teenailLat, she eame there. 135-9. 

tcenaindiyahit, when she went down (to the ocean). 

325-8. 
tee na nin deL, they went baek. 267-9. 
tee nin yai, she eame down to the beach. 245-15. 
tee nin yai, (he eame out (of the brush). 175-14. 
teeninyateneen, he was going to come out. 162-12. 
tee nin kGtc, he threw out. 144-1. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 66 

tee nin kutc ei, he threw over the line. 143-15. 
tcetciltdn, he jumped out. 163-16. 

d) Of motion out of the bed of a stream into the one into 
which it empties, or into the ocean, 

teeyaneL, (eafi(»i8) ran out. 336-2. 
tceweslinte, will run out. 254-17. 
tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. 
tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. 

e) Of pulling out a knot, 

tee iL to, he puUed out the knot. 332-12. 

tceniLtait, he untied the strap. 106-2. 
Unclassified, 

tceniLtik, he pinched out 143-14. 

tcenimmas, (fire) rolled out. 197-5. 

tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. 
Ee- seems to refer to motion or position af?ainst or along a 
vertical surface. 

a) Of motion against or along a vertical surface, 
keisyai, he climbed up. 137-17. 
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. 

ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8. 

kewinxiits, he fell over (perhaps against his load). 

105-17. 
keniLtcwit, he lifted it up (against). 163-1. 
kesinqotcei, you climbed up the tree. 175-1. 
kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. 

b) Of position agmnst a vertical surface. 
keyanineL, leaning up. 99-6. 

ke na ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-1. 
ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5. 
ke ne 11 a, she leaned it up. 290-9. 
ke nin eL, leaning up. 235-9. 

c) Of cooking, probably leaning against something before the 
fire, 

keyawiLna, they cooked it. 266-10. 
kewiLna, she cooked them. 99-9. 
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6. 
ke na wiL na din, he cooked them place. 255-11. 



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66 University of Calif omia Publications, l^^ -Aaoh. Eth. 

Pbsfixss of Pursuit. 

There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search 
for a person or a thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to 
do a thing. 

W^- is used of looking for a thing the position of which is 
unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to attempt some- 
thing by persistent effort. 

a) Of pursuing or seeking something. 
wun na is ya, they hunt. 319-3. 
wunnaisdeL, they started (to catch it). 101-17. 

wdn nai diL xo sin x5 Ian, hunting had been he saw. 140-11. 
wun na wa ne en, going after wood used to. 157-10. 
wiinnadiLte, he will hunt. 311-14. 

b) Of persistent effort. 

wfln na i ya, he worked on it. 226-2. 

wdn na is ya, he started to make. 362-14. 

wunnaisya, he is trying to do. 116-15. 

wunnaisyaxolM, he had fixed. 170-10. 

wiin no xon niL tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. 

c) Of shooting. 

wun noL kai, shoot. 144-14. 
wiinnoneLkaite, I will shoot. 144-16. 

d) Of animals feeding. 

wiin na xo il yu, come to eat it. 356-12. 

wiin na xos yu, went to eat. 364-8. 
Na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is 
likely connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the 
meaning may be that of going over the trail again. 

naiLtsan, he found signs. 185-11. 

naiLkitdei, he caught it. 152-6. 

naixdLtsannete, it will find him. 307-13. 

nayaxdLtsan, he found them. 267-15. 

nayaxotcLxa, they tracked him. 170-3. 

na na ya x5n niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 
Xa- implies the going after with the intention of getting 
a thing one has never before possessed. 

xainitte, she looked for it. 243-4. 

xautrte, let me look for it. 104-16. 



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~\ 



Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 67 

xaneitte, she looked for it. 306-13. 
xa na ten en, she looked for theoL 300-14. 
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. 
zanAwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. 
xan te, look for it. 243-3. 

Adtisbial PRxnxxs of BIamnbr, 
Ueraiion. 
Na- expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of 
one's steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often em- 
ployed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as 
in the customary acts of daily life — eating, drinking, sleeping, 
etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or t preceding the root 
(class iii, p. 35), and in other cases it is used without either. No 
corresponding difference of meaning has been discovered, but 
the verbs have been separately listed. 

a) With the meaning of undoing the thing which has been 
done, or of going back over the road traveled, 

ye na wil 15s, she dragged it in. 190-2. 

ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. 

ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. 

yd xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. 

me nai yi yautr, they eat it down. 356-13. 

menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16. 

me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. 

me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. 

naindeL, they got back. 181-8, 177-2. 

naixonnftwiLhirdn, it cured him. 121-13. 

nai diL, let us go home. 175-16. 

nayaixoiiLtcw6ig, they brush him together. 196-3. 

na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. 

nana is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. 

na na in deL, they went over. 267-6. 

na n5 diL, go away. 266-15. 

nanMya, go back. 187-6. 

nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. 

nateindil, they went home. 333-13. 

na tetLu? in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. 



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68 University of California PubUcations. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

na te los, she dragged back. 190-1. 
natesdeL, they started back. 176-17, 329-18. 
natindauir, you better go back. 329-3. 
natindiLtsti, he heard them coining home. 329-5. 
na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 
xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2. 
xanaxonan, they came up again. 360-10. 
xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. 
da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. 
danaduwilLat, he ran back. 97-12. 
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 
tana is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. 
tannaxoauu?, they jumped out. 165-6. 
tenawillatdei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 
tcenayaxonmiL, throw them out. 302-3. 
tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13. 
tcenanillai, he drew out. 119-2. 
tee na nil kait dei, he poked out. 174-9. 
tcenanimmeL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. 
tcenaninan, he took out. 119-3. 
tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. 
tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. 
tee na xon ncL tin, I brought it down. 273-7. 
tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. 
kyu wa na iL tuw, he who gives back. 241-4. 
With d or t preceding the root, 

a na dit du wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. 

in tana wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. 

intanawityate, he would turn back. 187-4. 

yanatdjeti, they came back. 301-15. 

ye na it dauw?, he went back in. 288-6. 

ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. 

yenawityahit, when he went in. 118-6. 

Le na kil du hirot, it grew back on. 164-1. 

LenundtiwaL, it shut. 108-16. 

menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. 

na at Iti e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11. 

na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. 



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Vou 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 69 

na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. 

na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4. 

na in di yai, he got back. 121-16, 98-6. 

na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. 

nauirdiyai, I have come (back). 145-10. 

na wit daL, he is coming back. 132-7. 

nawitdallit, when he came back. 116-4. 

nana in dl yai, he came back acrom. 103-11. 

na na wit xdts, he flew back down. 114-2. 

nanaitw^tr, he used to carry it back. 237-8. 

na ne it dautr, they used to come back. 137-1, 196-5. 

na ne it git, they came back. 299-12. 

na nit dautr x5 lun, he had come back. 267-7. 

na n6 dl ya, let it come back. 233-5. 

nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7, 235-1. 

na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. 

na te it dautr, she always went home. 237-6. 

na teL dit dauir, she ran back. 157-6. 

natesdiyai, he went back. 97-17, 104-3. 

na tin dl ya ne, go home. 337-18. 

nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. 

nonaitdjeu, they came back. 299-10. 

n5 nan dit dje Q, they got back. 301-15. 

no nfin dil lat, it got back. 246-2. 

no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. 

nul diL Lat, he ran back. 1 15-16. 

nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. 

nun duk qdtc tsU, he heard him lope back. 175-9. 

xa en nal dit dd wei, it drew back. 105-9. 

xanaisdiyai, he came back up. 100-2. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came back up. 210-12. 

xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. 

xanayawittcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. 

xoL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. 

xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. 

da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. 

danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4. 

do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2. 



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70 University of Calif omia Publications. [-A^- -Aach. Bth. 

doheinnanaisdukka, he did not get up. 112-15. 

ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6. 

te nal dit d6 te, it will draw back. 273-5. 

tcenaindiyai, he went out. 153-11, 102-13. 

tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. 
b) With the meaning of again, indicating that the aci has 
been done before, but not necessarily (U a time immediately 
preceding. 

aLmenaniLtcwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. 

anaidiyau, (we) do this. 361-9. 

a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. 

anauu?late, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a na nti we sin ^e te, you will look. 357-5. 

a na hu?iL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

a na xo wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10. 

anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. 

a na dis tcwen, he made himself. 101-14. 

a nit dit ten, we did. 217-7. 

anatcillau, he did. 106-8. 

a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 

anatcillate, he will do. 258-4. 

ana kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. 

a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. 

yanaiskil, he split it. 142-3, 210-2. 

yanauu?tuu?, I will pick up. 286-9. 

yanawillai, she picked it up. 307-6. 

ya na win ai, she sat down. 136-6. 

ya na win a ye, he sitting down. 120-5. 

yanawinen, he carried. 172-1. 

ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. 

ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2. 

yanakeuwuu?, he used to pack up. 237-7. 

ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3. 

yanakyuwiLtsilliLte, they may split. 109-8. 

ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13. 

ye na wil Lat, he came in. 329-9. 

ye na wiL ten, she put it in. 136-5. 

yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 71 

yenalLaty ran in. 329-8. 

ye na x6 wU W, dressed in. 328-8. 

yenaxoLwaL, he threw him. 106-13. 

ye nun dauir, come in. 98-17. 

ydnaLtsisde, if he knows. 348-6. 

ydnaLtsitte, he will know. 295-13. 

Le nai yfin dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 

Lenaillutr, she started the fire. 153-1. 

Lenaisloi, he tied together. 210-5. 

LenayakyHwillau, they gathered up. 171-12. 

Lenawilla, a fire. 170-9. 

Le na IQtr, he built a fire. 235-14. 

Le na neL n5, he stood up. 235-12. 

Lena nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 

Le nanil la x5 Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 

Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. 

Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. 

LenaniLten, he took it all the way round. 282-10, 293-10. 

LenanifideL, they went clear round. 102-1. 

Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8. 

menailfkirte, I will watch. 217-13. 

me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. 

me nauir IfLir te, I will watch. 267-17. 

menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. 

menanillai, they landed. 215-11. 

menakisloi, he bound it up. 143-11. 

menakyHwiLtfk, they sang again. 238-15. 

mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. 

naayadistsel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. 

na itltr loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. 

naixeneutrte, he will talk. 295-13. 

nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6. 

nai xoL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 

na is dau we a x5 Ifin, it had melted away. 236-1. 

naistcwen, he made. 110-12. 

na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. 

nai kg yfin te, they will grow. 296-4. 

nauu? tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. 



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72 University of CaUfomia Publications. [-^^ Arch. Bth. 

na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3. 

nayaistcwen, they made. 284-1. 

nayaneLen, they looked. 105-8. 

nayanilluirneen, which had been lost. 144-7. 

na ya xol tsan, he found them. 267-15. 

na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. 

nayatesin^x, she looked. 300-17. 

nawillit, he nearly burned. 330-1. 

na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. 

nawillitte, will be burned. 151-5. 

na win lit, she burned. 311-12. 

nawinkuts, he became cold. 330-4. 

na wit dil Ul te, we will visit continually. 177-2. 

nal htcin te, will melt away. 273-6. 

naLyeuM?, rest. 280-5. 

na na inw me, I bathe it. 247-1. 

nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. 

na nai me, I bathed. 311-8. 

nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8. 

na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11. 

na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

na na kt de, it was floating. 244-9. 

na naL its, running around. 295-10. 

na nan ya, studied again. 103-2. 

nanandilliLte, they wili live. 343-13. 

nana sin yate, you will be. 353-8. 

nanasdeLte, they will live. 228-2. 

nanaduwaal, rose up. 103-13. 

na na du win a, it stands. 364-14. 

na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14. 

na na kin nu wiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. 

nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 

na ne itii/: hMJon, he gets well. 196-4. 

na ne iL en, she looked at. 245-14. 

nanewitdiliniLte, he will look at. 216-18. 

na ncL en, he looked back at. 103-14. 

na ncL in hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 73 

na ntL win hirdn te, it wiU be good weather. 273^. 

na hirdL tsan, you see me. 230-5. 

na xoi kyU wifi an, he went to sleep. 121-9. 

na xd a htre, he will calL 283-11. 

naxdwestsan, he was found. 230-3. 

nax5wiLtiinte, it will be wet. 273-6. 

na x6 wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. 

naxowiLtsaiye, creeks would dry up. 111-12. 

na xon mil xfl lau?, they were getting ready. 116-4. 

na xo de il en» he watched him. 202-5. 

naxdLtM, let it get soft. 233-6. 

na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. 

naseLte, we will visit. 174-2. 

naseLtcwen, I made. 296-2. 

naseLtcwin, I make. 302-11. 

na seL tcwin te, I am doing it again. 254-4. 

na del tcwan, eating. 321-6. 

na dil tcwM, eating. 176-9. 

nadtiwilye, they danced again. 215-13. 

na dii wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1. 

na dtitr in, let me watch. 259-14. 

natefien, he looked. 97-18. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

nateninte, you will look. 356-5. 

nakinncLden, she made it blaze. 288-11. 

nakisLdn, she made baskets. 189-5. 

na kit te it L5ir, she always made baskets. 157-3. 

na kit te it dai ye, it bossoms again. 364-3. 

na kit te Ldn, she wove another round. 305-7. 

na kit te L5n, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. 

na ky^ win yfln te, you will eat. 356-3. 

nakyuwinxa, it grows. 364-11. 

naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. 

n5 na iutr xautr, I will leave it. 247-3. 

no na il Iutr, she left off. 332-10. 

no na iL kyos, she put away. 333-7. 

n6 nai niL kit, it settled. 96-3. 

no nai nin an, he left. 355-10. 

Am. Aboh. Eth. 8, 6. 



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74 University of California PubUcaiions. [ Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. 

no nautr autr, I never leave. 248-1. 

no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 

ndnanaun, I might leave. 223-3. 

no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11. 

no na ne iin, I will leave. 296-5. 

no na nin an, he placed. 117-8. 

n6 na nin deL, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. 

nonanindeLxolan, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. 

no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. 

ndnaxdntsu, they had finished fill the grave. 175-15. 

n5 na xol into, he had her laid. 342-8. 

no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. 

no na ta iin hit, when she turned. 245-10. 

nonakinauu?ne, you must leave. 353-10. 

no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. 

no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 

nd na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 

nu wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7. 

nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. 

xaanatcillau, that he did. 260-9. 

xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. 

xanawiLten, he dug it out. 221-10. 

xa na xo iL into, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. 

xanatenen, she looked for them. 300-14. 

xanakyuxoldaa, grown over with grass. 165-16. 

xaxananuwis^ete, it will be lighter. 357-6. 

xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. 

xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 

xoinayalwillil, they camped along. 181-6. 

xoi na x6 wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. 

xoinalweL, he stayed over night. 121-16. 

xoi na tcL weL, they camped. 116-7. 

xonanaduwillau, he dressed himself . 139-14. 

xotdanawillai, they started by boat. 116-8. 

sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6. 

sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 



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Vol. 8] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 75 

da nai wiL kil Ul te, fog will stay. 273-2. 

da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 

danawillai, she put it. 308-2. 

danawillaL, it was floating there. 325-3. 

da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. 

danax5Lten, he put him. 108-1. 

danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17. 

danaddLa, he can shoot. 145-1. 

danaduwiLa, he set another on it 197-4. 

danadiiwiLa, he shot. 329-12. 

da na dd win a ei, it stood up. 203-1 0. 

danakinneQtreL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. 

de na de iuir mil, I put. 247-9. 

denaduwillate, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

de na du win (in te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 

d55nawesenei, it could not be seen. 151-19. 

d6 Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. 

do min na na liiir, he never thought of. 341-5. 

do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16. 

do na iL tsiin de, they won 't find again. 321-10. 

ddnais tcwin, (nobody) could make. 322-8. 

donayaiLtsis, they never saw. 191-5. 

da na du wiL a ei, he hit. 145-2. 

ddnayaxoLtsit, they did not know him. 166-15. 

do na ya x5l tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. 

d5 na hiru wes tsdfl htdin, must not be seen again. 217-18. 

do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. 

do na x6l tsun ^x x6 lin, you won't see him any more. 

306-6. 
do na sil kas, was left. 192-16. 

do tc6 xo na wil Ian, (one of them) went away. 343-8. 
djenawiLtutr, he opened it. 109-2. 
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 
te na wes a, into the water ran out. 365-1. 
tsim ma na x5 win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. 
tee na il lin x6 Ian, used to run. 117-18. 
tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. 
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6. 



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76 University of California Publications. [^^^ Aroh. Eth. 

ke na ne 11 a, she leaned it up. 290-1. 

ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5. 

kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6. 

tdnnautrlaL, I dreamed. 191-8. 
With d or t preceding the root. 

b) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has 
been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately pre- 
ceding. 

a nautr di yau, I did it. 282-5. 

anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. 

a na di yau, it did that. 244-11. 

a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11. 

anadille, fix yourself. 170-1. 

a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1. 

ya na it xfis, it kept flying up. 113-1. 

yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15. 

yanakisdimmillei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

yenawildeton, she jumped in. 135-11. 

Lenaindiyai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 

Le na it dauir, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. 

Le nauu? dil la, I have a fire. 351-6. 

Le na de eL, they were jointed. 347-4. 

nayaisdillenei, they became. 166-13. 

na ya nti wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. 

nawitdilliLte, we will visit continually. 177-2. 

na na is dits tse, he turned around. 314-6. 

nana wit diLte, the people vrill live again. 236-3. 

na na kit de Ids, he had fixed the load. 162-10. 

na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. 

na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. 

na dil le te ne en, it was going to happen. 117-5. 

nadillu, it will be. 243-2. 

na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. 

natcLditctcwinxolun, they had grown. 119-7. 

natleliLte, it will become. 312-4. 

no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. 

no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. 

no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. 



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Vol. 8] Qoddard. — Morphology of ihs Hupa Language. 77 

no na wit thts, it is cut down. 144-17. 

xaanaityau, he did that way. 255-9. 

xoi na se il de q5l, on her it kept crawling. 185-2. 

danatxfitstse, it lit on it. 204-8. 

da na kit dtL wit tee 11 te, the wind will blow i^ntly. 273-1. 

d5 na x6b dil le te» it will be no more. 228-4. 

d5 nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. 

dd na ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. 

ta nai win ndn de,^ if he drinks. 337-16. 

ta nai win nOn te,* he will drink. 337-18. 



IDI 

Xa- is employed when it is wished to refer to any act previ- 
ously described as being repeated by the same, or a different 
person. 

xa ai ya xdL in ^, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xa a iL in te, that wiU be done. 203-8. 

xaainnfL, he always did that 139-9, 141-9. 

xa a it 3rau, she did that. 98-8. 

xa a it ya x5 Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. 

xaauirdl3rate, what I am going to do. 202-8. 

xa a ya iL ifi ^ they did that. 105-10. 

xa a wil leL te, that way they will do. 242-17, 255-17. 

xa a win ne Ul te, that will be done. 229-10. 

xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 

xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. 

xa a x5 lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. 

xa a xoi il 1% always he did that 237-9. 

xa a x5 le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

xa a x5l tcin ne, he was telling him that 150-2. 

xa a den ne, he caUed the same. 105-5. 

xaadlyau, it did that. 244-14. 

xaadlyau, the way he does. 337-17. 

xa a dl yau ei, it did that. 289-16. 

xaadlyateL, that way it will be. 341-16. 

xa a til tedx, that strong. 294-3. 

^ The third lyllable, -win-, stands for -wit- because of the following n. 



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78 UniversUy of CaUfomia Publications, i^^ -^^oh. Bm. 

xa a tin wes ^e, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. 

xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. 

xa a tcil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1. 

xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12. 

xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 

xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xaiille, do that 165-19. 

xadiyate, it will do that. 254-10. 

do xa auir ne xo xo lin, I won 't do that. 230-15. 

do xa ante ^en, I never do that. 109-4. 

do xa iin di yau, you don 't do that. 343-13. 

Distribution. 

Te- means either that the act took place here and there in 
space, or continuously over space ; or that one person after an- 
other did the act. This particle must be followed in the definite 
past, present, and future tenses by -s-. 
a) Of traveling, or carrying something. 

yatcLkait, they went on (by boat). 159-14. 

ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. 

yatesyai, he went away. 360-4. 

na te de q5t, he tumbled. 114-15. 

na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. 

na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. 

na te it dautr, she always went home. 237-6. 

na te 16s, she dragged it back. 190-1. 

na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16. 

nateLmen, he made it swim. 266-1. 

na tcL dit dauu?, he ran. 100-13, 157-6. 

na tcL ten, he took along. 282-3. 

na tes deL, they started back. 329-18. 

na tes di yai, he went back. 97-17, 137-13. 

natesdiyayei, he arrived. 104-3. 

na tin dautr, you better go back. 329-3. 

natindlyane, go home. 337-18. 

na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. 

niL te s§ ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. 



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Vol. 81 Goddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language, 79 

nit t6 diL, come. 113-16. 

hiriLteLdautr, (I wish) would travel with me. 114-11. 

htriL te sin ya te, with me you may go. 187-7. 

xdLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15. 

zdLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2. 

xdLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7. 

xdLtcittesdeLy they ran after them. 153-16. 

xdteeautr, which runs along. 363-14. 

d5 he min teL dauir, he did not run for it. 112-13. 

d5 tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going od. 281-3. 

teinnauir, (dawn) oomes. 310-7. 

te in nauir hirei, they went along. 334-4. 

te in dil, they flew along. 317-3. 

te it tutr, it always floated. 

tewiLautrhtril, it crawls. 311-4. 

teL ate, a pack-train came. 200-1, 200-9. 

te nal dit d5 te, it will draw back. 273-5. 

te se yai, I went away. 353-6. 

tesgyate, I am going away. 229-9. 

te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. 

tesdLtinte, you will take (my child). 222-7. 

tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. 

teslatdei, it floated. 244-15,245-8. 

tesdeLei, (all) flew away. 159-12. 

tesdeLte, th^ will come. 252-3. 

tedeqdt, it tumbled. 286-12. 

tilltl, they came. 254-12. 

tifi xauir ne, you take along. 246-13. 

tsi yfLn te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. 

tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. 

tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. 

tee x5 tcL ten, he took him along. 210-15. 

tcin tel lai, they brought ( deerskins ) . 230-15. 

tcit te il q6l le x5 Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. 

tcit te in nautr, he used to come along. 162-3. 

tcit te in nautr xd Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-8. 

tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. 

tcit te it tcwtl, he always cried. 186-8. 



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80 University of California Publications, l^^ ^^^^^ B™« 

tcitteLmen, he made it swim. 265-9. 

tcit teL dauir, she ran up. 152-15. 

tcittcLten, he took along. 152-9. 

tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. 

tcit teL kyds, he took it along. 204-6. 

tcit teL q6l, he crawled. 347-8. 

tcittesyai, he started. 96-10. 

tcittesyayei, she went. 98-13. 

tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-1. 

tcit tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. 

tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. 

tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. - 

tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15. 

tcit tes deLte, he was to travel with. 174-9. 

tcit tes tdn de, if he takes along. 317-13. 

tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2. 

tcit tti win nahtmLde, it will pass there. 272-8. 

kitteiyautc, they come to feed. 310-10. 

kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. 

kit tcL tits, he walked with (for a cane). 317-7, 152-12. 

kittiyautc, they came. 98-3. 

b) Of doing something as one travels (dong. 

yaxdteLxa, he tracked them. 267-15. 

ya te it tcwu, they cried along. 179-12. 

nayaxotcLxa, they tracked him. 170-3. 

tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8. 

tcitteweinil, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. 

tcittcLxa, he tracked it. 185-12. 

tco xot dit tcL en, he watched along. 97-10. 

kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. 

kitteLtsas, he whipped. 317-9. 

kittehtril, he called along. 98-4. 

kittescLtsaste, I will whip (as I walk). 317-8. 

kyateLtcwe, she heard cry. 135-9. 

kya tcL tcwu we tsti, cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. 

kyattiwiltcwel, he heard crying along. 135-10. 



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Vol. 8] Qoddard.— Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 81 

c) Of actions which by their nature require repeated move- 
ments, or considerable duration for their accompUshment, 
yateLwis, they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. 
yi kit te its, he can shoot 144-12. 
nainteLdik, he pecked. 113-14. 
na x6 teL tcw6 ig, he swept 210-12. 
na x5 tes an, they ran aroond. 341-4. 
na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. 
na te dit tae yei, he opened it. 100-10. 
natetse, he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9. 
natetaeyei, he opened the door. 97-10. 
na kit te it Ldtr, she always made baskets. 157-3. 
nakitteLdn, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. 
nit te sil lal le, yon would go to sleep. 203-1. 
xdL xdt tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. 
xoLxfittesnfinte, it would move in her. 341-2. 
xdLxdttesndnteneen, in her was about to move used 

to be. 342-4. 
x5l te il lit, he smoked himself. 
xaditteLxfits, she felt it bite. 111-2. 
d5 a dii wiin tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2. 
d5 nit dj§ tel tsit ne, don't get excited. 170-18. 
d5 he te il lit, it would not bum. 166-9. 
d5 he tel lit, it would not bum. 363-1. 
tesetcwitte, I am going to measure it. 116-12. 
te s^w in, I am going to look. 171-2. 
te dfik kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. 
tee x5 teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17. 
tcitteyds, she stretched. 158-13. 
tcitteLLa, he mbbed it 278-10. 
teitteLtaL, dancing. 362-4. 
tcitteslai, he drew a bow. 144-15. 
teittetewen, she waved fire. 242-12. 
tcit te te lai, she mbbed. 307-3. 
tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4. 
tcit te tcit, he almost died. 111-16. 
tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13. 
kit te it Low, one who always made baskets. 324-5. 



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82 University of California PubUcations. [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

kitteyow, water flowed out. 100-11. 

kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14. 

kit ti yoWy she made it flow. 158-12. 

kittutrhtraL, I hook. 107-5. 

kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. 

d) Of a process requiring considerable time. 

a til teox teL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17. 

ja teL tcwen, they grew. 265-1. 

na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. 

na teL ditc tcwen ne dun, she grew time. 325-6. 

na teL ditc tcwin x6 lun, they had grown. 119-10. 

xoL teL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18. 

do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7. 

te il tcwen ne diin, the time when it grew. 275-2. 

te le ne xo Ian, it had become. 187-5. 

tcL tcwen, it grew. 96-3, 97-6. 

teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18. 

tcL tcwin de, when it grows. 267-5. 

te sil tcwen ne diin, ever since you grew time. 337-13. 

tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. 

te di yun te, they will live to old age. 227-7. 

til tcwen, it grows. 296-12. 

til tcwen ne en, used to grow. 233-1. 

tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. 

tcittcL tcwin hti?un, he may grow. 348-6. 

e) Of separate acts repeated in time or space. 
yatemitc, they pulled oflf. 179-10. 
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. 

ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. 
na dit teL waL, he threw them. 109-16. 
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. 
tee te xan, he took out baskets of food. 111-5. 
tcit teen, he looked. 165-19. 
tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-4. 
tcit te tot, he drank ( repeated draughts) . 112-15. 
tcittetcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12. 



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Vol. 3] Ocddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Lcmguage. 83 

p) Of acts done by several persons in succession. 

yn te yun xd liifi, they had eaten. 100-17. 

yetcittedeL, they went into. 142-9. 

nadittSyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. 

xa te dim mil, chips flew off. 113-13. 

xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7. 

xoi tcL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16. 

danoteLte, everybody will fish. 256-9. 

tetmeli, (sand) scattered. 117-16. 

tee te deli, they went out. 141-5. 

tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5, 198-3. 

tcit teL tcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1. 

tcit te dim mil, they fell one after the other. 208-6. 
q) Of things begun, 

no te d(ik kait, people began to starve. 191-11. 

n5 te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. 

tcis se teL wen e xd Ian, he had killed he saw. 186-7. 

tc5 ya te xait, they began to buy. 200-8. 

kit tea kiitc, they begin to play. 142-16. 

kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8. 
h) With verbs of looking. It is not certain to which of the 
above classes they belong. 

na tetltr ifi iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. 

na ten en, he looked. 97-18. 

na ten ifi iL ta, he looked back places. 103-13. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

na ten in te, you will look. 356-5. 

do te en, I don 't look. 351-8. 

teien, I looked. 238-4. 

ten in te, you will look. 140-7. 

tcit teen, he looked. 165-19. 

tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. 

tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. 

tcit te teen, he looked around. 109-12,166-2. 

K-, ky-, found in a large number of verbs as a prefix or 

infix, is weak in form, the syllable being completed according to 

the sounds following it. No satisfactory meaning or force for 

this prefix has appeared. It is probable that it supplies an 



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84 University of CaUfamia PubUcations, [^^ji. Aech. Eth. 

indefinite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others. 
Because of a remark of Father Morice/ verbs in which the prefix 
might refer to breaking, cutting or tearing have been Usted 
separately. 

Words definitely changing their meaning because of the pres- 
ence or absence of the prefix seem to be few. No na kin nin un te, 
**one should leave," carries the meaning of leaving permanently 
as a present; while nonaninunte, would mean to leave some- 
thing of one's own which one expects to repossess. NakisdeL, 
**they came around," indicates that the persons in question 
wandered among the houses of the village; naisdeL, would 
have been employed if they had come back to a definite place. 
Eyutr xautr, means, let me fish, but iutr xauto, let me catch it. 
Many of the verbs listed below seem to indicate an indefiniteness 
of place, duration or number of the acts or states. 

a) Probably employed with transitive verbs which have no 
expressed object. 

yikkyuwinyan, he ate. 319-7. 

yikkyuwinyannehe, even if he eats. 267-3. 

ma Ml kit, she fed the little one. 192-1. 

makyutokit, I better feed them. 192-1. 

nakinyun, come eat. 153-9, 192-7. 

na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

dakinyfinte, to chew oflf. 151-9. 

ddkeyan, I don't eat. 351-7. 

do kit ti yautr, they never went out to feed. 97-11. 

dokyan, she didn't eat. 157-2. 

dokyuwityan, without eating. 226-4. 

ke 1 yan, he used to eat. 237-6. 

kei yiin, I might eat. 98-13. 

kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. 

ke UL ^x, she chewed. 276-3. 

keyfin, he had eaten. 332-6. 

kinfiL^, you chew. 275-2. 

kin yun, eat it. 166-6. 

kin nin yan nei, they came out to feed. 180-13. 

kyoyun, you eat. 192-2. 

"Work cited, p. 200. 



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Vol. 31 Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 86 

kytlwinyan, he went to eating. 98-18. 
kyu win jrfin il, you ate along. 121-1. 
kyti wit dl yfin te, we shall eat 190-5. 
kya htdin il, I ate along. 120-16. 

b) Possibly having some connection vnih breaking, 
yanatdsdimmillei, she smashed it. 152-16. 
ya na kytl wiL tail Hl te, they may split. 109-8. 
ylkismfitei, it broke. 289-15. 

wa kin nil lit xd Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. 
wa kin nin seL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw. 

329-16. 
min n5 ya kin ^ats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 

278-5. 
minn5kinkil, he opened. 113-5. 
min no kydL dik, pick open. 112-17. 
na kis ydir hirei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. 
ni yM kiL Al, they were cutting them. 101-2. 
niiikytLwiLaL, he cut it. 266-10. 
xakehtre, (she went) to dig. 135-2. 
xa kin de mfit, it boiled up. 105-3. 
d5n kyfltr tQir, I am splitting. 108-9. 
dohexakifiy5K7, it did not come out. 105-5. 
tee kin nin hire, he had finished digging. 100-9. 
Ml ttiir hira, you are splitting f 108-7. 
kit din hire teL difi, where he would dig out. 100-1. 
kit din kil ei, it broke out 102-2. 
kitdHwinkil, the bank slid out. 252-4. 
kittey5ir, it flowed out. 100-11. 
kittehuTe, he began to dig. 100-8. 
kitteiats, he cut them. 101-1,98-16. 
kittiydir, (he caused) it to flow. 158-12. 
kytiwaistcwit, he broke off. 317-6, 289-7. 

c) Of unknown meaning, but perhaps adding indefiniteness 
to the verb's application as to time, place, or object. 

aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 
ai kit in xo sin, it did that. 223-4. 
ai kyutt? en, I will do. 230-16. 
ai kyfl wil lei Ul te, they will do. 230-8. 



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86 University of CdUfomia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

a na kin nit ie, it grows. 356-10. 
a diL ya Ml qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. 
a diL no ke iL qow, he used to throw himself with. 202-4. 
akillau, they did. 266-13. 
a Ml en, what they do. 322-1. 
aMttisse5x, smartest. 321-11. 
akyole, you do. 198-2. 
yai kyu wil iats, blanket of strips. 207-5. 
ya ya Mn en, they packed up. 164-4. 
ya na ke u wutr, he used to pack up. 237-7. 
yanaMllai, he took in his hand. 337-7. 
yanaMnen, he packed up. 238-3. 
ya ke wel, carrying loads. 110-3. 
ya ke wtiw? htrei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 
yaMLtsis, (he made) it sprinMe. 338-2. 
yaMnwutr, carry it. 105-18. 
yaMnwenne, he had carried it oflf. 163-4. 
yakytiwilkyannexolan, they found they were preg- 
nant. 278-3. 
ya kyu win dits, they made rope. 151-11. 
ye Ml wis, he bored a hole. 197-3. 
yeMLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2. 
yeMLtseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. 
ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3. 
ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. 
ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. 
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. 
yi Mt ta a te, she will sing. 104-2. 
yi Mt te its, he can shoot. 144-12. 
yi kit tu ht^al, he hooks. 107-6. 
yi kyti wit tsos sil, they were sucMng. 325-5. 
yo xai na na Ms deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. 
wun no Mn nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. 
Le ya M x6 lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. 
Le na ya kyti wil lau, they gather up (bones) . 171-12. 
Le na Ml la ne, gather up (your things) . 192-8. 
Le na Ml du htrot, it grew back on. 164-1. 
LeMxola, gather people. 151-5. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Lomgyioge. 87 

Le kin nlL yets te, to tie tofi^ether. 151-10. 

me ya kyfk wiL tel, everybody sang. 234-1. 

menatdsloi, he bound it up. 145-11,348-13. 

me na ky^ wiL tfl, they sang again. 238-15. 

miLwayakindillai, they traded with them. 200-4. 

miLxotdakiLwaL, with she dropped down. 189-11. 

min na na kit del kai, sitting with one leg each side. 163-7. 

min noi Ul dik, he pecked open. 113-15. 

minnoikinney5tdei, they barked. 321-4. 

mit de na kil laiy he touched it 176-12. 

nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. 

nai ke yfln te, they will grow. 296-4. 

nai kyti win xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. 

nanakinnt&wiLa, he made the ridge. 104-3. 

nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. 

na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. 

na na kit de Ids, he had fixed the load. 162-10. 

naxoikyflwi&an, he went to sleep. 121-7. 

nakaxiisdinnatsfl, someone moving he heard. 165-18. 

nakinncLden, she made a blaze. 288-11. 

na kis its, they shot at a mark. 266-13. 

nakisle, he felt 107-15. 

na kis Ldn, she made baskets. 189-5. 

nakisdeL, they came around. 200-2. 

na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12, 348-14. 

na kis q5t te, he is going to poke. 192-9. 

na kit te it Loir, she always made baskets. 157-3. 

na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. 

nakitteL5n, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. 

nakyrlwexdwinsen, they brought home. 145-4. 

na kyu wil ^ik, he was tied with a string. 351-10. 

na kyu wil wel, she kept them shut up. 97-11. 

na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

na kyu win xa, it grows. 364-11. 

nik kyo wfin, go to sleep. 294-5. 

nikkyuwinnunte, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 

noi ki yotr difi, as far as it goes. 311-6. 

nonayakinninan, they left food. 110-9. 



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University of CaUfomia PtibUcations. [Am. Aeoh. Era. 

no na kin auu? ne, you most leave. 353-10. 

no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. 

nd na kin nin ihi te, one should leave. 215-8. 

no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 

no ke imo qot, I always set up. 247-4. 

n5 Ul dje xa in nautr, she quit fighting. 333-6. 

no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. 

nd kin nin ydtr, were scattered about. 145-3. 

no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. 

ndkyuwiltaL, final dancing place. 105-6. 

hidssakinits, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 

htrikkyowfin, I am going to sleep. 121-6. 

xa a na kin nit ie, it grows up again. 356-14. 

xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 

xaakytiwilleLte, he will do that. 211-18. 

xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5. 

xa na kyu x5l da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. 

xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up. 158-7. 

xa Ids wen, he had carried it. 166-4. 

xa kyu witc tee liL te, the wind will blow out from the 

ground. 272-10. 
xeenakiLwaL, he threw her away. 308-9. 
xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. 
xo wun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. 
xoLyakitwul, with him he seesawed. 107-10. 
xoL no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. 
xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. 
xotdakeiyauti?, they came down the hill. 310-6. 
xot da kyu wes tee, it blows down. 227-7. 
xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. 
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 
da na kin neutr eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. 
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 
da kiL kis, he put his hand. 140-3. 
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. 
da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. 
da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 89 

da kyn win xa ei, it stood. 242-3. 

de kit dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

dokiLtcwit, he neyer poshes it. 106-12. 

ta nai kyfL wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 

takit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. 

tekeiyauirhirei, go in. 311-2. 

tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

te Ml q5te, he threw it in. 112-6. 

tee kin nin yan, they eame out 98-2. 

tee kyti wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. 

ke it Ld, she used to make baskets. 189-1. 

ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. 

kewelle, someone earrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. 

ke win xiits, he fell over. 105-17. 

kinnaislal, she dreamed. 191-6. 

kinnautrlaL, I dreamed. 191-8. 

kin ne sd yfLn te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. 

kin nin en, he brought it 97-14. 

kin nin in hit, when she eame with the load. 238-1. 

kin n6 de eL, they stiek. 363-15. 

kislete, they will eateh Liany. 257-10. 

kisxM, a tree standing. 113-7. 

kistseLtse, pounding they heard. 170-6. 

kittaiyiLtsit, they were soaking aeoms. 

kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. 

kittaLtsitxdsin, they were soaking aeoms. 210-9,209-3. 

kitteakiite, they begin to play. 142-16. 

kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. 

kitteiyauw?, they eame to feed. 310-10. 

kit te it LdtOy who always made baskets. 324-5. 

kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. 

kitteLtsas, he whipped. 317-9. 

kit teL tits, he used for a eane. 317-7. 

kit te hwily he ealled along. 98-4. 

kitteseLtsaste, I will whip. 317-8. 

kit te sin ktite teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14. 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 8. 7. 



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90 University of California Publications. [^^ ^^^' ^th. 

kittiyautr, they came. 98-3. 

tdttiyoir, he caused to flow. 158-12. 

kit tin en ne, carry them. 237-3. 

tdttutrhtraL, a hook. 107-5. 

kittflkkfltcte, ahinny will be played. 210-14. 

kyadane, they picked. 138-7. 

kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. 

kyateLtcwe, she heard it cry. 135-9. 

kyatcLtcwiiwetsu, it cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. 

kya tu wil tcwel, he was crying along. 135-10. 

kydyawinhtral, they fished. 328-3. 

ky5Lkisxdsinx5lan, spearing salmon they had been he 
saw. 140-11. 

ky5htoalle, somebody hooking. 106-15. 

kyodtwiLtsdtstse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 

ky5 dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. 

ky5 diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. 

kyfL wa na iL tiiir, he who gives back. 241-4. 

kytLwennutr, it thundered. 144-5. 

k3rfLwe8tceei, it blew she saw. 324-9. 

kyu wil medj, he boiled. 166-5. 

kytl wil tel, it was paveu. 140-6. 

kyu win nai da, to hunt they traveled. 190-15. 

kyfL win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1. 

kyu win xa, she left standing (a tree). 289-8. 

k3rfL win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. 

kyUwindiLtst, a jingling noise he heard. 293-3, 152-1. 

kyuwinditste, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 

kyuwinket, it creaked. 114-17. 

kyUwitndL, it was blazing. 109-11. 

kyuwitdaiyeiLwinte, it always blossoms. 365-4. 

kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 

kyu wit tcwdk kai, are strung on a line. 165-8. 

kyutt? tcwit, let me push it. 106-11. 

kyfin xow tu, I am begging. 152-13. 
A- introduces verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and appear- 
ing. It seems to have no definite meaning. It is omitted in verbs 
of saying and thinking whenever the direct object directly pre- 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 91 

cedes the verb. It may poflribly be an indefinite object for the 
verb, and therefore not be needed when a definite object is 
expressed. 

a) With verbs of thinking and Maying. 

aiydndesnete, she will think about. 104-1. 

ainesen, I thought. 187-3. 

ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. 

aintLirsin, I thought so. 353-3. 

ai xdLne, he kept telling him. 208-13. 

ai x5l den ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. 

a yai x5l dQ wen ne, they said. 165-2. 

a 3rai dH wen ne, they said. 165-7. 

a yaL de iQtr ne, I told them. 301-1. 

a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. 

ayan, said that 116-17. 

a ya dd win nel, they were saying. 153-14. 

aL tcit den ne, he talked to them. 111-6, 111-6. 

a na hidL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

a n5 hdL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. 

antsCL, he heard cry. 281-13. 

a hiriL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16. 

a htriL tcit den hirM, he must tell me. 314-11. 

a htriL tcit dft win ncL, they told me. 355-11. 

a x5l tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. 

ax5Ltcitdentstl, he heard say. 141-8. 

a den ne, he said. 97-15. 

a den de, if he sings. 236-2. 

a den tstl, she heard cry. 171-3. 

a dQ win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 

atc5inne, he kept thinking. 139-4, 137-4. 

a tc6n des ne, he thought. 96-7, 97-5, 6. 

xa a xdL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. 

xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. 

do ai nin sin ^x, you don 't think. 337-9. 

d5 a htriL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. 

d6 a du win ne he, don 't say that. 175-1. 



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92 University of California Publications. [Am. Aroh. Em 

b) With verbs of doing or happening.^ 
aennti, it does it. 275-5. 
ailate, they will catch. 253-10. 
a iL en ka, way they do it. 227-2. 
aiLinneen, used to chase. 322-5. 
a iL in te, they will do. 266-13. 
ainntl, he did. 288-9. 
ainnumiL, when the sun was (here). 332-4. 
ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7. 
a it yau xo lun, tired he was. 346-10. 
aityade, if he does. 348-7. 
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 
aikitinxosin, (bears) did that. 223-4. 
aikyutren, I will do. 230-16. 
ai kyu wil lei Ul te, they will do. 230-8. 
au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. 
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 
auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12. 
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. 
auii?lau, I have done. 260-3. 
autrlate, what shall I do with it. 293-8. 
auir di ya, I might manage it. 101-11. 
autrdlyau, I did. 325-17,276-5. 
auw? di ya te, am I going to do this. 257-14. 
autr tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. 
ayainnu, they used to have sports. 305-2. 
ayaxdla, (I wish) could befall them. 321-9. 
a ya ^en, they did. 305-5. 
a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. 
a ya tcil lau, they fixed. 172-4. 
a ya tco ne, let them do that. 365-16. 
a wil la, I wish would happen. 150-11. 
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. 
awinnu, one should do. 99-11. 
a la te, what are you going to do t 102-15. 
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. 



^Some verbs show specialized meanings but are plainly derived from 
verbs of doing, as is shown by the roots thej contain. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 93 

a nai dl yau, do this. 361-9. 

anantrlate, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

anautrdlyau, I did it. 282-5,325-12. 

anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. 

a na x6 wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10. 

anadlyau, it did that. 244-11. 

a na dit ten, we did. 217-7. 

a na toil lau, he did . 106-8. 

a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 

a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. 

a ndn dl yau, do that way. 275-1. 

ahirdla, you have treated me. 166-12. 

a x5 wit la, it would happen to him. 223-1. 

axdlade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. 

a x5 dil la, we could do with him. 116-16. 

ad! yau wei, it is coming (will happen). 104-14. 

a dl ya teL, it would do. 234-11. 

a ten, did it. 

a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. 

atinweste, had done. 325-10. 

atinte, (Indians) will do. 215-9. 

a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5. 

akillau, they did. 266-13. 

atdLen, what they do. 322-1. 

a kyo le, you do. 1 98-2. 

a kyu wil lei Ul te, it will do. 236-3. 

ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11. 

xa ai ya x5l in ^x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1. 

xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. 

xaainnu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. 

xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. 

xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. 

xaauirdlyate, I am going to do what. 202-8. 

xaayaiLin^x, they did that. 105-10. 

xaawilleLte, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xa ana it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 



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94 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Ajc. Arch. Eth. 

xa ana tell lau, that he did. 260-9. 

xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. 

xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. 

xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. 

xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. 

xa a ^in wes ^e, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

xa a tin win ie, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. 

xa a ^in te, that way will do it. 229-8. 

xa a tcil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1. 

xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12. 

xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. 

xaakydwilleLte, will do that. 211-18. 

daxoadlyaxolan, was dead they found out. 175-11. 

da xo a ^en, who die. 346-4. 

da xd M a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. 

d5 xa SLiito ten, I don't do that. 109-4. 

d5xadndiyau, you don't do that. 343-13. 

do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13. 
c) With verbs of appearing, 

ainie, how he appeared. 209-5. 

a na nu we sin ^e te, you will look. 357-5. 

ana kin nit ^e, it grows. 356-10. 

anee^e, he looked that way. 321-7. 
; a nu wes ^e, he looked. 143-14, 182-2. 

atciniedetc, he is. 351-2. 

akittisseox, smartest. 321-11. 
Xo- prefixed to a verbal root forms a word, usually unlimited 
as to person and number. Several of these are used as auxil- 
iaries and suffixes. 

xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 225-7. 

xo win kilts, it was cold. 169-3. 

x5wittse, it was crowded. 238-9. ^ 

xdlen, she has. 333-9. ] 

xolin, (I wish) was. 340-7. 

xolun, he saw. 144-4,361-16. 

xolunteL, that will do it. 328-9, 209-12. 

xo lit, a noise. 241-2. 



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You 3] Ooddard.^Marphclogy of the Hupa Language. 95 

xtekfttsmiL, on acooont of the cold. 271-11. 
d5x5len, there was none. 159-3, 106-6, 159-2. 
d5 x5 lifif it is gone. 141-8. 
d5 xQb le, there was none. 98-7, 322-5. 

00NJU0ATI0N8. 

When the Hupa verbs are classified according to the syllable 
immediately preceding the root in the definite tenses, they fall 
into four conjugations. There are only three of these syllables 
which characterize the conjugations, the lack of the definite 
tenses being the peculiarit>' of the fourth conjugation. 

By far the greater number of verbs have a syllable preceding 
the root in the definite tenses, which contains w- as its initial 
sound. The form of the remainder of the syllable depends, first, 
upon the number and person of the particular form appearing; 
and, second, upon the class (or voice) in which the verb happens 
to be. The sound w- is alone the constant characteristic of the 
conjugation. In the Hupa language this w- seems to have no 
definite meaning of its own. Its occurrence depends largely or 
wholly upon the prefixes which introduce the verb. Prom other 
Athapascan languages and dialects, it seems probable that its yse 
originally signified the beginning of an act or state. This view 
is borne out by a study of the prefixes which require its use in 
Hupa, and by the fact that certain things, to the Hupa mind 
without origin, do not take verbs with w-. One may say of a 
pond of water which has been caused by rain, win xa, ''water 
Ues there" ; but of the ocean, or a natural lake, nan xa. 

In a precisely parallel manner, the second conjugation has 
n- as the initial sound of the inflected syllable in the definite 
tenses. It occurs in a few cases without a prefix, where the 
meaning shows that the completion of the act is in the mind of 
the speaker, e.g., ninyade, **if he comes," 334-10. Its use, 
however, in most verbs, is governed by the adverbial prefixes 
which precede it. These for the most part are consistent with the 
meaning of completion, as n^, meaning the placing of some- 
thing in a position of rest, or the cessation of motion. 

Without exact parallelism of forms, the third conjugation is 
made up of verbs having s as the characteristic of the inflected 



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96 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Era. 

syllable. In meaning, verbs of this conjugation are in contrast 
with the two preceding conjugations, in that the act or state is 
conceived as existing over considerable extent of time or space. 
Xaisyai, **he came up the hill"; xaisxan, **he brought 
water up the hill"; xawinyai, **he came out of the smoke- 
hole"; xawinxan, **he took water out of a well." In some 
cases where there is chance for confusion -s is found in all the 
forms of the verb, to make it clear that the longer or more con- 
tinued act is the one meant. 

After the verbs belonging to the three preceding conjugations 
have been eliminated there remains a considerable number which 
differ in form from the others in that they have none of the 
definite tenses, but usually form a past from the indefinite pres- 
ent by a change in the length or the form of the root syllable. 
As regards the meaning of the verbs of this fourth conjugation, 
they may be said to constitute a class, rather indefinite in its 
boundary lines, which includes verbs of general rather than 
specific meaning. Among these are the verbs of doing, speaking, 
hearing, seeing, dying, and many others. 

The first and third conjugations are subdivided according to 
the phonetic changes suffered after various prefixes. 

Class I. 

Conjugation 1a. 

Tee xauir, he is catching. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. iuii?xautr itdexautr 

2. inxauM? oxauii? 

3. tcexauii? yaxauto 
3a. yexauic yaixauw? 

Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. doxolin iuwxauu) doxolin itdexau«? 

2. in xauir o xauw 

3. tee xauir ya xauic 
3a. ye xauir yai xautr 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard.^Morphdogy of the Hupa Language. 



97 



Angular. 

2. inxauiT 

3. tc5xauii? 
3a. yoxauir 

Singiilar. 

1. eiAii?zautr 

2. einxauir 

3. tceezauto 
3a. yeexauir 

1. wexfifi 

2. winxM 

3. tcliwinxfln 
3a. ytlwifixM 

Singular. 

1. wexan 

2. winxan 

3. tcti winxan 
3a. ytlwifixan 



Imperative. 

PlttraL 
dxauir 
ya tec xautr 
yai yo xautr 

CuBtomary. 

PlttraL 

e it de xauir 
e 5 xautr 
ya e xauir 
yai e xautr 

Present Definite. 
PlttraL 
witdexM 
woxun 
y a winxan 
yaiwinx&fi 

Pa«t Definite. 

PloraL 
wit de xan 
wdxan 
ya win xan 
yai wifi xan 



Thb Signs op Pkbson and Number. 

Since the verb whoee conjugation is given above has no prefix, 
the present tense shows only the root with the signs of person 
and number preceding. The customary tense has the same form 
as the present except the tense sign -e-, which precedes the 
signs of person in the first and second person singular and 
plural, but stands between the sign and the root in the third 
person. 

First Person. — The sign of the first person singular appears 
as ivLW'. The first sound, represented by i, is one of the 
weakest of the Hupa vowels, and often appears as the support 
of consonants which, in other cases, are attached to the preceding 
or succeeding syllables. The second sound, represented by tl, 
is a glide formed by the passage of the vocal organs from the 
position of i to that of the following sound. It is close in 



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98 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

quality and quite short in duration. The final sound is made by 
unvoiced breath passing through the mouth, which is in the 
position of w. This is evidently related to the pronoun of the 
first person singular, htce. The other dialects of the Pacific 
Division of the Athapascan languages have -ic- or -is- for 
the sign of the first person singular of the present tense. The 
corresponding pronoun in those dialects is cl or ce.^ 

First Person Plural. In the plural of the first person it de- 
is found as the sign. The constant portion of this sign appears 
to be that represented by d. Its vowel, or vowel plus a conso- 
nant, seems to depend on the following sound, as so often hap- 
pens in the Hupa language. When the following syllable begins 
with a consonant, the syllable ends with the same or a closely 
related consonant. The vowel is usually i, but in the case of 
post-palatal k, fi is frequently employed, as it might also be 
in the present case. Some speakers say itduxxauir. The 
first &Qrllable of this sign, it, seems to consist of the weak vowel 
i, which, not being able to stand in an open syllable, has taken 
over the corresponding surd from the following sonant, d. That 
this is the truth would appear from the fact that in case of a 
preceding prefix the syllable disappears, the vowel apparently 
contracting with it. 

There is no apparent connection between this sign and the 
pronoun of the first person plural, ne he. 

Second Person Singular. — For the sign of the second person 
singular in- appears. As will be seen later, this becomes in- 
before dentals and im- before m, the only labial. When the 
sign follows a prefix ending in a vowel, n appears as the final 
sound of the prefix. This sign, -n or in, is perhaps connected 
with the personal pronoun of the second person singular, nin. 

Second Person Plural. — In this case the vowel o- stands 
alone, forming the initial syllable. It is of normal length but 
somewhat more open than the more frequent sound, and aspir- 
ated. While it does not approach the sound of the so-called short 
o in English, it impresses the ear as dull in quality. It may or 
may not be related genetically with the vowel of the personal 
pronoun of the second person plural, nohin. 

^ This phonetic change of c to hio and nw is regular between the 
other dialects of this group and Hupa. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard.— Morphology of ike Hupa Language, 99 

Third Person Singular. — Two fomui occur in Hupa for the 
third person of pronouns. The first form given is that used in 
speaking of adult members of the Hupa people. The second form 
is used when speaking of Hupa children, and sometimes of aged 
people; of members of other tribes and races; and of animals. 
The first form begins with tc-, which are constant Before 
vowels the syllable usually ends in e. Before consonants it takes 
over the omsonant, or its surd in the case of a sonant The 
vowel in that case is i, or before k, fi. In the present case 
the vowel is distinguished with difficulty, being either e, as is 
written here, or {L It is equally hard to determine whether the 
X belongs to both syllables or only to the last. 

There is no personal pronoun from which this sign could have 
been derived. The fact that it applies only to a certain class 
would point to a demonstrative origin. 

The second form has y for its initial sound, and makes the 
same combinations with the following sounds that tc do in 
the first form, except that before vowels it has i for its vowel, 
instead of e. It may well be connected with the demonstrative 
pronoun y5. 

Third Person Plural. — As in the singular, two forms appear. 
The first, ya-, is everywhere the sign of the third person plural 
in the verb, and is also the sign of the plural in the demonstra- 
tive pronoun, as has been shown above. The second form is yai-. 
The diphthong in this case has the clear, prominent sound of I 
as its last element. 

Imperative. 

The first and second persons singular and plural of the pres- 
ent may be used of future intended action. The first person may 
mean either that the speaker is actually doing the thing or only 
that he announces his intention or desire to immediately begin 
doing it. The second person singular and plural may not only 
mean that the person sp<Aen to is doing the thing, usually quite 
unnecessary information, or they may convey the command or 
exhortation to do it 

In the place of the third person of the present a different 
form is used which expresses the desire or command that a third 
person do the contemplated thing. For adult Hupa the form is 



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100 



University of California PuhUcaiions, [-A^- Arch. Eth. 



tco-, which characterizes both singular and plural, but with a 
preceding syllable^ ya-, in the plural. For all others the form 
is either yo- or 5-. This third person with 6, alone or in 
combination, may be connected with a future tense found in 
Navaho which also has an o. 

Definite Tenses, 

In the definite tenses, if it is assumed that the tense-mode sign 
is W-, nothing is found diflferent from the person and number 
signs already discussed except the first person singular and the 
third person singular and plural. 

First Person Singular, — Proceeding on the assumption that 
w- is the full sign of tense and mode, the personal sign is e, 
the vowel of the first syllable. This conclusion is borne out by 
all the evidence at hand, not only in regard to the Hupa lan- 
guage, but by other Athapascan languages as well. This vowel is 
of normal length and but slightly dulled as compared with the 
usual open e. It is sometimes heard approaching close e, but 
on longer acquaintance is easily distinguished from it, except 
when it is followed by y. There seems to be nothing elsewhere 
in the language, either in the pronoun or verb, with which to 
connect it. 

Third Person Singular and Plural, — The sign of the third 
person precedes instead of following the tense sign. The vowel 
u in the forms of the singular is due to the following w. If 
the assumption that w- is the tense sign holds good, in of 
the middle syllable remains unexplained. 

Intransitive verb, with a different root in the plural. (Irreg- 
ular,) 



Ye tcin nautr. 


he goes in. 
Present Indefinite. 




Bingular. 


Dual. 


Plural. 


1. yeiut(?hi(7aut(? 


yeediL 


yeyaidiL 


2. yeinyautr 


ye 6 diL 




3. yetcinnauu? 


ye tcin diL 


ye ya in diL 


3a. ye in nsLUU) 


ye in diL 


yeyundiL 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langwige. 



101 





Impotential. 




Singular. 


DnaL 


PhiraL 


1. do xd lin ye iHw hirantc d5 xd lin ye e dil 


yeyaidil 


2. ye ifi yantc 


ye6dil 




3. yetcmnauic yetcindil yayaindil 


3a. ye in nauir 


ye in dil ye yiin dil 




Imperative. 




Singiilar. 


Dual 


PluraL 


1. yeiuirhtra 


yeediL (yeeL) 




2. yeinyauK? 


ye6diL 




3. yetcoya 


yete6ndiL 


yeyatc6ndiL 


3a.ye6ya 


yeSndiL 
Customary. 


yeyaSndiL 


Singular. 


Dual. 


PluraL 


1. yeeiatrhtrautr 


ye e e dil 


yeyaedil 


2. yeeinyauic 


ye 6 6 dil 




3. ye tee in naatr 


ye tee in dil 


ye ya in dil 


3a. ye e in naair 


ye e in dil 
Present Definite. 


ye ya in dil 


Singnlar. 


Dual, 


PluraL 


1. yeweya 


yewedeL (yeweL) 


yeyaideL 


2. yewifiya 


ye w6 deL 




3. yetcdwinya 


yetctiwindeL 


ye ya win deL 


3a. yewifiya 


ye win deL 
Past Definite. 


yeyandeL 


Singular. 


DuaL 


Plural. 


1. yeweyai 


yewedeL 


yeyaideL 


2. yewinyai 


ye wo deL 




3. yetcflwinyai 


yetcfiwindeL 


ye ya win deL 


3a. yewinyai 


ye win deL 


yeyan deL 



Intransitive verbs like the one given above have the same 
signs to indicate the person and number as the transitive^ with 
the exception of the first person dual. Instead of it de, e is 
found. This is to be compared, perhaps, with the sign of the 
first person singnlar of the definite tenses. The number is espe- 



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102 University of Calif omia Publications, [A^- Arch. Bth. 

cially marked by a root entirely diflferent from that in the sin^- 
lar. These verbs with diflferent roots in the singular and plural, 
and these only, have a separate form for the third person dual. 
The form is the same as that for the singular except for the root 
The third person plural does not have the sign of the third 
person found in the dual and singular, but has the regular sign 
of the plural, ya. 

The verb conjugated above is somewhat irregular. In the 
indefinite tenses the root changes its form in the singular for 
each person. It seems probable that this is a phonetic change, 
and that the root is -yautr, modified in the first person by the 
sign for that person, hu;. In the definite tenses where this 
is not found the root has its regular form. If this surmise 
is correct, the second person needs no explanation and the third 
person has been infected by n, which appears also in the third 
person plural. The presence of this n in the plural and dual 
is the second irregularity to be noticed. It occurs in almost 
all circumstances with this root. 

To this subdivision of the conjugation belong verbs without 
a prefix and those having for prefixes ye-, Le-, da-, and te-. 
With these prefixes no contractions take place. 

ye i yoL, cust. 3 sing., she blew in. 302-8. 

yeinyauu?, imp. 2 sing., go in. 305-9. 

ye in tuL ne, imp. 2 sing., you must step in. 209-2. 

yeweyate, fut def. 1 sing., I am going into it. 314-3. 

yewinya, pres. 3a sing., one come in. 305-8. 

yewinyayexolun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had gone in. 
118-5. 

ye win deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, they will go in. 255-3. 

ye nai diL, imp. 1 dual, let us go in. 210-13. 

yenawillos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it in. 190-2. 

ye na wo deL te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will travel in. 361-12. 

ye niin dauii?, imp. 2 sing., come in. 98-17, 192-7. 

ye tee il lutr, cust. 3 sing., he used to take in. 288-2. 

ye tcin nautr, pres. 3 sing., they will come in. 231-6. 

ye tcu wim meL, past def. 3 sing., they put in. 200-5. 

yetcuwinya, pres. def. 3 sing., they came in. 231-8. 

yetcuwinyai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 97-3, 231-5. 



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▼oL. 3] GoddarcL— Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 103 

yetctiwinyahit, prw. def. 3 sing., when she went in. 

246-5. 
yetctl win zan, past def. 3 sing., she brought in. 209-10. 
yetctlwindeL, past def . 3 dual, they went in. 278-4. 
ye tcH win tan, past def. 3 sing, he put in. 96-13. 
yl de ttL wifi 3rai, past def. 3 sing., north he was lost. 342-9. 
ytlwinyan, past def. 3a sing., she ate it 319-5. 
yH win yM hiriin te, fut def. 3a sing., one must eat 233-2 
yfLwinyftnte, fut def. 3a sing., how are they going to 

eat them t 100-14. 
wifi yen nei, past def. 3a sing, he was able to stand. 220-11 
win xa, past def. 3a sing., water lay. 101-13, 141-1. 
wifixate, fut def. 3a sing., water will stay. 112-9. 
win tetc, pres. def. 3a dual, dogs lay there. 322-4. 
win tcwtl, past def. 2 sing., yon have cried. 337-14. 
LeyetcHwinyefUc, past def. 3 sing., he jammed in. 

143-10. 
lin win ^en nei, past def. 3 sing., she called him. 139-9. 
La win ten, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. 
da tcH wifi an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it 210-6. 
da tciL wifi en, past def. 3 sing., he put fire on it 119-15. 
da tctl win xfits, past def. 3 sing., he flew up there. 114-1. 
daufixfis, imp. 2 sing., fly. 114-2. 
daeititrtllir, cust. 1 sing., I put 247-7. 
daeiairkel, cust. 1 sing., I held under. 337-14. 
dOtctiwifixan, past def. 3 sing., he does not catch any. 

257-9. 
ddtcHwinxiinte, fut def. 8 sing., he does not catch. 

256-6. 
tewafitte, fut. def. 1 sing., in the water I will throw. 

111-17. 
tewineL, past def. 3a plu., they stand out. 283-14. 
te ted win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 342-6. 
tetcti win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 101-14 
tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he was lost. 122-1. 
tee win yeutr, past def. 3 sing., she rubbing (rubbed) 

them. 301-5. 
tcu win aL, past def. 3 sing., he chewed. 121-12, 330-4. 



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104 



Universiiy of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 



tcuwinyanne, past del 3 sing., he has eaten. 311-11. 
tcuwinyen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 109-11, 203-5. 
teti win yun sil len te, fut. def. 3 sing., he eats it seems. 

233-3. 
teti win yun teL de, fut. def. 3 sing., he would eat. 267-17. 
tcuwinnas, past def. 3 sing., he scraped the bark off. 

347-12. 
tcu win da, past def. 3 sing., he stayed. 97-3, 165-13. 
tcuwintsit, past def. 3 sing., he pounded. 114-4, 319-8. 
teti win tewen, past def. 3 sing., he defecated. 110-6. 
teti win tcwu, past def. 3 sing., he cried. 150-7, 336-8. 

Conjugation 1b. 
Tamas, he is rolling over. 

Present Indefinite. 



Singiilar. 

1. yauirmas 

2. yiimmas 

3. yamas 
3a. yamas 

Bingolar. 

1. do xd lin yauM? mas 

2. 3rummas 

3. yamas 
3a. ya mas 

Singular. 

2. yum mas 

3. ya ted mas 
3a. yaomas 

Singular. 

1. yaiuirmas 

2. yaimmas 

3. yaimmas 
3a. yaimmas 



Plural 
ya dim mas 
yamas 
ya yamas 
ya yamas 

Impotential. 

Plural, 
do x5 lin ya dim mas 
yamas 
ya yamas 
ya yamas 

Imperative. 

PluraL 
yamas 
yayatcomas 
y a y a 5 mas 

Customary. 

Plural, 
ya it dim mas 
yadmas 
y a ya im mas 
ya ya im mas 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 105 

Present Definite. 
Singular. PhiraL 

1. yai mas ya wit dim mas 

2. yawimmas yawdmas 

3. yawimmas ya yawimmas 
3a. y&wimmas ya yawimmas 

Past Definite. 
Singular. PloraL 

1. yaimas ya wit dim mas 

2. y& wim mas ya wo mas 

3. yawimmas ya yawimmas 
3a. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas 

Indefinite Tenses, 
First Person Singular. — The regular sign contracts with the 
prefix ya-, resulting in yauir. In this case the glide d unites 
with a to form the diphthong au, which is frequent in Hupa. 

Second Person Singular. — The ending of the first syllable, m, 
is a regular change for n before m of the following syllable. 
The change of vowel from a to u presents some difficulty. 
The most plausible explanation is, perhaps, that a and u, e 
and i are related as strong and weak vowels, as will be seen in 
the consideration of the forms of the roots. Because the syllable 
ya has been forced to take on n or m to show the person, 
it perhaps weakens its vowel to maintain its former weight. One 
would gladly add something as to accent to help out a weak cause, 
but the always weak stress is on the first syllable throughout 
the singular. 

Second Person Plural. — Here again contraction has taken 
place. The 5 has united with the prefix, producing a syllable, 
ending with an aspiration, of greater length and duller quality 
as compared with that in the third person singular. 

Third Person Singular. — No sign for thifi person occurs, as is 
usually the case when the verb has a prefix. In the form applic- 
able to adult Hupa the vowel is sharp and hard in quality, at the 
apex of the vowel triangle or tending toward the so-called short 

Am. Ab€H. Eth. 8. 8. 



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106 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

a of English, while the vowel of the second person plural inclines 
slightly toward o. It is followed by a partial glottal stop. 

The second form applicable to children and others has a 
longer vowel of somewhat flatter quality. 

Definite Tenses. 
The only occasion of remark is in the first person singular 
where the middle syllable disappears, contraction apparently tak- 
ing place. The result is yai-, due most likely to the e, which 
is the sign of the first person singular in the definite tenses. 

As will be observed from the preceding example, certain con- 
ditions allow contractions to take place, forming sub-classes in 
the conjugation. 

Verbs belonging to this form of the conjugation have their 
roots beginning with m, or 1, or with the following weak 
syllables standing before the inflected syllable ; ne or nu, de or 
dti, and ke or kyu. Many or all of the verbs with the weak ^lla- 
bles also appear at times with the forms of subdivision d. 

a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 
115-7. 

ya im mil, cust. 3a sing., it kicked up its legs. 290-2. 

ya yai wim meL tsu, pres. def. 3a plu., he heard them kick 
up their legs. 342-14. 

ya wim mas, past def. 3 sing., he rolled over. 112-15. 

ya wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he took them up. 142-4. 

ya x6 win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. 

ya kyu win dits, past def. 3 plu., they made rope. 151-11. 

me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 

me IntVy pres. 3 sing., it watching. 204-6. 

me luM? te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch. 292-9. 

me nai luw? te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will watch. 217-13. 

me du win tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he was hungry for. 
99-1. 

me dnto tcwin, pres. 1 sing., I want. 254-12. 

nai me, pres. def. 1 sing., I swim in. 311-11. 

nai kyu win xa, past def. 3a sing., it stands. 347-11. 

nauic me, pres. 1 sing., let me swim. 97-15. 

na wim me, past def. 3 sing., he swam. 209-13. 



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▼oL. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 107 

nana! me, past def. 1 sin^., I bathed. 311-8. 

na na im me ei, oust 3 sin^., she always bathed. 311-8. 

nanayawillai, past def. 3 plu., they turned down their 

heads. 139-1. 
na na diL win a, pres. def. 3a sing., it stands. 364-14. 
na na dtl win eL, past def, 3a plu., they stuck up. 106-14. 
na nu win dik, past def. 3 sing., they formed a line. 216-17 
na xoi kytl will an, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 

121-9. 
nadetewitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 277-1. 
na dd wiii a, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 158-6. 
nadtiwinate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will stick up. 204-2. 
na du win eL, past def. 3 plu., they stuck up. 106-3. 
na dii win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he let go. 272-18, 106-17. 
na kyu win a tsiL, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 

186-12. 
na kyu win yiin te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will eat. 356-3. 
nakyHwinxa, pres. def. 3a sing., it grows. 364-11. 
nikkydwfin, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it make you 

sleep). 294-5. 
nik kyu wiii nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 

252-11. 
noi du win taL xd IM, pres. def. 3a sing., he had made a 

track. 292-5. 
no na dd win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped away. 

223-11. 
no dd win taL xd Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had made a 

track he saw. 185-12. 
htrik kyo wiifi, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it 

put me to sleep). 121-6. 
xanuwinte, past def. 3 sing., she looked for it. 111-3. 
xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7. 
xoL da na du win a ei, past def. 3 sing., with him it stuck 

up. 203-5. 
xon a na du wil lau, past def. 3 sing., they painted them- 
selves. 215-11. 
x6 kyu win nan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 203-1. 
da ya du win an, past def. 3 plu., they took away. 171-14. 



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108 University of California Publications. [^^ Abch. Eth. 

danayaiduwinan, past def. 3a plu., they brought it 

back. 365-15. 
da na x6 du win an, past def. 3 plu., they ran back. 181-6. 
da na na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 203-10. 
da no du win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped. 120-3. 
datcitduwiuLat, past def. 3 sing., he started to run. 

176-11. 
dakytiwinxaei, past def. 3a sing., it stood. 242-3. 
de wim min te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be filled (full). 

253-11. 
de na de imc mil, cust. 1 sing,, I put in the fire. 247-9. 
de na du wil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 

255-15. 
de na du win un te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 

258-2. 
de de im mil, cust 3 sing., he pushed them into the fire. 

165-6. 
dedtiwillai, past def. 3 sing., he put on the fire. 266-11. 
dedu wil late, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 

255-15. 
dedu wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he threw in the fire. 

165-10. 
dedu win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in incense. 266-16. 
de du win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put them in. 150-4. 
dedutrtun, pres. 1 sing., let me put them in the fire. 

150-4. 
do me dutr tcwin, pres. 1 sing., I do not want. 97-8. 
do kyu we htran, past def. 1 sing., I don't eat. 355-15. 
duwinxuts, past def. 3a sing., it came off. 157-7. 
du win teat, past def. 3a sing., it got sick. 241-9. 
du win tea te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will get sick. 242-15. 
du win kun te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will lean up on edge. 

343-13. 
te n5 du win taL, past def. 3 sing., in the water he stepped. 

120-3. 
to on nu win tcwit ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., water she was 

to bring. 111-3. 
to on tcwit, pres. 3 sing., water to bring. 110-16. 



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Vol. S] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 



109 



tcit du wim mite, past def . 3 sing., she broke it off. 287-2. 
tcit dti wim mite hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she broke it 

off. 287-4. 
tcit du win tea te, fut. def. 3 sing., she was going to be 

sick. 286-7. 
tcit du win tcwit te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will shoot. 151-16. 
kin jrfin, imp. 2 sing., eat it. 166-6. 
kit du win kil, past def. 3 sing., the bank slid out. 252-4. 
kydyawinhiral, past def. 3 plu., they fished. 328-3. 
kySyun, imp. 2 plu., eat. 192-2. 
kyohtralle, pres. 3 sing., somebody hooking. 106-15. 
kyuwinyan, past def. 3 sing., he went to eating. 98-18. 
kyu win nan x5 Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 

347-1. 
kyUwinxa, past def. 3 sing., she left standing. 289-8. 
kyti win dil, past def. 3a sing., there was a ringing noise. 

96-2. 
kyu win diL tsfl, pres. def. 3 sing., a jingling noise. 293-3. 
kyuwinditste, fut. def. 3 sing., to make rope. 151-6, 8. 
kyuwinket, past def. 3a sing., it creaked. 114-17, 140-3. 
kyuii? tcwit, pres, 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. 

Conjugation Ic. 
Na lit, he is burning it. 

Present Indefinite. 



Singular. 


Plural 


1. nautcLit 


na diL Lit 


2. nflniit 


naiit 


3. naiit 


nayaiLiit 


3a. naiiit 


na yai Lit 




Impotential. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. d5 xo lin nauir lit 


doxolin na diL Lit 


2. niin lit 


na Lit 


3. naiit 


na ya iL Lit 


3a. nai Lit 


na yai Lit 



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110 



University of California Ptiblications, [Am. Aecsh. Bth. 



Singular. 

2. nun lit 

3. natcoiit 
3a. naidiit 

Singular. 

1. naiutTLit 

2. nainiit 

3. naiLiit 
3a. naiiLiit 

Singular. 

1. naiiit 

2. nan Lit 

3. na win lit 
3a. naiwiniit 

Singular. 

1. naiiit 

2. nan Lit 

3. na win Lit 
3a. naiwinLit 



Imperative. 

Plural. 

naLit 

na ya tc5 Lit 

nayaioLit 

Customary. 

Plural, 
na it diL Lit 
nadLit 
na ya iL Lit 
nayaiiLLit 

Present Definite. 
Plural. 

na wit diL Lit 
na wo Lit 
nayawiuLit 
na yai win Lit 

Past Definite. 
Plural. 

na wit diL Lit 
na wo Lit 
na y a win Lit 
na yai win Lit 



Certain prefixes permit the same contractions that appear in 
the last case, and in addition allow contraction in the second 
person singular of the definite tenses. The middle syllable dis- 
appears, leaving n, the sign of the second person singular, as 
the final sound of the fiu«t syllable. The following prefixes char- 
acterize verbs of this class : ya-, me-, na-, xa-, sa-, and ke-. 

a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get. 
338-9. 

ya a a, cust. 3 sing., he sat. 150-8. 

ya a wuM?, cust. 3 sing., he always takes on his back. 195-6. 

yawina, pres. def. 3 sing., sitting. 162-11. 

yawinan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up (stone). 342-1. 

yawina hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he sat. 174-6. 

ya win en, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 210-4. 



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VcM*. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 111 

ya win eL, pres, def . 3 dual, they were sitting there. 181-8. 
ya win xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 337-6. 
ya win tan, past def. 3 sing., he took. 108-18. 
yawintfmhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he picked it up. 

202-6. 
yawinkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 143-15. 
yan a, pres. def. 3 sing., why do you sit there. 171-3. 
yanawinai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 136-6. 
yanawinaye, pres. def. 3 sing., he sitting down. 120-5. 
ya na win en, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 172-1. 
yanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 112-11. 
me it ^an, cust. 3 sing., he stuck to it 202-3. 
me win tan ne, past def. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-7. 
missaix^te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put in its mouth. 

243-16. 
missawinziinte, fut def. 3 sing., in his mouth she will 

put. 243-10. 
missMxauirne, imp. 2 sing., its mouth put it in. 246-14. 
na win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 106-3. 
na win lit, past def. 3 sing., she burned it. 311-12. 
na win kuts, past def. 3 sing., he became cold. 330-4. 
na nai ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to live. 218-2. 
na na win an, past def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-10. 
na na win M xd Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 

176-17. 
nana win tan, past def. 3 sing., he took down. 97-16. 
nadiL, pres. 3 dual, they living. 321-3. 
xai fin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will take out. 135-5. 
xauii? auir, pres. 1 sing., I am going to take out. 135-7. 
xawinan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 100-10, 135-8. 
xe e win q5tc ei tsiL, past def. 3 sing., he heard him lope 

away. 175-8. 
xot da win yai, past def. 3 sing., he went down. 272-3. 
sa win xan, past def. 3 sing., he put it into her mouth. 

278-10. 
dayawinai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 360-6. 
da ya win a ye, pres. def. 3 sing., someone was sitting. 

337-2. 



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112 University of CaUfomia Publications, [Am. Aboh. Eth. 

da ya na win ai, past def . 3 sing., he was sitting. 162-2. 
da na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it down. 97-13. 
do xa BXkw, pres. 3 sing., one doesn't dig. 135-3. 
do x6 lin nun yai, impot. 2 sing., you may not live. 257-9. 
dosaixautr, pres. 3a sing., one can't swallow. 141-2. 
kewinxuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell over. 105-17. 
kis sa win ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will go into some- 
body's mouth. 257-5. 

Conjugation Id. 

Kit ^us, he cuts open. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. "kyvLWt^ kitditius 

2. kinfiis ky5^ 

3. kit Ms yakitfus 
3a. yikit^us yaikitfus 

Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. d6 x6 lin kyu«? *us do xo lin kit dit tv& 

2. kin ^us ky5 1^ 

3. kit«is yakitius 
3a. yi kit ius yai kit ids 

Imperative. 
Singular. Plural. 

2. kinius kyofus 

3. kyo^us yakyoMs 
3a. yikyoMs yaikyo^fls 

Customary. 
Singular. PluraL 

1. keiuii?^fis keitdit^us 

2. kein^ keofus 

3. keitfus yakeit^us 
3a. yikeittus yaikeit^us 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 113 

Present Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. ke^ats kytl wit dit tatfi 

2. kytLwin^ats kytlwdtatB 

3. kin tats ya kin tats 
3a. yi kin tats yai kin tats 

Past Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. ketats kyii wit dit tats 

2. kyu win tats kytlwotats 

3. kin tats ya kin tats 
3a. yi kin tats yai kin tats 

Certain prefixed and inserted syllables with weak vowels have 
in the present the signs of person and number of sub-class a, 
jointed to the consonant of the syllable. In the definite tenses 
contraction takes place in the first person singular and in the 
third person singular and plural. The second person singular 
does not contract, the weak syllable taking the vowel tl from the 
following w. 

This subgroup is characterized by syllables standing before 
the inflected syllable, which have d, or k, ky for their initial 
letters and are completed as is usual with weak syllables. There 
seems to be no way of distinguishing these verbs from those given 
under b above, except that those in this class always have some 
prefix preceding the weak syllable, while those in b may have 
such prefixes or may lack them. 

yayakinen, past def. 3 plu., they packed up. 164-4. 

ya na ke u wfiir, cust. 3 sing., he used to pack up. 237-7. 

ya na kil lai, past def. 3 sing., he took in his hand. 337-7. 

yana kin en, past def. 3 sing., he packed up. 238-3. 

ya ke wuM? htcei, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it away. 
162-4. 

ya kin wuii?, imp. 2 sing., c^ry it. 105-18. 

yakinwenne, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it off. 
163-4. 

ye kin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought in. 192-3. 

ye kin nen den, past def. 3 sing., light shone in. 305-6. 



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114 



University of California Publications. [Am. Abch. Bth. 



min no kin tdl, past def . 3 sing., he opened it. 113-5. 
naikeits, pres. 3 sing., to shoot at a mark. 305-2. 
hirissakinits, imp. 2 sing., my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 
xa kin its, pres. def. 3 sing., it shoot up. 158-7. 
xo sa kin its, past def. 3 sing., in his mouth he shot. 1 18-14. 
dakinyunte, fut. def. 3 sing., to chew oflP (bowstrings). 

151-9. 
tekeitste, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot in. 112-9. 
te kin its, past def. 3 sing., he shot in. 112-10. 
kit din kil ei, past def. 3 sing., it broke out. 102-2. 



Conjugation 1b. 

Too xai, he is buying. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singalar. Plural. 

1. outrxai ode xai 

2. on xai oxai 

3. too xai tcoyaxai 
3a. yoxai yoyaxai 



Singular. 

1. d5 XO lin ouu? xait 

2. on xait 

3. ted xait 
3a. yo xait 

Singular. 

2. on xai 

3. tc55xai 
3a. y5 6xai 

Singular. 

1. oiut^xait 

2. din xait 

3. tedexait 
3a. yoexait 



Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin ode xait 
5 xait 
too ya xait 
y 6 y a xait 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

oxai 

tc5 ya 6 xai 

yo y a 6 xai 

Customary. 

Plural. 

5 it de xait 
5 5 xait 
tco ya xait 
yo ya xait 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 116 

Present Definite. 
Singular. PluraL 

1. oixai dwitdexai 

2. dnxai dwdxai 

3. tcdnxai tcoyanxai 
3a. yonxai yoyaiixai 

Past Definite. 
Singular. PloraL 

1. oixait owitdexait 

2. onxait owdxait 

3. tconxait tedyanxait 
3a. yonxait ySyanxait 

A few verbs with a prefix 5- show peculiarities. In the third 
person of all the tense-modes to before the prefix 6, with which 
they form a syllable^ occur not only where they might be expected 
in the singular, but in the plural as well. Even in the singular 
one would expect to find them after, not before, the prefix. In 
the definite tenses contraction takes place throughout the singular 
and in the third person plural. The conjugation sign w appears 
only in the first and second persons of the plural. 

yaxonits, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 166-8. 

yo e its, cust. 3a sing., he shot at it. 157-11. 

ydntan, past def. 3a sing., he kept. 96-8. 

ySxai (nanakisdeL), pres. 3a sing., to buy they came 
back. 200-7. 

yo xai x6 win sen, pres. 3a sing., they all began to buy. 
200-3. 

dooiliinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will quit. 255-5. 

do y6 lun te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will quit. 231-1. 

do tco wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., she will quit. 157-10, 242-13 

do tc5 wil IM, pres. 3 sing., he stopped. 234-2. 

do tc5 x5 wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he left (him). 343-9. 

do tco xo na wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 343-8. 

tco yan its, past def. 3 sing., they began to shoot. 144-12. 

tco nan tan, past def. 3 sing., he held it. 314-9. 

tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. 



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116 



University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 



Conjugation 2. 
No ut, he is throwing down a blanket. 
Present Indefinite. 



Singular. 

1. ndtuut 

2. ndnut 

3. no lit 
3a. noiut 

SinffQlar. 

1. do x5 lin now ut 

2. noil ut 

3. no ut 
3a. noi ut 

Singular. 

2. nonut 

3. notcout 
3a. noyout 

Singular. 

1. ndiuie'iit 

2. ndinut 

3. noeut 
3a. noieut 

Singular. 

1. nonaut 

2. noninut 

3. noninut 
3a. noininut 

Singular. 

1. nonaut 

2. noninut 

3. noninut 
3a. noininut 



Plural, 
no de iit 
noiit 
no ya ut 
no yai ut 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin n5deut 
nout 
no ya ut 
no yai ut 
Imperative. 

Plural. 

nout 

no ya tco ut 

noyaiyout 

Customary. 

Plural. 

no it de ut 
no out 
no y a e ut 
no yai e iit 

Present Definite. 
Plural. 

non da ut 
no no iit 
noyaninut 
no yai nin lit 

Past Definite. 
Plural. 

non da iit 
no no lit 
no y a nin ut 
no yai nin iit 



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You 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 



117 



Intransitive with root changing for the plural. 


Tee naiiir, he goea 


I out 
Present Indefinite. 




Smgnlar. 


Dual. 


Plural. 


1. tcehirautr 


tee neL 


tee ya neL 


2. teenyauir 


tee nd diL 




3. tcenauir 


tee in diL 


tee ya in diL 


3a. tee nauir 


tcin diL 

Impotential. 


tceyfmdiL 


8in^lar. 


Dual. 


PluraL 


1. d5 xd lin tee hirauir 


ddxolin tcenedil 


tee ya ne dil 


2. teen yautr 


tee n6 dil 




3. tee nautr 


toe in dil 


tee ya in dil 


3a. tee nauir 


tcin dil 
Imperative. 


tee y&n dil 


Singular. 


Dual. 


Plural. 


1. teehtra 


tee neL 


tee ya neL 


2. teenyauir 


tee no diL (tc<»diL) 




3. tcetc6ya 


tee teon diL 


tee ya tcon diL 


3a.tce6ya 


tee 6n diL 

Customary. 


tee ya on diL 


Singular. 


Dual. 


PluraL 


1. tee iutr hM^auu? 


tee e dil 


tceyaedil 


2. teeinyaui^ 


tee 6 dil 




3. toeinnautr 


tee in dil 


tee ya in dil 


3a. tee in nauir 


tee in dil 
Present Definite. 


tee ya in dil 


Singular. 


Dual. 


Plural. 


1. teeneya 


tee ne deL 


tee ya ne deL 


2. tceninya 


tee no deL 




3. tceninya 


tee nin deL 


tee ya nin deL 


3a. tcin ya 


tcin deL 
Past Definite. 


tceyundeL 


Singular. 


Dual. 


Plural. 


1. tceneyai 


tee ne deL 


tee ya ne deL 


2. teeninyai 


tee no deL 




3. teeninyai 


tee nin deL 


tee ya nin deL 


3a. tcin yai 


tcin deL 


tee yun deL 



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118 University of CaUformaPubUcatians. [ Am. Abch. i>ra. 

The verbs of this eonjugatioo have the same sign for person 
and nmnber which have been noted in Conjugation 1. The <mly 
difference in fonn between the two conjugations is the initial n 
instead of w in the definite tenses, 

adittcinnonilhide, pres. 3 sing., she put with herself. 

302-10. 
yaninyai^ past def. 3 sing., he went (between two). 138-15 
ya nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-9. 
ya nin deL hit,, pres. 3 dual, when they came. 170-16. 
wai e xus sei, cust 3 sing., he threw at her. 333-1. 
wa im mil, cust. 3 sing., he always distributes them. 195-8. 
wa kin nil lit xd Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., they were (had) 

burned through. 119-3. 
wakinninseLxolan, pres. def. 3 sing., it was heated 

throng he saw. 329-16. 
wun no kin ml lai, past def. 3 sing., she put her hand on. 

246-10. 
Le il loi, cust 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. 
Lenaiyundillate, tuL def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire 

burning. 169-6. 
Le na il lutr, cust. 3 sing., she started the fire. 153-1. 
Lenalntr, pres. 3 sing., he built (builds) a fire. 235-14. 
Le na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he built a fire. 120-10. 
Le na nil la xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., a fire he had built he 

saw. 186-3. 
Le na nil la te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will build a fire. 356-4. 
Le na nil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will build a fire. 258-2. 
Lena nin deL ei, past. def. 3 dual, they went clear round. 

102-1. 
me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 
me na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 215-11. 
me ne men, past def. 3 sing., him he landed. 162-9, 163-11. 
me nil la yei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 216-13. 
me no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he put inside. 328-13. 
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather. 207-4. 
mi nil la yei, past def. 3a sing., the waves came ashore. 

362-4. 
nayanilluirneen, pres. def. 3 plu., which had been lost. 

144-7. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 119 

na ya xon nil lai ei, past def . 3 plu., they took them. 179-8. 
nanayanindeL, past def. 3 plu., they arrived (acroas). 

172-2. 
na na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he won back. 144-9. 
na nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. 
naninyayei, past def. 3 sing., she crossed over. 135-6. 
nanodiL, imp. 2 plu., go away (across!). 266-15. 
nei ya, pres. def. 1 sing., I might go. 203-15. 
nei yai, past def. 1 sing., I came. 174-13. 
nei ya te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will go. 151-7. 
nim meL din, pres. def. 2 sing., the you bring place. 210-7. 
ninyautr, imp. 2 sing., go. 354-3. 
ninyayete, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come. 307-12. 
ninyade, pres. def. 3a sing., if they come. 334-10. 
nin ya te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will reach. 151-15. 
nin xfits, past def. 3a sing., it flew. 113-17. 
ndadinninxan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 

223-9. 
no a din xautr, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. 
ndillutr, cust 3 sing., she put 157-11. 
noi nin yan ne, past def. 3a sing., that far they ate. 347-17 
n5 it to, cust. 3a sing., the water comes. 310-7. 
n6 H wutr, cust. 3 sing., he put down. 237-5. 
noyanin deL, past def. 3 plu., they sat down. 280-5. 
no na iuii? xauic, cust. 1 sing., I leave it. 247-3. 
no na il lUtr, cust. 3 sing., she left ofiF. 332-10. 
no nai nin an, past def. 3a sing., he left. 355-10. 
no nautr auM?, pres. 1 sing., I (never) leave. 248-1. 
non auM? ne, imp. 2 sing., you must put it down. 210-7. 
no nautrnin deL, past def. 3 dual, they came to marry. 

208-11. 
nonayakinninan, past def. 3 plu., they left food. 110-9. 
n5 na ne un, pres. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. 
no na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 117-8. 
ndnanindeL, past def. 3 dual, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. 
no na nin deL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 dual, they had sat down 

he saw. 271-12. 
no na nin tse, past def. 3 sing., he shut a door. 96-9. 



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120 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Aech. Era. 

no na kin autr ne, imp. 2 sing., you must leave. 353-10. 

no na kin nin dn te, fut. def. 3 sing., one should leave. 
215-8. 

no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will leave. 351- 
13, 357-2. 

n6nakin(nin)tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge 
again. 109-1. 

ndnexunte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put. 289-2. 

no nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put. 98-2. 

ndnillayei, past def. 3 sing., they put them. 300-13. 

no nil lit hit, pres. def. 3a sing., when he finished sweat- 
ing. 210-8. 

n5 nin an, past def. 3 sing., he established it. 273-3. 

no nin un hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he finished. 234-7. 

no nin nas, past def. 3 sing., he whittled it down. 197-3. 

ndninut, past def. 3 sing., he threw it. 112-3. 

no nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she put it. 242-7. 

no nin xan nei, past def. 3 sing., she put. 287-7. 

n5 nin xfin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will set it. 290-12. 

no nin xuts, past def. 3 sing., he dropped. 362-9. 

no nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 210-16. 

non xauM? ne, imp. 2 sing., put it. 296-14. 

ndxoniniin, pres. def. 3 sing., they fell in with them. 
179-5. 

no xnw, pres. 3a sing., floats ashore. 346-5. 

no to ^x, pres. 3a sing., water staid. 324-3. 

no ke iuw qot, oust. 1 sing., I always set up. 247-4. 

no kin nin yan, past def. 3 sing., he finished. 209-12. 

no kin nin yotr, past def. 3 sing., scattered about. 145-3. 

no kin nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge. 108-11. 

nuwananelate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. 

nu wa nel la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353 7 

null? auwr, pres. 1 sing., I am going to leave. 157-8. 

xowaya (n)intan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14 

xoL n5 il lit, oust. 3a sing., it quit burning. 336-4. 

xoL no nil lit, past def. 3a sing., it finished burning. 364-7. 

XOL n5 kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 
209-13. 



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Vol. 81 Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 121 

da n5 nin deL, past def . 3 dual, they sat 179-2. 
dittBendnillai, past def. 3 sing., they headed the canoe. 

216-4. 
dit tse n5 nil la xd IM, pree. def. 3 sing., was pointed. 222-4 
ddLenanela, pres. def. 1 sing., I do not build a fire. 

355-14. 
dd nd autr, pres. 3 sing., he never put down. 259-6. 
dd he tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come out. 

162-13. 
ddtceauir, pres. 3 sing., he never took out. 230-12. 
ddtceinnautr, cust. 3 sing., she never came out. 305-3. 
do tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., she never went out. 158-3. 
d5 tee nin deli, past def. 3 dual, they did not come out. 

102-11. 
tee e autr, cust 3 sing., he took out. 333-2. 
tee il iQtr, cust. 3 sing., he used to take out. 230-11. 
tee min nin y5t dei, past def. 3 sing., he drove out a deer. 

217-16. 
tee nautr, pres. 3a sing., smoke coming out. 170-7. 
tee na illin x5 Ian, cust. 3 sing., blood used to run out. 

117-18. 
tcenayaxonmiL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. 
tee na miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 301-13. 
tee nanil lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew out. 119-2. 
tcenanimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he had them thrown 

out. 301-14. 
tee na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 119-3. 
tee na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went back. 267-9. 
tee na nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-13. 
tee ne ya te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will go out. 332-8. 
tee ne yai, past def. 1 sing., I have gone out. 99-14. 
tee nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 143-5. 
tee nil le te, f ut. def. 3 sing., they will dive out. 252-9. 
tcenim mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out. 197-5. 
tee nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took it out. 119-15. 
tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 97-16. 
tee nin ya ne, pres. def. 2 sing., you must go out. 242-1. 
tceninysteneen, fut. def. 3 sing., he was going to come 

out. 162-12. 

Am. Aboh. 1th. S. 8. 



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122 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

tceninyos, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 118-10, 142-2. 
tee nin deL hit, pres. 3 dual, when they came out. 175-11. 
tee nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-4. 
tceninkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw out. 144-1. 
tee kin nin y an, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-2. 
tee kin nin htre, past def. 3 sing., he had finished digging. 

100-9. 
tee kin nin hire ei, past def. 3 sing., he finished digging. 

100-8. 
tcin nim meL, past def. 3 sing., he carried home. 363-1. 
tein nin en, past def. 3 sing., she brought. 137-15. 
tcin nin yayei, past def. 3 sing., he came. 97-1. 
tcinninya win te, pres. def. 3 sing., he always came. 231-9 
tcin nin ya ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he used to come. 306-7 
tcin nin win detc, pres. 3 sing., if he will bring. 137-5. 
kin nin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought it. 97-14. 
kin nin in hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she came with the 

load. 238-1. 







Conjugation 3a. 


Tcilloi, 


he is tying. 






Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. iuwloi 




it dil loi 


2. Uloi 




6 loi 


3. tx^illoi 




ya loi 


3a. yilloi 




yai loi 
Impotential. 


Singnlar. 




PluraL 


l.ddxolin 


into loi 


doxdlin it dil loi 


2. 


illoi 


oloi 


3. 


tcil loi 


yaloi 


3a. 


yilloi 


yai loi 
Imperative. 


Singul&r. 




Plural. 


2. illoi 




oloi 


3. tcoloi 




ya tco loi 


3a. yoloi 




ya yo loi 



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Vol. 31 (ioddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 



128 







Customary. 


SinffulAT. 




Plural. 


1. eiairloi 




e it dil loi 


2. eilloi 




edloi 


3. tceilloi 




ya il loi 


3a. yeilloi 




yai il loi 
Present Definite. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


1. seloi 




sit dil loi 


2. silloi 




s51oi 


3. tcisloi 




ya is loi 


3a. yisloi 




yai is loi 
Past Definite. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. seloi 




sit dil loi 


2. silloi 




sdloi 


3. tojsloi 




ya is loi 


3a. yisloi 




yai is loi 
With a prefix. 


Na Le, he 


\ is painting. 






Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. nautTLe 




na diL Le 


2. ndnLe 




naLe 


3. naLe 




nayaLe 


3a. naiLe 




na yai Le 
Impotential. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


I.d6x6lin 


nautr lH 


ddx51in nadiLLti 


2. 


niinLtL 


naLu 


3. 


naLa 


nayaLu 


3a. 


naiLu 


nayaiLu 



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124 



University of California Publications. [Am. Aboh. B*h. 





Imperative. 




Sinffular. 




Plural. 




2. niinLe 




naLe 




3. natcdiie 




nayatc5Le 




3a. naydr^ 




nayayoLe 






Customary. 




Singular. 




PluraL 




1. naiuioLu 




na it diL lu 




2. nainLu 




naoLu 




3. nalLLu 




na ya iL lu 




3a. naiiLLu 




nayaiiLLu 






Present Definite. 




Singular. 




Plural. 




1. naseLe 




nasdiLLe 




2. nasinLe 




nasoLe 




3. naisLe 




nayaisLe 




3a. naisLe 




nayaisLe 






Past Definite. 




Singular. 




PluraL 




1. naaeLu 




nas diL LU 




2. nasinLti 




nasdLfL 




3. naisLu 




nayaisLti 




3a. naisLu 




na yais lu 




Intransitive tuith the root changing for the pluraL. 


Nawa, he is about. 








Present Indefinite. 




Singular. 


Dual. 




Plural. 


1. nauu^hu^a 


naidiL ( 


naiL) 


nayaidiL 


2. nunya 


nadiL 






3. nawa 


nadiL 




nayadiL 


3a. na wa 


nadiL 




nayadiL 




Impotential. 




Singular. 


DuaL 




Plural. 


1. do xo lin nautr hii?ai 


ddxolin 


naidil 


nayaidil 


2. nunyai 




nadil 




3. na wai 




nadil 


nayadil 


3a. nawai 




nadil 


na ya dil 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa LangtMgt. 



125 





Imperative. 




Singnlar. 


Dual. 


Phml. 


2. nMya 


nadiL 




3. natcdya 


natcodiL 


na ya ted diL 


3a.na5yt 


na 5 diL 

Customary. 


na3ra5diL 


Singular. 


DuaL 


PhiraL 


1. naiiLtrhioa 


naedil 


nayaedil 


2. nainya 


naddil 




3. nalya 


naitdil 


nayaitdil 


Sa.naiya 


naitdil 
Present Definite. 


na ya it dil 


Bingnlar. 


DuaL 


Phml. 


1. naseya 


nasedeL 


na ya se deL 


2. nasinya 


nasodeL 




3. naisya 


na is deL 


nayaisdeL 


Sflknasya 


nasdeL 
Past Definite. 


na yas deL 


Smgnlar. 


Dual 


PluraL 


1. naseya 


nasedeL 


nayasedeL 


2. nafdnya 


nas5deL 




3. naisya 


na is deL 


nayaisdeL 


3a.nasya 


nasdeL 


na yas deL 



This conjugation differs in form from the first and second in 
having in the definite tenses s, instead of the w of the first, 
and the n of the second, as the initial of the syllable preceding 
the root. The difference in meaning is that this conjugation 
mentions the act or state as persisting in time or space and says 
nothing of its beginning or its end. 

Except that in the second person singular of this particular 
example where n, the sign of that person, has been assimilated 
to the following 1, the signs of person and number are exactiy 
the same as those shown by the first conjugation. It will be 
noticed that the third person of the definite tenses does not have 
the n which appears in the first and second conjugation but 
which does not seem to be a personal sign. 



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126 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth 

In the second example given above, naLe, '*he is painting." 
the prefix na- is present. It will be noted that the contractions 
and changes in the present are the same in all respects as those 
in the first conjugation with similar prefixes. In the definite 
tenses it will be seen that the form which applies to adult Hupa 
in the third person has three syllables: first, the prefix; second, 
s, the conjugation sign, with the weak vowel, i ; third, the root. 
According to what the Hupa style **the old-fashioned way of 
talking,'' one would say natcisLu. On the analogy of this, 
nayisLu would be the second form. Its contraction should 
give nais Lti, which occurs in this case. The dropping of tc 
in the first form may be due to analogy with the first and second 
conjugations, which do not employ this sign after such prefixes. 
The other dialects of this group, it may be remarked, have only 
one form for the third person singular, and that is the prefix 
with s as its final sound. 

aLyatesan, past def. 3 plu., with them they took. 361-1. 

a nu we sin fete, fut. def. 2 sing., you will look. 357-5. 

anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. 

a nu wes f e, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 143-14, 182-2. 

in na x5s an, past def. 3 dual, they jumped up. 169-11. 

in nas Lat, past def. Sa sing., it ran up. 295-5. 

in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. 

is lun te, fut. def. 3 sing., birth will be given. 103-4. 

ya is len, past def. 3 plu., they both became. 187-13. 

yaislenei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 110-1. 

ya is loi, past def. 3 plu., they wrapped. 179-7. 

ya wes a, past def. 3 sing., she sat up. 301-2. 

ya na wes a, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 165-17. 

ya nes tetc, past def. 3 plu., they went to bed. 169-7. 

ya xos meL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3. 

yaxosqot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. 

ya xo qot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. 

ya tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 360-4. 

ya wes a, past def. 3a sing., it was in. 153-10. 

ye kyti wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew in. 270-4. 

yekyuwestcete, fut. def. 3 sing., the smoke will blow. 
301-8. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 127 

yis dik, past def . 3a sin?., he pecked. 113-13. 

yit da wes le te, fut. def. 3 sinjr., he will get enough. 267-4. 

yoxainanakisdeL, past def. 3 plu., to buy they came 

back. 200-7. 
ytl wiin na na is dim mit, past def. 3 sing., she turned 

over. 117-4. 
yuwfinnaxOsyti, past def. 3a sing., they ate it. 347-15. 
wunnaiya, cust. 3 sing., he worked on it. 226-2. 
wiin na is ya, past def. 3 sing., he started to make. 362-14. 
wunnaisyaxdlM, pres. def. 3 sing., he had fixed. 170-10. 
w&n na is deL, past def. 3 dual, they started. 101-17. 
wfin nai diL x5 sin x5 Ian, pres. 3 plu., hunting they had 

been he saw. 140-11. 
wfinnadiLte, fut. 3 plu., they will hunt. 311-14. 
Le il loi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. 
Lenaisloi, past def. 3 sing., he tied together. 210-5. 
meenanesdai, past def. 3 sing., hidden he sat watching. 

293-1. 
me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 
me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. 
menaisteei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-8. 
me na ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they started back. 208-16 
menakisloi, past def. 3 sing., he boiuid it up. 145-11. 
me nin tsis deL, past def. 3 plu., in it they danced. 216-5. 
me sit ditc tetc, pres. def. 1 dual, in we would be rying. 

190-4. 
medzesla, past def. 3 sing., she hated him. 189-6. 
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather arrows. 207-4. 
min notes in, pres. def. 3 sing., he is looking under his 

arm. 113-1. 
na ititr loi hit, cust. 1 sing., I tie them up. 247-11. 
na iQu? lu, cust. 1 sing., I paint. 247-12. 
naiaya, pres. def. 3 sing., he walked around. 157-9. 
naisyate, fut. def. 3 sing., he goes. 307-13. 
naisdauweaxolfiii, past def. 3 sing., it had melted 

away. 236-1. 
naisdeL, past def. 3 dual., they had traveled. 181-14. 
naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. 



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128 University of Calif ofmia PvJ>UcaHons. [ Am. Aech. Bth. 

na is din nan, past def . 3 sing., he turned, 
naiste, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. 
naistsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled about. 119-4. 
nayanuwesdillai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 

142-17. 
nayatesin^x, pres. def. 3 sing., she looked. 300-17. 
na lu, pres. 3 sing., which live. 100-7. 
nanaisyaexolan, pres. def. 3 sing., she could walk. 

276-11. 
nanaisyayei, past def. 3 sing., he went back over. 117-6. 
na na is dit tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned around. 314-6. 
nana sin yate, fut. def. 2 sing., you will be. 353-8. 
nanasdeLte, fut. def. 3a plu., they will become. 228-2. 
nanakiswel, past def. 3 sing., he arranged again. 106-7. 
nanakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt around. 106-5. 
nanakislehit, pres. 3 sing., when he had felt. 106-6. 
na ne sin dai, past def. 2 sing., you sat down. 351-1. 
na nes dai, past def. 3 sing., she sat down. 136-2. 
nanesdaxolun, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 270-10. 
nanuwesa, past def. 3 sing., ridge ran across. 363-14. 
na x6 tes an, past def. 3 dual, they ran around. 341-4. 
na sin yate., fut. def. 2 sing., you will travel. 356-2. 
nasyayei, past def. 3a sing., it commenced to walk. 136-9. 
nas deL, past def. 3a dual, they began to walk. 180-16. 
nas deL te, fut. def. 3a dual, they will stay. 253-4. 
na tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they started back. 176-17. 
natse, pres. 3 sing., it rolling around. 157-4. 
nakisyotchirei, past def. 3a sing., it flowed in a circle. 

100-11. 
nakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt. 107-15. 
na kis Lon, past def. 3 sing., she made baskets. 189-5. 
nakisdeL, past def. 3 plu., they came around. 200-2. 
nakisqot, past def. 3 sing., he pushed a stick. 145-12. 
nakisqotte, fut. def. 3 sing., he is feoing to poke. 192-9. 
neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 

328-6. 
neittetc, cust. 3 dual, they always lay. 333-12. 
niL te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 129 

nin is deL, past def . 3 dual, they danced. 104-14. 
nin tsis deL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 215-12. 
Ids date, fnt. def. 3a sing., it would melt away. 259-9. 
htriL te sifi ya te, fnt. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 

187-7. 
zaiz5stennei, past def. 3a sing., it took her up. 239-1. 
zaisyai, past def. 3 sing., he came up. 105-1. 
zaisyadin, pres. def. 3 sing., he got up place. 272-2. 
xa is lai, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 98-16. 
xaiszunhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she had brought 

them up. 99-9. 
za is ten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. 
za kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it 166-4. 
xa na is Ids, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it up. 190-2. 
xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4. 
xo w^ na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. 
xoL ya tes yai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15 
xdL xdt tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3. 
xoL xdt tes niin te, f ut. def. 3 sing., it would move in her. 

341-2. 
xdLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. 
x5l tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. 
XOL tcin nesten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. 
xon na is din ndii hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned 

around. 278-12. 
xotdanawesintcete, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow 

down. 227-6. 
xotdanakyQwesintcete, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow 

down. 227-5. 
xot de isyai, past def. 3 sing., he met him. 105-14. 
xot de ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they met them. 110-8. 
da ne sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go fishing. 256-8. 
datcinnesdai, past def. 3 sing., she fished. 98-14. 
dakitduwestce, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew. 324-4. 
d5 he nas deL ^x, past def. 3a plu., they could not walk 

about. 322-7. 
dd he kiL tcin nesten, past def. 3 sing., he did not have 

intercourse. 104-7. 



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130 University of CaUfomia Publications, [ Am. Aech. Era. 

do tcit tes ya te, f ut. def . 3 sing., he did not feel like going 

on. 281-3. 
tayaifihtral, past def. 3 plu., they caught. 328-4. 
ta na is tan, past def. 3 sing., she took it out of the water. 

325-4. 
ta nai kyti we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., blow out to sea 

with you. 228-5. 
tadesla, pres. def. 3o sing., it has come. 199-3. 
tadeslat, past def. 3 sing., it came. 105-2. 
ta des deL x6 lun, pres. def. 3a plu., they had come ashore. 

101-2. 
tatciswen, past def. 3 sing., he carried out. 120-10. 
te se yai, past def. 1 sing., I went away. 353-6. 
teseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going away. 229-9. 
teselate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to take them. 

253-15. 
tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure. 

116-12. 
tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. 
tes lat dei, past def. 3a sing., it floated. 244-15. 
tes deL ei, past def. 3a plu., they flew away. 159-12. 
tes deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will come. 252-3. 
tsi yun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran oflf. 333-11. 
tsisloi, past def. 3 sing., he made bundles. 142-3. 
tcin nes dai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 96-11. 
tcin nes da te., fut. def. 3 sing., she will sit. 290-14. 
tcis Ian, past def. 3 sing., he was bom. 96-2. 
tcis len, past def. 3 sing., he became. 106-17. 
tcis loi, past def. 3 sing., he played. 144-4. 
tcit tes en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 104-4. 
tcit tes en ne en, past def. 3 sing., he used to look. 104-8. 
tcit tes ill, pres. def. 3 sing., one doesn't look up. 237-9. 
tcit tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he started. 96-10. 
tcit tes ya ye x6 Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had traveled 

he saw. 186-1. 
tcit tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. 
tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., they started by boat. 215-10. 
tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew it. 144-15. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 131 

tcit tes xan, past def . 3 sing., he took along. 342-2. 
tcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-15. 
tcit tes deL te, f ut. def. 3 dual, he was to travel with. 174-9 
tcit tes tiin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he takes along. 317-13. 
tcit tin diL, pres. 3 plu., they are coming. 198-2. 
keisyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up. 137-17. 
keisyayei, past def. 3 sing., she climbed up. 137-12. 
ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. 
kesinqotcei, past def. 2 sing., you climbed up the tree. 

175-1. 
kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 
kiLnesetinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will have intercourse 

with a woman. 104-7. 
kin na is lal, past def. 3 sing., he dreamed. 191-6. 
kin nautr laL, pres. 1 sing., I dreamed. 191-8. 
kin neso yun te, fut. def. 2 plu., may you grow to be men. 

238-13. 
kislete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will catch many. 257-10. 
kyQwaistcwit, past def. 3 sing., he broke off. 317-6. 



Conjugation 3b. 

Tcit tit tiiL, he is stepping along. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singular. Plaral. 

1. tUW?tflL titdittflL 

2. tintuL totuL 

3. tcit tit tuL yatittuL 
3a. 3rittittiiL yaitittflL 

Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. do xo lin iuw tttl do xo lin tit dit tul 

2. tin tul tStiil 

3. tcit tit tul ya tit tul 
3a. yittittai yaitittul 



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132 



University of Calif omia Publications. [-A^- Aeoh. Eth. 



Singular. 

2. tintuL 

3. tcittotuL 
3a. yittotuL 

Smgnlar. 

1. teiutrtul 

2. teintul 

3. tcitteittiil 
3a. yitteittiil 

Singular. 

1. tesetaL 

2. tesintaL 

3. tcittetaL 
3a. yittetaL 

Singular. 

1. tesetaL 

2. tesintaL 

3. tcittetaL 
3a. yittetaL 



Imperative. 

Plural. 
totUL 

yatotuL 
yai to tuL 

Customary. 

Plural. 

teitdittul 

teotul 

yateittul 

yaiteittfil 

Present Definite. 
Plural. 
tesdittaL 
tesdtaL 
yatetaL 
yai te taL 

Past Definite. 
Plural. 
tesdittaL 
tesdtaL 
ya te taL 
yai te taL 



This form b differs from a, given above, only in the loss of s 
in the syllable preceding the root. This same prefix te-, denot- 
ing distribution over space, retains the s in tcittesyai and 
tcittes deL listed above. The reason for its loss in the following 
verbs is not evident. In some cases, at least, the act is considered 
as taking place at several separate definite places in succession. 

yateittcwu, cust. 3 plu., they cried along. 179-12. 

yatemitc, past def. 3 plu., they pulled oflf. 179-10. 

ya te xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 109-16. 

ye xo yun x6 lun, pres. def. 3 plu., they had eaten. 100-1 7. 

yexdtaan, past def. 3 plu., they ran in. 238-9. 

ye tcit te deL, past def. 3 dual, they went into. 142-9. 



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Vol. si Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language, 133 

me sit te deL, past def . 3 plu., they went along up. 198-13. 
nadittemeL, past def. 3a plu., they fell. 245-11. 
na te loe, past def. 3 sing., she dragged back. 190-1. 
na te tse, past def. 3 sing., he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9 
na kit te it L5ir, cust. 3 sing., she always made baskets. 

157-3. 
nakitteLon, past def. 3 sing., she wove another round. 

305-7. 
noyatemeL, past def. 3 plu., they dropped them along. 

179-11. 
za te mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out of the ground. 

270-5. 
xdwayatelai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. 
da no te deL te, f ut. def. 3 plu., everybody will fish. 256-9. 
tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure it. 

116-12. 
tee te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went out. 141-5. 
tcetezan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 111-5. 
tcin te en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 165-19. 
tcin tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they brought. 230-15. 
tcin te deL, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 138-5. 
tcit te it tcwti, cust. 3 sing., he always cried. 186-8. 
tcittey5s, past def. 3 sing., she stretched it. 158-13. 
tcitteteen, past def. 3 sing., he looked around. 109-12. 
tcit te te wen, past def. 3 sing., she waved. 242-12. 
tcit te te lai, past def. 3 sing., she rubbed. 307-3. 
tcit te te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he completed the meas- 
ure. 226-4. 
tcit te te meL, past def. 3 sing., he scattered them 101-3. 
tcittetdt, past def. 3 sing., he drank. 112-15. 
tcit te tcit, past def. 3 sing., he was almost dead. 111-16. 
tcittetcwai, past def. 3 sing., she buried in several places. 

192-12. 
tcit te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he measured it. 116-13. 
tcoyatexait, past def. 3 plu., they began to buy. 200-8. 
ke it Lo, cust. 3 sing., she used to make baskets. 189-1. 
kitteakfltc., past def. 3 sing., they began to play. 142-16. 
kit te e au, cust. 3 sing., he sang along. 315-5. 



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134 



University of Calif omia PiibUcaiions, l^^- Arch. Bth. 



kit te it Lotr, cust. 3 sing., one who alw^^ys made baskets. 

324-5. 
kit te yan nei, past def . 3 sing., they fed about. 98-4. 
kit te ydw, past def. 3 sing., it flowed out. 100-11. 
kit te htoe, past def. 3 sing., he began to dig. 100-8. 
kittehtril, past def. 3 sing., he called along. 98-4. 
kittesinkfitctcL, fut. def. 2 sing., you will play shinny. 

142-12. 
kit te ^ats, past def. 3 sing., he cut them. 101-1. 
kittetelai, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed. 347-14. 
kittiyautr, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-3. 



( 


Conjugation 4. 


Tcit tcit, he is dying. 






Present. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. iututcit 


itdittcit 


2. in tcit 


6 tcit 


3. tcit tcit 


y a tcit 


3a. tcit (yittcit) 


yaitcit 




Impotential. 


Singular. 


PluraL 


l.doxolin iCl«?tcit 


doxolin itdittcit 


2. in tcit 


6 tcit 


3. tcit tcit 


y a tcit 


3a. yittcit 


yaitcit 




Imperative. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


2. in tcit 


Otcit 


3. tcotcit 


ya tcotcit 


3a. 6 tcit 


ya 6 tcit 




Customary. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. eiuw?tcit 


e it dit tcit 


2. e in tcit 


e 6 tcit 


3. tee it tcit 


ya it tcit 


3a. ye it tcit 


yaiittcit 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 135 

Paat 
The past is identical in form with the present given above. 







With a prefix. 


Na a, he has it. 








Present. 


SiBffnUir. 




PhmO. 


1. nautra 




nadaa 


2. nMa 




naa 


3. naa 




nayaa 


3a. naia 




nayaia 
Impotential. 


Singular. 




Plural 


I.d5xfilin 


nauu?ai 


ddxdlin nadaai 


2. 


niinai 


naai 


3. 


naai 


nayaai 


3a. 


naiai 


nayaiai 
Imperative. 


SLogolar. 




PluraL 


2. nfkna 




naa 


3. natcoa 




nayateda 


3a. nay5a 




nayayda 
Customary. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


1. naifLtca 




na it da a 


2. naina 




nada 


3. naaa 




nayaa a 


3a. naia a 




nayaiaa 
Past. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. nautcai 




nadaai 


2. nufiai 




naai 


3. naai 




nayaai 


3a. naiai 




nayaiai 



Verbs of this conjugation differ from those in the preceding 
conjugations in that they have no definite tenses. They do have 
a past tense which differs from the present only in the form of 



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136 University of California Publications, [^^' Abch. Bth. 

the root. As will be seen from the preceding examples, the signs 
of person and number are the same as for the other conjugations, 
and the same contractions occur with the prefixes. 

a en nu, cust. 3a sing., it does it. 275-5. 

ai ye tcis lin xo Ian, pres. 3 sing., he was tired. 346-9. 

ai la te, f ut. 3a sing., they will catch. 253-10. 

a in nu, past 3 sing., he did. 288-9. 

ainnumiL, past 3 sing., when the sun was there. 332-4. 

a in fe, past 3 sing., how he appeared. 209-5. 

ai xoi il le, cust. 3 sing., they do with him. 196-7. 

a it yau xo lun, past 3 sing., tired he was. 346-10. 

a it ya de, pres. 3 sing., if he does. 348-7. 

aikitinx5sin, pres. 3a sing., (bears) did that. 223-4. 

aikyuiren, fut. 1 sing., I will do. 230-16. 

auu; lau;, past 1 sing., I have done. 260-3, 302-10. 

autclate, fut. 1 sing., what shall I do with itf 293-8. 

auw? di ya, pres. 1 sing., I might manage it. 101-11. 

au«?diyau, past 1 sing., I did. 325-17. 

autrdiyate, fut. 1 sing., (what) am I going to do. 257-14 

auM? tin ne en, pres. 1 sing., I used to do. 341-7. 

a ya in nu, cust. 3 plu., they used to have sports. 305-2. 

a ya ^en, past 3 plu., they did. 305-5. 

a ya fin ne en, pres. 3 plu., they used to do that. 306-1. 

ayatcillau, past 3 plu., they fixed. 172-4. 

a late, fut. 2 plu., are you going to do. 102-15. 

a le ne, imp. 2 plu., you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. 

anaidiyau, past 1 plu., we do this. 361-9. 

a nautr la te, fut. 1 sing., I was intending to do. 260-3. 

anautrdiyau, past 1 sing., I did it. 282-5, 325-12. 

anayadillau, past 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1. 

anadiyau, past 3a sing., it did that. 244-11. 

ana dil lau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. 

anadille, imp. 2 sing., plu., fix yourself. 170-1. 

a na dit ten, past 1 dual, we did. 217-7. 

a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., he did. 106-8. 

anatcillate, fut. 3 sing., he will do. 258-4. 

a nun di yau, past 2 sing., you did that way. 275-1, 326-6. 

ahtpola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 137 

a x5 la de, pres. 3a sing., if it happens. 308-1, 5. 

a x6 dil la, pres. 1 plu., we could do with him. 116-16. 

adiya, pres. 3a sing., it has happened. 361-6. 

adiyauwei, past 3a sing., something is coming. 104-14. 

a di ya te, f ut. 3a sing., it will be. 260-18. 

adiyateL, fut. 3a sing., it would do. 234-11. 

a ten, past 3 sing., he did it. 98-9. 

a ^en, past 3a sing., it did it. 120-9. 

a tin wes te, pres. 3a sing., it had done. 325-10. 

aiinte, fut. 3 sing., (Indians) will do. 215-9. 

atcillau, past 3 sing., he did it. 112-5. 

akillau, past 3 sing., they did. 266-13,322-1. 

akyole, imp. 2 plu., you do. 198-2. 

eea, cust. 3a sing., it always lay. 292-2. 

eillii cust. 3a sing., (in composition). 223-14, 248-1. 

iuti? tcit te, fut. 1 sing., I will die. 346-13. 

il le ne, imp. 2 sing., become. 109-6. 

inhiriL, imp. 2 sing., you call. 355-6. 

6 le, imp. 2 plu., become. 110-7. 

le, imp. 3 sing., let it become. 340-8, 362-7. 

6 le ne, imp. 2 plu., become. 109-18. 

fll le, imp. 2 sing., take it over. 220-13. 

ul le ne, imp. 2 sing., do it. 176-7. 

undiyau, past 2 sing., you did. 257-8, 337-9. 

un dl ya te, fut. 2 sing., will you do. 266-4. 

un te, pres. 3a sing., there is. 209-15. 

fin te, pres. 3 sing., used to be seen. 235-18. 

yan a, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 110-14. 

yan ai, past 3 sing., they were sitting. 329-3. 

ya sil lai, past 3 plu., they were there. 180-3. 

mal yeuir ai il lu, cust 3a sing., she took care of it 136-7. 

mal yedtt? a tcil lau, past 3 sing., she took care of it. 157-6. 

me sa Qn, pres. 3a sing., was in it. 243-15. 

nan a ei, past 3a sing., it hangs there. 295-3. 

naiiya, pres. 3a sing., it rains. 229-3. 

nan yai, past 3a sing., it rained. 144-5. 

nan xa, pres. 3a sing., it has come to be. 310-1. 

na sa an, past 3a sing., it was. 360-8. 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 8, 10. 



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138 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

na sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-9. 

na dil le, pres. 3 sing., they are. 211-13. 

na dil le ne, imp. 2 plu., you may become. 166-12. 

nadillete, fut. 3 sing., they will become again. 116-12. 

na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., it was going to happen. 117-5. 

nadillu, past (fut.) 3 sing., it will be. 243-2. 

nin eL, pres. 3a plu., that is. 228-2. 

xa ai lau, past 3a sing., it broke. 290-1. 

xaainnu, cust. 3 sing., he always did that. 139-9. 

xa a in nu, cust. 3a sing., that happened. 340-5. 

xa a it yau, past 3 sing., he did that. 98-8. 

xa a it ya x5 Ian, pres. 3 sing., the same he found he was. 

346-7. 
xa auw? diya te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to do what. 202-8. 
xa a na it yau, past 3 sing., he did that way. 255-9. 
xa a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., that he did. 260-9. 
xa a x6 lau, past 3a sing., he did the same thing.^ 278-12. 
xa a x6 le ne, pres. 3a sing., he should do that.^ 163-2. 
xa a di yau, past 3a sing., it acted the same way. 244-14. 
xaadiyateL, fut. 3a sing., that way it will be. 341-16. 
xaa^inwes^e, pres. 3a sing., the same thing it always 

did. 325-1. 
xa a tin win te, pres. 3 sing., she always did that. 136-14. 
xa a iin te, fut. 3a sing., that way will do it. 229-8. 
xa a tcil lau, past 3 sing., same thing he did. 211-1. 
xaatcityau, past 3 sing., that he did. 280-12. 
xa ill le, imp. 2 sing., do that. 165-19. 
xadiyate, fut. 3a sing., it will do that. 254-10. 
xolin, absolute form, (I wish) it was. 340-7. 
x6 lun, absolute form, he found. 361-16. 
xolunteL, absolute fut., he will be the one. 209-12. 
x6 tcinnasil lai, past. 3a plu., she was dressed in. 164-9. 
x6 tcin sil la ne en, pres. 3a plu., on her used to be. 153-4. 
xwa e il le, cust. 3a sing., he had enough. 332-6. 
saun, pres. 3a sing., standing. 110-13. 
saunte, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-10. 



* These two verbs were probably inexactly translated in Hupa Texts. 
They are evidently impersonal, **it happened" and "it should be done." 



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Vol, 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 139 

saanne, pres. 3a sing., (house) standing.' 164-15. 

saxanne, past 3a sing., in the distance was. 112-13. 

sil len, past. 3a sing., it seemed. 246-2. 

sil lin te, fnt. 3a sing., that is going to be. 287-5. 

sit da, pres. 3a sing., (he saw several boys) sitting there. 

164-16. 
sitdai, past 3a sing., (two) lived there. 278-1. 
sit ten, past 3a sing., she was lying. 145-8. 
sittetc^^x, pres. 3a plu. (dual), they lay there. 322-6. 
sittifi, pres. 3a sing., she was lying. 117-2. 
sux xun, pres. 3a sing., lying in a basket. 171-7. 
da xd a dl ya xo Ian, past 3a sing., he was dead they found 

out. 175-11. 
daxo a ten, past 3 sing., who die. 346-4. 
da x6 iin a di ya te, fut. 3a sing., they will die. 217-16. 
da xo M a tcit yau, past 3 sing., that he was dead. 226-5. 
da xwed M fll lau, past 2 sing., what are you doing. 163-3. 
da xwed daii a dl yau, past 3a sing., what is it going to do. 

270-6. 
da xwed din na auir Hn, pres. 1 sing., what am I doing. 

163-4. 
da sit tan, past 3a sing., it was sitting there. 246-10. 
da sit tun, pres. 3a sing., there it sits. 246-9. 
da sit ten, past 3a sing., it was lying. 114-16. 
do me sa ufi, pres. 3a sing., nothing was in it. 243-9. 
do he tcit tcit, past 3 sing., he did not die. 164-1. 
do xa auM? ten, past 1 sing., I never do that. 109-4. 
ddxaundiyau, past 2 sing., you don't do that. 343-13. 
doxdlen, absolute, (eyes) were lacking. 106-6. 
do xo lin, absolute, (sweathouse wood) is gone. 141-8. 
doxolin itdau, impot. 3a sing., they won't melt away. 

254-7. 
d5 x6 lin nijQ xa ten tcil Ifl, impot. 3 sing., it won 't be rich 

man he will become. 338-7. 
doxdlifi sedab impot. 1 sing., I can't stay. 360-11. 



^ The situation of this f onn in the sentence after M kya requires the 
present. The vowel of the root (second syllable) is that of the past be- 
cause of the following ne, which indicates the house is in sight. 



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140 



University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 



do x6 lin da x6 a ten, impot. 3 sing., they won 't die. 253-7. 

doxosle, absolute, there were none. 96-7, 98-7, 322-5. 

dutrdiya, pres. 1 sing., I am in the condition. 355-10. 

tcil le, pres. 3 sing., (I wish) would be. 340-10. 

tcit dei, past 3a sing., it died. 266-8. 

tcit tcit x6 Ian, pres. 3 sing., he died. 347-3. 

tdt tcit dei, past 3 sing., he died. 164-4. 



Class II. 



Conjugation 1a. 
Ye tciL da, he is carrying in a large object. 



Singular. 

1. yeititrda 

2. yeiLda 

3. ye tciL da 
3a. ye3riLda 



Singular. 

1. do xd lin ye iutr da 

2. ye iL da 

3. ye tciL da 
3a. ye yiL da 



Singular. 

2. yeiLda 

3. yetcoLda 
3a. yeyoLda 



Singular. 

1. yeeiutcda 

2. yeeiLda 

3. ye tee iL da 
3a. ye yeiLda 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural, 
y e it dil da 
ye 6l da 
yeyaiLda 
ye yai iL da 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin ye it dil da 
ye 6l da 
yeyaiLda 
ye yai iL da 

Imperative. 

PluraL 
yeoLda 
yeyatcoLda 
yeyaiyoLda 

Customary. 

PluraL 

ye e it dil da 
ye e 6l da 
yeyaiLda 
ye yai iL da 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 141 

Present Definite. 
Smgolar. PlunJ. 

1. yeweLda yewitdilda 

2. yewiLda yewfiLda 

3. yetctiwiLda yeyawiLda 
3a. yeyilwiLda yeyaiwiLda 

Past Definite. 
Singular. Phind. 

1. yeweLda yewitdilda 

2. yewiLda yewdLda 

3. yetctiwiLda yeyawiLda 
3a. yeyuwiLda yeyaiwiLda 

Class II differs from Class I, in form, in havingr the sound l 
as the final spnnd of the syllable immediately preceding the root. 
Some changes in the signs of the persons and numbers are occa- 
sioned by this invasion. 

Indefinite Tenses. 
It seems probable that L cannot stand after the sound to 
of the first person singular, therefore the form is the same as in 
Class I. In the first person plural of all the conjugations of this 
class, L apparently becomes voiced and appears as 1. 

' The disappearance, in the second person singular, of n is 
probably due to l being added to the syllable. That -n norm- 
ally belongs here, as well as in all other second person singulars, 
is shown by its presence in Tolowa, where the syllable appears as 
-guuL-, g and ii, respectively, being the equivalents of Hupa 
w and i. The second person plural adds l without any other 
change. In the third person singular L unites with the weak 
vowel of the sign, forming tciL- and yiL-, respectively. In 
accordance with the genius of the Hupa language, in the third 
person plural, l, not finding available support, has formed a 
new syllable, with the aid of i. 

Definite Tenses. 
The introduction of l furnishes but little difficulty. It 
appears in these tenses in the first person singular as well as else- 
where. In the third person singular and plural it completes the 
syllable of which the conjugation sign w is the beginning. The 



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142 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 

question arises, whether, if the l displaces the n in the second 
person sin^lar, as has been mentioned above, it has not in the 
third person forced out the n which appears in Class I. The 
Tolowa, which always has -guuL- in the second person singular, 
has sometimes -guL- and sometimes -gunL- in the third person. 

yeyuwiLkitdete, fut. def. 3a sing., it will go there. 
301-9. 

ye tee 11 kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw in. 288-7. 

ye tcu wiL da, past def. 3 sing., she carried in. 191-13. 

yetcuwiLtaLei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 362-5. 

ye tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 289-17. 

yetcuwiLtennei, past def. 3 sing., he took him in. 222-8. 

ye tcu wiL tin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they will take tiiem 
in. 302-7. 

ye tcu wiL *o, past def. 3 sing., he slipped them. 329-1. 

yinnetcuwiLtennei, past def. 3 sing., he put him in the 
ground. 215-3. 

yin ne tcu wiL tin, pres. def. 3 sing., in the ground they 
have put. 221-3. 

yo 6l ttiw?, imp. 2 plu., put in. 362-6. 

woLdintan, fut. def. 2 plu., you will get used to it. 
• 180-9. 

do tcu wiL den, past def. 3 sing., he got lonesome.^ 220-4, 
306-10. 

te weL qotc te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will throw in. 112-4. 

te wiL auti? hiril, past def. 3a sing., it crawls. 311-4. 

tcuwiLtel, past def. 3 sing., he was bringing. 329-6. 

tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 152-9. 

tcu wiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he split with his hands. 210-1 

tcuwiLkyosil, past def. 3 sing., he taking it along. 208-9. 

Conjugation 1b. 
Me Ml te, he is singing. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. meky^irte mekitdilte 

2. mekiLte mekydLte 

3. mekiLte meyakiLte 
3a. mikiLte meyaikiLte 



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VOL. 3] Goddard.— Morphology of the Eupa Longuagt. 



143 





Impotential. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. do xd lin me kyfLtr tH 




d5x6lin mekitdiltd 


2. mekiLta 




me kyoL ttt 


3. me kiL tu 




me ya kit til 


3a. mIkiLta 




me yai Ul td 




Imperative. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


2. mekiLte 




me ky5L te 


3. mekyfiLte 




meyaky5Lte 


3a. miky6Lte 




me yai ky6L te 




Customary. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. mekeidtrta 




me ke it dil tft 


2. mekeiLttL 




me ky5 6l tQ 


3. mekeiLttL 




me ya ke iL tft 


3a. mlkeiLtti 




meyaikeiLta 


Present Definite. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. mekeLte 




me kyu wit dil te 


2. mekytiwiLte 




me kyU w5l te 


3. mekyQwiLte 




me ya kytl wit te 


3a. mikyuwiLte 




me yai kyd wiL te 




Past Definite. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. mekeLtd 




me kyti wit dil ta 


2. mekyuwiLta 




me kyU w6l tu 


3. mekyQwiLta 




meyakyuwiLtQ 


3a. mikyQwiLtfl 




me yai kyU wiL tiL 


a na dit dtL wit kan 


i, past 


def. 3 sing., he jumped out one 


side. 108-15. 




ya na kytl wiL tsil Ul te, 


fut. def. 3 plu., they may split. 


109-8. 






yakiLtsis, pres. 


3 sing., 


he made it sprinkle. 338-2. 


yenawiLmen, past def. 


3 sing., he made it swim. 266-2. 


wundtiwiLtcflt, 


past def. 3 sing., he took. 96-12. 


me ya kyti wiL tel, 


pres. 


def. 3 plu., they sang. 234-1. 



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144 University of CdUfomia Publications. [Am. Arch. Era. 

menakytiwiLtu, past del 3 sing., he sang again. 238-15. 
meduwiLa, past def. 3 sing., she put the ends in the 

fire. 242-11. 
me kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 sing., that singing. 235-4. 
me kyu wiL tu, past def. 3 sing., he sang. 234-6. 
na a diL wul, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. 
nai xon nu wiL htron, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 

121-13. 
na na kin nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he made a ridge. 104-3 
naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. 
na x6 wiL tun te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be wet. 273-6. 
na x6 wiL tsai ei, past def. 3a sing., it was dried up. 111-14 
na xoL tun, imp. 3a sing., let it get soft. 233-6. 
na do weL din tse, pres. 1 sing., I am becoming lonesome 

for. 176-2. 
nin kyu wiL aL, past def. 3 sing., he cut it. 266-10. 
x6 wiL tsai ye de, pres. def. 3 sing., until it becomes dry. 

255-7. 
xo wiL tsai ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it becomes shallow. 

259-16. 
xdwiLtcweLte, fut. 3 sing., he fixes the place. 
x5l yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3a plu., they learned (how 

to shoot). 180-13. 
da na diL a, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 329-11. 
danadoLa, imp. 3 sing., he can shoot. 145-1. 
danaduwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he set another on it. 

197-4. 
da na du wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 329-12. 
da na du wiL a ei, past def. 3 sing., he hit. 145-2. 
datcitduwiLkyos, past def. 3 sing., he has taken away. 

207-11. 
de de iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. 
d5 he XOL din nti wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know 

how. 175-4. 
tcit de iL ne, cust. 3 sing., he played on it. 99-12. 
tcitdtiwiLwaLei, past def. 3 sing., she knocked oflE. 

159-11. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 



145 



tcitduwiLwis, past def. 3 sinpr., he rolled it between hia 

hands. 197-4. 
tcit dQ wiL tseL, past def. 3 sinj?., he pounded it oflf. 

281-16. 
tcoxowiLtcwelliLte, fut. def. 3 sin^., he will fix the 

dance place. 211-16. 
tcodQwiLxdt, past def. 3 sinR., she asked them. 301-17. 
kyoduwiLtsotstse, past def. 3 sing., a kissing noise she 

heard. 111-9. 
kyo diL tsdts ne, imp. 2 sing., make a kissing noise. 111-7. 

Conjugation Ic. 
Ya iL wuL, he threw into the air. 

Present Indefinite. 



Singular. 




PluraL 


1. yauiTWQL 




ya dil wfiL 


2. yfiLwfiL 




yaLwiiL 


3. yaiLwfiL 




yayaiLwflL 


3a. yaiLwflL 




ya yaiL wfiL 
Impotential. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. d6 x6 lin yauir wfil 


dox61inyadilwfil 


2. yuLwfil 


yuLwfil 


3. yaiL 


wfil 


yayaiLwfil 


3a. yaiL 


wm 


yayaiLwfil 
Imperative. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


2. yfiLwfiL 




yaL wfiL 


3. yatc6LwfiL 




ya ya tc5L wAl 


3a. yaioLwflL 




ya yai 6l wAl 
Customary. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. yaifliTwfil 




ya it dil wfil 


2. yaiLwfil 




yaoLwfil 


3. yaiLwul 




yayaiLwfil 


3a. yaiiLwia 




yayaiiLwfil 



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146 Univer^ty of CaUfofiiia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Era. 

Present Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL 

2. yaLwaL yawoLwaL 

3. yawiLwaL yayawiLwaL 
3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL 

Past Definite. 
Singular. PluraL 

1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL 

2. yaLwaL yawoLwaL 

3. yawiLwaL yayawiLwaL 
3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL 

ya iL wiil, oust. 3 sing., he always clubs them. 196-1. 

yauM? ttitr, pres. 1 sing., let me pick it up. 286-11. 

yawiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 362-8. 

ya wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she picked up. 287-3. 

yawiLkas, past def. 3 sing., he threw up. 96-3. 

ya wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 293-6. 

ya nautt? tuir, pres. 1 sing., I will pick up. 286-9. 

ye na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 136-5. 

ye na wiL kait, past def. 3 sing., she landed. 135-12. 

wai iL tuir, cust. 3 sing., he always gave. 136-12. 

Le nai wiL dil la din, pres. def. 3a sing., build a fire place 

351-5. 
me na wiL na ei, past def. 3 sing., he steamed them. 342-12. 
menawiLkyo, past def. 3 sing., she was that big. 341-4. 
nai wiL xaL te, f ut. def. 3a sing., night will pass. 242-17. 
na na wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it down. 204-4. 
nonawiLditstse, past def. 3 sing., he had a door shut. 

97-2. 
htco iL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. 
xanawiLten, past def. 3 sing., he dug it out. 221-10. 
xe e iL yol, cust. 3 sing., he blows away. 296-15. 
xeewiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., she threw away. 189-11. 
xe e na iL kis, cust. 3 sing., she pushed it away. 185-3. 
xot da iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw down. 138-8. 
da nai wiL kil Hl te, fut. def. 3a sing., fog will stay. 273-2. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of ike Hupa Language, 147 

djewlLtseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it. 108-11. 
dje wiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he tore away. 176-9. 
djenawiLt^tr, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 109-2. 
tawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., he started across. 315-1. 
tcwin dai wiL ten, past def. 3a sing., he spoiled. 221-13. 
tewindawiLten, past def. 3 sing, he spoiled. 222-5. 
keyawiLna, past def. 3 plu., they cooked. 266-10. 
kewiLna, past def. 3 sing., she cooked them. 99-9. 
kewiLian, past def. 3 sing., he put (pitch). 150-12. 
ke na wiL na, past def. 3 sing., he cooked it 260-6. 
kyu wa na iL tQir, cust 3 sing., he who gives back. 241-4. 
kittayawiLtsit, past def. 3 plu., they soaked the meal. 
180-4. 

Conjugation Id. 
Ye kiL wis, he is boring a hole. 

Present Definite. 
Singular. PIuraL 

1. yekyiiirwis yekitdilwis 

2. ye kiL wis yekyoLwis 

3. ye kiL wis ye ya kiL wis 
3a. ye yi kiL wis yeyaikiLwis 

Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. doxolin yekyatcwis doxolin yekitdilwis 

2. ye kiL wis yekyoLwis 

3. ye kiL wis ye ya Ml wis 
3a. ye yi kiL wis ye yai kiL wis 

Imperative. 
Singular. PIuraL 

2. ye kiL wis yekyoLwis 

3. yekyoLwis yeyakyoLwis 
3a. yeyikyoLwis yeyaikyoLwis 



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148 



University of CaUfomia PubUcatums. [Am. Aech. Bth. 



Singalar. 

1. yekeitiirwis 

2. yekeiLwis 

3. yekeiLwis 
3a. yeyikeiLwis 

Singalar. 

1. yekeLwis 

2. yekyuwiLwis 

3. yekiLwis 
3a. yeyikiLwis 

Smgular. 

1. yekeLwis 

2. yekyuwiLwis 

3. yekiLwis 
3a. yeyikiLwis 



Customary. 

Plural. 

ye ke it dil wis 
ye ke 6l wis 
yeyakeiLwis 
yeyaikeiLwis 

Present Definite. 
Plural. 

ye kyu wit dil wis 
yekyuwoLwis 
ye ya Wl wis 
ye yai Ml wis 

Past Definite. 
Plural. 

ye kyu wit dil wis 
ye kyu wol wis 
ye ya kiL wis 
ye yai kiL wis 

adiLyakiLqotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with 

it. 202-3. 
a diL ya Ml qote hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he threw 

himself with it. 202-7. 
a diL no ke iL qot^;, oust. 3 sing., he used to throw to with 

himself. 202-4. 
yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. 
ye na xol waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. 
ye Ml wis, past def. 3 sing., he bored a hole. 197-3. 
ye Ml taL, past def. 3 dual, they began to dance. 179-2. 
yekiLtseL, past def. 3 sing., she passed the water in. 

111-9. 
yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he 

tramped them. 361-10. 
maMLMt, past def. 3 sing., she fed the little one. 192-1. 
makyuw;Mt, pres. 1 sing., I better feed them. 192-1, 
miL xot da Ml waL, past def. 3 sing., with she dropped 

down. 189-11. 
min noi Ml dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked open. 113-15. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 149 

na a cUl wAl, imp. 2 sin^., hurry. 354-3. 

nai xoi ii. *au, cuat. 3a sing., it flew around her. 338-8. 

na yai xoi iL tcw6 ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to- 
gether. 196-3. 

nadeLwalj, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5. 

ni yun kiL (iL, pres. def. 3 plu., they were cutting. 101-2. 

no na xol tQtr, past def. 3 sing., he had her laid. 342-8. 

hiroitkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. 

xa na x5 iL tutr, oust. 3 sing., she kept lifting him out. 
223-15. 

xot da na ya xol xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked 
him. 170-3. 

xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. 

danaxdLten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. 

da na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. 

dakiLkis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 140-3. 

de xot diL waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire. 
120-8. 

dedeiLkas, oust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. 

donayaxoLtsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him. 
166-15. 

do kiL tcwit, pres. 3 sing., no one ever pushes it. 106-12. 

tekiLqotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw it in. 112-6. 

kiL tutr htra uii, pres. 2 sing, (interrogative) you are 
splitting? 108-7. 

kiL tutr tse, pres. def. 3 sing., someone splitting logs. 108-5 

kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. 

kyuic tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. 

Conjugation 2. 

Me iL xe, he is finishing. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. mutuxe medilxe 

2. miLxe mcLxe 

3. meiLxe meyaiLxe 
3a. miiLxe meyaiLxe 



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150 



University of California Publications. [^^- ^ch. Era. 







Impotential. 




Sinffulftr. 


Plural. 


1. 


do x6 lin mnw xti 


doxolin medilxu 


2. 


miLxu 


meLxu 


3. 


meiLxti 


meyaiLxu 


3a. 


miiLxu 


meyaiLxu 
Imperative. 




Singular. 


Plural. 


2. 


miLxe 


meLxe 


3. 


me tcoL xe 


meyatcoLxe 


3a. 


me yoL xe 


me ya yoL xe 
Customary. 




Singular. 


Plural. 


1. 


me iutr xu 


me it dil xu 


2. 


me 11 xu 


meoLxti 


3. 


me 11 xu 


me ya iL xu 


3a. 


mi iL xu 


me yai iL xu 
Present Definite. 




Singular. 


Plural. 


1. 


me neL xe 


min dil xe 


2. 


me niL xe 


me noL xe 


3. 


me niL xe 


meyaniLxe 


3o. 


mi niL xe 


me yai niL xe 
Past Definite. 




Singular. 


Plural. 


1. 


meneLxe 


min dil xe 


2. 


me niL xe 


me noL xe 


3. 


me niL xe 


meyaniLxe 


3o. 


mi niL xe 


me yai niL xe 




aL me na niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., with it she pushed 




herself. 


135-11. 




iL kai niL tcwit, 


past def. 3 sing., he pressed down on it. 




143-2. 






yaniLkaitdei, 


past def. 3 plu., they got there. 159-15. 




wfin noL kai, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 144-14. 




wun no neL kai te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot. 144-16. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 161 

wfln n6 xon niL ^in te, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to get 

him to do. 141-13. 
LenaniLten, past def. 3 sing., he carried it all around. 

282-10. 
Le kin niL yets te, fut. def. 3 sing., to tie together. 151-10. 
me na nib tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-13. 
me neL xe tet, fut. def. 1 sing., I am finishing it. 261-3. 
me niL xe, past def. 3 sing., he finished it. 296-8. 
meniLtowit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-2. 
me xo niL tcwit, past def. 3a sing., something pushed 

him. 109-13. 
me tee ya niL to, past def. 3 plu., they skinned him. 328-5. 
miLxoi niLxe, past def. 3a sing., it went on him. 308-8. 
miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 105-18. 
nanayaxonniLxaei, past def. 3 plu., they found his 

tracks. 170-4. 
naniLdeL, past def. 3 sing., he struck. 120-4. 
naniLkis, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-1. 
niL kai niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., toward the ground he 

pressed. 210-17. 
noi iL kit, cust. 3a sing., spread out. 321-7. 
no iL xfits, past def. 3 sing., he chewed off. 288-5. 
noi niL kit, past def. 3a sing., smoke stayed in one place. 

220-3. 
noi niL kit ne wan, pres. 3a sing., like fog it appeared. 

210-10. 
noi xwe iL lu, cust. 3a sing., they throw down. 195-11. 
noyaxonniLten, past def. 3 plu., they left him. 169-7. 
no na iL ky6s, cust. 3 sing., she put away. 333-7. 
ndnainiLkit, past def. 3a sing., it settled. 96-3. 
no na niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 221-11. 
no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up 

with him. 176-11. 
n5 na kin niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 221-4. 
n5 niL tin din, pres. def. 3 sing., he put it place. 266-9. 
no niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he pushed them. 139-13. 
no niL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 185-8. 
no niL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 208-10. 



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152 University of California Publications, [-A.M. Arch. Eth. 

nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 

356-6. 
hiru wa miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. 
xoi kya niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it from him. 

222-7. 
xo wa me neL tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan him. 

356-17. 
xoLteeniLtsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 

108-1. 
do wun no iL kait, oust. 3 sing., he did not shoot. 144-13. 
do ma a din iL tcwit, oust. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1. 
do ma a din niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she could not walk. 

276-3. 
do no niL tin te sil len, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not want 

to leave it. 293-8. 
tee iL to, cust. 3 sing., he pulled out the knot. 332-12. 
tee na niL kait dei, past def. 3 sing., he poked out. 174-9. 
tee na xon neL tin, pres. def. 1 sing., I brought it down. 

273-7. 
tee na xon niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 153-7. 
tee niL men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim out. 

265-10. 
tee niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 282-2. 
tee niL tik, past def. 3 sing., he pinched out. 143-14. 
tceniLtsit, past def. 3 sing., he untied the strap. 106-2. 
tee niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he put out. 153-9. 
tee x6 niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. 
kenaneiLa, oust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-1. 
ke ne iL a, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-9. 
ke niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he lifted it up. 163-1. 
kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. 
kyuu? tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. 

Conjugation 3a. 
Na iL xut, he is tearing down. 

Present Indefinite. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. naui/7xdt nadilxut 

2. n&Lxut naLxut 

3. naiLxi^t nayaiLxut 
3a. naiiLx&t nayaiiLxQt 



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^oh. Z] Ooddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 



153 



Singular. 

1. dox5lin nautrxut 

2. nuLxfit 

3. na iL x&t 
3a. nai 11 xdt 



Singular. 

2. nflLxiit 

3. natcoLxtit 
3a. naoLxfit 



Singular. 

1. naidicxut 

2. naiLxut 

3. naiLxiit 
3a. naiiLxut 



Singular. 

1. naseLxut 

2. nasiLxiit 

3. naisxQt 
3a. naisxut 



Singular. 

1. naseLxut 

2. nasiLxut 

3. naisxut 
3a. naisxiit 



Impotential. 

PluraL 

dox51in nadilxdt 
naL xut 
nayaiLxM 
na yai iL xut 

Imperative. 

Plural. 
naL xut 
na ya tcoL xiit 
na yai ol x(it 

Customary. 

Plural. 

na it dil xut 
na OL xiit 
nayaiLxut 
na yai iL xiit 

Present Definite. 
Plural, 
nas dil xiit 
na SOL xiit 
na y a is xut 
na yais xiit 

Past Definite. 
Plural, 
nas dil xiit 
na SOL xiit 
na ya is xiit 
na yais xiit 



The form with l is similar to that of the first and second 
conjugations. It will be noticed that the l disappears in the 
third person singular and plural of the definite tenses after s 
which it would be compelled to follow in the same syllable. 

a na dis tcwen, past def . 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. 

AM. AaoH. Bth. 3. n. 



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154 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

adayistcwinte, fnt. def. 3a sing., he makes for himself. 

338-6. 
a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. 
a dis tcwin te, f ut. def. 3 sing., he might make. 363-5. 
imo tcwe, pres. 1 sing., let me make. 278-7. 
iLtewe, imp. 2 sing., make it. 278-8. 
yai x5s tewutr, past def. 3 sing., they smelled of him. 165-3 
ya na is kQ, past def. 3 sing., he split it. 142-3, 210-2. 
wunLotcis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., about it he laughed. 

151-15. 
me na is te ei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-10. 
na iL its, pres. 3a sing., it is running around. 294-4. 
na iL its ^x, pres. 3 sing., he ran around. 185-10. 
na iL te ^x, pres. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-6. 
na is its, past def. 3 sing., different places she ran. 185-6. 
na is men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. 
na is xut, past def. 3 sing., he tore down. 104-8. 
naiste, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. 
na is tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 110-12. 
na is tcwen nei, past def. 3 sing., that grew. 287-7. 
na is tcwin tcL, fut. def. 3 sing., he will make. 321-11. 
naxiw tcwe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to make. 301-1. 
na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. 
nayaisxut, past def. 3 plu., they tore down. 267-8. 
naya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made. 284-1. 
na seL tcwen, past def. 1 sing., I made. 296-2. 
nascL tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I make. 302-11. 
na seL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 257-14. 
nas its ei, past def. 3a sing., it ran around. 294-3. 
noi nascL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will bury it. 282-6. 
htriLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. 
xaixostennei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1. 
xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. 
ya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made up (a load). 

171-17. 
seL waL te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to shake a stick. 
238-7. 
seL tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I will make. 290-8. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 



155 



seLtcwinte, fut. def. 1 smg., I wiU make it. 152-3. 
do nais tcwin, pres. def. 3a sing., nobody could make. 

322-8. 
tanaiswaLei, past def. 3 sing., he threw it out of the 

water. 217-17. 
ta na is ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he had taken it out. 

217-17. 
ta nai x5s do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him all to 

pieces. 108-2. 
te SOL tin te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7. 
tceiLwal, cust. 3 sing., they dance. 239-3. 
tciL waL win ^e, pres. 3 sing., they always dance. 239-2. 
tcistcwen, past def. 3 sing., she did it. 157-10. 
tcistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., to make. 98-1. 
tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 114-8. 

Conjugation 3b. 
TcissiLwe, he is killing. 

Present Indefinite. 



Singular. 


Floral. 


1. SUIT we 


sit dil we 


2. siLwe 


SOL we 


3. tcissiLwe 


yasiLwe 


3a. jdssiLwe 


yai siL we 




Impotential. 


Singnlar. 


Plural. 


1. doxolin SUM? we 


doxdlin sit dil we 


2. siLwe 


SOL we 


3. tcis siL we 


ya siL we 


3a, yis siL we 


yai siL we 




Imperative. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


2. fliLwe 


SOL we 


3. tcosoLwe 


yasoLwe 


3a. yosoLwe 


yai SOL we 



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University of California Publications, [^^ Aach. Eth. 



Biiigular. 

1. seiutcwe 

2. seiLwe 

3. tcisseiLwe 
3a. yisseiLwe 



Singular. 

1. seseLwin 

2. sesiLwin 

3. tcisseLwin 
3a. yisseLwin 

Singular. 

1. seseLwen 

2. sesiLwen 

3. tcisseLwen 
3a. yisseLwen 



Customary. 

Plural, 
se it dil we 
sooLwe 
ye se iL we 
yai se iL we 

Present Definite. 
Plural, 
sesdilwin 
se SOL win 
ya seL win 
yaiseLwin 

Past Definite. 
PluraL 
ses dil wen 
se SOL wen 
yaseLwen 
yai seL wen 



Verbs of this group in the third person singular and plural of 
the defiAite tenses, instead of dropping the class sign l, drop 
the conjugation sign s. The s which appears in the example 
above belongs to the prefix. Most of these verbs are similar to 
those which occur without the s even in the first class where l 
would not stand after it. 

a til teox tcL tcwen, past def . 3 sing., he is growing strong. 

294-17. 
yaxoscLwen, past def. 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. 
yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 sing., they might kill him. 278-5. 
ya xo tcL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked him. 267-15. 
yateL tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they grew. 265-1. 
yatcLkait, past def. 3 plu., they went on. 159-14. 
yateL wis, past def. 3 plu., they were afraid (they 

dodged). 179-10. 
yetcittcLkait, past def. 3 sing., one after the other he 

stuck in. 322-2. 
yis se iL we, cust. 3a sing., he killed. 136-13. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 167 

yisseteLwennei, past def. 3 sing., he commenced to kill. 

136-10. 
nainteLdik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-14. 
nai deL d5, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-3. 
na ya xo tei xa, past def. 3 pin., they tracked him. 170-3. 
na xo teL tcw5 ig, past def. 3 sing., he swept 210-12. 
na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he put it 114-5. 
naditteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw them. 109-16, 

192-12. 
na teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. 
nateLditdantr, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 100-13. 
natcLditctcwen, past def. 3 sing., he grew. 96-1. <^ 
natcLdittcwifixdlan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had grown. 

120-12. 
na teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 282-3. 
ne se seL win te, fat. def. 1 sing., I will kill yon. 151-2. 
xoinateLweL, past def. 3 sing., they camped. 116-7. 
xoiteLweL, past def. 3a sing., they spent the night. 

198-12. 
xd Idn ne seL win, pres. def. 3a sing., it has worn yon out. 

105-16. 
xdL teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18 
xoseseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11, 

163-10. 
xd sutr we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. 
xo dit teL xiits, past def. 3 sing., she felt it bite. 111-2. 
seseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I wiU kill it. 162-7. 
danadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. 
do he min teL dauir, past def. 3 sing., he did not run for 

it 112-13. 
do he teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it had not grown. 96-7. 
d5 xo lin no siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can 't kill us. 165-7. 
teL ate, past def. 3a sing., a pack-train came. 200-1. 
teL atcei, past def. 3a sing., they went with a pack-train. 

200-9. 
teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew. 96-3. 
teL tcwin xo luii, pres. def. 3a sing., it had grown. 306-17. 
teL tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., when it grows. 267-5. 



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158 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

te SOL tin te, f ut. def . 2 plu., you will take. 222-7. 
tsis siL we, pres. 3 sing., he killed one. 319-4. 
tee xo seL wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. 
tee x5 teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. 
tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. 
tcex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watching her. 

137-10. 
tceseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed it. 136-11. 
tcis se iL we ei, oust. 3 sing., she had killed. 333-5. 
tcis seL win detc, pres. def. 3 sing., if he kills. 139-5. 
tcis seL win te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will kill. 311-16. 
tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he had killed he 

saw. 186-7. 
tcissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed. 106-4. 
tcit teL Lti, past def., 3 sing., he rubbed it. 278-10. 
tcit teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 265-9. 
tcit teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked it. 185-12. 
tcit teL dautr, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 152-15. 
tcit teL taL, past def. 3 sing., dancing. 362-4. 
tcit teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 152-9. 
tcit teL tcwen, past def. 3 sing., one after the other grew. 

207-1. 
tcit teL tcwinhtriin, pres. def. 3 sing., he may grow. 348-6 
tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., he started in a boat. 104-6. 
tcit teL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 204-6. 
tcit teL qol, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-8. 
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 

97-10. 
kit teL tsas, past def. 3 sing., he whipped. 317-9. 
kit teL tits, past def. 3 sing., he used for a cane. 317-7, 

152-12. 
kit te seL tsas te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will whip. 317-8. 
kya teL tcwe, pres. def. 3 sing., she heard it cry. 135-9. 
kyateLtcwtiwetsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard it cry. 

204-9, 281-11. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 



159 



Conjugation 4. 
Na 11 tsM, he has just found. 

Present. 



Singular. 




PhuraL 


1. naui^tsdn 




nadiltsM 


2. nfiLtsfln 




naLtsM 


3. naiLtsM 




nayaiLtsun 


3a. naiLtsun 




nayaiLtsM 
Impotential. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


1. doxolin nauii;tsis 


doxolin nadiltsis 


2. nilLtsLa 


nsLtsis 


3. naiLtsis 


nayaiLtsis 


3a. naiL tsis 


nayaiLtsis 






Imperative. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


2. nftLtsis 




naLtsis 


3. natcoLtsia 




nayatcoLtsis 


3a. naoLtsis 




nayaSLtsis 
Customary. 


Singular. 




PluraL 


1. naitlirtaiB 




na it dil tsis 


2. naiLtsis 




naoLtsis 


3. naiLtsis 




nayaiLtsis 


3a. naiiLtsis 




na yai iL tsis 
Past. 


Singular. 




Plural. 


1. nauirtsan 




nadiltsan 


2. nuLtsan 




naLtsan 


3. naiLtsan 




nayaiLtsan 


3a. naiLtsan 




na yaiL tsan 


Two roots, possibly 


related, appear in the example given 


above. 






a iL en ka, 


past 3 


sing., the way they do it. 227-2. 



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160 University of Calif omia Publications, l^^ -Aach. Bth. 

aiLinneen, pres. 3 sing., they used to chase. 322-5. 

a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., they will do. 266-13. 

aikiLinte, fut. 3 sing., when it happens. 217-6. 

adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. 

adexoLkit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 
223-14. 

a diL kiL, imp. 2 sing., take it with you. 356-16. 

adoititrtsan, past 1 sing., I didn't find it. 243-16. 

a du«? kit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. 

a kiL en, what they do. 322-1. 

iuw tsan, past 1 sing., I found. 286-6. 

itiirtsun, pres. 1 sing., (I wish) I could see. 336-9. 

\nw tsun te, fut. 1 sing., where am I going to find! 244-7. 

oLtsai ne, imp. 2 plu., dry them. 101-4. 

ya iL kit te, fut. 3 plu., they were going to catch. 102-2. 

yaxoLtsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. 

yo xoL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. 

ma a kiL en ne en, pres. 3 sing., their doings. 361-11. 

naiLtsan, past 3 sing., he found signs. 185-11. 

na iL kit dei, past 3 sing., he caught it. 152-6. 

nai x5l tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. 

na ya xol tsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. 

na hii;dL tsan, past 2 plu., you found me. 230-5. 

xaaiyaxdLiii^x, pres. 3a plu., they did that with him. 
211-5. 

xa a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., that will be done. 203-8. 

xa a ya iL in ^x, pres. 3 plu., they did that. 105-10. 

xa a kiL in te, fut. 3 sing., that way they will do. 211-15. 

xoirtsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. 

xoirtsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. 

xwaiLkit, past 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. 

siLtfiii^x, pres: 3a sing., it lay. 266-8. 

siLkyos, pres. 3a sing., it lies. 207-6. 

d5 na ya XOL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 
152-6. 

dotciLtsan, past 3 sing., he found nothing. 317-10. 

do iL tsun te xo lun, fut. 2 sing., you can't find it any- 
where. 246-6. 



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VcH^ 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 



161 



doyaiLtsan, past 3 plu., they did not see. 98-7. 
do ya x5l tsan, past 3 sinpr., he did not see (them). 238-14. 
d53dLtBis» past 3a sing., it saw (nobody). 117-15, 141-9. 
do na iL tsan, past 3 sing., she did not find again. 243-16. 
d5 na iL tsdn de, pres. 3 sing., they won't find again. 

321-10. 
ddnayaiLtsis, past 3 plu., they never saw. 191-5. 
dd na x5l tsM ^x z5 luii, pres. 2 plu., yon won't see him 

any more. 306-6. 
do he ya iL kit, past 3 plu., they did not catch. 102-3. 
d5 he tciL tsan, past 3 sing., nothing he saw. 363-4. 
ddxolifi tciLtsis, impot. 3 sing., he will not see. 317-13. 
d5 x5 liii naL tflis, impot. 2 plu., never you will see. 361-11. 
do tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she could not find. 159-4. 
d5 tciL tsis, past 3 sing., she did not see. 286-3. 
d5tc5x5Ltsis, past 3 sing., he saw no one. 238-8. 
tcex5Lkit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. 
tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she gave birth (found). 189-7. 
tciL tsan nei, past 3 sing., she saw. 242-4. 
tciL kit, past 3 sing., he took hold. 106-16. 
tcox5Lkit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. 
tcnhunLkinneen, past 3 sing., he nearly caught me. 

176-14. 

Class III. 

Conjugation 1. 
Ya de qot, he is dodging. 

Present Indefinite. 



Singular. 

1. yau«rdeq5t 

2. yftndeqat 

3. yadeqdt 
3a. yadfikqdt 

Singiilar. 

1. d5x5lifi yaufrdeq5t 

2. yfindeqdt 

3. yadeqdt 
3a. yad^q5t 



PhmL 
yadiikqat 
ya de q5t 
ya ya de q5t 
ya ya dfik q5t 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

dox51in yadfikq5t 
ya de q(yt 
ya ya de qot 
yayadiikq5t 



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Singular. 

2. yiindeqSt 

3. yatcodeqdt 
3a. yaodeqot 

Singular. 

1. yaiuu^deqot 

2. yaindeqot 

3. yaitqot 
3a. yaitqot 



Singular. 

1. yauK^deqot 

2. yandeqot 

3. yawitqot 
3a. yatqot 



Singular. 

1. yautrdeqdt 

2. yaodeqot 

3. yawitqot 
3a. yatq5t 



Imperative. 

PluraL 
y a de qot 
ya yatcodeqdt 
ya ya 6 de qot 

Customary. 

Plural, 
ya it de qot 
ya 6 de qot 
yayaitqdt 
ya yaitqot 

Present Definite. 
PluraL 

y a wit de qot 
ya wo de qot 
ya ya wit qot 
y a y at qot 

Past Definite. 
Plural. 

yawitdeqdt 
yawodeqdt 
ya yawitqot 
ya y at qot 



The verbs which belong to this class, as has been said above, 
are of two kinds; those which have roots which do not occur 
without the preceding dental, which characterizes the class ; and 
those which take the dental because of the preceding prefix na- 
with the iterative force. The conjugations of this class are 
peculiar in that they have the sign of the first person singular 
-UK? in the definite tenses instead of e which occurs in these 
tenses in the preceding classes, and also in the third person of 
several tenses where the syllable de becomes a t which is 
appended to the preceding syllable instead of standing alone. 
The first person plural lacks its characteristic g^llable beginning 
with d. 



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Vol. 8] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 163 

in ta na wit yai, past def . 3 sing., he turned back. 102-12. 
in ta na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sinj?., he would turn back. 

187-4. 
ya it q6t, cust. 3a sing., it always dodged. 286-11. 
ya wit xus ail lei, past def. 3a sing., it flew up. 294-15. 
yawitqdt, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-15. 
ya na it xQs, cust. 3 sing., it kept flying up. 113-1. 
yanawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-15. 
yanatxiitsei, past def. 3a sing., he flew away. 113-10. 
ya nat dje tl, past def. 3a sing., they came back up. 301-15 
yat mil lei, past def. 3a plu., they fell back. 165-11. 
yat qot, past def. 3a sing., it dodged. 286-10. 
ye wit dje tl, past def. 3 sing., they went in. 299-14. 
ye wit kait, past def. 3a sing., they went in. 140-1. 
ye wit kai te, fut. def. 3a sing., a boat wiU come. 209-3. 
ye wit kait din, past def. 3a sing., the landing place. 140-2 
ye wit qot, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 136-3. 
yenaitdautr, cust. 3 sing., he went back in. 288-6. 
ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 98-15. 
yenawityahit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he went in. 118-6. 
yenawityate, fut. def. 3 sing., she wiU go in. 311-15. 
3rikyuwitts68sil, past def. 3a sing., they were sucking. 

325-5. 
y5 du wit xfil Ul te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will ask for. 

296-3. 
nai wit in il, past def. 3a sing., she looked. 243-5. 
na 5 duir de xiit, pres. 1 sing., I ask you for it. 296-10. 
na ya wit dil, past def. 3 phi., they went along. 172-1. 
nawitxusiL, pres. def. 3 sing., he is falling. 152-5. 
na wit xus sil, pres. def. 3 sing., he flew along back. 204-7. 
nawitdal, past def. 3 sing., he went. 223-12. 
nawitdallit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he was coming 

along. 100-17. 
na wit dal hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came back. 223-7 
na wit daL, pres. def. 3 sing., he was coming back. 152-7. 
na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-17. 
na na it dautr, cust. 3a sing., it had gone down. 104-10. 
nana wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he came down. 138-15. 



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164 University of Calif omia PubUcations, [Am. Aroh. Bra. 

nana wit xiits, past def. 3 sing., he flew back down. 114-2. 
nana wit diLte, fat. def. 3 plu., people will live again. 

236-3. 
nanatyai, past def. 3a sing., the son had gone down. 

202-9. 
nin sti wit deL, past def. 3 plu., they danced. 366-1. 
hu^a nana wit daL din, pres. def. 3 sing., in the evening 

(when the sun had gone down), 
hiredeaiyenatyai, past def. 3a sing., my head it came 

to. 356-15. 
xawitqdt, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-13. 
xe e ya xo wit meL, past def. 3 plu., they had thrown away 

part of themselves. 181-9. 
xoL ten wit dil, past def. 3 plu., those following him. 208-1 
xot da na wit xdts, past def. 3 sing., he fell back. 152-3. 
da wit q5ttstL, pres. 3a sing., it tumbling about she heard. 

136-3. 
danadtlwityayei, past def. 3 sing., it went back. 234-4. 
danatlale, pres. def. 3a sing., it floating. 243-13. 
danatxutstse, past def. 3a sing., it lit on. 204-8. 
danakitduwittceiLte, fat. def. 3 sing., the wind will 

blow gently. 273-1. 
doyenawityai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come in. 

238-12. 
djetwaL, past def. 3a sing., it opened. 281-17. 
tai win nM iL de,^ pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks water. 

338-7. 
tai din nM, pres. 1 plu., let us drink water. 179-3. 
tauK? din nto te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to have a drink. 

111-13. 
tawinnan,^ past def. 3 sing., he drank it. 337-7. 
ta nai win nfin de,* pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks. 337-16. 
ta nai win nun te,^ fut. def. 3 sing., he will drink. 337-18. 
tan din nan, past def. 2 sing., you drank. 337-12. 
tewitqotte, fut. def. 3a sing., in the water it seemed 

about to tumble. 286-13. 



*Theee words change t to n before the root. 



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Vol. 3] Qoiidard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 165 



tcu wit til, past def . 3 sing., she was holdinii: up. 246-12. 
ke it mil lei, oust. 3 plu., they drop. 180-14. 
kyuwittceil, past def. 3 sinjr., it blew along. 324-7. 

Conjugation 2. 
Na nit autr, he is bringing back. 

Present Indefinite. 



SingolAT. 

1. nautrdeautc 

2. nan de autr 

3. nanitaair 
3a. nai nit autr 

Siifj^ular. 

1. ddx5lin nauu^deautr 

2. nan de autr 

3. na nit aut^ 
3a. nai nit auir 

Singular. 

2. nan de autr 

3. nanodeauir 
3a. nai node autr 

Singular. 

1. na ne ititr de autr 

2. naneindeautr 

3. naneitdeautr 
3a. nai ne it de autr 



Singular. 

1. nautrdeM 

2. nandeun 

3. naindeM 
3a. nainindeM 



Plural. 

na ne de auu* 
nan5deautr 
na ya nit autr 
nayainitauir 

Impotential. 

Plural. 

do xo lin na ne de autc^ 
na no de autr 
na ya nit autr 
na yai nit autr 
Imperative. 

Plural. 

na n5 de auir 
na ya no de autr 
na yai node auir 

Customary. 

Plural. 

na ne e de auir 
na n5 o de autr 
na ya ne it auM? 
nayaineitautc^ 

Present Definite. 
Plural, 
na ne de un 
na no de un 
na y a in de un 
nayainindeun 



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166 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

Past Definite. 
Bingrolar. Plural. 

1. nauM7dean nanedean 

2. nan dean na no dean 

3. na in dean nayaindean 
3a. nainindean nayainindean 

That the verbs listed below correspond to those constituting 
the second conjugation in the first two classes is evident; first, 
from the prefixes which occur with them, second on account of 
the meaning which indicates the completion of the act, and third 
from the fact that the n which characterizes the second conju- 
gation appears in most cases but not in the form and position 
obtaining in the preceding classes. In the third person of the 
past definite, for instance, nanindean, or nanitan, would 
be the form expected from analogy with conjugation first of this 
class and the second conjugation of the other classes. That the 
form na in de an is the one which occurs in all cases seems to 
be due to some phonetic causes not now apparent. 

ytiwundimmillei, past def. 3a sing., it went through 

211-5. 
wundimmil, pres. 3a sing., it going through. 144-3. 
wun dim mil lei, past def. 3 sing., it went through. 144-2. 
Le nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire 

burning. 169-6. 
Lenaindiyai, past def. 3 sing., he completed the circuit. 

220-8. 
Lenaindiyate, fut. def. 3 sing., he got nearly around. 

220-6. 
Le na it dauir, cust. 3 sing., he used to make rounds. 336-7 
Le nauM? dil la, pres. 1 sing., I have a fire. 351-6. 
Le nun du waL, past def. 3a sing., it shut. 108-16. 
Lin duk kait de, past def. 3a sing., they slid together. 

295-2. 
me nun di yai, past def. 3a sing., years. 145-7. 
na in de an, past def. 3 sing., he brought. 365-17. 
na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he got back. 121-16. 
na in di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came back. 98-6. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Uupa Language. 167 

nain dlya din, pres. def. 3 sing., he got back place. 142-5. 
naindikgit, past def. 3a sing., they came back. 299-9. 
nautcdiyai, past def. 1 sing., I have come. 145-10. 
na ne it wuir, cust. 3 sing., he used to cany it back. 237-8. 
naneitdautr, cust. 3 sing., he used to come back. 137-1. 
na ne it git, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 233-5. 
nano dl ya, imp. 3 sing., let it come back. 233-5. 
natindiyane, imp. 2 sing., go home. 337-18. 
no na in d! tsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled. 121-8. 
no na in duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he reached by jump- 
ing. 329-18. 
nonaitdjeu, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 299-10. 
n6 na it tse, cust. 3 sing,, she always shut the door. 158-1. 
n5 nan dit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they got back. 301-15. 
nonundexen, past def. 3 sing., they floated to shore. 

216-6. 
non di yan, past def. 3a sing., one was left. 118-11. 
nonfindiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., in one place they will 

stay. 259-17. 
no nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it got back. 246-2. 
nd niin dim mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell back. 151-18. 
non de mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 143-8. 
nondeqotei, past def. 3a sing., it stopped. 287-2. 
non dik kil lei, past def. 3 sing., that far he split it. 210-2. 
nflndiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come back. 307-9. 
nun duk qotc tsU, pres. def. 3a sing., he heard him lope 

back. 175-9. 
xoL Le ntn dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 

315-5. 
XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut. 

109-5. 
lOLmenilndillatdei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 

floated back. 315-6. 
ddnaindlyai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come back. 

306-2. 
tee in de git, past def. 3a sing., they ran down. 153-16. 
tee na in dl yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 153-11. 
tee na in (£ ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went down. 

325-8. 



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168 



University of California Publications, [Am. Aech. Bth. 



tcin diik kait dei, past def. 3a sing., ihey came down to. 

158-16. 
tcin duk qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it tumbled. 135-12. 

Conjugaiion 3. 
Na de q5t, he is tumbling about. 



Siiigular. 

1. nautrdeqot 

2. ntodeqot 

3. nadeqot 
3a. na duk qot 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural. 

na duk qot 
na de qot 
nayadeqot 
nayaddkqot 



Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. dox51in nauirdeqot ddxdlin na duk qot 

2. nun de qot na de qot 

3. nadeqot nayadeqdt 
3a. na duk qot na ya d^ q5t 

Imperative. 

Plural, 
na de qot 
nayatcodeq5t 
nayaddeqot 

Customary. 

Plural, 
na it de qot 
na o de qot 
nayaitqot 
nayaitqot 

Present Definite. 
Plural, 
na se de qot 
na so de qot 
na ya is de qot 
nayasdeqot 



Singular. 

2. nun de qot 

3. natcodeqot 
3a. na ode qot 

Singular. 

1. naiuirdeqot 

2. naindeqot 

3. naitqot 
3a. naitqdt 

Singular. 

1. nasdukqot 

2. nasindeqot 

3. naisdeqdt 
3a. nasdukqdt 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 169 

Past Definite. 
Singular. Plaral. 

1. nasdfLkq5t nasedeq^t 

2. nasindeqSt nasSdeqot 

3. naisdeqdt nayaisdeqSt 
3a. nasdfikqot nayasdeqot 

The noteworthy fact in the preceding paradi^nn is the lack, 
in the first person singular of the definite tenses, of either of the 
nsnal signs for that person and number. If the sign has been 
that usual in the definite tenses e, there is no apparent reason 
for its disappearance; but if it was utr, as is found in the 
other conjugations of this class, two spirants would stand to- 
gether, presenting a difficult combination even for an Athapascan 
tongue. 

in na iuir diik kai, cust. 1 sing., I always get up. 241-1. 

in na is diik ka, past def. 3 sing., she got up. 110-14. 

in nas diik ka ei, past def. 3a sing., it got up. 114-16. 

in nas duk ka hit, pres. 3a sing., when he got up. 115-8. 

yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3a sing., she turned 
over. 117-4. 

menaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed. 103-12. 

min na na se it dauir , cust. 3 sing., he always went around. 
346-3. 

naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. 

na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. 278-11. 

na ya is dil len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 166-13. 

nayanuwesdillai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 
142-17. 

nanaisditstse, past def. 3 sing., he turned it around. 
314-6. 

na ne wes dil lai, past def. 3 sing., he won. 211-6. 

na des duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he rolled around. 175-12, 
222-9. 

nates diyai, past def. 3 sing., he went home. 97-17. 

nates diyayei, past def. 3 sing., he arrived. 104-3. 

na tes di ya te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will go back. 117-14. 

xa na is dl yai, past def. 3 sing., he came back up. 100-2. 

Am. Aboh. Eth. 3, 12. 



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170 



University of California PubUccUions. [-Ajc Aeoh. Bth. 



xanaisdlyahit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came up. 

210-12. 
xa na is di ya de, pres. def. 3 sing., if she comes up. 111-6. 
xa na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. 
xonnaisdinnunhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned 

around. 278-12. 
do na xos dil le te, f ut. def. 3 sing., it will be no more. 228-4 
do nas dil len nei, past def. 3 sing., it did not happen. 

117-5. 
tanaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he came out of it again. 

314-6. 
tsis di yan, past def. 3 sing., he was old. 169-2. 
tcis di yan ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she may live to be old. 

325-13. 



Class IV. 



Conjugation 1. 
Na il yeuir, he is resting. 



Singular. 

1. nauiryeuM? 

2. nfllyetiti? 

3. nailyeutr 
3a. nalyeuK? 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural. 

na dil yeuM? 
naL yeuw 
na ya il yeuw 
nayal yenw 



Singular. 

1. ddxolin uAuwyenw 

2. nulyeutt? 

3. na il yeu«? 
3a. nal yeuir 



Singular. 

2. nulyeuM? 

3. natc5lyeui«? 
3a. naolyeutr 



Impotential. 

Plural. 

doxolin nadilyeuu; 
naLyefitr 
na ya il yeutr 
na y al yetiir 

Imperative. 

Plural. 
naL yeuir 
nayatcolyeuK? 
na ya 61 yenw 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 171 



Singnlar. 

1. naiutoyeutr 

2. nailye^tr 

3. nailyeutr 
3a. nailye^u? 



SingxilEr. 

1. nauioye^w 

2. nalyeutr 

3. nawilyetiir 
3a. nalyeQu? 



Singular. 

1. namoye^w 

2. nalyetitt? 

3. nawilyetiir 
3a. nalyeuir 



Customary. 

PhiraL 

na it dil yelitr 
naoLyeQtr 
nayailyetiu? 
nayailyetltr 

Present Definite. 
PloraL 

na wit dil yetlir 
nawoLyetitr 
nayawilyetiir 
nayalyeuto 

Past Definite. 
PlupaL 

na wit dil yefiir 
nawdLyetitr 
nayawilyetlir 
nayalyeuir 



The forms of the verbs composing Class IV are perfect ana- 
logs of those in Class 11, the voiced 1 appearing in the place 
of the surd l, except in the second person plural throughout, 
where l is found instead of 1. This exception is no doubt due 
to the strongly aspirated 5 which, as the sign of this person 
and number, stands before the l and in the same syllable 
with it. 

In almost every case, the roots occurring in the verbs of this 
class do not appear in other classes but seem to demand the pre- 
ceding 1. Since this 1 stands immediately before the root, 
phonetic reasons were sought for the occurrence of this class. No 
facts appear to justify such a conclusion, and analogy with the 
passive forms point to morphological causes. 

yawilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 165-9. 

yal ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped off. 163-18. 

yakytiwilkyannexolan, past def. 3 plu., they found 
they were pregnant. 278-3. 



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172 UniversUy of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bra. 

ye e a ton x6 Ian, cust. 3a sing., (birds) used to jump in. 

117-17. 
yenawilLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran in. 136-1, 169-9. 
ye na wil de ton, past def. 3 sing., she jumped in. 135-1 1. 
ye nal Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran in. 329-8. 
yentiwilgillil, past def. 3 sing., it kept getting afraid 

of. 235-4. 
yin nel git, past def. 3a sing., he was afraid. 114-16. 
yinnenalLat, past def. 3a sing., in the ground it ran. 

221-12. 
wun na x6 il yti, oust. 3a sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. 
wutnayaxowilyan, past def. 3 plu., they watched him. 

267-10. 
lija xo wil fen, past def. 3 sing., he addressed her. 98-10. 
Lu win fen, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. 
meyadtiwilwautr, past def. 3 plu., they began to talk 

about it. 265-1. 
min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., she ran around. 153-2. 
nailtsit, cust. 3 sing., it falls. 275-3. 
na il tsit te, fut. 3 sing., would drop. 104-11. 
na wil yeuw?, past def. 3 sing., he rested. 119-14. 
nawildittal, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 221-7. 
naliuu^te, fut. 3a sing., it will drop. 115-13. 
nal hwin te, fut. 3a sing., it will melt away. 273-6. 
nalditdal, past def. 3 sing., (he saw) it coming along. 

115-15. 
nal tsit, past def. 3a sing., it fell down. 145-2. 
naLyeutc, imp. 2 plu., rest. 280-5. 
na na wil La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran down. 221-17. 
nanaldeiutf?, pres. def. 3a sing., (water) dripping off. 

337-5. 
na nal dit tsit din, pres. def. 3a sing., where it fell. 96-4. 
naxo wil tsit xolun, pres. def. 3 sing., it fell. 306-15. 
na x6 de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. 
na dti wil dit ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-14. 
na du wil ye, past def. 3 sing., they danced again. 215-13. 
natcilyetiicsaandin, pres. 3 sing., the resting place. 
363-3. 



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▼«* 31 Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 173 

natcilyeutrdin, pres. 3 sing., resting place. 347-3. 

neitlirgittse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. 

ndl diL Lat, past def . 3a sing., he ran back. 115-16. 

xe e na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran away again. 176-16 

xd wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 199-4. 

xoLwildal, past def. 3a sing., with him it came along. 

115-1. 
xoL ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went. 

223-14. 
da wil Lat, past def. 3a sing., it jumped on. 113-14. 
da wil t5n ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped. 115-9. 
da na du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran back. 97-12. 

98-15. 
dadeilya, cust. 3 sin^., they stand around. 195-7. 
da tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 164-2. 
datcHwilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 109-14. 
dd nil git be ne, imp. 2 sing., don't be afraid. 170-15. 
d6 xwe x6 yun te, f ut. def. 3 sing., he will be cra^. 307-10 
tewiltsit, past def. 3a sing., it sank. 153-17. 
te nal dit do te. f ut. def. 3a sing., it will draw back. 273-5. 
te na de il ya, cust. 3 sing., in the water they stand. 310-4. 
tee il La de, pres. 3 sing., be is running along. 220-13. 
tcin nel git, past def. 3 sing., she was afraid of. 192-2. 
tcit dil ye, pres. 3 sing., to dance. 117-8. 
tcitdilye^x, pres. 3 sing., they danced. 216-7. 
tcit dil ye te, fut. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 203-8. 
tcit dil wauir tsu, pres. 3 sing., talking he heard. 170-16. 
tcit du wil ye ei, past def. 3 sing., they danced. 216-16. 
tcit dn wil yel 11 de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they dance. 117-10 
tcit du wil ye iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dance. 117-9 
tcit du wil ye Hl te, fut. def. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 

230-5. 
tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-11. 
tcu wil daL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., he heard him coming. 

176-11. 
kya tu wil tcwel, past def. 3 sing., he crying along. 135-10 



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174 University of CaUfomia Publications, [Am. Aaon. Bth. 

Verbs belonging to Class IV, Conjugation 2. 

min na il dal, oust. 3 sing., around she ran. 153-2. 

noil La, pres. 3 sing., he came running (she heard). 360-8 

nd din nil tcwan, past def. 3 sing., they finished supper. 

141-4. 
tee il Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 106-2. 
tee il qol e x6 Ian, past def. 3 sing., it had crawled out 

185-11. 
tee na il Lat, past def. 3 sing., she came there. 135-9. 
tee toil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 163-16. 
tcin nil qol ei, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-9. 

Conjugation 3. 
Na dil in, he is watching for it. 

Present Indefinite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. nadutrin naditdilin 

2. nadilin nadoLin 

3. nadilin nayadilin 
3a. naidilin nayaidilin 

Impotential. 
Singular. PluraL 

1. doxdlin nadutren doxdlin naditdilen 

2. na dil en na ddL en 

3. nadilen nayadilen 
3a. naidilen nayaidilen 

Imperative. 
Singular. PluraL 

2. nadilin nadoLin 

3. nadolin nayadolin 
3a. naidolin nayaidolin 

Customary. 
Singular. PluraL 

1. nadeiuK?en nadeitdilen 

2. nadeilen nadooLen 

3. nadeilen nayadeilen 
3a. naideilen nayaideilen 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 



176 



Singular. 

1. nadHwesin 

2. nadQwesilin 

3. naduwesin 
3a. naiduwesin 



Singular. 

1. naduwesen 

2. nadQwesilen 

3. naduwesen 
3a. naiduwesen 



Present Definite. 
PloraL 

na dH wes dil in 
na dtl we sol in 
nayaduwesin 
na yai dd wes in 

Past Definite. 
PluraL 

na dtl wes dil en 
na dtl we sol en 
nayadtiwesen 
na yai dtl wes en 



As in the third conjugation of the preceding class the first 
person singular of the definite tenses has a form without the 
usual signs found in that person and number. 

a nu wes te, past def . 3a sing., he looked. 143-14. 

iairyS, pres. 1 sing., I like. 230-16. 

in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. 

in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. 

yenesgit, past def. 3a sing., it (was) frightened. 215-4. 

yenesgitte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 236-2. 

yit dtl wes yo te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will like. 311-10. 

yti wun na xos yti, past def. 3a sing., they ate. 347-15. 

wes sil yo ne en, pres. def. 2 sing., you used to like. 307-16. 

wan na xo il yu, cust. 3 sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. 

wun na xQs yti, past def. 3a sing., it went to eat. 364-8. 

meisLadei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. 

meyadzesla, past def. 3 plu., they did not like him. 
182-4. 

me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated it. 189-6. 

mi nes git, past def. 3a sing., it was afraid. 295-4. 

mi nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 296-5. 

mi nes git tcL, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 295-7. 

na xot dtl wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch 
her. 137-3. 

nas qol, past def. 3a sing., it crawled around. 294-1. 



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176 University of California Publications, [Am. Aboh. Bth. 

ne ititr git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. 
nesnoi, past def. 3a sing., that stand. 220-3. 
haidatcuwesyo, past def. 3 sing., more yet he likes. 

340-13. 
xa na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. 
. xoi na se il de qol, oust. 3a sing., on her it kept crawling. 

185-2. 
xoinesgit, past def. 3 sing., he was afraid. 113-11. 
xo wilt x6 wes yun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 

137-7. 
x6 wut tcu x6 wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 

137-8. 
xoL xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up. 137-18. 
doawuntelwishe, imp. 2 sing., don't be frightened. 

356-2. 
dowesyo, pres. def. 1 sing., I don't like. 233-6. 
d5 nas do, pres. 3a sing., they won't dodge. 258-13. 
ddnitdje teltsitne, imp. 2 sing., don't get excited. 

170-18. 
do tcu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., he did not like. 96-7. 
te sil tcwen ne dun, past def. 2 sing., ever since you grew 

time. 337-13. 
tes tcwin ne en tcin, pres. def. 1 sing., where I was 

brought up. 117-13. 
til tsit ^x, pres. 3a sing., it will always be. 325-13. 
til tcwen, pres. 3a sing., it grows. 296-12. 
til tcwin ne en, pres. 3a sing., it used to grow. 233-1, 5. 
tol tcwen, imp. 3a sing., let it grow. 265-6. 
tfflyunteildil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran oflf. 333-11. 
tee il yo, cust. 3 sing., he liked it. 202-5. 
tcuwesyote, fut. def. 3 sing., he shall like. 307-11. 
tcuweswaL, past def. 3 sing., he lay. 112-16. 
keisLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. 
kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Langwtge, 



177 



OBJICnyX CX)NJUOATION. 





First Person Singular. 


YahfriLttitt?, he 


is picking me up. 




Present Indefinite. 


Singular. 
1. 
2. yahtriLttitt? 


PIuraL 


ya htroL tun? 


3. yahtriLtHu? 


ya ya hit'iL tHw 


3a. yaiheriLtutr 


yayaihiriLtUn? 




Imperative. 


Singiilar. 


Plaral. 


2. yahtciLttLtr 


ya htroL tuii? 


3. yahtf?6Ltuir 


yayahiroLtuir 


3a. yaihiroLttlir 


ya yai htr5L tun? 




Customary. 


Singular. 
1. 
2. ya hire iL tun? 


Plural. 


yahi^dLttlie? 


3. yahireiLtQic 


yayahtreiLtuic 


3a. yaihireiLtQic 


yayaihtreiLtfLir 




Present Definite. 


Singular. 
1 


PIuraL 


2. yahiruwiLtifi 


yahirawSLtifi 


3. yahiriLtdfi 


yayahtdLtifl 


3a. yaihiriLtin 


yayahtriLtin 




Past Definite. 


Singular. 

1 


Plural. 



2. yahtruwiLten ya hum wol ten 

3. yahidLten yaya htciLten 
3a. yaihiriLten ya yai htuiL ten 

As will be seen from the preceding example, the direct object 
of the verb is expressed by the insertion of the personal pronoun 



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178 University of California PtibUcations. [Am. Aeoh. Eth. 

in its weak form. Its behavior is not different in any way from 
that of other weak syllables which may be inserted/ The position 
of the inserted objective is after the adverbial prefix and im- 
mediately before the signs of person and number with which, in 
fact, it often forms a syllable. 

Verbs having the first person singular as the direct object, 
ahii?ola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. 
nahtroLtsan, past 2 plu., you see me. 230-5. 
htriLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. 
htrikkyowun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it 

sleep me). 121-6. 
tee htris su wiL weL de, pres. 3 sing., if he kills me. 114-3. 
tcti hiriL kin ne en, pres. 3 sing, he nearly caught me. 

176-14. 
tcu hiro wiL xul liL te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will ask me 

for it. 311-17. 
tcuhti?ohireiLte, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-10. 
tcu htron hwe e te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-12. 

Verbs having the first person singular as the indirect object. 
a na hwvL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., of me he will say. 363-18. 
ahidLtcinne, pres. 3 sing., why does she always tell 

met 135-4, 363-16. 
a hjriL tcit du win neL, past 3 sing., they told me. 355-11. 
a hiidL tcit den humn, pres. 3 sing., he must tell me. 

314-11. 
h«?e na tcoL xe, imp. 3 sing., let him catch up with me. 

187-2. 
htdL tcL dau«J, pres. 3a sing., it would travel with me. 

114-11. 
htuiLtesinyate, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 

187-7. 
htriL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., they will talk to me. 322-15. 
htrin na wil luw te, fut. 2 sing., you will think about me. 

307-18. 
hw?6anunauw?> imp. 2 sing., give me. 329-14. 



^ Compare, class ii, conjugation Id supra p. 147. 



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Vou 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 179 

hiroiLkas, imp. 2 sinjir., throw me. 153-10. 
hirti wa meL tcwit te, fut. def. 2 dn^., loan me. 296-11. 
hirtiwamiLtcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. 
htru wun tutr, imp. 2 sing., hand me. 278-7. 
do a htriL tcit den de, pres. 3 sing., if he does not tell 
me. 257-12. 

Second Person Singular. 
Yun ne tciL tuir, he is picking you up. 



1. 

2. 

3. 

3a. 



Singular, 
yun nuir tun? 



yiinnetciLtuir 
yun niL tuu? 



Present Indefinite. 
PluraL 
yun nit dil tuir 



ya yun ne tciL tQic 
yai yiin niL ttitr 



Singular. 



2. 

3. 

3a. 



1. 

2. 

3. 

3a. 



yun ne tcoL tutr 
yfln noL tnto 



Singular. 

yiin ne iutr tutr 



yun ne tee iL ttitr 
yun ne iL tii«? 



1. 

2. 

3. 

3a. 



Singular, 
yun neL tin 



yiin ne tciL tin 
yun niL tin 



Imperative. 

Plural. 



ya yim ne tcoL ttlir 
yai yun noL tHw 

Customary. 

PluraL 
yfln ne it dil tnw 



ya yun ne iL tuir 
ya yiin ne iL tuw? 

Present Definite. 
Plural, 
yun nil wit dil tifi 



ya yiin ne tciL tin 
yai yiin niL tin 



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180 University of California PubKc(Uions. [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 





Past Definite. 


Sin^fuUur. 


Plural. 


1. yfinneLten 
2. 


yiinnuwitdilten 



3. yftnnetciLten yayunnetciLten 

3a. ytoniLten yai yfln niL ten 

For some reason which does not appear, the objective pro- 
noun of the second person, unlike those of the other persons, 
precedes instead of follows the sign of the third person singular 
of the verb. CJoming throughout immediately after the prefix 
ya-, the inserted objective has changed that prefix to yun-. This 
is probably due to a shifting of accent. 

Verbs having the second person singular as the direct object. 
nittcti win yun de, 3 sing., if she eats you. 266-7. 
nikkydwfin, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it sleep you). 

294-5. 
nikkytiwinnunte, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 

252-11. 
xo lun ne seL win, pres. 3 sing., it has worn you out 

105-16. 

Verbs having the second person singular as the indirect ob- 
ject. 

un niL daw ne, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 351-8. 
unniLdenne, past def. 3 sing., I told you. 163-8. 
neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 

328-6. 
niL hire likte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 151-3. 
niLxoirlik, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 360-8. 
niL x5t yfin te, fut. 3a sing., it will be easy for you to 

get. 357-7. 
niLxwelikte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 355-4. 
niLteseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. 
nuwamencLtcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 

356-6. 
nuwananelate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. 
nuwanellate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 

353-7. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Uupa Language. 



181 



Third Person Singular. 
Ta xoL tutr, he is picking him up. 



Singular. 

1. yaxotrtHif 

2. yaxoLtutr 

3. yaxoLtuir 
3a. yaixdLtutc 



Singular. 

2. yaxoLtutt? 

3. yaxoLtuir 
3a. yaixoLtutr 



Singular. 

1. ya xoi iuM? tuiT 

2. yaxoiiLtutr 

3. yaxoiiLtUM? 
3a. yaixoiiLtuir 



Singular. 

1. yaxweL tin 

2. yaxowiLtin 

3. ya XOL tin 
3a. yaixoLtin 



Singular. 

1. yaxweL ten 

2. yaxowiLten 

3. ya XOL ten 
3a. yaixoLten 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural. 

ya xot dil tuir 
ya XOL tufr 
ya ya x6l tuir 
ya yai xol tuir 

Imperative. 

Plural, 
ya XOL tuir 
ya ya xol tuir 
ya yai xol tuti? 

Customary. 

Plural. 

ya xo it dil tutr 
ya x6 OL tnw 
yayaxoiiLtuic 
ya yai xoi iL tun? 

Present Definite. 
Plural. 

ya xo \iit dil tin 
ya xo woL tin 
ya ya xol tin 
ya yai xol tin 

Past Definite. 

Plural. 

ya xo wit dil ten 
y a xo WOL ten 
yayaxoLten 
ya yai xol ten 



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182 University of Calif omia PviUcations. [-Ajc Aech. Bth. 

Verbs having the third person singular as direct object. 
yai xoiiyan, cnst. 3a. plu., they always eat him. 195-10. 
yaixostcwuir, past def. 3a. plu., they smelled of him. 

165-3. 
yaxowiLxaiL, past def . 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-5. 
yaxowintcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. 
yaxdLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. 
yaxoLtsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. 
yaxonneLen, past def. 3 plu., they looked at him. 

278-3. 
yaxoseLwen, past def., 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. 
yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 plu., they might kill him. 278-5. 
yaxosmeL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3- 
yenaxoLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. 
yexoneiLye, cust. 3a sing., they always eat him up. 

195-10. 
yo x5l tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. 
na xo win hwa,L, past def. 3 sing., he hooked him. 107-6. 
miL na xo wiL we, past def., 3a sing., he felt sleepy 

(sleep fought with him). 121-5. 
miLxoiniLxe, past def. 3 sing., it went on him. 308-8. 
nai xoi iL ^au, oust. 3 sing., it flew around her. 333-8. 
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, cust. 3a sing., they make him. 196-6. 
nai xoL tsan nete, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. 
nai xon nti wiL ht/?dn, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 

121-13. 
na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. 
nayaixoiiLtcwoig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to- 
gether. 196-3. 
nayaxoteLxa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3. • 
na na ya xon niL xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his 

tracks. 170-4. 
na xoi kyti win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 

121-7. 
naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. 
naxodeilen, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. 
na xot dti wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch 

her. 137-3. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 183 

no na xol tutr, pres. 3 sin^., he bad laid her. 342-8. 

no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up 

with him. 176-11. 
xa ai ya XOL in ^x, pres. 3 plu., they did that with him. 

211-5. 
xai X08 ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 

239-1. 
xoirtsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. 
xotrtsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. 
xoneLinteL, fut. def. 1 sing., I can't look at him. 

138-12. 
xon ncL in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I can look at him. 138-14. 
x6n tcwit, past def. 3a sing., it caught him. 346-10. 
xo se seL win te, fut, def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11. 
xostiirwe, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. 
xot da na ya XOL xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked 

him. 170-3. 
xokyuwinnan, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 

203-1. 
da na XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. 
da tee xd diL ten, past def. 3 sing., she has taken him 

away. 159-5. 
dexotdiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the 

fire. 120-8. 
d6 yux x6 il Ian, cust. 3a sing., they quit him. 196-2. 
do na ya XOL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 

152-6. 
do na ya XOL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know 

him. 166-15. 
d6 na XOL tsun x6 lin, pres. 2 plu., you won't see him 

any longer (more). 306-6. 
do he ya xon neL en, past. def. 3 plu., they could not 

look at him. 139-1. 
d5 xo lin xon ne dil en, impot. 1 plu., we can't look at 

him. 139-3. 
d5tc6 xoLtsis, past 3 sing., he saw nobody. 238-8. 
tanaixosdowei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him to pieces. 

108-2. 



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184 University of California Publications, l^^ -Aj^h. Bth. 

tee na xon niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took (him) out. 

153-7. 
tee xoL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. 
tee x6 niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. 
tcexondesne, past 3 sing., he found him out. 207-11. 
teexdseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. 
tee xo teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. 
tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. 
tcexrotditteLen, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 

137-10. 
tco x5l kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. 
tco xo ne im mil, cust. 3 sing., he threw them at her. 

332-12. 
tc5xonneLen, past def. 3 sing., he looked at him. 

109-1. 
tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her- 

333-3. 
tco xon niL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he threw after him. 

159-9. 
tc5xondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 

257-1. 
tco x5n des ne hu7un, pres. 3 sing., he shall know. 319-13. 
tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of. 

325-14. 
ted xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. 
tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made him. 114-8. 
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 

97-10. 

Verbs having the third person singular as indirect object, 
aixoLne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 208-13. 
aixoLdeinne, cust. 3 sing., he used to tell her. 135-3. 
a yai XOL du wen ne, past def. 3 plu., they said. 165-2. 
a XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said to him. 97-7. 
axoLtcitdentsu, pres. 3 sing., he heard say. 141-8. 
ya XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 plu., they said to him. 

102-15. 
xaaxoLtcinne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 150-2. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 185 

xoi ye xoi 1 yan, cuat. 3 ainp., she suspected her. 158-3. 

158-3. 
xdwaiLda, past def. 3 sing., she handed him. 181-13. 
xowayaintan, past def. 3 plu., they jrave him. 144-14. 
x6 wa me neL tcwit te, fut, def. 1 sing., I would loan 

him. 356-17. 
xowatcinxan, past def. 3 sing., to her she gave. 246-12. 
xo wun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. 
xo wut xo wes yun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 

137-7. 
x6 wut tcu x6 wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched 

her. 137-8. 
xoLyakitwul, past def. 3 sing., with him he seesawed. 

107-10. 
xoLwildal, past 3a sing., with him came along. 115-1. 
xoL Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 

315-5. 
XOL Le nun dti waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 

shut. 109-5. 
XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 

floated back. 315-6. 
xoLneutrte, pres. 1 sing., let me lie with her. 223-12. 
XOL no il lit, past def. 3a sing., it was done smoking with 

him. 
XOL no nil lit, past def. 3 sing., it finished burning (with 

him). 364-7. 
XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 

209-13. 
xoLxastcwennei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up (with 

him). 137-18. 
xoLxuttesnan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 

341-3. 
XOL xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3a sing., would move in her. 

341-2. 
XOL da na dii win a ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it 

stuck up. 203-5. 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 3. 13. 



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186 University of California Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

xoL den ne e te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will call him. 137-6, 

139-5. 
xoLtanawilLat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went. 

223-14. 
xdLteillit, cnst. 3 sing., he smoked himself. 
x5LteLtcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 

137-18. 
xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. 
xdLtesdeL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. 
XOL tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 

108-1. 
xoLtciLkit, past def. 3 sing., with him he caught it. 

107-10. 
XOL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. 
xoLtcitdenne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 105-18. 
xoLtcitduwinneL, pres. 3 sing., he kept saying. 141-12. 
xoLtcuwitdil, past 3 sing., following him. 208-1. 
xoLtctixowillik, past def. 3 sing., he told him. 141-13. 
xoLkiLdjexainnauirhtrei, cust. 3 plu., they all fought 

with her. 333-4. 
xwaiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. 
xwayaiLkit, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 110-5. 
xwawilxan, past def. 3a sing., he liked them. 110-5. 
do he XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not 

know how. 175-4. 
do XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know 

how. 176-6. 

First Person Plural, 
Yflnnotcilluic, he is picking us up. 



1. 

2. 
3. 

la. 


Singular. 

yunnoholluM? 
yunnotcilluK? 
yunnohilluK? 


Present 


Indefinite. 
Plural. 


yun no ho Inw 

yayunnotcilluK? 

yaiyunnohilluM? 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 187 





Imperative. 


Singrolar. 


PlunO. 


2. yfinnShdllflir 


yiin n6 h6 lUir 


3. yfinnStoolfltr 


yayfinn6te6ltlu? 


3a. yunnohSlutr 


yai yiin n5h5 lair 




Customary. 


Singnlar. 
1 


PloraL 


2. yfinnSheaWiT 


yiin nd he 51 Ifjuo 


3. yfinnotceaiuir 


ya yiin n6 tee il l\!iw 


3a. yton6heilltLir 


y ai yto nd he il IfLic 




Present Definite. 


Singular. 
1 


Plural. 


2. yunnSwilla 


yiin n6 w6 la 


3. yfinnStcilla 


yayflnnStcilla 


3a. ytondhilla 


yaiyiinnShilla 




Past Definite. 


Singnlar. 
1 


Plural. 


2. yfinndwillai 


yiin n6 w6 lai 


3. yfinnotcillai 


ya yiin no toil lai 


3a. yiinnShillai 


yai yiin n6hil lai 



When the object changes to the plural, the root of the verb 
is replaced by one applicable to a plural object. It happens 
that -ten the root of the singular, requires l and therefore places 
the verbs formed from it in the second class, while -lai of the 
plural object does not require l and its verbs belong to the 
first class. 

The inserted form of this pronoun is noh with the second 
syllable variously completed, or in some cases disappearing. It 
follows the analogy of the second person singular both as to 
its position in the third person singular of the verb, and as to 
its effect on the form of the preceding prefix. 



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188 



University of Calif amia Publications. [Am. Aech. Bth. 



Verbs Jiavin^ the first person plural as direct object. 

d5 xo lin n5 siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can't kill us. 
165-7. 



Verbs having the first person plural as indirect object. 

anohoLtcitdenne, past def. 3 sing., he said of us. 

302-3. 
no hoL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., they told us. 302-4. 

Second Person Plural. 
Yun no tcil luw?, he is picking you (plural) up. 



Singular. 

1. 3run n5 htruiT lutr 

2. 

3. 3run no tcil luM? 
3a. yunndhillutr 



Singular. 

2. 

3. yunnotc5luii7 
3a. yunn5h5lui«7 



Singular. 

1. yun no he iuii? lull? 

2. 

3. yiin n5 tee il luw? 
3a. 3nin nd he il Ititr 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural, 
yun n5 hit dil luir 



ya yun no tcil luir 
yai yun n5 hil luw 



Imperative. 

Plural. 



y a yun n5 tco luir 
yai yun no ho luw 

Customary. 

Plural, 
yun no he it dil luii? 



Singular. 

1. yun no he la 

2. 

3. yun n5 tcil la 
3a. yun no hil la 



yayunnotceil luir 
yai yun no he il luir 

Present Definite. 
Plural, 
yun no wit dil la 



ya yun no tcil la 
yai yun no hil la 



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Vou 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 



189 



Past Definite. 



Singular. 

1. yunndhelai 

2. 

3. 3run nd tcil lai 
3a. 7unn5hillai 



Plural, 
yihi no wit dil lai 



yayOnndtcillai 
yai yun n5 hil lai 



These forms differ from those of the first person plural of 
the objective only in the forms which can lo^cally occur. In 
the case of the first person, forms of the first person of the verb 
are barred; while in the case of the second person, the second 
person of the verb would not be used. In the third person of 
the verb it must be determined from the context whether the 
object is of the first or second person. 

Third Person Plural. 
Yayaxollutr, he is picking them up. 



Singular. 
1- (ya)yaxotrluM? 

2. (ya)ya xol lu«r 

3. (ya)yax611ut£? 
3a. (ya)yaixolluir 



Singular. 

2. (ya)yaxollu«i/ 

3. (ya)yaxolluM? 
3a. (ya)yaix611uir 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural. 

(ya)yax6tdilluM? 
(ya)yax61uii5 
(ya)yax5lluir 
(ya)yaix6llutr 

Imperative. 

Plural. 

(ya)yaxoluM? 
(ya)yaxolluw; 
(ya)yaixolluM? 



Customary. 



Singular. 

1. (ya)yaxoiiu«?lutr 

2. (ya)yaxoiillG«? 

3. (ya)yaxoiillutr 
3a. (ya)yaixoiilluii? 



Plural. 

(ya) ya xoi it dil lutr 

(ya)yax6olu«? 

(ya)yaxoiilluu? 

(ya)yaixoiillGu? 



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190 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Bth. 





Present Definite. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. (ya)yaxwella 


(ya)ya x6 wit dil la 


2. (ya)yax6willa 


(ya)yax6w51a 


3. (ya)yax611a 


(ya)yax6lla 


3a. (ya)yaix611a 


(ya)yaixola 




Past Definite. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. (ya)yaxwellai 


(ya)ya x6 wit dil lai 


2. (ya)yax5willai 


(ya)yax5w6lai 


3. (ya)yax611ai 


(ya)yax5x6llai 


3a. (ya)yaix5llai 


(ya)yaix611ai 



Since the form of the root indicates that the object is more 
than one, the forms without the first ya- are dual as regards the 
object and those with both are plural. 

Verbs having the third person plural for direct object. 
ya xos qot, past def . 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. 
yaxoteLxa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked them. 267-15. 
yaxoqot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. 
yeyaxolai, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-12. 
yin ne ya xdL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he 

tramped them. 361-10. 
nayaxdLtsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. 
nayaxonnillaiei, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 

179-8. 
nayax5sdukqdtde, pres def. 1 plu., if we stuck them. 

180-15. 
doyaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he did not see them. 238-14. 
tcenayaxdnmiL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. 

Verbs having the third person plural as indirect object. 
xdwayatellai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. 
xoLyaidinnewiLa, past def. 3 sing., they learned. 

180-13. 
xoLyaLdewimminiL., pres. def. 3a plu., they filled with 

them. 153-17. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 191 

x5Lyaxdillik, cust. 3 sing., he told them. 180-10. 
x5Lyaxowillik, past def. 3 plu., they told them. 180-12. 
xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 

208-15. 
xoL tcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they ran after them. 

153-16. 
xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. 

Reflexive. 
Ye a diL ^5, he is putting himself into. 



Singular. 

1. yeadtitrid 

2. ye a diL io 

3. ye a diL id 
3a. ye ai diL id 



Present Indefinite. 
Plural. 

ye a dit dil t6 
ye a d6L id 
yeayadiLio 
yeayaidiLi6 



Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. ddxolin jehd^wt6 doxolin ye a dit dil i5 

2. ye a diL t6 ye a doL to 

3. ye a diL to ye a ya diL i6 
3a. ye ai diL id yeayaidiLid 



Singular. 

2. ye a diL id 

3. yeaddLid 
3a. yeaiddLid 



Imperative. 

PluraL 
ye a ddL t6 
ye a ya ddL to 
ye a yai ddL id 



Singular. 

1. yeadeiuM?id 

2. ye a deiL id 

3. ye a deiL id 
3a. ye ai deiL id 



Customary. 

PluraL 

ye a de it dil id 
ye a dd dL to 
ye a ya de iL t6 
ye a yai de iL id 



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192 UfUversity of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

Present Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. yeadeL^o ye a du wit diHo 

2. yeaduwiL^o yeaduwoL^o 

3. yeadiL^o yeayadiLto 
3a. yeaidiL^o yeayaidiL^o 

Past Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. yeadeL^o ye a dti wit diHo 

2. yeaduwiL^o yeaduwoL^o 

3. yeadiL^o yeayadiL^o 
3a. yeaidiL^o yeayaidiL^o 

It will be noted that the form of the reflexive inserted ele- 
ment is the same for all persons in both numbers. 

The following verbs \ave the direct reflexive form, 
anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. 
a na dil le, imp. 2 sing., fix yourself. 170-1. 
anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. 
a na dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. 
a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 

115-7. 
anayadillau, past def. 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 

170-1. 
anaditdtiwiLkan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one 

side. 108-15. 
a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. 
adistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make (for him- 
self). 363-5. 
aduxxunde, pres. 3 sing., when she is hungry. 256-3. 
yeadiLfo, past def. 3 sing., he put on. 328-12. 
no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 

223-9. 
ndadiiixautr, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. 
ddmaadiniLtcwit, past def. 3 sing., she did not move. 

341-1. 
do ma a din nil. tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she couldn't 

walk. 276-3. 



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Vw^ 31 Ooddard,— Morphology of the Hupa Language, 193 

Verbs having the reflexive pronoun for indirect object. 

a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sinpr., he makes for him- 
self. 338-6. 

a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 mng., for himself he will 
get. 338-9. 

adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. 

adexoLkit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 
223-14. 

adiLyakiLqotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with 
it. 202-3. 

adiLyakiLqdtchit, pres. 3 sing., when he threw him- 
self with it. 202-7. 

adiLnokeiLqoir, cust. 3 sing., to he used to throw with 
himself. 202-4. 

adit tcin no nil lade, pres. def. 3 sing., puts with herself. 
302-10. 

adit tcin nullutr, imp. 2 sing., on yourself put it. 175-3. 

aduwanunduwitctcwilliLte, fut. 3 sing., she will rub 
herself. 

a du wun ya tcL wis, past def. 3 plu., for themselves they 
were afraid. 179-10. 

a du wun din tcwin ne, imp. 2 sing., yourself bathe. 
353-7. 

aduwundotcwitte, fut. 2 plu., bathe yourselves. 
322-11. 

a du wun du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed him- 
self. 319-9. 

a duw kit, past 1 sing., to myseU I held. 353-6. 

do a dfl wun tel wis he, imp. 2 plu., don't be frightened. 
356-2. 

CONJUOATION OF THB PASSIVE VOICE. 

Yaxowiltin, he is carried oflf. 

Impotential. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. doxolin ya hM?el dit tlitt? doxolin yun n5 hit luu? 

2. yi^neldittutr yunnoholutr 

3. yaxoldittuM? yayaxotluir 
3a. yuldittuu? yayatluM? 



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194 



University of California Publicaiions, [Am. Aboh. Bth. 



Singular. 

2. yftn nol dit tutr 

3. yaxSldittutr 
3a. yadldittuii? 



Singalar. 

1. ya hi/7e il dit ttitr 

2. yun ne il dit tuir 

3. ya xoi il dit tUM? 
3a. yaeildittutr 

Singular. 

1. yahirawiltin 

2. yunnuwiltin 

3. yaxowiltin 
3a. yaltin 



Singular. 

1. yahw?uwilten 

2. 3run nu wil ten 

3. yaxowilten 
3a. yalten 



Imperative. 

Plural. 

yftn no hoi dil luw 
ya ya xol dil Ifiw 
yayaoldillutr 

Customary. 

Plural. 

yun n5 he it luu? 
yunnSheitltiii? 
yayaxoiitluir 
yayaitluM? 

Present Definite. 
PluraL 

yfinnowitla 
yun no wit la 
yayaxowitla 
ya yat la 

Past Definite. 
Plural. 

yunnowitlai 
yun no wit lai 
ya ya xo wit lai 
ya yat lai 



Past Persistent. 

Singular. PluraL 

1. yahtruwesditten yun no wes dil lai 

2. yiinnuwesditten yun no wes dil lai 

3. ya xo wes dit ten ya ya x6 wes dil lai 
3a. ya wes dit ten ya ya wes dil lai 

In the passive voice occurs a combination of classes and 
conjugations. In this case the root of the singular, -ten which 
requires l and places its verbs in the second class in the active 
voice, on becoming passive passes to the fourth class. The root 
of the plural, not requiring l in the active, passes to the third 
class on becoming passive. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 195 

The definite tenses have w, the characteristic of the first con- 
jugation. There is also a form which indicates that the act 
which was suffered resulted in a permanent state. These forms 
which have been called past persistent resemble the third con- 
jugation in having s, the characteristic of that conjugation.^ 

What the forms of the present indefinite would be, were they 
logicaUy possible, is shown by the forms of the impotential and 
imperative. 

The following passives have the forms of Class III, 

wittcwa, pres., buried. 192-17. 

wit tcwa ta, pres. 3 sing., they are buried places. 180-11. 

naweslenei, past persistent, it falls. 104-1. 

na wes mats, past persistent, it was coiled. 151-19. 

nawesdeL, past persistent, it encircles. 364-15. 

nd na wit ^ats, past def ., it is cut down. 114-17. 

daxoduwesen, past persistent, one could see. 242-13. 

d5 na wes en ei, past persistent, it could not be seen. 

151-19. 
donahtruwestsunhtcun, 1 sing., I must not be seen 

again. 217-18. 
do na xo wes tsan, past persistent 3 sing., he waa not 

longer seen. 226-5. 
dokytiwityan, post def. 3 sing., without eating. 226-4. 
kyu wit tcwok kei, past def. 3 sing., they are strung on 

a line. 165-8. 

The following passives have the forms of Class IV. 

yai kyu wiHats, past def., a blanket made of strips. 

207-5. 
willoi, past def., bundles. 210-3. 
wiltcwen, past def., was made of. 164-13, 203-11. 
(dlhiro)wiltcwen, past def., something was made (a 

grave). 221-10. 
wil kan nei, past def., a fire is burning. 151-4. 



^Compare the forms given for the third conjugation, class iv. 



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196 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

Le na wil la, past def ., a fire. 170-9. 
nawiUik, past def., a string tied. 353-4. 
na wil lit, past def., he nearly burned. 330-1. 
nawillitdei, past def., he burned up. 120-8. 
nawillitte, fut. def., it will bum. 151-5. 
nanuwilxut, past del, hanging for a door. 171-1. 
na du wil tcwan, past def., it was supper time. 141-1. 
nakyu wil fik, past def., was tied with a string. 351-10. 
nowillin, past def., covered. 115-16. 
nokyuwiltaL, past def., the final dancing place. 105-6. 
hirelweLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will spend the night, 

348-2. 
hirin nu wil ten, past def. 1 sing., I was brought here. 

180-7. 
xoi yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 

179-12. 
xoiyalweL, past def., they camped. 175-6. 
xoi na yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 

181-6. 
xoi nal weL, past def., he stayed over night. 121-4. 
xwel weL, past def. 3 sing., he had spent the night, 
da du wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he has been carried oflE. 

150-10. 
dowiltsan, past def., he was not seen. 341-9. 
do xo lin htt;il wil, impot. 1 sing., I will not stay over 

night. 176-1. 
kyuwiltel, past def., it was paved. 140-6. 

Irregular Verbs. 
An, he says. 

Present Indefinite. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. adutrne adit din ne 

2. a den ad5n 

3. an ayan 
3a. an ayan 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 



197 





Impotential. 


Sin^^ar. 


Plural. 


1. doxolifi adtiirne 


doxdlin adit din ne 


2. a den ne 


ad5ne 


'3. a ne 


ayane 


3a. a ne 


ayane 




Imperative. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


2 a den 


a don 


3. a don 


a ya d6n 


3a. addn 


a ya don 




Customary. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. adeiflirne 


a de it din ne 


2. adeenne 


a de ne 


3. adeinne 


ayadeinne 


3a. Adeinne 


ayadeinne 




Present Definite. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. a den 


a du wit din 


2. adtiwen 


a du wo ne 


3. a den 


a ya den 


3a. aduwen 


a ya du wen 




Past Definite. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. adenne 


a du wit din ne 


2. aduwene 


a du wo ne 


3. adenne 


a ya den ne 


3a. aduwenne 


a ya du wen ne 



The peculiarity of the verb meaning to say or to speak is in 
the fonn of the root. That the root should have a short form 
for the present definite and indefinite and imperative is to be 



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198 Universiiy of Calif ornia PtLblications, [Am. Arch. Bth. 

expected but that it does not form a syllable in its shortened 
form is unusual.^ 

ayaiduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 165-7. 

ayan, pres. 3 plu., they said that. 116-17. 

ayaduwinnel, past (progressive) 3 plu., they were say- 
ing. 153-14. 

an tsti, pres. 3a sing., he heard it cry. 281-13. 

a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 97-15, 321-5. 

a den de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he sings. 236-2. 

a den tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12. 

ya du wen ne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 109-17. 

xa a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he called the same. 105-5. 

deinne, cust. 3 sing., he used to imitate. 182-1. 

dinne, past def. 3a sing., it was playing. 99-17. 

do a du win ne he, don't say that. 175-1. 

do ne ne, imp. 3a sing., let it play. 100-3. 

du wen ne, past def. 3a sing., it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. 

duwinne, it played. 100-5. 

A tcon, he thinks. 

Present Indefinite. 

Smgnlar. Plural. 

1. ainuiTsin ainitdissin 

2. aininsin ainosin 

3. a tcon ayatcon 
3a. aydn ayayon 

Impotential. 
Singular. PluraL 

1. ddxolin ainuirsin doxolin ainitdissin 

2. ai nin sin ai no sin 

3. atcone ayatcone 
3a. ayone ayayone 



^ Other f ormB have been given in the lists under objective conjugations 
and under the root -ne. When some definite thing which has been said is 
quoted, the forms of the verb are somewhat different, especiaUy in the 
third person where in the present instead of an, tcin is found; and for the 
definite present and past instead of a den and a den ne, the forms tcit den 
and tcit den ne occur. The difference in the forms consists in the use of tc, 
the sign of the third person, in one case and its omission in the other. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 199 

Imperative. 
Singular. PlturaL 

2. aininsifi ainosifi 

3. atcodne a ya too one 
3a. ay65ne ayay65ne 

Ciwtomary. 
SJngqlar. Plural. 

1. aineiuirsen aineitdissen 

2. aineinsen aineosen 

3. ateoinne ayatcoinne 
3a. aydinne ayayoinne 

Present Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. ainesin ai nu wit dis sin 

2. ainuwinsin ainuwosin 

3. atcondesne ayatcondesne 
3a. ayondesne ayay5ndesne 

Past Definite. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. ainesen ai nH wit dis sen 

2. ainHwinsen ainuwosen 

3. atc5ndesne ayatcdndesne 
3a. ayondesne ayayondesne 

The verb which means to think is still more unusual in its 
forms than is the verb to say. The first and second persons have 
the root forms -sin and -sen; the third person the forms -n 
and -ne. 

ai yon des ne te, fut. def. 3a sing., she will think about. 
104-1. 

ainesen, past def. 1 sing., I thought. 187-3. 

aininsinne, imp. 2 sing., you must think. 208-17. 

ainuirsin, pres. 1 sing., I think so. 353-3. 

ateoinne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 139-4. 

a tcon des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought. 96-7. 

yatcondesne, past def. 3 plu., they thought. 265-2. 



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200 



University of Calif omia Publications. [^^ ^Jw^h. Eth. 



nin sin, pres. 2 sing., you think. 337-12. 
htrunnesin, pres. 2 sing., don't you remember. 



163-8. 



do ai nin sin ^x, pres. 2 sing., you don't think. 337-9. 
tco in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. 
tcoxondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 

257-1. 
tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of him. 

325-14. 

Conjugation op Adjectives. 



Nit das, it is heavy. 




Present Definite. 


Singular. 


PluraL 


1. nu(€das 


nit dit das 


2. nin das 


nddas 


3. tcindas 


ya in das 


3a. nit das 


ya nit das 




Imperative. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. iutrdas 


it dit das 


2. in das 


odas 


3. tco das 


ya tco das 


3a. yodas 


ya yo das 




Customary. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. eititrdas 


e it dit das 


2. e in das 


eodas 


3. tee it das 


ya it das 


3a. e it das 


ya e it das 




Past. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. wuM? das, or we das 


wit dit das 


2. win das 


wo das 


3. tcuwindas 


ya win das 


3a. win das 


yandas 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 201 

The conjugation of nit das is almost identical with class i 
conjugation 1 of the verb. The most noticeable feature of the 
adjectives is the presence of a prefix in the present, the form 
more frequently employed These prefixes which consist of a 
single letter appear to classify the adjectives with which they 
are employed. In this case, n, seems to be used with adjectives 
expressing qualities which are inseparable from the existence 
of the object, such as, shape, size, and weight. Among these are : 

rmw nes, I am tall ; tee nes, he is tall ; nes, it is tall, or tall, 
ntitrhtron, I am good; tcin nil hiron, he is good; nQhfi75n, it 

is good. 
naw teL, I am broad ; tcin teL, he is broad ; nit teL, it is flat. 
nu«?tcwin, I am dirty; tointcwin, he is dirty; nitctcwin; it 

is dirty, 
nutr kya 5, I am large ; tcin kya 5, he is large ; nik kya 5, it is 

large. 

anuLkyo, (comparative form) so large it had swollen. 
121-10. 

win kya o, past 3 sing., she got big. 189-5. 

mcLkyowei, (comparative form) it was big enough. 
136-9. 

menawiLkyo, (comparative form) she was that big. 
341-4. 

nai xon nfl wiL hiron. it cured him. 121-13. 

naneiute hiron, cust. 3 sing., he gets well. 196-4. 

na nil win htron te, f ut. 3a sing., it will be good weather. 
273-5. 

nil win htron, past 3 sing., it is good. 260-13. 

nu win hiron te, fut. 3 sing., it will be good. 258-16. 

nuhtcon^x, adverb, good. 236-3. 

nuhtronhit, pres. 3a sing., beautiful. 341-15. 

xdlunnuhtrdntcL, fut.3a sing., will it be goodf 295-9. 

tcu win kya we xd Ian, past def. 3 sing., large he had 
become he saw. 186-6. 

nitc tcwin, pres. 3a sing., dirty things. 247-15. 



Am. Aboh. Eth. 3. 14 



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202 



University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 



Luk kau, fat. 

Singular. 

1. LUM^kau 

2. Lmkau 

3. tcitLukkau 
3a. Lukkau 



With prefix L-. 

Present. 

Plural. 
Lit duk kau 
Lokau 
ya Luk kau 
ya Luk kau 



Impotential. 

Singular. 

1. do xo lin LUW3 kau, I shall never be fat. 
(As in the present.) 

Imperative. 
Singular. Plural. 

1. iu«?ka' itdilka 

2. ilka oLka 

3. tcolka yatcolka 
3a. 51 ka yaolka 





Customary. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. eiuw?kau* 


e it dil kau 


2. eilkau 


e 5l kau 


3. tee il kau 


ya il kau 


3a. eilkau 


ya il kau 




Past. 


Singular. 


Plural. 


1. wuM?kau 


wit dil kau 


2. wilkau 


woL kau 


3. tcu wilkau 


ya wil kau 


3a. wilkau 


yal kau 



Adjectives having l for their prefix in the present have 1 
before the root in the imperative, customary, and past. They 
resemble in form the verbs of the fourth class (the passive of 
the second class). 

iLet me get fat. 
2 1 get fat at times. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 208 

The adjectives which have this prefix seem to express the 
less constant qualities, such as, color and condition of flesh. 

yauLkai, louse grey. 111-1. 

littso, green stuflf. 342-5. 

littsowitc, blue beads. 199-7. 

niLtsai, dry meat. 97-7. 
Besides these are adjectives with a prefix which instead of 
being confined to the present is retained in aU the forms. With 
the prefix te-, perhaps that indicating distribution when used 
with verbs, tcittilte, he is strong, is conjugated as are the verbs 
of class iv, conjugation 3; while tcittittcit, he is tired, fol- 
lows the verbs of class i, conjugation 36. With the prefix tco-, 
is the adjective tcodai, he is poor (lean), which belongs with 
verbs of class i, conjugation le. 

ROOTS. 

The term root has been applied to that part of the verb 
which remains when all prefixes, elements indicating person 
and number, and suffixes, have been discarded. These roots 
are monosyllabic in form. Only a few of them can be referred 
to known noun forms. Many of them describe with consider- 
able exactness the kind of an act or state spoken of. A large 
number indicate in addition the nature and number of the 
object affected by the act. 

It seems probable that some of these so-called roots are still 
composite. Several double forms, one without a final consonant 
and the other with one, suggest that, in some cases, these con- 
sonants are the remains of suffixes. 

The roots have been listed together with the verbs contain- 
ing them and classified as to meaning and form. 

-ai, -a. The root -a seems to carry the force of position. The 
prefixes indicate the place and particular attitude of the object. 
The syllable preceding the root states whether position is cus- 
tomary, vrithout beginning, or assumed at some definite time. 
The suffixes indicate that the position is predicated of the future 
as certain or conditional, or states some other tempo-modal fact. 
Eliminating then these known elements, there remains the force 
of **has position" to be expressed by this root 



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204 Univenity of California Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

a) Having the short form, 

a da na win a te, for himself he will get. 338-9. 

eea, always lay. 292-2. 

iLwaiwina, (the trail) forked. 141-16. 

ya a a, he sat. 150-8. 

ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2. 

yawina, he sitting. 162-11. 

yaLedaadin/ the comer. 286-1. 

yana, he sitting. 110-14. 

yanawesa, he sat down. 165-17. 

ya name da a, (his stomach) loomed up. 121-11. 

ya na me dti win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. 

yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. 

ye wes a, (his face) was in. 153-10. 

yitsineeamiL, west the sun was. 333-4. 

win a, (house) went. 192-13. 

me du wiL a, she. put the ends in the fire. 242-11. 

naaa, he always has. 257-4. 

nan a ei, it hangs there. 295-3. 

nanaduwi&a, it stands up. 364-14. 

nan ate, you will have. 357-7. 

na na kin nu wiL a, he made the ridge. 104-3. 

nantiwesa, (ridges) run across. 363-14. 

nadaa, it stood. 150-8. 

nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. 

(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head 
used to stand up). 340-12. 

na dti will a, (smoke) came out. 197-5. 

(xoideai) naduwinade, if they listen. 341-12. 

naduwinate, it will stick up. 204-2. 

(tin) nina, road was there. 138-1. 

ntiwinate, it will be. 

xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9. 

xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. 

xa na kyti xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. 

xdLyaidinnewiLa, they learned. 180-13. 

xoLdanaduwinaei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. 



^Several, mutuallj, at right angles, have pontioii, place. 



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▼oL. 3] Ooddard,— Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 206 

dayawesa, he sat down. 138-3. 

da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 

119-16. 
dayanawesa, he sat there. 144-11. 
da na diL a, shoot. 329-11. 
da na doL a, he can shoot. 145-1. 
da na dtl wiL a, he set another on it 197-4. 
danadtiwiLa, he shot. 329-12. 
da na dd win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 
dadnwesatenewan, he could hardly hold pointed to 

it. 271-10. 
do xdL din nu wiL a, he did not know how. 176-6. 
dtlwesate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. 
tawesa, it will project. 255-2. 
tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1. 
tcQwaal, he carried along. 257-1. 
kenaneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-1. 
kenanina, it leaning up. 99-5. 
keneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-9. 
kitts5tsyuwiLa, ^'tsots'' they made noise like. 364-9. 

b) The following have the same root under the longer 
form -ai. 

This change of form seems to be phonetic and due to accent, 
rather than morphological, the result of contraction with a 
sufifix. The forms of the impotential all have this long form 
and the verb naa, ''he has/' makes use of the form for its 
past tense. Nearly aU the examples given below occur where 
the forms with the shorter root would have been expected. 

yauM? htrai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. 

yanai, they were sitting. 329-3. 

yanawinai, he sat down. 136-6. 

nadaai, it stands. 244-12. 

xonmanadaai, the post back of the fire. 363-9. 

dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6. 

da yanawinai, he sitting. 162-2. 

do nauic ai, I do not wear. 247-15. 



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206 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am. A»oh. Bth. 

-au, -a ; to sing. This verb is employed of an individual sing- 
ing a song by himself, such as a love song. Another root, -te, 
-tu, is used of dance songs. 

a) The ivipotential, customary, and pa^st definite have the 
form -au. 

kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -a. 

yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. 

na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

-aL, -UL; to slit open. The verbs with this root are con- 
nected with the cutting open of fish and game, especially salmon 
and deer. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -aL. 

nin kyti wiL aL, he cut it. 266-10. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -Al. 

niyunkiLUL, they were cutting. 100-17, 101-2. 

-aL, -liL ; to chew. This root may be connected with the last. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -aL. 

tctiwinaL, he chewed. 121-12, 330-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -ul. 

keuL^x, she chewed.* 276-3. 
MnuL^x, you chew. 275-2. 

-au; meaning unknown. 

Lax ya xon no au, they fooled him. 166-10. 

-an, -un, -auir ; to transport round objects. Verbs which have 
reference to the moving of objects are peculiar in Athapascan 
languages in that, by employing different roots, they classify all 

^ It must be borne in mind that forms having suffixes are in nearly aU 
eases those of the present definite or present indefinite, although the mean- 
ing may be that of the past. The objects of verbs of seeing, or hearing 
are also in the present form in Hupa but require often the past for their 
translation into English. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Langiu^e, 207 

objects according to their size and shape. The following verbs 
have to do with small round objects such as stones. Verbs re- 
ferring to houses are also included here. 

a) The past definite tense has the form -an 
yawinan, he picked up (stones). 197-1, 342-1. 
menoninan, he put inside. 328-13. 

miL xds sat an, he had been poisoned (with in his mouth 

it had been put. 121-14. 
na in dean, he brought. 365-17. 
nana win an, he had taken down. 176-10. 
nananinan, he won back. 144-9. 
nasaan, it was. 360-8. 
nonaininan, he left. 355-10. 
nd na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. 
nSnaninan, he placed (a house). 117-8. 
no nin an, he established it. 273-3. 
xa will an, he took out. 100-10, 135-8. 
xSlunsaanne, there was much. 165-12. 
dayadilwinan, they took away. 171-14. 
da na yai dti win an, they brought it back. 365-15. 
da na sa an, on was sitting. 237-8. 
datcuwinan, he placed it. 210-6. 
deduwinan, he put in incense. 260-11, 266-16, 342-5. 
te tcti vrin an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. 
tee na nin an, he took out. 119-3. 
tee nin an, he took it out 119-15. 
tciLan, he had. 171-16. 

b) The present definite tense (and forms with suffixes) has 
the root in the form -un. 

mesaun, (nothing) was in it. 243-15. 
na na win uii xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17. 
nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9. 
nonanefin, I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. 
nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. 
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 
no nin un hit, when he finished (when he put it down). 
234-7. 



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208 University of California Publications. [Am. Akoh. Bth. 

xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5. 

sa M, standing. 110-13. 

saunte, it will be. 226-10. 

danaduwinunte, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 

domesaun, nothing was in it. 243-9. 

c) Indefinite tenses have the form -autr 
yaauttjhwei, he held it out. 166-5. 
noautrneen, the fire pit cover. 220-12. 
no naufi? auir, I never leave. 248-1. 
nonauf/?ne, you must put it down. 210-7. 
no na kin aui£> ne, you must leave. 353-10. 
nutcsiuw, am I going to leave. 157-8. 
hwoh nun auw?, give me. 329-14. 
xautrautr, I am going to take it out. 135-7. 
xa wa auK? h«7iL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. 
deduau(M?) htriLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. 
do no auM?, he never put down. 259-6. 
doxaautr, one doesn't dig. 135-3. 
do xo liii na ta autr, he won't carry. 258-3. 
dotceautr, he never took out. 230-12. 
tceeauM?, he took out. 333-2. 

-an, -M, -auM? ; to run, to jump. This root is only employed 
when the subject is in the plural. 

a) Past definite with the form -an. 
innaxosan, they jumped up. 169-11. 
yaxdnan, they jumped. 105-10. 
yexotaan, they ran in. 153-1^238-9. 
naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4. 
xanax5nan, they came up again. 360-10. 
xotaan, they ran down. 198-4. 

da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. 
daxoiian, they jumped on. 165-5, 347-18. 

b) Present definite with the form -un. 
yexdnuiihit, when they ran in. 169-11. 

c) Indefinite tenses with the form -autr. 

no xo au«7 hf/7il, they kept arriving. 208-1. 
xdteeaujr, they run along. 363-14. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 209 

daxddauir, they jump on him. 195-9. 

tanaxoauir, they jump out. 165-6. 

te iL auir htf ei, in the water crawl. 311-7. 

-ate ; to move in an undulating line. This root is used of a 
pack-train and a herd of trotting elk. 

niLate, they carae (with a pack-train). 200-2. 

teLatc, a pack-train carae. 200-1. 

tcLatcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. 

-eL ; to have position. This root is used when the subject is 
in the plural under the same circumstances and with the same 
meaning as -ai, -a, given above. 

yawineL, they were sitting there. 181-8. 

Le na de eL, they were joined. 347-4. 

LedeeLta, in a comer. 270-5. 

nanaduwineL, they stuck up. 106-14. 

naduwineL, they stuck up. 106-3. 

nineL, (everything) that is. 228-2. 

xodewineL, they were dead. 181-4. 

xueneL, they will go. 284-1. 

da na kin neuir eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. 

tan eL, sticking out. 341-15. 

tewineL, they stand out. 283-14. 

tceyaneL, they ran out. 336-2. 

keyanineL, they were leaning up. 99-6. 

kenineL, they were leaning up. 235-9. 

kinnodeeL, they stick. 363-15. 

-en, -in ; to look. Verbs with the root -en, -in, express the act 
of seeing as voluntary. Involuntary seeing requires the root 



a) The past definite, customaryj and impotentidl take the 
form -en. 

ya xon ncL en, they looked at him. 278-3. 
nayaneLen, they looked. 105-8. 
naneiLen, she looked at. 245-14. 
naneLen, he looked back at. 103-14, 362-10. 
naxodeilen, he watched him. 202-5. 



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210 University of CdUfomia Publications, [Am. Aaon. Bra. 

na ten en, he looked. 97-18. 

xanatenen, she looked for them. 300-14. 

xowesennei, one could see. 120-5. 

xon ne iuir en, I am accustomed to look at. 138-13. 

daxoduwesen, one could see. 242-13. 

do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. 

do yu xon neL en, nobody looked at him. 362-7. 

dona ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. 

do nel en, she did not look at. 136-7. 

do he ya xon neL en, they could not look at him. 139-1. 

do xo lifi x5n ne dil en, we can't look at him. 139-3. 

do teen, I don't look. 351-8. 

tei en, I looked. 238-4. 

tcex xot dit teL en, he watching her. 137-10. 

tcinncLen, he saw. 99-4. 

tcitteen, he looked. 165-19. 

tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. 

tcitteteen, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2. 

tco x5n neL en, he looked at him. 109-1. 

tco xot dit tcL en, he watched along. 97-10. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, with the imperative 
employ the form -in. 

ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13. 

min no tes in, he is looking under his arm. 113-1. 

naiwitinil, she looked. 243-5. 

nayatesin^x, she looked. 300-17. 

nanewitdiliniLte, we will look at. 216-18. 

na neL in hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 

na xot dti wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. 

nadutrin, I watch. 259-14. 

nateuiriniLte, I will look back from. 230-7. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

nateninxolan, you looked it was. 238-6. 

na ten in te, you will look. 356-5. 

neit^in, I looked at. 175-10. 

neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3. 

niLifi, look. 356-12. 

ntiirin, let me look. 99-4. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morph/>logy of the Hupa Language, 211 

xonneLinte, I can look at him. 138-14. 

do tcu x6n neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 

138-11. 
ten in te, you will look. 140-7. 
tesuirin, I am jiroing to look. 171-2. 
tcitteweinil, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. 
tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16. 
tcittesin, one does (not) look. 237-9. 

-en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one's self. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -en. 
a iL en ka, the way they do it. 227-2. 

aikyuiren, I will do. 230-16. 
maakiLenneen, their doings. 361-11. 
mal yeox a iL en, he took care of. 346-4. 

b) Present and future tenses with the form -in. 
aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. 
aiLinte, they will do. 266-13. 
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 

ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. 

xa ai ya xol in ^x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. 

xa a ya iL in *x, they did that. 105-10. 

xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15. 

-iutr ; to drop, to fall in drops as rain, 
nailiutr, (tears) dropping. 337-14. 
naol (i)utr, which drops first. 115-12. 
nal (i)uirte, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. 
nanaldeititr, (water) dripping oflP. 337-5. 
da nal iuir din, it dropped place. 338-4. 

-its ; to shoot an arrow. 

yaxoiiits, he shot. 166-8. 

yikitteits, he can shoot. 144-12. 

yoeits, lie shot at. 157-11. 

nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. 

nakisits, they shot at a mark. 266-13. 

hw?i8 sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 



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212 University of California Publications. [Am. Aaoh. Bth, 

xa kin its, it shoot up. 158-7. 

x6 sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. 

te ke its te, I will shoot in. 112-9. 

te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10. 

tcoyanits, they began to shoot. 144-12. 

-its; to wander about, to run around. 
naiLits, it is running around. 294-4. 
na iL its ^x, he ran around. 185-10. 
na is its, different places she ran. 185-6. 
nanaLits, running around. 295-10. 
nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3. 

-ftt; to move flat flexible objects. This root is one of those 
which classify the object affected. It is employed of buckskin, 
cloth, and paper. The root -kyos given below is more frequently 
used and has the same meaning. 

noninut, he threw it. 112-3. 

tewautte, in the water I will throw. 111-17. 

-ya; to stand on one's feet (used only in the plural). Com- 
pare -yen, -yin, below. 

dadeilya, they stand around. 195-7. 
tenadeilya, in the water they stand. 310-4. 

-yai, -ya, -yauir ; to go, to come, to travel about. This verb is 
used only in the singular and for the most part of human beings 
but sometimes of animals and things. 

a) The past definite tense employs the form -yai. 
in tana wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. 
yaninyai, he walked. 138-15. 
yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3. 
yatesyai, he went away. 360-4. 
(hi(?edeai)yewinyai, into my head it came (I heard). 

246-7. 
ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. 
(htredeai) yenatyai, my head it came to. 356-15. 
ye tcu win yai, he went in. 97-3. 
yimantuwinyai, he was lost across. 97-8. 
yi de tu win yai, he was lost north. 342-9. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 213 

Lenaindiyai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 

menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. 

menundiyai, years (it came against). 145-7. 

minyai, it was nearly time. 286-6. 

mit tiik ten yai, between he got in. 108-15. 

naindiyai, he got back. 121-16. 

nautrdiyai, I have come. 145-10. 

na naindiyai, he came back across. 103-11. 

nana wit yai, he came down. 138-15. 

nanatyai, (the sun) had gone down. 202-9. 

naninyai, he crossed. 119-17. 

nanyai, it rained. 144-5. 

naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. 

nates dlyai, he went home. 97-17. 

neiyai, I came. 140-14. 

nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. 

nonyai, it went down. 348-3. 

xaisyai, he came up. 105-1. 

xana is dlyai, he came back up. 100-2. 

xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15. 

xotdawinyai, he went. 272-3. 

xotdafiyai, it went down. 281-1. 

xdtdeisyai, he met him. 105-14. 

xotctiwinyai, he came down. 104-12. 

do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. 

do na in dl yai, he did not come back. 306-2. 

do he tee nin yai, he did not come out. 162-13. 

do x6 lin nun yai, you may not live. 257-9. 

do xwe de ai ye nat yai, she never heard. 307-15. 

do tee nin yai, she never went out. 158-3. 

djenyai, it opened. 108-11. 

tana is dl yai, he came out of it again. 314-6. 

tasyai, they have left. 271-2. 

teseyai, I went away. 353-6. 

tesyai, (its sound) went along. 348-5. 

tu win yai, he was lost. 122-1. 

tee na in dl yai, he came out again. 102-13. 

tceneiyai, I have gone out. 99-14. 



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214 University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 

tceninyai, he went out. 97-16. 

tcittesyai, he started. 96-10. 

keisyai, he climbed. 137-17. 

kiL dje xan yai, they fought. 165-5, 171-11. 

b) The present definite, the first and third persons impera- 
tive and all verbs employing suffixes take the form -ya. 

intanawityate, he would turn back. 187-4. 

yeweyate, I wiU go. 246-4,314-3. 

yewiiiya, (she saw) come in. 305-8. 

(xoideai) yewinya, his head it has gone in (he has 

heard). 355-8. 
yewinyayexolun, a person had gone in. 118-5 
yenawityahit, iwhen he went in. 118-6. 
yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. 
ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-8. 
ye tcti win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. 
win yaL, come on. 170-12. 
winyalxoM?, where you came along. 120-14. 
Lenaindiyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. 
Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. 
naindiyayei, he came back. 98-6. 
nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. 
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. 
nanodiya, let it come back. 233-5. 
nanunya, go back. 187-6. 
nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14. 
nates diyayei, he arrived. 104-3. 
nates diyate, I will go back. 117-14. 
natindiyane, go home. 337-18. 
nei ya, I might go. 203-15. 
neyate, I am going. 348-15. 
niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. 
ninyayete, it will come. 307-12. 
ninyade, if they come. 334-10. 
ninyate, it will reach. 151-15. 
n5 nun diyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. 
nun diyate, it will come back. 307-9. 




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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Ilupa Language, 215 

xaisyadin, he got up place. 272-2. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. 

xdwinyaL, go along. 354-3. 

xolun tceninya, he must have arrived. 209-1. 

x6t da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. 

danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4. 

doneyahtrfln, I can't stay. 348-10. 

do tcit tes ya te sillen, he did not feel like going on. 

281-3. 
tasya ye xolun, they had gone. 267-14. 
tas ya htrun, one ought to go away. 215-8. 
teseyate, I am going away. 229-9. 
tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. 
tuwinyayei, he got lost. 34817. 
tee na in dl ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. 
tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8. 
tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1. 
tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1. 
tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. 
tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. 

tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. 
tcit tes ya din, he started place. 348-9. 
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. 
kissa wiiiyate, he will go into somebody's mouth. 

257-5. 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -yautr. 
yeinyauir, they always go in. 305-9. 
mit tiik in yautr, get in. 108-9. 
ninyautr, go. 354-3. 

xot da ke 1 yauir, they came down the hill. 310-6. 
te ke 1 yauir hM'ei, they go in. 311-2. 
teen ya htdL te, you will go. 356-8. 
kit ti yautr, they came. 98-3. 

The following words have a root agreeing in meaning with 
-yai and -ya above, but differing in its treatment. All but the 
impotential have the form -ya, the impotential has the form 
-yai, and -yautp is not found. 



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216 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

a du wun xo kyun na T ya, about herself she thought. 

286-5. 
wunnaiya, he worked on it. 226-2. 
wiinnaisya, he started to make. 362-14. 
wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. 
wun xoi kyun na i ya, she began to think about it. 276-4. 
wun xoi kyun na nail ya, he began to think about it. 

294-4, 117-12. 
(xoikyun) meoiya, we can make them think about. 

242-16. 
(xoikyun) me nun dlyate, his mind will think about. 

314-9. 
(xoikyiin) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9. 
naeiya, it used to rain. 229-2. 
na i ya, he used to go. 135-2. 
naiyadin, where I live. 231-5. 
naisya, he walked around. 157-9, 190-13. 
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. 
na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. 
nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. 
nanaisyaexolan, she could walk. 276-11. 
(xoikyun) na nan y a, he studied again. 103-2. 
nana sin yate, you will be. 353-8. 
nanya, it rains. 229-3. 
(xoikyun) nan ya, he studied. 102-17. 
na sin yate, you will travel. 356-2. 
nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. 
ke ket na I ya, made a creaking noise. 290-9. 

-yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action, or to be in a con- 
dition or plight. 

a) The past tense has the form -yau. 
a it yau xo lun, he was tired. 346-10. 
auM?diyau, I did. 325-17,276-5. 
anaidiyau, We do this. 361-9. 
a nauu? di yau, I did it. 325-12, 282-5. 
a na di yau, it did that. 244-11. 
a nun di yau, it did this. 326-6, 275-1. 






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Vol. 8] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language, 217 

a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14. 

findiyau, you did. 257-8,337-9. 

xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. 

xa ana it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 

xaadiyau, it did that. 244-14, 337-17. 

xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12. 

da xo un a tcit yau, that he was dead. 226-5. 

da xwed dan a di yau, what is it ^ing to do. 270-6. 

doxaundiyau, you don't do that. 343-13. 

b) The present tense employs the form -ya. 
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. 
autrdlya, I mi(?ht manage it. 101-11. 
autrdiyate, how am I going to dot 257-14, 275-5. 
adiyate, it will be. 260-18. 
ateitya, he is doing. 204-14. 
tin di ya te, what will you do t 266-4. 
xadlyate, it will do that. 254-10. 
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. 
xa autr di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. 
xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. 
xoi kyxin tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. 
xolMadiya, it has happened. 361-6. 
x5 Ian a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. 
da xo a di ya xo Ian, he was dead they found out. 175-11. 
da xo M a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. 
dutr di ya, I am in the condition. 355-10. 

-yan, -yiin, -yauic; to eat. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impoteniial have the 
form -yan. 

yaiwinyan, they ate them. 200-8. 

yai xoi i yan, they always eat him. 195-10. 

ya win yan, they ate it. 266-12. 

ye i yan, they eat them. 195-9. 

yinneLyannei, it ate it up. 347-18. 

yik kyu win yan, it ate. 319-7. 

yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. 

yuwinyan, she ate it. 319-5. 

Am. Aboh. 1th. 8. 15. 



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218 University of California Publications. [A^- Arch. Eth. 

noi nin yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. 

no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. 

da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. 

dokeyan, I don't eat. 351-7. 

ddkyan, she didn't eat. 157-2. 

dokytiwehtran,* I don't eat. 355-15. 

dokytiwityan, without eating. 226-4. 

tee kin nin yan, they came out to eat. 98-2. 

tcinncLyan, he ate up. 111-5. 

tcti win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11. 

ke i yan, he used to eat. 237-6. 

kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. 

kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. 

kyu win yan, he ate it. 120-10, 98-18. 

b) The present tense, definite and indefinite, and the impera- 
tive have the form -yun. 

ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17. 

yu win yun htrun te, he must eat. 233-2. 

yuwinyunte, she will eat them. . 253-8, 100-14. 

na kin yun, eat again. 192-7, 153-9. 

na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

nittcuwinyunde, if she eats you. 266-7. 

xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. 

da kin yun te, to chew oflf. 151-9. 

tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 

tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 

tcuwinyunteLde, he would eat. 267-17. 

keiyiin, I might eat. 98-13. 

keiyiinte, I am going to eat. 97-15. 

kin yun, eat it. 166-6. 

kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6. 

kyo yun, eat. 192-2. 

kyu win yun il, you ate along. 121-1. 

kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. 

kyti hwuh il, I ate along. 120-16. 



* The syllable -bK;an ia apparently formed by carrying over the sign of 
the first person singular -uw and contracting it with -yan. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 219 

c) The following seem to be from this root. 
me nai yi yauir, they eat it down. 356-13. 
me nai yi yauir e x6 Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11. 
do kit ti yauir, they never went out to feed. 97-11. 
kit tei yauir, they came to feed. 310-10. 

-yan, -y(m; to live, to pass through life. This is no doubt 
a derived meaning, the meaning on which it is based has not 
been discovered. 

a) The past tense has the form -yan. 

xoi na x5 wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. 
do xoi nes yan, he did not raise it. 282-4. 
tsis di yan, he was old. 169-2. 
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. 

b) The present tense has the form -yun. 
nai k§ yiin te, they will grow. 296-4. 

niL x5t yiin te, it will be easy for you to get 357-7. 
do xwe x6 wil yiin te, he will be crazy. 307-10. 
te di yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7. 
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. 
d6 xo di yM htdin, there won 't be many. 308-6. 

-yan, -yun ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential tenses have the 
form -yan. 

wut na ya x6 wil yan, they watched. 267-10. 
xoi ye xoi i yan, she suspected her. 158-3. 
xo wut tcu x6 wes yan, he watched her. 137-8. 

b) The present has the form -yun. 

xo wut xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7. 

-ye ; to dance. Verbs with this root seem to carry the generic 
meaning of dancing, while special kinds of dances are referred 
to by words with roots specifying the particular acts performed 
as: tciLtiiL, **he kicks," tciL waL, **he shakes a stick." 

na du wil ye, they danced again. 215-13. 

doLye, dance. 222-13. 

tcit dil ye, to dance. 117-8. 

tcitdilye^x, they danced. 216-7. 



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220 University of California PuhUcaiions, [Am. Akch. Bth. 

tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. 
tcit du wil ye 11 te, they will dance. 117-9. 
tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. 

-yeuir; to rest. 

nawilyeuir, he rested. 119-14. 
naLyeutr, rest. 280-5. 
na tcil yeuir sa an din, resting place. 363-3. 
na tcil yeutc din, the resting place. 347-3. 

-yeutt? ; to rub, to knead. 

Le ye tcu win yeuir, he jammed in. 143-10. 
tee win yeutr, she rubbing them. 301-5. 

-yen, -yin \ to stand on one's feet. 

a) The past definite and the customary have the form -yen. 
win yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11. 
metsisyen, who stands in. 195-11. 

na win yen, he stood. 106-3. 

tee i yen, he always stands. 207-6, 332-9. 

tcuwinyen, he stood. 109-11,203-5. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -yin. 

tee 1 yin hit, when he stands. 258-1. 

-yets ; to entangle, to tie strings together. 

Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 
151-10. 

-yo ; to like, to love, to be pleased with anything, 
iutryo, I like. 230-16. 
yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10. 
wessilyoneen, whom you used to like. 307-16. 
haidatcuwesyo, more yet he likes. 340-13. 
do wes yd, I don't like. 233-6, 231-8. 
do tcu wes yo, he did not like. 96-7, 231-8. 
tee il yo, he liked it. 202-5. 
tcuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11. 



^ There is a glotal stop in this root between the vowels and the nasals 
whieh are surds. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 221 

-ydir ; to flow, to scatter. 

na kis yoir htrei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. 

noi k! ydtr din, as far as it goes. 311-6. 

n5 kin nin ydtr, they were scattered about. 145-3. 

ddhexakinyoir. it did not come out (said of water). 

105-5. 
kitt^yotr, it flowed out. 100-11. 

-y61, -y6L ; to blow with the breath. 

a) The past tenses have the form -y6l. 
xeeiLyol, he blows away. 296-15. 

b) The present tense hxis the form -y6L. 
yetcilydL, she blows in. 

-yds; to draw something long out of a narrow space, to 
stretch. 

tceninySs, he pulled out. 118-10. 

tcit te yos, she stretched it. 158-13. 

-yot ; to chase, to bark after. Said of dogs, 
ye yin ne yot, it drove by barking. 321-5. 
min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. 
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. 
xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10. 
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. 

-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. This root is only used in the 
third person singular. It corresponds to -ga in the other 
Athapascan dialects. 

a) The impotential regularly has the form -wai, and it is 
found in the example given below where its appearance is un- 
explained. 

do wun na wai, he never had done. 321-3. 

b) All but the impotential have the form -wa. 
wun na wane en, going after used to. 157-10. 
na wa, they were there. 209-3. 

nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. 
nawaye, he went. 230-2, 231-9. 
do na wa, nobody going about. 166-2. 
donawate, he will not live. 257-11. 



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222 University of California Publications. [^^- Aech. Bth. 

-wauiT; to talk, to make a noise. This root is usually em- 
ployed with a plural subject. It is applicable to the noise of 
animals as well the confused noise of the conversation of 
people. 

me ya du wil wauw7, they began to talk about it. 265-1. 

me dil wauw?, they talked about. 340-5. 

me dil wautc din, they talk about place. 340-4. 

me dil wauM? ta, they talked about places. 340-12. 

xoi du wil wautt?, they talked about him. 116-14. 

dilwau«?tsu, he heard croak. 112-12. 

tcit dil wautt? tsu, talking they heard. 170-16. 

-wal, -waL ; to shake a dance stick, to dance. 

a) The past definite, customary and impotential have the 
form -wal. 

tceiLwal, they danced. 239-3. 

b) Ths present, definite and indefinite, and the imperaiive 
have the form -waL. 

seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. 
tciL waL ^x, they danced. 238-10. 
tciLwaLwinie, they always danced. 239-2. 

-waL, -wul, -wuL ; to strike, to throw, to scatter. 

a) The definite tenses employ the form -waL. 
yawiLwaL, he threw. 362-8. 
ye na xol waL, he threw him. 106-13. 
LendnduwaL, it shut. 108-16. 
me wiL waL, he beat on. 315-1. 
miLxotdakiLwaL, with she dropped down. 189-11. 
nayaduwilwaL, they were scattered about. 109-13, 

192-17, 170-11. 
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. 
na deL waL, he put it. 114-5. 
nadittcLwaL, she emptied down. 192-12, 109-16. 
xaxowilwaL, **Dug-from-the-ground.'' 138-9. 
xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11. 
xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 



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Vol. 8] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 223 

xe e du waL ei, ( feathers) disappear over the hill. 

208-17. 
xoL Le nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. 
danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17. 
de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. 
djetwaL, it opened. 281-17. 

ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 
tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked oflF. 159-11. 
tcexoteLwaL, he pulled him. 106-17. 
tcuweswaL, he lay (like a lojr). 112-16. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -wiil. 
yaiLwul, she always clubs them. 196-1. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form 

-WUL. 

na a diL wul, hurry ( throw yourself) . 354-3. 

niL yai kyo du WUL, with you let it seesaw. 107-17. 

-wan, -nan, -wun, -nun; to sleep. This root usually appears 
in the form of -fian or -nun, w following n of the preceding 
syllable of the definite tenses being assimilated to it. In the 
cases in which the initial of the syllable is not recorded, it 
probably escaped the ear. The verbs making use of this root 
require that the persons affected appear as the object. The 
subject of the verbs, never expressed, is probably the mythical 
miL found in the word miL na x6 wiL we, **he felt sleepy" 
(sleep fought with him). 121-5. 

a) The past definite has the forms -wan, -nan. 
naxoikytiwinan, he went to sleep. 121-9. 
xoikyuwinan, he went to sleep. 121-7. 
xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. 
kyu win nan x6 Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1. 
xoik kyu win an, he went to sleep. 113-8. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the forms -wun, -nfin. 

nik kyo wun, go to sleep. 294-5. 

nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 

hirik kyo wun, I am going to sleep. 121-6. 



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224 University of California Publications. [Am. Akch. Eth. 

-was ; tx) shave off, to whittle. * 

no nin nas, he whittled it down. 197-3. 
tcuwinnas, he scraped bark off. 347-12. 

-wat, -wa ; to shake itself, said of a dog. 

a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. 
a nai du wa, he is shaking himself. 

-weL, -wil, -wiL ; the passing of night. Verbs with this root 
are often found with a direct personal object, having the mean- 
ing that the person named or indicated has passed the night in 
the place or under the circumstances mentioned. When the 
verbs are employed without an object they indicate the lapse 
of time. The subject of this verb has not been discovered, but 
seems to be darkness. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -weL. 
yi de yal weL, they spent a night. 200-9. 
yit del weL, they spent the night. 280-10. 
wil weL, (at) dark. 137-15,142-8. 

wil weL miL, after night. 238-8. 

wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. 

wil weL din, at night. 142-9. 

min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2. 

hw?elweLte, I will spend the night. 348-2. 

xoi yal weL, they camped. 175-6, 200-7. 

xoi nai weL, he stayed over night. 121-3. 

xoi na teL weL, they camped. 116-7. 

xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16. 

xoL xwel weL, he stayed over night. 98-12. 

xwelweL, he spent the night. 280-10, 361-15. 

do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. 

b) Th£ customary and impotential have the form -wil. 
eilwil, all day. 275-2. 

eilwil, every day. 150-7. 

e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7. 

xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. 



* Formfl with the initial w of the root appear whenever it is not pre- 
ceded by fi. Such forms do not happen to appear in Hupa Texts. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard.— Morphology of tks Hupa Language. 225 

xoi yal wil Ul ta, they had camped. 181-7. 

xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. 

ded e il lu wil, it begins to be dark. 356-10. 

do xo lin hiril wil, I will not stay over night. 176-1. 

c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form 
-wiL, but they do not occur in Hupa Texts, 

-wen, -win, -we; to kiU. This root furnishes the generic 
verbs for the killing of man or beasts. Other verbs indicate the 
manner of killing, as shooting or stabbing. 

a) The past definite has the form -wen. 
yaxoseLwen, they killed him. 171-12. 
yissetcLwennei, he commenced to kiU. 136-10. 
tcexoseLwen, he killed her. 164-11. 

tee seL wen, he killed. 136-11. 
tcissetcLwenexolan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. 

b) The present indefinite has the form -wifi. 
ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. 

ht/7it tsin tse win tM, I have been killed. 119-1. 

x6 lun ne seL wifi, (the load) has worn you out. 105-16. 

xoseseLwinte, I will kill him. 150-11,163-10. 

seseLwinte, I will kill it. 162-7. 

tcisscLwin detc, if he kills. 139-5. 

tcis seL win te, he will kill. 311-16. 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -we. 
ya xo siL we, they might kill him. 278-5. 
yis se iL we, he killed. 136-13. 

miL na xo wiL we, he felt sleepy (miL fought with him). 

121-5. 
xo sutt? we, let me kill him. 159-8. 
xddjeyuwiLwe, she loved him (her heart fought for 

him). 157-12. 
do xo lin n5 siL we, you can 't kill us. 165-7. 
tsis siL we, he killed one. 319-4. 
tcehM?issuwiLweLde, if he kills me. 114-3. 
tcisseiLweei, she had killed. 333-5. 
tcis siL we, he killed. 106-4. 



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226 University of California Publications, [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

-wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuw, -we, -wel, -weL; to carry on 
the back, with or without a burden basket. 

a) The past definite requires the form -wen (-en), 
yayakinen, they packed up. 164-4. 
yawinen, she carried. 210-4. 

ya na win en, she carried. 172-1. 

yanakinen, he packed up. 238-3. 

ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 

ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3. 

xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5. 

xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4. 

tatciswen, he carried out. 120-10. 

tcinninen, she brought. 137-15. 

kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14. 

b) The present definite has the form -win (-in). 
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. 

c) The present tense indefinite, customary, and impotentid 
have the form -wuw?. 

yaawut(?, he always takes on his back. 195-6. 

ya na ke u wmc, he used to pack up. 237-7. 

ya ke wutr hM?ei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 

yakinwtiw?, carry it. 105-18. 

na ne it wuu?, he used to carry it back. 237-8. 

ne itiw? wuM? din, I bring place. 137-5. 

nouwuic, he put down. 237-5. 

da yit de wuu? htrei, he always carries it oflf. 162-7. 

tcinneuwuir, she always brought back. 137-1, 195-7. 

tcin nu wuir win ^e, she always brought. 157-2. 

d) The third person of the imperative and, it would seem 
from the following example, sometimes the present indefinite 
has the form -we. 

na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 

b) The following verbs have the form -we plies the suffix 

-1, -L. 

yakewel, someone carrying loads. 110-3. 
nana kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7. 
tee wel, he was carrying. 106-4. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 227 

tceweLneen, they were carryinpr. 110-9. 

kewelle, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. 

-wen, -win, -wuw?, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire. 

a) The past definite has the form -wen (-en). 
datcuwinen, he put fire on it (he lit his pipe). 119-15. 
tcittetewen, she waved (fire). 242-12. 

b) The present definite has the form -win (-in), but it does 
not happen to occur in Hupa Texts, 

c) The customary^ impotential a^id sometimes the present 
indefinite, and the second person of the imperative have the 
form -wutr. None of them occur in Ilupa Texts, 

d) The third person of the imperative and sometimes the 
present indefinite have the form -we. 

xon nauM? we, fire I wave. 248-2. 

-wis; to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. 

a du wun ya teL wis, for themselves they were afraid 

(they dodged). 179-10. 
ye Ml wis, he bored a hole (with a drill). 197-3. 
doaduwuntelwishe, don't be frightened. 356-2. 
teit du wiL wis, he rolled between his hands. 197-4. 

-lai, -la, -lutr; to move or transfer a number of objects. By 
means of a change of the root, as has been said before, the 
objects moved or transferred are classified according to their 
shape and size. This statement applies only to single objects. 
When several objects, of the same class, or of different classes 
are aflFected, the root employed is -lai. 

a) The past definite has the form -lai. 

yanawillai, she picked it (a bundle) up. 307-6. 

yasillai, they were there. 180-3. 

yeyaxdlai, they took them. 179-12. 

yetcuwillai, he took them in. 301-7. 

yin ne ya xol lai, in the ground they have put them. 

360-9. 
yin ne tcu wil lai, in the ground had been put. 362-16. 
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 



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228 University of California Publications, [Am. Akch. Bth. 

miLwayakindillai, we traded with them. 200-4. 

na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. 

na ya x6n nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. 

nanayawillai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. 

na ne wes dillai, he won. 211-6. 

no nil lai, he put. 98-2,307-2. 

xaislai, she brought up. 98-16. 

xawillai, she dug it out. 242-5. 

xowayatellai, they gave them. 198-8. 

xowatcillai, he gave away. 103-7. 

xo tein na sil lai, she was dressed in. 164-9. 

sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. 

sil lai, standing. 202-4. 

da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. 

deduwillai, he put on the fire. 266-11. 

do hu?u wun nu wit lai he, don't bring them to me. 230-13. 

tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2. 

tee nil lai, he pulled out. 143-5. 

tcin tel lai, they brought. 230-15. 

b) The present definite has the form -la. 

adit tcin no nil lade, if she puts with herself. 302-10. 

ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9. 

Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 

Le nai wiL dil la din, they build a fire place. 351-5. 

Le naut/7 dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. 

Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9. 

Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 

Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. 

Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2. 

mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. 

nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. 

no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. 

sil la, (I wish) would lie. 190-14. 

sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4. 

de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

dedu wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 

do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. 

te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 229 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -lutr. 
a dit tcin nul luir, on yourself put it. 175-3. 
ya il Idir, he picked up. 292-14. 
ya luir, he picked it up. 292-15. 
yei il luw, waves bcKan. 102-2. 
ye tee il luir, he used to take. 288-2. 
Le na il lutr, she started the fire. 153-1. 
Le na lutr, he built a fire. 235-14. 
na ya nil lutrne en, which had been lost. 144-7. 
niL tcin nd il lutr, he put together. 334-12. 
noilltiir, she put. 157-11. 
ndnaillQir, she left oflF. 332-10. 
sa htril lute, put in your mouth. 276-8. 
tee il lu«?, he used to take out. 230-11. 
tcin ne il Iflir, they always brought. 230-10. 

-lai, -la, -Idtr ; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, 
to hand something to someone. 

a) The past definite has the form -lai. 

ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. 
wibi no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. 
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. 
kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14. 

b) The present definite h4is the form -la. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

-lai, -la, -luir ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. Some, 
at least, of the Hupa conceive of a canoe as a giant hand which 
carries people. Whether this root is connected with or is de- 
rived from the root which precedes in form, it is connected with 
it in the thought of the Hupa. 

a) The past definite Jias the form -lai. 
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. 
me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. 
xot da wil lai, they started in boats. 362-1, 215-13. 
xotdanawillai, they started by boat. 116-8. 
dittsenonillai, they headed the canoe. 216-4. 
ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. 
tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. 



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230 University of Calif omia Publications, C^^- Arch. Eth. 

b) The present definite has the form -la. 

dits tse no nil la x6 lun, it was pointed. 222-4. 
ten wil la le, they were going along. 222-1. 
It is probable that the following are connected with one of 
the preceding. 

IdL dje xai wil lai, they (dogs) commenced to fight. 

115-10, 17. 
kiL dje xai yo luir, let them fight. 115-2. 
kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. 

-lau, -la, -lu, -le; to do something, to treat somebody or 
something in a certain way, to arrange according to a plan or 
purpose. The phonetic connection between the first two and 
last two forms of the root is unexplained. It may be possible 
that two like forms with related meanings have become merged. 

a) The past tense hus the form -lau. 
autrlau, I made. 302-10,260-3. 
au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. 
ayatcillau, they fixed. 172-4. 
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. 
anaxowillau, he was ready for a fight. 162-10. 
a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11. 
anatcillau, he did. 106-8,145-11. 
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 
atcillau, he did it. 112-5, 157-6. 
akUlau, they did. 266-13, 322-1. 
ullau, what did you dot 163-3. 
Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. 
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. 
min xo an na xo wil lau, for him ready to fight. 163-13. 
xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1. 
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. 
xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. 
xa a tcil lau, he did the same thing. 211-1. 
x5n a na dti wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. 
xon a du wil lau, she marked herself. 311-12, 215-11. 
da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. 
da an na tcil lau, he tore down. 102-11. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 231 

b) The present definite, and in some cases at least, the 
present indefinite and imperative have the form -la. 

ailate, they will catch. 253-10. 

ante la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. 

au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 

ayaxola, somethinpr could befall them. 321-9. 

a wil la, (I wish) it would happen. 150-11. 

a late, what are you goinp to do t 102-15. 

anautrlate, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. 

ahtrola, you have treated me. 166-12. 

a x5 wit la, something? would happen to him. 223-1. 

axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. 

axolate, they will do. 306-12. 

ax5dilla, we could do with him. 116-16. 

a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10. 

Lenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8. 

Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. 

c) The customary and impotential have the form -Iti. 

mal yeuu? ai il IQ, she took care of it. 136-7. 
xa a xoi il Iti, always he did that. 237-9. 

d) a present indefinite tense with imperative forms occurs 
vnth -le. 

ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7. 

aikyuwillelliLte, they will do. 230-8. 

awillcLte, he will do. 253-12. 

ale ne, you must do it. 100-18. 

anadille, fix yourself. 170-1. 

a kyo le, you do. 198-2. 

a kyu wil lei Ul te, it will do. 236-3. 

ulle, take it over. 220-13. 

ailene, do it. 176-7. 

xa a wil Icl te, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xaulle, do that 165-19,138-8. 



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232 University of CMfomia Publications. [Am, Asoh. Bra. 

-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -lal. 

nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. 
kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6. 

b) The present tense has the form -laL. 
kinnauirlaL, I dreamed. 191-8. 

-Ian, -lun; with the negative prefix, to quit, to leave, to 
desist. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -Ian. 

do ytix xo il Ian, they always quit. 196-2. 
dotcowillan, she quit. 157-10, 242-13. 
doteowillan, he left. 343-9. 
do tco xo na wil Ian, he went away. 343-8. 

b) The present definite has the form -lun. 
do oi lun te, I will quit. 255-5. 

do yo lun te, they will quit. 231-1. 
do ytix xo il lun, they quit him. 196-7. 
do too wil lun, he stopped. 234-2. 

-Ian, -lun ; to be bom. 

a) The past tense has the form -Ian. 
tcislan, he was bom. 96-2. 

b) The present tense has the form -lun. 
islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. 

-lat, -la; to float. This root is used of inanimate objects 
including dead bodies. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -lat. 

nalatdei, it was floating. 243-17. 

nana lat de, it was floating. 244-9. 

natedillat, it floated up. 245-16. 

ndnundillat, it got back. 246-2. 

xa wil lat, it floated on the water. 266-8. 

xoL Le nun dil lat, it floated with him. 315-5. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 288 

xoL me nQn dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. 

xdLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2. 

ta des lat, it came. 105-2. 

te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 

teslatdei, it floated. 244-15. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -la. 

nala, it floating. 243-8. 

na la ne en, floatinfi: used to be. 243-12. 

daweslal, it floated. 314-10. 

da wil la le, it was floating!:. 244-6. 

da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. 

nanatlale, it floating. 243-13. 

tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3. 

tesla, he is drowning (floating as dead). 210-11. 

tcittesla, he is drowning. 210-11. 

-le; to feel with the hands. 

nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. 

na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. 

nakisle, he felt. 107-15. 

xo wfin na Ids le, he felt of him. 153-5. 

-lei; to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. 
When only one is so carried the root employed is -tel evidently 
an extended form of -te. It may be that -lei is likewise formed 
from -lai. 

ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9. 

-lei ; to bother. 

d6x61intcwiny6willel, they won't bother it. 267-4. 

-len, -lin, -la, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be. Verbs 
with this root often indicate acts without any apparent agency. 

a) The past definite /uw the form -len. 
yaislen, both became. 187-13. 
yaislenei, they became. 110-1. 
yasillen, they had become. 182-6. 
Li sil len, they made bets. 142-16. 
Am. Aboh. Ira. s. le. 



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234 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aroh. Bth. 

na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13. 

nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7. 

nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1. 

xolen, she has. 333-9. 

sillen, he got there. 346-6. 

sil len, it seems. 241-8. 

sillenneen, it came. 241-9. 

sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4. 

sil len ne xo lun, it had become. 97-4. 

d5yaxolen, they were lacking. 105-15. 

doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11. 

do na xo len nei, he was gone. 119-17. 

do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. 

do xo len, there was none. 159-3. 

do xo len ne, it was gone. 243-11, 159-2, 185-5. 

telenexolan, it had become. 187-5. 

tin nautt? tsis len, he came to have. 348-16. 

tsislen, he became. 186-10, 136-15, 229-2. 

(do) tcexolenne, he was gone.. 163-6. 

tcis len, he came to be. 106-17, 114-7. 

kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. , 

b) The present definite has the form -lin. 
nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. 
sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. 
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. 
sil lin tcL din, it is going to be place. 104-16. 
xo lin, it was. 340-7. 
doxolin, it is gone. 141-8. 
tsis lin te, it would become, 
tsis lin nete, he will become. 338-10. 

c) The customary, im^potential, and a sporadic future have 
the form -lu. 

naatluexolan, it had gone back. 234-11. 
nadillu, it will be. 243-2. 
hwe e il lu, it becomes mine. 248-1. 
x5 dje e it din te e il lu, he became unconscious. 223-14. 
do xo lin nin xa ten tcil lu, it won 't be rich man he will 
become. 338-7. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 235 

ddxdlrn tseliii tcilltl, he won't have blood on him. 
334-11. 

d) The present indefinite and imperative of all verbs con- 
taining this root, and cM the tenses of some other verbs have the 
form -le 

illene, become. 109-6. 

ole, let him become. 110-7, 340-8, 362-7. 

5lene, become. 109-18. 

nadille, they are. 211-13. 

na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. 

na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 

na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. 

na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. 

natleliLte, it will become. 312-4. 

n5x58lee, he is lost. 185-8. 

nnn dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. 

xoxiinxdsle, she got married. 189-9. 

xwa e il le, he had enough. 332-6. 

xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16. 

ddyidaille, they do not get enough. 196-7. 

do yl da le, it never satisfies them. 195-9. 

do x5 wil lei liL te, it will be no more. 217-15. 

d5x5sle, was not. 259-3, 96-7, 322-5. 

do na xds dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. 

tcil le, it would be. 340-10. 

tcuwillcLte, he will become. 114-4. 

Ids le te, they will catch many. 257-10. 

-len, -lin ; to flow, to run ; said of any liquid. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotentidl have the 
form -len. 

naweslenei, it falls. 104-1. 
ne il len, it always flows. 336-5. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -lin. 

ye nin dillin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. 
nauwillin, to run. 108-19. 
nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13. 



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286 University of Calif omia PvJ)Ucations. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

nowillin, it was covered. 115-16. 

tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. 

tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. 

tee na 11 lin x5 Ian, it used to run. 117-18. 

-lit; to bum. This root is used only of the fire as acting. 
The root employed in verbs meaning to cause to bum is -Lit, 
evidently related to this. 

wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. 

miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. 

na wil lit, he nearly burned. 330-1. 

nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8. 

na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5. 

n5 nil lit hit, when he finished sweating (when the fire 
had ceased burning). 210-8. 

xoL no il lit, it was done smoking with him. 336-4. 

x5l no nil lit, it finished burning. 364-7. 

XOL no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. 

xoLteillit, he smoked himself. 

x5 tel lit, he smoked himself. 210-7. 

do he te il lit, it would not bum. 166-9. 

do he tel lit, it would not burn. 

-lite ; to urinate. 

de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 

-lik ; to relate, to tell something. 

na xoir lik min, to tell you. 226-6. 
niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11. 
niL xoir lik, I am telling you. 360-8. 
niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. 
xowillikte, he will tell. 203-14. 
xoLyax5illik, he told them. 180-10. 
xdLyax5willik, they told them. 180-12. 
xdLtcuxowillik, he told him. 141-13. 
tco xo wil lik, she began to tell them. 181-15. 

-loi, to tie, to wrap around. 

anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. 
yaisloi, they wrapped. 179-7. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 237 

willoi, bundles. 210-3. 

Le il loi, he ties toffether. 334-12. 

Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5. 

me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. 

menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. 

mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. 

na iutr loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. 

tsisloi, he made bundles. 142-3, 210-3, 293-6. 

tcisloi, he played (he tied with). 144-4. 

-los, to drag, to pull alonfi:. 

ye na wil los, she draprj^ed it in. 190-2. 
nana kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. 
na te Ids, she dragged back. 190-1. 
xanaislos, she dragged it up. 192-2. 

-lu, -le ; to kill, to make an attack, to form a war party. 

A)The past definite, customary, and the impoiential have the 
form -lu. 

Leduwillu, he had killed several. 165-15. 
xoiduwillu, they attacked them. 152-13. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -le. 

xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4. 
du wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3. 
duwilleteL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. 

-lu, -le; to dive, to swim under water. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -lu. 
nalii, which live (said of fish). 100-7. 

do til lu, they never come. 252-3. 
tillu, they come. 254-12. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -le. 
daillel, it always swam. 266-6. 

daweslel, it swam around in one place. 266-5. 
tcenillete, they will dive out. 252-9. 

-luir, to watch, to stand guard over, 
yeliiir, it watching. 203-13. 



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238 University of California Publications. C^-m. Arch. Bth. 

meluM?, watching. 204-6. 

meluM7^x, he watched it. 205-2. 

me Into te, I am going to watch. 292-9. 

menailuM7te, I will watch. 217-13,258-10. 

meiiBJiwluwte, I will watch. 267-17. 

muttjlutcte, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. 

-Lat, -La; to run, to jump. The verbs which have this root 
are confined to the singular number and indicate rapid motion 
by human beings. 

a) The past definite, ciistomary, and impotential have the 
form -Lat. 

innasLat, it ran up. 295-5. 

in na tcis Lat, he jumped up. 171-9. 

yenawilLat, she ran in. 136-1. 

ye nal Lat, he ran in. 329-8. 

yin ne nal Lat^ in the ground it ran. 221-12. 

na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. 

naisdiLLat, she ran. 185-6. 

nuldlLLat, he ran back. 115-16. 

xa na is diL Lat, she had run up. 135-13. 

xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. 

xowilLat, he ran. 199-4. 

xoL ta na wil Lat, with him she went. 223-14. 

da wil Lat, he jumped on. 113-14. 

da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12, 98-15. 

da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. 

tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. 

tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. 

tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. 

tcit du wil Lat, he jumped oflf. 107-11. 

ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8. 

kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
tJie form -La. 

me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16. 

na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. 

no il La, he came running. 360-8. 



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Vol. 8] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 239 

dadinLa, run. 176-6. 

tee il Lade, he is running along. 220-13. 

tcuir La, let me run out. 171-9. 

-Lit ; to cause to bum. This root is confined to the transitive 
use. Compare -lit above for the root used in corresponding in- 
transitive and passive verbs. 

na win Lit, she burned it. 311-12. 

-Lti, -Le ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid, dough- 
like material. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotentidl have the 
form -Lti. 

naiuM7Lu, I paint. 247-12. 
nadeLu, she marked across. 311-13. 
noixweiLLQ, they throw down (blood). 195-11. 
tcit tcL Lu, he rubbed it. 278-10. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -Le which does not occur in Hupa Texts. 

-Lon, -Lo, -L&U7, -Loi ; to make baskets, to twine in basket- 
making. This root is very likely related to Lo, ** grass," from 
the materials of which baskets are made. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -Lon. 
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5. 
nakittelion, she wove another round. 305-7. 

na kit te Lon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. 

b) The indefinite tenses have the forms -L5 and Low, which 
do not seem to differ in meaning or use. 

nakitteitLoir, she always made baskets. 157-3. 

ke it Lo, she used to make baskets. 189-1. 

ke it Loir, she made baskets. 305-4. 

kit te it Loir, who always made baskets. 324-5. 

c) The impotentidl and nouns from this root have the form 
-Loi. 

kit Loi, a basket. 103-7. 



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210 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Abch. Era. 

-mas, to roll, to rotate. 

ya wim mas, he rolled over. 112-15. 

xatemas, (frost) rolled out of the ground. 270-5. 

tcenimmas, it rolled out. 197-5. 

-mats, to coil. This root is evidently connected with the pre- 
ceding. 

nawesmats, it was coiled. 151-19. 

-me, to swim, to bathe (transitive or intransitive). 

nai me, I swim in. 311-11. 

nauirme, let me swim. 97-15. 

na wim me, he swam. 209-13. 

nawimme, she bathed. 307-2. 

nanaiutcme, I bathe it. 247-1. 

nanaime, I bathed. 311-8. 

na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. 

-men, to cause to swim. 

ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. 

me nim men, he landed him. 162-9. 

na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. 

naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1. 

natcLmen, he made it swim. 266-1. 

tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. 

tcit teL men, he made it swim. 265-9. 

-meL, -mil, -miL ; to strike, to throw, to drop. Verbs having 

this root are always used with a plural object. When the object 
is singular, -waL, -wul, -wul is employed. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -meL. 

ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 

342-14. 
ya wim, meL, he took up. 142-4. 
yaxosmeL, he whipped him (the whip was of several 

strands). 164-3. 
ye ten wim meL, they put them in. 200-5. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 241 

nadittemeL, they fell. 245-11. 
nim meL din, the place you bring them. 210-7. 
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. 
xe e ya x6 wit meL, they had thrown away part of them- 
selves. 181-9. 
de du wim meL, he threw in the fire. 165-10. 
tetmeL, scattered. 117-16. 
tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. 
tcinnemeL, he carried it home. 363-1. 
tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-3. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -mil. 

yaiiramil, it kicked up. 290-2. 

y a na Ids dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

ya de mil, the balls used in playing shinny. 143-5. 

yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11. 

yti wun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5. 

waimmil, he always distributes them. 195-8. 

wun dim mil, the going through. 144-3. 

wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. 

n5 niin dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. 

nondemil, they fell. 143-8. 

xatedimmil, chips flew off. 113-13. 

denadeiuirmil, I put. 247-9. 

dedeimmil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. 

tcit te dim mil, they fell one after another. 208-6. 

tco xo ne im mil, he threw at her. 332-12. 

ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -miL. 

tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13. 

tee ne ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. 

-men, -min ; to fill up, to make full. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -men. 

de wim men, it was filled. 191-5. 



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242 University of California Publications. [^^ Akch. Eth. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -min. 

xoL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17. 
dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11. 

-medj, to boil, to cook, by boiling, 
kyuwilmedj, boiled. 166-5. 

-mite, to break oflE, to pull oflf. 

ya te mite, they pulled oflf. 179-10. 

tcitdu wim mite, she broke it oflf. 287-2, 293-16. 

tcit dii wim mite hit, when she broke it oflf. 287-4. 

-mut, to break out, as a spring of water; to break open, 
yi kis mut ei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. 
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3. 

-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by 
placing above boiling water. 

me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. 
menawiLnaei, he steamjed them. 342-12. 
keyawiLna, they cooked it. 266-10. 
kewiLna, she cooked them. 99-9. 
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6. 
kiL na, cook them. 237-2. 

-na, to move ( ?). Perhaps the verbs given below are to be con- 
nected with the root next considered. 

na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. 

-na,-nauti?; to go, or to come. This root is confined to the 
third person singular of the verbs in which it occurs. The first 
person of these verbs has a root -htra, -hu^auir, and the second 
person one -ya, -yauM?. It is likely that this root as well as that 
found in the first person is a modified form of the root -yai, -ya 
resulting from a preceding n. 

estcinnauw?, swimming deer (they come into the es, 
fishdam). 162-1. 

ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. 

yanauM?din, the going up place. 195-6. 



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Vol. 31 Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 243 

ye tcin nautr, they will come in. 231-6. 

LeinnauM?, they came together. 305-2. 

meu na htdL de, if their time comes. 229-9. 

me win na htriL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. 

na wit dits tin nautr, whirlpool. 120-3. 

ne innauir, he used to come in. 305-1. 

nitdesinnauirun, didn't you meet hert (didn't she 

meet you?). 165-2. 
no in nautr, she stopped. 158-5. 
no win na htriL te, he will go. 230-1. 
Compare, n5 kiL dje xa in nautr, she quit fighting. 333-6. 
nu win na hiril, he went. 282-10. 
xa sin nauw? din, where the sun rises. 332-5. 
do ye in nautr, no one ever comes in. 329-4. 
do mit tis in nautr, it never over it reached. 314-2. 
do tee in nautr, she never used to come out. 305-3. 
d5 tin nauir x5 Ifin, he had not gone along. 174-5. 
te in nautr, he comes. 310-7. 
tu win na htriL de, if it comes. 105-12. 
tu win na htriL te, it will go. 229-13. 
tee in nautr wei, he used to go out. 136-14. 
tee nauir, it coming out. 170-7. 
tcin ne in nautr, she always comes. 101-7. 
tcin nin nautr htrei, she comes. 101-6. 
tcit te in nautr, he used to come along. 162-3, 186-8. 
tcit tu win na hiriL de, it will pass here. 272-8. 
kiL dje xa in nautr te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. 

-nan, -nfln ; to drink. 

a) The past definite, nistomary, and impotential have the 
form -nan. 

ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. 
tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -nun. 

tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. 
tai din nun, let us drink. 179-3. 



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244 University of CiUifornia Publications. [Am. Aroh. Eth. 

tanaiwinnunde, if he drinks. 337-16. 
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. 
tauu? din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. 

-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move. Verbs having this root are used 
of the turning about of a person and of the movements of the 
foetus. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -nan. 

na is din nan, he turned. 278-11. 

xoL xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3.. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -nun. 

XOL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. 

XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. 

xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12. 

-ne, -n ; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, 
to play an instrument. 

a) The past definite, customary, impotential have the 
form -ne. 

ai XOL ne, he kept telling him. 208-13. 

ai XOL de in ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. 

a yai XOL du wen ne, they said. 165-2. 

a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7. 

a yaL de iuw? ne, I told them. 301-1. 

a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. 

ayaduwinnel, they were saying. 153-14. 

aL tcit den ne, he talked to. 100-3. 

a no hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. 

a hiriL tein ne, he will say of me. 363-16. 

a hti?iL tcin ne, why does she always tell me. 135-4. 

a ht/7iL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. 

a XOL tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. 

adenne, he said. 97-15. 

a den ne, it made the noise. 321-5. 

adenne, she sang. 333-14. 

a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 245 

a du win net de, if anybody says. 267-5. 

un niL dQtr ne, I am telling you. 356-1. 

unniLdenne, I told you. 163-8. 

yaL tcit den ne, she told them. 299-6. 

ya xoL tcit den ne, they said to him. 102-15. 

ya du wen ne, they said. 109-17. 

ya du win neL, they said. 361-8. 

no hoL tcit den ne, they told us. 302-4. 

xa a x5l tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. 

xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. 

xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45. 

XOL tcit den ne, he said. 105-18. 

XOL tcit du win neL, he kept saying. 141-12. 

deinne, he used to imitate. 182-1. 

dinne, it was playing. 99-17. 

do a du win ne he, don't say that. 175-1. 

donene, let it play. 100-3. 

du wen ne, it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. 

duwenneetsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3. 

du win ne, it played. 100-5. 

tcitdeiLne, he played on. 99-12. 

tcit den ne, he said. 106-9. 

b) The present definite and the present indefinite except 
sometimes the first person singtdar have the form -n. 

ai we tcin, I hear it said. 360-1. 

ayan, they said that. 116-17. 

a na hwih tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

antsu, he heard it cry. 281-13. 

ahiriLtcitdenhirun, he must tell me. 314-11. 

a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. 

adende, if he sings. 236-2. 

a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

yei tcin, they say. 275-1. 

hwih tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. 

doahidLtcitdende, if he does not tell me. 257-12. 

tcin, they say. 135-1. 

tcit den de, if he says. 111-7. 



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246 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

-netiu?, -ne yenw ; to talk, to speak. 

This root seems to be an extended form of the last. Verbs 
employing it have reference to the speaking of a certain lan- 
guage, or the delivery of a discourse or at least a number of 
sentences. Those with the form -ne refer to the utterance of 
some single definite phrase, while verbs with the root -lik are 
employed of the relation of some incident or circumstance. 

a) All parts of the verbs containing this root have the form 
-neuir with the exception of the first person singular and the 
imperative forms, 

yit de din nin xun neutt?, the Tolowa language. 110-11. 
wanunxowinnehiciLte, they will talk about. 272-17. 
wun xai neuir te, he will talk about. 260-12. 
wunxuwinnehtt?iLte, they will talk about, 
mux xun neuM? hwe ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. 
nai xe neuw te, few will talk. 295-13. 
nowunnunxunneuttJte, they will talk about us. 267-18. 
d5 he tee xai neutr, he did not say anything. 113-12. 
do xon no xun neuic, they never talk into her. 334-2. 
tinxeneuir, who spoke the curse. 223-8. 
tcexaineuir, he spoke. 105-1. 

tee xa in neutr, he always said the same thing. 283-13. 
tee x6 win ne h«?iL te, she shall talk. 289-12. 
tee xun neui^, he commenced to talk. 272-6. 

b) The first person singular and the imperative have th^ 
form -neyeuir. 

xunneyeuicne, he must talk. 227-4. 
xunneyeuicde, if I talk. 217-15. 
xun ne yeuii? te, I will talk. 217-11. 
xfln nin yeu«?, you speak. 153-7. 
With the preceding, is probably connected : 
kyuwennuir, it thundered. 144-5. 

-ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know. 

a) The third person of all tenses has the form -ne. 
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. 
atcoinne, he kept thinking. 139-4. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa LangtMge. 247 

a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7. 
yatcondesne, they thought. 265-2. 
do tco xo x6 ne, without the knowledge of. 204-6. 
tcexondesne, he found him out. 207-11. 
tcoinne, he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. 
tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3. 
tco xon dee ne, he thought of him. 257-1. 
ted x5n des ne hirM, he shall know. 319-13. 
tc5 xdn des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. 

b) The first and second persons of all tenses have the form 
-sen, -sin. 

ainesen, I thought. 187-3. 

ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. 

ai nuir sin, I thought so. 353-3. 

nin sin, you think. 337-12. 

hirunnesin, don't you remember. 163-8. 

do ai nin sin ^x, you don 't think. 337-9. 

-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. 
kyadane, they picked. 138-7. 
kyadanex5winsen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. 

-nel, neL; to play (said of children). 

miLnawenellexdlM, he had been playing with, 

292-11. 
na in nel le x5 Ian, he. played he saw. 186-1. 
na we nel le xo ]M, he had been playing. 292-13. 

-noi, -no; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. This 
root is confined to the plural ; for the singular, -ai, -a would be 
expected. 

Le na neL n5, he stood up. 235-12. 

nesnoi, (mountains) which stand. 220-3. 

-noL, to blaze. 

kyuwitnoL, a fire blazing. 109-11. 

-nu, -ne ; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -nu. 
a en nu, it does it. 275-5. 
ainnu, he did. 288-9. 



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248 Univenity of Calif amia PubUcatians. l^^ Aech. Bwl 

a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4. 
a ya in nu, they used to have sports. 305-2. 
a win nu, one should do. 99-11. 
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9. 
xa a in nu, that happened. 340-5. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -ne. 
a ya too ne, let them do that. 365-16. 
a win ne Ul te, it will be. 311-17. 
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. 
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. 
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. 
au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. 
xa a win ne Hl te, that will be done. 229-10. 
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. 
tee in ne, it helps him she. 196-1. 
d5 xa auu? ne x5 x5 lin, I won't do that. 230-15. 

-nuiT; to hear. Usually a periphrastic expression, it goes 
into his head is used for the hearing of anything, 
tceinnuir, he heard about it. 204-13. 
Compare, ke wen nutr, it thundered. 144-5. 

-htrai, -htra, -htrautr; to walk, to go, to come. This root is 
found only in the first person of certain verbs. It is probably a 
modified form of the root -yai, -ya, -yautc. 

a) The impotential regularly has the form -hirai. {It is 
not usnal for negatives to take stu^h a form.) 

donahirai, I have never been. 336-11. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -hira (-hioal 
with progressive suffix). 

wiutr hwal, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. 
nahtra, I will walk. 164-6,175-7. 

c) The form -hirautr may occur in the present or customary, 
rmhwhxxWy I come. 351-1. 

-htcal, -hiraL ; to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form 

-hiral. 

yi kit tu h«7al, nobody hooks. 107-6. 

na xo win hwei, he hooked him. 107-6. 



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Vol. 31 Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 249 

ta ya is hiral, they caught. 328-4. 
kyo ya win htral, they fished. 328-3. 
kyo htcal le, somebody hooking. 106-15. 
b) The present and imperative have the form -hiraL. 
kit tiiir hiraL, let me hook. 107-5. 

-htre, to dig. 

xakehire, to dig. 135-2. 

tee kin nin htre, he had finished digging. 100-9. 
kit dill hire teL din, he would dig out. 100-1. 
kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8. 

-hire, -hiril, -hiriL; to call by name, to name. This root is 
identical with the noun xohire, ''his name." 

a) All tenses without the progressive suffix have the form 
-hire. 

naxouhire, he will call. 283-11. 
tee x6 hire, he talked. 283-13. 
tcohireiLte, they will call. 272-11. 
tcu htrofi hire e te, they will call me. 272-12. 
tcu hwo hire iL te, they will call. 272-10. 
tcu xo u htce, he will call. 283-11. 

b) The past, customary, and impote7itial having the pro- 
gressive suffix take the form -htril. 

kit te hiril, he called along. 98-4. 

c) The present and imperative having the progressive suffix 
take the form -hiriL. 

in hiriL, you call. 355-6. 

htriL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7. 

-htcen, 'hwih; to melt (said of frost), 
nal hirin te, it will melt away. 273-6. 

-hwot ; exact meaning unknown. 

Le na kil du hirot, it grew back on. 164-1. 

-xa, -xti, -xaiL ; * to track, to follow tracks. 

* The vowel in this root is very hard to determine because of the pre- 
ceding rough X. in Hupa Texts it has been uniformly written a, but 
judging from the fact that the Customary and Impotential have been 
found to contain the vowel u it is probable that in the other tenses the 
vowel is e rather than a. Compare -xe, -xu; to finish, to overtake, p. 252 
below. 

Am. AaoH. Bth. 3. 17 



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250 University of California Publications. [Aic Aeoh. Bth. 

ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. 

na ya x6 teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. 

na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

xot da na ya xoL xa, down they tracked him. 170-3. 

tcit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12. 

ya x6 wiL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5. 

-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid), 
winxa, (a lake) lay. 101-13. 
win xa te, (water) will stay. 112-9. 
naaxa, (droolings) fill it. 310-8,311-5. 
nan xa, (bodies of water) were. 252-1, 310-1. 
nanxatcin, (lake) lies toward. 364-10. 

-xa, -xal, -xaL, -xun ; to dawn. It is probable that this root 
has a more definite meaning. The subject of the verbs is no 
doubt the mythical dawn maiden. 

yeiLxa, mornings. 290-6. 

ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14. 

yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6. 

nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. 

Compare, naisxunte, there will be sunshine. 228-1. 

-xa, -xan, -xun; to stand (said of a tree), 
nai kyu winxa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. 
nakyu winxa, (medicine) grows. 364-11. 
dakyuwinxaei, (something) stood. 242-3. 
kyu winxa, she left standing (a shrub). 289-8. 
kisxun, (a tree) standing. 113-7. 
kis xun din, standing place. 137-17. 

-xan, -xun ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste, 
xwawilxan, he liked them. 110-5. 
Compare, kiLLaxun, deer (said to mean **with it is 

sweet'')- 

-xan, xun, -xauM?; to move in a basket or other vessel any 
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip 
up. This is one of the roots which classify the object affected 
according to its size and shape by being limited in that regard 
as to its application. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 251 

a) The past definite has the form -xan. 
ya win xan, he picked it up. 337-6. 
ya te xan, he picked up. 109-16. 

ye tcu win xan, she brought in. 209-10. 

no a din nin xan, * she placed herself. 223-9. 

noninxan, she put it. 242-7. 

x6 wa tcin xan, to her she gave. 246-12. 

xo sa win xan, he put it in her mouth. 342-7. 

sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. 

saxanne, (a lake) in the distance was. 112-13. 

do tcu win xan, he does not catch any. 257-9. 

tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. 

tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. 

b) The present definite has the form -xM. 

mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. 

mis sa win xiin te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. 

nonexiinte, I wiU put. 289-2. 

no nin xun te, if he puts. 296-6. 

xaisxiinhit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. 

x6 Ifin se xun, must be there. 112-12. 

sfix xfin, lying in a basket. 171-7. 

do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. 

tsis sux xM, lying there. 223-11. 

c) The indefinite tenses have the form -xauir. 
yawixauMJhiriLte, he will take it up. 295-17. 
mis sun xauir ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. 
n6 a din xauw?, lay yourself down. 223-9. 

no na iuw xautr, I leave it. 247-3. 
nonxauirne, put it. 296-14. 
dosaixaui/?, one can*t swallow. 141-2. 
tin xauw; ne, you take it along. 246-13. 
tee e xauw?, he always caught. 191-2. 

-xait, -xai ; to buy. 

a) The p€tst definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -xait. 

tcoyatexait, they bought. 198-6, 200-8. 

^This word means to place one's self (a woman) in position for inter- 
course and probably is a figurative use of tlus root. 



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252 University of California PubUcations, i^^- ^oh. Bth. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -xai. 

yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. 
yo xai x6 win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. 

-xe, -xu ; to finish, to overtake. 

me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3. 

miL xoi niL xe, it went on him. 308-8. 

me neL xe, I finish. 260-15. 

me niL xe, he finished it. 296-8. 

htre na tcoL xe, let him catch up with me. 187-2. 

-xen, -xuM? ; to float, used only of plural objects. 

a) The past definite tense hxis the form -xen. 

no nun de xen, they floated to the shore. 216-6. 

xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. 

xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5. 

tan xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. 

b) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im- 
perative have the form -xvlw. 

no xuw, it floats ashore. 346-5. 

-xut, to hang. 

na nu wil xut, hanging for a door. 171-1. 

-xut, to tear down. 

na is xut, he tore down. 104-8. 

na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8. 

Compare, na in xut, it dropped down. 115-14. 

-xut, -xul ; to ask, to question. 

na duir de xut, I ask you for it. 296-10. 
tco du wiL xut, she asked them. 301-17. 
tco dti wiL xut, he questioned it. 266-3. 
yo du wit xul Ul te, they will ask for. 296-3. 
tcu hwo wiL xul Hl te, she will ask for. 311-17. 

-xuts, to bite, to chew. 

no iL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5. 

xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2. 
-xuts, -xus; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 253 

a) The definite tenses have the form -xflts. 
yawirnxutssillen, he nearly flew. 176-13. 
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10. 

yan ruts ei, he flew up. 271-2. 

na na wit xuts, he nearly flew back down. 114-2. 

ninxuts, he flew. 113-17. 

noninxuts, something fell. 246-11, 362-9. 

xot da na wit xflts, he fell back. 152-3. 

da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8. 

da teu win xuts, he flew up there. 114-1. 

du win xfits, it came off. 157-7. 

tco xon niL xuts, she threw after him. 159-9. 

ke win xuts, he fell over. 105-17. 

b) The parts of the verb other than the present and past 
definite have the form -xus. 

ya ex xus xo Ian, they fell over. 117-17. 

ya wit x6s sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. 

ya na it xfis, he kept flying up. 113-1. 

waiexussei, he threw at her. 333-1. 

na wit xus iL, he is falling. 152-5. 

na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7. 

na xus, which fly. 114-9. 

da un xus, fly. 114-2. 

da tee e xus, it used to light. 150-9. 

do he ya x6 tcin te e a xus, it did not to them reach. 

166-8. 
te e xus, it flew up. 112-16. 
tee a xus, it flew. 244-1. 

-sel, -seL ; to be or to become warm. 

a) The past has the form -sel. 

naayadissel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. 

b) The present tense has the form -scl. 

wa kin nin seL x5 Ian, it was heated through he saw. 
329-16. 

-sit ; to awake. 

tee in sit, he woke up. 121-8. 



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254 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Bth. 

tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. 
tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. 

-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor; when said of the 
mind, dje, to be sorry. 

too 6 da, let it be sorry. 351-9, 356-1. 
tcondate, it will be sorry. 353-7. 

-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal), 
ye ten wiL da, she carried in. 191-13. 
xo wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13. 

-dai, to bloom, to blossom. 

na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. 

kyti wit dai ye iL win ie, it always blossoms. 365-4. 

-dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. 

a) The past definite and the impotential have the form -daL 
matsisdai, chief (the prii^cipal one who stays). 329-9. 
me e na nes dai, hidden he sat watching. 293-1. 

na ne sin dai, you sat dowji. 351-1. 
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. 
nasedaiuk, the way I sat. 290-15. 
sit dai, he lived. 278-1. 
da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12. 
da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. 
do xo lifi se dai, I can't stay. 360-11. 
tcin nes dai, he sat. 101-15. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, customary, and im- 
perative have the form -da. 

eitda, it lies there. 247-8. 

ya sit da din, they were staying place. 299-12. 

na nes da x5 lun, he was sitting. 270-10. 

neene sedate, I will hide from you. 328-6. 

sin dan, you stay. 328-6. 

sit da, he was staying there. 164-16. 

suiodaneendin, I used to live place. 272-12. 

da ne sedate, I will go fishing. 256-8. 

da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. 

ddwinda, all do not stop. 260-19. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 255 

tsis da yei, he lives, 159-16. 

tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5. 

tsis da din, he used to stay place. 220-9. 

tsis date, he will stay. 211-7. 

tee it da, she used to live. 286-2. 

tcin nes da te, she will sit. 290-14. 

tcu win da, he stayed. 97-3. 

kytiwinnaida, to hunt (they travelled). 190-15. 

-dau, -da ; to melt away, to disappear. 

a) The past and the impotential have the form -dau. 

na is dau we a xo IM, it had melted away. 236-1. 

do xd lin it dau, they won't melt away. 254*7, 256-14. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -da. 

nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away. 
259-9. 

-dal, -daL, -dauir ; to pass along, to go, to come. 

a) The past tense has the form -dal. 

wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7. 

min na il dal, she ran around. 153-2. 

nawilditdal, he ran. 221-7. 

na wit dal, he went 223-12. 

na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. 

nal dit dal, it coming along. 115-15. 

xoL wil dal, with him came along. 115-1. 

b) The present has the form -daL. 

htt?a nana wit daii din, in the evening. 99-13. 

mux xiin nautr daL te, having gratified myself I will go 

back. 223-13. 
na nauM? daL din, he was coming back. 152-7. 
na nautr daL din, sun gone down time. 322-9. 
tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11. 



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256 University of California Publications, I-A-m. Aech. Bth. 

c) The imperative J customary, and impotential have the 
form -dantr. 

ye na it dauir, whenever he went back in. 288-6, 336-6. 

ye nun dauir, come in. 98-17, 192-7. 

Le na it dautr, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. 

hii?iL tcL dauir, (I wish) it would travel with me. 114-11. 

min na na se it dauic*, around he always went. 346-3. 

nanaedauir, (sun) goes down. 364-4. 

nanaitdauir, (sun) gone down. 104-10. 

na ne it dautr, he used to come back. 137-1. 

na nit daut/; xo luii, he had come back. 267-7. 

nateitdautr, she always went home. 237-6. 

natcLditdautr, she ran back. 157-6. 

natindauw7, you better go back. 329-3. 

do he min teL dauir, he did not run for it. 112-13. 

tcit teL dautr, she ran up. 152-15. 

-deL, -dil, -diL ; to go, to come, to travel. Verbs having this 
root are restricted to the plural. The singular is expressed by 
the root -yai, -ya, -yauir. 

a) The definite tenses have the form -deL. 
ya nin deL, they went. 170-9. 
ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. 
yenawodeLte, you will travel in. 361-12. 
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. 
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. 
ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. 
ye tcu win deL, they went in. 278-4. 
wun na is deL, they started. 101-17. 
Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. 
me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. 
me nin tsis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. 
me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. 
naindeL, they got back. 181-8. 
na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. 
nawesdeL, it encircles (they encircle). 364-15. 
na na ya nin deL, they arrived. 172-2. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 257 

na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. 

na nan deL, they became. 96-6. 

na nan deL xo Ian, they had become. 119-12. 

na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3. 

na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. 

na niL deL, he struck. 120-4. 

nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. 

nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. 

naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2. 

nas seL, they began to walk. 180-16. 

nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. 

nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. 

na tes deL, they started back. 176-17. 

na tes deL, they started home. 329-18. 

na kis deL, they came around, 200-2. 

nin is deL, they danced. 104-14. 

nin tsis deL, they danced. 215-12. 

nin su wit deL, they dance. 366-1. 

no ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5. 

no nauw? nin deL, they came to marry. 208-11. 

no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. 

xa sin deL din, the coming up place. 363-3. 

xoLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7. 

xoL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. 

xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. 

da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2. 

dandtedeLte, everybody fished. 256-9. 

do he nas deL ^x, they could not walk about. 322-7. 

do tee nin deL, they did not come out. 102-11. 

ta des deL xo lun, they had come ashore. 101-2. 

tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. 

tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. 

tsi yun tes dil deL, we went away. 200-1. 

tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. 

tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. 

tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. 

tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. 



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258 University of CaUfomia Publications, l^^- Aeoh. Bth. 

tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5. 

tcittesdeL, they went. 170-15. 

tcit tes deL te, he waa to travel with. 174-9. 

b) The customary, impotential, and past of the fourth con- 
jugation have the form -dil. 

ya wit dil, they are traveling. 110-8. 

wit dil, (ells) coming. 253-2. 

muk kut nai dil, we walk on (the earth). 340-11. 

na it dil, who go around. 305-9. 

nayawitdil, they went along. 172-1. 

nawitdilliLte, we will visit. 177-2. 

na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. 

na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. 

nadil, they were living. 100-7. 

na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. 

ninsindil, they danced. 105-7. 

xoLtcuwitdil, those following him. 208-1. 

xuindil, they will pass. 283-15. 

dawesdil, they waited. 252-7. 

da wit dil, they live. 365-8. 

do ye in dil, they never come. 305-10. 

do xo lin tin dil, they won 't go. 253-3. 

do tee in dil, they never went out. 101-10. 

te in dil, they flew along. 317-3. 

tsiyfinteildil, they always ran oflf. 333-11. 

tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. 

tcu wit dil, they came along. 101-16. 

tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. 

c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form 
-diL. 

yai diL, let us go. 142-14. 

ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13. 

wei diL, we will go. 207-7. 

wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. 

wun nai diL x6 sin x6 Ian, hunting had been he saw. 

104-11. 
wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14. 



t 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 259 

Le neL t€, ( L€ ne diL te) , let us meet. 174-3. 

nai dlL, let us go. 175-16. 

na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. 

nana diL, come down. 166-7. 

na niL ne, they must live. 317-1. 

na no diL, go away. 266-15. 

nadiL, who are living. 321-3. 

nadiL^x, they will live. 255-8. 

na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. 

na diL din, he lived place. 100-6. 

na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. 

na tin diL tsii, he heard them coming home. 329-5. 

na kit diL xd Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. 

nin sin diL ^x, they danced. 105-9. 

nin so diL, make a dance. 104-14. 

nit to diL, come. 113-16. 

da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. 

do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. 

tin diL, it is coming. 199-5. 

tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. 

tee in diL ^x, outside the door. 169-9. 

tee in diL min, for them to come out. 102-9. 

tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2, 138-4. 

tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3. 

-dil, -diL, -deL; to strike ( ?). 
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4. 

-den, -din ; to travel in company. This root is only employed 
in case of a number of persons who make a journey in company. 

a) The past has the form -den. 

sa win den, they all went. 142-15. 

sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6,144-10. 

b) The present definite and indefinite, and the imperative 
have the form -din. 

saodin, travel. 152-7. 

sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6. 

sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12. 

sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 



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260 University of California Publications. [Am. Abch, Eth. 

-den, -din; to be light, to blaze. It seems possible that the 
words given below are connected in meaning. The negative with 
the verb may well have the meaning of gloomy, lonesome, the 
opposite of sunshine. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -den. 

ye kin nen den, sunshine came in. 305-6. 

na kin ncL den, she made it blaze. 288-11. 

dea xa win den, the time was near. 226-2. 

do tcu wiL den, she was lonesome. 306-10, 220-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperaiive have 
the form -din. 

ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. 

woLdintan (-te- with some suffix), you will get used to 

it. 180-9. 
na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. 

-dil, -diL ; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -dil. 

kyti win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. 
kyti win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1. 

b) The present definite amd indefinite have the form -diL. 
kyti win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3. 

-dik, to peck (said of a bird), 
yisdik, he pecked. 113-13. 
min noi Ml dik, he pecked open. 113-15. 
min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3. 
min no kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17. 
nai neL dik, he pecked. 113-9. 
nainteLdik, he pecked. 113-14. 

-dik, to stand in a line, 
na nu win dik, they lined up. 216-17. 

-dits, to twist into rope or twine. 

ya ky u win dits, they made rqpe. 151-11. 
kyti win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 261 

-do, to cut, to slash. 

naideLdo, he cut him. 164-3. 

ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. 

-do, to quiver, to dodge, to draw back. 

xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. 
do nas do, they won 't dodpe. 258-13. 
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. 

-dje, with verbs referring to the mind. This root is connected 
with dje in xo dje, his mind, etc. 

na x6 win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. 

-dje u, -dje; to fly in a flock. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential hnve the 
form -djeu. 

yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15. 
ye wit djeu, they came in. 299-14. 
no na it dje u, they came back. 299-10. 
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. 
naditcdjeu, they flew together. 299-1. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -dje. 
ye 5 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. 

-djin, to come near, to bother something, 
domedjin, it did not mind. 315-4. 
d5 mite djin te, it won't mind. 315-9. 

-taL, -tul, -tuL, -tal ; to step, to kick, to do anything with the 
foot. 

a) The past definite and present definite have the form -taL. 
yin ne ya xol taL, in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. 
yekiLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2. 
yetctiwiLtaLei, they landed. 362-5. 
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5. 
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. 
no du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. 
no kyu wil taL, the finishing dance. 104-16. 
da no dti win taL, he stepped. 120-3. 



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262 University of California Publications, [A^- Aboh- Eth. 

te no du win taL, in the water he stepped. 120-3. 
teit teL taL, they danced. 362-3. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -tul. 
nayadeittul, they used to drag their feet. 207-3, 

c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tuL. 
ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2. 

na na tuL din, the stepping down place. 207-2. 
no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. 

-tan, -tun, -tutr ; to handle or to move a long object. This is 
another of the roots which classify the object affected according 
to the size and shape. For some reason empty baskets are re- 
ferred to by verbs having this root. 

a) The past definite has the form -tan. 
ya win tan, he took. 108-18. 
yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. 
yetctiwintan, he put in. 96-13. 
yon tan, he kept. 96-8. 
Lei tan, were shut (his eyes). 337-8. 
na na win tan, he took down. 97-16. 
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. 
nonintan, he put. 210-16. 
n5 kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. 
xa win tan, he drew from. 211-3. 
x5 wain tan, he gave him. 211-1. 
xowayaintan, they gave him. 144-14. 
x6 Ian de du win tan, he has put in the fire. 150-6. 
da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. 
da sit tan, it was sitting there. 246-10. 
de du win tan, he put them in. 150-4. 
dje win tan, it spread open. 289-14. 
ta na is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. 
ta tee nin tan, he took it out of. 107-6. 
tetcuwintan, he put in the water. 101-14. 
tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. 
tee nin tan, he pulled out. 329-10. 
tconantan, he held it. 314-9. 
tco xon tan, he held her. 153-3. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 263 

b) The present definite has the form -tM. 

ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. 

me sit tun, was in it. 243-9. 

sit tun, it was sitting. 337-4. 

siLtun^x, it lay. 266-8. 

da sit tun, it sits. 246-9. 

de dutr tftn, let me put them in the fire. 150-4. 

do de du wit tun, why don 't you cook. 171-3. 

tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. 

c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im- 
perative have the form -tun?. 

ya nauir tuir, I will pick up. 286-9. 

wai iL ttiir, he always f?ave. 136-12. 

hicti wun tuir, hand me. 278-7. 

da e iuir tHu?, I put. 247-7. 

do de dit tfitr, one must never put in the fire. 150-2. 

dje na wiL tuir, he opened it. 109-2. 

-tan, -tun, -tuir ; to split. 

dje win tan, it spread open. 289-14. 
djenawiLtuir, he opened it. 109-2. 
kiL tutt? tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5. 
kyfiir ttitr, I am splitting. 108-9. 

-tan, -tM ; to eat (used only of the third person singular). 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tan. 

yaitan, he ate. 109-18. 

yitan, they eat. 351-7. 

he tcit tan, even he ate. 346-5. 

do x6 lin yi tan, she shall not eat. 253-6. 

tcit tan, he ate. 106-5. 

tcit tan httjfin te, he shall eat. 107-8. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tun. 

tcit tun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11. 

-tan ( ?),-tun; the exact meaning is unknown, 
na xo wiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. 
naxoLtun, let it get soft. 233-6. 



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264 University of CaUfomia PubUcatians. l^^- ^^ch. Bth. 

-te, to look for, to search after. 

xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4. 

xAuw te, let me look for it. 104-16. 

xa un te, it can be seen. 119-4. 

xa ne it te, she looked for it. 306-13. 

xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. 

xa nil win te, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. 

xan te, look for it. 243-3. 

-te, to carry around. This root seems limited to men and 
animals in the singular and is probably connected with the root 
-ten, -tin, -tuir given below. 

me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. 

naiLte^x, she carried it. 290-6. 

na is te, he carried it around. 282-4. 

Compare, daeiLte, they were on a stick. 186-11. 

tcti wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. 

-te, to remain in a recumbent position. Compare, -ten, -tin, 
•tuw ; to assume such a position. 

tceitte, he used to lie. 207-2, 288-7. 
tcin no te, he might lie. 169-4. 

-ten, -tin, -tuM? ; to move or to carry in any way a person, 
animal or animal product. This is another of the clajssifying 
roots applicable only to individual objects of certain character. 
For a plural object -lai, -la, -Inw is employed. 

a) The past definite h<is the form -ten. 

a dit ta tcti wiL ten, he put him in his sack. 221-6. 

yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3. 

ya xoL ten, he has taken him. 151-4. 

yanawiLten, she put it in. 136-5. 

ye tcu wiL ten, she put it in. 289-17. 

ye tcti wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. 

yinne tcti wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. 

Le na niL ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. 

na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4. 

na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. 

na teL ten, he took it along. 282-3. 



k 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 265 

ndyaxonniLten, they left him. 169-7. 

ndnaniLten, he put it 221-11. 

no na xon niL ten, he laid her. 342-10. 

hirin nu wil ten, I was brought here. 180-7. 

xai xoe ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. 

xaisten, she brought up. 99-2. 

xanawiLten, he dug it out. 221-10. 

xoi kya niL ten, he took it from him. 222-7. 

danaxoLten, he put him. 108-1. 

dasiLten, lying on something. 186-4. 

da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. 

datcexddiLten, she has taken him away. 159-5. 

tana is ten nei, he has taken it out. 217-17. 

tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. 

tee niL ten, he took out. 282-2. 

tee x6 niL ten, they took him out. 278-4. 

tee xo teL ten, he took him along. 210-15. 

tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9. 

teu wiL ten, he put him. 152-9. 

tcwin dai wiL ten, he spoiled. 221-13. 

ke wu too xoL ten, somebody hid. 181-12. 

b) The present definite has the form -tin. 

ye tcti wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. 

yin ne tcti wiL tin, in the ground they have put. 221-3. 

no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. 

no niL tin din, he put it place. 266-9. 

do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. 

tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7. 

tee na xon neL tin, I brought it down. 273-7. 

c) The parts of the verb with the exception of the past and 
present definite have the form -tuir. 

yauto ttitr, let me pick it up. 286-11. 

y6 6LtUf<?, put in. 362-6. 

no na xol tuir, he had her laid. 342-8. 

xa na x6 iL tutr, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. 

ta naut/? tu hM?iL te, I will take out. 267 18. 

kyu wa na iL tutr, he who gives back. 241-4. 

Compare, tcti wiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6. 

Am. Aboh. Eth. 3. 18. 



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266 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

-ten, -tin, -tutr, -te ; to lie down. It seems possible that this 
root is connected with the preceding?. The first, however, char- 
acterizes transitive verbs and has the sign of verbs of the second 
class while the verbs given below are intransitive. 

a) The past definite has the form -ten. 
xoLtcinnesten, with her he lay. 223-13. 
sit ten, she was lying. 145-8. 

da sit ten, (dog) was lying, 114-16. 

do he kiL tcin nes ten, he did not have intercourse. 104-7. 

tcin nes ten, he lay. 281-5. 

b) The present definite has the form -tin. 
sit tin, she lying. 117-2. 

sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2. 
sit tin te, (if ) they lie. 307-11. 

kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 
104-7. 

c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential and the 
second person of the imperative have the form -tuir. 

na nu win tti htriL ne, you must lie. 343-12. 
tcin ne tuti? din, she goes to bed time. 334-1. 

d) The first and third persons of the imperative have the 
form -te. 

xoL neuM? te, let me lie with her. 223-12. 
tcin no te, he might lie. 169-4. 

-tetc, to lie down, to go to bed (used only with a plural sub- 
ject). For the root applicable to the singular see -ten, -tin, -tuio 
and -te. 

ya nes tetc, they went to bed. 169-7. 

win tetc, they lay there. 322-4. 

me sit dit tetc, we would be lying in. 190-4. 

me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8. 

ne it tetc, they always lay. 333-12. 

sit tetc %, they lay there. 322-6. 

tsis tetc, they were lying. 190-6. 

-tits, to use as a cane. The occurrence of this root is of in- 
terest since it is an added case of a monosyllabic noun's being 
used as a root. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 267 

kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. 

kit teL tits, he walked with a cane. 152-12. 

-tik ; exact meaning unknown. 

tee niL tik, he pinched out. 143-14. 

-to, referring to the movement or position of water, 
no it to, the water comes. 310-7. 
no to ^x, water staid. 324-3. 
-ton, -ton ;* to jump, 
yawilton, he jumped up. 165-9. 
yaltonei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. 
ye e il ton x6 Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17. 
ye na wil de ton, in she jumped. 135-11. 
na dtl wil dit ton, he jumped off. 107-14. 
da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. 
datcuwilton, he jumped. 109-14. 
tee tcil ton, he jumped out. 163-16. 

-tot, to drink, to suck. This root may be connected with -to, 
referring to water, but it may also be onomatopoetic. Compare 
-tsots, to kiss. 

tcittetot, he drank. 112-15. 

-tu, to beg. 

kyttn xow tu, I am begging. 152-13. 

-tu, -te, -tel ; to sing in a ceremony or dance. For the root 
which is applicable to an individual singing by himself see 
-au, -a. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tti. 

me na kyu wiL tti, they sang again. 238-15. 
mekytiwiLtu, he sang. 234-6. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -te. The verbs given below have this form plus the 
suffix denoting progression -1, -l. 

meyakyuwiLtel, they sang. 234-1. 
mekyfiwiLtel, someone singing. 235-4. 

* There is a glottal stop between the Towel and the nasals which are 
surds. 



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268 University of Calif omia PubUcatians, [Am. Arch. Eth. 

-tiik, to count. 

miL tcoL tuk te, he will count. 259-18. 

-*au, to hover, to settle, to fly around. 

nai xoi iL ^au, it flew around her. 333-8. 
na win iau, it will settle down. 273-7. 

-<an, relating in any way to wax, or substances that are 
wax-like. 

meit^an, he stuck to (wax). 202-3. 
me win *an ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. 
kewiL^an, he put on (pitch). 150-12. 

-tats, 'ttia ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. 

a) The definite present and past have the form -*ats. 
yai kyti wil *ats, a blanket of strips. 207-5. 

min no ya kin ^ats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 

278-5. 
minnokyuwitditiatste, we are going to cut open. 

102-15. 
no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17. 
kitteiats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16. 

b) The tenses other than the definite present and past have 
the form -Ms. 

4e, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature ; to 
be, to exist. 

a in te, how he appeared. 209-5. 

ainte, (smart) he is. 141-4. 

a na nu we sin te te, you will look that way. 357-5. 

a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. 

a ne e te, he looked that way. 321-7. 

anuweste, he looked (that way). 143-14. 

a tcin te detc, he must be then. 363-17. 

unte, there is. 209-15. 

un te ye, how it looked. 209-6. 

un te ne en, (sickness) used to be seen. 235-18. 

xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. 

xax a na nu wis te te, it will be lighter (in weight) . 357-6. 

tin til teox tin te, it looked very strong. 294-2. 

kin tis seox xin te, the smart one. 326-1. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 269 

4en, -^in ; to do, to perform an act. 

a) The p€isi, customary, and impotential have the form -ten. 

aya^en, they did. 305-5. 

a na dit (en, we did. 217-7. 

a^en, it did it. 120-9. 

a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. 

da xo a (en, who die. 346-4. 

do xa anir (en, I never do that. 109-4. 

do xo tin da xo a (en, they won 't die. 253-7. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -(in. 

auir (in ne en, I used to do. 341-7. 

aya(in, they do. 198-5. 

a ya (in ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. 

a(inwes(e, (a basket) had done. 325-10. 

a(inte, he will do. 215-9. 

w&n no xon niL (in te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. 

na auir (in, ( what ) am I doing f 163-4. 

xa a (in win (e, she always did that. 136-14. 

xa a (in wes (e, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

xa a (in te, that way will do it. 229-8. 

xa a (in tet, that it will do. 235-1. 

do da xo a (in, would never die. 221-13. 

-(en, to address with term of relationship or friendship. It 
is not unlikely that this root is connected with the last. The first 
part, lin, may be some obsolete monosyllabic noun. The mean- 
ing might be then, to make one Liii, **a relative." 

lin win (en nei, she called him. 139-9. 

Lin xo wil (en, he addressed her. 98-10. 

Luwin(en, she addressed her. 181-9. 

-(en, to marry (said of a man only). This root occurs only 
with u(, prefixed, which is a noun in common use meaning 
"wife.*' The remarks above connecting the last given root with 
-(en, -(in, **to do," applies here also. 

fl( (en, he married. 210-11. 

fl( (en tsis lin tcin, he married. 145-13. 



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270 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

'tik, to encircle, to tie with a string. 

min na na wil <ik, a string tied around. 353-4. 
nakyuwiHik, (his head) was tied with a string. 351-10. 

-to, relating to mutual motions of one or the other of two 
objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or with- 
drawn from it. 

ya a diL ^o, he put on (as a shirt is put on) . 328-12. 
ye na xo wil to, he was dressed in. 328-8. 
ye ten wiL <6, he slipped them one into the other 329-1. 
me tee ya niL ^0, they skinned him (as a rabbit is 

skinned). 328-5. 
tee iL tOy he pulled out the knot. 332-12. 

-tsai, to be or to make dry. 
oL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. 
na x6 wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. 
na xo wiL tsai ye, (I wish) creeks would dry up. 111-12. 
x6 wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. 
xo wiL tsai ye te, if it becomes shallow. 259-16. 

-tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see. 

a) The past, customary, and impotential luwe the form -tsan. 
ad6iuM?tsan, I didn't find it. 243-16. 
iutrtsan, I found (I conceived a child). 286-6. 
ya xoL tsan, they saw him. 101-16. 
yd XOL tsan nei, it saw him. 204-4. 
na 11 tsan, he found signs. 185-11. 
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 
na ya xol tsan, he found them. 267-15. 
na hiroL tsan, you see me. 230-5. 
naxowestsan, he was found. 230-3. 
x5ii?tsan, I saw him. 351-9. 
do ya iL tsan, they did not see. 98-7. 
do ya XOL tsan, he did not see. 238-14. 
do wil tsan, it was not seen. 341-9. 
do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16. 
do na ya xol tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. 
do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 271 

do he tciL tsan, he didn *t find her. 340-8. 
do tciL tsan, she could not find. 159-4. 
tciL tsan, she gave birth. 189-7. 
tciL tsan nei, she saw. 242-4. 

b) The present and imperative have the form -tsiin. 
iuiiJtsfln, (I wish) I could see. 336-9. 
ititrtsunte, (where) am I going to find. 244-7. 
yiL tsiin te, she will see. 103-15. 

do iL tsun te xo Ifin, you can 't find it anywhere. 246-6. 
do na iL tsiin de, they won 't find again. 321-10. 
do na hi£?u wes tsiin htmin, I must not be seen again. 

217-18. 
donaxoLtsun^xxolin, you won't see him any more. 

306-6. 

-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip, 
kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9. 
kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. 

-tsat, -tsa ; to sit down. 

a) The customary and impotential have the form -tsat. 

b) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tsa. 
danintsa, sit. 107-12. 

-tse, to open or shut a sliding door. 

na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. 
natedittseyei, he opened it. 100-10. 
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2. 
na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10. 
no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. 
no nau wit tse, the door was shut. 159-2. 
no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. 
n5 na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. 

-tse, to stay, to live (used only with a plural subject), 
ya del se ei, they lived. 145-13. 
yadcLtse, they were living. 135-1. 
yin ne tciii dcL tse, in the ground they are staying. 361-2. 
na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. 



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272 University of Calif ornin Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 

na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. 
nadeLtse, they are living. 217-8. 
de SOL tse te, you will stay. 152-10. 
des dil tsen, we better wait. 265-5. 

-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL ; to pound as with a hammer or maul. It is 
possible that this root is connected with the noun tse, **a stone," 
since the hammers were pestle-shaped stones. 

a) The definite present and past tenses huve the form -tseL. 
dje wiL tseL, he pounded it. 108-11. 

tcit dti wiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. 

kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. 

Compare ya na kyti wiL tsil lii. te, * they may split. 109-8. 

b) The customary and impotential have the form -tsil. 

c) The present indefinite and imperative probably have the 
form -tsiL. 

-tsis, to be hanging. 

naLtsis, it is hanging (a blanket). 204-12. 
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. 

-tsis, to see, to find, to know. 

yo naL tsis de, who knows. 348-6. 
xow tsis, I saw him. 353-3. 
do jdL tsis, one never sees. 141-9. 
donayaiLtsis, they never saw. 191-5. 
do xo lin tciL tsis, he will not see. 317-13. 
do xo lin naL tsis, never you will see. 361-11. 
do tciL tsis, he never found. 336-7. 
do tco xoL tsis, he saw nobody. 238-8. 

-tsit, to pound, as in a mortar. 

ya kyu win tsit, they pounded acorns. 180-4. 

na kyti win tsit, she pounded again. 185-4. 

do nit d je tel tsit ne, don't get excited (not your heart 

pound). 170-18. 
tee it tsit, he always pounds. 227-8. 
ten win tsit, he pounded. 319-8. 
kyu win tsit, she was pounding acorns. 185-1. 

^ The form -tail is no doubt due to the suffix. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 273 

-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or formula, 
otr tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7. 
oLtsit, you know (my formula). 296-13. 
yo naL tsit te, who will know. 296-7. 
do na ya xol tsit, they did not know him. 166-15. 
too iL tsit, she found out. 334-5. 
tcoL sil lil, he knew it. 272-14. 
te5L tsit, he knew it. 340-6. 
too naL tsit, she knew. 191-15. 
too naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6. 
too naL tsit te, who shall know. 279-2. 

-tsit, to fall, to sink. 

nail tsit, it falls, 275-3. 

nail tsit te, (birds) would drop down. 104-11. 
naltsit, it fell. 306-16. 
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4. 
na x6 wil tsit x6 lun, it fell. 306-15. 
tewiltsit, (canoe) sank. 153-17. 

Compare, til tsit ^x, it will always be in her hands. 
325-13. 

-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. 

kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns. 

kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. 

kit taL tsit x6 sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. 

-tsit, to pull out a knot. 

xoL tee niL tsit, with him he untied it. 108-1. 
tee niL tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. 

-tsit, to wait, to delay an act. 

don ka tsit, hold on. 329-14,222-6. 

-tsots (-tsos), to make a kissing-like noise, to smack one's 
lips. This root is probably onomatopoetic. Kissing was not 
practiced by the Hupa. It seems never to have been done by 
adults and the kissing of babies was thought unlucky. 

yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. 

kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. 

kyo dti wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 



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I 



^ 



I '' 



f: 



274 University of California Publications, [^^ Aech. Eth. 

-tsu, -tse, to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tsti. 

na is tsu, he rolled about. 119-4. 
dohekittcinnonainditsti, he could not roll over. 121-8. 

b) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tse. 
na tse, rolling around. 157-4, 289-1. 

na tse din, (where) he rolled. 119-5. 

-teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -teat. 

du win teat, it got sick. 241-9. 

xoideai dti win teat, his head ached. 175-15. 

tcit du win teat, she was sick. 286-7. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tea. 

duwintcate, (babies) will get sick. 242-15. 

tcit du win tea te, she was going to be sick. 286-7. 

-tee, to blow (intransitive, said of the wind), 
ye kyti wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. 
ye kyti wes tee te, the smoke will blow. 301-8. 
xa kyti witc tee Hl te, from the ground the wind will blow 

out. 272-10. 
xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. 
xotdanakytiwesintcete, you will blow down. 227-5. 
xot dan tee, it blows. 227-3. 
xot da kyu wes tee, it blows. 227-7. 
da na kit dti wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. 
da kit dti wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. 
da kyti wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 
do xot dan tee, it never blows. 227-6. 
ta nai kyti wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. 
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. 
te kyti wes tee ei, in the water it blew she saw. 324-9. 
tee kyti wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. 
kyti wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 275 

-tcit, to die. 

iutr tcit te, I will die. 346-13. 

do he tcit tcit, he did not die. 164-1. 

tcitdei, it died. 266-8. 

tcit te tcit, he was tired out. 165-6. 

tcit te tcit, he was almost dead. 111-16. 

tcit tcit x6 Ian, he died. 347-3. 

tcit tcit dei, he died. 164-4. 

d6 iuw tcuM? htt7un, I won 't die. 346-13. 

-tcflt, to strip oflP, to take bark from a tree. 

wundowiLtcfit, he took (bark from a tree). 96-12. 

-tcwai, -tcwa ; to handle or move many small pieces, such as 
the soil ; to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. This is one of the 
roots which limits the verbs employing it to a certain class of 
objects. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tcwai. 

ya xo win tcwai, they buried him. 172-4. 

da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. 

tcit te tcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -tcwa. 

wit tcwa, (salmon) buried. 192-17. 
wit tcwa ta, they are buried places. 180-11. 
xa na ya wit tcwai, they dug up along. 181-7. 
tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, he threw at her (a handful of 
twigs). 333-3. 

-tcwan, -tcwun ; referring to the eating of a meal in company. 

a) The past definite tense has the form -tcwan. 
na del tcwan, eating. 321-6. 

na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1. 
no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwiin. 
na de il tcwfln din, Tule ranch (where they always take 

the meal). 328-10. 
nadil tcwun, (he heard) eating. 176-9. 



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276 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (transitive) to make, to arrange, to 
cause. 

a) The past definite has the form -tcwen. 

a na dis tcwen, he made himself. 101-14. 

a dis tcwen, he made himself. 102-6. 

ya is tcwen, they made up (loads). 171-17. 

yawiLditc tcwen, they had made. 138-7. 

ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2. 

ya kiL tsis tcis tcwen, he made it sprinkle. 338-2. 

wil tcwen, it was made of. 164-13, 203-11, 221-10. 

wun un l6 tcis tcwen, about it he laughed. 151-15. 

na is tcwen, he made. 110-12. 

na is tcwen, he placed it. 314-7. 

naya is tcwen, they made. 284-1. 

nascL tcwen, I made. 296-2. 

do he tcwitc tcis tcwen, she did not make wood. 157-5. 

tcis tcwen, he made. 336-8. 

tcis tcwen, he begot. 360-6. 

tcoxos tcwen, he made (him). 114-8. 

kit ti yoM? tcis tcwen, she made it to flow. 158-12. 

b) The present definite has the form -tcwin. 

a da yis tcwin te, he makes for himself. 338-6. 

a dis tcwin te, he might make. 363-5. 

na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. 

naseL tcwin, I make. 302-11. 

na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14. 

noi na scl tcwin te, I will bury it. 282-6. 

seL tcwin, I will make. 290-8. 

seL tcwin te, I will make it. 152-3. 

do nais tcwin, nobody could make. 322-8. 

do tcis tcwin hirun, he must not do. 116-15. 

tcis tcwin te, she was going to make. 306-13. 

tcis tcwin te, he was going to cause. 98-1. 

c) The present tTtdefinite, customary, impotential, and im- 
perative have the form -tcwe. 

eiuirtcwe, I make. 241-2. 
imr tcwe, let me make. 278-7. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Ilupa Language, 277 

iL tcwe, make it. 278-8. 

yin ncL in ya xoi iL tcwe, they made them to see. 180-1. 

nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6. 

nauirtcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. 

na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3. 

hiriLtcwe, make me. 114-3. 

tciL tcwe, someone making. 102-13. 

kin ntiir x6 iutc tcwe, I notify him. 241-3. 

d) Having a progressive suffix., 

xo wiL tcweL te, who fixes the place. 229-13. 

tco x6 wiL tcwel Hl te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. 

-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (intransitive) to grow, to become. 

a) The p<isi definite has the form -tcwen. 

a til teox tcL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17. 

yateL tcwen, they grew. 265-1. 

Le nfll ditc tcwen ne x6 lun, it had grown together. 113-8. 

na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7. 

na tcL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. 

xoL xas tcwen nei, it grew up. 137-18. 

xoL teL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18. 

do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7. 

te il tcwen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2. 

teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3. 

teL tcwen x6 Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18. 

te sil tcwen ne dfin, ever since you grew time. 337-13. 

til tcwen, (which) grows. 296-12. 

tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. (The form -tcwin is 

regular in this place.) 
tcit teL tcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1. 

b) The present definite has the form -tcwin. 

Le nal ditc tcwin x6 Ian din, it had grown together place. 

281-15. 
na teL ditc tcwin x6 lun, it had grown. 119-10. 
xal tcwin x6 Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8. 
teL tcwin xo Ifin, it had grown. 306-17. 
teL tcwin te, when it grows. 267-5. 



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278 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. 

til tcwin ne en, it used to grow. 233-1. 

tee na il tcwin hit, when he came to life again. 347-4. 

tcit tcL tcwin hw?un, he may grow. 348-6. 

Compare, wuw? tcwiL dun, when I was growing. 180-7. 

-tcwen, -tcwin ; to smell, to stink, to defecate. 

1^ a) The pa^t definite has the form -tcwen. 

* axowiLtcwen, it smells. 301-10. 

tcu win tcwen, he defecated. 110-6. 

b) The present definite and indefinite have the form -tcwin. 
aL tcwin, you smell. 165-4. 
a xo wiL tcwin, it smells. 301-12. 
axowiLtcwinte, it will smell. 302-9. 
mis sa niL tcwin, buzzard (its mouth stinks). 112-17. 
Compare, yaixostcwutr, they smelled of him. 165-3. 

-tcwen, -tcwiii ; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 

a) The past definite has the form -tcwen. 
me du win tcwen, he wanted. 110-16. 

me du win tcwen, he wanted to have intercourse. 280-6. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwiii. 
me dHw tcwin, I want. 254-12. 

do me duM? tcwin, I do not want. 97-8, 253-5. 
tse me de tcwin, I feel hungry for. 97-7. 

-tewil ; exact meaning unknown. 

me na tcwil liL te, it will settle. 117-11. 

-tcwit, to push, to pull oflf or break ofi leaves and twigs, to 
shoot, to rub one's self in bathing, to bring water. 

aL me na niL tcwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. 
a du wa nun dti witc tcwil Hl te, she will rub herself 

312-3. 
a du wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. 
aduwundotcwitte, bathe yourself . 322-11. 
a du wun dti win tcwit, he rubbed himself. 319-9. 
iL kai niL tcwit, he pressed down on it. 143-2. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 279 

on tcwit, take it. 191-13. 

yit ditc tcwit, to shoot. 136-9. 

me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. 

me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2. 

me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13. 

miL tcwit, push it. 105-18. 

na de tcwit te, I will leave it. 277-1. 

na du win tcwit, he let go. 106-17, 272-18. 

na du win tcwit, it was shot. 246-1. 

niL kai niL tcwit, toward the ground he pressed. 210-17. 

nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6. 

htru wa meL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11. 

hum wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7. 

xo wa me neL tcwit te, I would loan him. 356-17. 

xon tcwit, it caught him. 346-10. 

do ma a din iL tcwit, she did not move. 341-1. 

d5kiL tcwit, one never pushes it. 106-12. 

te se tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. 

to on ntl win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. 

to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2. 

to on tcwit, water to bring. 110-16. 

tcit du win tcwit te, he will shoot. 151-16. 

tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4. 

tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13. 

tcon tcwit, she took it. 181-14. 

ke niL tcwit, he lifted it up. 163-1. 

kiL tcwit, push it. 162-14. 

kyu wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6. 

kyuii? tcwit, let me push it. 106-11. 

-tcwo ig, to sweep. 

na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brushed him together. 196-3. 
na xo tcL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12. 

-tcw5k, exact form and meaning unknown. 

kjruwittcwokkei, they are strung on a line. 165-8. 

-tcwuir, to smell of. 

yai xos tcwutr, they smelled of him. 165-3. 



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280 University of California Publications, l^^ Aech. Eth. 

-tcwu, tcwe ; to cry, to weep. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -tcwu. 

ya win tcwu, they cried. 169-12. 

ya te it tcwu, they cried along. 179-12. 

win tcwu, you have cried. 337-14. 

do wit tcwu we he, don 't cry. 169-13. 

tee itc tcwu, he always cried. 336-4. 

tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8. 

tcu win tcwu, he cried. 150-7, 336-8. 

kyatcLtcwu, it cried. 342-10. 

kya tcL tcwu we tsti, it cry he heard. 204-9. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative, have 
the form -tcwe. 

tcit tcwe ^x, he cried. 150-7. 

kya tcL tcwe, (she heard) it cry. 135-9. 

kyatuwiltcwel, crying along. 135-10. 

-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened at. 

yenesgit, it frightened (they were afraid of it). 215-4. 

ye nes git te, it will be afraid. 236-2. 

ye nu wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. 

yinnelgit, he was afraid. 114-16. 

me nes git te, it will be afraid. 296-5. 

mi nes git, it was afraid. 295-4. 

mi nes git tcL, it will be afraid. 295-7. 

ne iuM? git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. 

do nil git he ne, don 't be afraid. 170-15. 

xoi nes git, he was afraid. 113-11. 

tcin nel git, she was afraid of. 192-2. 

-git, to travel in company, as a flock of birds, or a company 
of warriors. 

na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. 
na ne it git, they came back. 299-12. 
tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. 

-kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. 
a) The customary and impotential have the form -kai. 
in na iuw? duk kai, I always get up. 241-1. 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 281 

b) The past and present definite, present indefinite and im- 
perative have the form -ka. 

in na is duk ka, she got up. 110-14. 
in nas diik ka ei, it got up. 114-16. 
in nas duk ka hit, when he got up. 115-8. 
dd he in na na is duk ka, he did not get up. 112-15. 
Compare, min na na kit del kai, he was sitting with one 
leg each side. 163-7. 

-kan, -kun ; to put on edge, to lean up. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -kan. 

a na dit du wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. 
Compare, duk kan, a ridge, and wil ka nei, a fire is burn- 
ing. 151-4. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -kfln. 

wuM? kun liL te, I will lean up. 272-9. 

duwinkunte, (the earth) will lean up on edge. 343-13. 

-kas, to throw. 

ya wiL kas, he threw up. 96-3. 

ye tee iL kas, he threw. 288-7. 

wes kas,* it lay. 96-4. 

n5 niL kas, he threw. 185-8. 

hwo iL kas, throw me. 153-10. 

xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8. 

de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. 

do na sil kas,* nothing left. 192-16. 

-kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to cause to move forward in a 
straight line, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot. 

a) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the 
form -kait. 

ya niL kait dei, they got there (by water). 159-15. 
yateLkait, they went on. 159-14. 
ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1. 

* These two verbs are passive in form. That which lies, is * * that which 
has been thrown or dropped. ' ' 

Am. Asoh. Bth. 3. 19. 



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282 University of California Publications, l^^- -Ajioh. Bth. 

ye na wiL kait, she landed. 135-12. 

ye teit teL kait, one after the other he stuck (his head) 

in. 322-2. 
lin duk kait de, they slid together. 295-2. 
no nil. kait, he put it. 108-19. 
do wun no iL kait, he did not shoot. 144-13. 
tawiLkait, he started across. 315-1. 
te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. 
tee na niL kait, he poked out. 174-9. 
tee niL kait, he put out (his head) . 153-9. 
tcin duk kait dei, they came down (by water). 158-16. 
tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. 

b) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have 
the form -kai. 

ye wit kai te, a boat will come. 209-3. 

wun n5L kai, shoot. 144-14. 

wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. 

-kait, -kai ; to starve, to fall here and there from weakness, 
note duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. 
no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-16. 

-kel ; to hold in a horizontal position. 
daeiuii7kel, I held under. 337-14. 

-ket; to creak (probably onomatopoetic). 
kyu win ket, it creaked. 114-17. 140-3. 

-kil, -Ml ; to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank, 
ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3. 
min no kin kil, he opened it. 113-5. 
non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. 
ddhtriLdjenkil, with me it won't split. 108-9. 
dje wiL kil, he tore away. 176-9. 
tcu wiL kil, he split with his hands. 210-1. 
kit din kil ei, it broke out. 102-2. 
kit dti win kil, the bank slid out. 252-4. 

-kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear. 

a di ye no na kin niL kis, under himself he put his hand. 
221-4. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 283 

xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 1 85-3. 
dakiLkis, he put his hand. 140-3. 
na niL kis, he cut him. 164-1. 

kyoL kis x5 sin xo Ian, spearing salmon had been he saw. 
140-11. 

-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away. 
adeiLkit, he took with himself. 270-7. 
adexoLkit, she caught against herself. 223-14. 
a diL kit, take it with you. 356-16. 
aduirkit, to myself I held. 353-6. 
ya iL kim min, to catch. 101-17. 
ya iL kit te, they were going to catch it. 102-2. 
na iL kit dei, he caught it. 152-6. 
x5l tciL kit, with him he caught it. 107-10. 
doheyaiLkit, they did not catch. 102-3. 
tee xoL kit, he caught him. 143-9. 
tciL kit, he took hold. 106-16. 
tco XOL kit, he caught him. 151-2. 
tcu htriL kin ne en, he nearly caught me. 176-14. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke), 
yei wiL kit dei, it rose up (clouds). 104-13. 
ye yu wiL kit de te, (smoke) will go there. 301-9. 
noi iL kit, it spread out. 321-7. 
noi wiL kil Hl te, it will be foggy. 230-6. 
nonainiLkit, it settled. 96-3. 
noi niL kit, smoke hangs. 337-11. 
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. 
x5l yai wiL kit dei, the fog took her away. 238-16. 
da nai wiL kil Hl te, fog will stay. 273-2. 

-kit, to feed, to give food to any one. 
makiLkit, she fed it. 192-1. 
makyuMJkit, I better feed them. 192-1. 
xwaiLkit. she gave hira to eat. 110-14. 
xwayaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5. 
xwayakiLkit, she fed them. 192-11. 

-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, 
yawinkiitc, he threw. 143-15. 



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284 University of California Publications, l^^- Aeoh. Eth. 

tee nin kutc, he threw out. 144-1. 

tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. 

kit tea kutc, they began to play. 142-16. 

kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

kit tuk kutc ei, shinny will be played. 210-14. 

-kya, to wear a dress. This root is the monosyllabic noun 
kya, ''dress." 

menaiLkya, she wore for dress. 332-10. 

-kya, to perceive by any of the senses, 
unkya, he saw. 96-11,98-14. 
do fin kya, they did not see. 267-7. 

-kyas, to break, to cause to break. 

sikkyassei, it broke. 210-17,211-1,144-15. 
tcis k(y)assei, he broke it. 143-3. 

-kyos, to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible, 
as a skin or piece of cloth. This is one of the roots that shows 
the character of the object. 

yawiLkyos, he picked up. 293-6. 

no na 11 kyos, she put away. 333-7. 

nanawiLkyos, he took it down. 204-4. 

no niL kyos, he put it. 208-10. 

siLkyos, it lies. 207-6. 

da tcit du wiL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11. 

tcittcLkyos, he took it along. 204-6. 

tcu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9. 

-kyot, -kyo; to flee, to run away. This root is used only in 
the singular. For the plural -deL, -dil, -diL, are employed. 
tsintcLkyot, he ran away. 

-qal, to walk (confined to the third person singular). 

de duk qal, this one walking along (the sun) . 340-1, 343-9. 
tcukqal, walking. 96-10. 
tcukqal^x, he walked. 319-6. 
tcuk qal le, walking along. 164-8. 
tcuk qal lit, as he walked along. 110-2. 

-qol, to crawl, to creep. 

nas q5l, it crawled around. 294-1. 

xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 285 

xon nat naL q5l, around her it was creeping. 185-2. 

tee il q5l e xo Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11. 

tcin nil qdl ei, he had crawled. 347-9. 

tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. 

tcit teL q5l, he crawled. 347-8. 

-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to 
stick, to poke. 

yaaqot, they always stuck them. 180-14. 

ya x6s qot, they stuck them. 181-2. 

ya xo qot, they stick them. 180-12. 

na ya xos duk qot de, if we stuck them. 180-15. 

na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12. 

na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. 

n5 ke into qot, I always set up. 247-4. 

-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. 

yaitq5t, it always dodged. 286-11. 

ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13. 

ya na wit qot, he jumped. 329-15. 

yatqdt, it dodged. 286-10. 

ye wit qot, it fell. 136-3. 

na wit qot, he tumbled. 118-17. 

nas dflk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4. 

na des de q5t, it tumbled around. 222-9. 

natedeqot, it tumbled. 114-15. 

no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. 

ndndeqotei, it stopped. 287-2. 

xa wit qot, he jumped. 329-13. 

da wit qot tsu, it tumbling she heard. 136-3. 

tewitqotte, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 
286-13. 

tedeqot, it tumbled. 286-12. 

tcin duk qot ei, it tumbled. 135-12. 
-q5tc, -qoM? ; to throw as a spear is thrown, or to fall headlong. 

a) The past and present definite, and perhaps the present 
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qotc. 

a diL ya Ml qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. 
a diL ya kiL q5tc hit, when he threw himself with it. 
202-7. 



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286 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Eth. 

te weL qotc te, I will throw in. 112-4. 
te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. 

b) The customary and impotential, and possibly the present 
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qotr. 

a diL no ke iL qoir, to he used to throw with himself. 
202-4. 

-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 

nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9. 
xe e win q5tc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8. 
ke sin qotc ei, you climbed the tree. 175-1. 

Variations of Boots in Form and Length. 

The greater number of the verbal roots undergo a change of 
form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of 
mode or tense. In a few cases there is also a change within the 
mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change when 
present, is not an alteration of the root, which is now to be 
considered, due to phonetic causes such as a change in the place 
or force of the stress or pitch, or to morphological causes such 
as worn down suffixes resulting in inflection, but is the substitu- 
tion in the dual and plural of a root altogether different. 

Sometimes the changes in the root mark the definite tenses 
off from the indefinite, in other cases the customary and im- 
potential are different in the form of the root from the present 
indefinite and imperative, and in a few cases, the impotential 
alone has a form longer or different from that found elsewhere in 
the verb. The indefinite present and imperative are the weakest 
of all in their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually 
longer than the present and is characterized by the stronger 
vowels, a instead of u and e instead of i. Diphthongization 
often takes place, ai and au appearing for a. Roots ending in 
t usually have the t in the past and do not have it in the present. 
A number of roots, most of them containing the vowel i, do not 
change in form and many of them do not change in length. 

Having Four Forms, 

-wen (-en), past definite; -win, pres. def. ; -wutr, pres. indef., 
cust., impot. ; -we, 3 imp. : to carry on the back. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 287 

-wen (-en), past def. ; -win (-in), pres. del; -wiitr, pres. 
indef ., oust., impot., 2 imp. ; -we, 3 imp. : to move fire, to wave 
fire. 

-ten, past def.; -tin, pres. del; -tuir, pres. indef., oust., 
impot., 2 imp. ; -te, 1 and 3 imp. : to lie down. 

-len, past def.; -lin, pres. def.; -lu, oust., impot.; -le, pres. 
indef., imp. : to become, to be, to be transformed. 

-lau, past; -la, pres. def., sometimes pres. indef. and imp.; 
-lu, cust., impot.; -le, * sometimes pres. indef. and imp.: to do 
something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. 

Having Three Forms. 

a) Type, -an, -un, -autr. 

-an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -auir, pres. indef., cust., impot., 
imp. : to transport round objects. 

-an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -auir, pres. indef., cust., impot., 
imp. : to run, to jump (plural subject only). 

-yan, past def., cust., impot. ; -yun, pres. def. and indef., and 
imp. ; -yauir, a few uncertain forms : to eat. 

-xan, past def.; -xuii, pres. def.; -xauw, pres. indef., cust., 
impot., imp. : to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or 
smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. 

-tan, past def.; -tun, pres. def.; -tutr, pres. indef., cust., 
impot., imp. : to handle or move a long object. 

-tan, past def.; -tun, pres. def.; -tutr, pres. indef., cust., 
impot., imp. : to split. 

b) Type, -en, in, -uir. 

-ten, past def.; -tin, pres. def.; -tuM?, pres. indef., cust., 
impot., imp. : to move or to carry in any way a person, animal 
or animal product. 

* The changes in this verb do not seem to be regular. It is possible that 
two roots have been brought together in the same verb and confused, or 
that the vowel u of the customary and impotential has produced a present 
indefinite and imperative in e by analogy with the usual u and e pairs. 



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288 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

c) Type, -en, -in, -e. 

-wen, past def. ; -win, pres. def. ; -we, pres. indef., oust., 
impot., imp. : to kill. 

-tcwen, past def. ; -tewin, pres. def. ; -tewe, pres. indef., oust., 
impot., imp. : to make, to arrange, to cause. 

-tewen, past def. ; -tewin, pres. def. ; -tewe, pres. indef., oust., 
impot., imp. : to grow, to become. 

d) Type, -ai, -a, -au«? (-litr). 

-yai, past def.; -ya, pres. def., 1 and 3 imp.; -yauir, pres. 
indef., cust., impot., 2 imp. : to go, to come, to travel about. 

-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -lute, pres. indef., cust., impot., 
imp. : to move or transfer a number of objects. 

-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -Itiu?, pres. indef., cust., impot., 
imp.: to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand 
something to some one. 

-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -Wic, pres. indef., cust., impot., 
imp. : to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. 

-htoai, impot. ; hM?a, pres., imp. ; -hicautr, pres., cust. : to walk, 
to go, to come. 

b) Type, -aL, -ul, -ul. 

-waL, past def., pres. def.; -wul, cust., impot.; -wul, pres. 
indef., imp. : to strike, to throw, to scatter. 

-taL, past def., pres. def.; -tul, cust., impot.; -tuL, pres. 
indef., imp. : to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. 

p) Type, -eL, -il, -11. 

-weL, past def., pres. def.; -wil, cust., impot.; -wiL, pres. 
indef., imp. : relating to the passing of night. 

-meL, past def., pres. def.; -mil, cust., impot.; -miL, pres. 
indef., imp. : to strike, to throw, to drop. 

-deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot., past; -diL, pres. 
indef., imp. : to go, to come, to travel. 

-deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot.; -diL, pres. in- 
def., imp. : to strike. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 289 

-tseL, past del, pres. def.; -tail, cust., impot.; -tsiL, pres. 
indef ., imp. : to pound as with a hammer or maul. 

g) Unchissified. 

-Lon, past, def., pres. def.; -Loi, impot; -L6(-Lotr), oust., 
pres. indef ., imp. : to make baskets, to twine. 

-ne, 3rd per. of all tenses ; -sen, 1st and 2nd persons past def., 
cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and 2nd per. pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to think, to know. 

-hii?e, any tense without suffix; -htril, past def., cust., impot. 
with progressive suffix; -hiriL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. 
with the progressive suffix : to call by name, to name. 

-xa, any tense without suffix ; -xal, past def. with progressive 
suffix ; -xaL, pres. def., past def. with progressive suffix : to dawn. 

-xa, when of conjugation 1; -xan, past def., cust., impot. 
(when of conjugation 3) ; -xfiii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. 
(when of conjugation 3) ; to stand (said of tree). 

-dal, past ; -daL, pres. ; -dauir, imp., cust., impot., imp., to pass 
along, to go, to come. 

Having Two Forms. 

a) Tt/pe, -an, -un. 

-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yfin, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to live, to pass through life. 

-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yM, pres. indef., pres. def., 
imp. : to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. 

-wan (nan), past def., cust., impot.; -wM (fiM), pres. def., 
pres. indef., imp. : to sleep. 

-Ian, past del, cust., impot.; -lufi, pres. def., pres. indel, 
imp. : (with negative prefix) to quit, to leave, to desist. 

-Ian, past del, cust., impot.; -lun, pres. def., pres. indel, 
imp. ; to be bom. 

-nan, past del, cust., impot.; -nun, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to drink. 

-nan, past def., cust, impot.; -nfin, pres. def., pres. indel, 
imp. ; to turn, to move. 



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290 University of CaUfornia Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 

-xan, past def., cust., impot. ; -xufi, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. 

-tan, 3 sing, of past def., oust., impot. ; -tun, 3 sing, of pres. 
def., pres. indef., imp. : to eat. 

-tan, past def., oust., impot. ( ?) ; -tun, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : exact meaning unknown. 

-^an, past def., cust, impot.; -tun, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : relating in any way to wax or wax-like substance. 

-tsan, past, cust., impot. ; -tsun, pres. imp. : to find, to see. 

-tcwan, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwun, pres. def., pres. indef. ; 
imp. : relating to the eating of a meal in company. 

-kan, past def., cust., impot.; -kun, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to put on edge, to lean up. 

b) Type, -en, -in. 

-en, past def., cust., impot. ; -in, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to look. 

-en, past, cust., impot., fut. ( ?) ; -in, pres., imp. : to do, to act, 
to deport one's self. 

-yen, past def., cust., impot. ; -yin, pres. def., pres indef., imp. : 
to stand on one's feet. 

-len, past def., cust., impot. ; -lin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to flow, to run ; said of any liquid. 

-men, past def., cust., impot.; -min, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to fill up, to make full. 

htuen, past, def., cust., impot.; htrin, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to melt. 

-sen, 1st and 2nd per. of past def., cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and 
2nd per. of pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to think, to know. 

-den, past def., cust., impot.; -din, pres. def., pres indef., 
imp. : to travel in company. 

-den, past def., cust., impot.; -din, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to be light, to blaze. 

-ten, past, cust, impot. ; tin, pres. imp. : to do, to perform an 
act. 



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Vou 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of ike Hupa Language. 291 

-tcwen, past def ., cust., impot. ; -tcwin, pres. def., pres. indef ., 
imp. : to smell, to stink, to defecate. 

-tcwen, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwin, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 

c) Type, -ai,-a. 

-ai, past, impot. ; -a, pres., imp., and sometimes past and cust. : 
to be in position. 

-yai, impot. ; -ya, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to move about, to undertake. 

-wai, 3 impot. ; -wa, 3 pres. indef. : to go, to go about. 

-dai, impot., past def.; -da, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. 
indef., imp. : to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. 

-tcwai, past def., impot. ; -tcwa, cust., pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to 
paw the ground. 

-kai, cust., imp. ; -ka, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to get up from a reclining or sitting position. 

d) Type, -au, -a. 

-an, past def., cust., impot. ; -a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to sing. 

-yau, past, cust., impot. ; -ya, pres. imp. : to do, to follow a line 
of action, to be in a condition or plight. 

-dau, past, cust., impot. ; -da, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to 
melt away, to disappear. 

'tauj past def., cust., impot. ; -/a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to hover, to settle, to fly around. 

e) Type, -u, -e. 

-lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to make an attack, to form a war party. 

-Ill, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to dive, to swim under water. 



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292 University of CaUfomia PiibUcaiions. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

-Lu, past def ., cust., impot. ; -Le, pres. del, pres. indef ., imp. : 
to handle or to do anything with a semi-liquid, dongh-like ma- 
terial. 

-nu, past, oust., impot. ; -ne, pres. imp. : to do, to happen, to 
behave in a certain way. 

-xu, oust., impot. ; -xe, past def., pres. def., pres. indef ., imp. : 
to track, to finish, to overtake. 

-djeu, past def., cust., impot.; -dje, pres. imp.: to fly in a 
flock, to beg. 

-tu, past def., cust., impot. ; -te, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to sing in a ceremony or dance. 

-tsu, past def., cust., impot. ; -tse, pres. indef., imp. : to squirm, 
to writhe, to roll, to tumble. 

-tcwii, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwe, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to cry, to weep. 

p) Type, -at, -a. 

-wat (-at), past def., cust., impot.; -wa (-a), pres. def., pres. 
indef., imp. : to shake itself, said of a dog. 

-lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -la, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to float. 

-Lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -La, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to run, to jump. 

-xait, past def., cust., impot., -xai, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to buy. 

-tsat, cust., impot. ; -tsa, pres. indef., imp. : to sit down. 

-teat, past def., cust., impot.; -tea, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to be sick, to become ill. 

-kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to cause to project, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to 
shoot. 

-kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to starve. 

-kyot, past def., cust., impot.; -kyo, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to flee, to run away. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 293 

G) Type, -I, -L. 

-il, past del, cust., impot. ; -iL, pres. def ., pres. indef ., imp. : 
to swim, to dive (plural only). 

-yol, past def., cust., impot.; -yoL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to blow with the breath. 

-wal, past def., cust., impot.; waL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to shake a stick, to dance. 

-lal, past def., cust., impot. ; laL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to dream, to sleep. 

-nel, past def., cust., impot.; -neL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to play. 

-nol, past def., cust., impot.; -noL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to blaze. 

-hwal, past def., cust., impot. ; hiraL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. 

-huTil, past def., cust, impot.; htriL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to call by name, to name. 

-zal, past def., cust., impot.; -xaL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to dawn. 

-dil, past def., cust., impot. ; -diL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. 

-tsel, past def., cust., impot; -tscL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to be or to become warm. 

-il, past def., cust., impot. ; -iL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to swim, to dive (plural only). 

-qol, past def., cust, impot; -qdL, pres. def., pres. indef., 
imp. : to crawl, to creep. 

h) Unclassified. 

-aL, past def. ; -iiL, cust., impot., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to slit open. 

-aL, past def., cust,. impot ; -Al, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to chew. 



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294 Universiiy of Calif omia Publications, [Aic.Arc3h.Eth. 

-ate, past def., pres. def. ; -auir, pres. indef., cust., imp., 
impot. : to move in an undulating line. 

-mats, impot.; -mas, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., cust., 
imp. : to roll, to coil. 

-na, 3 imp. ; -nauM?, 3 cust., impot., pres. indef. ; to go, or to 
come. 

-ne, past def., cust., impot. ; -n, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : 
to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an 
instrument. 

-neuM?, except 1 sing. pres. and imp. ; -ne, yeutr, 1 sing, pres , 
2 imp. : to talk, to speak. 

-noi (a noun), -no, past def. ( ?) : to place on end, to be in a 
vertical position. 

-xen, past def., pres. def. ( 1) ; -xutr, cust, impot., pres. indef., 
imp. : to float. 

-xuts, past def., pres. def.; -xus, cust., impot., pres. indef., 
imp. : to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. 

-^ats, past def., pres. def. ; ^us, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. : 
to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. 

-qotc, past def., pres. def.; -qoir, cust., impot., pres. indef., 
imp. : to throw as a spear is thrown. 

-qotc, past def., pres. def.; -qotr, cust., impot, pres. indef., 
imp. : to lope or run like a wolf. 

Unvarying in form, but varying in length. 

-eL, to have position (plural only). 

-yentc, to rest. 

-yeuti^, to rub, to knead. 

-yets, to tie together, to entangle. 

-yotr, to flow, to scatter. 

-yds, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. 

-was, to shave oflf, to whittle. 

-loi, to tie, to wrap around. 

-los, to drag, to pull along. 

-Ititr, to watch, to stand guard over. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 295 

-medj (-mete), to boil, to cook by boiling. 

-dai, to bloom, to bloeaom. 

-do, to dodge, to draw back. 

-tetc, to lie down (plural only). 

-tsai, to be dry, to make dry. 

-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. 

-tse, to open or shut a sliding door. 

-tcwoig (-tcwog), to sweep. 

-tcwok, exact meaning unknown. 

-kas, to throw. 

-kyas, to break. 

-kyos, to handle or to move anything flat or flexible. 

Unvarying in form and length. 

-iuir, to drop. 

-to shoot an arrow. 

-its, to wander about. 

-ut, to move anything flat and flexible. 

-ya, to stand on one's feet (plural only). 

-ye, to dance. 

-yo, to like. 

-witc, to rock sidewise. 

-le, to feel with the hands. 

-lit, to burn. 

-lite, to urinate. 

-lik, to relate, to tell something. 

-lit, to cause to bum. 

-me, to swim. 

-men, to swim. 

-mut, to break out as a spring of water, to break open. 

-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire. 

-ne, to gather nuts from the ground. 

-hire, to dig. 

-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). 

-xfit, to hang. 

-xut, to tear down. 

-sit, to wake. 



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296 University of California Publications, l^^ Arch. Eth. 

-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. 

-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal). 

-dik (-iik), to peck. 

-dik (-iik), to stand in line. 

-dd, to cut, to slash. 

-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. 

-te, to look for. 

-te, to carry around. 

-te, to remain in a recumbent position. 

-tits, to use as a cane. 

-tik, exact meaning unknown. 

-to, referring to the movement or position of water. 

-tot, to suck, to drink. 

-tu, to beg. 

-ttitr, to split. 

-tuk, to count. 

-ie, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to 
be, to exist. 

'tik, to tie with a string. 

'to, relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of 
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. 

-tse, to stay, to live (plural only). 

-tsis, to be hanging. 

-tsis, to find. 

-tsit, to pound as in a mortar. 

-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. 

-tsit, to fall, to sink. 

-tsit, to soak acorn meal. 

-tsit, to pull out a knot. 

-tsit, to wait, to delay an act. 

-tee, to blow (said of the wind). 

-tcit, to die. 

-tcut, to strip oflf, to take bark from a tree. 

-tcwit, to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one's self, 
to bring water. 

-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. 

-git, to travel in company. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — MorpJiology of the Hupa Language. 297 

-kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear, 
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away, 
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke), 
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one. 
-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, 
-kya, to wear a dress. 

-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to 
stick, to poke. 

-q5t, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. 

Meaning or thk Boots. 

In regard to meaning, the roots fall into at least three classes. 
First, a few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the 
verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed while 
the nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which 
precedes the root. Second, a rather large number of roots, while 
not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it be- 
longs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. Third, 
most, if not all, of the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly 
the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible with no knowl- 
edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little 
access to the related languages to define exactly the meaning of 
many of the roots. Those which show no evidence of belonging to 
the two preceding classes are assumed for the present to belong to 
the third. 

NoiiTis as roots, expressing the means, 

-lai, -la, -lujT ; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to 
hand something to some one. (While this root may not be 
morphologically connected with the word meaning hand, the 
Hupa believe it to be so connected). 

-Lon, -Lo, -Lotr ; to make baskets, to twine in basket-making. 
(Probably from Lo, ** grass," one of the materials used in bas- 
ketry.) 

-mit; to turn over, to place one's self belly up or down. Com- 
pare, xo mit, her belly. 102-15. 

-hw/al, -hwajj ; to fish for with a hook. 

All. Abch. Bth. 3. 90. 



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298 University of California PubUcaiions. [^^ Abch. Eth. 

"hice, -htril, -hiriL ; to call by name, to name. From xo litc?e, 
his name. 

-tits , to use as a cane. Compare, tits, cane. 150-9. 

-to , referring to the movement of water. 

-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. (This 
root is said by the Hupa to be connected with tse, a stone, the 
maul and pestles being of stone) . 

-kya , to wear a dress . Compare, kya, dress. 333-8. 

Boots which classify the object affected according to size, shape, etc- 

-an, -fin, -auir ; to transport round objects. 

-ut , to move flat, flexible objects. 

-wen, -win, -wutr, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire. 

-lai, -la, 'IxLW ; to move or transfer a number of objects. 

-lei, to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. 

-Lu, -Le, (-Luk) ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid 
dough-like material. 

-xan, -xun, -xautr; to move in a basket or other vessel any 
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. 

-da , to carry or move a person or animal. 

-tan, -tun, -tuw ; to handle or move a long object. 

-ten, -tin, -tuw ; to move or carry in any way a person, animalt 
or animal product. 

'tan, relating in any way to wax or wax-like substances. 

-tcwai, -tcwa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as 
the soil , to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. 

-kyos, to handle or move anything that is flat and flexible, as a 
skin or a piece of cloth. 

Roots indicating the nature of the act, 

a) Position or posture, 

-ai, -a ; to have position. 

-eL, to have position. (Plural only). 

-ya, to stand on one's feet. (Plural only) . 

-yen, -yin; to stand on one's feet. 

-noi, -no ; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. 

-xa , to have position (said of water or a liquid) . 

-xa, -xan, -xuii ; to stand (said of a tree). 



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Vol. 8] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 299 

-xiit, to hang (said of a blanket). 

-dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game, 
-dik , to stand in line, 
-te , to remain in a recumbent position, 
-ten, -tin, -ttiir ; to lie down. 

-tete, to lie down, to remain in a recumbent position. (Plural 
only). 

-tse, to stay, to live. (Plural only). 

-tsis, to be hanging. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). 

b) Motion or locomotion, 

1) Over the surf ace of the ground, 

-an, -fin, -auir ; to run, to jump. (Plural only ) . 
-its, to wander about, 
-ate, to move in an undulating line, 
-yai, -ya, -yauir ; to go, to come, to travel about, 
-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. (Third person singular only). 
-Lat, -La ; to run, to jump, 
-na, to move. 

-na, -naui«7; to go, to come. (Third person singular only), 
-nan, -nfin ; to turn, to move. 

-hirai, -hira, -htrautr ; to walk, to go, to come. (First person 
singular only). 

-dal, -daL, -daut^ ; to pass along, to go, to come. 

-deL, -dil, -diL ; to go, to come, to travel. 

-den, -difi ; to travel in company. 

-do, to dodge, to draw back. 

-ton, -ton ; to jump. 

-tsu, -tse ; to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. 

-git, to travel in company, as a company of warriors. 

-kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. 

-qal, to walk. (Third person singular only). 

-qol, -qoL ; to crawl, to creep. Compare, qo, worm. 

-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. 

-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 

2) On the surface of or under water, 

-lai, -la, -Ititr ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. 
-lat, -la; to float. 



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300 University of CdUfomia PtkbUcations, l^^ Arch. Bth. 

-Iti, -le ; to dive, to swim under water, 
-me, to swim, to bathe, 
-men, to cause to swim, 
-xen, -xuM? ; to float. 

3) Through the air, 

-xuts, -xiit; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. 

-dje u, -dje ; to fly in a flock. 

-tau, to hover, to settle, to fly around. 

-tsit, to fall, to sink. 

c) Acts performed specifically by the hands. 

-aL, -uL; to slit open. 

-its, to shoot an arrow. 

-yeutr, to rub, to knead. 

-yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. 

-wal, -waL ; to shake a dance stick, to dance. 

-waL, -wul, -wuL; to strike, to throw, to scatter. 

-was, to shave oflf, to whittle. 

-lai, -la, -luM?; to perform some act with the hand, to rub, to 
hand something to some one. 

-le, to feel with the hands. 

-los, to drag, to pull along. 

-loi, to tie, to wrap around. 

-mas, to roll, to rotate. 

-meL, -mil, -miL ; to strike, to throw, to drop. 

-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. 

-dits, to twist into rope or twine. 

-do, to cut, to slash. 

-fats, 'tu8 ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. 

-fik, to tie with a string. 

-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. 

-tse, to open or shut a sliding door. 

-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL ; to pound as with a hammer or maul. 

-tsit, to pound as in a mortar. 

-tsit, to pull out a knot. 

-tout, to strip oflE, to take bark from a tree. 

-tcwit, to push, to pull oflE or break oflE leaves and twigs, to 
shoot, to rub one's self in bathing. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 301 

-tcwoig, to sweep, 
-kas, to throw. 

-kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to push or paddle a canoe, 
-kan, -kun ; to put an edge, to lean up. 
-kil, to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank. 
-Ms, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear, 
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away, 
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one. 
-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, 
-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to 
stick, to poke. 

-qotc, -qotr ; to throw as a spear is thrown. 

d) Acts performed specifically by the feet. 
-ye, to dance. 

-taL, -tul, -tuL ; to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. 

e) Acts of the mind, senses, or vocal organs. 
-au, -a; to sing. 

-en, -in ; to look. 

-yan, -jriin ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. 

-yo, to like, to love, to be pleased with. 

-wauar, to talk, to make a noise. (Plural only). 

-lal, -laL ; to dream, to sleep. 

-lik, to relate, to teU something. 

-ne, -n ; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound. 

-neuir, -ne yeuM? ; to talk, to speak. 

-ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know. 

-nutr, to hear. 

-xa, -xuii ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. 

-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. 

-te, to look for, to search after. 

-tu, -te ; to sing in a ceremony or dance. 

-tuk, to count. 

-^en, to address with a term of relationship or friendship. 

-tsan, -tsfin ; to find, to see. 

-tsis, to find, to know. 

-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. 

-tcwen, -tcwin ; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 



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302 University of California Publications. [^^ -^^^h. Era- 

-tcwtitt?, to smell of. 

-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. 

-kya, to perceive by any of the senses. 

p) Relating particularly to the body and its functions, 

-aL, -UL ; to chew. 

-yan, -yun, -yautr ; to eat. 

-yan, -yun ; to live, to pass through life. 

-yetiu?, to rest. 

-yol, -yoL ; to blow with the breath. 

-wan (-nan), -wM (-nun) ; to sleep. 

-lal, -laL ; to dream, to sleep. 

Jan, -IM; to be bom. 

-lite, to urinate. 

-nan, -nun ; to drink. 

-xiits, to bite, to chew. 

-sit, to awake. 

-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. 

-tan, -tun ; to eat. ( Third person singular only) . 

-tot, to drink. 

-teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become Ul. 

-tcit, to die. 

-tcwen, -tcwin ; to defecate. 

-tcwu, -tcwe; to cry, to weep. 

-kait, -kai ; to starve. 

o) Complex and general acts of human agency. 
-en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one's self, 
-yau, -ya ; to do, to follow a line of action, 
-wen, -win, -we ; to kill. 

-wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuir, -we; to carry on the back, 
-wis, to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body, 
-lau, -la, -lu, -le ; to .do something, to arrange according to a 
plan or purpose. 

-Ian, -lun ; to quit, to leave, to desist. 

-lu, -le ; to make an attack, to form a war party. 

-lit, to cause to bum. 

-men, -min ; to fill up, to make full. 

-medj, to boil, to cook by boiling. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 303 

-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by 
placing above boiling water. 

-nan, -niin ; to turn, to move. 

-nel, to play. 

-nti, -ne ; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. 

-hire, to dig. 

-xa, -xaiL ; to track. 

-xait, -xai ; to buy. 

-xti, -xe ; to finish, to overtake. 

-xflt, -xfil ; to ask, to question. 

-tan, -tM, -tutr ; to split. 

-te, to carry around. 

-tti, to beg. 

'ten, 'tm ; to do, to perform an act. 

-^en, to marry (said of the man only) . 

46, relating to the mutual motions of two bodies by means of 
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. 

-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. 

-tsit, to delay an act. 

-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to make, to arrange, to cause. 

-kyas, to break, to cause to break. 

h) Acts confined to animals, 

-yot, to chase, to bark after. 

-wat, -wa; to shake itself (said of a dog). 

-dik, to peck (said of a bird). 

-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 

i) Happening by the agency of nature and the elements, 

-iutr, to drop, to fall. 

-yoM?, to flow, to scatter. 

-weL, -wil, -wiL ; the passing of the night. 

-len, -lin, -lu, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be. 

-len, -lin ; to flow, to run (said of any liquid) . 

-lit, to bum. 

-mut, to break out, as a spring of water, to break open. 

-noL, to blaze. 

-htren, -hecin ; to melt. 

-xa, -xal, -xaL ; to dawn. 



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304 University of California Publications, [Am. Akch. Bth. 

-dai, to bloom, to blossom, 
-dan, -da ; to melt, to disappear, 
-dil, -diL ; to ring, to ^ve a metallic response to a blow, 
-^e, to have some particnlar form or appearance, or nature; 
to be, to exist. 

-tsai, to be, or to make dry. 

-tsel, -tseL; to be or to become warm. 

-tee, to blow (said of the wind). 

-tcwen, -tcwiii, -tcwe ; to prrow, to become. 

-ket, to creak. 

-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). 

-kyas, to break. 

SUFFIXES. 

In addition to the changes in form and meaning of the verbs 
brought about by means of prefixes, the inflection of the syUable 
preceding the root, and the variations of the root, many limita- 
tions and extensions of meaning are occasioned by various suf- 
fixes. The suffixes which are temporal, modal and conjunctional 
in their character, are employed with the present indefinite and 
present definite for the most part. These particles are inflectional 
in their nature since they can be added to any verb giving it a 
definite change of meaning, but do not have independent exist- 
ence. 

Temporal. 

-^x or -x. This suffix is used with the forms of the present 
indefinite and indicates that the act or condition was persistent 
through a limited and definitely stated length of time. 

yai wa autr wiL *^x, it increased in blowing. 324-6. 

wU weL tsis daux, until night he stayed. 142-8. 

mtlmo^n, he watched it. 205-2. 

naiLte^, she carried it. 290-6. 

na iL its ^x, he ran around. 185-10. 

nayatesin^^x, she looked. 300-17. 

nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. 

na diL ^x, they will live. 255-8. 

ninsindiL^x, they danced. 105-9. 

no to ^x, water stayed. 324-3. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 305 

xa ai ya xoL in ^x, they did that with him. 211-5. 

xa a ya iL in ^x, they did that. 105-10. 

siLtfln<»x, it lay. 266-8. 

sittetc^x, they lay there. 322-6. 

do ai nin sin *^x, you don 't think. 337-9. 

do he nas deL ^x, they could not walk about. 322-7. 

tiltsit^x, it will always be. 325-13. 

tsim ma xos sin ^x, it was quiet. 322-4. 

tee in diL ^x, outside the door. 169-9. 

tciL waL *x, they danced. 238-10. 

tcitdilye^x, they danced. 216-7. 

tcit tcwe ^x, he cried. 150-7. 

tcukqal^x, he walked. 319-6. 

kefiL^x, she chewed.* 276-3. 

kin UL ^x, you chew. 275-2. 

-win ^e. The suffixing of -win ^e to the forms of the present 
indefinite gives meaning to the verb but little different from 
that of the customary, indicating that the act or condition is 
continuous or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The 
customary may mean that the act has been done several times 
without regard to the regularity of the intervals. 

xa a tin win ^e, she always did that. 136-14. 
do kin naL dM win ^e, not yet, kin naL dun. 332-9. 
tciL waL win ^e, they always danced. 239-2. 
tcin nin ya win ^e, he always came. 231-9. 
tcinnuwutrwin^e, she always brought. 157-2. 
kjruwitdaiyeiLwinie, it always blossoms. 365-4. 

-wes ^e. This suffix occurs but twice, being used by the same 
individual with the meaning of -win tt. 

a fin wes f e, it had done. 325-10. 

xa a iin wes f e, the same thing it always did. 325-11. 

-neen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It 
states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased or is about to 
cease its existence. When used with verbs it is usually appended 
to the forms of the present indefinite and means that the act 
or condition was habitual or continuous in the past but has now 



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306 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. 

an wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 

autr ^in ne en, I used to do. 341-7. 

a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. 

fin te ne en, used to be seen. 235-18. 

ya win a ne en din, he had been sitting place. 163-5. 

ya tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-10. 

wessilyoneen, whom you used to like. 307-16. 

wiinnawaneen, going after used to. 157-10. 

maakiLenneen, their doings. 361-11. 

minnoyakin^atsteneen, they were going to cut them 

open. 278-5. 
mux xun neutr hire ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. 
na ya nil luirne en, which had been lost 144-7. 
na lane en, floating used to be. 243-12. 
(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head 

used to stand up). 340-12. 
na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. 
na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. 
noautcneen, the fire pit cover. 220-12. 
no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. 
xoL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. 
x6 tcin sil la ne en, on her used to be. 153-4. 
sillaneen, used to be (on her). 153-4. 
sillenneen, it came. 241-9. 
sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2. 
SUIT da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12. 
da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. 
d5 nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. 
tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. 
til tcwin ne en, used to grow. 233-1. 
to on nu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. 
to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2. 
tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5. 
tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-9. 
tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. 
tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. 
tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 307 

tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. 

tcittunneen, he used to eat. 346-11. 

ten wit diL ne en, they used to ^ about. 102-3. 

-te. This suffix is the most commonly employed. It pre- 
dicts a future act or condition either as the result of the impulse 
of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. 
It takes the place therefore of English auxiliaries, will and 
shall. It is appended for the most part to the forms of the 
definite present but changes a preceding -n to n. 

a) Suffix immediately following the root. 

ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. 

ailate, they will catch. 253-10. 

aiLinte, they will do. 266-13. 

aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. 

aikyiiwillelliLte, they will do. 230-8. 

au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. 

s,xitD la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. 

autcdiyate, how am I going to dof 257-14, 275-5. 

awillcLte, he will do. 253-12. 

awinneliLte, it will be. 311-17. 

a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15. 

a nauu? la te, I was intending to do. 260-3. 

a na hw?iL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. 

a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. 

axolate, they will do. 306-12. 

a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. 

a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10. 

a kyu wil lei Ul te, it will do. 236-3. 

in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. 

islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. 

un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4. 

yawixauM;ht/?iLte, he will take it up. 295-17. 

ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. 

yeweyate, I will go. 246-4,314-3. 

yewindeLte, they will go ill. 255-3. 

yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. 

ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12. 



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308 University of CaUforniaPvJ>Ucati(m8. I Am. Aech. Bth. 

yit du wes y6 te, it will like. 311-10. 

yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. 

yoduwitxtdliLte, they will ask for. 296-3. 

ytiwinyimte, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. 

wa nun xo win ne hiriL te, they will talk about. 272-17. 

winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9. 

wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 

104-11. 
wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14. 
wun xai neutr te, he will talk about. 260-12. 
was xu win ne htriL te, they will talk about, 
me win na htuiL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. 
me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. 
m^ lutr te, I am going to watch. 292-9. 
menailuirte, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. 
me nautr lutr te, I will watch. 267-17. 
(xoikyflii) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9. 
minnokiLdikte, he was going to pick. 113-3. 
mis sai xiin te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. 
missawinxunte, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. 
mutrlutrte, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. 
mux xun nauir daL te, having gratified myself I will go 

back. 223-13. 
nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. 
nai xe neuw te, few will talk. 295-13. 
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. 
nai ke y&n te, they will grow. 296-4. 
nawillitte, it will be burned. 151-5. 
nawitdilliLte, we will visit. 177-2. 
nal(i)uM?te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. 
nai hidn te, it will melt away. 273-6. 
nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. 
nana wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. 
nanandilliLte, they will live. 343-13. 
nana sin yate, you will be. 353-8. 
nanasdeLte, they will live. 228-2. 
nan ate, you will have. 357-7. 
na xo wiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 309 

na xdt du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. 

nasaflnte, it will lie. 226-9. 

naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2. 

nasete, (nasiyate), I will go. 137-14. 

nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2. 

nadillete, they will become again. 116-12. 

nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. 

na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. 

naduwinate, it will stick up. 204-2. 

na teutr in iL te» I will look back from. 230-7. 

nateninte, you will look. 356-5. 

nates diyate, I will go back. 117-14. 

nat le Ul te, it will become. 312-4. 

nakyuwinatsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

na kyti win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. 

neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3. 

neyate, I am going. 348-15. 

ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6. 

ne se scl win te, I will kill you. 151-2. 

niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11. 

niL xotyiin te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. 

niL xwe lik te, I wiU tell you. 355-4. 

niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. 

ninyate, it will reach. 151-15. 

nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away. 

nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 

259-9. 
no wun nun xun neuir te, they will talk about us. 267-18. 
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. 
nonexiinte, I will put. 289-2. 
no nin xfln te, if he puts. 296-6. 
nonundiyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. 
nu win ate, it will be. 
nundiyate, it will come back. 307-9. 
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. 
Lcnaindiyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. 
Lc na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. 
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. 



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310 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Aic Aech. Bth. 

Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. 

LeneLte, (LenediLte), let us meet. 174-3. 

Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 

151-10. 
linyate, they will come together. 295-1. 
h«?iL teit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. 
hirittsintsewintfin, I have been killed. 119-1. 
xa a iL in te, that wiU be done. 203-8. 
xa auu7 di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. 
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17. 
xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. 
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. 
xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15. 
xa a kyti wil leL te, he wiU do that. 211-18. 
xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5. 
xa wa autt? hM?iL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. 
xanetete, I am going to look for it. 336-10. 
xadiyate, it will do that. 254-10. 
xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. 
xowillikte, he will tell. 203-14. 
xowfitxdwesyiinte, I will watch her. 137-7. 
xon.neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14. 
xoL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. 
xoL kut tes niin te, it would move in her. 341-2. 
xoseseLwinte, I will kill him. 150-11,163-10. 
xfinneyeutrte, I will talk. 217-11. 
safinte, it will be. 226-10. 
sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6. 
sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 
seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. 
seseLwinte, I will kill it. 162-7. 
sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. 
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. 
sit tin te, (if ) they lie. 307-11. 
da na dti win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. 
da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. 
da note deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. 
daxounadiyate, they will die. 217-16. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 311 

da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to 

it. 271-10. 
dakinyunte, to chew oflf. 151-9. 
dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11. 
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 
de du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. 
de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. 
ddoilunte, I will quit. 255-5. 
d6 yo lun te, they will quit. 231-1. 
do mite djin te, it won 't mind. 315-9. 
donawate, he will not live. 257-11. 
do na x58 dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. 
do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. 
do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. 
d5 nd nil. tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. 
do xwe x6 wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10. 
dotcittesyate sil len, he did not feel like going on. 

138-11. 
do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. 
do tcu xon ncL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 
du wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. 
du wil le te, a company wiU come to kill. 332-3. 
tautr din nfin te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. 
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. 
ta nauM? tu hwih te, I will take out. 267 18. 
te wa fit te, in the water I wiU throw. 111-17. 
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5, 
ten in te, you will look. 140-7. 
teseyate, I am going away. 229-9. 
teselate, I am going to take them. 253-15. 
tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7. 
tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. 
tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. 
te di yfin te, he will live to old age. 227-7. 
tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. 
tu win na htriL te, it will go. 229-13. 

281-3. 
tsislinte, it would become. 



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312 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am- Aboh. Bth. 

tsis da te, he will stay. 211-7. 

tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. 

tee ne ya te, I wiU go out. 332-8. 

tcenillete, they will dive out. 252-9. 

teen ya hiriL te, you will go. 356-8. 

tee x5 win ne htriL te, she shall talk. 289-12. 

teinnesdate, she will sit. 290-14. 

tcis seL win te, he will kill. 311-16. 

tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. 

tcit du wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9. 

tcit tan htrun te, he shall eat. 107-8. 

tcit tea deLte, he was to travel with. 174-9. 

tcowinncLte, she will think about. 312-3. 

tcondate, it will be sorry. 353-7. 

tcohMJeiLte, they will call. 272-11. 

tco xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. 

tcuwesydte, he shall like. 307-11. 

tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 

tcu htro wiL xiil Ul te, she will ask for. 311-17. 

tcu hi^o hire iLte, they will call. 272-10. 

kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. 

kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 

104-7. 
kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. 
kiL dje xa in nautr te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. 
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. 
kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10. 
kissawinyate, he will go into somebody's mouth, 
kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 
kyu wit di yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. 

b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. 

These words occur mostly in formulas, the reference being 
to the distant future. One Hupa informant said they were used 
of less certain future predictions. 

ye yu wiL kit de te, it will go there. 301-9. 
nai xoL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. 
ninyayete, it will come. 307-12. 



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Vol. 81 Qoddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 313 

x6 wiL tsai ye te, it becomes shallow. 259-16. 
x6Ldenneete, I will call him. 139-45. 
tsislinnete, he will become. 338-10. 
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. 
tcu htf^ii hire e te, they will call me. 272-12. 

-teL. The only difference in meaning between this suffix and 
the preceding seems to be that -teL is used of events in the 
nearer future. 

adiyatcL, it would do. 234-11. 

me ncL xe tCL, I am about to finish. 261-3. 

me tsa xo sin teL xo liin, hard it will be it seems. 341-11. 

mi nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7. 

na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. 

no te duk kai tcL, they were about to starve. 191-18. 

xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. 

xo Ian a di ya tCL, it would do. 234-11. 

xo liin nu htron teL, will it be good t 295-9. 

xo lun xa a ^in teL, that wiU do it. 235-1. 

xo lun teL, he will be the one. 209-12. 

xo neL in teL, I can 't look at him. 138-12. 

sil lin tcL din, it is going to be place. 104-16. 

du wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. 

tcin nin ya teL din, she was going place. 237-5. 

tcu will yiin teL de, would eat. 267-17. 

kit din hire teL din, he would dig out. 100-1. 

kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. 

Temporal and Modal. 

-ei. In myths and tales, the definite past occurs very fre- 
quently with an ending -ei which regularly takes over the semi- 
vowels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The 
younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any 
change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A com- 
parison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild 
emphasis, — that the act, which has several times been ineffectually 
attempted, has been successfully accomplished or that some- 
thing which has been several times done is now done for the 
last time. 

Am. Aboh. Eth. 3. 21. 



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314 University of California Publications. [A^ Arch. Eth. 

a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. 

a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14. 

yaislenei, they became. 110-1. 

yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3. 

ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. 

yaltonei, (his neck) jumped oflf. 163-18. 

yanatxutsei, he flew away. 113-10. 

ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. 

yanxutsei, he flew up. 271-2. 

yaxowillellei, they took them along. 179-9. 

yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. 

yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11. 

yakewuw?hicei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. 

ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9. 

ye tcti wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5. 

ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. 

yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18. 

yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. 

yissetcLwennei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. 

yikismutei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. 

yti wun dim rail lei, they went through. 211-5. 

wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. 

wildallei, it coming along. 174-7. 

wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. 

win yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11. 

wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. 

lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. 

meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16. 

me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. 

menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. 

me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. 

min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. 

min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. 

mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. 

nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. 

na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. 

na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. 

na in di ya yei, he came back. 98-6. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 315 

na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13. 

na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. 

na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1. 

nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8. 

na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. 

nan a ei, it hangs there. 295-3. 

na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. 

nana is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. 

na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. 

na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. 

naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. 

nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. 

na x6 win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. 

nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3. 

nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. 

na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. 

natesdiyayei, he arrived. 104-3. 

na kis yow htrei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. 

no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. 

xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. 

xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10. 

xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. 

xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. 

xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill. 

208-17. 
xo wes en nei, one could see. 120-5. 
xdLmenundillatdei, with him it floated back. 315-6. 
xoL Le nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. 
xoL da na dn win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. 
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. 
sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4. 
dayit de wuw? hwei, he always carries it oflf. 162-7. 
da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. 
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. 
danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4. 
da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. 
doonawesenei, it could not be seen. 151-19. 
tanaixosdowei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. 



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316 University of CdUfomia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. 

taiixennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. 

te iL autr htrei, in the water crawl. 311-7. 

tenawillatdei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. 

tcLatcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. 

teslatdei, it floated. 244-15. 

tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. 

tekelyanu?hirei, they go in. 311-2. 

tuwinyayei, he got lost. 34817. 

tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16. 

tee in naut^ wei, he used to go out. 136-14. 

tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. 

tcinninyayei, he came. 97-1. 

tcin nin nauu? hirei, she comes. 101-6. 

tcisseiLweei, she had killed. 333-5. 

tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. 

tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. 

tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. 

keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. 

ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. 

kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. 

kitteyannei, they fed about. 98-4. 

-il, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous 
over time or space by adding -l, or -iL for the present and -1, or -il 
for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without 
increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a syl- 
lable often taking over the consonant which precedes. There are 
several cases where the ending seems to have been twice added. 
Other suffixes are found following these. This is frequently the 
case with -te the future ending. It seems likely that many or 
all roots which have final 1 are secondary, having been formed by 
the addition of this suffix. 

Present. 

a) Following vowels tuithout increasing the number of 
syllables. 

au win ncL te, it will be. 105-12. 
a win ncL te, it will be. 289-11. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 317 

a htriL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. 

a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5. 

ya xo wiL xaiL, ^ing along they tracked him. 170-5. 

ya du win neL, they said. 361-8. 

nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. 

na tciL tsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6. 

xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17. 

xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. 

xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. 

xo wiL tcweL te, who fixes the place. 229-11. 

x6l tcit du win neL, he kept saying. 141-12. 

da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. 

tcdwinneLte, she will think about. 312-3. 

tcuwillcLte, he will become. 114-4. 

b) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another 
syllable. 

awinneliLte, it will be. 311-17. 

a du wa nfln du witc tcwil liL te, she will rub herself. 

312-3. 
ow tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7. 
yawixauirhiriLte, he will take it up. 295-17. 
y6duwitxulliLte, they will ask for. 296-3. 
wa nun xo win ne htt'iL te, they will talk about. 272-17. 
wiin xu win ne htriL te, they will talk about, 
na wit xus iL, he is falling. 152-5. 
nawitdilliLte, we will visit. 177-2. 
nanandilliLte, they will live. 343-13. 
na ne wit dil in iL te, we will look at. 216-18. 
no win na htriL te, he will go. 230-1. 
xaawinneliLte, that will be done. 229-10. 
xa kyu witc tee liL te, from the ground the wind will blow 
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. 
deduau(ir) ht/'iLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. 
do xo wil lei liL te, it will be no more. 217-15. 
tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. 
ta naut/? tti htriL te, I will take out. 267 18. 
tcexowinnehiciLte, she shall talk. 289-12. 



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318 University of California Publications. [-^Jc Aboh. Bth. 

tcittuwinnah?riLde, it will pass here. 272-8. 

too hire iLte, they will call. 272-11. 

tc5 xo wiL towel Ul te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. 

tcti htro wiL xul Hl te, she will ask for. 311-17. 

tcu htro hire iL te, they will call. 272-10. 

Past. 

a) Following vowels without increasing the number of 
syllables. 

ya ke wel, they carrying loads along. 110-3. 
yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6. 
wiuti?hiral, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. 
me ya kyfl wiL tel, he sang. 234-1. 
mekynwiLtel, the singing. 235-4. 
min na il dal, around she ran. 153-2. 
nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. 
na kyti wil wel, he kept them shut up. 97-11. 
no xo auu? htril, they kept arriving. 208-1. 
xanayawittcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. 
da tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. 
tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1. 
tcu wiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6. 
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. 
kyattiwiltcwel, crjdng along. 135-10. 

b) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another 
syllable. 

a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 

ye nu wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. 

yi kyti wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. 

naiwitinil, she looked. 243-5. 

na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7. 

xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. 

xoinayalwillil, they camped along. 181-6. 

xoL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17. 

tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. 

tcoLsillil, he knew it. 272-14. 

tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 319 

tcu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9. 
kyuwinyunil, you ate along. 121-1. 
kyti wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 
kyti htdin il, I ate along. 120-16. 

Modal. 

-min. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurence, in- 
dicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of 
some act. 

yaiLkimmin, to catch. 101-17. 

ya xo siL we min, they might kill him for. 278-5. 

naxotclikmin, to tell you. 226-6. 

tee in diL min, for them to come out. 102-9. 

-ne. The more frequent form of the imperative seems to 
have -ne suffixed to the regular form implying the duty or moral 
necessity one is under to do the act. It is said to be used of 
acts which are to be performed in the absence of the one who 
directs that they be done. 

ai niii sin ne, you must think. 208-17. 

a le ne, you must do it. 100-18. 

a dQ wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. 

il le ne, become. 109-6. 

olene, become. 109-18. 

OL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. 

ullene, do it. 176-7. 

ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2. 

ye o ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. 

Lenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8. 

milloine, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. 

mis sun xauM? ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. 

naniLne, they must live. 317-1. 

na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 

natindiyane, go home. 337-18. 

nonautrne, you must put it down. 210-7. 

no na kin auw? ne, you must leave. 353-10. 

non xautr ne, put it. 296-14. 

nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. 



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320 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Abch. Eth. 

xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. 

donene, let it play. 100-3. 

do nil ^t he ne, don 't be afraid. 170-15. 

do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited (not your heart 

djo kin ne, go ahead. 176-6. 

tin xautr ne, you take it along. 246-13. 

tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1. 

kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. 

-hu7un. To express the intention of bringing about an act 
or state contrary to the wish of one s self or others -htrun is 
sufSxed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present. 

a hiriL tcit den htrun, he must tell me. 314-11. 

yu win yuii htrun te, he must eat. 233-2. 

do iutt? tcutr htcun, I won't die. 346-13. 

donaht/7uwestsunhii7un, I must not be seen again. 

do ne ya htrun, I can 't stay. 348-10. 

do xoL me tsa xo win sin htrun, he may have no trouble. 

319-14. 
do xo di yun htrun, there won 't be many. 308-6. 
d5 tcis tcwin htrun, he must not do. 116-15. 
tasya htrun, one ought to go away. 215-8. 
tcit tan htrun te, he shall eat. 107-8. 
tcit tcL tcwin htron, he may grow. 348-6. 
tco xon des ne htcun, he shall know. 319-13. 

-sil len. This sufSx seems by its use to imply that the occur- 
rence was imminent but did not result. 

ya wun xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. 

Le na in di ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. 

da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. 

do n5 niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. 

do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. 

tewitqottesillennei, in the water it seemed about to 

tumble. 286-13. 
tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 321 

-newan. The suffix -newan indicates that the act is done, 
but with difficulty. 

da duwes ate newan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 

271-10. 
dotcuxonncLintenewan, you can hardly look at 

138-11. 

-de. For the expression of future condition -de is employed, 
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. 
au win ncL de, if it happens. 117-9. 
axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. 
a den de, if he sings. 236-2. 

a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. 
a du win ncL de, if anybody says. 267-5. 
ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. 
ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. 
yd naL tsis de, who knows. 348-6. 
meu na hiriL de, if their time comes. 229-9. 
na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3. 
(xoideai) naduwinade, if they listen. 341-12. 
ninyade, if they come. 334-10. 
nit tcQ win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7. 
koi kyiin tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. 
xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. 
xunneyeutrde, if I talk. 217-15. 
xwaweslede, if he gets enough. 255-16. 
do a htdL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. 
do na iL tsiin de, they won 't find again. 321-10. 
tai win nM iL de, if he drinks water, 338-7. 
ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. 
tu win na htriL de, if it comes. 105-12. 
tee il Lade, he is running along. 220-13. 
tcehirissuwiLwcLde, if he kills me. 114-3. 
tcit den de, if he says. 111-7. 
tcit tes tiin de, if he takes along. 317-13. 
tcit tu win nahiuiLde, it will pass here. 272-8. 
tco naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6. 
tcu win yun tcL de, he would eat. 267-17. 



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322 University of Calif omia Pt^lications, [Am. Aech. Eth. 

-detc. This suflSx, which occurs but a few times, seems to 
indicate a less probable and more general future condition. 

a tcin ^e detc, he must be then. 363-17. 
wa a iL teL detc, they are going to build. 109-7. 
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. 
tcis seL win detc, if he kills. 139-5. 
kit tes seox a tcin te detc, smartest he is. 351-12. 
kit tis seox xow a tcin te detc, smart he must be then. 
363-17. 

-min in ne. For the expression of the result of supposed con- 
ditions contrary to fact, -min in ne is employed. 

do da xo aftn min in ne, people would never die it would 
have been. 221-13. 

Since only the above example of this suffix occurs in "Hupa 
Texts," the following were obtained from an interpreter. 
seL tcwin min in ne, I ought to have made it. 
do xo lin tcin nautc min in ne, he should not go. 
tcis tcwin min in ne, he ought to have made it. 
te se ya min in ne, I ought to have gone, 
teseyamininne dedeen naiiya tcade. 
I would go bat it rains too hard, 

te se ya min in ne do nan yai ne en de, 
I would have gone if it had not rained. 

Indicating the Source of the Information. 

Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the 
fact stated was observed, and whether the fact was directly 
observed or only inferred from evidences. 

-e. The vowel e, standing by itself or preceded by the con- 
sonant or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates the ob- 
ject or act is within the view of the speaker. 

ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. 

ye nin dil lin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. 

me win ^an ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. 

nawaye, he went. 230-2,231-9. 

nanatlale, it floating. 243-13. 

nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 323 

nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. 

noi nin yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. 

no xos le e, he is lost. 185-8. 

xolunsaanne, there was much. 165-12. 

da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 

119-16. 
dawillale, it was floating. 244-6. 
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8. 
doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11. 
teuwillale, they were going along. 222-1. 
tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11. 
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. 
kyo htral le, somebody hooking. 106-15. 

-tsu. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or 
feeling, -tsii or -tse is suffixed to the verb. 

a) -tsa. 

an tsu, he heard it cry. 281-13. 

a xoL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. 

a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. 

ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 

342-14. 
na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 
natindiLtsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. 
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. 
nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13. 
hiriL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7. 
xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4. 
dil wauM? tsu, he heard croak. 112-12. 
du wen nee tsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3. 
tcit dil wauM? tsu, talking they heard. 170-16. 
tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11. 
kya tcL tcwti we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9. 
kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1. 
kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3. 

b) -tse. 

ullotse, hot it felt. 329-12. 

un kya x6 lit wil siL tse, he heard heavy footsteps. 238-9. 



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324 University of CcUifornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Era. 

na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. 

ne iuw git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. 

Ml tun? tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5. 

kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. 

kyo du wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 

-x5 Ian. When the fact stated is inferred from some evidence, 
-x6 Ian is appended to the verb. Since the act is viewed as already 
completed the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. The 
verb Lena nil lai simply states that he built a fire. Either the 
narrator saw him build it or was told by someone who did see 
it built. But Le na nil la x6 Ian, 186-1, indicates that the father 
following his child found the remains of a fire and inferred that 
his son had built it. 

a) Suffix immediately following the root, 
ya ex xus xo Ian, they fell over. 117-17. 

ye e il t5n xo Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17. 

wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. 

wakinninseLx5lan, it was heated through he saw. 

na na win uii xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17. 

na nan deL xo Ian, they had become. 119-12. 

na ten in xo Ian, you looked it was. 238-6. 

na kit diL xo Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. 

n5 du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. 

Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place. 

281-15. 
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. 
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. 
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8. 
da xo a dl ya xo Ian, he was dead they found out. 175-11. 
tcL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18. 
tee na il lin xo Ian, it used to run. 117-18. 

329-16. 
tcit tcit xo Ian, he died. 347-3. 
kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1. 

b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. 
Perhaps the acts in this case cause surprise. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 325 

ya kyu wil kyan ne x6 Ian, they found they were pregnant. 

278^. 
me nai yl yauti? e x5 Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11. 
na at lu e x5 Ian, it had gone back. 234-11. 
na in nel le x6 Ian, he played he saw. 186-1. 
nanaisyaexolan, she could walk. 276-11. 
te le ne x6 Ian, it had become. 187-5. 
tcisseteLwenexdlan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. 
tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled he saw. 185-12. 
tcittesyayexdlan, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. 
tcu win kya 6 we xo Ian, he had become large he saw. 

186-6. 

-xo lun. This suflSx is said to diflfer from the preceding only 
in the fact that the evidence is more certain. 

a) Suffix immediately following the root. 

ya te yufi xo liin, they had eaten. 100-17. 
wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. 
na nes da xo luii, he was sitting. 270-10. 
na nit dauir xo luii, it had come back he. 267-7. 
na xo wil tsit x5 lun, it fell. 306-15. 

out. 272-10. 
na teL ditc tcwin xo liin, it had grown. 1 19-10. 
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5. 
xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. 
dits tse no nil la xo IM, it was pointed. 222-4. 
do iL tsun te xo lun, you can't find it anywhere. 246-6. 
dotinnauirxoliin, he had not gone along. 174-5. 
ta des dcL xo lun, they had come ashore. 101-2. 
teL tcwiii xo lun, it had grown. 306-17. 

b) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. 

ye win ya ye xo lun, he had gone in. 118-5. 

win a e xo lun, it was standing. 363-10. 

miL na we nel le xo Ifln, he had been playing with. 

292-11. 
na is dau we a xo IM, it had melted away. 236-1. 



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326 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

na we nel le x5 lun, he had been playing. 292-13. 

nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1. 

Le nul ditc tcwen ne xo lun, it had grown together. 113-8. 

sil len ne xo IM, it had become. 97-4. 

da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. 

tasyayexolun, they had gone. 267-14. 

Conjunctional. 

-hit. The suffixing of -hit to a verb has the eflEect of making 
it part of a subordinate temporal clause. 

ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. 

ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13. 

ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. 

yexonunhit, when they ran in. 169-11. 

ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. 

wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. 

naiuw^loihit, I tie them up. 247-11. 

na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. 

na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. 

nancLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 

na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. 

nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. 

no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating. 

noninunhit, when he finished (when he put it down). 

xa is xun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. 

xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. 

xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12. 

sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12. 

te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. 

tcelyinhit, when he stands. 258-1. 

tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. 

tee na in dl ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. 

tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. 

tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. 

tcit du wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. 

tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16. 

tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 327 

-miL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit. 
The examples given are few because it was usually viewed and 
recorded as a separate word. 

a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4. 

e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7. 

ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14. 

yit da tcin e a miL, east the sun was then. 364-3. 

yi t$in e e a miL, west the sun was. 333-4. 

wil weL miL, after night. 238-8. 

win sel e miL, when it was warm. 342-7. 

min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2. 

xot te duw hire nim miL, when it was dark. 347-9. 

sil len miL, nearly after. 319-2. 

sil lin te miL, nearly was. 293-1. 

-tsit. This suffix which occurs but once means that the act 
expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before 
some other contemplated act. 

kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6. 

Adverbial. 
-he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or condi- 
tional statement. It is comparable to English, **in the least,** 
or **a bit," or French, **pas,'* in negative clauses. 

yik kyti win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. 

miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. 

xoi de ai na du win a he, ( even if) they listen. 342-13. 

do a du win ne he, don *t say that. 175-1. 

do a du wun tel wis he, don 't be frightened. 356-2. 

do wit tcwu we he, don 't cry. 169-13. 

do hM?u wun nu wit lai he, don't bring them to me. 230-13. 

tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 

-ka, or -uk. These suffixes carry the force of *'like," *Mn the 
manner of." 

a iL en ka, the way they do it. 227-2. 
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. 
a ^en ka, the way they do. 231-5. 
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15. 



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328 University of CdUfomia Publications, [Am. Arch. Btbl 

-x5 sin. Neither the context nor the explanation of the inter- 
preters have satisfactorily explained the meaning or nature of 
this sufSx. It seems to have the meaning of *^some," ''many," 
or ''all.*' It is possible that it is an old auxiliary verb which 
has largely lost its force. 

ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. 

wrln nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 

104-11. 
tsim ma x5 sin ^x, it was quiet. 322-4. 
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. 
kit tuk kutc xo sin xo Ian, they had been playing shinny he 

saw. 140-9. 
kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon they had been he 

saw. 140-11. 

-xo win sen, -xo win sin. These have the appearance of 
definite tenses of the preceding. 

yo xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. 

na kyti we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. 

d5 xoL me tsa xo win sin ht/;un, he may have no trouble. 

319-14. 
do x5l me tsa xo win sin te, it will be easy for them. 282-1. 
tsim ma xo win sen, the noise stopped. 185-3. 
tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. 
tsu ma xo win sin, it was quiet. 306-2. 
kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. 

ADVERBS. 
PLACE AND DIRECTION. 
a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other 
parts of speech; mostly connected with the cardinal points, 
iL man, both sides. 104-5. 
yi man, across on the other side. 135-11. 
yi man yi de, across and down. 271-12. 
yi man yit de, across to the north. 116-8. 
yi man ne yi nuk, across to the south. 98-8. 
yi man ne yi de, across to the north. 117-4. 
yi man ne yit de, across to the north. 116-5. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of ike Eupa Language, 329 

yi man ne yi tain, across to the west. 116-14. 

yl man tciii, on the other side. 270-9. 

yi man tcin tcin, on the other shore. 135-12. 

yi na tcin, from the south. 98-3. 

yinuk, south. 112-8. 

yi nuk a din, farther south. 112-3. 

yi niik kai te, south along it will be. 223-5. 

yi nuk kai kut tcin, above the creek. 271-6. 

yi nuk ka yi man, above on the other side. 198-10. 

yi nuk ken tcin, to the south side. 333-1. 

yin na tcin, from the south. 121-2. 

yin ne, in the ground. 106-3. 

yin nuk, south. 120-4. 

yin nuk kai yi duk, to the southeast. 141-10. 

yin nuk kut tcin, up-river on the bank. 226-7. 

yi da tcin, from the east. 102-13. 

yi da tcin, north of it. 119-13. 

yi de e kut tcin tcin, north a short way. 272-4. 

yi de e din, farther north. 363-5. 

yi de yi man tcin tcin, down river across. 321-1. 

yi de tcin tcin, on the lower side. 244-12. 

yiduk, east. 102-5. 

yi duk en tcin, above. 272-5. 

yi duk ka kai, along the Klamath. 317-2. 

yi duk ken tcin, above. 244-12. 

yit da tcin kai, up along. 267-13. 

yitde, north. 105-1. 

yit dee, north. 229-11. 

yit de en tcin, on the north side. 332-9. 

yit de yi man, down across. 321-8. 

yi tsiii, down. 189-11. 

yittsiii, down. 104-4. 

yi tsin tcin, along up. 174-6. 

me xun din, close to. 170-16. 

mitduk, beside. 245-14. 

mit <au tcin tcin, on the back side. 102-9. 

nai, across. 179-7. 

nai, from there. 265-10. 

Am. A&oh. Kth. 3. 22. 



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330 University of California Publications, l^^ -^*ch. Bra. 

na, back. 97-12. 

nai yi na tcin, back from the south. 116-4. 

naiyiniik, back south. 271-13. 

na yin na tcin, down from the south. 104-9. 

nayinuk, south again. 105-6. 

ne djox, in the middle. 96-10. 

ne djit, the middle. 241-5. 

niLman, each side. 247-4. 

niL man ne, each side. 306-8. 

niL ne djit, a little way from each other. 207-6. 

niL ne djox, near together. 229-7. 

nis sa, long way. 151-14. 

nis sate din, little way. 234-5. 

nfikkai, along. 106-15. 

xat, there. 278-8. 

xoi yi de, down a little. 347-2. 

xun din, close by. 170-13. 

din nun, facing. 136-6. 

din nun xo ye tcin, down the hillside. 272-3. 

dikgyM, here. 101-13. 

djenatcin, up. 166-3. 

kyan, is where. 329-4. 

b) Seemingly derived from demonstrative and interrogative 
elements. 

yen, in the distance. 164-7. 

yo xo miL, from some place. 270-13. 

yot, there. 215-1. 

nai yeti xo miL, from here and there a long way. 209-7. 

hai ya te, here it will be. 105-1. 

hai ya tcin, to that place. 

hai ya tcin te, there it will be. 282-16. 

haiyox, there. 305-8. 

hai yot, over there. 226-8. 

hai yuw xo yi duk, up that way. 140-7. 

hai xat, where. 119-4. 

hai dai dit din, where. 151-4. 

haita, those places. 179-12. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 331 

dai h«?6 xo xoir, somewhere. 136-14. 

dai x5 din xow, some place. 204-1. 

dai dit din yan, where. 244-6. 

dai dit din ki au«?, where is it. 286-5. 

dai dotr htrUn, where. 217-8. 

daidox, where. 164-17. 

dai dox xoik ke slvlw un, what place. 137-3. 

daunhn^ee, nowhere. 97-11. 

daxfinhtree, somewhere. 223-2. 

dea xo ta, this place. 101-5. 

defik tm. te din, this kind of a place. 363-7. 

denoujkat, to the sky. 137-18. 

denoirkfittcin, toward the sky. 137-13. 

den tcin, this shore. 139-16. 

dexo, this way. 348-3. 

de xo tse xfln din, he is close by. 170-7. 

de de mefik, here around. 218-2, 

de de xo man tcin ^x, right across from him. 186-12. 

c) Containing nouns, or noun-like particles preceded by a 
possessive. 

yon yi duk, in the comer. 246-9. 

yon e yi duk, back of the fire. 220-11. 

min non a din, along side. 100-13. 

mindai, outside. 158-5. 

min dai dk, outside. 166-2. 

min dai tcin din, outside. 207-11. 

min kin ^x, back of the house. 165-18. 

mitLa, behind. 289-14. 

mit dai miL, outside from. 238-12. 

mitdaik, outside. 140-6. 

mik kin din, at its base. 287-1. 

mtiwatc, near. 210-5. 

milk kus, one side. 311-5. 

nin tcin, down. 117-10. 

nin tcin *x, ground toward. 306-17. 

n5 nin din, at our heads. 190-5. 

hwim mit dai, outside of my house. 356-9. 



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332 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am. Aboh. Bth. 

htritLadin, behind me. 

xo Lan, where he was. 106-3. 

xo Lan ye, after him. 108-16. 

xon na kin ta, his eyes below. 230-3. 

xon nin din, ahead of her. 237-5. 

xon non ai din, along side of him. 202-2. 

xon tcin tein, on the fire side. 307-6. 

xo dje din, in front of himself. 174-10. 

d) Derived from adjectives expressing number, 
a tin min na tse, ahead of all. 307-17. 
a tin din, all over. 164-1. 
a tin din, everywhere. 96-5. 
atindinmiL, from every place. 138-5. 
La a x5, one place. 100-1. 
La a ta, here and there. 120-16. 
min Lun xoi, ten places. 229-6. 
min Lun xo miL, ten places from. 209-8. 
naLa, back. 105-8. 

b) Formed by means of prepositions. 

a din neuk tcin tcin, back of her. 307-5. 

mit ta din, among them. 307-12. 

mittisdiii, farther. 234-4. 

mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8. 

mukkut^^x, over it. 242-12. 

na iL kut, one over the other. 329-1. 

niLtciii, toward each other. 294-16. 

xo tcin a, in front of him. 113-8. 

xwen neuk kiit tcin, at her back. 276-7. 

takkut, bank along. 362-2. 

to tcin tcin, on the river side. 283-14. 

to kut ^x, water on. 301-4. 

tuk a tcin tcin, shore side. 283-16. 

tuk a tcin tcin, toward the land. 314-9. 

kut^^x, all over. 325-4. 

f) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. 
iL kyu we din, all over. 365-9. 
UL kyo we din, everywhere. 228-1. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard.— Morphology of the Hupa Language. 333 

uLkyuwe, all over. 114-3. 

win ie, all the way. 363-9. 

un Luii xwed din, everywhere. 159-4. 

un Lun xoi din miL, from everywhere. 230-9. 

nonautsetcin, toward the doorway. 166-1. 

no na wit tse diii, by the door. 332-8. 

TIME AND SEQUENCE. 

a) Showing no certain eindence of derivation from other parts 
of speech. 

min ne djo xo miL, after a time. 137-2. 

mit diL wa, next. 106-9. 

neidjox, while. 114-11. 

hitdjit, then. 

hiCA ne, always. 157-12. 

xa, yet. 310-9. 

xa de dun, immediately. 163-18. 

xaditdun, soon. 176-16. 

xat, right. 278-8. 

xat, yet. 151-19. 

sa a, long time. 140-7. 

ddn ka, not yet. 204-4. 

donka, before. 342-8. 

do sa a, a little while. 97-3. 

dun^x, again. 104-9. 

dunxo, again. 221-12. 

djo, now. 108-14. 

ka de, after a while. 111-6. 

knn, too. 97-6. 

kut, now. 122-2. 

kutde, soon. 306-15. 

kut tin x6 lictc, very quickly. 294-1. 

kuttsimmiL, soon. 157-8. 

kiye, again. 98-7. 

kiyedin, again. 217-14. 



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334 Unii)er9ity of CdUfomia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Eth. 

b) Apparently derived from demonstrative and interrogative 
elements. 

yu wit din hit un, at last. 222-2. 

yu din hit, finaUy. 109-15. 

ytidinhitufi, finally. 118-11. 

hai ya dun, right at that time. 343-3. 

haiman, always. 138-12. 

hai deox, every time. 158-1. 

da un din, a long time. 174-12. 

dan, awhile ago. 234-4. 

daxMhti?5dM, long time ago. 180-7. 

deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7. 

de x5 sin ne miL, soon. 151-12. 

de xot tsit, a short time before. 186-9. 

ded, still. 119-4. 

ded, now. 101-6. 

de de M, this time. 137-7. 

de de xoir, every time. 333-4. 

de do htra ne, now only. 151-5. 

dedM, this time. 363-7. 

ded de xotr, right now. 239-1. 

det, now. 211-13. 

det, this time. 217-11. 

detxoir, now. 145-13. 

o) Containing nowns, 

LaaxiiLe, all night long. 310-4. 

Laadjes, all day. 278-2. 

Ladjes, everyday. 226-2. 

xii Le, in the night. 175-14. 

xuLeeimiL, after midnight. 179-3. 

xu Le dM, in the morning. 122-1. 

xtl Le dun miL, in the morning. 311-5. 

xfi Le dun din, early in the morning. 137-7. 

xu Le tcin, at night. 336-5. 

d) Derived from adjectives expressing number. 
La a, once again. 244-11. 
Laaiux, at once. 98-2. 



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Vol. 3] Qoddard, — Morphology of the Enpa Language, 335 

La xo win ^e, all the time. 186-5. 
min Lun din, ten times. 216-6. 
LatsaxoliaS, many times. 286-10. 
nadin, twice. 142-17. 

b) Formed by means of prepositions. 
mefik, when. 119-17. 
miL, then. 97-3. 

namukkaidin, last of all. 329-8. 
na muk kai din din, the last one. 113-4. 
nin nin din, ahead of you. 111-12. 
natsedin, first. 112-17. 

p) Derived from verbs or having verb-like forms. 
ye du win a miL, pretty soon. 341-2. 
yis xan miL, when morning comes. 348-1. 
yisxannei, days. 105-8. 
yis xun hit, in the morning. 137-16. 
yisxunde, to-morrow. 137-14. 
yis xfln din din hit, next night after that. 238-11. 
wiLdun, yesterday. 175-13. 
wiL dfin din, day before yesterday. 246-7. 
nas da un de, some time ago. 281-12. 
deiikauneLdin, about this time. 360-7. 
doiLwfit, not all the time. 196-6. 
do win sa ai, a little while. 115-13. 
do win sa ai miL, it was not long. 174-8. 
tse ets dim miL, in a little while. 294-1. 
tse ets din, a short time. 300-11. 
tseesditdin, a liUle while. 266-6. 

MANNER. 
a) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other 
parts of speech. 

illeaxutc, wonderfully. 322-12. 

il lea xutc hit, wondrously fine. 341-14. 

La ox, as if it were lying there. 356-8. 

Lax, without reason. 136-14. 

La xo kya, just like that. 314-11. 

man, for that reason. 257-4. 



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336 University of CdUfomia Publicaiiions. [Am. Aboh. Bth. 

na mis ^x, in a circle. 244-9. 

nas don x6, by itself. 351-6. 

xo, in vain. 98-4. 

x6dj5x, really. 235-15. 

xo tsin ne wan ne, softly. 153-6. 

x5tc, right. 140-4. 

xotc, safely. 107-8. 

xotc djo xo din, still more. 292-8. 

xwediin, how. 174-13. 

xwed dik kya un te, how it looked. 210-9. 

b) Apparently derived from demonstrative, interrogative, 
and indefinite elements, 

hai yux, this way. 296-9. 

hai yux xo te, the same way will be. 356-9. 

haiyuk, so. 139-1. 

hai jnik hit uii, this way it was. 366-1. 

haiyiikka, that way. 113-15. 

hai yiik kan, that is the way. 197-6. 

haiyukke, that way. 282-2. 

dai dik ge auw? ufi, for that reason. 135-4. 

da hired un, why. 162-5. 

daxohiree, someway. 116-15. 

da xo hire e kai he, somehow. 101-10. 

daxok, bad way. 235-15. 

daxok, someway. 117-9. 

da xun hiro otr, in such a way. 109-11. 

da xwed na, why do you want him. 221-2. 

da xwed hit, why. 150-3. 

da xwed de en, why wouldn 't it work. 180-15. 

da xwed dik kya, how. 223-10. 

daxweddikkiauii?, how. 116-10. 

daxwedduk, how. 100-14. 

da xwed duk kyauM?, how. 281-14. 

deox, this way. 96-11. 

deuk, so. 96-12. 

c) Containing nouns. 

yi duk a dim mit, belly up. 343-12. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 337 

hirik ka, my way. 255-4. 
xo xai miL, on foot. 362-2. 

d) Derived from a numeral, 
Lu wun nifi, alone. 171-6. 

e) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives, 
adexxuiiun, without food. 110-4. 

a din na tau, not knowinj? it. 118-16. 
a fin ^k, like he was doing. 203-3. 
min na kit del kai, a leg each side. 120-5. 
naniLdlLwa, crosswise. 246-12. 
nittcwin<^x, ill. 181-11. 
ni kyaux, hard. 158-1. 
nuhtron^^x, properly. 247-11. 
donehiron^^x, badly. 166-12. 

DEGREE. 

a) Showing no certain evidence of derivaiion from other 
parts of speech, 

a- in a Luk kai, so white. 347-6. 

minnedjit, halfway. 115-15. 

Lax, almost. 104-11. 

La xon ne en, so much he mourned. 175-12. 

min ne gits, a little. 101-15. 

htranan, only. 336-11. 

htrane, all. 164-9. 

hicanehe, only. 362-6. 

htrun, only. 109-12. 

xoWy about. 199-2. 

xo djox, more. 189-6. 

daditdin, worse. 346-10. 

dadiLLan, more. 238-10. 

xa- in the following : 

xa Al kyo, that much. 157-12. 

xa UL kyo ^x, that much. 346-9. 

xaunLun, so many. 110-12. 

xa un Lun, just as many. 311-15. 

xa un Lun te, it will be that much. 260-17. 



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338 University of Calif omia Publications, [ Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

tin- in the following words : 

xo tin lin lM, even many. 334-10. 
tin a iL das tse, very heavy. 121-8. 
tin ai kin te, very long. 283-15. 
tinistik, was very narrow. 314-2. 
tin fin Lun, very many. 305-1. 
tin nik kyaux, very much. 338-6. 
tin tcin hu?on, good looking. 220-7. 

b) Derived from, or resembling in form, the conjugated ad- 
jectives. 

iiLtsa, that far. 311-7. 

ftLkyo, (so) big. 108-18. 

Lan, much. 192-11. 

min ne d jox ul tsa, half way down that far. 220-4. 

xonLM, enough. 322-10. 

xddaxwediinLM, how many soever. 307-12. 

daiinhti75ti?, so large. 121-10. 

daxMhiroir, so. 108-18. 

do Lan, little. 233-2. 

^aMhtrotr, so much. 145-3. 

ia xM ht<?o dw, so large. 276-5. 

tilteox, much. 353-10. 

ASSENT AND NEGATION. 

a) Assent. 

an, yes. 121-1. 

heiyM, yes. 102-15, 351-9. 

he don, at least. 361-8. 

diye, yes. 152-14. 

don, it is. 104-14. 

kan, it was. 341-7. 

ke, let. 104-16. 

kun nan, I am the one. 205-1. 

kut don, it is true. 351-9. 

b) Negation. 

dau, no. 106-9. 
dau, not. 118-9. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 339 

PREPOSITIONS. 
In this case as in many others the order of the Hupa is the 
reverse of that in English. Not only are the prepositions placed 
after the nouns they limit, but they follow a pronoun which, 
uniting with them, forms a single word, 
-a, for, for the benefit of. 

ya xwa, for them. 258-8. 

ma, for it. 215-8. 

ma, for them. 217-7. 

na, for you. 

neha, for us. 

ndha, for you (plu). 

hii», for me. 107-12, 351-9. 

xwa, for him. 

xwa, for them. 110-9. 

xwaxiin, for whom. 165-14. 
-an, out of. 

xo an, out of her. 342-8. 
-e, in. 

me, in. 96-4, 97-11. 

me, in it. 101-15. 

deme, in (in this). 97-11. 
edin, without; lacking. 

edin, without. 257-5. 

xontaedin, house without. 192-14. 

Compare, mite dje e din, without mind, infant, 
-ti, imder, near. 

meu, under. 106-13, 145-12. 

meu, beside. 169-4. 

xoi u, under him. 114-15. 

xoi u, in front of him. 171-7. 

teu, under water. 100-7. 

-ye, at the foot of, under. 

a di ye, under himself. 221-4. 
mi ye, foot of it. 104-4. 
mi ye, under. 175-6. 
xoi ye, before him. 141-1. 
xoi ye, near him. 150-8. 



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340 University of CiUifomia Publications. [Am. Aeoh. Bra. 

-win na, around, encircling. 

muwinna, around. 104-6. 

minna, around. 100-11. 
-wun, to or toward ; from. 

wun, for. 102-8. 

wun, from it. 190-1. 

no wun, from us. 162-6, 207-11. 

nu wun, to you. 208-12. 

ht<?6wun, from me. 106-6. 

hirowun, tome. 113-16. 

htru wun, from me. 185-8. 

x6 wun, to him. 97-1. 
-lai, on top. 

millai, on top. 166-4,208-16. 

Compare the noun, mil lai ye, its end. 159-11. 

-Ian, with the help of, in the company of. 
nil Ian, help you. 107-4. 
nil Ian, with you. 319-6. 
hiril Ian, help me. 105-17. 
xol Ian, with him. 319-4. 
dohtrillan, (nobody) helps me. 107-5. 

-L, with. 

iLwaux, with each. 360-2. 
miL, with. 98-1. 
miL, in. 101-7. 
niL, with you. 275-3. 
hai miL, of that. 295-4. 
hw'iL, with me. 114-11. 
XOL, with him. 116-6. 
XOL, with them. 
demiL, from. 208-11. 
denohoL, from us. 116-5. 

-na, after, to get. 

xon na, for him. 117-1. 

-naL, in the presence of. 

htrin naL, in my presence. 117-13, 295-1. 
xon naL, before him. 97-10,337-18. 



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Vol. 3] Ooddard. — Morphology of the Hupa Language, 341 

-nat, around. 

adinnat, around himself. 121-11. 
minnat, around. 104-15. 
minna, around. 100-11. 
no nat, us around. 100-11. 
xon nat, around her. 185-2. 

-xa, for, after. 

adoxa, for your stuflf. 187-6. 
mux xa, after it. 97-9, 119-14. 
muxxa, after them. 98-13. 
no xa, for us. 351-4. 
noxa, after us. 192-9. 
no xa, after you. 145-9. 
xo xa, for him. 140-7. 

-xuts, beside, near. 

min xuts, beside. 118-7. 
kin xuts, beside her. 118-3. 

-ta, among. 

mit ta, over. 118-16. 
mit tax, amongst. 310-10. 
mit ta din, in. 170-10. 
mit ta din, among. 217-9. 

-tis, over. 

mittis, over. 109-14,276-5. 
Compare, mit tis, besides. 195-10. 
x6 tis, over him. 121-10. 
x6 tis, over them. 207-10. 

-tuk, between. 

mittuk, between. 108-9. 
no tuk, between us. 
kintukkai, sticks between. 99-9. 
kit te tuk, horns between. 162-2. 

-ka or -kai, along, through, along the side of. This ending is 
found with nouns only and is inserted in this place for com- 
parison. 



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342 University of California Publications, C^^- Arch. Eth. 

mintakai, in the woodroom. 182-1. 
mintsitdakai, out of the smoke hole. 158-7. 
xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (he rubbed) . 347-13. 
xonnadekaita, his legs too (he rubbed). 347-14. 
xonnisteka, his throat down. 118-1. 
xottselkai, from under his arms. 143-4. 
kai, through. 136-3. 
kai, along. 139-13. 
xunniikka, river along. 211-14. 
-tcin, toward. 

adittcin, to himself . 106-16. 
a dit tcin, on himself. 175-8, 153-4. 
' me tcin, in. 97-3. 
mite tcin, to it. 111-15. 
nintcin, toward the ground. 163-1, 117-10. 
xotcin, to him. 97-2. 
xo tcin, toward her. 98-9. 
xontatcin, houses among. 200-2. 

-tcin a, in front of. 

mite tcin a, in front of. 96-9,97-2. 
xotcin a, in front of him. 113-8. 

-ka, or -kai, after, following, 
mukka, after. 98-4. 
mukkai, on their account. 301-12. 
x6 ka, after her. 137-10. 
xokai, after him. 96-5,174-11,135-10. 

-kya, -kya tcin, away from. 

mikkyatcin, away from it. 100-8. 
mik kya tcin, away from them. 200-1. 
hwik kya, from me. 266-15. 
httrik kya tcin, from me. 307-7. 
xoi kya tcin, from them. 

-kfit, -kut tcin, on. 

iL kut, one over the other. 118-1. 

mukkut, on. 104-8. 

muk kut, to it. 145-1. 

nuk kut tcin, on you. 106-10. 



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Vol. 3] Goddard, — Morphology of the Hupa Language. 343 

ktrikkiittcm, on me. 105-18,162-14. 
x6 xut, on him. 159-10, 165-5. 
x5 kut tcin, 163-15. 
kut, on. 97-13,159-7. 
kflttcin, on. 195-4. 

CONJUNCTIONS. 

The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstra- 
tives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end 
with the syllable -un. There is good reason to believe that its 
absence is an omission due to rapid speech. 

haiun, and. 116-2. 

haiyaL, and (perhaps for haiyaraiL). 96-4. 

hai yaL uii, and (perhaps for hai ya miL M) . 97-13. 

haiyamiL, and. 96-6. 

haiyamiLun, and. 96-2. 

hai ya hit djit un, and then. 96-5. 

haiyadetc, and then. 257-3. 

INTERJECTIONS, 
a, 138-12. 

a 16 16 16, 109-17. 

e, 105-15. 

ewak, poor fellow. 187-1. 

i, 181-10. 

ul 16, hot, a cry of pain from a bum. 329-9. 

ullo, hurts. 153-14. 

ye, 209-11. 

ye he, 223-1. 

wu, (call for deer). 195-5. 

wflt t«, (imitation of the call of a bird) . 100-5. 

he, 204-13. 

xe, 337-9. , 

xei, 241-7. 

dol, (imitation of the sound of a blow) . 144-3. 

dul, 108-16. 

dj6, take it. 111-8. 

ts6, 153-12. 

ka, (imitation of the call of the crow) . 114-7. 



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344 University of California Publications. [-Ajc Arch. Eth. 

CONCLUSION. 

After an extended examination of the Hupa language, it is 
apparent that a language having the most elaborate morphologi- 
cal structure is not essentially different from an isolating lan- 
guage like English which has no morphology. In both, the 
simple speech elements have a fixed order of sequence in the 
sentence. In neither case does the element itself have independ- 
ent value. Complete groups of elements are required to ex- 
press thought. The mind seizing upon these groups classifies 
them according to the analogy of their form and meaning or 
function. In one case, the conjugation is composed of morpho- 
logical groups, in the other of syntactical groups. 

The difference is, in part, artificial, due to the method of 
writing the languages. In English, I love him, is written, but 
I-lov-im, is spoken. No doubt one who should attempt to write 
English from hearing it spoken, without a knowledge of the ac- 
cepted English orthography, would write many sentences as 
single words. The real difference lies in the greater degree of 
phonetic assimilation, in the one case, which has taken place be- 
tween the sounds brought into contact by the fixed sentence 
order, and the greater vividness, in the other, in which the mind 
holds certain speech elements as giving a particular meaning to 
the completed group. 

The Hupa verb seems to be nothing else than a complete sen- 
tence, the parts of which have become, or always were, fused to- 
gether. The parts of speech occurring outside of the verb are the 
noun, in every language independent in form and meaning, ap- 
parently originally monosyllabic; and numeral, pronominal, 
demonstrative, and interjectional elements. These are for the 
most part appositional in their use, giving greater definiteness to 
the sense already fully expressed in the sentence-verb. 



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