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R. 113. No- 


WHEN the enterprising publishers of this volume applied to me to edit 
a new edition of Maclaine's translation of these Institutes of Mosheim, I 
declined to undertake the task, on account of the numerous defects of 
that translation, and the impossibility of rectifying them without under- 
going the labour of an entirely new version. At the same time, I directed 
their attention to this excellent translation by Dr. Murdock, which had 
been very favourably received both in the United States and in this 
country; and stated my belief that a cheap reprint of it in one volume 
was much wanted, in order the more effectually to supersede Maclaine's 
unsatisfactory translation, and to furnish English readers with an accurate 
version of a work which, under many disadvantages, has long been one 
of our most popular works on Ecclesiastical History. The publishers 
adopted this suggestion, and I have accordingly endeavoured to execute 
the task assigned me with diligence and fidelity, but without the advan- 
tage of having had time to make any special preparation before engaging 
in it. 

The first American edition of Dr. Murdock's translation was used so 
far as the fourth century, when the second and, I believe, last edition of 
1845 was obtained from New- York, and thenceforward adopted as the 
basis of this edition. I have ventured to revise the translation in various 
places, cither to bring it closer to the original text, or to correct a few 
inaccuracies of style. Several lengthy documents elsewhere accessible in 
English, and some details of inferior interest, have been occasionally 
omitted from the notes of the translator, lest the work might prove too j 
bulky for a single volume ; and I have supplied throughout a number of 
additional notes which are marked with the letter It. 

In compiling these notes, my object was not so much to supply new 
facts or corrections overlooked by preceding editors, because it appeared 
to me that the text had been already rather too much overlaid by supple- 
mentary matter of this sort. My principal aim was, to point out to the 
student additional sources of information, and especially to direct the 
English reader to those works in his own language, whether original 


works or translations, which illustrated the topics discussed in the text 
Or the accompanying notes. I was induced to keep in view the wants of 
this class of readers from the conviction that this work of Mosheim had 
long furnished, and I have no doubt will continue to furnish, a larger 
number of English readers than is generally supposed, with all the 
knowledge they possess of the history of the church. I thought it right, 
therefore, to render this new edition, adapted as it is from its cheapness 
for general use, as profitable as possible to those who may not "be con- 
versant with ancient or modern languages. At the same time, I hope 
the learned reader, and especially the professional student, will derive 
from the notes I have supplied, some further assistance in their study of 
this branch of history, in addition to what the erudite translator had 
already so abundantly furnished in his many valuable notes, both original 
and selected. 

I cannot take leave of this work without expressing my regret that 
more time had riot been allowed me for preparing for and perfecting this 
edition. The greatest care however has been taken, both by the publishers 
and myself, to render all the quotations and references as faithful and 
correct as possible; and this new edition is now offered to the public 
,in the confident hope that, though capable of further improvement, it 
will be found more complete and valuable than any other which has yet 

J. S. K. 

GLASGOW COLLEGE, October^ Io43, 



Dr. Murdock's Preface to first American Edition, xxi 

Advertisement to second American Edition xxvi 

Moshcim's Preface xxvii 


Sec. 1 Ecclesiastical History defined 2, Tts divi- 
sions 3, The external history of the church 4, 
which treats of the prosperous/}, and the adverse 
events 6, The internal history 7, which treats of 
(I.) Ministers 8, 0, (II.) Doctrines -10, (III.) 

Worship-r-11, (IV.) Heresies 12, Events must be 
traced to their causes 13, Means of discovering 
these causes, general 14, and particular, in the 
external 15, and internal history 1G, The sources 
of ecclesiastical history 17, Qualities of the his- 
torian 18, He must be free from all prejudices 
19, Faults of historians 20, Uses of ecclesiastical 
history, general 21, nntl special 22, 23, Method 
in ecclesiastical history, division into periods 
24, Distribution under liquids. 









Sec. 1 State of the Roman empire 2, Its evils 3, 
Its advantages 4, Then in pcace~. r >, Other nations 
6, All were idolaters 7, Thoy wort-hipped dif- 
ferent gods 8, They were tolerant 9, Mo.'t of 
their gods were deceased heroes 10, Pagan wor- 
ship 11, It was confined to times and places 
12, The mysteries 13, Paganism not the parent 
of virtue 14, Its votaries sunk in vice 15, How 
supported by tho priests 10', The Roman and 
Grecian religions 17, The mixed religions of 
the provinces 18, Religions beyond tho Roman 
empire classed 19, Philosophers unable to reform 
the world 20, Tho Oriental and the Grecian phi- 
losophy 21, Some philosophers subverted all reli- 
gion "22, Others debased it; e.g. Aristotelians 
23, Stoics 21, Platonics 25, The Eclectics 2G, 
Use of this chapter, 


Sec. 1 Herod the Great then reigned 2. State of the 
Jews after his death 3, Their troubles and cala- 
mities 4, which were increased by their leading 
men 5, Their religion greatly corrupted, both 
among the common people 6, and among their 

teachers, who were divided Into three sects 7, 

Their dissensions 8, Their toleration of each 
other 9, The Essenes 10, The Therapeutm II, 
Moral doctrines of these sects 12, Low state of 
religion among tho people 13, The Cabala, a 
source of error 1 4, Their form of worship debased 
by pagan rites 15, Causes of the corruption of tho 

nation I G, Yet religion not wholly extinct 17, 
Tho Samaritans 18, State of tho .Jews out of 


Sec. 7 Tho birth of Christ -2, His childhood and 
youth 3, His precursor, John tho Jiaptist 4, His 
subsequent life 5, lie appoints twelve npostles, 
and seventy disciples G, Reason of this number 
7, Fame of Christ out of Judwi 8 Fuect-ss of 
his ministry 9, His death 10, Hid resurrection 
and ascension to heaven. 



Sec. 1 Effusion of the Holy Spirit on tha apostles 
2, They preach to Jews and Samaritans 3, Elec- 
tion of a new apostle 1, Paul's conversion ,% 
Attention to the poor, and a community of goods 
in the church G, Many churches planted by the 
apostles 7, Respect for Christ among the pagans 
8, Causes of the rapid progress of Christianity 

9, Extraordinary gifts of the early Christians 

10, Fictitious causes assigned for the progress of 

CHURCH > 23 

Sec. 1 Persecutions of the Christiana by Jews in 
Palestine 2, By Jews out of Palestine 3, Divine 
Judgments on tho Jews 4, Ten persecutions by 
the pagans 5, Laws against tho Christians 6, 
Causes of hostility to them Charged with hatred 
to mankind 7, Other causes of persecution 8, 
Slanders against Christians 9, Modes of trial and 
punishment 10, The martyrs and confessors 

11, Number of them 12, Acts of the martyrs 
13, Persecution by Nero 14, Its extent 15, Per- 
secution under Douiitian. 






Sec. 1 The state of philosophy in the East, little 
known 2, Philosophy of tho Persians, Chaldeans, 
and Arabians 3, Jewish and Egyptian wisdom 4, 
The proper oriental philosophy 5, Its first prin- 
ciples G, Its patrons not agreed in their opinions 
7, Its precepts concerning God 8, Concerning 
the origin of the world 9, Concerning human 
xouls 10, The Jewish philosophy 11, Grecian 
learning 12, Roman learning and philosophy 
13, Attention to science in other nations. 


Soc. 1 Necessity of teachers in tho church 2, 
Extraordinary teachers 3, Authority of the 
apostles 4, The seventy disciples 5, Christ 
nowhere determined the form of his churoh. 
Constitution of the chwch of -Jerusalem 6, 
Rights of the people. Contributions for the pub- 
lic expense 7, Equality of tho members. Rites 
of initiation. Catechumens and the faithful 8, 
Order of rulers. Presbyters 9, Prophets 1 0, 
JJeacons of the church at Jerusalem. Deacon- 
esses 11, Bishops 12, Character of episcopacy 
in this century 13, Origin of Dioceses, an<l 
rural bishops 14, Whether there were councils 
and metropolitans in the first century 15, The 
principal writers ; the apostles 16, Time of com- 
pletion of the canon 17, Apocryphal writings 
and spurious scriptures 18, Clemens Rornanus 
19, Writings falsely ascribed to him 20, Ignatius 
of Antioch 21, Polycarp, Barnabas, Hennas -ti'J, 
Character of the apostolic fathers. 




Sec. 1 The nature and the standard of the Christian 
religion 2, Interpretation of tho scriptures 3, 
Mode of teaching Christianity 4, The Apostles' 
Creed 5, Distinction between catechumens and 
tho faithful 6, Mode of instructing catechumens 
7, Instruction of children; schools and acade- 
mies 8, Secret doctrine 9, Lives and characters 
of Christians 10, Excommunication 11, Contro- 
versies among Christians 12, Contest about tho 
terms of salvation 13, JudaLzing Christians. 


Sec. 1. Baptism and the Lord's Supper appointed 
by Christ 2, Rites instituted by the apostles 3, 
The Jewish rites retained 4, Public assemblies 
of Christians, and times for meeting 5, Places of 
meeting 6, Mode of worship 7, Lord's Supper 
and Love-feasts 8, Baptism 9, Anointing the 
sick 10, Fasting. 


Sec. 1 . Sects sprung up in the very times of tho 
apostles 2, They gradually increased 3, Sect of 
the Gnostics 4, It originated from the oriental 
philosophy 5, They occasioned various crrory in 
regard to the holy scriptures, and other subjects 
0', Gnostic opinions concerning Christ 7, Their 
moral doctrines 8, How they supported their 
doctrines 9, Causes of disagreement among them 
selves 10, Dositheus 11, Simon Magus was not 
a heretic 12, His history 13, Ills doctrines 14, 
Menander 15, Whether there was a sect of 
JNieoliUtans 1G, Cerinthus and the Corinthians 
17, N:v/.;ux'MCS and Ebionites, properly belong to 
the second century. 







Sec. 1 Character of the Roman emperors 2, 
Propagation of Christianity in the Roman empire 
3, Countries enlightened by Christianity 4, 
Conversion of the Germans 5, The Gauls con- 
verted- 6, Translations of the N. T. 7,* Apologies 
and other writings of Cliristians 8, Miracles and 
extraordinary gifts 9, Miracle of the thundering 
legion 10, It is uncertain 11, Sedition and 
slaughter of the Jews 12, Philosophers become 


Sec. 1, 2, The persecution of Trajan 3, That of 
Adrian 4, That of Antoninus Pius 5, That of 
Marcus Antoninus 6, Its calamities 7, The 
reigns of Commodus and Severus 8, Calumnies 
against Christians. 





Sec. 1 State of learning 'n general 2, 3, Learned 
men 4, Rise of the new Platonics 5, Eclectics 
at Alexandria 6, Approved by the Christians 
7, Ammonius Saccas 8, His fundamental prin- 
ciples 9, His principal doctrines 10, His austere 
system of moral discipline 11, His opinions 
concerning God and .Christ 12, 111 effects of this 
philosophy on Christianity 13, The state of 
learning among Christians. 


Sec. 1 The form of church government 2, Union 
of churches in a province. Origin of councils 
3, Their too great authority gave rise to metro- 
politans and patriarchy 4, Parallel between the 
Jewish and Christian priesthood 6, The principal 





Sec. 1 Religion yet simple 2, was gradually 
changed 3, This proved by an example 4, 
Attention to the scriptures 5, Faults of inter- 
preters 6, State of dogmatic theology 7, Pole- 
mics of this age 8, Excellences and defects of 
the controversialists 9, Writers on practical 
religion 10, Merits of the fathers in regard to 
practical religion 11, Twofold system of prac- 
tical religion 12, Hence the Ascetics 13, 
Causes of their rise 14, Their progress 15, 
Origin of pious frauds 16, A Christian life, and 
the discipline of offenders 17, Public penitence 
modelled according to the rules of pagan mysteries. 


Sec. 1 Ceremonies much Increased 2, Reasons, 
(T.) A desire to enlarge the church 3, (II.) Hope 
that they would silence calumnies 4, (111.) Abuse 
of Jewish terms 5, (IV.) Imitation of the pagan 
mysteries 6, (V.) Mode of instructing by symbols 

7, (VI.) Habits of the converts 8, The assem- 
blies for worship 9, Contests about the time for 
Easter 10, Their importance 11, The Asiatics 
and the Romans, the principal parties 12, 
Celebration of the Lord's supper 13, Baptism. 


Sec. 1 Discord among the Jewish Christians '2, 
Hence the Nazarenes and Ebionites 3, Their 
impiety 4, The sects originating from the 
oriental philosophy 5, Elxai and Elccsaltes G, 
Saturninus, his extravagances 7, Cerdo and 
Marcion 8, Bardesanes 9, Tatian and the 
Encratites 10, Peculiar sentiments of the Egyp 
tian Gnostics 11, Basilidea 12, His enormities 
13, His moral principles 14, Carpocrates 15, 
Valentinus 16, His extravagances 17, Various 
eects of Valentiriians 18, The minor sects of 
Valcntinians 19, The Ophites 20, Monurchians 
and Patropassians 21, Theodotus, Artemon 22, 
Ilcrmogencs 23, The illiterate sects. Montanus 
24, Tuo success of Moutanus and his doctrine. 






CHURCH .......... ........................ 85 

Sec. I _ Rights and immunities of Christians 
enlarged _ 2, under various emperors. Good-will 
of Alexander Severus towards Christ 3, Other 
emperors favourable to the Christians. The 
religion of the emperor Philip 4, Tho number 
of Christians augmented i from causes partly 
divine _ 5, and partly human 6, Countries 
added to the kingdom of Christ 7, Stato of the 
church in France, Germany. 

CHURCH ...... ............................ 8 ? 

Sec. 1 _ The persecution of Severus, 2, of Maxi- 
minus, the Thracian 3, The cruelty of Decius 
led many Christians to deny Christ 4, Contro. 
versies in the church on this subject, Libelli pacls 
5, Persecutions of Gallus and Volusian 6, of 
Valerian 7, State of the church under Gallienus, 
Claudius, and Aurellan 8, Attempts of tho 
philosophers against the Christians 9, Com- 
parisons of some philosophers with Christ 10, 
Injury thence arising 11, Attempts of the Jews 
against the Christians. 



SCIENCE ....... ......... .............. 

Sec. 1 Decay of learning 2, State of philosophy, 
especially the Platonic, Plotinus 3, This philo- 
sophy prevails everywhere 4, Different sects of 
it 5, State of learning among Christians. 




Sec. 1 Form of the government of the church 
2, What rank the bishop of Rome held in this 
century 3, Gradual progress towards a hier- 
archy 4, The vices of the clergy 5, Hence tho 
inferior orders of the clergy G, Marriage of tho 
clergy. Their concubines 7, The principal 
writers, Grecian and Oriental 8, Latin writers. 


Sec. 1 State of Christian theology 2, Sources of 

the mystical theology 3, Thence the monks and 
Eremites 4, Attention to the holy scriptures . 
5, Origcn's principles of interpretation 6, Other 
interpreters 7, State of dogmatic theology 8, 
Moral or practical theology 9, Polemic divines 
10, Faults of the disputants 11, Spurious 
books 12, The Chiliastic controversy 13, 
Controversy respecting tho baptism of reclaimed 
heretics 14, Disputes concerning Origen. 

See. 1 Rites multiplied 2, Public worship 3, 

Administration of the sacred supper 4, Baptism 

5, Various other rites. 


Sec. 1 Remains of the ancient sects 2, Manes 
and tho Manichseans 3, His principles 4, His 
doctrine concerning man 5, Concerning the 
nature of Christ and of the Holy Spirit 6, 
Concerning the offices of Christ and the Com- 
forter 7, Concerning tho purification and 
future condition of souls 8, Concerning the 
state of souls not puriiied 9, His opinion of the 
Old and New Testament 10, The severity of 
his moral principles, and the classification of his 
followers 11, Tho sect of the Hieracltes 12, 
The Noe'tlan controversy 13, Sahellius 14, 
Berry llua 15, Paul of Samosata 10, Distur- 
bances in Arabia 17, Novatian controversy 
18, Severities of the Novations towards tlw lapsed. 









Sec. 1 Peaceful state of Christiana at the beginning 
of the century 2, Persecution of Diocletian 
3, The causes and the severity of it 4, The 
Christian cause reduced to great extremities 
5, Tranquillity restored on the accession of 
Constantine to supreme power 6, Defeat of 
Maxentius 7, 8, Different opinions concerning 
the faith of Constantine 9, The cross seen by 
him in the heavens 10, Persecution of Licinius 
11, State of the church under the sons of 
Constantine the Great 12, Julian persecutes 
the Christians 13, His character 14, The Jews 
attempt to rebuild their temple in vain 15, State 
of the church after the death of Julian 16, 
Remains of the pagans 17, Efforts of the philo- 
sophers against Christianity 18, Injuries it re- 
ceived from them 19, Propagation of Christian- 
ity among the Armenians 20, The Abyssinians 
and Georgians 21, The Goths 22, The Gauls 
23, The causes of ao many revolutions 24, 
Severe persecutions in Persia. 





Sec. 1 State of literature 2, Progress of the 
Platonic philosophy 3, Its fate 4, State of 
learning among Christians 5, Many illiterate 



Sec. 1, 2 Form of the Christian Church 3, Con- 
formed to the civil establishment 4, Admims- 
stration, internal and external, of the church 
5, Rank of the bishop of Rome 6, Limits of his 
jurisdiction 7, The bishop of Constantinople 


8, Vices of the clergy 9, Distinguished writers 
in the Greek church 10, Principal writers in 
the Latin Church. 


Sec. 1 State of theological learning 2, Increase 

of superstition 3, Hence innumerable pious 

frauds 4, Interpreters of the sacred volume 

5, Mode of explaining the Christian doctrines 

6, Doctrinal writers 7, State of controversial 
theology 8, Disingenuous methods of disputing 
. 9, The principal disputants 10, Practical 
theology 11, Faults of the moral writers 12, 
The number of mystics increased, and their 
doctrines established 13, 14, Monkish societies 
15, Different orders of monks 16, Two per- 
nicious moral doctrines 17, Lives and morals 
of Christians 18, Controversy with Meletlans 
19, The Eustathian troubles 20, The Luci- 
ferians 21, The Adrian controversy 22, Jovi- 
nianus 23, Controversies relating to Origen - 
24, Their extension 25, Controversy respecting 
his writings. 

RITES 163 

Sec. 1, 2 Ceremonies multiplied 3, Form of 
public worship 4, Some parts of it changed 
5, Festal days 6, Fasts 7, Administration of 
baptism 8, and of the Lord's supper. 


Sec, 1 Remains of the former sects 2, 3, Origin 
of the Donati*t controversy 4, History of the 
Donatists 5, 6, Origin of the Circumcelliones 

7, State of the Donatists under the emperors 
Julian and Gratian 8, Their principal crime 
9, The doctrine of this age concerning the 
sacred Trinity 10, the rise of Arianlsm 11, its 
progress 12, The Nicene council 13, History 
of Arianism after that council 14, under the 
sons of Constantine 15, under Julian, Jovian, 
&c. 16, Sects among the Arians 17, Heresy 
of Apollinaris 18, Marcellus of Ancyra 19, 
Heresy of Photinus 20, That of Macedonius. 
The council of Constantinople 21, 22, The 
Priscillianists 23, The minor sects. Audwus 
24, 25, Messalians, or Euchites. 






Sec. 1 State of the Roman empire 2, Further 
decline of idolatry 3, Nations converted to 
Christianity 4, Conversion of the German 


nations 5, The Franks 6, The Irish 7, Causes 
of these conversions* 


Sec. IThe evils suffered by the Christians in the 
Roman empire 2, Attempts of the pagans 
against them 3, Their persecutions 4, In 
Persia 5, Individual enemies of Christianity. 







Sec. 1 State of learning among Christians 2, In 
the West 3, State of philosophy in the West 

4, In the East 5, The younger Platonists 0, 
Aristotelian philosophy revived. 



Sec. 1, 2 The outward form of church government 
somewhat changed 3, The prerogatives of 
patriarchs 4, Evils arising from their authority 

5, Contests, between them 6, The power of tho 
Roman pontiff 7, Vices of the clergy 8, Causes 
thereof. The saints 9, Monks 10, Teachers 
in the Greek church 1 1, in tho Latin church. 


Bee. 1 Many points in theology better ascertained 
2, Increase of superstition 3, Interpretation 
of the scriptures 4, Most of the interpreters 
incompetent 5, Some were more able G, State 
of dogmatic theology 7, Theological disputants 

8, Their faults 9, Hence superstitious books 
10, Moral writers 11, Mystics 12, Superstition 
of the Stylites 13, Further defects of the 
moralists 14, Jerome's controversy with Vigi- 
Jantius 15, Controversies respecting Origen. 

RITES 196 

Sec. 1 Rites greatly augmented 2, General de- 
scription of them 3, Love-feasts. Penitence. 



Sec. 1, 2, 3 Old heresies remaining. The Dona- 
tists 4, State of the Arians 5, Origin of the 
Nestor ian sect 6, 7, The occasion of it 8, The 
council of Ephesus 9, Opinion respecting this 
controversy 10, Progress of Nestorianism after 
this council 11, 12, Its propagator, Barsumas 
13, ICutychian sect 14, The council called 
Conventus Latronum 15, Council of Chalcedon 
16, Subsequent contests 17, In Syria and 
Armenia 18, Troubles occasioned by Peter the 
Fuller. Theopaschites 19, Tho Henoticon of 
Zeno 20, produces new contests among the 
Eutychians 21, Among the defenders of tho 
council of Chalcedon 22, The doctrines of Euty- 
chcs and the Monophysitcs 23, The Pelagian 
controversy 24, Its progress 25, The Predes- 
tinarians 26, The semi-Pelagians 27, Various 
controversies concerning grace. 







Sec. 1 Progress of Christianity in the East 2, and 
in the \Vest-3, Jews converted in several places 
4, The miracles of this century. 

RENCES t 215 

g ec> i Pagans still remaining among the Christians 

2, Writers opposed to Christianity 3, Perse- 
cutions and vexations. 




Sec. 1 The state of learning in the West 2, The 
sciences badly taught 5, The study of philosophy 
4, State of learning among the Greeks 5, and 
in the East. 




Sec. 1 Contests between the bishops of Constan- 
tinople and Rome 2, Endeavours of the latter 
to obtain supreme power 3, 4, Corrupt lives of 
the clergy 5, Tho monks 6, Order of Benedict 
7, Its propagation 8, Principal authors among 
the Greeks 9, Latin writers. 


Sec. 1 Continued deterioration of theology 2, 
This exemplified 3, State of exegetical theology 
4, Faults of tho interpreters 5. Dogmatic 
theology, G, Practical theology 7, Lives of saints 
H, Polemic theology 9, Contests about Origen- 
ism 10, about the three chapters 1 1, The fifth 
general council 12, Contest about one of the 
Trinity being crucilied. 


Sec. 1 Rites multiplied 2, Explanations of the 
ceremonies 3, Public worship. The Eucharist. 
Baptism 4, Temples. Festivals. 



Sec. I Remains of the ancient sects. Maniehseans. 
Pelagians 2, Donatists 3, Arians 4, State of 
the Nestorians 5, Eutychian contests. Severus 
6, Jacobus ftaradceus, the father of the Mono* 
phy sites 7. Their state 8, Controversies among 
them l*. The Ap;nolHa 10, Tritheists. 








Sec. 1 Christianity propagated in China 2, Tho 
English converted 3, Also the Gauls, Suevi, 
Frieslanders, Franks, and Helvetii 4, Judgment 
concerning these apostles 5, Jews compelled to 
embrace Christianity. 


See. 1 Persecutions of the Christians 2, Moham- 
med 3, Judgment concerning him 4, Causes 
of the rapid progress of his religion 6, Disposi- 
tion of the Mohammedans towards the Christians 
C, Sects among them. 




Sec. 1 State of learning The monlts its patrons 
2, Ignorance of the bishops 3, History and 
other sciences corrupted 1, State of philosophy. 




Sec. 1 Disputes about pre-eminence between the 
bishops of Rome and Constantinople 2, The 
former opposed by many 3, Vices of the clergy 
State of the monks -5, Greek writers 6, Latin 



See. 1 Miserable state of religion 2, Expositors of 
the scriptures 3, Dogmatic theology 4, Prac- 
tical theology 5, Renewal of penitential disci- 
pline 6, State of polemic theology. 

Sec. 1 Rites multiplied 2, Some examples. 


Sec. 1, 2 Remains of the earlier sects 3, Nestor- 
lans and Monophysites 4, Monothclites 5, 
Their prosperous circumstances 6, Their ad- 
versities 7, Contests arising out of the eVfacrts 
and the TVTTOS 8, The sixth general council 9, 
Sura of the controversy 10, Different opinions 
among the Monothelitos 11, Their condition 
after the council of Constantinople 12, The 
council called Quinisextum. 








Sec. 1 Propagation of Christianity inHyrcatriaaud 
Tartary 2, Conversion of the Germans by 
Boniface 3, Other expeditions and successes of 
Boniface 4, Estimate of his apostleship 5, 
Other apostles of Germany 6, Expedition of 
Charlemagne against the Saxons 7, Estimate of 
his conversions 8, The reputed miracles of this 



Sec. 1 In tho East, from the Saracens and Turks 
2, In the West, from the Saracens. 




Sec. 1 The state of learning among the Greeks 

2, Progress of the Aristotelian philosophy 3, 
Learning among the Latins, restored by Charle- 
magne 4, Cathedral and monastic schools 5, 
They were not very successful. 



Sec. 1 Vices of the religious teachers 2, Veneta- 
tkm for the clergy in the West 3, Increase of 
their wealth 4, They possessed royal domains 
5, Causes of extravagant donations to the clergy 
6, and especially to the pope 7, His good offices 
to Pepin 8, The rewards of his obsequiousness 
to the French kings. The donation of Pepin 9, 
Donation of Charlemagne 10, The grounds of it 
11, Nature of the pope's jurisdictionI 2, His 
prosperity checked by the Greeks ; origin of the 
contests between the Greeks and Latins 13, The 
monastic discipline wholly corrupted 14, Origin 
of canons 15, 16, Power of the popes circum- 
scribed by the emperors 17, Greek and oriental 
writers 18, Latin and occidental writers. 



800. i The Christian doctrine corrupted 2, The 



piety and morals of this age 3, Exegetical 
theology 4, Charlemagne's zeal for sacred 
learning 5, It led to neglect of the bible 6, 
Manner of treating didactic theology 7, Prac- 
tical theology 8, Polemic theology 9, Origin 
of the controversy about images 10, Progress of 
it under Leo the Isaurian 11, Conflicts of the 
image- worshippers with tho Iconoclasts 12, 
Progress under Copronymus 13, Under Irene 
14, Council of Frankfort 15, Controversy 
respecting the procession of the Holy Spirit. 


Sec. 1 Ceremonies multiplied 2, Zeal of Charle- 
magne for the Romish rites. 


Sec. 1 Ancient sects recover strength 2, Clement 
and Adalbert 3, Felix and Elipandus. 







Sec. 1, 2 Tho Swedes, Danes, and Cirnbrlnns con- 
verted 3, The Bulgarians, Bohemians, and 
Moravians 4, The Slavonian tribes, the Russians 
5, Estimate of these conversions. 



Sec. 1 Success of the Saracens 2, 3, The Norman 





Sec. 1 State of learning among the Greeks 2, 
State of philosophy 3, Learning among tho 
Arabians 4, State of learning under Charle- 
magne and his sons 5, Impediments to its 
progress C, List of learned men 7, John 


Sec. 1 The lives of the clergy very corrupt 2, 
Causes of this 3, The Roman pontiffs 4, Their 
frauds for establishing their power; papess Joanna 
5, 6, Friendship of the popes for the kings of 
France 7, Tho emperors suffered their rights in 
matters of religion to be wrested from them. 
The power of bishops curtailed 8, Documents 
forged by tho Roman pontiffs. Decretal Epistles 
9, Success of these frauds 10, Monks gain 
access to courts and to civil offices 11, Attempts 
to reform their profligate lives 12, Canons and 
canonesses 13, The principal Greek writers 
14, The more distinguished Latins. 



Sec. 1 Tho low state of religion and learning 2, 
Causes of this evil 3, The corruption of tho 
age manifest in the worship of saints and relics 
4, Canonization of saints 5, Biographies of 
saints 6, Attachment to relics 7, Regard for 
the holy scriptures 8, Faults of the Latin 
expositors 9, The Allegorists 10, Method of 
treating theological subjects 11, State of prac- 
tical theology 12, Progress of mysticism 13, 
Polemic theology 14, 15, Controversy respecting 
images, among the Greeks 16, Among the 
Latins 17, Iconoclasts among the Latins -IS, 
Controversy respecting the procession of the 
Holy Spirit continued 19, Paschaslus Radbert's 
controversy respecting the Lord's supper 20, 
His opposer, Bertram 21, The involved con- 
troversy about stercoranism 22, Controversy 
respecting grace and predestination ; Godeschal- 
cus 23, History of this contest 24, Judgment 
respecting it 25, Ilincmar and Godeschalcus 
contend about a threefold Deity 26, Strife re- 
specting the parturition of St. Mary 27, 28, First 
controversy between the Greeks and Latins, 
respecting Photius 29, 30, 31, 32, Their second 


Sec. 1 Writers who explained the sacred rites 
2, The rites themselyes 3, Superstitions in civil 
and private life. 

SIES 320 

Sec. 1 Ancient sects 2, The Pauliclans 3, 
Persecution of them 4, Their condition under 
Theodora 5, "Whether they were Manichamns 
6, Their religious opinions. 







Sec. 1 Propagation of Christianity 2, Presbyter 
John 3, Rolla embraces Christianity 4, Con- 
version of the Poles 5. Christianity. established 


in Muscovy 6, Hungary becomes a Christian 
country 7, Denmark 8, Norway 9, Zeal of 
Otto the Great for Christianity 10, Protect of 
a cru-ade. 


Sec. 1 Progress of the Turks and Saraccni 2, 
In the West, the barbarians distress the Chris- 
tians 3, Effects of these evils 







Sec. 1 State of learning among the Greeks 2, 
Few good writers among them 3, State of 
learning among the Saracens 4, 5, The Western 
nations 6, The state of philosophy 7, Sylvester 
a restorer of learning 8, Arabian learning. 



Sec. 1 Tho clergy corrupt 2, History of the 
Roman pontiff's 3, John X. pope 4, John XL 
and John XII 5, Fate of the latter 6, John 
X11I. and Benedict VII 7, John XIV. and 
John XV 8, Aggrandizement of the popes 9, 
The bishops and abbots increase in powr 10, 
Principal vices of the clergy 11, Low state of 

discipline In the monasteries 12, Principal 
writers in the Greek church 13, Writers In 
the Latin church. 



Sec. 1 The state of religion 2, Contests re- 
specting predestination and the Lord's supper 
3, Belief that the day of judgment was at hand 
4, Multitude of the saints 5, 6, The different 
branches of theology neglected 7, Controversy 
between the Greeks and Latins. 


RITES 341 

Sec. 1 Tho multitude of ceremonies 2, Feast 
days 3, Office of St. Mary ; the llosary. 


Sec. 1 The more ancient heresies 2, Tho Paull- 
cians 3, Commotions excited by Lcuthard 4, 
The Authropomorphites. 







Sec. I Propagation of Christianity 2, Fruitless 
efforts of some for the conversion of pagan 
nations 3, The Saracens driven from Sicily. 
The Sicilian monarchy 4, Expedition against 
the Saracens in Palestine 5, Progress of the 
holy war 6, 7, The history of it 8, Causes of 
these crusades 9, Evils of them 10, Injuri- 
ous to the church. 


Sec. 1 Sufferings of Christians from the Saracens 
and Turks in the East 2, Also in the West. 




Sec. 1 State <?f learning among the Greeks-r-2, 
Their most celebrated scholars 3, State of 
learning in the West 4, Schools opened in 
various places 5, The sciences taught in these 
schools 6, 7, Dialectics in high repute 8, 9, 
Disputes among the logicians. Nominalists and 


Sec. 1 ^Corruption of the clergy 2, 3, 4, 5, The 
Roman pontiffs G, Prerogatives of the Cardinals 
\i thi-ir .) etioi! 7. 8, Their authority .9, 

Hildebrand a pope -10, 11, His acts 12, Tho 
decrees of Gregory VII. against simony and 
concubinage 13, Commotions arising from the 
severity of the pope against concubinage 14, 
The enactments against simony produce the 
contest about investitures 15, 1C, 17, 18, 19, 20, 
History of 'this contest 21, 22, State of monkery 
23, The Cluniamisians 24, The Camaldulen- 
sians, Vallombrosians, and Hirsaugians 25, 
The Cistercians 26', New orders of monks ; the 
Grandimontensians 27, The Carthusians '28, 
The order of St. Anthony 29, The order of 
Canons 30, The most distinguished Greek 
writers 31, The Latin writers. 



S-3C. 1 The state cf religion 2, 3, Witnesses for 
the truth 4, Expositions of the scriptures 5, 
6, Scholastic theology 7, Moral theology 8, 
Polemic theology 9, 10, 11, Controversies 
between the Greeks and Latins 12, New con- 
test respecting the holiness of images 13, Con- 
tentions in the Latin church. Controversy 
respecting the Lord's supper 14, 15, 16, 17, 
The pontiffs labour in vain to settle it 18, The 
result as to Berengarius and his friends 19, 
Dispute in France respecting Martial. 


RITES t 383 

Sec. 1 Use of the Roman liturgy expended 2, 

Worship in a foreign tongue 3, Rebuilding and 

adorning the churches. 



Sec. 1 Ancient sects. The ManichsDans 2, The 
Paullctans in Europe 3, The Manichaeans of 
Orleans seem to have been mystics 4, So like- 
wise others 5, The contest with Roscelin. 








CHURCH , 389 

Sec. 1, 2, Conversion of pagan nations 3, The 
Finns 4, The Livonians 5, The Slavonian* - 

6, Estimate of these conversions 7, The Tartars 
and Presbyter John 8, Unfortunate issue of 
the expeditions to Palestine 9, Renewal of the 
crusades 10, Extinction of the kingdom of 
Jerusalem 11, The third cnisado 12, Its result 
13, Orders of knights* militant. First, the 
order of St. John 14, Second, that of the Tem- 
plars 15, Third, that of the Teutonic knights. 


Sec. 1 Adverse events in the West 2, In the 
East 3, Prester John slain. 





Sec. 1, 2, State of learning and science among the 
Greeks 3, 4, Among the Latins 5, Study of 
the civil law 6, Canon law 7, Philosophy 
among the Latins 8, Disagreements among tho 
philosophers 9, Contests of the dialecticians. 
The realists and nominalists. 



Sec. 1 Lives of tho clergy 2, Efforts of the 

pontiffs to aggrandize themselves. The contest 

respecting investitures 3, 4, 5, Its progress 6, 

Compromise between tho pontiff and the emperor 

7, Two popes, Anacletus and Innocent 8, The 
other pontiffs of this century 9, Renewal of 
the contest under Hadrian IV. and Frederic 

Barbarossa 10, 11, Contests in the election of 
pontiffs 12, Contest of Alexander III. with 

Henry II 13, Alexander advances the Roman 

see by various arts 14, His successors 15, 16, 
The rest of the clergy and thoir vices 17. Con- 
tentions between the Cistercians and Cluniacen- 
sians 18, Lives of the canons 19, New monastic 
orders 20, Praemonstratensians 21, Carmelites 
22, The Greek writers 23, The Latin writers. 



Sec. 1 Corrupt state of religion 2, Corruption of 
the mass of people, and extreme superstition, 
shown by examples 3, Scandalous traffic in 
Indulgences 4, The pontiffs soon claim a mono- 
poly of it 5, Biblical theology 6, Doctrinal 
theology 7, The proper scholastics 8, The 
biblical and dogmatic theologians 9, Opponents 
of scholastic theology 10, Its principal antago- 
nist, St. Bernard 11, and others 12, State of 
moral or practical theology 13, Polemic theo- 
logy 14, Controversies between the Greeks and 
the Latins 15, Slighter contests among the 
former 10, Their controversy respecting John 
xiv. 28 17, Concerning tho God of Mohammed 
18, Controversy among the Latins respecting 
the Lord's supper 19, Concerning the immacu- 
late conception of Mary. 


Sec. 1 Rites of the Greeks 2, Rites of the Latins. 


Sec. 1 Fanatics among the Greeks 2, The 
Bogomilcs 3, Sects among the Latins and 
the cause of them 4, The Cathari 5, Two 
sects of them G, Their organization 7, The 
Petrobrussians 8, The Hcnricians 9, The 
impiety of Tanquclin 1 0, Disturbance of Arnold 
of Brescia 1 1 , Tho Waldenses and their history 
12, Their doctrine and opinions 13, Constitu- 
tion of their churches 14, Minor sects. The 
Pasagini 15, The Caputiati 16, Eon and his 







Sec, 1 Christianity in northern Asia and China 
2, Pontifical legates to the Tartars 3, The 
Crusades 4, A new crusade 5, 6, The re- 
maining crusades 7, The expedition of Lewis 
IX. 8, His second attempt 9, Conversion of 
the Prussians 10, The Arabians. 


Sec. 1 Adversities of Christians in the East 2, 

Pretended atheists among the Latins 3, Frederic 
II. and the book respecting the three impostors. 





Sec. I Learning among the Greeks 2, Learning 
in the West 3, State of the Academies 4, The 
academic course 5, The Belles lettres 6, The 
Greek and Oriental languages 7, Progress 
of philosophy 8, The favourers of Aristotle, 
Thomas Aquinas and others 9, Promoters of 
general knowledge 10, Study of jurisprudence 
and medicine. 




Sec. 1 Corruption of the clergy 2, The Roman 
pontiffs 3, Their power of creating bishops, &c. 
4, The authority of their legates 5, The 
pontiffs increase in wealth 6, 7, 8, The arrogant 
tyranny of Innocent III. shown by several exam- 
ples 9, Honorius III 10, Wrong conduct of 
Gregory IX 11, Innocent IV. 12, Alexander 
IV. and Urban IV 13, Gregory X 14, Inno- 
cent V., Hadrian VI., John XXI., and Nicolaus 

III 15, Martin IV. and Nicolaus IV 16, 

Coelestine V 17, Boniface VJII. 18, New or- 
ders of monks 1 9, Orders of monks which have 
become extinct 20, Orders which still flourish 
21, The Mendicants 22, Their history 23, 
They acquired great veneration in Europe 24, 
The Dominicans 2S, The Franciscans 26, 
Both did good service to the pontiffs 27, Their 
contests with the university of Paris 28, Their 
adversary 29, Insolence of the Mendicants 30, 
Conflicts between the Dominicans and the Fran- 
ciscans 31, 32, Discord among the Franciscans 
respecting the true meaning of their rule 33, 
Other jars among them respecting the Ever- 
lasting Gospel of Joachim 34, The book of 
Gerhard is condemned 35, The constitution of 
Nicolaus III. respecting the rule of St. Francis 
36, It produces new commotions and rouses up 
the Spirituals 37, 38, Continuation of these com- 
motions 39, The Fratricelll and the Beguards 
40, 41, The Tertiarii, Bocasoti, and Beguins 

42, The Lollards 43, The Greek writers 
44, The Latin writers. 


Sec. 1 The general state of religion 2, New 
articles of faith introduced by Innocent 3, The 
sect of Flagellants 4, Exegetical theology 5, 
Dogmatic theology 6, The greater part pursued 
positive theology 7, A few Sententiarii 8, The 
opponents of the dialecticians 9, The mystics 
10, Moral theology II, Its character 12, 
Polemic theology 13, Controversies between 
the Greeks and the Latins 14, Dispute con- 
cerning Christ's presence in the eucharist. 


Sec. 1 Increase of rites 2, Eucharistial rites 3, 
Year of Jubilee. 


Sec. 1 The Nestorians anfl Jacobites 2, Conflicts 
of the pontiffs with heretics little known 3, 
Commencement of the Inquisition in Languedoc, 
in Franco 4, 5, Its form G, Its prerogatives. 
General odium against it- 7, Severer measures 
against the heretics, especially the Albigenscs 
8, The count of Toulouse in vain opposes the 
pontiff 9, The brethren and sisters of the free 
spirit 10, Their mystic theology 11, Some of 
them held better sentiments and others worse 
12, Amalric 13, Joachim. Wilhelmina 14, 
The sect called Apostles 15, The grievous fault 
of Joachim. 






Sec. 1 Crusades attempted in vain 2, State of the 
Christians in China and Tartary 3, The Lithu- 
anians converted. The Jews compelled by per- 
secution to become Christians 4, Project for 
the expulsion 1 of the Saracens from Spain. 


Sec. 1 Christianity prostrate in various parts of 
Asia 2, its overthrow in China and Tartary. 




Sec. 1 The state of learning among the Greeks 2, 
Philosophy 3, The state of learning among the 
Latins 4, The languages 5, The arts and 
sciences 6, Philosophy 7, The Realists and 
Nominalists 8, Astrology, credulity as to magic 
0, The art of Lully. 



Sec. 1. Corruption of the clergy 2, Philip, king 
of France, opposed the domination of the pontiffs 
8, Issue of the conflict *, The pontifical court 
is removed to Avignon 5, Decrease of the ponti- 

fical authority G, New arts devised by the 
pontiffs for acquiring wealth 7, Obsequiousness 
of Clement V. to Philip 8, John XXII. and 
Nicolaus V.- 9, The former charged with heresy 

10, Benedict XII 11, Clement VI 12, 

Innocent VI 13, Gregory XI 14, The great 
schism of the West commences 15, The evils 
of it 16, Projects for terminating it 17, Vices 
of the monks, especially the mendicants 18, 
Hence general hatred against them 19, John 
Wicldiffe 20, His opponents 21, Impiety of the 
Franciscans. Book of the conformities of St. 

Francis 22, Vices of the Fratrlcelli, &c 23, 

24, Projects for terminating the discords of the 
Franciscans-"-2, r j, Their ridiculous contests 26, 
They produce more serious disturbances 27, A 
new contest arose respecting the poverty of 
Clirist 28, Its continuation 29, Their conflict 
With John XXII 30, Their attempts against 
the pontiff 31, Their patron, Lewis the Bavarian 
32, Peace with the pontiff 33, Sufferings of 
the Spirituals, the Beghardl, &c. in Germany 
34, Yet they werenot exterminated. Two great 
sects of Franciscans are produced 35, New 
religious orders 36, The sect of the Cellito |f 
brethren and sisters. The Lollards 37, The 
Greek writers 38, The Latin writers. 



Sec. 1 Corruption of religion 8, Exegetical 
theology 3, Dogmatic theology 4, Opponents of 
the scholastics. Biblical theologians 5, Contest 
among the scholastics. Scotlsts and Thomista 
6, The Mystics -7, Moral or practical writers -j ,, 



8, Polemic writers 9, Controversies between 
the Greeks and Latins 10, Contest of the 
university of Paris with the Dominicans. Mon- 


Sec. IAlteration of the Jubilee 2, Feast-days. 


Sec. 1 Controversies of the Hesychasts 2, State 


of the question between the Hesychasts and the 
Barlaamites 3, Severities of the Inquisition 
among the Latins 4, Severe edicts against the 
Cathari, the Beghardi, Begbinee, &c 5, Yet 
the Brethren of the Free Spirit could not be 
extirpated 5, Persecution of the Bcguins. Ita 
tragical issue -7, The sect of Flagellants again 
appears 8, The Dancers 9, The Knights 
Templars are extirpated 10, The alleged cause 
of the severity was the extreme impiety of the 
Knights. An estimate of their guilt. 




PA as 


Sec. 1 Tho Moors and Jews 2, The Samogetee 
and Indians converted. 



Sec. 1 Decay of Christianity in the East 2, 

Constantinople taken. 




Sec. 1 Learning flourishes among tho Latins 2, 
The Greeks aid its progress in the West 3, 
Elegant literature and languages 4, Philosophy, 
the Aristotelian and the Platonic 5, The platonic 
Syncretists 6, The Aristotelian has still the 
preponderance 7, Tho contests of the Nomi- 
nalists and Realists continue. 



Sec. 1 Vices of tho clergy 2, Continuance of the 
schism of the West 3, The council of Constance 
called by the emperor SIgismund 4, Its proceed- 
ings and issue 5, John Huss-nG, Causes of 
hatred against him 7, John Hjiss is burned. 
Jerome of Prague 8, Decree of the council 

against the books and the ashes of Wickliffe 9, 
Sentence against John Petit 10, The reforma- 
tion of the church 11, Council of Basil. Re- 
formation of the church again attempted in vain 
12, Decrees and acts of this council 13, Council 
of Ferrara under Eugene IV 14, Schism of the 
church renewed 15, Schism terminates under 
Nicolaus V. 16, Pius II. 17, Paul II 18, 
Alexander VI 19, The monks 20, The men- 
dicants 21, Condition of the Fratrlcelli 22, 
New orders. Brethren and Clerks of the common 
life 23, Greek writers 24, Latin writers. 



Sec. 1 Corrupt state of religion 2, Witnesses 
for the truth everywhere 3, Commotions in 
Bohemia, 4, The Hussite war. Its conductors 
5, The Calixtines 6, The Taborites 7, The 
Bohemian commotions terminated 8, Exposi- 
tors of the Scriptures 9, The dogmatic and 
moral theologians much disliked 10, Especially 
by the well educated 11, and by the Mystics 
12, Polemic theology 13, Schism between the 
Greeks and Latins not yet healed 14, Contro- 
versies among the Latins. 


Sec. 1 Rites of the Greeks 2, Rites of the Latins. 

Sec. 1 The Manicheeans and Waldcnscs 2, 
Beghard*, Schwestriones, Picards or Adamites 
3, The White Brethren 4, The Men of Un- 
derstanding 5, The New Flagellants. 






Sec. 1, The order of the narration must be changed 
-2, The history divided into the general and the 
particular 3, The general history 4, The par- 
ticular history 5, History of the Reformation. 





Sec. 1 At the beginning of the oentwy all was 


tranquil 2, Complaints against tM pontiffs and 
the clergy were ineffectual 3, Revival of learn- 
ing 4, The Pontiffs Alexander VI. and Pius 
III. 5. Julius II. 6, The council of Pisa 7, 
Leo X. 8, Avarice of the pontiifa 6, They are 
Inferior to councils 10, Corruption of the inferior 
clergy 11, State of the monks 12, The Domi- 
nicans 13, State of the universities and of 
learning 14, Theology 15, Liberty to dispute 
about religion 16, The public religion 17, 
Miserable condition of the people 18, A refor- 
mation desired 19, The Mystics. 

15171530] 5G5 

Sec. 1 The beginning of the reformation 2, 
Luther 3, John Tetzel preaches indulgences 
In 1517 4, State of the question between these 
two persons 5, The opponents of the former and 
patrons of the latter 6, Conference of Luther 
with Cajetan at Augsburg 7, The issue of it 8, 
Proceedings of Miltitz. A 11 plans for peace frus- 
trated 9, The discussions at Leipsic. Eck. 
Carlstadt 10, Philip Melancthon 11, Begin- 
ning of the reformation in Switzerland 12, 
Luther is excommunicated by the pope in 1520 
13, He withdraws from the communion of the 
Romish church 14, The rise of the Lutheran 
church 15, The diet of Worms in 152110, 
The events of it. Luther is proscribed 17, His 
pursuits, after leaving the castle of Wartburg 
187 Hadrian VI. The diet of Nuremberg in 
152219, Clement VII. A.D. 152420, Carl- 
stadt. Zwingli 21, War of the peasants in 
152522, Death of Frederic the Wise. John 
his successor 23, The diet of Spire in lr>2G 
24, Subsequent progress of the reformation 
25, The diet of Spire in 1529. The protcstants 
26, Their alliance 27, The conference at 

Marpurg, in 152928, The diet to be assembled 
at A ugsburg 29, The state of the reformation in 
Sweden about the year 1530 30, Reformation 
effected in Denmark by Christian 31 , It was 
completed by 1'rederic and by Christian III. 
32, A discrimination to be made in regard to 
the Swedish and Danish reformation 33, The 
reformation in France 34, Reformation in other 
countries in Europe. 

SMALCALD [1/J40] 586 

Sec. 1 The Augsburg confession presented to the 
emperor 2, Its character 3, Confutation of it 
4, Deliberations for settling the religious contro- 
versies 5, Result of the diet of Augsburg 6, 
The league of Smulcokl 7, The peace of Nurem- 
berg 8, 9, The council 10, Commotion of the 
Anabaptists 11, Revolt of Great Britain from 
the pontiff 12, Character of this reformation 

13, Renewed attempts at compromise. The 
conference at Worms. The diet of Ratisbon 

14, Preparations for war. 

THE WAR OF SMALCAL1) [A.D. 154(5], 

PEACE [A.D. 1656] 5y3 

Sec. 1 Commencement of the war of Smalcald 
2, The war and the reverses of the protestants 
3, Form of the Interim 4, Commotions arising 
from it 5, The council of Trent resumed G, 
Maurice disconcerts the plans of the emperor 7, 
His war against the emperor. The transaction 
at Passau 8, Diet of Augsburg. Religious 
peace 9, The reformation in England 10, Scot- 
lnnd~ll, Ireland 12, The Netherlands 13, 
Spain and Italy 14, Estimate of the reformation. 




Sec. 1 Extension of the Christian church 2, 
Zeal of the pontiff in this respect 3, Propaga- 
tion of Christianity in India, Japan, and China 
4, Zeal of the protestants on this subject 5, 

The enemies of Christianity 6, Advantages of 
the revival of learning 7, The study of the Greek 
and Latin classics everywhere flourisheda, 
The state of philosophy !), Mode of teaching 
theology 10, Religion purified and morals 







Sec. 1 The Roman pontiff and his election 2, His 
power circumscribed 3, Disagreement respect- 
Ing it 4, Diminution of the Romish church 5, 
Plans of the pontiffs for remedying this evil. 

Missions 6, The Egyptians and Armenians 7, 
8, Nestorians. Indians 9, Internal state of the 
Romish church regulated and fixed 10, Loyola, 
the Founder of the Jesuits 11, Nature and 
character of this orderI 2, Its zeal for the 
pontiifa 13, The Roman pontiffs 14, The clergy 
15, Their lives 16, The monks. Old orders 
reformed 17, 18, New orders 19, The state 
of learning 20, Philosophy- 21, Theological 
writers 22, Principles of the Romish religion 
23, The council of Trent 24, Substance of 



the catholic faith 25, Exegctic theology 26, 
Interpreters of Scripture 27, Dogmatic theology 
28, Practical theology 29, Polemic theology 
30, Controversies in the Romish church 31, 
Their greater con^-oversies 32, First contro- 
versy 33, The second 34, The third 35, Tho 
fourth 36, The fifth 37, The sixth -38, Con- 
trovcrsy with Michael Baius 39, Controversy 
with the Jesuits, Less and Jriamel 40, Molinist 
Controversy 41, Congregations on the A Us 
42, Ceremonies and rites. 


800. 1 Division of the Oriental Church 2, The 
proper Greek Church 3, 4, is chiefly under the 
patriarch of Constantinople, and divided into 
four provinces 5, Tho patriarch 6, The religion 
of the Greeks 7, They were in vain solicited to 
unite with the protestants 8, Their wretched 
state 9, The independent Greek Church, that 
of Russia 10, Tho Georgians and Mingreliana 
1 1 , The oriental churches not connected either 
with the Greek or the Latin Church. The 
Jacobites 12, The Copts and Abyssinians 13, 
Doctrines and rites of the Monophysites 14, 
The Armenians 15, The Ncstorians or Clial- 
deans 1C, Their patriarchs 17, Remains of 
the ancient sects. The Sabians 18, Tho 
Jaddians ID, The Durizi or Druzl 20, The 
Greeks who have revolted to the Romans 21, 
Vain attempt to unite the Russian church with 
the Roman 22, Romish Christians among the 
Monophysites, Nestorians, and Armenians 23, 
Tho Romish Missionaries effect little among 
them 24, The Maronites. 




Sec. 1 Commencement of the Lutheran church 
2, Its faith 3, Public worship and ceremonies 
4, Ecclesiastical laws and government fl, 
Liturgy, public worship, education 0, Feast- 
days, discipline 7, Prosperous and adverse 
events 8, Cultivation of learning among the 
Lutherans 9, Polite learning and languages 
10, Philosophy 11, Philosophical sects: Aristo- 
telians, Ramists 12, Fire philosophers 13, 
Hofmann's controversy with his colleagues 14, 
Theology gradually improved and perfected 15, 
State of exegetic theology 16, Merits of the 
biblical expositors 17, Dogmatic theology 18, 
Practical theology 19, Polemic theology 20, 
Three periods of the Lutheran church 21, 
Contests in Luther's lifetime with fanatics 22, 
Carlstadt 23, Schwenckfeld 24, His opinions 
25, Antinomians 26, Estimate of the senti- 
ments of Agricola 27, Contests after Luther's 
death under Melancthon 28, Adiaphoristic 
controversy 29, That of George Major, re- 
specting good works 30, Synergistic controversy 
31, Flacius, the author of many dissensions. 32, 
His contest with Strigelius 33, His disputation 
34, Effects of his imprudence 35, Controversy 
with Osiander 36, Controversy with Stancarus 
37, Plans for settling these disturbances 38, 
Crypto-Calvinists In Saxony 39, The formula 
of concord 40, It produces much commotion 
on the part of the reformed 41, Also on the 
part of the Lutherans 42, Proceedings of Duke 
Julius 43, New Crypto- Calvinlstlc commotions 
In Saxony 44, Hubcr's contest 45, Estimate 


of those d^ffoversies 46, The principal divines 
and writers. 


Sec. 1 General character of the Reformed Church 
2, Causes of this character 3, Origin of this 
church 4, Zwinglian contests respecting the 
Lord's Supper 5, History of them till Luthor's 
death 6, Transactions after his death 7, Con- 
troversy respecting predestination 8, The height 
of it 9, Two periods in the early history of this 
church 10, Points of difference between the 
Swiss and the Lutherans 11, John Calvin a 
principal founder of this church 12, The 
doctrine and discipline inculcated by Calvin 

13, All the reformed did not embrace his views 

14, Progress of this charch in Germany 15, 
Progress in Franco 1C, Progress in England 
and Scotland 17, Rise of the Puritans 18, 19, 
Their opinions 20, Their fundamental principles 
21, Sects among them. Brownlsts 22, Tho 
Dutch Reformed Church 23, Reformed Church 
of Poland 24, The Bohemian Brethren 25, 
Waldensians, Hungarians, Transylvanians 2G, 
Churches which joined the reformed 27, Diver- 
sity among the reformed 28, Their doctrines 
29, Their dissent from the Lutherans 30, Im- 
portance of the difference 31, Ecclesiastical 
power 32, Organization of the church 33, 
Church discipline 31, State of learning 35, 
Biblical expositors 3(1, Dogmatic theology 37, 
Practical theology 38, Calvin's contest with the 
spiritual liocrtines 39, His contests with the 
Genevans 40, Castalio 41, Bolsec 42, OchSn 
43, 44, Controversy between the Puritans and 
the Episcopalians. 



Sec. 1 Origin of the Anabaptists obscure 2, 3, 
Their probable origin 4, Their first movements 
5, Their progress (J, Punishments decreed against 
them 7, Those of Munster 8, Mcnno Simonis 
9, His doctrine 10, Origin of sects among the 
Anabaptists 11, The more gross and the more 
refined 12, Source of the Mennonite religion 
13, It was late reduced to a system 14, What it 
is 15, The first principle of their common 
doctrines 1C, Their doctrines themselves 17, 
Their practical doctrines 18, Singular doctrines ' 
of certain sects 19, Their learning and erudition 
20, Many sects among them 21, Permanent 
scat of the Mennonites first in Holland 22, Tho 
English Anabaptists 23, General and particular, 
what their views 24, David George 25, Henry 
Nicolai. The Families. 


Sec. 1, 2, The name and origin of the Socinians 
3, Their first beginnings 4, Michael Servetus 
5, His doctrines G, Other Anti-Trinitarians 7, 
False originations of Socinianism 8, Its true 
origination 9, Its progress 10, Summary view 
of this religion II, Proceedings of Faustus 
Socinus 12, He modified the Unitarian religion 
13, Propagation of Socinianism in Transylvania 
and Hungary 14, In Holland and England 15, 
The foundation of this religion 1C, Its funda- 
mental principle 17, Summary of it 18, Moral 
principles 19, Racovian Catechism 20, State 
of learning among Socinians 21, Method of 
teaching theology 22, Controversies of the 
Socinians, Budncists or Budneeans 23, Sue- 
ceeded by Davides, Franken, and others 24, 
The Farnovian Sect. 






Sec. 1 The Romish congregation for propagating 
the faith 2, Urban V1I1. The college for pro- 
pagating the faith 3, French congregations of 
this kind 4, Hence many Missionaries, among 
whom the Jesuits are distinguished 5, Yet the 
Jesuits became suspected 6, The plans of tho 
Jesuits causo contention 7, Propagation of 
Christianity in India 8, The kingdoms of Siam, 
Tonquin, &c. 9, China 10, Progress there 
11, The Jesuits accused 12, The principal accu- 
sation. History of it 13, Chinese controversy. 
The first question 14, The second question 15, 
Christianity in Japan 1(5, destroyed and over- 
thrown -17, Protestant Missions in Asia 18, In 

Africa 19, 20, In America 21, The enemies of 
Christianity In England 22, Hobbes, tho Earl of 
Rochester, &c. 23, Vanini, Rugger, Leszynski, 
Kimtzen 24, Benedict do Spinoza 25, Litera- 
ture and science cultivated and improved 26, 
Mathematical science especially 27, History 
28, Languages and eloquence studied 29, The 
law of nature 30, Aristotelian and Paracelsie 
philosophy 31, Peter Gassendl 32, The Car- 
tesian philosophy 33, Its principal adversary, 
Gassendi-34, Two sects of philosophers, tho 
mathematical and metaphysical 35, Propagation 
and improvement of the metaphysical philosophy 
30, Progress of tho mathematical philosophy 
37, Philosophers who were not of these schools. 







Sec. 1 The sovereign pontiffs of this century 2, 
Solicitude of the Romish church to oppress tho 
Protestants 3, Commotions in Austria and 
Bohemia 4, Tho Bohemian war. Frederic V. 
defeated 5, Progress of tho Bohemian German 
war (>, Gustavus Adolphus arrives. Termina- 
tion of the Thirty Years' War 7, The peace of 
Westphalia 8, Injuries done to Protestants by 
the Romanists 9, The Moors driven out of 
Spain. Oppression of the reformed in France 
10, Attempts upon England fail 11, Milder 
measures of the Papists to overcome the Pro- 
testants 12, Theological conferences attempted 
13, The Popish pacificators 1 4, Pacificators 
on tho side of the Protestants 15, The Popish 
Methodists 16, Protestant apostates 17, Losses 
of the Romish church in the East 18, Authority 
of the pontiffs gradually diminished 19, Con- 
troversy of Paul V, with the Venetians 20, 
War with tho Portuguese 21, Contests of tho 
French with the pontiffs 22, Louis XIV. in 
particular 23, State of the Romish clergy 24, 
The monks 25, The congregation of St. Maur 
26, Port Royal. Reformed Bcrnardins dc la 
Trappe 27, New sects of monks 28, Tho 
Jesuits 29, State of literature in tho Romish 
church 30, Philosophy 31, Merits of tho 
Jcsuists, the Benedictines, tho Fathers of the 
Oratory, and the Jansenists 32, The principal 
writers 33, Tho Romish religion corrupted still 
more 34, Morality subverted by the Jesuits 35, 
Condition of exegetic theology 3G, Dogmatic, 
moral, and polemic theology 37, Contest of tho 
Jesuits and Dominicans respecting tho Aids of 
Grace, under Clement VIII. 38, Its continua- 
tion under Paul V. and its issue 39, 40, Com- 
mencement of the Jansenists 41, Arguments 

and measures of both parties 42, Five pro- 
positions condemned by Innocent X. 43, Bull 
of Alexander VII. against Janscnius 44, Peace 
of Clement IX. Subsequent events 45, Austere 
piety of the Jansenists 46, The convent of Port 
Royal 47, Controversy respecting the immacu- 
late conception of St. Mary 48, Quietistic 
controversy. Molinos 49, His followers 50, 
Madaino Guyon. Fenelon 51, La Peyrere, 
White, Sfondrati, and Borri 52, Canonizations. 



Sec. 1 State of tho Greek church 2, Cyrill 
L near is. Hope of a union of tho Greeks and 
Latins disappointed 3, Whether the latter cor- 
rupted the religion of the former 4, The Russian 
church. Tho Roskolskl 5, Revolution in it 
(i, State of the Monophysitcs 7, The Armenians 
8, The Ncstorians. 





Sec. 1 Adverse events in the Lutheran church. 
Hesse became reformed 2, Brandenburg re- 
formed 3, Attempted union between tho 
Lutherans and refotmed 4, Decree of Cha- 
renton. Conference at Leipsic 6, Conferences 
at Thorn and Cassol 6, Pacific acts of John 
DuraQus 7, John Matthto and George Calixtus 
8, External advantages of the Lutherans 9, 
Literature everywhere cultivated 10, State of 
philosophy. Aristotelians everywhere reign 1 1, 
Liberty in philosophizing gradually increascs- 
12, Excellences and defects of the teachers 13, 
The faults of the times often, rather than of tho 
persons 14, Ecclesiastical government, divine 
right 15, The more distinguished Lutheran 
writers 16, 17, History of the Lutheran religion 



18, Dogmatic theology 10, 20, Commotloiw 
in the Lutheran church 21, Commencement of 
the Calixtine controversies 22, Continuation 
and Issue 23, The doctrines of Calixtus 24, 
Contests with the divines of Rinteln and Kbnlgs- 
berg 25, With those of Jena 26, Origin of the 
Pietists 27, Commotions at Leipsic 28, Their 
progress 29, Rise of the controversies with 
Spencr and the divines of Halle 30, 31, Their 
increase 32, Some sought to advance piety at the 
expense of truth, Godfrey Arnold 33, John Con- 
rad DIppel 31, Fictions of John Will. Peterson 

35, John Casp. Schado, and John Geo. Bnosius - 

36, Contests on the Omnipresence of Christ's 
Body, between the divines of Tubingen and 
Giossen 37, Herman Rathman 38, Private con- 
troversio s39, Those of Prsetorius and Arridt 
40, Boehjnae 41, Prophets of this age 42, Eze- 
Idel Meth, Esaias Stiefel, and Paul Nagcl 43, 
Christopher Hoburg, Frederic Breckling, and 
Soidenbecher 44, Martin Seidelius. 



Sec. 1 Enlargement of the Reformed church 2, 
Its decrease. Fall of the French church 3, 
Persecutions of the reformed French church 4, 
Revocation of the edict of Nantes 5, Persecu- 
tions of Waldotwians and the Palatines 6, State 
of learning and philosophy 7, Biblical inter- 
pretation 8, Dogmatic theology 9, State of 
moral theology 10, Controversies concerning 
grace and predestination 11, The Armlnlan 
schism 12, Its effects 13, Singular opinions 
of the French church 14, Contest of the hypo- 
thetical universalists 15, La Place and Cappel 
16, Lewis lo Blanc 17, 18, Claude Paj on 19, 
State of the English church under James I. 20, 
Charles I 21, The independents 22, Crom- 
well's reign 23, English Antinomians 24, 
LalitudSnarians 25, Church of England under 
Charles II. and his successors 26, High church 
or non-jurors among the English 27, Their 
opinions 28, Contests among the Dutch 29, 
Tha Cartesian and Cocceian controversies 30, 
The Cartesian 31, The opinion of the Coc- 
ceians respecting the Holy Scriptures 32, Their 
theological opinions 33, Roellian contest re- 
specting the use of reason 34, Respecting the 
generation of the Son of God, &c 35, Becker 
36, Dutch sects. Vcrschorists, Hattemista 

37, Commotions in Switzerland. The Formula 



Sec. 1 The name of Arminians 2, Their origin 
3, Their progress 4, The five points 5, 6, 
Maurice resolves on their destruction 7, Opinion 
of the Synod of Dort 8, Condition after the 
Synod of Dort 9, Recalled from exile 10, 
Early and later theology of the Arminians 11, 
Its aim and principal heads 12, Their confes- 
sion of faith 13, Present state of the Arminians. 

Sec. 1 Origin of the quakers. George Fox, 2, 
First movements of the sect under Cromwell 
3, Progress in the times of Charles II. and 
James II. 4, Propagation out of England 5, 
Their controversies 6, Their religion generally 
7, First principle 8, Its consequences 9, 
Concerning Christ 10, Discipline and worship 
j 1, Moral doctrines 12, Form of government. 


I. DOCTRINB. General belief. Universal and 
saving light. Worship Ministry. Women's 
preaching. Baptism and the supper. Universal ' 
grace. Perfection. Oaths and war. Govern- 
ment. Deportment. Conclusion. 

II DISCIPLINE Us purposes. Meetings for 

discipline. Monthly-Meetings. Poor Con- 
vinced persons. Certificates of removal. 
Overseers. Mode of dealing with offenders. . 
Arbitration Marriages. Births and burials. 
Quarterly-Meetings. Queries. Appeals. 
The Yearly-Mooting. Women's meetings. 
Meetings of ministers and elders. Certificates 
to ministers The Meeting for sufferings 
Conclusion 855 



Sec. 1 The adverse and the prosperous circum- 
stances of the Mennonites 2, Union ertablished 
among them 3, Sects of the Anabaptists 4, 
External form of the Mennonito church 5, 
The Uckewallists 6, The Waterlandera 7, 
The Galenists and Apostoolians. 



Sec. 1 Flourishing state of the Socinians 2, 
Socinians at Altorf 3, Adversities of the Polish 
Socinians 4, 5, Fate of the exiles 6, The 

SECTS 863 

Sec. 1, 2, The Collegiants 3, The Labadists 4, 
4, Bourignon and Poiret 5, Tho Philadelphia!! 



Sec. 1 Preface .2, Prosperous events of the 
church generally, and especially of the Popish 
church 3, The Jesuits and their regulations in 
China 4, Protestant missions 5, Adverse 
events. Private enemies of Christianity 6, 
Atheists, Deists 7, Romish church, the pontiffs 
8, Prospects of reconciliation between the evan- 
gelical churches and the papists frustrated 9, In- 
testine discords of the Romish church. Janscnlst 
contests 10, Quesnel, the bull Unigenitus 
11, Commotions from it In France 12, Supports 
of the Jansenists in France. Abbe* de Paris 
13, State of the Eastern church 14, External 
state of the Lutheran church 15, Its internal 
Ktate 16, 'Intestine foes 17, The Herren- 
hutters. Zinzendorf 18, Cultivation of philo- 
sophy among the Lutherans 19, Tho Wcrtheim 
translation 20, Pietistlc controversies 21, 
State of the Reformed church 22, Projects for 
union between the Lutherans and the reformed 

23, State of the English church 24, Various 

sects in England. Whitefield 25, State of the 
Dutch church 2C, Controversy in Switzerland 
respecting the Formula Consensus J7, Tho 
Socinians. Arlana. 





To produce a general history of the Christian church, adapted especially to the 
wants of the younger clergy but suitable for intelligent readers of all classes, a history 
so comprehensive as to touch on all the more important facts, briefly indeed but 
distinctly, with suitable enlargement on the points of peculiar interest and a constant 
reference to authorities and to the writers who give more full information, so that the 
work, while itself affording a good general knowledge of the whole subject, might 
serve as a guide to more thorough investigations such was the design of Moshcim 
in the following work, and such has been the aim of the present translator. 

The great need of such a work at the present day, when every othe? branch of 
theology is much cultivated, is so generally felt, that it is unnecessary to say anything 
to evince its importance or to excite an interest on the subject. The only things, 
therefore, which here claim attention arc the character and history of Moshcim, the 
reasons for giving a new translation of his work, and the additions made to it by way 
of notes. 

John Lawrence von Mosheim was nobly born at Lubcc, October 9, 1694. His 
education was completed at the university of Kiel, where at an early age he became 
professor of philosophy. In his youth he cultivated a taste for poetry, and he actually 
published criticisms on that subject. But pulpit eloquence, biblical and historical 
theology, and practical religion, were his favourite pursuits. He published seven 
volumes of sermons, and left a valuable treatise on preaching which was printed after 
his death. The English and French preachers, particularly Tillotson and Watts, 
Saurin, Massillon, and Flechicr, were his models. The Germans admit that he con- 
tributed much to improve the style and manner of preaching in their country. While 
a professor at Kiel, he gained such reputation that the King of Denmark invited him 
to a professorship at Copenhagen. But the Duke of Brunswick soon after, in the 
year 1725, called him to the divinity chair at Ilelmstadt, which he filled with great 
applause for twenty-twp years. In 1747, when George II. king of England, the 
founder of the university of Gtfttingcn, wished to place over that institution men of 
the highest rank in the literary world, Mosheim was deemed worthy to be its chan- 
cellor and the head of the department of theology. In this honourable station he 
remained eight years or till his death, September 9, 1755. His works were very 
numerous, consisting of translations into Latin or German of various foreign works, 
Italian, French, English, and Greek, with learned notes, an immense number of 
disquisitions relating to historical, dogmatic, and moral subjects, besides orations* 


sermons, letters, &c. On church history in which he most distinguished himself, ho 
published, among other works, two volumes of essays on detached subjects; a 
compendious church history, in two volumes, 1 2mo ; a full church history of the first 
century, 4to; Commentaries on the affairs of Christians to the time of Constantino, 
4to; and he had just published the revision and enlargement of his compendious 
church history under the new title of INSTITUTES OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, ANCIENT 
AND MODERN, in one volume, 4to, when he was removed by death at the age of 61.* 

The character of Mosheim is thus given by his disciple and translator, J. R. Schlegel : 
44 We may have had, perhaps, biblical interpreters, who like Ernesti and Michaclis 
expounded the Scriptures with more philosophical and critical learning, perhaps also 
theologians and moralists who have treated dogmatic and practical theology with more 
metaphysical precision; we may likewise have had, and perhaps still have, pulpit 
orators who, among the many unsuccessful imitators of Moshcim's method, have even 
rivalled him, and perhaps come nearer to that ideal perfection which he wished to see 
realized. But in ecclesiastical history, the merits of Mosheim are so decisive and 
peculiar, that I will not venture to compare him with any who preceded or followed 
him in this department of learning. He is, as Schroeckh says, our first real historian 
in church history."f Dr. Machine informs us that, after he had commenced his 
translation, ho received a letter from Bishop Warburton, saying, " Mosheim's compen- 
dium is excellent, the method admirable; in short, the only one deserving the name 
of an ecclesiastical history. It deserves and needs frequent notes." 

Mosheim's Institutes, as well as most of his other historical works, being written in 
Latin, were accessible to learned foreigners. And Dr. Archibald Maclaine,f the sou 
of a dissenting minister in the north of Ireland, and himself one of the ministers of an 
English congregation at the Hague, published an English translation of these Institutes 
so early as the year 1 764, only nine years after the appearance of the original. Dutch 
and French translations were also made ; but I know not by whom or at what time. 
In 1769, J. A. C. Von Einem, a pious but not profound German minister, commenced 
his German translation of the Institutes, His design was to bring down the work to 
the capacities of the unlearned, and to render it an edifying book for common Chris- 
tians. Accordingly, he omitted nearly all the marginal references and discussions, 
and introduced much religious biography and historical detail. His translation fills 
I six volumes, octavo, and the continuation of the history three additional volumes. 

* A full list of his works is appended to the edition of his Institutiones, Helm. 17G4. 4 to. 
p. 968 It. 

t Schlegel's [German translation of] Mosheim, vol. i. Preface. 

J As very little is known of this first translator of Mosheim, I subjoin a few particulars. Dr. 
Archibald Maclaine was the son of the Rev. Thomas Maclaine, minister of the Irish Presbyterian 
church at Monaghan from 1718 to 1740. , His grandfather, of the same name with himself, was 
a Presbyterian minister at Market-hill, in the county of Armagh, from about 1700 till his deatli in 
P 1734} and he had also two unctes in the ministry in Ireland, one at Banbridgo in Down, and the 
other successively at Ballynahinch and Antrim. The translator was born at Monaghan, in 1722, 
and was educated at the University of Glasgow, where I find he was matriculated in 1730, and 
where he enjoyed the friendship of the celebrated Francis Huteheson, professor of Moral Philosophy 
here at that time, and himself the son of an Irish Presbyterian minister in the city of Armagh. 
Dr. Maclaine was minister at the Haguc'from 1745 to 1794, and died at Bath in England, in 1804, 
aged 82 years R. 


In the year 1770, John R. Schlegcl, rector of the gymnasium of Ileilbvonn, a learned 
and judicious man, commenced another German translation, which is very literal and 
close, free from all interpolations, and accompanied with learned notes. This trans- 
lation in four large volumes octavo, was completed in 1780, and a continuation of the 
history in two volumes appeared in 1784 and 1788. 

The lectures and the printed works of Moshcini on ecclesiastical history kindled up 
such ardour for this science in Germany, that in the course of fifty years, Baumgarten, 
Semler, Schroeckh, Ilenke, and Schmidt, severally produced large and valuable church 
histories. Of these the most full and complete is that of Schroeckh, a pupil of Mo- 
sheim, continued by Tzschirncr, in forty-five vols. 8vo. And next, that of Hcnke, 
continued by Vater, in nine vols. 8vo. Nor has the ardour for this branch of theology 
yet subsided in Germany; for professor Ncandcr of Berlin is now publishing a pro- 
found and philosophical church history, which if completed on the plan commenced 
will probably fill twenty-five or thirty volumes 8vo. The limits assigned to this 
Preface will not allow a discussion of the merits of these several successors of Moshcim. 
Suffice it to say, that a careful examination of them all has resulted in the decided 
Conviction that Moshcim's history, in a form similar to that given to it by Schlegel, is 
the best adapted to the wants of this country, and the most likely to meet appro- 
bation among the American clergy. 

The necessity for a new English version of the Institutes arises principally from the 
unauthorised liberties taken by the former translator, under the mistaken idea of 
improving the work and rendering it more acceptable to the public. He says in his 
preface : " The style of the original is by no means a model to imitate in a work 
designed for general use. Dr. Moshcim affected brevity, and laboured to crowd many 
things into few words; thus his diction, though pure and correct, became sententious 
and harsh, without that harmony which pleases the ear, and those transitions which 
make a narration flow with case. This being the case, I have sometimes taken 
considerable liberties with "my author, and followed the spirit of his narrative without 
adhering strictly to the letter; and have often added a few sentences to render an 
observation more striking, a fact more clear, a portrait more finished." Thus Dr. 
Maclainc frankly owns that his chief design was to render the work interesting to 
those superficial readers who delight in that harmony which pleases the ear, and in 
those transitions which make a narration flow with case; and that he often added a 
few sentences of his own, to give more vivacity and point to the sentiments of his 
author, or more splendour to their dress. And whoever will be at the pains of com- 
paring his translation with the original, may see that he has essentially changed the 
style, and greatly coloured and altered in many places, the sentiments of his author; 
in short, that he has paraphrased rather than translated a large part of the work. 
The book is thus rendered heavy and tedious to (he reader by its superfluity of words, 
and likewise obscure and indefinite, and sometimes self-contradictory, by the looseness 
of its unguarded statements. Its credibility also as a history of facts is impaired, and 
it fails of carrying full conviction to the mind, because it is stripped of its native 


simplicity, precision, and candour. For no wise man will confide in a writer who 
appears intent on fabricating sonorous and flowing periods, who multiplies splendid 
epithets, and habitually deals in loose and unqualified assertions. Nor is this all, for 
the old translation has actually exposed Mosheim to severe and immarited ccnsuro 
from different quarters; and Maclaine has long stood accused before the public as a 
translator "who has interwoven his own sentiments in such a manner with those of 
the original auth'or, both in the notes and in the text, that it is impossible for a mere 
English reader to distinguish them, and in divers instances he has entirety contradicted 
him. This (add the accusers) will be evident to all, if a literal translation of Mosheim 
shall ever be published."* It is not strange, therefore, that so large a portion of the 
community have been dissatisfied with Maclaine's Mosheim, and have desired a more 
faithful and literal version of this valuable author. 

If the translation here offered to the public is what it was intended to be, it is a 
close, literal version, containing neither more nor less than the original, and 
presenting the exact thoughts of the author in the same direct, artless, and lucid 
manner, with as much similarity in the phraseology and modes of expression as the 
idioms of the two languages would admit. That all the elegancies of the Latin style 
and diction of the author have been retained, is not pretended. The translator can 
only say he has aimed to give Mosheim, as far as he was able, the same port and 
mieii in English as he has in Latin. 

But writing out an entirely new and independent translation of the Institutes has 
not been half the labour bestowed on the work. Everywhere the statements of 
Mosheim have been compared with the sources from which they were drawn, and 
with the representations of other standard writers of different communities, so far as 
the means of doing this were at hand. The reasonings also of Mosheim have been 
weighed with care. And nothing has been suffered to go before the public, without 
first passing an examination by the best criteria within the reach of the translator. 
Often days and weeks have been consumed in such examinations, when the results 
were, that Mosheim's statements needed no correction, or at least that no palpable 
errors were discovered in them ; and it was therefore thought advisable to allow him 
to express his own views without note or comment. But in many instances the 
translator supposed that he discovered such mistakes or defects in his author as called 
for animadversion. In these cases he has given, in the form of notes, such statements 
and criticisms as he deemed necessary. Numerous other instances occurred in which 
Mosheim was found to differ from other standard writers, or to have simply omitted 
what the translator or others deemed worth inserting; and in such cases the opinions 
or statements of other writers have been given, that the reader might 'be able to 
compare them, and the omitted matter has been supplied. In the history of the 
primitive church, for two or three centuries, the translator deemed almost everything 
interesting which can be learned with any degnc of certainty. Accordingly, his notes 
and animadversions here are more frequent and minute than in the subsequent parts 
See the New-York edition of Maclaine's Mosheim, in 1824, vol. iv. p. 284. 


of the work. In regard to what are called the fathers, especially those of the first 
four centuries, and likewise the leading men in the church in all ages, he has deemed 
it proper greatly to enlarge the account given by Mosheim ; not so much by minutely 
tracing the history of their private lives, as by more fully stating their public characters 
and acts, and mentioning such of their works as have come down to us. In no one 
respect has the history been more enlarged than in this. Through all the ages down 
to the reformation, the eminent men whom Mosheim thought proper to name particu- 
larly, have each a distinct note assigned them, containing all of much importance 
which can be said of them ; and in each century, at the close of Moshcim's list of 
eminent men, nearly a complete catalogue of all those omitted by him is subjoined, 
with brief notices of the most material things known concerning them. On the 
controversies and disputes among Christians, especially those which related to religious 
doctrines, much and critical attention lias been bestowed. So also the reputed here- 
sies and the different sects of professed Christians, which Mosheim had treated with 
great fullness and ability, have been carefully re-examined and subjected to critical 
remarks. Here great use has been made of the writers who succeeded Mosheim, and 
particularly of the younger Walch The propagation of Christianity, especially 
among the nations of Europe in the middle ages, and among the Asiatics by the 
NcstorkuiM, has been the subject of frequent and sometimes long notes. The origin 
arid history of the reformation, particularly in countries not of the Augsburg confession ; 
also the contests between the Lutherans and tho Reformed, and the history of the 
English and Scotch churches, and of the English dissenters, have received particular 
attention ; and the occasional mistakes of Mosheim have been carefully pointed out. 
Yet the enlargements of the history since the time of Luther, and particularly during 
the seventeenth century, have been the less considerable, because there was danger of 
swelling the work to a disproportionate size, and because another opportunity is 
anticipated for supplying these omissions. 

These remarks may give some idea of the extensive additions to the original by 
way of notes. All additions to the work are carefully distinguished from the original 
by brackets. They are also accompanied by a notice of the persons responsible for 
their truth and correctness. What the translator gives as his own is subscribed, Mur. 
When he borrows from others, which he has done very largely, he either explicitly 
states what is borrowed and from whom, or subjoins the name of the author. Thus 
several notes are borrowed directly from Maclaine, and these have tho signature Mad 
annexed. A few others are translated from Von Eincm's Mosheim, and those have 
the signature Von Em. affixed. But the learned and judicious Schlegel has boon 
taxed for the greatest amount of contributions. Throughout the work his notes 
occur, translated from the German, and with the signature Schl annexed. 

A continuation of the history to the present time is deemed so important, that tho 
translator intends, if his life and health arc spared, to attempt a compilation of this 
sort as soon as the printing of this work shall be completed. 

NRW-TTAVFX. February 22, W2. 


FOR the very kind reception of his work, the translator feels himself under great obli- 
gations to the enlightened public who have passed so favourable a judgment upon it; 
and he would now offer them the best return he can make a new edition of (he work, 
carefully revised and somewhat enlarged, and, as he hopes, more worthy of approba- 
tion and better suited to the wants of students in this branch of theology. 

The translation has been again compared with the original throughout, sentence by 
sentence, and subjected to a rigid criticism. In a very few instances, it was discovered 
that a word or clause of the original had been overlooked in the translation, and that 
in several instances the import of the original had been inadequately or obscurely 
expressed. Yet no very important departure from the sense of the original author 
has been discovered. Nearly all the numerous alterations and changes, therefore, relate 
to the phraseology, or to the choice of words and the structure of the sentences. The 
difficulty of combining a neat and perspicuous anglicism with a close adherence to the 
sense and to the very form of thought in the original, throughout so large a work, 
must be obvious to all who have had experience in the business of translating; and 
they will not need to be told that numberless corrections and improvements will always 
occur to a translator, who revises his work after a lapse of several years. In this 
manner the diction and the style of this edition, it is believed, have been considerably 
improved, without any sacrifice of fidelity in the translation. If it be not so, more 
than half a year's labour has been expended unsuccessfully. 

The references, to a considerable extent and where the means were at hand, have 
been verified; and a considerable number of errors, some occasioned by the transcrip- 
tion but more by the mistakes of the printer, have been 'corrected. Many now 
references to authorities" and to modem authors have also been added in various parts 
of the work; and these, it is hoped, will add considerably to the value of the present 
edition. Several topics have likewise been subjected to further investigation, and 
some now notes of no inconsiderable length have been added. 
NEW-HAVEN, 1839.* 

* A re-issue or third edition appeared in 1845, but without any additional preface R. 


MY Institutes of Christian History* having been long out of print, the worthy 
person at whose expense they were published has often requested me to give 
a new edition of them, somewhat improved and enlarged. This request I re- 
sisted for many years, for I was reluctant to suspend other works then on my 
hands which were deemed more important; besides, I must acknowledge that 
1 shrunk from the irksome task of correcting and enlarging a book which 
needed so much amendment. The importunities of the publisher, however, 
and of other friends who joined with him, at length overcame my tardiness; 
and now, after the leisure hours of two years have been spent on the work, 
it is brought to a close, and these Institutes of Ecclesiastical History now make 
their appearance, not only in a new form and dress, but so materially changed 
as to be almost entirely a new work. 

The distribution of the materials under certain heads, which I once deemed 
the best form for the learner, is still retained; for, notwithstanding weighty 
reasons have occurred to my mind for preferring a continuous and unbroken 
narrative, I have chosen to follow the judgment of those excellent men whom 
experience has led to prefer the former method. And indeed a little reflec- 
tion must convince us, that whoever would embrace in a single book ail the 
facts and observations necessary to a full acquaintance with the state of the 
church in every age of it, must of course adopt some classification and dis- 
tribution of those facts ; and as such was the design of the following work, I 
have left its primitive form unchanged, and have directed my attention solely 
to the correction, improvement, and enlargement of the work, so as to render 
it a more useful book. 

My principal care has been to impart fidelity and authority to the nar- 
rative. For this purpose I have gone to the primary sources of infor- 
mation, that is, to the best writers of all ages who lived near the times 
they describe; and I have consulted them with attention, and have tran- 
scribed from them whenever they were sufficiently concise, and at the same 
time clear and nervous. It is often the case that those who -write 
summaries of history only abridge the more voluminous historians; and this 
method I myself before pursued to a considerable degree. But such a pro- 
cedure, though sometimes justifiable and not to be wholly condemned, is 
attended with this evil, that it perpetuates the mistakes which are apt to 
abound in very large and voluminous works, by causing them to pass from a 
single book into numerous others. I had long been apprized of this 
danger; but I felt it with no little mortification when I brought the 
testimony of the best authorities to pour their light on the pages of my 

* A work in 2 vols. 12mo, first published in 1737-41, and afterward abridged by 
J. P. Miller, in 1 vol. 12mo, Hamb. 1752. 


own work. I now perceived that writers pre-eminent for their diligence and fidelity 
are not always to be trusted, and I found that I had abundant occasion for adding, 
expunging, changing, and correcting in every part of my book. In performing this 
task, I know that I have not been wanting in patience and industry, or in watchful- 
ness and care; but whether these have secured me against all mistakes, which is 
confessedly of no easy accomplishment, I leave them to judge who arc best informed 
in ecclesiastical affairs. To aid persons disposed to institute such inquiries, I have in 
general made distinct reference to my authorities; and if I have perverted their testi- 
mony either by misstatemeut or misapplication, I confess myself to bo less excusable 
than other transgressors in this way, because I had before me all the authors whom 1 
quote, and I turned them over and read and compared thorn with each other, being 
resolved to follow solely their guidance. 

This effort to render my history faithful and true, that is, exactly coincident with 
the statements of the most credible witnesses, has caused many aud various changes 
and additions throughout the work; but in no part of it are the alterations greater or 
more remarkable than in the Third Book, which contains the history of the church, 
and especially of the Latin or Western Church, from the time of Charlemagne to the 
Reformation by Luther. This period of ecclesiastical history, though it embraces 
great events and is very important on account of the light it casts on the origin and 
causes of the present civil and religious state of Europe, thereby enabling us correctly 
to estimate and judge of many things which occur in our own times, has not hitherto 
been treated with the same clearness, solidity, and elegance as the other parts of 
church history. Here the number of original writers is great; yet few of them are in 
common use or of easy acquisition, and they all frighten us either with their bulk, the 
barbarity of their style, or their excessive price; not a few of them too, either 
knowingly or ignorantly, corrupt the truth, or at least obscure it by their ignorance 
and unskilfulncss, and some of them have not yet been published. It is not strange, 
therefore, that many things in this part of ecclesiastical history should have been 
either silently passed over or less happily stated and explained, even by the most 
laborious and learned authors. Among these, the ecclesiastical annalists and the 
historians of the monastic sects, so famous in the lioman church, as Baronius, IfaynaJd, 
Bzovius, Manriquez, Wadding, and others, though richly supplied with ancient 
manuscripts and records, have often committed more faults and fallen into greater 
mistakes than writers far inferior to them in learning, reputation, and means of infor- 
mation. Having therefore bestowed much attention during many years on the history 
of the church from the eighth century onward, and believing that I had obtained from 
works published or still in manuscript, a better and more correct knowledge, of many 
events than is given in the common accounts of those times, I conceived that I might 
do service to the cause of ecclesiastical history by exhibiting to the world some of the 
results of my investigations; and that by throwing some light on the obscure period 
of the Middle Ages I might excite men of talents and industry to pursue the same 
object, and thus to perfect the history of the Latin Chinch. Claiming the indulgence 

PitEi AUii* 

allowed an old man to boast a little, I flatter myself that I have brought forward 
some things which are new or previously little known; that other things which had 
been stated incorrectly or obscurely, I have here exhibited with clearness and traced 
back to the proper authorities; and that some things which were accredited fables I 
have now exploded. Whether I deceive myself in all this or not, the discerning reader 
may ascertain by examining and comparing with the common accounts what I have 
here said respecting Constantino's donation, the Cathari and Albigcnscs, the Begharda 
and Beguines, the Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit (that pest to many parts of 
Europe during four centuries) and of the Fratricelli [or Little Brethren], the contro- 
versies between the Franciscans and the Roman pontiffs, tho history of Bcrengarius 
and of the Lollards, and several other subjects. 

If in these enlargements of ecclesiastical history, and while giving views either 
partially or wholly new, I had used the same brevity as on the subjects well stated 
and explained by many before me, I should neither have satisfied the inquisitive reader 
nor have done justice to myself. For I should have appeared to many as a writer of 
fables, and their apprehensions on these subjects would have been indistinct, and 
consequently useless and fallacious. Therefore, when I have departed widely from 
the common statements or advanced apparent novelties, I have not only aimed to bo 
very explicit, but in order to give credibility to my narrative, I have gone into more 
ample disquisitions and citations of authorities, because full statements and demon- 
strations, though out of place in an epitome of history, were here indispensable. 

In addition to these causes for changing materially the character and increasing the 
size of my book, another occurred soon after I commenced its revision. I had at first 
designed my work especially for lecturers on church history, who need a compendious 
text for the basis of their instructions, and had therefore only touched upon many 
things which I supposed would be dilated and explained more fully by the lecturer. 
But when I began to revise and correct the work for a new edition, it occurred to me 
that it would be more satisfactory to many and better subserve the cause of sacred 
learning, if the book were adapted not merely to the convenience of lecturers, but also 
to the wants of those who attempt without a teacher to gain a general knowledge of 
ecclesiastical history. As soon as this thought occurred my views were changed, and 
I began at once to supply omissions, to explain more fully what was obscure, and to 
give greater precision and distinctness to the whole narrative. And hence it is that, 
in describing the calamities in which the Christians of the first ages were involved, 
more pains are taken than is commonly done to state precisely the truth, and in 
tracing the origin and progress of the sects which disturbed the church greater accuracy 
is attempted; so likewise tho now forms of religion, devised by those -who love new 
things, are calmly and candidly described and with all possible fidelity; religious 
contests and disputes arc more clearly stated, and their importance more carefully 
determined; and the history of the Roman pontiffs after the time of Charlemagne, 
their conflicts and their enterprises, have received more careful attention. I mention 
these as specimens only of what has been attempted for the advantage of those who 


cannot pursue a regular course of church history from their want of books or leisure, 
and who yet wish to obtain a clear and correct view of the principal facts and 
transactions. The book for the most part may bo safely trusted by such readers; it 
will afford them as much knowledge as will satisfy one who reads only for practical 
purposes; and besides, it will direct to the authors from whom more full information 
may bo obtained. 

It would be folly and would betray ignorance of human imperfection, if I should 
suppose that no errors could be detected and that nothing needed correction in all the 
details of so large a history; yet, conscious of my own integrity and good faith and of 
the pains I have taken to avoid mistakes, I cannot but hope that I have rarely so 
failed that serious evils will result from my errors. 

I could add some other prefatory remarks which would perhaps not be useless ; but 
nothing more need be added to enable those who will bo candid and ingenuous, and 
who are competent judges in such matters, to judge correctly of the present work. I 
therefore conclude by offering the just tribute of my gratitude to Almighty God who 
has given mo strength, amid the infirmities of ago and the pressure of other labours 
and cares, to surmount the difficulties and bear the fatigue of completing the work now 
given to the public. 

QOTTINOEN, Mar eh 23, 1765. 


1 . THE Ecclesiastical History of the New 
Dispensation is a clear and faithful narra- 
tive of the external condition and of the 
internal state and transactions of that body 
of men who have borne the name of Chris- 
tiins, and in which events are so traced 
to their causes, that the providence of G-od 
may be seen in the establishment and pre- 
servation of the Church, and the reader's 
piety no less than his intelligence be ad- 
vanced by the perusal. 

2. The best form of such a history seems 
to be that which considers the whole body 
of Christians as constituting a community 
subjected to lawful authority and governed 
! >y certain laws and institutions. To such 
i community many external events must 
happen which will be favourable to its in- 
terests or adverse to them ; and since 
nothing human is stable, many things will 
occur in the bosom of such community, 
tending to change its character. Hence its 
history may very suitably be divided into 
its external and its internal history. In 
this manner the history of the Christian 
community, in order to its embracing all 
the details and promoting the greatest use- 

iilness, should bs divided. 

3f The exlern'jl history of Christians, or 
>f the Christian community, is properly 
-. illed the history of the Church, and em- 
braces all the occurrences and changes 
which have visibly befallsn this sacred so - 
iety. And as all communities are soma- 
tirnos prosperous and sometimes meet with 
adversity, such also has been the lot of 
Christians. Hence this part of ecclesiasti- 
cal history is fitly divided into an account 
of the prosperous and of tho calamitous 
events which Christians have experienced/ 

4. The prosperous events,' or those tend- 
ing to the advancement and progress of the 
Christian interest, proceeded either from 
the heads and leaders or from the subordi- 
nate members of this community. Its lead- 
ers were either public characters, as kings, 
magistrates, and sovereign pontiffs ; or pri- 
vate individuals, as the teachers, tho learn- 
ed, the influential, and tho wealthy. Both 
classes have contributed much, in all ages, 
to the increase of the Church. Men in 

power, by their authority, laws, benefi- 
cence, and even by their arms, have con- 
tributed to establish and enlarge the Church. 
And the doctors and men of learning, of 
genius, and eminent piety, by their vigor- 
ous and noble efforts, their travels, their 
writings, and their munificence, have suc- 
cessfully recommended tho religion of Christ 
to those ignorant of it. And common 
Christians, by their faith, their constancy, 
their piety, their love to God and men, 
have induced many to become Christians, 

5. The calamitous events which havo 
befallen the Church, arose either from the 
fault of Christians, or from the malice and 
stratagems of their adversaries. There is 
abundant evidence that Christians them- 
selves, and especially those who presided in 
the Church, have brought much evil upon 
the body by their negligence, their unholy 
lives, and their strifes and contentions. 
The enemies of Christ's kingdom were also 
either public or private men. Public ene- 
mies, namely kings and magistrates by their 
laws and penalties, obstructed the progress 
of Christianity. Prioate men, the philoso- 
phers, tho superstitious, and the despiscrs 
of all religion, assailed the Church with 
false accusations, stratagems, and hostile 

6. The internal history of the Christian 
Church treats of the changes to which the 
Church, in every age, has been exposed, in 
regard to its distinguishing characteristics 
as a religious society. It may not unsuita- 
bly be called the history of the Christian 
religion. The causes of these internal 
changes are found, for the most part, in the, 
rulers of the Church. These often ex- 
plained the principles and precepts of Chris- 
tianity to suit their own fancy or con- 
venience ; and as many acquiesced and 
were submissive, and others not unfre- 
quently resisted, insurrections and internal 
wars were the consequence. To all these 
subjects the intelligent ecclesiastical histo- 
rian must direct his attention. 

7. The first subject in the internal his- 
tory of the Church is the history of its r?i- 
lers and of its government. Originally the 
teachers and the people conjointly admin is- 


tored the affairs of the Church ; but these 
teachers, in process of time, assumed a lof- 
tier spirit, and, trampling on the rights of 
the people, they claimed sovereign power 
both in sacred and secular affairs. At last 
things gradually came to this, that one per- 
son held supreme power over the whole 
Church, or at least affected to hold it. 
Among these governors and guides of the 
Church, some obtained by their writings 
pre-eminent fame and influence ; and as 
these were by after ages regarded as oracles 
and blindly followed, they ought to rank 
among the governors of the Church, whether 
they held offices in it or not. 

8. The history of the laws by which this 
religious society was governed naturally 
follows the history of its ministers. The 
laws peculiar to the Christian community 
are of two kinds. Some are divine, pro- 
ceeding from God himself. These are writ- 
ten in those books which Christians very 
properly believe to be divinely inspired. 
Others are human, or are enactments by 
the rulers of the community. The former 
are usually called doctrines, and are divided 
into two species ; namely, doctrines of faith, 
which are addressed to the understanding ; 
and moral doctrines, which address the heart 
or will. 

9. In the history of these laws or doc- 
trines, it should be our first inquiry, in 
what estimation has the sacred volume been 
held from age to age, and how was it inter- 
preted? For, in every period, the state of 
religion among Christians has depended on 
the reverence paid to the sacred volume 
and on the manner of expounding it. \Ve 
should next inquire how these divine in- 
structions and laws were treated in what 
manner they were inculcated and explained 
defended against gainsayxjrs or debased 
and corrupted. Ths last inquiry is, how 
far Christians were obedient to these divine 
laws, or how they lived ; and what mea- 
sures were taken by the rulers of the Church 
to restrain the licentiousness of transgres- 

10. The human laws of which we speak 
are prescriptions relating to the external 
worship of God, or religious rites, whether 
derived from custom or from positive enact- 
ment. Rites either directly appertain to 
religion or indirectly refer to it. The for- 
mer embrace the whole exterior of religious 
worship, both public and private ; the lat- 
ter include every thing, except direct wor- 
ship, that is accounted religious and proper. 
This part of religious history is very exten- 
sive ; partly from the variety and partly 
from the frequent changes in ceremonies. 
4 concise historv can thorp fore onlv 

touch upon the subject without descend- 
ing into details. 

11. As in civil republics wars and in- 
surrections sometimes break out; so in the 
Christian republic serious commotions have 
often arisen on account of both doctrines 
and rites. The leaders and authors of 
these seditions are called heretics; and the 
opinions for which they separated from 
other Christians are called heresies. The 
history of these commotions, or heresies, 
should be fully detailed. This labour, if 
wisely expended and with impartiality, will 
well repay the toil ; but it is arduous and 
difficult. For the leaders of these parties 
have been treated with much injustice, 
anil their doctrines arc misrepresented ; 
nor is it easy to come at the truth in the 
midst of so much darkness, since most of 
the writings of those called heretics are 
now lost. Those, therefore, who approach 
this part of Church history should ex- 
clude everything invidious from the name 
heretic, and should consider it as used in 
its more general sense, to denote those who 
were the occasion, whether by their own or 
others' fault, of divisions and contests 
among Christians. 1 

12. In treating of both the external and the 
internal history of the Church, the writer who 
would be us -ful must trace events to their 

t Tho greater number of the topics enumerated in 
thi3 section and the preceding ones (6 1 1 ) have been 
treated of in separate works, to which the student of 
ecclesiastical history should refer for fuller informa- 
tion than can be given in general histories : thus, for 
the internal government, discipline, and worship of 
the early Church, he must consult Bingharn's Ori- 
gmes Ecclesiasticfc, in his Works. London, 1840, .<) 
vols. 8vo ; abridged by Blackamore, in his Summary ttj 
Christ. Antiquities. London, 1722, 2 vols. 8vo; Cole- 
man's Antiquities of the Christian C/iurcJi, in Ward's 
Library. London, 1813, taken chiefly from Augusti's 
Handbuch der Christ. Arc.tuiologie. Ebend. 18308, 
3 vols. an abridgment by the author from his larger 
work, entitled, Denkipurdigkeiten aus der Christ. 
Archaologifi. Leip. 1817 31, 12 vols. 8vo ; Riddel's 
Manual qf Christian Antiquities. London, 1839; also 
taken from Axigusti, but adapted to the state of opinion 
in the Church of England. For the history of the 
ethical &n& doctrinal principles of Christianity, we must 
still have recourse to German writers, as we have not 
as yet any works in Britain on these important branches 
of Ecclesiastical History. The principal modern 
writers are, on Ethics, Staudlin and De Wette ; and 
on doctrine.?, Miinscher, Engelhardt, Ruperti, and 
Hagenbach. A translation of Hagenbach's valuable 
I^ehrhurh dt\r Doginengeschichte. Leip. 1840 1, 3 
vois. 8vo, is now in course of publication by Clark of 
Edinburgh, in his Foreign Theological Library, in the 
first vol. of which (pages 2530) the student will find 
extended references to the best works on these topics. 
The history of heresies, extending to the 8th centiny, 
is most fully given by the younger \Valch, in his Voll- 
sttindtge Historic der Ketxerein. Leip. 1762 85, 
1 1 vols. 8vo. There are also numerous works, referred 
to in subsequent notes on particular heresies, and 
several on those of certain periods ; such as Ittig, De 
Hteresiarchi* prinu et tecundt a Chriito nato sccnli, 
2d Edition. Leip. 1703, 4 to; Burton's Inqwry into the 
llwesies of the Apostolic Age. Oxford, 1829, 8vo, with 
tho various works mentioned by him in the Intro- 
duction. R 


causes ; that is, he must tell us not only 
what happened but likewise how and why. 
He who narrates the naked facts only 
enriches our memory and amuses us ; but 
he who at the same time states the oper- 
ative causes of events profits us, for he 
both strengthens our judgment and in- 
creases our wisdom. Yet it must be con- 
fessed that caution is here necessary, lest we 
fabricate causes and palm our own waking 
dreams upon men long since dead. 

13. In exploring the causes of events, 
besides access to the testimony of the lead- 
ing men and the history of the times, a good 
knowledge of human nature is requisite. 
The historian who understands the human 
character, the propensities and powers, the 
! passions and weaknesses of man, will rea- 
dily discover the causes of many things 
attempted or done in former times. No 
less important is it to be acquainted with 
I the education and the opinions of the pcr- 
I sons we treat of; for men commonly regard 
as praiseworthy and correct whatever 
accords with the views and practices of 
I their ancestors. 

I 14. In the external history, an historian 
should consider the civil state of the coun- 
tries in which the Christian religion was 
either approved or rejected, and also their 
religious state, that is, the opinions of the 
people concerning .the Deity and divine 
worship. For it will not be difficult to 
determine why the Church was now pros- 
perous and now in trouble, if we know 
what was the form of government, what 
the character of the rulers, and what the 
prevailing religion at the time. 

15. To dispel obscurities in the internal 
history, nothing is more conducive than a 
knowledge of the history of learning, and 
especially of philosophy. For, most un- 
! fortunately, human learning and philosophy 
have in every age been allowed more influ- 
j ence, in regard to revealed religion, than 
I was proper, considering the natures of the 
two things. Also a good knowledge of 
the civil government and of the ancient 
superstitions of different countries, is use- 
ful to the same end ; for through the 
prudence or, shall I say, the indiscretion 
| of the presiding authorities, many parts of 
I the discipline and worship of the church 
'; have been shaped after the pattern of the 
ancient religions ; and no little deference 
has been paid to the pleasure of sovereigns 
and to human laws, in regulating the 
church of God. 1 

l A n excellent specimen of what may bo accom- 
plished by the ecclesiastical hi.storkn, in accordance 
with the principles laid down in these sections (1215) 
is afforded by tyilinaja'fl History of Christianity to the 

16. From what sources all this know- 
ledge must be drawn is quite obvious ; 
namely, from the writers of every age who 
have treated of Christian affairs, and 
especially from those contemporary with 
the events ; -for on testimonies or authori- 
ties is laid the basis of all true history. Yet 
we ought not to disregard those who from 
these original sources have compiled hfs- 
torjes and annals ; for to refuse proffered 
assistance and despise the labours of 
who have attempted, before us, to throw 
light on obscure subjects, is mere folly. 8 

17. From all this it will be easy to de- 
termine the essential qualifications of a good 
ecclesiastical historian. He must have no 
moderate acquaintance with human affairs 
in general; his learning must be extensive, 
his mind sagacious and accustomed to rea- 
son, his memory faithful, and his judgment 
sound and matured by long exercise. In 
his disposition and temperament he iriust be 
patient of labour, persevering, inflexible in 
his love of truth and justice, and free from 
every prejudice. 

18. Persons who attempt this species of 
writing are liable to prejudice, especially 
from three sources ; namely, times, persons, 
and opinions. First, the times in which we 
live often have such ascendency over us 
that we judge of past ages by our own ; we 
conclude that because a particular thing 
neither does nor can take place in our age, 
therefore it neither did nor could take place 
in former times. Secondly, the persons 
with whose testimony we arc concerned, 
especially if for ages they have been highly 
revered for their holiness or their virtues, 
acquire such an authority with us as daz- 
zles and deceives us. And, thirdly, our 
partialities fbr those opinions and doctrines 
which we ourselves embrace often so fetter 

Abolition qf Paganism in the, Roman Empire. Loud. 
1810, 3 vols. 8vo, which, though in some respects 
defective and objectionable, is on the whole a most 
valuable addition to our historical literature. R, 

2 To acquaint us vr\\h all the writers on ecclesiastical 
history was the professed object of SlUterus in his 
Propylaum historic Christiana:. Luueb. 169G, 4to; and 
of Sagittarius, Introductio in historian ecdet. tingu- 
lasque fju* paries, especially vol. 1st. [Jena, 1718, S 
vols. 4to. Ed. Schmidt. Since Mosheim wrote, several 
important works have appeared expressly on this sub- 
ject ; but the fullest and most satisfactory account of 
writers on ecclesiastical history, both general and 
special, is to be found in the 3d volume of the elder 
Walc\\'sItiMiot/iec<B Theologicnselecta. Jena, 1762, 4 vols. 
8vo, one of the many valuable works for whicli we are 
indebted to the singular industry and perseverance of 
German compilers. What Dana has done for the JBi- 
bliothcca Patristica of this author, by continuing it to 
the present time, is now much needed for an enlarged 
edition of this 3d volume. In the meantime, the stu- 
dent will find a few references to recent writers in 
Dowllng's Introduction to the Critical Study <tf Eccbs. 
History.. Lond. 1838, 8vo, and a full catalogue in 
Lowndes's Britiih Librarian, col. 1243, &o. a valuable 
compilation, though only a small portion has been yet 
publiabed. R. 


our minds that we unconsciously pervert 
the truth in regard to facts. Now from 
this triple bondage the mind must as far 
as possible be set free. 
, 19. But from this rule and from others 
equally obvious and important, how widely 
ecclesiastical historians have departed, in 
all ages, is too well known. For not to 
mention the many who think themselves 
great historians ir they have a good me- 
mory, and to pass by those also who are 
governed more by their private interests 
than by the love of truth, there are very 
few writers whom neither the sect to which 
they belong* nor the venerated names of 
some ancient authors, nor the influence of 
the age in which they live, can disarm and 
divert from the truth. In the present age 
more especially, the spirit of the times and 
the prejudice of opinions have incredible 
influence. Hence the following arguments, 
so often occurring in the writings of learned 
men : These are true sentiments ; therefore 
wo must suppose the ancient Christians 
embraced them. This is correct practice, 
according to Christ's precepts; therefore 
doubtless the earlier Christians so lived. 
This does not now take place ; therefore it 
did not in ancient times. 

20. Ecclesiastical history, if written by 
persons free from these and other faults, 
cannot fail to be greatly beneficial to man- 
kind at large, but especially to the teachers 
and guides of the Church. Whoever shall 
consider attentively the numerous, the va- 
ried, and threatening dangers which the 
Christian religion has happily surmounted, 
will doubtless find himself more established 
in the belief of this religion and better 
prepared to withstand the assaults, the ca- 
vils, and insidious attacks of the profane. 
The many illustrious examples of virtue 
with which this history abounds are admi- 
rably suited to awaken pious emotions and 
to instil the love of God into lukewarm 
minds. Those wonderful revolutions which 
have occurred in every age of the Church, 
originating often from small beginnings, 
proclaim aloud the providence of God and 
the instability and vanity of all human 
things. Nor is it of small advantage to 
know the origin of the numerous arid ab- 
surd opinions, superstitions, and errors 
which still prevail in many parts of the 
Christian world. For such knowledge will 
enable us to discover the truth more clearly, 
to prize it more, and to defend it better. 
Of the entertainment afforded by these and 
other parts of Church history, I shall say 

21. But especially public instructors and 
the ministers of religion may from this 

study derive great assistance in acquiring 
that practical wisdom which they so much 
need. Here, the numerous mistakes of 
even great men warn them what to shun, 
if they would not embroil the Christian 
Church ; there, many illustrious examples 
of noble and successful effort are patterns 
for their imitation. And for combating 
errors, both those inveterate by age and 
those of more recent growth, nothing, ex- 
cept the holy Scriptures and sound reason, 
can be compared with this kind of history. 
I pass over other advantages which will be 
found by experience to result from this 
study; nor will I mention its subserviency 
to other branches of knowledge, particularly 
that of jurisprudence. 1 

22. The two parts of Church history, the 
external and the internal, require an ar- 
rangement or plan of teaching suited to 
each. The external history, being a long 
and continued narrative extending through 
many centuries, requires a distribution into 
certain intervals of time, for the benefit 
of the understanding and memory of the 
reader, and the preservation of order. Va- 
rious divisions of time may be adopted. I 
have preferred the customary one, into cen- 
turies, because it is the one most approved 
of, though it is not free from objections. 

23. No small part of these objections, 
however, will be removed, if we superadd 
a more general division of time, or one into 
longer periods, bounded by certain great 
revolutions and changes in the state of the 
Church. Accordingly the whole of the fol- 
lowing history is divided into four books. 
The first contains the history of the Church 
of Christ from its commencement to the 
time of Constantino the Great ; the second 
extends it from Constantino to Charle- 
magne ; the third continues it to the time 
when Luther began the Reformation in 
Germany; the fourth and last brings it 
down to our own times. 9 

24. Ecclesiastical history treats, more- 
over, as we have already seen, of various 
distinct but kindred subjects which may 
properly be arranged under separate heads. 
Historians have adopted different classifi- 
cations, as their taste or their design in 
writing pointedout. The distribution which 
I prefer has been already indicated, and 
need not here be repeated. . ; 

1 Tho reader will find an admirable sketch of the 
advantages resulting from a knowledge of ecclesiastical 
history and of the preparation requisite for its study, 
in the Introduction to the Elementt of Church History^ 
by the late lamented Dr. Welsh of Edinburgh, whosa 
premature death has unhappily prevented the comple- 
tion of this excellent work. #. 

* Moshcim closes these INSTITUTES with the seven- 
teenth century, adding a single supplementary chapter 
on the early part of the eighteenth. A 









1. AT the time when God became incar- 
nate, a great part of the world was subject 
to the Romans. Their remoter provinces 
they either ruled by means of temporary 
governors and presidents sent from Rome, 
or suffered to live under their own kings 
and laws, subject to the sovereign control 
of the Roman republic. The senate and 
citizens of Rome, though not deprived of 
all appearance of liberty, were really under 
the authority of one man, Augustus, who 
was clothed with the titles of emperor, 
pontifex inaximus, censor, tribune of the 
people, pro-consul ; in a word, with every 
office which conferred general power and 
pre-eminence in the commonwealth. 1 

2. The Roman government, if we regard 
only its form and laws, was sufficiently 
mild and equitable. 8 But the injustice 

| and avarice of the nobles and provincial 
I governors, the Roman lust of conquest and 
I dominion, and the rapacity of the publicans 
! who farmed the revenues of the state, 3 
brought incalculable evils on the people. 
The magistrates and publicans on the one 
i hand fleeced the people of their property ; 
and on the other this lust of dominion 
required numerous armies to be raised in 
the provinces, which was oppressive to 
them and was the occasion of almost per- 
petual wars and insurrections. 

3. Still, this widely extended dominion 
of one people, or rather of one man, was 
attended with several advantages. First, 
it brought into union a multitude of na- 

See Oamplanus De Officio et pole state magistra- 
tuurn Romaiwr* et jurisdtctione, p. 3, &c. Geneva, 
1725, 4to. [Memoirt of the court of Juguttut, by 
Blackwell, 2 Tola. 4to. Edinb. 1763. Schl. 

* See Moyle'g Enay on the constitution of the Roman 
government, in his posth. works, vol. i. pages 11'8 . 
Lond. 1726, 8vo. Sclp. Maffei, Verona illuttrata, lib. 
i. p. 65. [GUnnone, Hittoire civile du royaume de 
Miplet, vol. I. p. 3, &c.~Schl. 

s See Burmann, de Vecttgalibw populi Romini. cap. 
ix. p. 123, ftc -~ScM. 

tioiis differing in customs and languages. 
Secondly, it gave freer access to the remo- 
test nations. 4 Thirdly, it gradually civi- 
lized the barbarous nation?, by introducing 
among them the Roman laws and customs. 
Fourthly, it spread literature, the arts, 
and philosophy, in countries where they 
were not before cultivated. All these 
greatly aided the ambassadors of our Lord 
in fulfilling their sacred commission. 5 

/*CAt the birth of Christ the Roman 
empire was much freer from commotions 
than it hud been for many years. For 
though I cannot agree with those who think 
with Orosius, that the temple of Janus 
was then shut, and the whole world in 
profound peace ; yet there can bo no doubt 
that the period when our Saviour descended 
on earth, if compared with the preceding 
times, was peculiarly peaceful. And ac- 
cording to St. Paul, 7 this peace was very 
necessary for those whom Christ commis- 
sioned to preach the gospel. 

5. Of the state or those nations which 
lay without the Roman empire, historic 
records will not allow us to give so full an 
account. Nor is it very necessary to our 
purpose. It is sufficient to know that 
the oriental nations were pressed down by 
a stern despotism, which their effeminacy 
of mind and body, and even their religion, 
led them to bear with patience, while the 
more northern nations enjoyed much 
greater liberty, which was protected by 
the rigour of their climate and the conse- 

* Seo Bergler Hutoire dei grands chemint dt> JYi- 
pire Romain, 2nd Ed. Brussels, 1728, 4to, and Otto, De 

Tuteld marum puMicarum, par. ii. p. 314. 

5 Origen, among others, acknowledges this, lib. ii. 
adv. Celxum, p. 79, Ed. Cambr. [See also Ileilmanii, 
Comment, dejlorente literarum ttatu et habitu ad reliR. 
Chriiti initta. Sc/il. 

See MasBonu, Templum Jani, Chritto ntucenfa 
rneratvm. Rotterd. 1706, 8vo. 

7 See 1 Tim. ii. 1, &c. 


[PART i 

qucnt energy of their constitutions, aided 
by their mode of life and their religion. 1 

6. All these nations were plunged in the 
grossest superstition. For though the idea 
of one supreme God was not wholly extinct, 8 
yet most nations, or rather all except the 
Jews, supposed that each country and 
province was subjected to a set of very 
powerful beings, whom they called gods, 
and whom the people, in order to live 
happily, must propitiate with various rites 
and ceremonies. These deities were sup- 
posed to differ materially from each other 
in sex, power, nature, and offices. Some 
nations, indeed, went beyond others in 
impiety and absurdity of worship, but all 
stood chargeable with irrationality and 
gross stupidity in matters of religion. 

7. Thus every nation had a class of 
deities peculiar to itself, among which one 
was supposed to be pre-eminent over the 
rest and was their king, though subject 
himself to the laws of fate, or to an eternal 
destiny. For the oriental nations had not 
the same gods as the Gauls, the Germans, 
and the other northern nations; and the 
Grecian deities were essentially different 
from those of the Egyptians, who worship- 
ped brute animals, plants, and various 
productions of nature and art. 3 Each 
nation likewise had its own method of 
worshipping and propitiating its gods, 
differing widely from the rites of other 
nations. But from their ignorance or other 
causes, the Greeks and Romans maintained 
that their gods were universally worshipped; 
and they therefore gave the names of their 
own gods to the foreign deities, which has 
caused immense confusion and obscurity 
in the history of the ancient religions, and 
produced numberless errors in the works 
of very learned men. 4 

1 Seneca, de Ira, lib. ii. cap. xvi. Opp. torn. i. p. 3G, 
Ed. Gronovii: Fero itaque impcrla penes eos lucre 
populos, quimitiore coelo utuntur: in frigora, septen- 
trionemque vergentibus immansueta ingenia Bunt, ut 
ait poifta, suoque simillima cwlo. 

* See Muners, in his Hist or i a doctrine de vero 
Deo, omnium rerttm Auctore atqtte Rectore, Lemgo. 
1780, 8vo, where, from a critical investigation, proof is 
adduced, that the ancient pagan nations were univer- 
sally ignorant of the Creator and Governor of the 
world, till Anaxagoras, about 450 years before Christ, 
and afterwards oilier philosophers, conceived that the 
world must have had an intelligent architect. Mur. 

3 This was long since remarked by Athanasius, 
ratio contra Gentes, Opp. torn. i. p. 25. [See Le 
Clerc, Art critica, par. ii. sec 1, cap. xiii. sec. 11, 
and Bibliotlieqite Ckoisie, tome vii. p. 84 ; Warburton's 
DioinG Legation of Monet demonstrated, vol. ii. p. 
233, &o. And respecting the Egyptian gods, see 
Jablonski, Pantheon Mgyptiorum. Francf. aid. Viadr. 
1750, 8vo. ; F. S. Von Schmidt, Opuscula, qtiibus res 
antiqtux, pr&cipue Mgyptiacte, ex^lanantur, 1765, 8vo. 

4 Maclalne here subjoins a long note, asserting that 
the gods worshipped in diflv-rent pagan countries 

8. But this variety of gods and religions 
in the pagan nations produced no wars or 
feuds among them, unless, perhaps, the 
Egyptians are an exception. 6 Yet the 
Egyptian wars waged to avenge their gods, 
cannot properly be called religious wars, 
not being undertaken either to propagate 
or to suppress any one form of religion. 
Each nation, without concern, allowed its 
neighbours to enjoy their own views of 
religion, and to worship their own gods in 
their own way. Nor need this tolerance 
greatly surprise us.' For they who regard 
the world as being divided like a great 
country into numerous provinces, each 
subject to a distinct order of deities, cannot 
despise the gods of other nations, nor think 
of compelling all others to pay worship to 
their own national gods. The Romans in 
particular, though they would not allow the \ 
public religions to be changed or multiplied, 
yet gave the citizens full liberty in private, 
to observe foreign religions, and to hold 
meetings and feasts, and erect temples and 
groves to those foreign deities in whose i 
worship there was nothing inconsistent with 
the public safety and the existing laws. 7 

9 The greater part of the gods of all i 
nations were ancient heroes, famous for 
their achievements and their worthy deeds ; 
such as kings, generals, and founders of j 

cities, and likewise females who were highly 
distinguished for their deedsand discoveries, 
whom a grateful posterity had deified. To 
these, some added the more splendid and 
useful objects in the natural world, among 
which the sun, moon, and stars, being pre- 
eminent, received worship from nearly all ; 
and some were not ashamed to pay divine 
honours to mountains, rivers, trees, the 
earth, the ocean, the winds, and even to 
diseases, to virtues and vices, and to almost 
every conceivable object or at least, to 

were BO similar, that they might properly be called by 
tho same names. He therefore thinks Dr. Mosheim 
has overrated the mischief done to the history of idola- 
try by the Greek and Roman writers. But there was, 
certainly, little resemblance between Woden and Mer- 
cury, Thor and Jupiter, Friga and Venus; or between 
the Roman deities and Brahma, Vibhnoo, Siva, and the 
other gods of Hindostan. And as the classic writers 
give very imperfect descriptions of foreign deities, and 
leave us to infer most of their characteristics from the 
names assigned them, it is evident that Mosheim's re- 
mark is perfectly just. Mur. 

5 See what Pignorius has collected on this- subject, 
in his Expositio Mimste Isiacai, p. 41, Ac. 

6 Though extolled by Shaftsbury, among others 
Characteristics, vol. ii. p. 166. and vol. iii. page's 60^ 
86, 87, 154, &c. Schl. 

7 See Corn, a Bynckerghoeckh, Ditsert. d cultu 
peregrine rel/gionu apud Romanos, in his Opuscultt, 
Leyden, 1710, 4to. [Warburton's Divine legation, 
vol. i. p. 307. Compare Livy, Hist. Horn. lib. xxv. 1, 
arid xxxix. 18, and Valer. Max. i. Z. Schl. [See also 
Lardner, Credib. of Uospel Hist, part i. book i. chap, 
viii. sees. 3 6. Mur 

CHAP, i.] 


the deities supposed to preside over these 
objects. l 

1 0. The worship of these deities consisted 
in numerous ceremonies, with sacrifices, 
offerings, and prayers. The ceremonies 
were for the most part absurd and ridicu- 
lous, and throughout debasing, obscene, 
and cruel. Thj sacrifices and offerings 
varied according to the nature and offices 
of the different gods. 3 Most nations sacri- 
ficed animals ; and, what was most horrid, 
not a few of them likewise immolated 
human victims. 3 Their prayers were truly 
insipid, and void of piety both in their form 
and matter. 4 Over this whole worship pre- 
sided pontiffs, priests, and servants of the 
gods, divided into many classes, and whose 
business it was to see that the rites were 
duly performed. These were supposed to 
enjoy the friendship and familiar converse 
of the gods ; and they basely abused their 
authority to impose upon the people. 

11. The religious worship of most nations 
was confined to certain places or temples, 5 
and to certain times or stated days. In the 
temples, the statues and images of their 
gods were placed ; and these images were 
supposed to be animated in an inexplicable 
manner by the gods themselves. For, 
senseless as these worshippers of imaginary 
gods truly were, they did not wish to be ac- 
counted worshippers of lifeless substances, 
brass, stone, and wood, but of a deity which 
they maintained to be present in the image, 
provided it was consecrated in due form. 6 

12. Besides this common worship to 
which all had free access, there were among 
both orientals and Greeks certain recondite 
and concealed rites, called mysteries, to 
which very few were admitted. Candi- 
dates for initiation had first to give satis- 
factory proofs to the hicrophants of their 
gfood faith and patience, by various most 
troublesome ceremonies. When initiated, 

See the learned work of Vossius, De Idololatria, 
lib. i. iii. [and La MythologieetlesFabks rxpliquees par 
I'Histoire, par I'AbbS Banier, Paris, 1738-40, 8 vols. 
12mo, and Fr. Creutzer's Symbolik u. Mythologie der 
alien Vb'lker, besonders dcr Griechen, Leipz. u. Darmst. 
181012, 4 vols. 8vo. Mur. [This standard work of 
Creutzer has been translated into French by J. D. 
Guigniaut, under the title of Religions de I' Antiffuitc 
considereut principalement dans leurs formes symboliques 
etmytfio/ogiquet, Paris, 1825 4 N 4 vols. 8vo.~ /?. 

See Saubertus, de Sacrifieiii Veterum; Leyd. 1 699, 8vo. 
8 See Columna, Ad Frugmenta Ennii, p. 29, and 

Saubertus, De Sacriftciis Pel. cap. xxi. p. 455. 

* See Hrowerius a Niedeck, de Adorationibus re- 
terum Populorum. Utrecht, 1711. 8vo. [and Saubertus, 
ubi supra, p. 343, ate. Schl. 

5 Some nations were without temples, such as the 
Fenians, Gauls, Germans, and Britons, who performed 
their religious worship in the open air, or in the shady 
retreats of consecrated groves. Mad. 

6 Arnobius, ado. Gentes, lib. vi. p. 254, od. Herald!. 
Augustine, de Cinitate Dei, 'lib. yii. cap. xxxl. Opp. 
torn. yii. p. 161, ed. Benedict. Julian, Muopogon. 
p. 361, ed. Spanheira. 

they could not divulge any thing they bad 
seen, without exposing their lives to immi- 
nent danger. 7 Hence it ia that the interior 
of these hidden rites is, at this day, little 
known. Yet we know that in some of the 
mysteries many things were done which 
were ^ repugnant to modesty and decency; 
and in all of them the discerning might 
see that the deities there worshipped were 
mortals more distinguished for their vices 
than their virtues. 8 

13. The whole pagan system had not the 
least efficacy to produce and cherish virtu- 
ous emotions in the soul. For in the first 
place, the gods and goddesses to whom the 
public homage was paid, were patterns rather 
of pre-eminent wickedness than of virtue. 9 
They were considered, indeed, as superior 
to mortals in power and as exempt from 
death, but in all things else as on a level 
with us. In the next place, the ministers 
of this religion, neither by precept nor by 
example, exhorted the people to lead honest 
and virtuous lives ; but gave them to under- 
stand that all the homage required of them 
by the gods, was comprised in the observance 
of the traditional rites and ceremonies. 10 
And lastly, the doctrines inculcated respect- 
ing the rewards of the righteous and the 

" See Meursius, De Mystcriis Eleusyniis; and Clark- 
son, Discourse on Liturgies, sec, 4. 

8 Cicero, Dixput. Tusculan. lib. i. cap. xiii. [and De 
Leg. cap. xxiv.; Varro, cited by Augustine, De Civitate 
Dei, lib. iv. cap. xxxi. ; Eusebius, Praparat. Evangel. 
lib. ii. cap. \M. Schl. [SeeWarburton's Divine Leg at. 
vol. i. lib. ii. sec. 4, who was confronted by J. Leland, 
Advantage and Necessity qfthe Christ. Rev. vol. i. pages 
151 190; Meiners, iiber die Mysterien der Alien, in 
his Miscel. Philos. Works, vol. iii. Lcips. 1776; the 
Baron de Sainte Croix, Me moires pour scrmrd I' hist oire 
de la religion secrete des anciens peuples, 8fc. Paris 
1784, 8vo, and (Vogel's) Jiriefe iiber die Myttfrfrng 

which are the 2d collection of Letters on Freemasonry. 
Nuremb. 1784, 12mo. It lias been maintained that the 
design of at least some of these mysteries was, to incul- 
cate the grand principles of natural religion ; such as 
the unity of God, the immortality of the soul, the im- 
portance of virtue, &c. and to explain the vulgar poly- 
theism, as symbolical of these great truths. But this 
certainly needs better proof. It is more probable that 
the later pagan philosophers, who lived after the light 
of Christianity had exposed the abominations of poly- 
theism, resorted to this subterfuge in order to vindicate 
the character of their predecessors. Mur. [See also 
Dr. Pritchard's Analysis of the Egyptian Mythology. 
Lond. 1319, 8vo. R. * 

9 Ovid, de Tristibus, lib. ii. v. 287, &c. 

Quis locus est templis augustior? ha?c quoque vitet, 

In culparn si qua et ingeniosa suam. 
Cum steterit Jovis sede, Jovis succurret in aede, 

Quam multas matrcs feccrit ille Dcus. 
Proxima adoranti Junonia templa subibit, 

Pellicibus multis hanc doluisse Deam. 
Pallade conspecta, natum de crimine virgo 

Sustulerit quare, qureret, Erichthonium. 

[Compare Plato, de Leg. lib. i. p. 776, and & JbpuU. 
lib. ii. p. 430, &c. ed. Ficini. Isocrates, Enc 

dis, Orat. p. 462, and Seneca, de Vita, beata, cap. Mtvi. 
Schl. ^/ 

to See Barbeyrac, Preface to his French translation 
of Puffendorf, De Jure Nat. et gentium, sec. 6. 
[Yet there were some Intelligent pagans who had better 
views, as Socrates and the younger Pliny. The latter, 



punishments of the wicked in the future 
world, were some of them dubious and 
uncertain, and others more adapted to 
promote vice than virtue. l Wherefore the 
wiser pagans themselves, about the time oi 
the Saviour's birth, contemned and ridi- 
culed the whole system. 

14. Hence a universal corruption oi 
morals prevailed, and crimes which at this 
day cannot be named with decency, were 
them practised with entire impunity. 2 Those 
who would see proof of this, may read Ju. 
venal and Persius among the Latins, and 
Lucian among the Greeks ; or, if this seems 
too painful, let them rettaet on the gladia- 
torial shows and unnatural lusts, the faci- 
lity of divorce, both among Greeks and 
Romans, the, custom of exposing infants 
and procuring abortions, and the stews 
consecrated to the gods all which no law 

15. Men of but common discernment 
could see the deformity of these religions ; 
but they were met by the crafty priests 
with two arguments. First, the miracles 
and prodigies which were affirmed to have 
taken place, and still to be dally witnessed 
in the temples and before the statues of the 

in his Panegyric on Trajan, cap. iii. n. 5, says: Ani- 
madvcrto, etiarn Decs ipsos, nou tarn accuratia ado- 
rantium precibus, quam innocenti.1 et sanctitate la'ta 
gratioremque existimari, qui deluhris eorum purarn 
castamque mentom, quam qui tneditatum carmen in- 
tulorlt. Schl. 

\ What the Greeks and Romans said of the Elyslan 
Fields, was not only fabulous in its very aspect, but it 
held out the prospect of voluptuous pleasures, opposed 
to true virtue. The more northern nations promised a 
happy immortality only to those who distinguished 
themselves by a martial spirit and the slaughter of 
numerous foes; that is, to the enemies of mankind. 
And the eternal bliss which they promised to these 
warriors was only a continued indulgence in vile lusts. 
How could such hopes excite to virtue ? Moreover, 
the doctrine of even those rewards and punishments, 
was not an article of faith among the Greeks and 
Romans ; but every one believed what he pleased con- 
cerning it : and, at the time of Christ's birth, the fol- 
lowers of Epicurus were numerous, and while many 
denied, most others doubted, the reality of future retri- 
butions. Polybius, Ilitt. lib. v. M. Sallust, Ball. Catll. 

* Cyprian, Epitt i. p. 2. ed. Raluz, describes at large 
the debased morals of the pagans. See also Cornel. 
Adamua, Excrcit. de malis ftomanorum ante pr&dica- 
tioncm Evangelii moribut; in his Exercit. Exegrt. 
Craning, 1712, 4 to [and, what is still better authority, 
St. Paul to the Romans, chap. i. passim. Mur. 

3 On the subject of this and several preceding sec- 
tions, the reader may find satisfactory proof in that 
elaborate and eandld work, The advantage and neces- 
sity of the Christian Rewlation, shown from the state of 
religion in the ancient heathen world; by J. Lcland, 
D.D. 2d ed Dublin, 1765, 2 vols. 8vo Mur. [A still 
more satisfactory exposition of the origin, character, 
and influence of heathenism, viewed in the light of 
Christianity, especially of tho Grecian and Roman 
polytheism, may be found in an admirable essay by 
Professor Tholuok of Halle, entitled, Ueberdat Weten 
u. fan iittlichen EinfUuts de* Heidenthumg, &c, an 
English translation of which will be found in the 28th 
number of tbeEdin. Biblical Cabinet. . 

gods and heroes ; and secondly, the divina- 
tions and oracles by which. they asserted 
these gods had foretold future events. In 
regard to both, the common people were 
miserably imposed upon by the artifices of 
the priests, and the discerning saw it. 4 
But the latter had to laugh with caution 
in order to be safe. For the priests stood 
ready to accuse of treason against the gods, 
before a raging and superstitious multitude, 
all such as opposed their frauds. 

10. At the time chosen by the Son of 
God for his birth among men, the Roman 
religion, as well as arms, pervaded a largo 
part of the world. To be acquainted with 
this religion, is nearly the same as to be 
acquainted with the Grecian superstition, 6 
Yet there is sonic difference between them ; 
for besides the institutions of Numa and 
others, invunted for political ends, the 
Romans superadded to the Grecian fables 
some Italic and Etruscan fictions, and also 
gave the Egyptian gods a place among their 
own. a 

17. In the Roman provinces, new forms 
of paganism were gradually produced, com- 
pounded of the ancient religions of the ' 
inhabitants and that of their Roman con- 1 
querors. For these nations, who before 
their subjugation had their peculiar gods 
and religious rites, were persuaded by de- 
grees to adopt many of the Roman usages. 
This was good policy in the Romans, whose j 
interests were promoted by the extinction j 
of the inhuman rites of the barbarous na- i 
tions; and the levity of those nations and 
their desire to please their masters favoured 
the object. 7 

18. The most prominent religions beyond 
the bounds of the Roman empire, may be 
divided into two classes, the civil and tho 
military. To the first class belong the 
religions of most of the oriental nations, 
especially of the Persians, the Egyptians, 
and the Indians. For, whoever carefully 
inspects those religions will see that they 
are adapted merely to answer political ob- 

4 Schlegel here introduces a long note, showing that 
Mosheim, till towards the close of his life, did not 
utterly reject that common opinion of the ancients, 
that evil spirits sometimes aided the pagan priests, par* 
ticularly in regard to their oracles. But Mosheim did, 
we are told by his pupil, come at last into the opinion 
now generally admitted; namely, that 'the pagan 
oracles were all mere cheats, proceeding from the 
craft of the priests. See Van Dale de Oraculi* ethni- 
corum: among his Dist. Amster. 1696, 4to, and Fonte- 
nelle, IJistoire det oracle*, 1687, with the Jesuit, Baltus 
Mponse a I'histoire des orackt, Sfc. Strasb. 1707, 8vo, 
and Suite dekt Mponse, $c. 1701. 8vo Mur. 

See Dionys. Halicar. Antiquitat. Ho manor, lib. 
vii. cap. Ixxli. torn. i. p. 460, ed. Hudson. 

See Petitus ad Leges Atticai, lib. i. p. 71. [Lac- 
tan tins, Divinarum Ins ti tut. lib. 1. cap. xx. ScM 

* Strabo, Geograph. lib. iv, p. 189 &c Schl, 

ClIAP I.] 



jects ; to protect the dignity and authority 
of kings, to preserve the public tranquillity, 
and to promote the civil virtues. To the 
second class must be referred the religions 
of the northern nations. For all that was 
| inculcated among the Germans, Britons, 
Celts, Goths, and others, respecting the 
; gods and the worship due to them, was 
evidently suited to awaken and to cherish 
i fortitude, bravery, and contempt of death. 
I A careful examination of these religions 
; will fully verify these statements. 
i 1 9. No nation was so rude and barbarous 
' as not to contain some persons who had 
| sagacity to discern the absurdity of the 
popular religions. But some of these men 
acked the power Und authority, others the 



I disposition, and all the wisdom necessary to 
I produce a reformation. This could scarcely 
be better illustrated than by the attempts 
to reform the vulgar superstitions made by 
the Greek and Roman philosophers. They 
advanced many tolerably correct ideas re- 
! specting the divine nature and moral duties ; 
! and, with some success, they exposed the 
! errors of the prevailing religion ; but all 
! was so intermixed with wild and baseless 
1 speculations, as clearly to show that it be- 
longs to God only, and not to men, to teach 
\ thetruth free from corruption and error. 

20. Among the more civilized nations, 
at the time the Son of God appeared, two 
species of philosophy prevailed ; namely, 
the Grecian, which was also adopted by the 
Romans, and the oriental, which had many 
followers in Persia, Syria, Chaldea, Egypt, 
and even among the Jews themselves. The 
former was appropriately called philosophy : 

' the latter, by such as spoke Greek, was 
'called yi>wtf/, that is knowledge, namely 
I sou, of God ; because its followers pre- 
tended to restore the lost knowledge of the 
'supreme God. 1 The advocates of both 
I kinds of philosophy were split into numer- 
;ous contending sects, yet with this dif- 
iference, that all the sects of oriental 
philosophy set out with one fundamental 
principle, and therefore were agreed in 
! regard to many points of doctrine ; but the 
. Greeks disagreed about the very first 
! principles of all wisdom. .Of the oriental 
philosophy, we shall give account hereafter : 
j of the Grecian philosophy and its sects, 
! notice will be talcen here. 

21. Same of the Grecian sects declared 

i St. Paul mentions and disapproves both kinds of 
philosophy? namely, the Grecian, Goto. li. 8. and the 
oriental or vi/w<ri9, 1 Tim. vi. 20. Mosheim ha been 
censured for his confident assertions in regard to the 
existence and prevalence of an oriental philosophy, 
going under the name of yi/<n*, so early as the days of 
Christ and his apostles. On this subject more will be 
said hereafter. A/ur. 

open war against all religion: others admjt- 1 
ted indeed the existence of God and of j 
religion, but obscured the tn*tjx.rather thap 
threw light upon it. Of the fornjer class : 
were the Epicureans and the Academics. ' 
The Epicureans maintained that th$. world 
arose from chance; that the gofts'' (whose 
existence they did not dare to deny) 
neither did nor could extend their provi- 
dential care to human affairs ; that the soul 
was mortal ; that pleasure* was man's ulti- 
mate end ; and that virtue was to be prized 
only for its subserviency to this end. The 
Academics denied the possibility of arriving 
at truth and certainty, and therefore held 
it uncertain, whether the gods existed or 
not ; whether the soul is mortal or survives i 
the body ; whether virtue is preferable to vice, 
or the contrary. 8 These two sects, when 
Jesus was born, were very numerous and 
influential ; being favoured by men of rank 
especially, and by nearly all the opulent. 4 
22, To the second class belong the Aris- 
totelians, Stoics, Platonics ; none of whom 

a The ambiguity of the word pleasure, baa produced 
many disputes in the explication of the Epicurean sys- 
tem. If by pfcawre be understood only sensual grati- 
fications, the tenet here advanced is indisputably mon- 
strous. Hut if it be taken in a larger sense, and be 
extended to intellectual and moral objects, in what 
docs the scheme of Epicurus, with respect to virtue, 
differ from the opinions of those Christian philosophers 
who maintain that seff-hne is the only spring of all 
human affections and actions ? Mad. [Epicurus dis- I 
tinguished between corporeal pleasure and mental. Hut 
he accounted both sensitive ; because be held the soul to 
be material. His conceptions of pleasure did not ex- 
tend beyond natural pleasures, the chief of which be 
supposed to be a calm and tranquil state of mind, un- 
disturbed by any fear of God or any solicitude about 
the future, and attended with freedom from bodily pain. 
His system, therefore, denied the very idea of moral or 
religious pleasures, and it required atheism as its foun- 
dation. See Staudlin's Geschich. d. Moialphiht. p. 
230, &c. Hattov. 1822, 8vo. Mur. 

8 The Academics, or Platoniats, became indeed scep- 
tical ; especially those of the Middle Academy. Some 
real Pyrrhonists, likewise, assumed the name of Acade- 
mics. Still it is probable, the great body of Academics, 
like Cicero, who is accounted one of them, merely held 
that all human knowledge Is imperfect; that is, falls 
short of certainty ; that of course we are obliged, in all 
cases, to act on probabilities, of which there are differ* 
ent degrees. Mur. 

4 The Epicureans were the most numerous of the 
two. See Cicero, de Finibus, lib. i. cap. vii ; lib. ii. 
cap. xiv. and Disput. Tu$cul, lib. v. cap. x. Hence 
Juvenal, Satyr, xiii. v. 86, &c. thus complains of the 
many atheists at Rome : 

Sunt in fortune qui casibus omnia ponant, 

Et nullo credant inundum rectore moveri, 

Natura volvente vices et lucis et anni : 

Atque ideo intrepid! qurccunque altaria tangunt. 
Mosheim, in these sections, is giving the dark side of 
pagan philosophy. Like his other translators, there- 
fore, I would aim so to soften his pictures, that the less 
informed reader may not be misled. This, I am per 
suaded, Mosheim would himself approve, as may be 
inferred from the following long note, inserted ap- 
parently for such a purpose. In the parallel passage oft 
his Commentarii de Red, Chritt. pages 17, 18. "I oaimot 
agree with those who maintain that every one of the 
philosophers of those times, even such as discoursed 
well on religious subjects, were hostile to all religion. 
I think those learned moderns have xone too far, who 



[PART i 

spoke of God, religion, and moral duties, I motives to virtue ; and accordingly the 
:- ~ ^ i c 1. __ A moral system of the Stoics is a body that 

is fair and beautiful, but without sinews 

and. active limbs. 8 

24. Plato seems to have exceeded all 

ha a manner to be of much service to man 
kind. The god o/ Aristotle is like the 
principle of motion in a machine. He is a 
being regardless of human affairs anc 
happy in his own contemplations. Such a 
pod, differing but little from the god o 
Epicurus, we have no reason either to love 
or to fear. Whether this philosopher helc 
the soul to be mortal or immortal is ai 
least doubtful. l Now what solid and sounc 
precepts of virtue and piety can that man 
give, who denies the providence of God, 
and not obscurely intimates the extinction 
of the soul? 

23. The god of the Stoics has a little 
more of majesty; nor does he sit musing 
supinely above the heavens and the stars. 
Yet he is described as a corporeal being, 
united to matter by a necessary connexion, 
and moreover as subject to fate, so that 
he can neither reward nor punish. 3 /That 
this sect held the extinction of the soul 
at death, is allowed by all the learned. 
Now, such doctrines take away the strongest 

hare endeavoured to prove that every sect of the" phil- 
osophers, either openly or covertly, aimed to rip up the 
foundations of all religion. Are we to believe that not 
one of the many great and worthy men of those times, 
however free from ill intentions, was so fortunate as to 
make a proper use of his reason ? Must all those who 
professed theism, and spoke sublimely of the divine 
perfections, be regarded as impostors, who said one 
thing and meant another? Yet the celebrated and 
acute Bp. Warburton, to mention no others, lately ex- 
pended much ingenuity and learning to bring us to such 
conclusions. See his very elaborate and noted work, 
entitled The divine legation, Sfc. vol. i. p. 332, &c. and 
p. 419, &c. He would have us think that all the phil- 
osophers who taught the immortality of the soul, se- 
cretly denied it ; that they held nature to be the only 
deity ; and human souls to be particles, severed from 
the souls of the world, to which they return at the death 
of the body. But not to mention that he cites only 
Grecian philosophers, while other nations had their 
philosophers also, differing widely from the Grecian ; 
the renowned author depends not on plain and explicit 
testimony, which seems requisite to justify so heavy a 
charge, but merely on conjectures, on single examples, 
and on inferences from the doctrines held by certain 
philosophers. If this kind of proof be allowed, if single 
instances and inferences are sufficient to convict men 
of duplicity, when no shadow of suspicion appears in 
their language, who will be found innocent? Though 
but an ordinary man and far inferior to Warburton, 
yet I could prove that all the theologians in Christen- 
dom disbelieve utterly what they teach in public, and 
that they covertly aim to instil the poison of impiety 
nto men's minds, if I might be allowed to assail them 
n the manner this learned writer assails the philoso- 
phers." Mur. [It may be proper to add here, on oc- 
casion of this first reference to Mosheim's larger work, 
his Commentarii de Rebut Chrittiani* ante Comtantinum 
Magnum, that a large portion of it, nearly two-thirds, 
has been translated into English by the late R. 8. 
Vidai, Esq. in 3 vols. 8vo, Lond 181335 R. 

1 See the notes on my Latin translation of Cud- 
worth's Intellectual Syttem, torn. i. p. 66, 500, torn. ii. 
p. 1171, and Mourgues, Plan theologiquc du Pythago- 
rume, tome i. p. 75, &c. [See Note 1, p. 29, below, A 

2 Thus is the Stoical doctrine of/a<* generally repre. 
sen ted, but not more generally than unjustly. Their 
/a/am, when carefully and attentively examined, seems 

o have signified no more, in the intention of the wisest 
of that sect, than the plan of government formed origi- 

the other philosophers in wisdom, and not 
without reason. For he held the world to 
be governed by an independent, powerful, 
and intelligent God; and he taught men 
what to fear, and what to hope for after 
death. Yet his doctrines not only rest on 
very slender foundations, and are exceed- 
ingly obscure, but they represent the su- 
preme Creator as destitute of several per- 
fections, 4 and as limited to a certain place. 
His doctrine concerning demons and the 
human soul, is singularly adapted to pro- 
duce and encourage superstition. 6 Nor 
will his system of morals command very 
high estimation, if we examine it in all its 
parts, and inquire into its first principles. 
25. As all these sects held many things 
inconsistent with sound reason, and were 
addicted to never-ending contentions and 
debates, some moderate and well-disposed 
men concluded to follow none of them im- 
plicitly, but to glean from all whatever was 
good and consonant to reason, and reject 
the rest. Hence originated in Egypt, and 
particularly at Alexandria, a new mode of 

nally in the divine mind, a plan all-wise and perfect* 
and from which, of consequence, the supreme Being, 
morally speaking, can never depart. So that when 
Jupiter is said by the Stoics to be subject to immutable 
fate, this means no more than that he is subject to the 
wisdom of his own counsels, and acts ever in conformity 
with his supreme perfections. The following remark- 
able passage of Seneca, drawn from the 5th chapter of 
his book de Promdentin, is sufficient to confirm the ex- 
plication we have here given of the Stoical fate: "Ille 
pse omnium conditor et rector, $rripsit quidem fata, 
sed sequitur. Semper parct semel jussit." Mad. 
;This fine apology will not bear a strict scrutiny. 
The Stoics themselves differed in opinion, and they 
jenerally had indistinct notions. But most of them 
held fate to be rather a physical than a moral neces- 
sity ; though some of them, at times, confounded it with 
Jove, nature, or a pantheistic god, as Seneca does in 
he passage quoted. Mur. 

3 These remarks receive some illustration from my 
note on Cudworth's Intell. Syst. torn. i. p. 517. 

4 He ascribed to God neither omnipotence, nor om- 
nipresence, nor omniscience. Schl [But Maclaine 
here enters his dissent. He says : All the divine per- 
fections are frequently acknowledged by that philoso- 
pher." I wish he had given proof of this assertion, if 
he was able to make it good. Mur. 

6 He believed that God employs good and evil demons, 
in the government bf the world, and that men can 
have commerce with these demons A person believing 
this may easily be led to regard idolatry as not alto- 
gether irrational. Schi. 

6 The defects of the Platonic philosophy are copiously, 
but not very accurately depicted by Baltus, in a French 
work, Defense de* perei accutet de Platonitme. Paris, 
1711, 4to. [Plato has, moreover been accused of 
Spinozism. For Bayle ( Continuation deipentees diver- 
tes tur la Comete, #<? chap, xxv.) and Gundllng, (in 
Otia, fasc. 2. and in Cundlinffiana, see. 43. 45.) tax 
him with confounding God with matter. Rut Zim- 
mormann ( Oputcufa, torn. 1. p. 762, &c.) and the elder 
Schelhorn (Amamitat, Kterar. torn. ix. xii. and xiii > 
have defended the character of Plato. Schl. 




philosophising, called the Eclectic. One 
Potamon of Alexandria has been repre- 
sented as its author ; but the subject has its 
difficulties. 1 That this sect flourished at 
Alexandria in the age of our Saviour, is 
manifest from the Jewish Philo, who phi- 
losophised according to its principles. 2 
These Eclectics held Plato in the highest 
estimation ; but they unscrupulously modi- 
fied his doctrines by incorporating what 
they pleased from the other philosophers. 3 
26. It will be easy to see what inference 
should be drawn from this account of the 
lamentable state of the world at the time 
of Christ's birth. It may serve to teach 
j us that the human race was then wholly 
corrupt, and stood in need of a Divine 
! teacher to instruct mankind in the true 
I principles of religion and morality, and to 
recall the wanderers into the paths of virtue 
and piety. And it may teach those who 
before were ignorant of it, how great the 
advantages and supports, in all circumstan- 
ces of life, the human family have derived 
from the advent of Christ and from the 
religion which lie taught. Many despise 
and ridicule the Christian religion, not 
knowing that to it they are indebted for all 
the blessings they enjoy. 

1 Rrucker, Historia crit. philo*. torn. ii. p. 193, 
has shown that in regard to the controversies main- 
tained by Hcumann, Hasceus, and others, respecting 
this nearly unknown Potamon, the probability is tha* 
ho lived about the close of the second century; that 
his speculations had little effect; and that Ammonias 
U to be regarded as the founder of the Eclectic sect. 
Yet this will not forbid our believing what Hrucker him- 
self admits, that there were some Grecian philosophers, 
as early as the time of Christ, who speculated very 
much as the Eclectics afterwards did, though the few 
followers they had di/1 not merit tho title of a sect. 

2 For he philosophised in the manner of Clemens 
Alex. Origen, and tho other Christian doctors, who 
were certainly Eclectic*. For the most part he follows 
Plato ; and hence many account him a pure Platonist. 
But he often commends tho Stoics, Pythagoreans, and 
others, and adopts their opinions. Schl. 

3 Seo Olearius, t>e Philosophia Eclectica; Brucker 
and others. [On the philosophy as well as the vulgar 
polytheism of the ancient pagans, tho best works for 
the mere English reader seem to bo those already men- 
tioned (In Note 3 p. 10) Leland's Advantage and Neces- 
tfty qfthe Christian Revelation, [and T.holuck'8 Essay."] 
The history of philosophy among the ancients has not 
been critically and ably written in English, nor by 
Englishmen. Stanley's Lives, &c. 1655, 4to, U full of 
mistakes ; and Enti eld's Abridgment ofPrucker is quite 
superficial. The best general works are Brucker's 
Historia critica phifasophice. Lips. 1*74 1 67. fi vols. 4to, 
and the more recent German works by Tiedemann, 
7 vols. 8vo, 179196; Buhle, 7 vols. 8vo, 1800; Tenne- 
man, 12 vols. 8vo, 17981810; and Rixner, 3 vols. 8vo, 
1822, The history of Moral philosophy, or ethics, 
is well treated by Meiners, krit. Getchichte, 2 vols. 
8vo, 18001 ; and Btaudlin, Gesch. for Moralphiloso- 
phie, 1822, 8vo. Mur. [To these works may be added 
the English translation, by Morrison, of Kilter's cele- 
brated Geschichte der philosophic alter Zeit> in four 
volumes. Lond. 18446, 8vo. The student may also 
consult with profit Brouwer, Histoirt de la civilization 
moral* ct rttigieute des Grecs. Gron. 183342, 8 vols. 
8vo ; together with B. Constant, Du polytheisms ro- 
nain. Paris, 1833, 2 vols. 8vo. ft. 



1 . THE state of the Jewish people, among 
whom the Saviour chose to be born, was 
little better than that of other nations. 
Herod, whose crimes procured him tho title 
of the Great, then governed or rather op- j 
pressed the nation, being a tributary king j 
under the Romans. lie drew on himself ! 
universal hatred by his cruelties, jealousies, j 
and wars, and exhausted the wealth of the 
unhappy nation by his mad luxury, his 
excessive magnificence, and his immoderate 
largesses. Under his administration Ro- 
man luxury with great licentiousness spread 
over Palestine. 4 In religion he was pro- 
fessedly a Jew ; but he copied the manners 
of those who despise all religion. 

2. On the death of this tyrant the Ro- 
mans allowed Archelaus, his son, with the 
title of Exarch, to reign over half of Pales- 
tine; viz. Judea, Samaria, and Idumea. 
The other half was divided between two 
other sons of Herod, Antipas and Philip 
Archelaus copied the vices of his father, 
and was therefore, in the tenth year of his 
reign, publicly accused by the Jews before 
Augustus, and deprived of his crown. 5 
The countries he had governed were now 
reduced to the form of a Roman province, 
and annexed to Syria. This change in 
their form of government brought numerous 
troubles and calamities upon the Jews, to 
the ruin and final extinction of the nation. 

3. The Romans did not indeed wholly 
prohibit the Jews from retaining their na- 
tional laws, and the religion established by 
Moses. Their religious affairs were still 
conducted by a high priest, with priests 
and levites under him, and by their national 
senate or sanhedrim. The exterior of their 
worship, with a few exceptions, remained 
unaltered ; but the amount of evil resulting 
to this miserable people, from the presence 
of Romans among them who were in their 
view polluted and detestable, from the 
cruelty and avarice of the governors, and 
from the frauds and rapacity of the publi- 
cans, is almost incalculable. Unquestiona- 
bly those who were subject to the other two 
sons of Herod lived more comfortably. 

4. But the measure of liberty and com- 

4 See Noldius, Historia Idumfpa, in Havero&mp'g 
edit, of Josephus, torn. ii. pag. 338, Ac. Baanage, tiit- 
toire dct Juifx, tome i. part i. p. 27, &c. Moris, Ccroo- 
tuph. Pijtan. ii. 6. Prideaux, Conntxion, &o. part 
ii. book viii. Cellarlus, Hittoria Herodum, in liia Put. 
dead. par. i, p. 207, and especially the Jewish his- 
torian, Josephus, in his Wart ctfthe Jaws. 

s Josephus, Antiq. Jud, lib. xv ii. cap. xiil. anu tU 
Ml. Jud. lib. Ii. cap. vi. Schl. 




fort allowed to the Jews by the Romans, 
was wholly dissipated by the profligacy 
and crimes of those who pretended to be 
the guardians of the nation. Their prin- 
cipal men, their high priests (as we learn 
from Josephus), were most abandoned ; 
they had purchased their places by bribes 
or by deeds of iniquity, and maintained 
their ill-acquired authority by every spe- 
cies of flagitious acts. The other priests, 
and all those who held any considerable 
office, were not much better. The multi- 
tude, excited by such examples, ran head- 
long into every sort of iniquity, and by 
their unceasing robberies and seditions, 
armed against them both the justice of God 
and the vengeance of men. 1 

5. Two religions then flourished in Pa- 
lestine, viz. the Jewish and the Samaritan, 
between the followers of which a deadly 
hatred prevailed. The nature of the for- 
mer is set forth in the Old Testament; but 
in the age of the Saviour it had lost much 
of its primitive form and character. The 
people universally were infected with cer- 
tain prevalent and pernicious errors, and 
the more learned fiercely contended on 
points of the greatest moment. All looked 
for a deliverer; not, however, such a one 
as God had promised, but a powerful war- 
rior and a vindicator of their national 
liberties. 8 All placed the sum of religion 
in an observance of the Mosaic ritual, and 
in certain external duties towards their own 
countrymen. All excluded the rest of 
mankind from the hope of salvation, and, 
of course, whenever they dared, treated 
j them with hatred and inhumanity. 3 To 
these fruitful sources of vice must be add- 
ed various absurd and superstitious opi- 
nions concerning the divine nature, genii, 
magic, &c. partly brought by their an- 
cestors from the Babylonian captivity, 
and partly imbibed from the neighbouring 
Egyptians, Syrians, and Arabians. 4 

i See Josephus, De Hell. Jud. lib. v. cap. xiii. sec. G j 
and Basnnge, Histoire dei Juifs, tomo I. chap. xlv.-Sc/i/. 

8 This is proved by Basriage, Hitt. det Jufa tome 
v. chap. x. That not only Pharisees, but all Jews, of 
whatever sect, both in and out of Palestine, were ex- 
pecting a Messias, is shown by Mosheim, in his 
Comrn. de Reb. Christ. &c. p. 40, from the following 
texts: -John 1.20, 25; x 24, &c ; xli. 34; Matt. ii. 
46 ; xxi. 1> ; xxvi. 63, &c. Si: hi. [See also Bertholdt, 
Christologia Judecorum Jesu apottolorumque estate. 
Erl. 1811, 8vo. This expectation of a deliverer was 
prevalent even among the heathen. See Bp. Blom- 
tield'a Uitsertutiont on the Traditional Knowledge of a 
Promiied Redeemer, &c. Camb. 1819, 8vo, and a 
curious work, by Fred. Nolan, entitled, The Expecta- 
tion* of the Attyriant that a great Deliverer would 
appear, &c. Lond. 1826, 8vo.~- R. 

3 Hence other nations, not without reason, accounted 
the Jews as enemies of mankind. See the examples 
collected by Eisner, Ob^roat. Sacr. in N. T. torn. ii. 
p. 274. ScM. 

4 Ste Gale, Obtero. ad JamMirhum, de Myrter. 

-6. The learned, who pretended to a su- 
perior knowledge of the law and of theo- 
logy, were divided into various sects and 
parties, 6 among which three were most nu- 
merous and influential ; namely, the Pha- 
risees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes. 
The first two are often mentioned in the 
Scriptures: for a knowledge of the Essenes 
we are indebted to Josephus and Philo. 
These principal sects agreed, indeed, re- 
specting the fundamental principles of the 
Jewish religion, but respecting questions 
of the highest importance, and such as re- 
late to the salvation of the soul, they were 
engaged in endless contentions. The per- 
nicious effects on the common people of 
these dissensions of the learned may be 
easily conceived. 

7. They disagreed first respecting the 
law itself, or the rule which God had given 
them. The Pharisees added to the written 
law an oral or unwritten law, handed down 
by tradition, which both the Sadducees and 
the Essenes rejected, adhering only to the 
written law. They differed also respect- 
ing the import of the law. For while tho 
Pharisees sought a double sense in the Scrip- 
tures, one the obvious and literal, the other 
recondite an.l figurative, the SadJucees 
held only to the literal sense of the Bible, 
the greater part of the Essenes dissented 
from them both, maintaining that the words 
of the law were of no authority, but that 
the things expressed by them were repre- 
sentations of sacred and divine things. To 
these contests concerning the law, others 
were added on subjects of the highest mo- 
ment, and particularly respecting the pun- 
ishments and rewards declared in the law. 
These, the Pharisees held, referred to both 
the body and the soul, and extended beyond 
the present life, while the Sadducees believed 
in no future retributions. The Essenes took 
a middle course, admitting future rewards 
and punishments, but confining them to the 
soul, holding that the body consists of a 
malignant substance, and is the temporary 
prison of the soul. 6 

* P- 206; and Sale, Preface to his English 
transl. of the Koran, page 72. Even Josephus, dn- 
tiq. Jud. lib. Hi. cap. vi. sec. 2, admits that the Jewish 
religion was corrupted among the Babylonians. Sehl. 
[See also Milman's Hist, of Christianity, vol. i. page 00, 


a Besides the three moro noted sects, there were 
others unquestionably among the Jews. The //.ro- 
d/an* are mentioned in the sacred volume; the G(tn- 
lonites, by Josephus; and other sects by Epiphanius 
and by Hegesippus, in Eusebius ; all of which cannot 
be supposed to be mere fictions. [For further infor- 
mation on the minor sects among the Jews, particu- 
larly the Hemerobaptists, see Moshelm's Comment, de 
fab. ChriMt. pages 33-$. VidaPs translation, I 779. 

o For an account of the three Jewish sects, see 
Trigland, Syntagma Trium Scriptorwn iUustrium 

CHAP. ii. J 



8. Notwithstanding these sects con tended 
about points of such vast moment, it docs 
not appear that they molested each other 
with ,,any violence on religious grounds. 
But this forbearance and moderation, no 
one acquainted with the history of those 
times, will ascribe to sound and generous 
principles. The Sadducees were supported 
by the leading men of the nation, and the 
Pharisees by the common people. Neither 
sect, therefore, could rise up in hostility 
against the other without the most imminent 
hazard. Besides, the Romans on the least 
appearance of tumult or sedition would 
doubtless have punished the ringleaders 
with severity. We may add, that the Sad- 
ducccs were of accommodating manners, 
and, from the principles of their sect, were 
averse from all broils and altercations. 1 

9 The Essenes could more easily avoid 
contention with the others, because they 
lived for the most part in retired places, 
and remote from intercourse with mankind. 
This sect, which was dispersed over Syria, 
Egypt, and the neighbouring countries, 
held religion to consist- in silence and medi- 
tation ; and they endeavoured, by a strict 
mode of life, and by various pbservances 
borrowed it would seem from the Egyp- 
tians, 2 to raise themselves to higher degrees 
of virtue. Yet they were not all of the 
same sentiments. Some lived in celibacy, 
and made it their care to instruct and edu- 
cate the children of others. Others married 
wives, not to gratify their natural propensi- 
ties, but solely to propagate the human 
race. 8 Those who lived in Syrui held that 
God may be propitiated by sacrifices, yet 
that they must be offered in a very diffe- 
rent manner from what was common among 
the Jews; whence it appears they did not 
reject the literal sense of the Mosaic law. 
But those who inhabited the deserts of 
Egypt maintained that wo sacrifice should 

be presented to God, except that of a com- 
posed mind, absorbed in the contemplation 
of divine things, which shows that they put 
an allegorical sense upon the whole Jewish 
law. 4 

10. The Therapeuta, of whom Philo 
wrote a whole book, 5 are commonly reck- 
oned a branch of the Essene family, whence 
originated the popular distinction of practi- 
cal and theoretical Esscnes. But whether 
this classification is correct may be doubted. 
For nothing is discoverable in the customs 
or institutions of the Therapeutic, which 
evinces absolutely that they were a branch 
of the Essenes, nor has Philo so represented 
them. Who can deny that other fanatical 
Jews besides Essenes, might unite together 
and form a society? But I agree entirely 
with those who regard the Therapeutro as 
being Jews claiming to be true disciples of 
Moses, and as being neither Christians nor 
Egyptians. In reality, they were wild and 
melancholy enthusiasts, who led a life in- 
congruous alike with the law of Moses and 
with sober reason. 6 

(viz. J. Scaligcr, J. Drusius, and N. Serarius), De 
Judcorum Seclis, Delft, 1703, 2 vols. 4to. After these, 
Basnage, Frldoaux (in their Jewish histories), the 
authors of Introductions to the bouks of the Nvw 
Testament, and of works on Jewish Antiquities, and 
many others, have described these sects, some more 
and some less successfully. tiyr. [The various 
Biblical Dictionaries, such as Calmefs, Kitto's,\Vincr's 
Bibl. Rpalwb'rterb, &c. and the larger Church Hidorics, 
especially Ncander's, likewise contain important infor- 
mation respecting them. ft. 

I See Comment, de Reb. Chr. p. 48, where Mosheim 
proves from Josephus ( Antiq. Jud. lib. xviii. cap. i. 
and lib. xiii. cap. x.), that the Sadducees were all men 
of wealth; and (from his Bell. Jud. lib. ii. cap. viii.) 
that they had little sympathy for others. Mosheim thinks 
he finds the picture of a Pharisee in the rich man dc- 
cribed, Luke xvi. 19. SchL 

1 See Holstenlus, Notes on Porphyry, da Vitd Pyth*. 
r<>r<*,p. 11, ed. Kuator. 

3 Seo Josephus, De Bell. Jud. lib. U. cap. viS. sec. 
\3 Schl 

4 See Mosheim's note on Cudworth's Essay, De vcra 
Notionc c(en<e Domini, p. 4, subjoined to his Intellect, 
tual System. [ Respecting the Essenes and the reasons 
why they are not mentioned by the Evangelists, see 
Burton's Lectures on the Kcdesiaiticttl lit lory qf the 
first three Centuries, vol. i. 21 J f>. See also an tissay on 
the Essenes in Bltickwood't Magazine, vol. xlvii. the ob- 
ject of which is to show chat the Essenes of Josephus 
were the primitive Christians. It. 

6 Philo, De Vila contcm/ilatina, in his Works, p, 

C The principal v riters concerning the Theraneufa, 
are mentioned by Fabricius, Lux Silutaris Evang. 
toti orbicxor, cap. iv. p. 55. [A more ample account 
of the Therapeutic is given by Mosheim, iu his 
Com. de, lieb. Chr. #o. p, 55, &c, from which the fol- 
lowing abstract of writers on the subject has been com- 
piled by Schiegel : " It is still debated whether these 
Therapeu*H5 were Christians, Jews, or heathen phil- 
osophers. Euseb'ms ( Hit. EccUu. lib, ii. cap. xvii.) 
regarded them as Christian monAr,*, established in Egypt 
by St. Mask ; and many Romish writers, to support 
the high antiquity of monkery, defend this opinion, 
The whole of this controversy may be seen in the 
Lettrcs pour ct c&ntre la fameusc question, si let soli- 
tairet appelles Therapeutes, dontppai'le Phllon te Jwf, 
Hnient Chretiens. Paris, 1712, 12mo. The chief 
advocates of this opinion are Montfaucon, in the 
Notes to his French translation of Philo, and M. le 
Quien, Chrittianut Orient, torn. ii. p. 332. On the 
other ha,nd, Scaliger, Chamier, Lightfoot, Daille, thb 
two Basnagcs, Prideaux, Ittig, Burtdeus, Moshcim, 
Baumgarten, and recently Oral ( Hist. Eecles.-\o\. \. 
p. 77) and Mangey (Preface to Philo's Works), have 
maintained that they were Jew*, and of the sect 
of Estenet. Lange, In a Dissertation published in 
1721, maintained upon very slender grounds, that they 
were oriental p/itlotop/tert, of melancholy tempera- 
ment, who had imbibed some Jewish notions. And 
Jablonski, in an Essay on the subject, accounts these 
solitaries Egyptian priests, addicted to astrology and 
other sacred sciences of the Egytians." Mosheim 
pertinently observes ( Com. de Reb. &c. p. 60), * The 
Christian monks, who evidently originated in Egypt, 
borrowed their peculiarities from the practical E*tenet> 
for nothing can be more similar than the rules and re- 
gulations of the ancient monks and those of the EB- 
8ne8,s described by Josephus. On the other hand, 
the Christian tolitaric* called Eremite* copied after 
the theoretical Essencs, or TherapeHtaS'Mur, 


11. It was impossible that any of these ' 
sects should inculcate and promote true 
piety and virtue. The Pharisees, as our 
Saviour often laid to their charge, disre- 
garded internal purity, and, by a vain os- 
tentation and an austere life, sought for 
popular applause, and also ascribed more 
authority to ancient traditions and institu- 
tions than to the holy commandments of 
God. Matt, xxiii. 13, &c. The Sadducees 
gave a stimulus to iniquity and every lust, 
by discarding all future rewards and pun- 
ishments. The Essenes, a fanatic and su- 
perstitious tribe, made piety to consist in 
holy indolence and a dislike of mankind, 
and thus they severed the ties of society. 

12. When those who assumed the name 
and the prerogatives of the wise were in- 
volved in such darkness and such alterca- 
tions, who can doubt that the religion and 
piety of the common people were in a low 
and debased state? They were sunk in 
deplorable ignorance of divine things ; and 
they supposed that they rendered themselves 
acceptable to God, by their attention to 
sacrifices, ablutions, and the other cere- 
monies prescribed by Moses. From this 
two-fold source flowed those polluted morals 
and that protligate life which characterized 
the greater part of the Jews while Christ 
lived among them. 1 Hence our Saviour 
compared the people to wandering sheep 
who had no shepherd, Matt. x. 6, xv. 24, 
and their teachers to blind men who attempt 
to guide others in a way of which they are 
themselves ignorant. Matt. xv. 14, John 
ix. 39. 

13. To all these stains on the character 
of the Jews when Christ came among them, 
must be added the attachment of many of 
them to the oriental philosophy in regard 
to the origin of the world, and to the in- 
dubitable offspring of that philosophy, the 
Cabbala.* Tnat many Jews were infected 
with this system, both the sacred books of the 
New Testament and the early history of 
the Christian Church prove undeniably. 3 
It is certain that the founders of several 
Gnostic sects were Jews. The followers 
of this philosophy must necessarily have 
differed from the other Jews in their views 
of the God of the Old Testament, and in 
their views of Moses, of the creation, and 
of the Messiah ; for they held the creator 
of the world to be a different being from 
the supreme God, and believed that the 

1 A striking passage, relative to the vicious lives of 
the Jews in our Saviour's time, occurs in Josephus, 
Bell. Jud. lib. x. cap. xiii. sec. 6 Schl. 

9 See Milraan's Hist, tf Chrutianity, i. 645. 

3 See J. C. Wolf, BibUoth. Ebraica, torn. il. lib. vit. 
cap* i. ec. 9, p. 206. 

Messiah was to destroy the domination of 
the former over the human race. From 
such opinions a monstrous system was 
formed, widely different from the genuine 
religion of the Jews. 

14. The outward forms of worship es- 
tablished by Moses were less corrupted than 
the other parts of religion. Yet very 
learned men have observed, that various 
rites were introduced into the tempkitself, 
which we may in vain search for in the 
divine ritual. It appears that the Jews, 
on becoming acquainted with the sacred 
rites of the neighbouring nations and of the 
Greeks and Romans, were so captivated 
with a number of the ceremonies practised 
in idol worship, that they did not hesitate 
to* adopt them, and to add them as an orna- 
ment to the rites of God's appointment. 4 

15. Various causes may be assigned for 
this great corruption of a nation which God 
had selected for his peculiar people. In 
the first place, their fathers had brought 
back with them from Chaldea and the^ ad- 
jacent countries, and had introduced into 
Palestine, many foolish and vain opinions, 
wholly unknown to the founders of the 
nation. 5 And from the time of the con- 
quest of Asia by Alexander the Great, the 
customs and dogmas of the Greeks were 
disseminated among the Persians, the Syri- 
ans, the Arabians, and likewise the Jews, 
among whom literature and philosophy had 
not before flourished. 6 The excursions, 
also, which many Jews were accustomed to 
make into the neighbouring countries, es- 
pecially into Egypt and Phoenicia, in pur- 
suit of wealth, caused various errors and 
fancies of the pagan nations to spread 
among the Hebrews. And lastly, Herod 
the Great and his sons, and likewise the 
Roman procurators and soldiers, had un- 
doubtedly introduced into the country 
many foreign institutions and pollutions. 
Other causes will readily occur to those 
acquainted with the Jewish history from 
the time of the Maccabees. 

16. But notwithstanding their numerous 
faults, the people generally manifested the 
strongest attachment to the law of Moses, 
and were very careful that it should not be 
disparaged. Hence they erected through- 
out the country houses of worship,- called 
in Greek, Synagogues, where the people 
assembled for prayer and to listen to the 

4 See Spencer, De Leg. ritual, wter. Ebraorum, torn, 
ii. lib. iv. p. 1089, ed. Cantab, where ho treats par, 
ticularly of Jewish rites borrowed from the Gentiles, 
and not to be found in the Law of God. 

6 See Gale, on Jamblicbu* De mytterw Mgyptiomm, 
p. 206. Nor does Josephus conceal this fact, 
Jud. lib. Hi. cap. vii. sec. 3. 

6 Le Olerc, Epiit. crit. ix. p. 250. Schl. 

CHA*. m.j 


. 17 

customs. The special providence of the 
Most High is undoubtedly to be recognised 
in the dispersion of this people (who were 
the depositaries of the true religion or that 
which inculcates the worship of the one 
God) over nearly the whole world, that 
they might by their example, put supersti- 
tion to shame, and might in a manner 
prepare the way for the Christian religion. 



1 . So many and so virulent diseases of 
the human race demanded the aid of a Di- 
vine physician. Therefore the Son of God 
himself descended from heaven, upon Pa- 
lestine, in the closo of the reign of Herod 
the Great ; and joining himself to human 
nature, he appeared to mortals a teacher 
that could not err, and a sponsor at the 
court of heaven, as well as a king there. 
In what year this salutary light rose upon 
the world, the most persevering eiTorts of 
the learned have not been able fully to as- 
certain. Nor will this surprise us, if we 
consider that the earliest Christians knew 
not the day of their Saviour's birth, and 
judged differently on the subject. 4 But of 
what consequence is it that we know not 
the year or day when this light first shone, 
since we fully know that it has appeared, 
and that there is no obstacle to our enjoy- 
ing its splendour and its warmth ? 

2. An account of the birth, lineage, fa- 
mily, and parents of Christ is left us by the 
four inspired writers who give the history 
of his lite. But they say very little respect- 
ing his childhood and youth. When a 
young child he was rescued from the cruelty 
of Herod, by the flight into Egypt. Matt, 
ii. 13. When twelve years of age, he dis- 
puted publicly in the temple, with the most 
learned Jewish doctors, upon religious sub- 
jects. Afterwards, till he was thirty years 
of age, he lived with his parents, as a duti- 
ful and affectionate son. Luke ii. 51, 52. 
Divine wisdom has not seen fit to give us 
more particulars ; nor is it certain, though 
many think it so, that Christ worked at the 
trade of his foster-father Joseph, who was 
a carpenter. Yet there were anciently 

public expounders of the law. Schools also 
I were established in the principal towns, 
where literary men instructed the youth in 
both divine and human knowledge. 1 No 
one can doubt that these institutions had 
considerable influence to preserve the law 
inviolate, and to check in some degree the 
progress of wickedness. 

17. The Samaritans, who worshipped on 
Mount Gerizim and lived in virulent hos- 
tility with their neighbours, the Jews, were 
equally oppressed and were in an equal 
degree the authors of their own calamities. 
It appears from the history of those times, 
that the Samaritans suffered as much as the 
Jews did from the machinations of factious 
men, though perhaps they had fewer reli- 
gious sects. That their religion was less 
pure than the Jewish, Christ himself testi- 
fies. John iv. 22. Yet they seem to have 
had more correct views of the offices of the 
Messiah than the greater part of the Jews. 
John iv. 25. Though we are not to believe 
all that the Jews have said respecting their 
opinions, yet it is undeniable that the Sa- 
maritans adulterated the pure doctrines of 
the Old Testament with the profane errors 
of the pagans. 8 

18. The narrow limits of Palestine could 
not contain the very numerous nation of 
the Jews. Hence, when our Saviour was 
born, there was almost no considerable 
province which did not contain a large 
number of Jews, who lived by commerce 
and other employments. These Jews, in 
the countries out of Palestine, wore pro- 
tected against the violence and abuse of the 
inhabitants, by public laws and by the in- 
junctions of the magistrates.* Yet they 
were in most places exceedingly odious to 
the mass of people, on account of the re- 
markable singularity of their religion and 

1 See Vitringa, De Synagoga Vetcre, lib. Hi. cap. v. 
and lib. i. cap. v. vii. [Prideaux, Connection, &c. 
part. i. book vi. anno. 445. Mur. 

2 The principal writers concerning the Samaritans 
are enumerated by Carpzovius, Critica Sacra yet. 

Test. par. ii. cap. vi. p. 593. [The most valuable are 
Cellarius, Hist. Gentis Samarit. in his Diu. Acad. 
p. 109, Ac.; Morin. Antiq. Ecclet. Orient. ; Basnage, 
Histoire del Jutft, tome ii. liv. ii. chaps, i. xiii. ; Re- 
land, de Samaritanis* in his Diss. Miscett- par. ii. ; and 
Baumgarten, Getchichte tier Iteligionspard p. 274, &c. 
Scht. [See the entire section (sec. IS) on the 8a- 
raarltans, in G leader's Lehrbuch der Kirchflng. with 
its important quotations and references. The best trans- 
lation of this valuable compendium is that by Dr. 
Davidson in Clarke's Foreign Theological Library- & 

3 See Gronoviua, Decreta Romano, et Arititica 
pro Judait. Leyden, 1712, Svo. [For a candid and 
faithful account of the state of the Jews, both in 
Palestine and out of it, the English reader is referred 
to Lardner'B Credibility of the Gospel History* Prt i. 

vol. i.ohap.ii vi. Mar, [Much additional and more 

correct information is to be found in Gleseler,u6tro/>. 
Davids. Trans. voL I pages 423. Besides Gronovius, 
the student ought also to consult Krcbsius, 
Romanorun pro Jwfait* Lips. 1768, Svo IL 

4 Most of the opinions of the learned concerning the 
year of Christ's birth are collected by Fabricius, 
Bibliographia Antvfuar. cap. vii sec. 9, p. 187. [Am- 
ple dissertations on both the year and the day of our 
Lord's nativity may be found In most of the Commen- 
taries and Harmoniet of the Gospels, both British and 
foreign. Perhaps the most satisfactory are the recent 
disquisitions in GresswelTs Dittertat-, onion a Harmony 
of the Gotpelt. Oxford, 18304, 4 vols. Svo; and in 
Browne's Ordo Smclorum. Lond. 1844, Svo. In con- 
nexjon with this point see also two Dissertations De 
Origins Fetti Xativit. Christi. in Jablonski, Opmcula 
ed. Te Water. Lyden, 1809, vol. Ui. p. 817, fcc /?. 



[PART i. 

some vain and deceitful persons, who ven- 
tured to fill up this obscure part of our Sa- 

i viour's life with extravagant and ridiculous 
fables. 1 

j 3. In the thirtieth year of his age, he 
entered on the offices for which he came 
into the world. To render his ministry 
more useful to the Jews, John, the son of 

j a Jewish priest, a man grave and venera- 
Ble in his whole manner of life, was com- 
missioned of God to proclaim the advent of 
the Messiah promised to the fathers, lie 
called himself the precursor of the Messiah, 
and, being full of holy zeal, exhorted the 
Jews to amend their lives and purify their 
hearts, and so prepare for the coming, or 
rather for the actual presence, of the Son of 
God; and those who professed repentance 
and reformation he initiated into the ap- 
proaching kingdom of the Saviour, by im- 
mersion in the Jordan. Matt. iii. 2, &c.; 
John i. 22, &c. Jesus himself, before com- 
mencing his public ministry, chose to receive 
a solemn lustration in the waters of Jordan 
at the hands of John, that he might not 
appear to neglect any part of the Jewish 
law and religion. 8 

4. It is not necessary to enter here into 
a particular detail of the life and actions of 

! Jesus Christ. All Christians know, that, 
for more than three years, amidst great 
, trials and afflictions, and surrounded by 
! snares and perils, he instructed the Jewish 
' people in the counsels and purposes of the 
Most High; that he omitted nothing which 
could allure either the ignorant multitude 
or the well-informed ; that he led a life so 
spotless and holy that no suspicion what- 
ever could attach to him ; and finally, that, 
by stupendous miracles, of a salutary and 
beneficial character, and such as accorded 
with the nature of his mission, he placed 
the truth of the religion he taught beyond 
all controversy. 

5. As this religion was to be propagated 
throughout the world, it was necessary for 
him to select some persons to be his con- 
stant and confidential companions, who 
should be able to state and testify to pos- 
terity and to the remotest nations, with the 
greatest confidence and authority, the events 
of his life, his miracles, and his whole sys- 
tem of doctrine. Therefore, from the Jews 
about him he chose twelve messengers, 

i Sco a collection of these fables by Fabricius, 
Codex Apocryphw N. Test. torn. i. 

See, concerning John the Baptist, Cellarius, 
two Din. de vita, careers et tupplicio Jo. Bapt. in his 
Din. AcaA par, i. p. 169, and par. ii. p. 373. Ittig, 
Historic ecclei. primi t&cutt telecta capita, cap. vlii. 
Bee. 4; Witsius, MitceU. Sacra, torn. ii. p. 464, &C- 
ScU. [and Winer, Biblitchct /taiMrferlucA, article 
Johannes. Mur. 

whom he distinguished from the rest by the 
title of ApostSts. They were plebeians, 
poor, and illiterate ; for he would not em- 
ploy the rich, the eloquent, and the learned, 
lest the success of their mission should be 
ascribed to natural causes and to human 
means. I Cor. i. 21. These he once sent 
forth among the Jews, during his lifetime 
Matt. x. 7; but afterwards he retained 
them constantly near him, that they might 
witness all that he said or did. 8 But, that 
the people might not lack religious instruc- 
tion, he commissioned seventy other dis- 
ciples to travel at large through Judea. 
Luke x. i. 

6. The learned have inquired why the 
Saviour appointed just twelve, neither more 
nor loss, to be apostles, and seventy to be 
his disciples; and various conjectures are 
offered on the subject. But as it is mani- 
fest from the words of Christ himself (Matt. 
xix. 28; Luke xxii. 30), that the number 
of the apostles had reference to the number 
of the tribes of Israel, there can scarcely be 
a doubt that he wished to indicate to the 
Jews that he was the supreme Lord and 
Pontiff over the whole Hebrew race, which 
was divided into twelve tribes. The se- 
venty disciples were just equal in number 
to the senators composing the Sanhedrim 
or grand council of the nation ; and this 
justifies the conjecture that Christ inten- 
ded, by the choice of the seventy, to admo- 
nish the Jews that the authority of their 
Sanhedrim was now at an end, and that all 
power in relation to religious matters was 
vested in him alone. 4 

3 Mosheim has a long note in the parallel pas- ! 
sage of his Cow. do Rebus Cfir. p. 49, the substance of 
which is this : The title Apostles was given to those i 
principal men whom the high priests retained as their 
private counsellors, and whom they occasionally sent 
as their legates to the foreign Jews, either to collect the 
yearly tax for the temple or to execute other commis- 
sions. We have not, indeed, a direct testimony at hand, ! 
proving that the title of Apostles was given to such le- ' 
gates of the high priests in the days of Christ Yet 
there is intimation of this in Gal. 1. i.;and Jerome so 
understood the passtige. Sec his Comment. &c. Opp. 
torn. ix. p. 124. And that after the destruction of 
Jerusalem, the legates of the Jewish Patriarchs (who 
stood in the place of high priests) were called apostles, 
is fully proved. See Jerome, ubi supra, and Eusobius 
on Isa. cap. xviii. 2- 800 aLso Gothoiredus, on Cod. 
Tlwodos. torn. vi. p. 251, ed. Ritter; Pctavius, on 
Epiphan ad //d?r?%xxx. ; "Wesseling, De JfrctoiUi- 
bu* Jud. p. 91; Walch (of Ootting.) Hist. Patriarch. 
Jud.\ and Suicer, Thetaur. Eccles. torn. i. p. 477. Mur. 

4 There are two fictitious lists of the seventy disci- 
ples now extant, which are falsely ascribed to Hippoly- 
tus and to Dosithous. They may be seen in various 
works ; e. g. Fabricius, Lwe EvangeUi, Ac. pag. 
115118; and annexed to the books De Vita et Morte 
Mos>s, ed. Fabricius; and in Ittig, Hitt. Eccles. pru 
mi sfscul. p. 472. That no sort of credit is due to them, 
is shown by Ittig, ubi tuprat by Blondell, De Epis- 
copis et Pretbyt. p. 93, and by others. Eusebiua, Hitt. 
Eccles. 1. 12, expressly declares that no catalogue of 
the seventy disciples was to be found anywhere in his 
day. The two lists nearly agree, and are evidently 

CHAP, ni.] 



7. Jesus himself gave instruction to none 
but Jews ; nor did he allow his disciples to 
travel among 1 other nations, as teachers, 
while be continued on earth. Matt. x. 5> 6; 
xv. 24, Yet the extraordinary deeds per- 
formed by him leave no room to doubt that 
his fame very early extended to other na- 
tions. There are respectable writers who 
state, that Abgarus, King of Edessa, being 
dangerously sick, sent a letter to Christ, 
imploring his assistance ; and that he not 
only wrote an answer to the king, but also, 
sent him his picture. l It is the prevailing 
opinion, that not only the letters of Christ 
and Algarus, but likewise the whole story 
were f abricated." I would by no means 
venture to defend the credit of the letters; 
but I see no very weighty reasons for re- 
jecting altogether the whole story. 

8. No small part of the Jewish people 
were excited by the demonstrations of 
divine authority in Christ, to revere him 
as the Son of God; but the leading men, 
especially the Pharisees and the chief priests, 
whose vices and crimes he freely reproved, 
plotted against his life, being fearful of 
losing their honours and privileges if Christ 
should continue publicly to preach. For a 
long time the machinations of these ungodly 
men were ineffectual. But at last, his un- 
grateful disciple, Judas, disclosing the place 
of his master's nocturnal retirement, he 
was seized by soldiers at the command of 
the Sanhedrim, and ordered to bo tried for 
his life. 

9. He was first charged before the Jew- 
ish high priest and senate, with having 
violated tno law, and blasphemed the ma- 
jesty of God. Thence he was dragged to 
the tribunal of Pilate, the Roman procura- 
tor, and there accused of sedition and of 
treason against Cresar. Neither of these 
accusations could have satisfied fair and 
upright judges. But the clamours of tjie 
people, which were instigated by the ir- 
religious priests, compelled Pilate, though 
reluctantly, to pass sentence of death upon 
him. lie, as he had come into our world 
to make expiation for the sins of men, and 

made up by collecting together, without the least judg- 
ment, nearly all the names of Christians mentioned in 
the New Testament, and particularly in the salutations 

Of Paul. -J/M7. 

1 Eusebius, Hht. Eerie*, lib. i. cap. xviii. [Hero is 
the earliest notice of these Letters. For the earliest 
history of the picture sco Kvngrius, Hist. Ecctes. lib. 
iv. cap. xxvii. See the Letters themselves, with notes 
In] Pabriclus, Coifor stpotryphus t torn. i. p. 317. . 

* See Hasnago, Hixtoirn dcs ./uj/i, torn. i. chap. xvii. 
p. 500 ; Bayer, Historic Edesxena et Osro&nu, lib. Hi. 
p. 104; Aaaeman, Bibliotli. Qrient. Clem. Vat. torn. i. 
|v 554. [As to the pfrture, which is still preserved, 
ind shown at Rome, Heauaobro has fully exposed 
Ihe fable in his Diti. ds Images de mine divine, in 
the ItiMhth, Germanique, twn. xviii. p. 10,&c. Mo- 
sheim, 1)e Rebut Christ. Ac. p. 73. Mur. 

knew that all the objects of 'his abode 
among them were accomplished, voluntarily 
submitted to be nailed to a cross, on which 
he yielded up his spotless soul to God. 

10. On the third day after his burial, he 
re-assumed the life which he had volun- 
tarily laid down ; and showing himself alive, 
he made it manifest that men no longer 
owed anything to divine justice. He now 
continued forty days with his disciples, 
employing the time very much in giving 
them instruction. To his enemies he would 
not appear visibly: among other reasons, 
one was, tliat he knew those unprincipled 
men who had before accused him of sorcery, 
would impudently affirm that it was merely 
a spectre, bearing his likeness and produced 
by the power of the devil, which had an- 
peared. At length, in the presence of his 
disciples, he ascended up to heaven, after 
commissioning them to preach the Gospel 
to all nations. 



1. WHEN Jesus was seated at the right 
hand of the eternal Father, the first proof 
ho gave of his majesty and power was by 
the effusion of the Holy Spirit upon his 
disciples and friends on earth, on the fiftieth 
day after his death. Acts ii. 1, &c. On 
receiving this celestial gift and teacher, they 
were freed from all their former ignorance 
and blindness of mind, and endued with 
astonishing alacrity and power to fulfil the 
duties of their office. With these mental 
endowments, was joined the knowledge of 
various foreign languages, which was indis- 
pensable to them in giving instruction to 
different nations, 3 and also a firm reliance 

8 The nature of this " gift of tongues " has been very 
variously interpreted by divines and historians. A 
summary of these views may be seen m Townsend'a 
New Test. chronologically en-ranged* inloc. taken chiefly 
from Kuinoel, Comment : in lib. N. Test, iv. 43, &c.; 
but a fuller list is given in Harles's edition of Fabricius, 
Riblio. Gnrca, iv. 760, &c. See also Neander, Gexch. 
d. Pftanxunsr, u. Isitung, &c. i. 10; translated in 
Clarke's Biblical Cabinet, No.45 and 46. The English 
reader may also consult Middlcton's Essay on the Gift 
qf Tongues, Misc. Works, 4to, vol. ii. p. 81, but especially 
Milman's Bampton Lectures. Oxford, 1827 lecture V. 
which presents an excellent survey of this subject 
On the collateral topic of the prevalence of the Greek 
language in Palestine and the East, see Milman, nbi 
supra; Gresswell's Dissertations on a Harmony qf the 
Gotpds, i 109114, and the Supplementary not. pages 
113; also, the celebrated work of Diodati, entitled Da 
Christo trrotce loquente excrdtatio. Nap. 1 767; a trans- 
lation of which is given in the American Biblical Repo- 
sitory for 1844-45. In opposition to the extreme views 
of Diodati, seo Hug, Einleitung m die Schriften ties 
N. T. vol. ii. sec. 10, translated hy Wait, hut more 
correctly in the AIMT, Bib. Jtup. for 1831, p. 350, &c.; 
and Pfaimkuche'a Estau on the Prevalence of the AT*- 
mean Language in Pttwstine, fee. also translated from 
the German, in the same excellent periodical for 1831, 
p. 317, Sic. and repuhlished by Clark in his Philotogicut 
Tracts, vol. i. Edin. \gl3. Jt. 




on the promise of Christ* that God would 
aid them, as often as should be necessary, 
by miracles. 1 

2. Relying on this divine assistance, the 
disciples, in accordance with the Saviour's 
injunctions, Luke xxiv. 47; Acts i. 8; 
xiii. 46, first laboured to convert the Jews 
to Christ. Nor was this labour without 
effect, for many thousands of them soon 
became Christians. Acts ii. 41; iy. 4. 
Next they proceeded to the Samaritans, 
which also their commission required. 
Acts i. &, And here, too, they gathered a 
Christian church. Acts viii. 14. Lastly, 
after spending many years at Jerusalem, 
and regulating and confirming the churches 
of Christ in Palestine and the neighbouring 
regions, they travelled abroad among 
various nations, their labours being every- 
where attended with the greatest success. 2 

3. The first care of the apostles after the 
Saviour's ascension was, to complete the 
number of twelve apostles established by 
Christy by electing a more worthy person 
to the place of Judas, who had laid violent 
hands on himself. Therefore, the -little 
company of Christ's servants at Jerusalem 
being assembled, two men, the most noted 
for their piety and faith in Christ, Barnabas 
and Matthias, were proposed as the most 
worthy of that office. One of these, 
Matthias, being designated by lot, as it is 
commonly supposed, or elected by the 
majority of the votes of the persons present, 
was constituted the twelfth apostle. Acts 
ii. 15, c. 8 

4. As these twelve ambassadors of Christ 
were all of them plain, illiterate men, and 
as the Christian community, now in its 
infancy, needed a man who could attack 
and vanquish the Jewish doctors and the 

1 In his Comment, de Rebus Christ, ante C. M. p. 76, 
Mosheim states, that ho does not account tho //o*?r 
qf working miracles among tho supernatural gifts; 
because such power neither was nor could bo conferred 
on men, omnipotence alone being able to work mira- 
cles: so that /art A to pray for them, and to expect 
them' at the hands of God, was all that the Holy Ghost 
actually Imparted to the apostles. Mur. 

* It appears from the book of Acts, that the apostles, 
or at least most of them, remained in and near Jeru- 
salem, for several years after the ascension ; but how 
long they continued together is uncertain. There was 
anciently a tradition which Eusobius states (Hist. 
Eccle*. v. 18) on the authority of Apoilonius, a writer 
of the second century, as does Clemens Alex. ( Strom. 
vi. cap. v.) from a spurious work, Pradicatio Petri, 
that the Saviour enjoined upon his apostles not to leave 
Jerusalem till t twine years after his ascension. About 
so long they probably continued there; and their being 
divinely guided m most of their movements might give 
rise to the tradition. Mur. ' 

3 Mosheim has a long noto in the parallel place 
in his Comment, do Rebut Christ. &c. pag. 7880, in 
which he aims to prove, that *&KO.V icAijpov* avr&v, in 
Acts i. 26, signifies they gave their voles; and not, as it 
is commonly understood, they cast their tots. But his 
interpretation is very generally rejected Mur. 

pagan philosophers, with their own weapons, 
Jesus Christ himself, a little after the ap- 
pointment of Matthias, by a voice from 
heaven, created a thirteenth apostle, namely, 
Saul, who afterwards assumed the name of 
Paul; a man who had been a most virulent 
enemy of the Christians, but who was well 
skilled in the Jewish learning and not 
ignorant of the Grecian. Acts ix. 1, &c. 
To this truly admirable man, whether we 
consider his courage, his force of mind, or 
his fortitude and patient perseverance in 
labours, how much the Christian world is 
indebted, is manifest from the Acts of the 
Apostles and his own Epistles. 

5. The first of all the Christian churches 
founded by the apostles, was that of Jeru- 
salem; and after the form and model of 
this, all the others of that age were constitu- 
ted. That church, however, was governed 
immediately by the apostles, to whom the 
presbyters, and the overseers of the poor, | 
or the deacons, were subject. Though the 
people had not withdrawn themselves from ! 
the Jewish worship, yet they held their 
own separate meetings, in which they re- 
ceived instruction from the apostles and 
presbyters, offered up united prayers, cele- 
brated, in the sacred supper, the memorial 
'of Jesus Christ, of his death, and tho sal- 
vation ho procured; and then manifested 
their mutual love, partly by their liberality 
to the poor, and partly by those temperate 
repasts winch from their design were called 
love-feasts. Acts ii. 42. 4 Among the vir- 
tues for which this primitive church of 
Christ was distinguished, their care of the 
poor and needy is most conspicuous. For 
the rich liberally supplied the wants of all 
the brotherhood, and with such prompti- 
tude and tenderness that Luke says, they 
had all things common. Acts ii. 44 ; iv, 32. 
But it is clear from the expressions used 
by Peter, in Acts v. 4, as well as from 
other considerations, that the declaration of 
Luke should not be understood, as it gene- 
rally has been, of their possessing in com- 
mon, but only of their using in common. 6 

* Mosheim understood Acts ii. 42, as descriptive 
of the several parts of the ofdfnary public worship of 
these primitive Christians, rather than of their Chrit- \ 
tian character and conduct in general. See his Com- ' 
ment. de litbus Christ, pag. 113 11 G. If Mosheim's I 
interpretation of that text is erroneous, as most inter- 
preters think it is, this account of the mode of worship 
in the apostolic church, rests on a slender basis. Mur. . 

*> " It is an ancient opinion, though not older than 
the fourth century, that in the church of Jerusalem i 
there was such a community qf gottds, as existed among j 
the ancient Essenes and now among monks; but > 
this opinion is destitute of any solid foundation, rest- I 
ing solely on the declaration of Luke, that they had i 
all things common. See my Dis*. de vera natura com- I 
muniontt bonorum in eccl. Hierot. which is the first j 
in the second volume of my Dissert, ad hitt. ecd. per- 
tinentc*" Mosheim, de Hit. Chrit t. &c. p. 118. 

GUAP. iv.] 



6. The ambassadors of Christ, leaving 
Jerusalem, travelled over a great part of 
the world, and in a short time collected 
numerous religious societies in various 
countries. Of churches founded by them, 
not a small number is mentioned in the 
sacred books, especially in the Acts of the 
Apostles. 1 Besides these, there can be no 
doubt they collected many others, botli by 
their own efforts and by the efforts of 
their followers. But how far they travelled, 
what nations they visited, or when and 
where they died, is exceedingly dubious 
and uncertain. 2 The stories often told 
respecting their travels among the Gauls, 
the Britons, the Spaniards, the Ger- 
mans, the Americans, the Chinese, the 
Indians, and the Russians, are too recent 
and fantastic to be received by an inquisi- 
tive lover of the truth. 3 A great part of 

l Tho names of these churches are collected by 
llartmann, Da Rebus gestis Christianor. sub Aposto- 
lis, cap. vii p. 107; and by Fabricius, Lux Eoangelii, 
cap. v. p 83, &c. 

'i It is a vc?ry ancient and current report, confirmed 
by many witnesses, that all the apostles suffered public 
martyrdom with the exception of John, who died a 
natural death at Ephesus. That Peter, Paul, and 
James died violent deaths, I believe on tho testimony of 
tho numerous ancient authors ; but that the other apos- 
tlos diil so, I cannot fjcl so certain. As my first ground 
of doubt, a very ancient writer of the second century, 
lloraeloon, a Valentinian indeed, but no contemptible 
man, cited by Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. iv. cap. ix. denies 
that Matthew, Philip, Thomas, Levi, and others, con- 
fessed Christ before magistrates, and were put to death 
for HO doing. He is urging that tho public confession 
of himself required by the Saviour, Matt. x. 32, may bo 
made by a holy and Christian ftfe, as well as by a public 
avowal before a persecuting magistrate j and he states 
as proof, Ou yap rrat/res 6t <rio^o/aei/ot cojotoAoy^aai/ TY\V 
5ta TTJ5 f/Moi/Jjs tujuoAoytai/, leal er)\0ov. 'E Stv MaT0atO9, 
^(AtTTTros, (oua.9, Aeul?, KCU aAAot no\Xol,.for not all that 
wrc stined rn'iAo that confession in words (before ma- 
gistrates), and so died. Oftkis number were Matthew, 
Philip, Thomas, Lem, and mmy others. Clement, 
though he disapproves several things in the passage ho 
quotes, leaves this statement to stand as it is; which is 
proof that he had nothing to allege against it. Philip 
is expressly declared not to have suffered martyrdom, 
! but to have died and boon buried at Hierapolis, so says 
I Poly crates, in his Epistle to Victor, In Eusebius, I fist. 
Red. v. 24. Baronius, indeed ( Annales, A. D. 35, sec. 
I 141), and after him many others maintain, that this 
was not Philip the tipostlr, but Philip, one of the seven 
j deacons of Jerusalem. But Polycrates says expressly, 
i that he was ona of the twelve apostles. A still stronger 
argument is, that all the writers of the first three cen- 
turies, and among them such as contended for tho 
high dignity of the martyrs, in opposition to the Valen- 
tinians, viz. Tortullian, Clomens Alex, and Origcn, 
n;iver mention but three of the apostles as being mar- 
tyrs ; namely, Peter, Paul, and Ja/nes the elder. See 
Tertullian, Scnrpiace, cap xv. I am therefore led to 
believe that tho common reports respecting the suffer- 
ings of Christ's ambassadors wore fabricated, after tho 
days of Constantino. And two causes might lead to 
such reports ( 1 ) The extravagant estimation in which 
martyrdom was held, made it scorn necessary to rank 
the apostlos among the martyrs (2) The ambiguity of 
the word /uuxprup martyr, which properly signifies a 
witness, in which sense Christ himself called his apostles 
fidprvpes (Acts i 8 ; see al*o Acts ii. 32), might lead 
the more Ignorant to believe, and to amplify these 
fables. Mosheirn, De Re.b. Christ, ante C. M. pag. 81 
84, abridged considerably. Mur. 

a MoBheirn, in his Comment, de Reb. Christ. 
pag. 80, 81, says : "As to what we are told respecting 

these fabulous stories sprang up after the 
days of Charlemagne, when most Chris- 
tian churches contended as vehemently 
about the antiquity of their origin as ever 
did the Arcadians, Egyptians, Greeks, and 
other people. 

7. Many who were unwilling to adopt 
entirely the religion of Christ, were in- 
duced, nevertheless, by the fame of his 
deeds and tho sublime purity of his doc- 
trines, to rank him among men of the 
highest excellence, and even among the 
gods, as numerous documents evince. With 
great veneration, many preserved pictures 
of Christ and of his apostles in their houses.* 
It is said that a Roman emperor, Tiberius, 
proposed to have Christ enrolled among 
the gods of the empire, but that the senate 
rejected the proposal. Though many at 

the transactions of tho apostlos, their travels, miracles, 
and deaths, if wo except what was gathered from tho 
New Test, and a few other ancient monuments, a large 
part Is dubious and uncertain. Some things, however, 
have more credibility and verisimilitude than others. I 
would not reject orWthat is clearly attested by Origen, Eu- 
scbius, Gregory Nazianzen, Paulinus, Jerouio, Socrates, 
and some more ancient writers quoted by Rusebius ; but 
what is attested only by authors subsequent to these, or 
unknown, I would not readily believe, unless facts offer 
themselves to corroborate the testimony." Following 
theso judicious rules of Mosheim, we may believe that 
Peter, after preaching long in Judea, and other parts 
of Syria, probably visited Babylon, Asia Minor, and 
finally Home, where he was crucified. Paul's history 
is given in the Acts to about A.D. 64. He was proba- 
bly released from captivity, visited Judea, Asia Minor, 
and Greece, and returning to Rome, was there beheaded 
about A. D. 67 or G8. John remained many years in 
Judea, and afterwards removed to Ephesus, where ho 
lived to a very advanced age, dying about A.D. 100 
Ho was banished to Patmos about A D. 95, and was 
greatly revered. James the elder (brother of John) 
was put to death by Herod Agrippa, about AD. 44. 
Acts xii. 1. James the younger, the son of Alpheeus, 
spent his life in Judea, long presided over the church 
of Jerusalem, and there suffered martyrdom, a little bo- 
fore the destruction of Jerusalem. Andrew probably 
laboured on the shores of the Black Sea, near the 
modern Constantinople, and perhaps in Greece. Philip, 
either the apostle or the evangelist, is reported to have 
ended his days at Hierapolis, in Phrygia. Thomas 
seems to have travelled eastward, to Parthia, Media, 
Persia, and India. Bartholomew took, perhaps, a more 
southern course, and preached in Arabia. Matthew is 
also reported to have travelled oast, in the modern Per- 
sia. t)f Simon the Canaanito nothing to be relied on 
can be said. Thaddeus, Lebbeus, or Jude the brother 
of James, the author of an epistle, is reported to have 
preached at Edessa, in the north of Syria. Of the com- 
panions of the apostlos, Timothy, after accompanying 
Paul many years, is said to have been stationed at 
Ephesus, where he suffered martyrdom under Domi- 
tian or Nerva. Titus, another companion of Paul, is 
reported to have been stationed in Crete, where he died. 
Mark, or John surnamed Mark, attended Paul and 
afterwards Peter, and probably preached the gospel in 
Egypt Of Luke little can be said, except that ho 
accompanied Paul, and wrote his history, viz. the book 
of Acts and a Gospel. Of Barnabas nothing can be 
said worth relating, except what is learned from tho 
New Testament See Fabricius, Lux Evangclii, &o. 
8tc. cap. r. pag. 95 115. From this account, Imper- 
fect as it is, we may conclude that the apostles and 
their companions scarcely extended their labours be- 
yond the boundaries of the present Turkish empire. 

4 Eusebius, Htttoria Ecclet. lib. vii. cap. xxrili. Ire- 
naeus, llterex. lib. i. cap. xxv, p. 250, ed. MussuoU 



[PAHT i. 

the present day think this to be improbable, 
yet there are distinguished men who are led 
by weighty reasons to a different opinion. 1 
8. l.he causes must have been divine 
which enabled men, destitute of all human 
aid, poor, friendless, neither eloquent nor 
learned, fishermen, publicans, and, more- 
over, Jews that is, persons odious to all 
other nations in so short a time to per- 
suade a great part of mankind to abandon 
the religions of their fathers, and to em- 
brace a new religion which is opposed to 
the natural dispositions of men. In their 
very words there was an amazing and a 
divine power of controlling the minds of 
men ; to which may be added miracles, 
prophecies, the detection of men's secret 
designs, magnanimity in the midst of perils, 
contempt for ail the objects of ordinary 
ambition, a patient, cheerful endurance of 
sufferings worse than death, as well as of 
death itself, and finally, lives of the most 
unblemished character. That the ambas 
sadors of Jesus Christ were thus furnished 
for their work, is a truth perfectly clear 
and obvious. And if these holy men had 
not been so furnished, no probable reason 
could be offered for this rap'd propagation 

1 " Of tho favourable disposition of the Roman em- 
perors towards Christianity, there is a remarkable testi- 
mony iii the Apology of Mellto Sardicensis, addressed 
to Mar. Antoninus which is preserved by Eusebius, Hut. 
EccL iv. 26. Melito here informs the emperor that his 
predecessors not only tolerated , Christianity among 
the religions, but also honoured it: yv Kaibiirpoyovoi. 
<rou irpbs rats aAAais 0pricrKeiat,s eTi/xrjcraf, which sect 
your progenitors treated with equal respect as tfte 
other religions. He adds, that Nero and Domitian 
were the only emperors who allowed the counsels 
of certain adversaries to influence them to moke Chris- 
tianity a criminal thing. If what Alelito here says of 
Nero bo true, namely, that lie was influenced by the 
counsels of malevolent persons to persecute the Chris- 
tians, then there may be some foundation for what John 
of Antioch says, in Excerpti-s y<iUxi<mi$, p. 808, &c. 
that Nero was favourable to the Christians and to 
Christ in tho beginning of his reign. Tertullian, 
sipologet. cap. v. p. 57. ed. Havercamp, speaks of- 
Tibtrius's desire to have Christ enrolled among the 
gods, as of a thing universally known. Eusebius ( Hitt. 
ticde.9, ii. 2), Orosius (Chron. Pascal, vii. 4), and 
others afterwards repeat the story, relying chiefly on 
the authority of Tertullian. See Baldwin, Com- 
merit, ad Edictti f'eteruin Principum Horn, de Christ. 
| pages 22, 23; and Fabricius, Lux Eoungclii, c. 
p. 221. But very learned men in this age have deemed 
this wholly incredible, and not at all compatible with 
the character of Tiberius and with the state of the 
empire at that time. In what manner men equally 
learned and ingenious have repelled their arguments, 
| may be seen in the Essay of Theod. Hasaois, Da Decrtto 
j Tiber**, quo Christum rej'erre voluit in numentm dco- 
I ruin' Erfurt, 1715, 4 to; and in the French letter of J. 
I C. Iselius on this subject, in the tiibliotheque Germani- 
que, tome xxxii. p. 147, and tome xxxiii. p. 12 j Mosheim, 
l)ti Heb. Christ. o. p. 91, &c See also Altmann, l)is- 
quititio historico-crittca de Epistoht 2'tlati ad Tiberium, 
&c. Berne. 1775, 8vo. In this Essay Trofessor Alt- 
mann maintains : (1) That Pilate was actually informed 
of the resurrection of Christ by the guard. (2) That 
he did really send to Tiberius an account of the death 
and resurrection of Jesus, though not such an account 
as the one now extant. (3) That Tiberius actually 
proposed in the senate that Jesus should be honoured 

of Christianity by so small and feeble a 

9. To all this must be added the ability 
which these ambassadors of God possessed, 
of transferring the power of working mi- 
racles to their disciples. Many, as soon as 
they were baptized according to Christ's 
directions, and consecrated to God by 
prayer and the imposition of hands, were 
able immediately to express their thoughts 
in foreign languages which they had never 
learned, to foretell future events, to heal 
the sick by pronouncing the name of Jesus, 
to call the dead to life, and to perform 
other deeds above the power of man. 2 
What must have been thought of the men 
who had ability to confer such wonderful 
powers on others! 

10. Those who pretend to assign other 
causes for this surprising revolution in the 
religious state of the world, recite fictions 
which will never satisfy an attentive ob- 
server of human affairs. Home conjecture 
that the kindness of Christians to the poor, 
induced a multitude of idle and vicious 
persons to embrace Christianity. But they 
forget that such as embraced this religion 
exposed their lives to imminent danger; 
nor do they reflect that vicious, lazy per- 
sons, who would not work, were not tole- 
rated among Christians. 2 Thcss. iii. 6 
12. Equally groundless is the representa- 
tion of others, that the proiligate and ila- 
gitious lives of the pagan priests caused 
many to turn Christians. But the vile 
character of these priests, though it might 
bring the ancient systems of religion into 
contempt, could not produce attachment 
to Christianity, which exposed its votaries 
to the loss of property, character, and life. 
The man must be beside himself who could 
reason thus: "The priests of the religion 
in which I was educated lead profligate 
lives ; I therefore will join myself with those 
who are universally despised, and by tho 
public laws condemned, and thus put my life 
and fortune to the most imminent hazard." 3 

as a god. This subject is also examined by Lardner, 
Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol. iii. p. 599, c. 
Ed. Lond. 1815, 4to. Mur. 

a See, among others, Pfanner, De Charismatis, sine 
donis miraculosis nntiqu<e ecclesice, Francf. 1683, 12mo. 
3 See also Mosheim, Comment, de lied. Christ, pages 
9092. [Since the appeacance of Gibbon's History qf 
the Decline and Full of the Horn. Rmp. in the fifteenth 
chapter of which he endeavoured to account for tho 
rapid spread of the Gospel by referring it solely to se- 
condary causes, many excellent works have appeared 
oti this subject, in support of the argument founded on 
the early propagation of Christianity, in favour of its 
divine origin and character. See Milman's Gibbon, vol. 
ii. p. 259, &c, and the several answers to Gibbon by 
Bishop Watson, Sir D. Dalryrnple. and others. See also 
Lardner's th>.atkt>n Testimonies, Bullet's Hist, qf the 
Estub. o,f Christianity, translated by Salisbury. London, 
17. II. 

CHAP, v.j 




1. TIIOUGH the disciples of Christ were 
distinguished for the excellence of their 
doctrines and the purity of their lives, yet 
the Jewish priests .and rulers not only 
treated them with extreme contumely and 
abuse, but put to death as many of them as 
they could. This appears from the martyr- 
dom of Stephen, Acts vii. 55; of James 
the son of Zcbedcc, Acts xii. 1,2; and of 
James the Just, who presided over the church 
of Jerusalem. 1 The true cause of this 
hostility was undoubtedly the envy of the 
Jewish priests and doctors, and their fear 
of losing their personal advantages if Chris- 
tianity prevailed. 

2. No less cruelty was shown to the in- 
nocent disciples of Christ, by those Jews 
who lived out of Palestine, in the Roman 
provinces. It appears from the Acts of the 
Apostles and from other credible records, 
that they spared no pains to instigate the 
magistrates and the populace to destroy the 
Christians. To this madness, they were 
excited by the high-priest and the elders of 
the Jews living in Palestine, who, as we 
are informed, sent messengers to the foreign 
Jews, exhorting them to avoid all connexion 
with the Christians and to persecute them 
as far as was in their power. 2 To cloak 
this base procedure under an honourable 
garb, they gave out that the Christians had 
treasonable designs against the Roman 
government; that they acknowledged as 
their king one Jesus a malefactor, whom 
Pilate had most justly punished with death. 
This rage against the Christians was propa- 
gated from lather to son, through successive 
generations; so that the church henceforth 
had no more bitter enemies than the Jews. 3 

3. But God himself visited this perfidious 
nation with the sorest judgments, on account 
of their cruelties to the Saviour and his 
friends; for he suffered Jerusalem, the 
capital of Palestine, together with the 
temple, to be razed to their foundation by 
the Koman emperor Vespasian and his son 
Titus, about forty years after Christ's as- 
cension j and an innumerable multitude of 
the people to perish by the sword, and most 
of the survivors to be sold into slavery. A 
more distressing scene than this, which is 

l Josephus, Antio. Jud. lib. xx. cap. viii. ; and Euse- 
bius, Hist. Eccle*. lib. ii. cap. xxiil. 

* See Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryphone, pages 51 
53, 109, 138, 318, ed. Jebb. 

3 Passages from early Christian writers, who com- 
plain of the Jewish persecutions, are collected by 
Fabricius, Lux Swing, cap. vi. sec. 1. p. 121. See 
also the Epist. of the church of Smyrna, De Martyrio 
Polycarpi. sec. xii. xlii. -ScA/. 

described at large by JosephusS himself a 
Jew, is, perhaps, nowhere to be found in 
the records of history. From this period, 
the Jews have been, even more than before, 
objects of hatred and abhorrence to all 

4. The Gentiles, who were polytheists, 
brought upon the Christian church still 
greater calamities than the Jews could do, 
whose power was not equal to their malice. 
The persecutions of the Christians by the 
Romans, have for many ages been account- 
ed ten in number. 5 But the ancient his- 
tory of the church docs not support pre- 
cisely this number; for if we reckon only 
the general and more severe persecutions, 
they were fewer than ten ; but, if we include 
the provincial and more limited persecutions, 
the number will be much greater than ten. 
Some Christians of the fifth century were 
led by certain passages of the Scripture, 
especially by one in the Revelation, cap. 

xvii. 12 14, to believe that it was decreed 

the Christian church must pass through ten 
grievous persecutions ; and to this opinion 
they afterwards endeavoured to accommo- 
date in different ways the reluctant testi- 
mony of history. 6 

5. Nero first enacted laws for the exter- 
mination of Christians. Domitian next did 
the same, and afterwards Marcus Anto- 
ninus the philosopher, Severus^ and the 
other emperors who were hostile to the 
Christians. Yet these decrees were not all 
equally severe, nor all'founded on the same 
causes. A celebrated lawyer of the name 
of Domitius, anciently collected all the im- 
perial laws against the Christians, in his 
treatise De Officio Proconmlis; 7 which, if 
it were now extant, would doubtless throw 
much light on the history of the church 
under the pagan emperors. In the mean- 
time very much is left wholly to conjecture. 

6. As the Romans were not accustomed 
to trouble any people on account of their 

4 In his History of the Jewish War. [See alio Has- 
nage, llistoirn tJet Juffs, tome i. chap. xvii. Schl. 

5 The writers on these persecutions are enumerated 
by Kabricius, Lux Evang. cap. vii. p. 133, &c. 

See Sulpit. Severus, Hitt. Sacra, lib. ii. cap. xxxiii. 
p. 387, ed. Horn.; Augustine, Da Civit. Dei, lib. xvii. 
cap. Hi. [In the .fourth century, the number of 
the persecutions had not been defined. Lactantius, 
De Mart, pcrsecut. reckons up only six. Eusebius, flint. 
Ecclt. does not state their number, yet we might 
make out nine from this writer. This is the number 
given by Sulpltius Severus, in the fifth century. But 
in his times originated the opinion of just ten perse- 
cutions; and Sulpitius, to make out that number, In- 
cludes the persecution of Antichrist in the end of the 
world. See Moaheim, De Rebw Christ, ante C. M. 
p. 98, &c.Schl. 

7 See Lactantius, Inttit. Divinar. lib. v. cap. rf. 
What remain of these laws, are illustrated by Bald- 
win, Comment, ad edicta veter. princip. Romannr. tie 
Christianit ; republlshed by Gundllng, with Baldwin'* 
Conttantinut Magnut. Halle, 1727, 8 vo. 



[PART i. 

religion, and as they suffered the Jews in 
particular to live according to their own 
laws, it is not improperly asked, what could 
have induced them to inflict so many evils 
on the Christians, whose religion was so 
holy, and so friendly both to public and 
private happiness? ThejtfrsY cause of this 
cruelty I conceive to be, that the Christians 
contemned and abhorred the public religion 
of the state, which was so closely connected 
with the form and administration of the 
Roman government. For though the 
Romans tolerated all the religions from 
which the Commonwealth had nothing to 
fear, they would not suffer the ancient reli- 
gion of their nation, as established by the 
laws, to bo derided and the people to bo 
withdrawn from it. Yet both these the 
Christians dared to do. Nor did they assail 
only the Roman religion, but likewise the 
religion of every other nation. Hence the 
Romans concluded, that the Christian sect 
was not only arrogant beyond all measure, 
but was also unfriendly to the public peace 
and tranquillity, and calculated to excite 
civil wars. This, if I do not mistake, is that 
hatred of the human race with which Taci- 
tus taxes the Christians, and is the true 
ground of his denominating Christianity a 
pernicious superstition, and of Suetonius 
styling it malignant. l 

7. Another principal cause of the Roman 
hostility to Christianity was, that the Chris- 
tian worship had nothing of what was com- 
mon to other religions. For the Christians 
had no sacrifices, no temples, no statues, no 
oracles, no order of priests; and the incon- 
siderate multitude deemed those who were 
without these, to be destitute of all religion ; 
and by the Roman laws, those who seemed 
to deny the Deity or the national gods 
were regarded as the pests of human society. 
Besides, the worship of so many deities 
afforded support to a countless throng of 
priests, augurs, soothsayers, merchants, 
and artists all of whom were in danger of 
coming to want, if Christianity should pre- 
vail ; and therefore, with united strength, 
they rose up against it and wished to ex- 
terminate its followers. 8 

8. They whose interest it was to arrest 
the progress of Christianity, in order to 
effect their object the sooner, disseminated 
among the vulgar the basest calumnies 
against the Christians and their religion. 
These slanderous stories, the people, who 
were fickle and credulous, too easily ac- 

See Tacitus, Annal. lib. xv. cap. xllv. ; Suetonius, 
Jfrro, cap. xvi. Because such as could not endure the 
acred rites and the religion of the Romans, nor those 
of all the world, seemed to be the foes of mankind and 
to indulge hatred towards all nations. 

See the account of Demetrius the silversmith, Act* 

credited. What they were may be learned 
from the writers of apologies for Christianity 
in the early ages. 8 The same persons cun- 
ningly persuaded the multitude, that all 
the calamities, wars, tempests, and diseases, 
which afflicted mankind, were sent upon 
them by the angry god?, because the Chris- 
tians, who contemned their authority, were 
everywhere tolerated. 4 Other less weighty 
causes are here omitted. 

9. The various kinds of punishment, both 
capital and corrective, which were inilicted 
on those who venerated Christ, are de- 
scribed by learned men, in works professedly 
on that subject. 6 The manner of pro- 
ceeding before the tribunals may be seen 
in the Acts of the Martyrs, in the letters 
which passed between Pliny and Trajan, 
and in other ancient documents. 6 But it 
is clear, that the mode of proceeding in the 
courts was not always the same; for the 
laws and the rescripts of the emperors, by 
which the magistrates were to be guided, 
were very different at different periods. 
Thua, at one time the Christians were care- 
fully sought after; at another, the judges 
waited till some one came forward to accuse 
them. Sometimes the confessing or con- 
victed Christians were hurried forthwith to 
execution, if they did not renounce their 
religion; at other times, the magistrates 
laboured, by various species of torture and 
cruelty, to induce them to apostatize. 

10. Those who fell in these perilous 
days of the church, being put to death in 
different ways, wore called Martyrs; a term 
borrowed from the eacred writings, and 
denoting that they were witnesses for Christ. 
Those who were bold to profess Christ 
before the magistrates, and for his sake 
incurred the loss of health, or goods, or 
honours, were denominated confessors. 
Both obtained immense veneration and 
influence among the Christians ; and they 
enjoyed prerogatives and honours which 

xix. 25, Pliny, Epist. lib. x. ep. 97. "Tho tempb*, 
which were almost deserted* begin to be frequented 
again ; and the sacred rites, which had been long ne- 
glected, are again performed. The victims which 
hitherto had found almost no purchasers, begin to come 
again to the market," &c. 

3 This subject is. nearly exhausted by Kortholt, 
PaganusObtrechitor, teu da Calumniis genttt. in Chritt. 
Keil, 1698, 4to; to which add Huldrlch,. Z> Calnm- 
niisgentU. in Cfuritt. Zur. 1744, 8vo. [See also Tur- 
ner's Calumnies on the primitive Christians accounted 
for. London 1727, 8vo. R. 

* See Arnobius, Adoertui denies, [and Tertullian, 
Apoloset. cap. *\.Schl. 

& Gallonius and Sagittarius, De Cruciafitmt 
Martyrum the latter printed at Jena, 1673, 4to; the 
best edition of the former is, Antw. 1668, I2mo. [Both 
contain mixtures of the doubtful with the true ; for the 
Acta Martyrum now extant cannot bo relied on. 
Mosheim. De Reb. Chr. Ac Mur. 

6 See Bcehmer, Jus Ecctet. Protest, torn. iv. lib. T. 
Decretal, tit i. sec. 32. 

CHAP, v.j 



were altogether peculiar and extraordinary; 
and such as would furnish matter for a 
volume which would be useful in various 
respects. These prerogatives were un- 
doubtedly conferred on the martyrs and 
confessors, to induce others more readily 
to encounter evils of every kind for Christ's 
sake. 1 But as all peculiar privileges, by 
the fault of men, degenerate into sources 
of evil, so these were conferred not un- 
frcquently on the undeserving; and they 
served to encourage superstition and other 

1 1 . That a great number of persons of 
every class and rank, suffered death for the 
cause of Christ, during the first three or 
four centuries, no impartial person ac- 
quainted with those times can entertain a 
doubt. But since Dodwell's attempt to 
invalidate this ancient opinion, 3 many have 
agreed with him, and have maintained 
that only a fciv actually suffered death on 
account of the Christian religion; but they 
have met with strenuous opposers, who ro- 
gurd this opinion as derogatory to divine 
grace. Those who take the middle path 
between these two extremes, will probably 
come nearest to the truth. The martyrs 
were not so numerous as they were an- 
ciently supposed to be, and as some still 
account them ; but they were more nume- 
rous than Dodwcll and his friends suppose. 
Into this opinion, I think, they will most 
readily come, who learn from the ancient 
writers, that even in the most calamitous 
times of the Church, not all the Christians, 
everywhere, were persecuted and arraigned 

1 This seems quite too philosophical an account of 
this matter. The early Christians did not thus coldly 
calculate distant consequences and effects, In order to 
determine what place in their affections and what rank 
in the church, they should give to their brethren and 
pastors who suffered and died for their religion. Na- 
ture, religion, and all the ties which united them to 
Christ, to the church, and to one another, combined to 
render these holy men and consistent Christians vene- 
rable and lovely in their eyes, and of course to procure 
them a rank and privileges in the church altogether 
peculiar. Whoever roads the most authentic accounts 
of the ancient martyrs, of Polycarp, for instance, will 
soo abundant evidence of the operation of these causes ; 
but nothing of that calculating policy of which Moeheim 
speaks Mur. 

a In his noted dissertation, De Paudtate martyrum, 
which is the eleventh among hi a Dissert. Cyprianica. 
[Gibbon eagerly seized on Doflwell's conclusions in 
this dissertation; and in the sixteenth chapter of his 
Decline and Fall, &c. he endeavours to extenuate the 
cruelties of the Roman authorities against tho Chris- 
tians, and to depreciate their sufferings in the cause of 
truth. See Milman's excellent notes on this chapter ; 
and some judicious remarks in that most interesting 
work, Maitland's Church in the Catacombt. Lond. 
1846, in the fourth chapter, entitled "The Martyrs of 
the Catacombs." This work contain* numerous pic- 
torial illustrations of the sepulchral remains of the pri- 
mitive Christians in Rome, many of them now published 
for the first time ; and I can vouch, from personal ob- 
servation, for the extreme accuracy with which they 
are executed. /?. 

br trial. Persons in tho humbler condi- 
tions of life wore generally more safe, while 
greater danger impended over the rich, 
whose wealth had charms for the judges, 
over the learned, the doctors and heads of 

churches, the witty and the eloquent. 3 

12. The words and actions of the mar- 
tyrs, from the time of their arrest till their 
"ast moments, were carefully committed to 
writing, in order to be read on certain days 
as examples to posterity. But only a few 
of these Ada Martyrum have reached us; 4 
much the greater part of them having been 
committed to the flames, during tno ten 
years' war of Diocletian against the Chris- 
tians; for that emperor required all the 

ooks and papers of Christians at that time 
to be collected and burned. From the 
sighth century, both the Greeks and the 
Latins took great pains to compile lives of 
ihc ancient martyrs but the more discern- 
ng even in the liomish Church now admit 
that the greater part of these accounts arc 
mere fables, dressed up in a style of affected 
oratory. Nor is more credit due to those 
iiitalogues of saints called Martyr ologies, 
which were cither compiled by ignorant 
and incompetent men or have since been 
much falsified. Hence this part of ecclesi- 
astical history enjoys very little light. 

13. Nero was the first emperor who per* 
secuted the Christians, and his cruelty waft 
extreme, lie accused those innocent peo- 
ple of a crime which he himself had commit- 
ted ; namely, that of setting fire to the city 
of Home. 8 And to make the punishment 
correspond with the crime, he caused the 
streets of the city to be illuminated through 
the night by the burning bodies of many of 
them, whom he had sewed up alive in gar- 
ments covered with pitch. Others were 
put to death in a different manner. This 
persecution began in the middle of Novem- 
ber, A.D. 64. In it, the ancients tell us, 
Paul-ond Peter Buffered death at Rome; 
but many cannot bring themselves to be- 
lieve this, because of its repugnance to chro- 
nology. 6 This persecution terminated at 

3 See Martyrittm Polycarpi, sec. 12; Ada Pruc- 
tuori, in Ruinart's Acta Martyr, p. 219; Cyprian, 
Epist. v. and xlv. p. 10 and 23 cd. Benedict, and many 
others; Mosheim, De Keb. Chritt. ante C. M. p. 106. 

4 Such of them as are not wholly unworthy of credit 
were collected in a moderate sized folio, by Rutnart, 
Acta primorum Martyrum tincera et Selecta. Amster. 
1713, folio. 

& See the two French dissertations of Alph. do Vig- 
noles, on the cause and the commencement of Nero's 
persecution in Masson's Histoire critique de la li&- 
publiqus dei tettrei, tome viii. pages 74117, and 
tome ix. pages 172186. See also Toinard on Lac- 
tantius, De Afortibu* nertecutonm, p. 8D8 

6 Tillcmont, tlittoire det Empereurt, tome 1. p. 564, 
&c.; and Haratler, De Succetrione Jtomanor. Ponttf. cap. 
v p. 60. [All agree that both these apostles, Paul and 


[FART i. 

the death of Nero, who is well known to 
have been his own executioners A.D. G8. 
For about four years, therefore, the Chris- 
tians suffered every species of cruelty at 
his hands. 

14. How far the persecution under Nero 
extended is not agreed among the learned. 
For while the greater number suppose it 
spread over the whole Roman empire, there 
are thoso who think it was confined to the 
city of Rome. The former opinion, which 
is the more ancient, 1 appears to us beat 

Peter, were put to death in tho reign of Nero ; but in 
respect to the year and the place, there is controversy. 
Many question whether both suffered at tho same time. 
They believe, according to the testimony of Prudentius 
( Pcristephan. Hym. xii. DC paxtionc beat. Apost. Pctri at 
Ptiuli, ver. 6), that Petef suffered one year earlier than 
Paul, but on the same day. As to the day on which 
Paul Muttered, some muke it tho 29th of Juno, and 
others the '23d of February. Tho year is by some de- 
termined to A.I). G4; so Von Henchen, Ada Sanrtor. 
April, torn. I. ; Papebroch, Propyl&um ad Acki Sane, 
tor. (May); Pagi, Critictt in Annnl. Baron, torn. 
i. pages 51, 52.; by others A.D. 65, and again 
by others A.D. 67 ; so Baumgarton ; and lastly 
by others A.I). 68 ; so, also, Pearson, Annulet Paulini, 
p. 25, which is tho most probable opinion. The 
fail/ when both apostles suffered waa probably the 
2'M of February. That Paul was beheaded during 
Noro's persecution, ia supported by the testimony of 
Kusebius, Hist, Eccl. lib. ii. cap. xxv.. and of Lactan- 
tius, Da Mart, pcrsecut. cap. ii. p. 1375, od. BUnemann. 
As to the place, an obscure writer, Valenus, in a 
book, Quo Pctnis Ilomam non ncnisse dtimonstratur, 
} GfJO, 4to, p. 40, denies that either' apostle suffered at 
Home, and endeavours to prove that their martyrdom 
was at Jerusalem, which also Rale maintains in regard 
to Peter, Centur. Scriptor. Britan. p. 16. This opi- 
nion is confuted by various writers, who arc mentioned 
in Walch's Hiblioth. thcol. tckcta, torn. ill. p. 458. On 
this whole subject, consult Cavo, Life of Paul, chap, 
vil aoc. 9, p. 424, of hia Antiq. Apostol. Tillemont, 
Mom. pour stwoir d Chistoire do I'tglise, torn, i part ii. 
n. 42, p. 7GS ; and Fabriciua, Codex Apocryph. N. T. 
par. 1. p. 450. On the fabulous circumstances re- 
lated of Paul's martyrdom, see Walch'fl Hut. Ecclet. 
N. T. p. 277 ScM. [On the chronology of Paul's 
life and labours, see Witsius, Mcletcniat'i Leidensia, 
1703, 4to; Pearson, Annalet Paul.; the Introductions to 
the N. T. by Eiehhorn, Hcrtholt, Home, Sic. and other 
works referred to in Winer's Biblische$ Itealtv. art. 
Paut.Mur. [See also Burton's Attempt to ascertain 
the Chronology of the. Act$ <\f tho Apostks, c. Oxf. 
1830; Gresswell's Ditsert. on a Harm, oj the Gotpels, 
vol. I diss. xiii. vol. Ii. diss. 1 ; and tho Supp. vol. 
Brown's Ordo &eefort/m,p 96, &o.; and the older Works 
by Lardncr, Benson, Mac knight, &c. ft. 

i Tho first who rejected tho common opinion, ao far 
as I know, was Baldwin [an eminent civilian of 
Paris, who died A.D 1573], in his Comment, ad edicta 
Imperator. in Christianas, pag. 27, 28. After him, 
Launoi, in Dig*, qua Sulpitii Sevcri locus de prima 
martyrum Gullitc vpocha vindicatur, sec. 1, pag. 139, 
140, Opera, torn. ii. par. i. Still more learned, 
and on the same side, was Dodwell, dies. xi. in his 
Distort. Cyprian, sec. 13, p. 59, whom many others 
have followed: among whom are Le Clerc, Hist. 
Eccks. N. T. Srccul. i. p. 428; Lange, Hist. EC- 
clot. p. 360; Gurtler, Syst. theol. prophet, p. 491; 
Baumgarten, Auszug der Kirchengesch, vol. i. p. 
376, who supposes tho persecution extended only so 
far as the power of tho Praetorian Preefect ; Somler, 
Slec. Capita Hist. Ecckt. torn. i. p. 24. [Also Schmidt, 
Uandbuch der christl. Kirchengesch, vol. i. p. 120; 
and Neander, Algam Gtach. d. christl Rel. Jr. vol. 
1. part i. p. 137. Mur. [The arguments for both 
opinions are stated In Walch, Hut. Ecckt. p. 548, 
who thinks the question to be altogether doubtful. 
Jablonskl waa of the same sentiment, ItuttM. Historic 
Chritt. antiq. p. 40 ScM. 

supported. We do not hesitate to join 
with those who think that, public laws were 
enacted against the whole body of Chris- 
tians, and were sent abroad into the pro- 
vinces To this opinion we are led, among 
other reasons, by the authority of Tertut- 
lian, who clearly intimates that Nero, as 
well as Domitian, enacted laws against the 
Christians, which laws Trajan in part re- 
pealed or annulled. 2 The noted Spanish 
or Portuguese inscription, in which Nero 
is commended for having purged the pro- 
vince of the new superstition, is suspected 
by the Spaniards themselves, and 1 place 
no reliance on it. 3 The Christians, more- 
over, were condemned, not so much for 
their religion as on the charge of having 
set fire to Rome. 4 But who can suppose 
that a religious pect which the emperor 
himself charged with such a crime, would 
be quietly tolerated by him beyond the 
limits of Rome? 5 

* Tertullian, Apoloyet. cap. iv. p. 46, ed. Haver- 
iamp. [Considering TcrtulKari's fervid and rhetori- 
cal stylo, hia vague assertions that Nero first " drew the 
sword" against the Christiana, and that the vilest 
of the emperors enacted persecuting laws are now 
generally rejected as insufllcient evidence, in the ab- 
sence of well-attested /'//?/., either that Nero enacted 
public laws against the Christians, or that his persecu- 
tion of them in tho city extended to the provinces. On 
this subject, and on the causes which implicated tho 
Christians with the burning of Home, see Mihnan's 
llitt. oj Christ, chap. ii. pages 3G 38, and note in p. 

This inscription may be seen in Gruterus, In- 
scriptions, vol. i. page 218, note 9. [It is this : 
Neronl, ob provineiam latronibua et hia qui nonnn 
gencri hurmuio tuperxt itiimem inculcabant, purgatam.] 
But the best Spanish writers do not venture to defend 
tho authority of this inscription, because it has not 
been seen by any one; and Cyriac of Ancona, who 
first produced it, is acknowledged by all to bo unworthy 
of credit. I will subjoin the decision of that excel- 
lent and judicious historian of Spain, Ferreras, 
Histoire ednerale d* Espagne, tome i. p. 192: "I can- 
not refrain from remarking, tnat Cyriac of Ancona 
was the first who published the Inscription and that 
from him all others had derived it. But as the credi- 
bility of this writer is suspected in the judgment of all 
the learned, and as not a vestige nor any recollection 
of this inscription remains in the places where it is 
said to have been found, and no one now knowa where 
to find it ; every one may form such opinion of it as 
he pleases." [Yet this spurious Inscription found a 
zealous defender in the younger Walch, who published 
a Dissertation, entitled Pcrtecut. Chrittianoi-um Ncron, 
in Hup. ex antiquis monim. probanda, uberior erj)lana- 
tio. Jena, 1753, 4to. & 

4 Seelluinart, Pratf. ad Acta Martyrum, p. 31, &c, 
& Nearly all the facts relating to this persecution, 
except the martyrdom of Peter and Paul, wo owe to 
Tacitus, the Roman historian, Annal. lib. xv. cap. 
xliv. A fter describing the conflagration, which utterly 
consumed three of the fourteen wards, and spread ruin 
in seven others, and likewise the efforts of Nero to 
soothe the indignant and miserable citizens, ho says : 
" But no human aid, no munificence of the prince, nor 
expiations of the gods, removed from Aim the inftuny 
of having ordered the conflagration. Therefore, to 
stop the clamour, Nero falsely accused and subjected 
to the most exquisite punishments, a people hated for 
their crimes called Chri\tvini. The founder of the 
sect, Christ, was executed in the reign of Tiberius, by 
the procurator Pontius Pilate. The pernicious super- 
stition, repressed for a time, burst forth again, not 



15. Nero being dead, the fury of this 
first war against the Christians ceased. 
But in the year 93 or 94, l a new assault 
was made upon them by Domitian, an em- 
peror little inferior in crime to Nero. 2 
The cause of the persecution, if we give 
credit to Hegesippus, was the fear of losing 
his empire; for the emperor had learned in 
some way that a person would arise from 
among the relatives of Christ, who would at- 
tempt a revolution and would produce com- 
motion in the empire. 5 This persecution 
undoubtedly was severe, but it was of short 
continuance, as the emperor was soon after 

only through Judea, the birth-placo of the evil, but at 
Rome also, where everything atrocious and base centres 
and is in repute. Those first seized confessed ; then 
a vast multitude, detected by their means, were con- 
victed, not so much of tho crime of burning tho city as 
of hatred to mankind. And insult was added to their 
torments ; for, being clad in skins of wild beasts, they 
were torn to pieces by dogs, or affixed to crosses to 
be burned, were used as lights to dispel tho darkness of 
night when the day way gone. Nero devoted bis gar- 
dens to tho show, and held Circcnsian games, mixing 
with the rabble, or mounting a chariot clad like a 
coachman. Hence, though the guilty and those merit- 
ing tho severest punishment suffered, yet compassion 
was excited because they were destroyed, not for the 
public good, but to satisfy the cruelty of an individual." 
The commrnnvnent of this persecution is determined 
by the time of the conflagration, which Tacitus says 
f/tnnal. cap. xv. pages 3341) began the 18th of July, 
A.D. G5 (or xiv. Kalend. Sextiles, C. Lccanio ot M. 
Uo.inio Coss.), and lasted six days. Sorno time after, 
but in the same year, the persecution broke out ; but 
how long it continued is uncertain. If Paul and Peter 
suffered in the very last year of Nero's reign, as the 
fathers state (Euscbi us, Chronictm; and Jerome, De 
yiiis illustr. cap. i. and v.). the persecution doubtless 
ceased only on Nero's death. But if they suffered ear- 
lier, then we have no proof of the continuance of the 
persecution so long. A/ur. 

i The precise year in which tho persecution by Do- 
mitian began is not certain. Toinard has discussed 
tho point in his notes on Lactantius, De Mort. persecut. 
cap. iii. That it raged in the year 95, is stated by 
Eusebius, Hist. Ecclex. cap. iii. p. 1H, but how long bo- 
fore this it commenced is not clear. Pagi ( Crit. annal. 
Karon, torn. i. pages 8587) supposes It began A.D. 
93. Toinard (ubi siipra), A.D. 04, and Dodwell ( Dm. 
Cyprian, cap. xi. p. 71), A.D. Itf. Moshelm, De 
Keh. Christ, ante C. AI. says A.D. 94 or 95. Mur. 

* See Ruinart, Pratf. ad Ada Mart. p. 32. [Ittig, 
Seleeta Hist. Kccles. capita, tuucul. i. cap. vi. sec. 11, 
p. 531. ScU. 

3 Kusebius, J//.<f. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. x. xx, 

murdered. 4 The principal martyrs named 
arc Flavius Clemens, a consul, and Fla- 
via Domitilla^ his niece or wife. In the 
midst of this persecution John, the apostle, 
was banished to the isle of Patmos ; but 
whether he was first cast into a caldron of 
boiling oil by order of tho emperor, and 
came out alive and unhurt, though asserted 
by Tertullian and others, has appeared to 
many to be uncertain. 6 

* The termination of thia persecution is stated diffe- 
rently by the ancients. Some say that Domitiun him- 
self put an end to it before his death. Hegcsippus (in 
Euscblus, Eccl. Hist. lib. iii. cap. xx.) states that Do- 
mitian, having learned that there were Christians of 
tho lineage of David and kinsmen of Christ, still living 
in Palestine, bad them brought to Rome, and interro- 
gated them closely respecting their pedigree, thuir 
wealth, and tho future kingdom of Christ. And from 
their answers and their whole appearance, he concluded 
he had nothing to fear from them, and dismissed them ; 
and thereupon he published a decree terminating tho 
persecution. So likewise Tertullian (dpologct. cap. 
v. p. GO) says of Domitian, " lie receded from bin at- 
tempt, and repealled those he had banished." Hut 
Laetantius (De Mort. persecut. cap. iii.) represents 
his acts and edicts as repealed after his death, when it 
was that the Church recovered its former state. And 
Xiphilin, on Nerva(D<o Cassiut, lib. Ixviii. cap. i. 
abridged by Xiphilin), says that "Nerva re-called those 
banished for impiety," i.e. the Christians. Perhaps 
Domitian published an edict favourable to the Chris- 
tians a little before his death, the benefits of which 
they began to enjoy first after his decease. Sefil. 

5 See Eusebius, Hist. Kccles. lib. iii. cap. xviii. and 
Chronicun, ami. 95. Some have supposed that the 
wife and niece of Clemens both had tho Rame name, 
and that the first was banished to tho Island of Panda- 
taria near Italy, and the second to another inland 
called Pontia. See Tillemont, Mem.ponr servir il I'his- 
toiro de I'fofae, torn. ii. p. 124, &c. and Fleury, 7/frtofrv*, 
Ac. Hvr. if. sec. M. Schl. [See Burton's Lcct. on 
the Ecc. Hist, q/ 1 three centuries, vol. i. pages 
3G7-8, for an account of this interesting case of mar- 
tyrdom. He observes that Domitian had destined the 
sons of this Clemens and Domitilla to succeed him in 
the empire ; and therefore if the tyrant had been cut off 
before they suffered, "a Christian prince might have 
been seated upon tho throne of tho Ceusars at tho end 
of the first century." 11. 

6 See the amicable discussion between tho Rev. Mr. 
Ifeumann and myself, in my Syntagma Diss. ad histo- 
rian crcles. pertinentium, torn. J. pages 497546. 
[The whole controversy seems to rest on a passage in 
Tertullian, De rrwsrript adv. haret. cap. xxxvi. a 
tho only original authority for the story, which is In 
itself improbable. All the more discerning, of late, 
either doubt or deny tho truth of the story. A/ur. 
[See Jortin'a Jieritarkion Ecc. Hid. vol. I. pas^B 2K) 1. 


["PART. ir. 





I. IP it were known what opinions were 
advanced and maintained by the men of 
most intelligence among the oriental na- 
tions at the time when the Christian reli- 
gion began to enlighten mankind, many 
things in the early history of the Church 
might bo more fully and more accurately 
explained. But only a few fragments of 
oriental philosophy, as all know, have come 
down to us; and those which have reached 
us still need the labours of a learned man 
to collect them all, arrange them properly, 
and expound them wisely. 1 

2. The prevailing system in Persia was 
that of the Magi, who, as is well known, 
placed two principles or deities over the 
universe the one good, the other evil. The 
followers of this system, however, were not 
agreed in respect to the precise nature of 
these principles. 2 Yet this doctrine spread 
over no small portion of Asia and Africa, 
particularly among; the Chaldeans, Assy- 
rians, Syrians, and Egyptians, though un- 
der different modifications ; nor did it leave 
the Jews untincturod with its principles. 3 
The Arabians of that and the subsequent 
age were more remarkable for strength and 
courage than for intellectual culture ; for 
they Attained to no celebrity for learning 
before the times of Mohammed. This their 
own writers do not deny. 4 

3. The Indians, from the earliest times, 
were much famed for their love of profound 
knowledge. Of their philosophical tenets 
we could perhaps form an opinion, at the 

l There is extant an English work of Thomas Stan- 
ley, on The History of Oriental Philosophy, which Le 
Clerc translated into Latin. But that learned man 
I has left the field of oriental philosophy not to be gleaned 
only, but to be reaped by others. He is much inferior 
both In genius and erudition to Brucker, whose Hist. 
Crit. Philot. should by all means be consulted. 

* See Hyde, Historta religionis octcrum Perarum. 
Oxon. 1700, 4to, a very learned work, but ill-digested 
and full of improbable conjectures. [For more recent 
information, see a work by Dr. Tholuck of Halle, en- 
titled, Sufisrnu* sioe theosophia Pcrsarum panthcistica, 
&c. Berl. 1821, 8vo; also, Mihnan's Hat. of Christ. 
vol. i. p. 65, &c. with the references in the notes. Matter, 
in his valuable Histoire critique du Gnosticisms, c. 2d 
edit. 1843, throws additional light on the religious and 
philosophical views of the principal Persian and Indian 
sects, and on their influence primarily on Judahm and 
afterwards on the comipters of Christianity. See 
vol. i. pages 105-130. R. 

s See Wolf, Manich&ismw ante Manicfueot. Harnb. 
1707, 8vo; Mosheim, Notes on Cudworth's InteU. Syst. 
paged 328423, &o. [See also Burton's Bamptm Ltc- 
turee, pages 45, &c /f. 

4 See Abulpharajus, De Moribiu Arabutn, o. 6, pub- 
lished by Pocock. 

present day, if their very ancient sacred 
book which they denominate Veda or the 
law were brought to light, and translated 
into some language better known. The 
accounts given by travellers among the In- 
dians concerning this book are so contra- 
dictory and fluctuating that we must wait 
for, further information. 6 The Egyptians 

5 I have recently learned that this most desirable 
book has been obtained by sotne French Jesuits resid- 
ing in India; and that it has been or will be deposited 
in the King of France's library. See Lettre du P. 
Calmette Cartigny, in the Lettres cdifianlvt 
et curieusas d<>s Miss. Etmngercx, torn. xxi. Recueil, p. 
455, Sec. and torn, xxiii. Kec. p. 161. [The Hindoo lite- 
rature and theology were little known when Mosheim 
wrote. Since that time, and especially since the esta- 
blishment of the Asiatic Society at Calcutta, by Sir 
William Jones in 1793, this field of knowledge has been 
explored with equal industry and success. See tho 
Asiatic Researches, 13 vols. 4to ; Sir William Jones's 
works, 6 vols. 4to ; Rev. William Ward's View of the 
Hist. Sffi. of thtt Hindoos, 3 vols. 8vo; and numerous other 
works. But it is not true that tho f'cdat have been 
brought to Europe, as Mosheim had been informed. 
On the contrary, Mr Holbrooke, In the 8th vol. of the 
Asiatic Res. describes them as not worth translating. He 
says: " They arc too voluminous for a complete transla- 
tion of the whole ; and what they contain wjuld hardly 
reward the labour of the reader, much less that of tho 
translator. " Tho Vedai are four in number, called Kig 
Veda, Yajush Veda, Saman Vcdo, and Atharvan Veda. 
Thejfrrf consists of five sections, in 10,000 verses; tho 
second is divided into eighty sections, in 9,000 verses ; 
the third consists of one hundred sections and 3,000 
verses; the fourth of nino sections, with subdivisions, 
and 0,000 verses. Besides the four Veda?, the Hindoos 
have fourteen other sacred books, of later date and in- 
ferior authority; viz. four Upavedos, six Angas, and 
four Upangas. All those were supposed to be the pro- 
ductions of divine persons, and to contain all true know- 
ledge, secular as well as sacred. The commentaries on 
these books, tho compilations from them, and digests 
of their principles, aro almost innumerable, and consti- 
tute the whole encyclopaedia of the Hindoos. Several 
of these have been translated into European languages; 
namely, L' Ezour- Veda m t or ancicn commentaire du 
r<?rf<im, &c. Yverdon, 1778, 2 vols. 12mo. The Bha- 
guat- Geeta, or Dialogues of Krceshna and Arjoon, in 
eighteen Lectures, with notes by Wiikins. London, 

t pa, > _ tr 

d'Obsonville), a Paris, 1788, 8vo. Oupnekhut, h. e. 
Decretum legendum, opns ipsa in India rarissimum, 
continws antiquamet arcanam, seu tlu'olog. et philoxoph. 
doctrinitin, e quatuor tacris Indorum librts excerptam 
e Persico idiomate in iMtinwn versum studio ft opera 
Anquctil du Perron, 1801-2, 2 vols. 4to. Institutes of 
Hindoo Law, or the ordinances of Menu, translated by 
Sir William Jones. Lond. 179G, 8vo. The last is sup- 
posed to follow next after tho Vedas in age. Sir Win. 
Jones thinks it was, most probably, compiled. about 880 
years before Christ, and the Vedas about 300 years ear- 
lier* . The other sacred books of the Hindoos are much 
later, yet all are now ancient. From the similarity of 
views between the Hindoo philosophers and those of 
Greece, it has been thought that they must havo had 
some intercourse, or that one borrowed from the other. 
The ideas of the fathers in the Christian Church, and 
of some moderns, would make the Greeks indebted to 
the Orientals; but Meiners ( Historia doctrines do 
uno Deo} and others would reverse tho stream of philo- 
sophic knowledge, by supposing it followed the march 
of Alexander's army from Greece to India. It is to 
bo hoped this subject will roceiv* *noro light from 

CHAP, i.] 


were unquestionably divided into various 
sects, disagreeing in opinion ; l so that it is 
a vain attempt of some to reduce the phi- 
losophy of this people to one system. 

4. But of all the different systems of 
philosophy which were received in Asia 
and in a part of Africa in the age of our 
Saviour, none was so detrimental to the 
Christian Church as that which was styled 
yvoitfiSt or science; i.e. the way to the 
knowledge of the true God, and which we 
have above called the oriental philosophy, 
in order to distinguish it from the Grecian. 
For, from this school issued the leaders 
and founders of those sects which, during 
the three first centuries, disturbed and trou- 
bled the Christian Church. They endea- 
voured to accommodate the simple and pure 
doctrines of Christianity to the tenets of 
their philosophy; and in doing so they 
produced various fantastic and strange no- 
tions, and obtruded upon their followers 
systems of doctrine, partly ludicrous, and 
partly intricate and obscure, in a very high 
degree. The ancient Greek and Latin fa- 
I thcrs, who contended against these sects, 
supposed indeed that their sentiments were 
derived from Plato; but those good men, 
being acquainted with no philosophy but 
the Grecian and ignorant of everything 
oriental, were deceived by the resemblance 
between some of the doctrines of Plato and 
those embraced by these sects. Whoever 
compares the Platonic philosophy carefully 
with the Gnostic, will readily see that they 
arc widely different. 2 

tho Investigations which are going forward with such 
success in tho present age. Mur, [The result of re- 
cent inquiries into the nature of the Indian philosophy 
may be seen in Hitter's Geschichte d. Philos. alter Zcit. 
translated by Morrison, vol. iv. p. 330, &c. R. 

\ See Moshoim's Notes on Cudworth* s Intellectual 
System, torn. i. p. 415. [It ought to have been stated 
in a previous note, where this work was first referred 
to, that all these valuable notes and dissertations in 
tho Latin translation of Cudworth, published in Ger- 
many by Mosheirn In 1733, have been recently trans- 
lated into English by Mr. Harrison, in his edition of 
Cudworth, published in London in 1815, in three vo- 
lumes. R. 

2 Moshelm, in this and tho four following sections, 
describes an oriental philosophy, the supposed parent of 
the Gnostic system, as if its existence was universally 
admitted, and its character well understood. Yet tho 
system here described is of his own formation, being 
such a system as must have existed, according to his 
judgment, in order to account for the Gnosticism of 
early ages. In his Continent, de Rebut Christ, &c. pag. 
19 21, and in his Hist, de Causis suppoxitontm Kbrorttm 
inter Christiana* sceculi primi et secundi, sees. 8 6, 
(in his Distort, ad Hint. Ecclet pertinentex, torn. i. pag. 
223232), he confesses that he has little evidence, 'ex- 
cept the necessity of the supposition, for the existence 
of this philosophy. He also admits that tho fathers 
knew nothing of it; and ho might have added that they 
testify that Gnosticism had no existence till the days 
of Adrian, in the second century. That Gnosticism as 
such had no existence in the first century, and that 
H is in vain sought for in the New Testament, ap- 
peara to DC satisfactorily proved by Tittmann, Tractatus 

5. Tho first principles of this philosophy 
seem to have been the dictates or mere rea- 
son. For the author of it undoubtedly thus 
reasoned : There is much evil in the world, 
and men are hurried on, as by tho instinct 
of nature, to what reason condemns. Yet 
that Eternal Mind from whom all other 
spirits emanated, is doubtless perfectly free 
from evil, or is infinitely good and benefi- 
cent. Hence the source of tho evils with 
which the world abounds, must be some- 
thing external to tho Deity. But there is 
nothing external to him, except what is 
material ; and therefore matter is to be re- 
garded as the source and origin of all evil 
and vice. From these principles the con- 
clusion was that matter existed eternally, 
and independently of God; and that it re- 
ceived its present form, not from the will 
or fiat of God, but from the operation of 
some being of a nature inferior to God : in 
other words, that the world and the human 
race came from the creating hand, not of 
the supreme Deity, but of one of inferior 
capacity and perfections. For who can be- 
lieve that the supreme God, who is infinitely 
removed from all evil, would fashion matter 
which is in its nature evil and corrupt, and 
would impart to it any portion of his rich 
gifts? But, attempting to go farther and 
to explain how, or by what accident or con- 
trivance, that rude and malignant substance 
called matter became so skilfully arranged 
and organized, and especially how souls of 
celestial origin became joined with bodies 
composed of it, both reason and common 
sense forsook them. They therefore re- 
sorted to their imaginative faculty and to 
mere fables, in order to explain the origin 
of the world and of mankind. 

6. But as those who undertake to explain 
what is obscure and difficult of solution by 
means of mere conjecture, can very seldom 
agree ; so those who attempted to solve this 
difficulty split into various sects. Some 
conceived there must be two eternal first 
principles, the one presiding over light, the 
other over matter; and by the contests be- 
tween these principles they accounted for 
the mixture of good and evil in our world. 
Others assigned to matter, not an eternal 
lprd but an architect merely; and they sup- 
posed that some one of those immortal 

de vestigiis Gnwticorum in N. T. frustra qutesitis. 
Lips. 1773. That notwithstanding many points of 
resemblance can bo traced, it is materially different 
from any system of either Grecian or oriental philoso- 
phy, it is the object of Lewald to show, Comment. ad 
historian, $c. de doctrina G not t tea. Hcifelb. 1818. For 
very ingenious and profound speculations on the sub- 
ject generally, see Neander, Aligcm. Gesrh. der rhrittt. 
Religion und Kirche, vol. L part ii. pages 627670. 



[PART. 11. 

beings whom God produced from himself, 
was induced by some unforeseen event to 
attempt the reduction of matter, which lay 
remote from the residence of God, into some 
kind of order, and also to fabricate men. 
Others again imagined a sort of Triumoi- 
rate; for they distinguished the supreme 
Deity from the prince of matter and the 
author of all evil on the one hand, and from 
the architect of the world on the other. 
When these three systems came to be 
dilated and explained, new controversies 
unavoidably arose, and numerous divisions 
followed, as might be expected from the 
nature of the case, and as the history of 
those Christian sects which followed this 
philosophy expressly declares. 

7. Yet, as all these sects set out upon 
one and the same first principle, their disa- 
greement did not prevent their holding in 
common certain doctrines and opinions re- 
specting God, the world, mankind, and some 
other points. They all therefore maintained 
the existence from eternity of a Being full 
of goodness, wisdom, and other virtues, of 
whom no mortal can form an adequate idea 
a Being who is tho purest Zig7tl,'-and is 
diffused through that boundless space to 
which they gave the Greek appellation of 
Pleroma; that this eternal and most perfect 
Being, after existing alone and in absolute 
repose during an infinite period, produced 
out of himself two sprits of different sexes, 
and both perfect resemblances of their pa- 
rent ; that from the marriage of these two 
spirits, others of a similar nature originated; 
that successive generations ensued; and 
thus, in process of time, a celestial family 
was formed in the Pleroma. This divine 
progeny being immortal and unchangeable 
in their nature, these philosophers were dis- 
posed to call A/wvg, jlEons, a term which 
signifies eternal and beyond the influence 
or time and its vicissitudes. 1 But how nu- 
merous these rftons were was a subject of 
controversy among them. 

1 The word aiwv properly signifies an infinite, or at 
least indefinite, duration, and is opposed to a finite or a 
temporary duration. But by metonymy, it was used to 
designate immutable beings who exist for ever It was 
so used even by tho Greek philosophers about the com- 
mencement of the Christian era, as appears from a 
passage in Arrian, Diss Epictet. lib. II. sec 5, where 
altar is opposed to ap0pu>7ro?, or to a frail, changeable 
being. Ov yap t ei/u.t ata>t> aXX* af0pa>7ro$ /u-c'po? T>V 
frai/Tuw^ws aijoa ^/nepas* ef<rn)rae. fie Set w? iapav, *ai 
iraf>t\dlv d>? <t>pav. " I am not an Mon (an eternal and 
unchangeable being), but a man, and ft part of the uni- 
verse, as an hour is a part of the day: like an hour I 
must exist, and then pass away " It was therefore not 
a novel application of the term ai!v by the Gnostics, to 
use it as tho designation of a celestial and immortal 
bang And even the fathers of the ancient church apply 
tho term to angel*, both good and bad. That all who 
were addicted to the oriental philosophy, whether Greeks 
or not, used the term in this sense, appears from a pas- 

8. Beyond the region of light, where God 
and his family dwell, exists a rude and un- 
formed mass of matter, heaving itself con- 
tinually in wild commotion. This mass, 
one of the celestial family, at a certain 
time either accidentally wandering beyond 
the Pleroma or sent out by the Deity, 
undertook to reduce to order, to decorate 
with various gifts, and to people with hu- 
man beings and animals of different species, 
and finally to endow and enrich with a 
portion of the celestial light or substance. 
This builder of the world, who was distinct 
from the supremo God, they called the 
Demiurge, lie is a being who, though 
possessed of many shining qualities, is ar- 
rogant in his very nature and much in- 
clined to domination. He therefore claims 
absolute authority over the new world he 
has built, as being his sovereign right, to 
the exclusion altogether of the supreme 
God; and he requires of mankind to pay 
divine honours exclusively to him and to 
his associates. 

9. Man is composed of a terrestrial, and 
therefore a vicious body, and of a celestial 
soul, which is in some sense a particle of 
the Deity himself. This nobler part, the 
soul, is miserably oppressed by the body, 
which is the seat of his base lusts; for it is 
not only drawn away by it from the know- 
ledge and worship of the true God, to give 
homage and reverence to the Demiurge and 
his associates, but it is likewise filled and 
polluted with the love, of terrestrial objects 
and sensual pleasures. From this wretched 
bondage, God labours to rescue his daugh- 
ters in various ways, and especially by the 
messengers whom he often sends to them. 
But the Demiurge and his associates, eager 
to retain their power, resist, in all possible 
ways, the divine purpose of recalling souls 
back to himself, and, with great pains, 
labour to obscure all knowledge of the su- 
preme Deity. In this state of conflict, such 
souls as renounce the framers and rulers of 
the world, and aspire after God their pa- 
rent, and suppress the emotions excited by 
depraved matter, will, when freed from the 
body, ascend immediately to the Pleroma ; 
while those which continue in the bondage 
of superstition and of corrupt matter, must 
pass into other bodies till they awake from 
this lethargy. Yet God will ultimately 
prevail, ana having restored to liberty 
most of the souls now imprisoned in bodies, 
will dissolve the fabric of the world ; arid 

sage in Manes, tho Persian, who, as Augustine testifies, 
called the celestial beings auwef, or, as Augustine 
translates it, tcecufa. Some have supposed it so used 
even in the New Test, e./f . Bphes. li. 2, and Heb. i. 2 
Mosheim, De Reb. Christ, ante C.M. p. 30. A/or. 

CHAP, i.] 



then the primitive tranquillity will return, 
and God will reign with the happy spirits 
in undisturbed felicity to all eternity. 1 

10. The state of learning, and especially 
of philosophy among the Jews, is manifest 
from what has already been said respecting 
the condition of that nation. It appears 
from the books of the New Testament, that 
the recondite science which they called 
Cabala, was then taught and inculcated 
by not a few among them. This science 
was, in many respects, very similar to that 
philosophy which we have called oriental; 
or rather, it is this philosophy itself, ac- 
commodated to the Jewish religion arid 
tempered with some mixture of truth. 2 
Nor were the Jews, at that time, wholly 
ignorant of the doctrines of the Greeks; 
for some of these doctrines had, from the 
days of Alexander the Great, been incor- 
porated into their own religion. Of the 
opinions which they had adopted from the; 
Chaldeans, the Egyptians, and the Syrians, 
I shall say nothing. 3 

11. The Greeks are regarded by most 
writers as continuing to hold the first rank 
in learning and philosophy. There were 
among them at that time, especially at 
Athens, acute and eloquent men, who taught 
the precepts of philosophy, as held by the 
ancient sects founded by Plato, Aristotle, 
Zeno, and Epicurus, and who also in- 
structed youth in the principles of elo- 
quence and in the liberal arts. Hence, 
those who were eager for learning resorted 
to Greece from all quarters. And at Alex- 
andria in Egypt, Grecian philosophers and 
rhetoricians were no less numerous ; so that 
thither also, there was a general resort of 
scholars, as to a literary market. 

1 2. Among the Romans in this age every 

1 The reader will find some excellent observations 
on Eastern systems of theosophy, on the supposed 
malignity of Matter, on the connexion of this central 
dogma of orientalism with asceticism and celibacy, and 
on its subsequent combination with the Christian sys- 
tem, in Milraan's Hist. <tf Christ, ii. 82, &c. Nearly 
the same view is given by Isaac Taylor in his student 
Christianity, vol. i. p 147, &c, and p. 177, a R. 

2 Ritter( Hist, f/f PMlos.vol. iv. p. 402)say8,"Astothe 
Cabala of the Jews, recent investigations fully justify 
us in asserting that it belongs to a much later date." 
Tholuck is also of opinion that the CabaHstical works 
now in existence are, comparatively speaking, of re- 
rent date. In Europe tho earliest vestiges of the Cab- 
bala date in the twelfth century, but in Asia they go 
back to tho eighth. See his Comment, de in Grate. 
Philos in Theolog. Muham et Judamr. Part ii. DC, Ortu 
Cabale. Hamb. 1837. On the other hand, Matter 
traces it up to a period antecedent to Christianity. 
See his Hist, (in i. 135 11. 

3 See Buddeus, tntroductio in historian* phi to*, 
ll/'braorwn ; and the writers named by Wolftus, Bib- 
lintheca Ilebraira, torn. Hi. [but, especially Brucker'H 
Hut. Crit. Philos torn. iL period ii. par. i. lib. ii. 
cap i p. 652. SM. [See also Matter, Hist, du Gnott. 
vol. i pages 7G105 and 164186, for a view of tho 

branch of learning and science was culti- 
vated. The children of good families were 
from their earliest years instructed especi- 
ally in Grecian learning and eloquence; 
they next applied themselves to philosophy 
and the civil law, and. at last repaired to 
Greece to complete their education. 4 
Among the sects of philosophers, none were 
more acceptable to the Romans than the 
Epicureans and Academics, whom the lead- 
ing men followed in great numbers in order 
to indulge themselves in a life of pleasure 
without fear or remorse. While Augustus 
reigned, the cultivation of the fine arts was 
held in high honour. But after his death, 
the succeeding emperors being more intent 
on the arts of war than those of peace, these 
studies gradually sank into neglect. 

13. The other nations, as the Germans, 
Celts, and Britons, were certainly not des- 
titute of men distinguished for their genius 
and acumen. In Gaul, the inhabitants of 
Marseilles had long been much famed for 
their attention to learning, 5 and they had, 
doubtless, diffused knowledge among the 
neighbouring tribes. Among the Celts, the 
Druids, who were priests, philosophers, 
and legislators, were renowned for their 
wisdom, but the accounts of them now ex- 
tant are not sufficient to acquaint us with 
the nature of their philosophy. The Ro- 
mans moreover introduced literature and 
philosophy into all the countries which they 
brought under their subjection, for the 
purpose of softening their savage tempers 
and promoting their civilization. 7 

dogmas which tho Jews had borrowed from the 
Egyptians and Syrians. H. 

< Seo (laudentius, Liber de Philosophic njmd Ito~ 
manot initio, <>t progrcssu, in tho 5th vol. of the Xwi 
l f a riorum Scriptorurn t'ollectio, Halle, 1717, 8vo, 2nd 

5 See the Hixtoire liUi'raire dt> la France, par les 
Rcligieux Jienedictint, l>iss. prelim, p. 42. &c, 

fl Martini's Religion de* Gauluu, liv. i. chap. xxi. p. 
175, and various others who have written concerning 
the Druids. [This work of Martin is said to be far 
inferior to the following, viz Hmtoiredet Ct'lt&i ct par- 
ticul to'rment des Gaulois ft dt>s Germain*, par Him. 
PrUoulier, augment ee par M. de Chiniac. Paris, 1771, 
8 vols. 12mo, and 2 vols 4to ; lso, Kr6ret, Obt. stir Ui 
nature it les dogmes de la rclitf. Gnulnise, in the 
Histoire de I* /lead, det Inscrip. tome xviii. ; and his 
Obs. sur la reliv. dcs Gauloig, &c. in the Mcmoiret de 
Literature, tires den registry de I Acad. det Intcript. 
tome xxiv. Paris, 1756: also the introductory part of 
sllfatt'a Ittustrata, by M. SohocplHn, torn. I sec. 
96 Colmar, 1751, fol.3/ttr. [The works hero re- 
ferred to have been superseded by those of more re- 
cent inquirers. Among these modern works perhaps 
the fullot and moat valuable is, Thierry, Hittoirc 
de* Gaulois depuii let tempt let plut rccule't, jusqu* d 
I' enticre foumission. d*: la Gaufc d la domination rornafnt?,- 
2nd edition, IS.lft, 3 vola. 8vo. The Ethnography of the 
Celts is admirably traced by Dr Pritchard, in the 3rd 
vol. of his Rtmcarches into the phytical hittorv tifman~ 
kind London 1841, /{. 

7 Juvenal, Satyra xv. 110 1 la 


[PART n. 



1 . As it was the design of our Saviour 
to gather a church from among all nations, 
an J one* which should continue through all 
ages, the nature of the case required him 
first to appoint extraordinary teachers who 
should be his ambassadors to mankind, and 
everywhere collect societies of Christians, 
and then that he should cause to be placed 
in these societies ordinary teachers and in- 
terpreters of his will, who should repeat 
and enforce the doctrines taught by the 
extraordinary teachers, and keep the people 
steadfast in their faith and practice ; for 
any religion will gradually be corrupted 
and become extinct, unless there are per- 
sons continually at hand to explain and in- 
culcaie it. 

2. The extraordinary teachers whom 
Christ employed in setting up his kingdom, 
were those intimate friends of his whom the 
Scriptures denominate apostles, and those 
seventy disciples of whom mention was made 
above. To these, I apprehend, must be 
added.those who arc called evangelists, that 
is, as I suppose, those who were either sent 
forth to instruct the people by the apostles, 
or who, of their own accord, forsaking other 
employments, assumed the office of pro- 
mulgating the truths which Christ taught. ' 
And to these we must further add those to 
whom, in the infancy of the church, God 
imparted ability to speak in foreign lan- 
guages which they had never learned ; for 
he on whom the divine goodness conferred 
the gift of tongues, ought in my judgment 
to infer from this *ift, that God designed 
to employ his ministry in propagating the 
Christian religion.* 

3. Many have undertaken to write the 
history of the apostles, a history full of 
fables, doubts, and difficulties, if we pursue 
it farther than the books of the New Tes- 
tament and tho most ancient ecclesiastical 
writers can guidons 3 An apostle was a 
man who was divinely instructed, and who 
was invested with the power of making 
laws, of punishing the guilty and wirked 
when there was occasion, and of working 

I Enhes. iv. 11. See Eusebius, Hut. cedes, lib iii. c. 

a 1 Cor. x!v. 22, &c. 

3 Writers of the lives of the apostles are enume- 
rated by Sagittarius, Introdttctio ad historiam eccles. 
cap. i. p. 2 ; and by Buddeus, De Eccksia Apostolica, 
j>. 673, &o [The English reader may consult Cave's 
Lives qf the Apostles rf Fathers qf the first three cen- 
turiatf fol. Lond. 1677, a diffuse and uncritical com- 
pilation ; and Lardner's History qf the Apostles and 
F.oangelistx, in vols. v. and vl 'of his Works, Lond. 
1838, marked with all the care and accuracy of that 
ilstinguihhed writer. R. 

miracles when they were necessary, and who 
was sent by Christ himself to make known 
to mankind the divine pleasure and the 
way of salvation, to separate those who 
obeyed the divine commands from all others, 
and to unite them in tho bonds of a religi- 
ous society. 4 

4. Our knowledge of the seventy disciples 
of Christ is still more imperfect than that 
of the apostles, for they are but once men- 
tioned in the New Testament. Luke x. 1. 
Catalogues of them indeed arc extant, but 
these being fabricated by the Greeks have 
little or no authority or credibility. Their 
mission was, as appears from the words used 
by Luke, solely to the Jewish nation. Yet 
it is very probable that, after the Saviour's 
ascension to heaven, they performed tho 
duties of evangelists, and taught in various 
countries the way of salvation which they 
had learned from Christ. 1 " 

5. As to tho externals/km of the church 
and the mode of governing it, neither 
Christ himself nor his apostles gave any 
express precepts. We are therefore to 
understand, that this matter is left chiefly 
to be regulated by circumstances, and by 
the discretion of civil and ecclesiastical 
rulers. If, however, what no Christian can 

4 See Spanhcirn, De Apostolis, et Apoxtnlatu, torn. 
II. Opp. p. 289, &c. In ascribing legislative pinners 
to the apostles I have proceeded considerately, and, as 
I think, on good grounds. I am aware that eminent 
men at this day deny them this power, but perhaps 
they differ from me more in words than in reality. 
[Moshcim founded his opinion on Matt. x. 20 ; John 
xiii. 20 ; Luke x. 1G ; 1 Tim. Hi. 1 ; 1 Cor. xi. 14, 34 ; 
and Titus i. 5. See his Instit. hut. Christ, majores, p. 
158, &c.-Schl. 

5 Catalogues of the seventy disciples are extant, sub- 
joined to the Libri i'li. de VHn et Moris Moris* eluci- 
dated by (laulmin, and again published by Fabricius, 
Append, ad Ilippol.Op. toin. i. p. 41. [See an account 
of these catalogues in note 4, p 18, above. Mur. 

6 Those who imagine that Cfirist himself, or the 
apostles by his direction and authority, appointed a cer- 
tain fixed form of church government, are not agreed 
what that form was. The principal opinions which have 
been adopted upon this head may be reduced to the/owr 
following. The first, is that of the Roman Catholics, 
who maintain that Christ's intention and appointment 
was, that his followers should be collected into one 
sacred empire^ subjected to the government of St. Peter 
find his successors, and divided, like the kingdoms of 
this world, into several provinces ; that, in consequence 
thereof, Peter fixed the seat of ecclesiastical dominion 
at Rmn<\ but afterwards, to alleviate the burthen of his 
office, divided the church into three greater provinces, 
according to the division of the world at that time, 
and appointed a person to preside in each who was 
dignified with the title of patriarch ; tjiat the European 
patriarch resided at Horn", the Asiatic at Antioch, and 
tho African at Alexandria; that the bishops of each 
province, among whom there were various ranks, were 
to reverence the authority of their respective patriarchs ; i 
and that both bishops and patriarchs were to be pas- j 
sively subject to the supreme dominion of the Roman j 
Pontiff. See Leo Allatius, Ds perpetua Consensu j 
cedes. Orient et Occident, lib i. cap il.-- and Morln, I 
Exercitat. ecclesimt. lib. i. exer i. This romantic ac- i 
count scarcely deserves a serious refutation. The ] 
second opinion concerning the government of the ] 
church, makes no mention of a supreme head or of i 
patriarc/ts constituted by divine authority ; but it sup- I 


doubt, the apostles of Jesus Christ acted 
by divine command and guidance, then 
that form of the primitive churches, -which 
was derived from the church of Jerusalem 
erected and organized by the apostles them- 
selves, must be accounted divine; yet it 
will not follow that this form of the church 
was to be perpetual and unalterable. In 
those primitive times, each Christian church 
was composed of the people, the presiding 
officers, and the assistants or deacons. } 
These must be the component parts of 
every society. The highest authority was 
in the people, or whole body of Christians; 
for even tnc apostles themselves inculcated 
by their example, that nothing of any mo- 
ment was to be done or determined on, but 
with the knowledge and consent of the 
brotherhood. Acts i. 15; vi. 3; xv. 4; 
xxi. 22. And this mode of proceeding, 
both prudence and necessity required fn 
those early times. 

0. The assembled people therefore 

poses that the apostles divided the Konian empire into 
as many cccksiastical provinces as there wero secular 
or civil ones ; that the metropolitan bishop, i. e. the 
prelate who resided in the capital city of each province, 
presided over the clergy of that province ; and that the 
other bishops were subject to his authority. This 
opinion has been adopted by some of the most learned 
of the Romish church (Fctrus de Marca, De Concord 
saccrd. ct imperil, lib. vi. cap. i ; Morin, Excrc. eccles. 
lib. i. exerc. xviii.; and Pagi, Crificn in Annul, Haronii, 
ad arm 37, torn. i. p. 29), and has also been favoured by 
some of the most eminent British divines (Hammond, 
Dint, de Episcop.; Beveridgc, Cod. Canon vet. ecck't. vm- 
dic. lib. ii. cap. v. torn. ii. Patr.Aposlol.i&nA Ussher, 
De Origine. episcop. ct mcttonol. p. 20.) Some Protes- 
tant writers of note have endeavoured to prove that it 
is not supported by sufficient evidence (Basnago, Hist, 
de I'Eglise, torne i. livr. i.chap.viii.; Boohmer, Annot. 
ad Pctrum de Marca de Concordia sacerd. et imperil, 
p. 143.) The third opinion is that of those who ac- 
knowledge that when the Christians began to multiply 
exceedingly, metropolitans, patriarchs, and arch- 
bishops wero indeed created, but only by human ap- 
pointment and authority ; though they confess, at the 
same time, that it is consonant to tha orders and in- 
tentions o,f Christ and his apostles, that there should be 
in every Christian church 'one person invested with the 
highest authority, and clothed with certain rights and 
privileges above the other doctors of that assembly. 
This opinion has been embraced by many English di- 
vines of the first rank in the learned world, and also 
by many in other countries and communions. The 
fourth and last opinion is that of the Presbyterians, 
who affirm that Christ** intention was, that the 
Christian doctors and ministers should all enjoy the 
game rank and authority, without any sort of pre- 
eminence or subordination, or any distinction of rights 
and privileges. The reader will find an ample account 
of these four different opinions with respect to church 
government in Mosheim's larger history of the first 
century. Mad. [On the question whether a fixed 
form of government binding on all churches was in- 
stituted by Christ and his apostles, see, on the nega- 
tive side, Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, books i. ii. iii. 
and Stlllingfleet's Irenicum, Lond. 1C62, p. 170, &c. ; 
and for the affirmative, Rutherford's Divine Right of 
Church Government, fcc. Lond. 1646 ; and the Jus divi- 
num regiminis ecclesiastici of the London ministers. 
Lond. 1647. -R. 

1 Euseblus ( Demonttratio Evang. lib. vli. cap. Ii.) 
omits the deacons, unless he includes them among the 
rulers, for he diridos a church into iryov^vm^, iriirnvt, 
and Kcmjxovf-wVovf , the rulers, the faithful, and cate- 

elected their own rulers and teachers, or 
received without constraint those recom- 
mended to them. They also by their suf- 
frages rejected or confirmed the laws which 
were proposed by their rulers in their as- 
semblies they excluded profligate and 
lapsed brethren and restored them they 
decided the controversies and disputes 
which arose they heard and determined 
the causes of presbyters and deacons ; in 
a word, the people did everything which 
belongs to those in whom the supreme 
power of the community is vested. All 
these rights the people paid for, by supply- 
ing the funds necessary for the support of 
the teachers, the deacons, and the poor, the 
public exigencies and unforeseen emergen- 
cies. These funds consisted of voluntary 
contributions in every species of goods, 
made by individuals according to their 
ability, at their public meetings, and usually 
called oblations. 

7. Among all members of the church, of 
whatever class or condition, there was the 
most perfect equality, which they mani- 
fested by their love-feasts, by their use of 
the appellatives brethren and sisters, and in 
other ways. Nor in this first century was 
there any distinction between the initiated 
and the candidates for initiation, for who- 
ever professed to regard Jesus Christ as 
the Saviour of the world, and to depend on 
him alone for salvation, was immediately 
baptized and admitted into the church; 
but in process of time, as the churches be- 
came enlarged, it was deemed advisable and 
necessary to distribute the people into two 
classes, the faithful and the catechumens. 
The former were those who had been so- 
lemnly admitted into the church by- bap- 
tism, and who might be present at all the 
parts of religious worship, and enjoy the 
right of voting in the meetings of the 
church. The latter, not having yet re- 
ceived baptism, were not admitted to the 
common prayers, nor to the sacred supper, 
nor to the meetings of the church. 

8. The rulers of the church were de- 
nominated sometimes presbyters or elders, 
a designation borrowed from the Jews, and 
indicative rather of the wisdom than the 
age of the persons, and sometimes, also, 
bishops i for it is manifest that both terms 
are promiscuously used in the New Testa- 
ment for one and the same class of persons. 
Acts xx. 1728 ; Phil. i. 1 ; Tit. i. 5~-7 ; 
1 Tim. iii. 1. These were men of gravity, 
and distinguished for their reputation, in- 

9 On this subject see the authorities quoted and the 
extracts given by Gieseler, Lehrbuch, &c. Davids, trans, 
vol. i. p. 88, noto 1. .R, 


[PART n. 

fluence, and sanctity. 1 Tim. iii. 1, &c. ; 
Tit. i. 5, &c. From the words of St. Paul 
(1 Tim. v. 17), it has been inferred that 
some elders instructed the people, while 
others served the church in other ways. 
But this distinction between teaching and 
ruling elder s y if it ever existed (which 
I will neither affirm nor deny), was cer- 
tainly not of lon continuance ; for St. Paul 
makes it a qualification requisite in all pres- 
byters or bishops, that they be able to teach 
and instruct others. I Tim. iii. 2, fce. 1 

9. As few amonor the first professors of 
Christianity were learned men, and com- 
petent to instruct the rude and uninformed 
on religious subjects, it became necessary 
that Grod should raise up in various churches 
extraordinary teachers, who could discourse 
to the people on religious subjects in their 
public assemblies, and address them in the 
name of God. Such were the persons 
who in the New Testament are called 
prophets. Rom. xii. 0; 1 Cor. xii. 28; 
xiv. 3 39; Ephcs. iv. 11. The functions 
of these men are limited too much by 
those who make it to have been their sole 
business to expound the Old Testament 
Scriptures, and especially the prophetic 
books. 2 Whoever professed to bo such a 
herald of God, was allowed publicly to ad- 
dress the people; but there were present 
among the hearers divinely constituted 
judges, who could not fail, by infallible crite- 
ria, to discriminate between true and false 
prophets. The order of prophets ceased 
when the necessity for them was past. 

10. That the church had its public ser- 
vants or deacons j from its first foundation, 
there can be no doubt, since no association 
can exist without its servants; and least 
of all such associations as the; first Chris- 
tian churches. Those young men who car- 
ried out the corpses of Ananias and his 
wife, were undoubtedly die deacons of the 
church at Jerusalem, who were attending 
on the apostles and executing their com- 
mands. Acts v. 6 10. 3 These first dea- 
cons of that church were chosen from 
among the Jewish Christians born in Pa- 

1 Sec, concerning the word presbyter, Vitrinj?a, Da 
Synttgoga retere, lib. iii. par. i. cap. i. p. GO!) ; and 
Carpzov, Exercit. in epixt. <id tkbneos, ex Phtlone, p. 
4!W. On the thinjf itself, or rather the pcr.wns desig- 
nated by this title, see Huddeus, Rcckmia Jpostuf. 
cap. vi. p. 719, and Pfaff, Do Originibu$ juris eccks. 
p. 40. 

2 8eo Mosheim, DM*, de fU'S, <? propftftat nacantnr 
in N. T, [in the 2nd vol. of his Din. nd Hist. Eccl. 
pcrtinentes, p. 125, &o. ; also, Witsius, MitctM. Stecm, 
toin. 1. ; Kxippc, Exeunt, iii. in Epistokim (id 

and Schleusner, Lexicon in N. Test. art. 
No. lO.Mur. 

3 Those who may be surprised that T should consi. 
der the y<ntng men who interred the bodies of Ananias ! 
and Srtpfihira, to be the deacont of the church at : 
Jerusalem, are desired to consider that the words ' 

lestine; and as they appeared to act with 
partiality in the distribution of alms among 
the native and foreign Jewish Christians, \ 
seven other deacons were chosen by order 
of the apostles, out of that part of the 
church at Jerusalem which was composed 
of strangers or Jews of foreign birth. Acts , 
vi. 1, &c. Six of these new deacons were j 
foreign Jews as appears from their names ; , 
the other one was from among the prose- i 
lytes j for there was a number of prose- j 
lytes among the first Christians of Jcrusa- i 
lem, and it was suitable that they should 
be attended to as well as the foreign Jews. 
The example of the church of Jerusalem 
being followed by all the other churches, 
in obedience to the injunctions of the apos- 
tles, they likewise appointed deacons. 1 
Tim. iii. 8, 9. There were also in many 
churches, and especially in those of Asia, 
female public servants, or deaconesses, who 
were respectable matrons or widows, ap- 
pointed to take care of the poor and to 
perform other offices. 4 

ojj-cpot and I'cayitr/coi young men, are not always ( 
..jdicativo of age, but often, both among the Greeks j 
and Latins, indicate a function or office; for the ! 
samo change is made in these words as in the word i 
presbyter, which, every one knows, is indicative, some- | 
times of age, and sometimes merely of office. As, ! 
therefore, the word presbyter often denotes the rulers i 
or head men of a society or association, without any ) 
regard to their age, so also the terms young wen and j 
the younger not utifrcquently denote the servants, or j 
those thdt stand in wn'thig; because, ordinarily, men in j 
the vigour of life perform this office. Nor is this use I 
of the word foreign from the New Testament. The j 
Saviour hiinsclf seems to use the word rewrepo? ; 
in this sense, Luke xxii. 20, 6 juet'cjon' cv v^ilr, yeveaOw \ 
u>? p I'eojTt-pos. The word |ULau>z> he himself explains i 
t>y TJ-yoiVei/os, so that it is equivalent to ruler or prcs- i 
byter i and instead of rewrepos he in the next clause j 
uses 6 5ia.Koi'coi', which places our interpretation beyond j 
all controversy. So that fietfav and vturcpo? are not 
hero indicative of certain ages, but of certain offices ; ! 
and the precept of Christ amounts to this: u Let not ! 
lim that performs the office of a presbyter or elder j 
among you, think himself superior to the public servants 
or deacons " Still more evident is the passage, 1 Peter 
f. 5, co^xouo vewTepot i)7TOTttyjTe Trpecr/Sirrepois- It is mani- 
fest from what goes before that presbyter here is indi- 
cative of rank or office, denoting teacher or ruler in 
;hc church ; therefore, its counterpart i/ecorepos, has the 
?ame import, and docs not denote persons young 
In years, but the servants, or deacons of the church. 
Piter, after solemnly exhorting the presbyters not to 
jibuso the power committed to thorn, turns to the dea- 
con* and says: " And likewise ye younger, i. e,. ye den- 
cons, despise not the orders of the presbyters, but per- 
brm cheerfully whatever they require of you." In 
[his same sense the term is used by Luke, Acts v. G 1C, 
where 'fwr?poi or veai'ttsxoi are the deacons of the 
church at Jerusalem, the very prrsons whom, a little 
after, the Hellenists accused before the apostles of 7iot 
distributing properly the contributions for fhe poor. I 
might confirm this sense of the term yvung ttten, by 
numerous citations from Greek and Latin writers, both 
sacred and profane ; but this is not the place for such 

4 For an account of the deacons and deaconesses of 
the ancient churches, see Ziegler, De Diacrmis et din- 
conixsis. Wittemb. 1078, 4to; Damage, Annalet Polit. 
cedes, ad, ann. 35, torn. i. p. 453 ; Uingham, Original 
Ecclesiaxt. book ii. chaiv xx. [and Mosheim, De Rebut 
Christ, ante C. M. p. 118, &c. where he defends, at great 
length, his somewhat peculiar views respecting the 
seven deacons of the church at Jerusalem.- -JV/ur. 

CllAP. II.] 


1 1 . In this manner Christians managed 
ecclesiastical affairs so long as their congre- 
gations were small or not very numerous. 
Three or four presbyters, men of gravity 
and holiness, placed over those little socie- 
ties, could easily proceed with harmony, 
and needed no head or president. But 
when the churches became larger, and the 
number of presbyters and deacons, as well 
as the amount of duties to be performed, 
was increased, it became necessary that 
the council of presbyters should have a 
president ; , a man of distinguished' gravity 
and prudence, who should distribute among 
his colleagues their several tasks, and be, 
as it were, the central point of the whole 
society. He was at first denominated the 
angel (Rev. ch. ii. and iii.), 1 but afterwards 
the bishop, a Greek title indicative of his 
principal business. It would seem that 
the Church of Jerusalem, when grown very 
numerous, after the dispersion of the apos- 
tles among foreign nations, was the first 
to elect such a president, and that other 
churches in process of time followed the 
example. 2 

12. But whoever supposes that the bi- 
shops of the first and golden age of the 
church corresponded with the bishops of the 
following centuries, must blend and con- 
found characters which are very diiFerent. 
For, in this century and the next, a bishop 
had charge of a single church, which might 
ordinarily be contained in a private house ; 
nor was he its lord, but was in reality its 
minister or servant ; he instructed the peo- 
ple, conducted all parts of public worship, 
and attended on the sick and the necessi- 
tous in person ; and what he was unable 
thus to perform, he committed to the care 
of the presbyters, but without power to de- 
termine or sanction anything except by the 
votes of the presbyters and people. 3 The 
emoluments of this singularly laborious 
and perilous office were very small. For 
the churches had no revenues except the 
voluntary contributions of the people or 
the oblations, which, moderate as they 
doubtless were, were divided among the 

i The title of angel occurs only in the Revelation, 
a highly poetic book. It was not probably the common 
title of the presiding presbyter, and certainly was not 
an older one than that of bishop, which is so often 
used by St. Paul in his Epistles, written long before 
the Apocalypse. Mur. 

9 Mosheim, De Reb. Christ, ante C. M. p. 134, 
has a long note, in which he argues from the traditional 
accounts of a longer catalogue of bishops in the Church 
of Jerusalem, than in any other church, during the 
first ages, that the Church of Jerusalem must bo sup- 
posed to have had bishop* earlier than any other Mur. 

3 All that is here stated may be clearly proved from 
the records of the first centuries, and has been proved 
by Bingham, Originet Ecclesiatt ; Beveridge, Code* 
Canon, primit. ecckrias, and others. Mosheim, De 
Reb. Christ. &c. p, \36.-Mur. 

bishop, the presbyters, the deacons, and 
the poor of the church. 

13. It was not long, however, before 
the extent of episcopal jurisdiction and 
power was enlarged. For the bishops who 
lived in the cities, either by their own la- 
bours or by those of their presbyters, ga- 
thered new churches in the neighbouring 
villages and hamlets; and these churches 
continuing under the protection and caro 
of the bishops by whose preaching or 
advice they received Christianity, ecclesi- 
astical provinces were gradually formed, 
which the Greeks afterwards denominated 
dioceses. The perspns to whom the city 
bishops committed the government and in- 
struction of these village and rural churches, 
were called chorcpiscopi, rq$ Y,tya> SK/GXO- 
TTW, or bishops of the suburbs and rural 
districts. They were an intermediate class 
between the bishops and the presbyters, 
being inferior to the former and superior 
to the latter. 4 

14. All the Churches in those primitive 
times were independent bodies, none of 
them subject to the jurisdiction of any 
other. For though the Churches which 
were founded by the apostles themselves 
frequently had the honour shown them to 
be consulted in difficult and doubtful cases, 
.yet they had no judicial authority, no con- 
trol, no power of giving laws. On the 
contrary, it is clear as the noon-day, that 
all Christian churches had equal rights, 
and were in all respects on a footing of 
equality. Nor docs there appear in this 
first century any vestige of that consocia- 
tion of the Churches of the same province, 
which gave rise to councils and to metro- 
politans. Rather, as is manifest, it was 
not till the second century that the custom 
of holding ecclesiastical councils began, 
first in Greece, and thence extended into 
other provinces. 6 

4 Learned men, who havo written largely on the sub- 
ject, have debated whether the c/iorepiscupi ranked with 
bishops, or with presbyters. See Morin, De tacris ec- 
cles. ordinat. par. i. exerc. iv. ; Blondel, De Epitc. et 
Presbut. sec. iii. ; Beveridge, Pandect. Canon, torn. ii. 
p. 176; Ziegler, De Episcopii. lib. i. cap. 13, p. 106, 
&c. ; Peter de Marca, De Concordia sacerd. et imperil, 
lib. ii. cap. 13, 14; Bcehmer, Adnot. ad Petrurn de 
Marca, pages 62, 63 ; Thomassin. DitcipKna ecclet. vet. 
et nova, par. i. lib. ii. cap. i. p. 215. But they did not 
belong entirely to either of those orders. Mosheiro, 
DC Reb. Christ, ante C. M. p. 137 Mur. 

5 It is commonly said, that the meeting of the church 
in Jerusalem, which is described Acts xv. was the firtt 
Christian cwmcil. But this is a perversion of 'the Im- 
port of the term council; for that meeting was a con- 
ference of only a single church, called together for de- 
liberation ; and if such meetings may be called ecdcti- 
astical councils, a multitude of them were held in those 
primitive times. A n ecclesiastical council is a meeting 
of delegates from a number of confederate chttrehti 
[This is the view of Archbishop Wh&tely, in his King 
dom of Christ. Load. 1842, p. 105. It is also that of 
the Independents. The Presbyterian view, as embraced 


[PART n. 

15. Among the Christian teachers and 
ecclesiastical writers, the first rank is most 
clearly due to the apostles themselves, and 
to certain of their disciples whom God had 
moved to write histories of the transactions 
of Christ and his apostles. The writings 
of these men are collected into one vo- 
lume, and arc in the hands of all who pro- 
fess to be Christians. In regard to the 
history of these sacred books, 1 and the 
arguments by which their divine authority 
and their genuineness are evinced, 2 those 
authors are to be consulted who have writ- 
ten professedly on these subjects. 

1 6. As to the time when, and the persons 
by whom, the books of the New Testament 
were collected into one volume, there are 
various opinions, or rather conjecture?, of 
the learned; for the subject is attended 
with great and almost inexplicable difficul- 
ties to us of these latter times. '* It must 
suffice to know, that before the middle of 
the second century, most of the books com- 
posing the New .Testament were in every 
Christian Church throughout the known 
world, and were read and regarded as the 
divine rule of faith and practice. And 
hence it may be concluded, that it was 
wh le some of the apostles were still living, 
and certainly while then' disciples and im- 
mediate successors were everywhere to be 
met with, that these books were separated' 
and distinguished from all human compo- 
sitions. 4 That the four Gospels were com- 
bined during the life-time of the apostle 
John, and that the first three Gospels re- 
ceived the approbation of this inspired 
man, we learn expressly from the testimony 
of Eusebius. b And why may we not sup- 
pose that the other books of the New Tes- 

by many, may be seen most succinctly stated by Ruther- 
ford, in his Due right of Presbyteries. Lond. 1C 14, 
pages 355377 R. 

\ See, on this subject, Fabriciua, Bttliothe.yi Grceca, 
lib. iv. cap. v. pages 1 22227 ; [and Jones, Method of 
tettling the canonical authority of the N. T. 3 vols. 
8vo. ; and the modern Introductions to the books of the 
N. T. in English, by Home, and Michaels, ed. Marsh ; 
and in German, by Ilaenlin, Krug, Bortholdt, Eich- 
horn, &o. Afur. 

8 The early writers in defence of the divlno autho- 
rity of the N. T. are enumerated by Pabricius, Delec- 
tus argumentorum et syllabus scriptor. pro nerit. rolig. 
Christiana, cap. xxvi. p. 602. [On the subject itself, 
the modern writers are numerous, and generally 
known. Lardner and Paley still hold the first rank 
among the English Afur. 

3 See Ens, Bibiioth. sacra, seu diatriba de libror. N. 

T. canon*. Amster. 1710, 8vo*, and Mills, Prolcgom. 
ad N. T. sec. 1, p. 23, &c. [On this "inexhaustible 
question," see the account given by Bishop Thiriwall, 
In tho preface to his translation of Schleiernmchcr's 

Critical Estay on the Gospel qf Luke. Lend. 1825, of 
which account Milman says, " It would be difficult to 
point out a clearer and more satisfactory exposition of 
any wntroversy." Hist, of Cfcm/.chap. l.p. 144 72. 

4 See. Frick, De Cura refera eccteiia circa canon. 
cap. iii. p. 86, &c. 

Bttseb. Hist. Ecclet. lib. iii. cap. xxiv. 

tament were collected into one body at the 
same time? 

17. There were various causes requiring 
this to be done at an early period, and par- 
ticularly this, that, not long after the Sa- 
viour's ascension, various histories of his life 
and doctrines full of impositions and fables, 
were composed by persons of no bad inten- 
tions perhaps, but who were superstitious, 
simple, and addicted to pious frauds j and 
afterwards various spurious writings were 
palmed upon the world, inscribed with the 
names of the holy apostles. 6 These worth- 
less productions would have wrought great 
confusion, and would have rendered both 
the history and the religion of Christ uncer- 
tain, had not the rulers of churches season- 
ably interposed, and caused the books 
which were truly divine and which came 
from apostolic hands, to be speedily sepa- 
rated from that mass of trash into a vo- 
lume by themselves. 

6 Such as remain of these spurious works have been 
carefully collected by Fabricius, Codex Apocryphus N. 
T. 2 vols. 12mo. Harnb. second ed. 1719. Many 
learned remarks on them occur in Beausobre, Histoire 
aritique des dogmex fe Maniehee, livr. ii. p. 337, &c. [No 
one of all the books contained in tho Codex Apocry- 
pha N. T. of Fabriciua speaks disrespectfully of 
Christ, of his religion, his apostles and followers, or of 
the canonical books of the N. T." They were evidently 
composed with a design to subserve the cause of Chris- 
tianity. The following account of the contents of the 
Codex Apocrypha* N. T. may not be unacceptable 
On opening the first volume, wo meet with, 1 . " Tho 
Gospel of the Nativity of Mary," Latin. 2, " The Previ- 
ous Gospel (Prot-evangdium), ascribed to James tho 
Just, the brother of our Lord," Gr. and Lat. 3. " The 
Gospel of the Infancy of Christ, ascribed to Thomas 
the Apostle," Gr. and Lat. 4. " The Gospel of the 
Infancy, translated from the Arabic, by Henry Sikcs," 
Lat. It is the aim of all these to supply deficiencies in 
the beginning of the true Gospels, by acquainting us 
more fully with the history of tho Virgin Mary, Joseph, 
Elizabeth, &c. and with the birth, infancy, and child, 
hood of Christ. Next follow, 5. " The Gospel of 
Nicodemus," or, as it is sometimes called, " Tho Acts 
of Pilate," relating to the crucifixion and resurrection 
of Christ, Latin. 6. Throe " Epistles of Pilate to Ti- 
berius the Emperor," giving an account of the con- 
demnation, death, and resurrection of Christ, Latin. 
7. " The Epistle of Lentulus to tho Roman senate," 
describing tho person and manners of Christ, Latin. 
The last three (Nos. 5, 6, 7; were intended to be valu- 
able appendages to tho true Gospels, and to contain ir- 
refragable proofs that Jesus was the Messiah, and 
clothed with divine authorithy. Then follow tho writ- 
ings ascribed to Christ himself; viz. his correspondence 
with Abgarua, King of Edossa, which is to be found in 
Euscbius, Hht. Eccles. lib. i. cap. xiii. and in various 
modern works. Fabricius next gives a catalogue of 
about forty apocryphal Gospels, or of all the spurious 
Gospels of which the slightest notice can be found in 
antiquity. These are all, of course, nowjost, except 
tho few which are contained in the previous list. Vol. 
i. partii. begins with "Tho Apocryphal Acts of the 
Apostles, or the history of their conflicts, ascribed 1 to 
Abdias, the first Bishop of Babylonia," Latla This 
history summarily recounts what the canonical books 
relate of each of the twelve apostles, and then traces 
them severally through their various travels and la- 
bours, till their death or martyrdom. Then follows a 
catalogue of all tho ancient biographies of individual 
apostles and apostolic men, which Fabricius could hear 
of; in all, thirty-six in number. Most of those which 
hare been published are to be met with in Martyrolo- 
gies and in the Ada Sanctorum. Fabricius next 



18. Next after the apostles, Clement, the 
Bishop of Rome, obtained very high repu- 
tation as one of the writers of this century. 
The accounts We have at this day of his 
life, actions, and death, are for the most 
part uncertain. 1 There are still extant 
two epistles to the Corinthians, bearing his 
name and written in Greek: of these, it is 
generally supposed that the first is genuine, 
and that the second is falsely palmed upon 
the holy man by some deceiver. 5 ' Yet even 
the first epistle seems to have been cor- 
rupted by some indiscreet person, who was 

gives us apocryphal Epistles, ascribed to tho Virgin 
Mary, to Paul, and to Peter. Mary's letters are but 
tbree, and those very short. One is addressed to St. 
Ignatius, in nine lines ; another, to the people of Mar- 
seilles, in eleven lines; and the third, to the people of 
Florence, in four lines. To St. Paul is attributed a 
short Epistle to the Laodiccans, Gr. and Lat. It is a 
tolerable compilation from his genuine epistles. Then 
follows a courteous but vapid correspondence in Latin, 
said to have passed between St. Paul and Seneca, the 
Roman philosopher. It comprises fourteen short let- 
ters, full of compliments and of very little else. Paul's 
third Epistle to the Corinthians has not had the honour 
to bo published. There is one Epistle of tho apostle 
Peter, addressed to the apostle James, still extant, in the 
Clementina, or spurious works of Clemens Romanus. 
Of spurious Revelations,- Fabricius enumerates twelve; 
most of which are either lost or have not been judged 
worth publishing. The second volume of the Codfx 
opens with the ancient liturgies, bearing the names of 
tho apostles and evangelists. They are six ; namely, 
those which bear tho names of tho Apostles James, 
Peter, John, Matthew, and Luke ; together with a short 
prayer ascribed to John. These liturgies, doubtless, 
are quite ancient. To these are subjoined nine canons 
or ecclesiastical laws, said to have been adopted in a 
council of the apostles held at Antioch ; and finally, the 
Apostles' Creed, which, many of the ancients supposed, 
was formed by tho apostles themselves. The appendix 
to the Codex gleans up some fragments and additional 
notices of the pieces before mentioned, and then closes 
with the Shepherd of Hernias, accompanied with notes. 
Mur. [Most of these spurious pieces were trans- 
lated, and published in studied imitation of the books 
of the New Testament by the late W. Hone, with the 

view of discrediting the divine authority of the sacred 

sorry to see so little erudition and genius 
in a production of so great a man. 3 

1 9. The other works which boar the name 
of Clement, namely, the apostolic Canons* 
the apostolic Constitutions, the Recogni* 
tions of Clement, and the Clementina,* were 
fraudulently ascribed to this eminent father, 
by some deceiver, for the purpose of pro- 
curing them greater authority. This all 
now concede. The apostolic Canons are 
LXXXV ecclesiastical Laws, and exhibit the 
principles of discipline received in the Greek 
and oriental churches, in the second and 
third centuries. The viu Boohs of apos- 
tolical Constitutions, are the work of some 
austere and melancholy author, who de- 
signed to reform the worship and discipline 
of the church, which he thought were fallen 
from their original purity and sanctity, and 
who did not hesitate to prefix the names of 
tho apostles to his regulations, in order to 
give them currency. 5 The Recognitions of 
Clement, which differ but 1 ittlc from the Cle- 
mentina, are ingenious fables, composed by 

n Byriac, two other epistles, ascribed to Cle- 
ititled, DK I'irginitate, scu ad firgines. They 

3 See Cotelier, Patres A post-olid, torn. i. pages 133, 
131, and Bernhard, Adnotatiunculat ad Clemcntem, 
in the last edition of the Patres Apostol- by Lo Clerc. 
These annotations Wotton has in vain attempted to 
confute, in his notes on the epistle of Clement. [Be- 
sides tho two epistles to tho Corinthians, there 
extant, ir " " " 

ment, e . _ .. ...... , . 

were first brought to Europe by Sir James Porter, 
British ambassador at Constantinople ; and were pub- 
lished with a Latin translation accompanying the 
Syriac text, by Wetstcin, at tho end of tho 2d vol. of 
his very learned Creek N. T. Lcyden, 1752. Lardner 
assailed their genuineness, In a DM*, of sixty pages, 8vo. 
London, 1753, and Vencma followed, in three printed 
letters, 1754. Wetstein replied to the lormer ; but, dy- 
ing in March, 1754, ho left the controversy with the 
latter to G aland, who prosecuted it in his Ilibliotheca 
vet. Patrum, Dissert, ii. cap. ii.; also, in Sprengcr's 
Thesaurus rei Patrist. torn. i. p. 60, &c. These epis- 
tles are not mentioned by any writer till near tho end 

of tho fourth century. They were, probably, composed 

l Subsequent to Tillemont [ Memoires pour servir a 
thistoire de f Eglute* tomo ii. part i. p. 279], Cotelier 
?.], and Grabo [ Spirikg. Patrum, sice, i. 

p. 264, &c'.], Philip Rondininus hasoollected all that 
is known of this great man, in the first of his two 
books, De S. Clemente, papa et martyre, ejusque Basilica 
in urbe Roma. Rome, 1706, 4to. [See also Bower's 
Lives of the Popes, vol. i. pages 1 420, 2d cd. Clemens, 
was, perhaps, tho person mentioned by Paul, Philip, iv. 
3. He was one of tho most distinguished Roman 
Christians, became Bishop of Rome towards the close 
of the century, and is said to have lived till the third 
year of Trajan's roign, or A.D. 100. Mur. 

* Tho editions of Clement's epistles to the Corinth- 
ians, are mentioned by Fabricius, Biblioth. Gnec.a, lib. 
iv. cap. v. p. 175, Sec. to which must be added, the 
edition of Wotton, Cantab. 1718, 8vo, which is pre- 
ferable to the preceding editions in many respects. 
[The English reader may find them both, together with 
some account of this author, in Archbishop Wake's 
Genuine epistles of the apostolical Fathers, translated, 
&c. An ample account of them is given by Lardner, 
Credibility of the Gospel History, part ii. vol. 1. p. 283, 
ed. Lond. 1835. Mur. [A more accurate translation 
of the first, and indeed only genuine, epistle may be seen 
in Chevallier'g Translation of the Epistles of Clement, 
Polycdtp, and Ignatius, &c. London, 1833. B. 

part iii. p. 1103, &c. Mur. 

4 For the history and various editions of these works, 
see Ittig, Dus. da Patribus Ajiostol. prefixed to his 


otheca patrum Apostol. and his Diss. de Pteude- 
.,,_ . j,phis Apostol. annexed to his Appendix ad librum 
de Ilaresiarchis am Apostol ; also, Fabricius, fiiblioth. 
Grteca, lib. v. cap. i. p. 31, &c.; and lib. vi cap. i p. 4. &c. 
6 Tho various opinions of the learned respecting the 
Apoxtolic Canons and Constitutions, are collected by 
Buddeus, Isagoge in Theologian, par, ii. cap. v. p. 74(5. 
[See Bishop Beveridge, Notes on these Canons, and his 
Codex Canonum ea-kis. prim. Lond. 1678, 4to. The 
Canons themselves make a part of tho Corpus Jurts C<t- 
nvnici, and are also inserted in Binius's and other large 
collections of the Councils. They are valuable docu- 
ments respecting the order and discipline of the church, 
about the third century. The Apostolic Constitutions 
scorn to have undergone changes since their first 
- ' ' in the fourth 

w .v^. J Inute regula- 
tions respecting ecclesiastical discipline and worship. 
They are of considerable use In determining various 
points of practice in the church, during the third, 
fourth, and fifth centuries. Mur. [They inay be found 
In the second volume of Wmrton's Primitive Chrit- 
tianity in Greek, with an English translation in paral* 
lei columns. It. 

formation, and probably by Arian hands in th 
century. They are voluminous and minute 



[PART n. 

some Alexandrine Jewish Christian and phi- 
losopher of the third century, to meet the at- 
tacks of the Jews, Gnostics, and philosophers 
upon the Christian religion, in anew manner. 
A careful perusal of them will assist a person 
much in gaining a knowledge of the state of 
the ancient Christian church. * 

20. The Apostolic Fathers, as they are 
called, are those Christian writers who were 
conversant either with the apostles them- 
selves, or with their immediate disciples. 
Among these the next after Clement was 
Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, a disciple and 
companion of the apostles, He suffered 
martyrdom under Trajan, being exposed 
to wild beasts in the theatre at Home 2 
There are extant several epistles bearing 
his name, and concerning which the learned 
have had long and sharp contests. The 
seven, written while he was on his way to 
Rome, as published A. 1). 1646, by Is.Vos- 
sius, from a Florentine MS. are, by most 
writers, accounted genuine ; but the others 
they reject as forged. To this opinion I 
cheerfully accede ; and yet I must acknow- 
ledge that the genuineness of the Epistle to 
Poly carp, on account of its difference of 
style, appears to me very dubious; and 
indeed the whole subject of the Ignatian 
epistles in general, is involved in much ob- 
scurity and perplexity. 8 

1 See Mosheim's Diss. de turbata per rccentiorcs Pla- 
tanicQs ecdesify in the first vol. of his Dissert, ad his- 
toriam eccl. pertinentes, sec. 34, p. 174, c. [The 
Apostolic Canons and Constitutions were ascribed to 
Clement as the collector and publisher only. The Re- 
cognitions, Clementina, &c. are ascribed to him as the 
author. The writings belonging to this latter class are 
three different works on the same subject, and written 
after the same general plan. They all, doubtless, had 
one and the same author, who re-wrote his own work, 
for the sake of giving it a better form. The substance 
of them all is Clement's history of his own dissatisfac- 
tion with paganism ; his first and slight knowledge of 
Christianity, which induced him to journey from Home 
to Palestine; there ho met with Peter, and for some 
time resided and travelled with him, heard his public 
discourses, and witnessed his combats, particularly with 
Simon Magus ; and in private conversations with the 
apostles, everything pertaining not only to Christianity, 
but to cosmogony, physics, pneumatology, &c. was 
fully explained to him. The three works often relate 
precisely the same things, and in the same words ; but 
they not unfrequently diflerin the fulness of the details 
and in many of the minor points both of doctrine and 
of fact. The first is entitled Sti dementis Romani Re- 
cognitionet. The original is lost, BO that we have only 
the Latin translation of Rufinus. The second is the 
Clementina (TO. KXnucvriva.), first published, Greek 
and Latin, by Cotelier. It commences with an epistlo 
of Peter, and another of Clement, addressed to the 
apostle James. The body of the work, instead of being 
divided into books and chapters, like the Recognitions, 
Is thrown into nineteen discourses or homilies (ofAtXtxt), 
as delivered by Peter, but committed to writing by 
Clement. The third is the Clementine Epitome, or 
abridged account of the acts, travels, and discourses 
of Peter, together with the epistle of Clement to James, 
Greek and Latin. This is, as its title Implies, a mere 
abridgment of the two preceding works. Mur. 

2 See TiUemont, Memoirct pour tereir d Vhistoire de 
T Eghte, tome il. part ii. pages 4280. 

8 In regard to these epistles, consult Fabricius, Bib- 

21. Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, suf- 
fered martyrdom at an extreme as;e, in the 
middle of the second century. The epistle 
addressed to the Philippians, which is as- 
cribed to him, is by some accounted genu- 
ine, and by others spurious ; which of these 

Iwth. Grccca, lib. v. cap. i. pages 38 47. [Eusebius, 
Hist. Eccl. iii. 30, makes very honourable mention of 
Ignatius and his epistles; and describes his conduct 
while on his way to Rome, the place of his martyrdom. 
The account of his martyrdom, which is printed along 
with his epistles, gives a still fuller account of this emi- 
nent father. It is clear that he buffered death in the 
reign of Trajan; but whether A.D. 107, or 116, is un- 
certain. Rome was the place of his martyrdom, and 
wild beasts his executioners. On his way from Antioeh, 
he was enraptured with his prospect of dying a martyr, 
and wrote probably all his epistles. Eusebius says: 
"He confirmed the churches in every city through which 
he passed, by discourses and exhortations, warning them 
most especially to take heed of the heresies which then 
first sprung up and increased." From Smyrna (ac- 
cording to Eusebius). he wrote four of his epistles; 
namely, to the churches of Ephesus, Magnesia, Tralles 
and Rome. The last of these was to entreat the Ro- 
man Christians not to interpose and prevent his mar- 
tyrdom. From Troas he wrote three other epistles ; 
namely, to the Churches of Philadelphia and of Smyrna, 
and to his friend Polycarp. Of these seven epistles, 
there are duplicate copies still extant; that is, copies 
of a larger and of a smaller size. The latter are those 
published by Vossius, which many suppose to be genu- 
ine. Besides these, there are extant five other Greek 
epistles, and as many more in Latin, which are now 
universally rejected ; namely, ad Mariam CassibnUtam, 
ad Tarscnses, ad Antioclwnos, ad Heroncm Antiochvnum 
diacan*m,ad Philippcnscsj also, one in Latin, from the 
Virgin Mary to Ignatius, and his reply; two from Ig- 
natius to St. John; and one of Maria Cassibolita to Ig- 
natius. It is the singular fortune of the seven first 
epistles of Ignatius, to have become the subject of sec- 
tarian controversy among Protestants. In these epis- 
tles, the dignity and authority of bishops arc exalted 
higher than in any other writings of this age. Hence, 
the strenuous advocates for the apostolic origin of epis- 
copacy, prize and defend these epistles with no ordinary 
interest, while the Reformed divines, and especially 
those of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland, 
assail them with equal ardour. The most prominent 
champion^ are Bishop Pearson, in his vindirite episto- 
farum Ignatii. Cambridge, 1672, 4to; and Daille, /)<? 
Scri-ptis quce sub Dionysii An op. et Ignatii Antioch. 
nominibus drcumftruntur. Geneva, 1CG6, 4to. But 
each of these is supported by a host of able polemics. 
Moderate men of various sects are disposed to admit 
the genuineness of the epistles in their shorter form ; 
but to regard them as interpolated and altered. An 
English translation of them and of the martyrdom of 
Ignatius, may be seen in Archbishop Wake's Genuine 
Epistles of the Apostolic Fathers. Mur. [A preferable 
translation is given by Chevallier, ubi supra; and a trans- 
lation of both the larger and shorter copies may be 
found in Whiston's Primitive Christianity. Lond. 1711, 
vol. i. pages 102391. Whiston waa a strenuous sup- 
porter of the genuineness of these larger copies, now 
almost universally repudiated. Additional interest has 
been very recently imparted to Una long-protracted 
controversy by the discovery, in a monastery in the 
Egyptian desert of Nitria, of a Syriac version, of un- 
doubted antiquity, of three of these epistles of Ignatius; 
namely, those to Polycarp. the Ephesians, and the Jto- 
"%?*', u Th , cae have been translated and very carefully 
edited by the Rev. W. Cureton of the British Museum, 
together with extracts in Syriac from these and others 
of the Ignatian epistles, and a Syriac version of his 
martyrdom. Lond. 1845, 8vo. The copies thus unex- 
pectedl/brought to light are much shorter than the 
short Greek copies previously extant; and among the 
many passages of the Greek omitted in the Syriac, it is 
remarkable that those which magnify the office and 
authority of the bishop, and those which give additional 
force to the doctrine of the Deity of Christ, are the 
most numerous. See Mr. Cureton's Preface, p. 16, &c. 

CHAP, ii.] 



are in the right, it is difficult to determine. 
The Epistle of Barnabas, as it is called, 
was, in my judgment, the production of 
some Jewish Christian who lived in this 
century, who had no bad intentions, but 
possessed little genius and was infected with 
the fabulous opinions of the Jews. He was 
clearly a different person from Barnabas, 
the companion of St. Paul.* The book 
entitled the Shepherd of Hennas (so called 
because an angel, in the form and habit of 
a shepherd, is the leading character in the 
drama) was composed in the second cen- 
tury by Hermas, the brother of Pius, the 
Roman bishop. 3 The writer, if he was in- 
deed sane, deemed it proper to forge dia- 
logues held with God and angels, in order 
to insinuate what he regarded as salutary 
truths more effectually into the minds of his 
readers. But his celestial spirits talk more 
insipidly than our scavengers and porters. 4 
22. All these writers of this first age of 
the church possessed little learning, genius, 
or eloquence ; but, in their simple and un- 
polished manner, they express elevated 
piety 6 And this is honourable, rather than 

1 Concerning Polycarp and his epistle, sec Tillemont, 
KJc tut tires pour sernir d I'histoire de 1* Eglis>', tome ii. 
part ii. p. 287; and Fabricius, Biblioth. Or. lib. v. cap. 
i. p. 47. [Also, Cave's I^fe qf Potycarp, in his Apos- 
tolict ; or, Lives qf the Primitive Fathers. Lond. 1G77, 
folio. The epistle of Polycarp (the genuineness of 
which, if not certain, is highly probable), and the epis- 
tle of the Church of Smyrna concerning the martyr- 
dom of Polycarp (which none now call in question), 
are given in English, in Archbishop Wake's Genuine 
Epistles, &c. A/wr. [and also by Chevallicr. it fa mijtrn, 
and by Clernentson, Epistles of Ignatius and Polyrar.p, 
Bright. 1827, 8vo.A. 

2 Concerning Barnabas, see Tillemont, Memnires, &c. 
tome i. part Hi. p. 104,1; Ittifr, Select, hist, ecclft. cap. 
sec. i. cap. i. sec. 14, p. 20; and Fabricius, Bihlioth. 
Gr. lib. iv. cap. v. -ecc. 14, p. 173; and .lib. v. cap. i. 
sec. iv. and various others. [This ancient monument 
of the Christian Church, is likewise translated by Arch- 
bishop Wake, Genuine Epistles, &c. Mur. 

8 This is now manifest from the very ancient Frag- 
ment of a Treatise on the Canon (if the Holy Scriptures, 
published a few years ago by Muratori (from an an- 
cient MS. found at Milan), in his Antiq.ltnlicar. mi-dii 
f em t torn. iii. diss. xliii. p. 853, &c. [But the genuine- 
ness of this treatise itself is now very much questioned 
! by the learned ; so that the true author of the Shepherd 
\ of Herman Is still unknown. Mur. 
" 4 For the best edition of Hvrmas, we are indebted to 
Fabricius, who subjoined it to the third vol. of his Co- 
dex Apocryph. N. T. Ho also treats of this writer, in 
his Bib. Onec.a, lib. v. cap. ix. sec. 9, p. 7. Seo also Ittig, 
De Putrihun Apostolicis, sec. S5, p. 184, &c.; [and in 
his Select, histories eccies. capita, sec. i. pag. ti5, 155, 
179. The Shepherd of Herman is translated by Arch- 
bishop Wake, Genuine Epistles, &c. and though wild 
and fanciful, yet, from the pious spirit which it breathes, 
and the insight it gives us into the speculations of the 
e:u ly Christians, it is not a useless book. Mur. [Arch- 
bishop Wake's translation of the Epistle of Barnabas 
and the Shepherd of Hermas is also given in Hone's 
Apocryphal New Test. R. 

5 The writers abovenamed are denominated the 
Apostolic Fathers ; and they are often published to- 
gether. The best editions are by Cotelier. Paris, 1672, 
ro-editcdby Le Clerc. Antw. 1G98 ; and again, Amsterd. 
1724, 2 vols. fol. with numerous notes by both the edi- 
tors and others. [This last and best edition, Gr. and 
Lat contains all that has been ascribed to the Aposto- 

reproachful, to the Christian cause. For, 
that a large part of the human race should 
have been converted to Christ by illiterate 
and untalentcd men, shows that the propa- 
gation of Christianity must be ascribed, not 
to human abilities and eloquence, but to a 
Divine power. 



1 . THE whole of the Christian religion 
is comprehended in two parts: the one of 
which teaches what we are to believe in 
regard to religious subjects, and the other 
how we ought to live. The former is, by 
the apostles, denominated the mystery or 
the truth ; and the latter, piety or godli- 
ness. 1 Tim. iii. 9; vi. 3. Tit. i. 1. The 
rule and standard of both are, those books 
which God dictated to certain individuals, 
either before or after the birth of Christ. 
These books it has long been the custom to 
denominate the Old and the New Testa- 

2. Provision, therefore, was early made, 
both by the apostles and their disciples, 
that these books should be in the hands of 
all Christians, that they should be publicly 
read in their assemblies, and be applied 
both to enlighten their minds with truth 
and to advance them in piety. Those who 
expounded the Scriptures studied simpli- 
city and plainness. Yet it is not to bo 
denied that, even in this century, the per- 
verse Jewish custom of obscuring the plain 
language of Scripture by forced and frigid 
allegories, and of diverting words from 
their natural and proper meaning, in order 
to extort from them some recondite sense, 
found some admirers and imitators among 
Christians. Besides others, Barnabas, 

lie Fathers, whether truly or falsely. The value of the 
genuine works of these fathers is, to learned theology, 
very small ; but, as affording us acquaintance with the 
true spirit, and sentiments, and reasonings of Christiana 
in the very first age after the apostles, they are of ines- 
timable value. Mur. [Many critics are disposed to 
place among these remains of the apostolic age, the 
anonymous Letter to Diognetui, formerly ascribed to 
Justin Martyr, and contained among his works. Some 
even consider it as having been written before the des- 
truction of Jerusalem, and therefore as among the very 
earliest uninspired productions of the first century. 
Sec a satisfactory dissertation on this point in Semlsch's 
Justin Martyr, vol. i. p. 193, Ac. being Ryland's trans* 
lation, in vol. xli. of the Edin. Bit>. Cab. The Greek 
epistle itself may be found in the works of Justin Mar- 
tyr; and in liefele, Patrum A post olicorum opera. Tub. 
1839, 8vo, a very cheap and convenient collection of 
these works, which may be had either with or without 
a Latin translation. An excellent critical edition of 
the Apostolical Fathers, with Notes, Indices, &c. was 
published at Oxford, in Greek and Latin, in 2 vols. 8vo, 
>y Dr. Jacobson, of which a second edition appeared 
n 1840. This collection, however, does not include 
the Letter to Diotfnetus. H. 




whose epistle is still extaut, is proof o 

3. The manner of teaching religion 
truths was perfectly simple, and remot< 
from all the rules of the philosophers, am 
all the precepts of human art. This i< 
manifest, not only from the epistles of th 
apostles, but from all the monuments o 
this century which have come down to us 
Nor did any apostle, or any one of their 
immediate disciples, collect and .arrange 
the principal doctrines of Christianity in 
a scientific or regular system. The cir- 
cumstances of the times did not require 
this ; and the followers of Christ were more 
solicitous to exhibit the religion they hac 
embraced by their tempers and their con- 
duct, than to explain its principles scien- 
tifically, and arrange them according to 
the precepts of art. 

4. There is indeed extant a brief sum- 
mary of Christian doctrines, which is called 
the Apostles' Creed, and which, from the 
fourth century onward, was attributed to 
Christ's ambassadors themselves. But at 
this day, all who have any knowledge oi 
antiquity, confess unanimously that this 
opinion is a mistake, and has no founda- 
tion. 1 Those judge far more wisely and 
rationally, who think that this creed arose 
from small beginnings, and was gradually 
enlarged, as occasions required, in order 
to exclude new errors from the church. 2 

5. At the first promulgation of the gos- 
pel, all who professed firmly to believe that 
Jesus was the only redeemer of mankind, 
and who promised to lead a holy life con- 

1 See Buddcus, 

ad ThroFogiam, lib. ii. cap. 

II. sec. 2. p. 441 ; and Walch, Introduct. in libros syrnbo- 
liws, lib. 1. cap. ii. p. 87, c. 

a Tbis is shown, with no less learning than inge- 
nuity, by Lord Chancellor King, in bis History of 
the Apostles' Creed, which Olearius translated into 
Latin, and published. Lips. 1704, 8vo. But those who 
read this book should be apprised, that the noblo author 
often gives us conjectures Instead of arguments, and 
that his conjectures do not always deserve to be impli- 
citly received. [ A Ithough the A postles' Creed was not 
composed in a council of apostles, as was supposed in 
the days of Ruflnus (Ruf. Da Symbolo, subjoined to 
Cypriani Optra), yet it appears to have been tho gene- 
ral creed of the Christian church, from, at least, tho 
close of th second century down to the reformation. 
Nor did it undergo any very great or material change, as 
appears ftcm comparing the formula) of faith given by 
Irenceus, A.D. 176 (Adv. liter, i. 10. andiii. 4.), and by 
Tertullian, A.D. 1!>2 (De Virgin, vetand. cap. i. con- 
tra Praxeam, cap. ii. Prescript, ado. Haret. cap. 
xiii.), with the forms of the creed, in all subsequent 
writers down to the present time. See these forms, 
collected by Walch, in his Bibliotheca tymkolica vetux. 
Lcmgov, 1770, 8vo. Besides those mentioned by Mos- 
heim, the principal writers on this creed are Cyril 
(Catecftexis), Ruflnus (De Symbolo), and Augustine, 
(Scrmo I. ad Catcch. Opera, v. 6, p. 399; cd. Bened.), 
Vossius (De Tribus Symbolis, Opp. torn. vi. p. 507, 
&c.), Abp. Ussher (De Horn. Ecctes. alm-q. Fidei, 
Symbolis), Bishop Pearson (on the Creed), Suicer, 
( Thctaur. Ecdat. voco 2,v/A/3oAop ), and Bingham, 
Orig. Ecclet. book *. Mur. ] 

formably to the religion he taught, were 
received immediately amon* the disciples 
of Christ ; nor did a more mil instruction 
in the principles of Christianity precede 
their baptism, but followed it. But after- 
wards, when churches were everywhere 
established and organized, for very just 
reasons this custom was changed ; and 
none were admitted to the sacred font 
unless previously well instnicted in the 
primary truths of religion, and affording 
indubitable evidence of a sincere and holy 
character. Hence arose the distinction be- 
tween catechumens, or such as were in a 
course of instruction and discipline under 
the care of certain persons, and the faith- 
ful who were admitted to all the mysteries, 
having been initiated and consecrated by 
baptism. 8 

6. The instruction given to tho cate- 
chumens was different, according to their 
genius and capacity. For those of feeble 
minds were instructed only in the more 
general and fundamental principles of re- 
ligion, while those who appeared capable of 
comprehending all Christian knowledge, 
were instructed in everything which could 
perfect and fortify a Christian, according 
to tho views of that age. The business of 
instructing those of superior capacity and 
genius was committed to men of gravity 
and erudition in the larger churches. 
Hence, the ancient doctors generally divide 
their flocks into two classes of persons, the 
one comprising such as received solid and 
thorough instruction, the other embracing 
the more ignorant. Nor do they conceal 
the fact, that different modes of teaching 
were adopted in reference to these two 

ilasses. 4 

7. There is no doubt, that the children 
of Christians were carefully trained up 
Tom their infancy, and were early put to 
reading the sacred books and learning the 
principles of religion. For this purpose, 
schools were erected everywhere, irom the 
Beginning. From these schools for chil- 
dren, we must distinguish those seminaries 
>f the early Christians erected extensively 
n the larger cities, at which adults, and 
2specially such as aspired to be public 

See Bingham, Orig. Eccles. book Ui. chap. Iv. and 
?fanner, De Catechuminis veterum. Weimar, 1688. 
2ino.-~ Mur. 

4 See Origen, Adv. Cclsum, lib. iii. p. 143. The 
ipostles themselves seem to have been the authors of 
his practice, of which we have vestiges, 1 Cor. ill. 2 ; 
Heb. v. 12. Schl. [See an interesting dissertation, 
rearing on this subject, in the elder Welch's Miscell. 
Sacra. Amst. 1774. Exercit. prima, entitled DC 
Apostolorum institutions c*techetica. He considers 
Icb. vi. 1,2, as embodying the heads of the catecheti- 
al instructions given by tho apostles and primitive 
eachers. R. 

CHAP, in.] 



teachers, were instructed and educated in 
all branches of learning, both human and 
divine. Such seminaries, in which young 
men devoted to the sacred oiB.ce, were 
taught whatever was necessary to qualify 
them properly for it, the apostles of Christ 
undoubtedly both set up themselves^ and 
directed others to set up. 2 Tim. ii. 2. 
St. John at Ephesus, and Polycarp at 
Smyrna, established such schools. 1 Among 
these seminaries, in subsequent times, none 
was more celebrated than that at Alexan- 
dria, which is commonly called a catechetic 
school, and was said to be erected by St. 

8. What many tell us that the ancient 
Christians had their popular and their 
secret doctrines, and did not communicate 
to all classes the same instructions, may be 
admitted as true, if it be rightly explained. 
For those whom they would induce to em- 
brace Christ were not introduced at once 
to the high mysteries of religion which ex- 
ceed the grasp qf the human mind, but 
were first instructed in the doctrines which 
reason can comprehend, till they were able 
to bear the more sublime and difficult 
truths. And afterwards, those who ranked 
among believers were not all instructed in 
the same manner ; but one was directed to 
study and treasure up in his mind more or 

I Ircnseus, Ada. Jltrr. lib. ii. chap. xxii. p. 148, ed. 
Massuut; Eusebius, Hist, cedes, lib. v. chap. xx. [The 
proofs referred to here arc quite insufficient to evince, 
that, in tho first century, or even in the former part of 
the second. Christians established regular school* for 
their children, and academies for young men. Paul's 
direction to Timothy (2 Tim. ii. 2) "The things thou 
h:\st heard of me, the same cormnit thou to faithful men, 
who shall be able to teach others also" seems to have 
no distinct reference to a regular public school either for 
boys or for young men. And tho passages in Irenams 
and Eusebius referred to. speak only of the general in- 
ttruction and advantages which the neighbouring 
elrrew and others derived from the apostle John, and 
of the interesting conversations of Polycarp. Con- 
sidering tho poverty and embarrassments of the flrst 
Christians, we can hardly suppose they could have 
erected such schools and academies. And from the 
groat penury of writers, and of learned men of any sort, 
in the early church Justin Martyr, a converted phi- 
losopher in the middle of the second century, being the 
first learned writer after the apostles it seems most 
probable, that till past the middle of the second century, 
the means of education among Christians were very 
slender, and by no means so general and so ample as 
Moshelm supposes. Mnr. 

' 2 See Schmidt, Ditt. da Schola catechet. Al'xandr. 
prefixed to the tract of Hyperius, De Catcch<:si } also 
Aulisius, Delle Scuole sacre, lib. 1L cap. i. ii. pages 
5_17, and cap. xxi. p. 92, &c. Concerning the larger 
schools of Christians in the East, at Edessa, Nisibis, 
Seleucia, and concerning the ancient Christian schools 
in general, see Asseman, BUdioth. orient. Clem. Vat. 
torn. iii. par. ii. pages 914919. [The ancient tradi- 
tion preserved by Jerome (De Scriptor. Ulustr. cap, 
xxxvi ) that St. Mark was the founder of the catechetic 
school at Alexandria, deserves but little credit ; since 
all antiquity is silent respecting a Christian school 
th>re, or any teacher or student in it, till the days of 
Panteenus and his pupil, Clemens Alex, near the close 
cf tho second century. See Schroeckh, Kirchengcs- 
chichte, Tdl. Ui. p. 188, &c.~Mur. 

fewer things than another. Whoever would 
understand more than this, by tho secret 
doctrine of the first century, should bewaro 
lest he confound the faults of subsequent 
ages with the excellencies of this. 3 

9. Most authors represent the lives and 
morals of Christians in this age as patterns 
of purity and holiness, worthy of the imita- 
tion of all subsequent ages. This represen- 
tation, if it be understood of the greater 
part of the professed Christians and not of 
all, is undoubtedly true. But whoever 
supposes tho primitive churches were per- 
fectly free from vices and sins, and esti- 
mates the lives of all the Christians by the 
conduct of some of them, and by the pre- 
cepts and exhortations of their teachers, as 
most of those have done who have written 
books and tracts concerning the innocence 
and holiness of the early Christians, may be 
confuted by the clearest evidence of both 
testimony and facts. 

10. The external purity of tlie churches 
was much promoted by that law which de- 
prived of ordinances, and excluded from 
the community, persons of vile character 
or who were addicted to gross sin, provided 
they would not reform on being admonish- 
ed. Such a law we know was established 
by the apostles, soon after churches began 
to be formed. 4 AH classes in the church 
united in executing this law. The teachers 
and rulers generally pointed out the per- 
sons who seemed unworthy of sacred privi- 
leges, and the people sanctioned or rejected 
the proposal at discretion. Excluded sin- 
ners, although they had committed the very 
highest offences, if they gave satisfactory 
evidence of repentance and of amendment, 
were allowed to return to tho church, at 
least in most places, yet but once only ; 
for those who were restored, if they return- 
ed to their former sinful practices and 
were again excluded from the brotherhood, 
forfeited all hope of forgiveness. 6 

11. As the Christian churches were 
composed of both Jews and Gentiles, be- 
tween whom there had been an inveterate 
aversion, and as these recent converts re- 
tained many erroneous impressions re- 
ceived and cherished from their infancy, it 

3 Concerning this secret doctrine, much is collected 
by Pfaff, Ditt. posterior de prcejudiciit theolog. sec. ariii. 
p. 149, &c. in his Vrimitia Tubingensia. 

* See 1 Cor. v. For the discussions which have 
taken place respecting this law, see Pfaff, De Origini- 
bus juris eccksiast. pages 1013, 7178. 

6 See Morin, Comment, de ditcip. p<snit. lib. ix. cap. 
xix. p. 670, and others. [See Natalie Alexander, 
Hitt. Ecclcs. N. T. sa?c. iii. diss. vii. ; and Oral, Dits. qua 
ottfnditur, cathol. ccclcn*m tribus prior, s&culit capi- 
tal, crim. reis pacem ct absolut. neutiquam dencgasse. 
Milan, 1730, 4to. But all these writers describe rather 
the practice of the second and third centuries titan that 
of the flr&t Mur. 


[PART n. 

could not but happen that various disagree- 
ments and contests would early arise among 
them. The. first of these controversies re- 
lated to the necessity of observing the law 
of Moses. It broke put in the Church of An- 
tioch, and its issue is stated by Luke, Acts 
xv. This contest was followed by many 
others, partly with Jewish Christians too 
much attached to their national religion, 
partly with persons captivated with a spe- 
cies of fanatical philosophy, and partly 
with some who abused the Christian doc- 
trines, which they ill understood, to the 
gratification of their appetites and lusts. 1 
St. Paul and the other apostles often men- 
tion these controversies, but so cursorily 
and concisely, that we can hardly ascertain 
the exact points controverted. 

12. Of all these controversies, the great- 
est and most important was, that relatin, 
to the way of attaining to justification and 
salvation, which Jewish teachers excited at 
Rome and in other Christian churches. 
For while the apostles everywhere incul- 
cated, that all hopes of justification and 
salvation should be placed solely on Jesus 
Christ and his merits, these Jewish teach- 
ers ascribed to the law and to the works 
which Christ enjoined, the chief influence 
in procuring everlasting happiness. This 
error not only led to many others, which 
were prejudicial to the religion of Christ, 
but was connected with the highest dis- 
honour to the Saviour; for they who 
maintained that a life regulated according 
to the -law, would give a title to eternal re- 
wards, could not hold Christ to be the true 
Son of God and the Saviour of mankind, 
but merely a prophet or a divine messenger 
among men. It cannot, therefore, appear 
at all strange that St. Paul, in his Epistle 
to the Romans and elsewhere, took so much 
pains to extirpate this capital error. 

13. The controversy respecting the ne- 
cessity of the Mosaic rites in order to sal- 
vation, was wisely decided by the apostles. 
Acts xv. But great as the apostolic in- 
fluence was, that deep-rooted love of the 
Mosaic law which was handed down iK-m 
their fathers, could not be wholly eradi- 
cated from the minds of the Jewish Christ- 
ians, and especially of those living in 
Palestine. It diminished a little after the 
destruction of Jerusalem and the over- 
throw of the temple by the Romans, yet it 

I Conducive to the illustratioirof these controversies, 
are tho investigations of Witnius, jMi*<wll. Sacra, torn, 
ii. excur. xx, xxi. xxii. p. 668, &c. ; Vltringa, Obtirvat. 
Sacra, lib. iy. cap. ix. x. xi. p. 952. [Buddeus, Eccl. Apns. 
and especially Walch, Vollttiindige. Hist, der Ketzereyen, 
Spaftungen, w. lleligimustreit, &c. Leip. 176285, 
II vola. 8ro, vol. i. p. GS, &c, ; also, the Commentators 
on the Scriptures. Mur. 

did not wholly subside. Hence it was, as 
we shall afterwards see, that a part of the 
Jewish Christians separated from the other 
brethren, and formed a distinct sect at- 
tached to the law of Moses. 



1. ALTHOUGH the Christian religion is 
most simple and requires nothing but 
faith and love, it could not wholly dis- 
pense with external rites and institu- 
tions. Jesus himself established but two 
ordinances, which it is not lawful either to 
change or to abrogate, namely, baptism 
and the Lord's supper. Yet these are not 
to be considered as mere ceremonies, or as 
having only a symbolical import, but as 
having also a sanctifying influence on 
the mind. That he chose to establish no 
more rites, ought to convince us that cere- 
monies are not essential to the religion of 
Christ; and that this whole matter is left 
by him to the discretion and free choice of 

2. Many considerations leave us no rea- 
son to doubt, that the friends and apostles 
of the Saviour sanctioned, in divers places, 
the use of various rites, which they either 
tolerated from necessity or recommended 
for substantial reasons. Yet we are not to 
suppose that they have anywhere inculcated 
an established and permanent system of 
canon law, nor that they prescribed the 
same rites and forms in all churches. On 
the contrary, many things go to show that 
Christian worship was from the beginning 
regulated and conducted differently in dif- 
ferent places, and this,, no doubt, with the 
approbation of the apostles and their co- 
adjutors and disciples; and that, in this 
whole matter, much regard was shown to 
ancient opinions, customs and laws of dif- 
ferent nations. 2 

2 It appears that even so late as the third and fourth 
centuries, there was considerable difference in tho 
mode of conducting religious worship among Christ- 
ians. See Irenseus, quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. 
lib. v. cap. xxiv. ; Sozomcn, Hist. Ecclet. lib. vii. cap. 
xix. ; Socrates, Hist, Kcdet. lib. v. cap. xxii. ; Augustine, 
Epist. liv. Opp. torn. ii. p. 93. A part of this differ- 
ence in rites and ceremonies, appears to have come 
down from the apostolic times ; for when a contest 
arose in the second century, between the eastern and 
western Christians, respecting the day on which Easter 
should be observed, we are informed by Eusebius ( Hist. 
Eccl. lib. v. cap. xxiii. xxiv.), that the former main- 
tained, that John was the author of their custom ; and 
the latter, that Peter and Paul were the authors of 
theirs. Both churches were probably correct ; for it 
is very likely, that John, for certain reasons, did or- 
dain hi Asia, that the feast of Easter should bo kept at 
the time the Jews kept it ; and that Peter and Paul or- 
dered otherwise at Rome. Further, the Greek and 
Latin churches had a contest on the question, whether 
leavened or unleavened bread should be used in the 
sacred supper. And both churches claimed to have 

CHAP, iv.] 


3. I am therefore induced to dissent 
*rom those who think, that the Jewish rites 
and forms were everywhere transferred by 
the apostles and their disciples to the 
Christian assemblies. In those churches 
indeed which were composed either wholly 
or principally of Jews, I can easily believe 
the Jewish rites were so far retained as the 
different characters of the two religions 
would permit. And this may be evinced 
by a good many examples. But that the 
same took place in other churches, in which 
either no Jews or only a few were found, 
is not only uncertain but incredible ; be- 
cause it was proper that the rituals of those 
early times should be variously modelled, 
according to the peculiarities of genius and 
character in different nations. 

4. As there was diversity in the practice 
of Christians, it will be very difficult to 
make statements relative to their mode of 
worship and other customs and regulations, 
which will be equally applicable to all the 
countries in which Christianity flourished. 
Yet there arc a few regulations which may 
be considered as common to all Christians, 
and of these we shall give a brief account. 
The Christians of this century assembled 
for the worship of God and for their 
advancement in piety, on the first day of 
the week, the day on which Christ re- 
assumed his life ; for, that this day was set 
apart for religious worship by the apostles 
themselves, and that after the example of 
the church of Jerusalem it was generally 
observed, we have unexceptionable testi- 

| mony. 1 Moreover, those congregations 
whose members either lived intermingled 
with Jews, or were composed in great mea- 
sure of Jews, were accustomed also to 
observe the seventh day of* the week as a 
sacred day, 2 which the other Christians did 

their customs handed down to them from the apostles ; 
and for the reasons before mentioned, both were pro- 
bably in the right. Even the Catholics often admit 
this diversity of ceremonies in the apostolic church ; 
e.g. Bona, Rerum Liturg. lib. i. cap. vii. sec. 2, Opp. 
p. 208 ; and the Jesuit, Harduin, makes no scruple to 
assert, that Paul enjoined on the Greeks one form for 
the consecration of priests, and Petor, on the Romans 
another. His book is entitled, La dissertation du /*. 
le Couraycr sur la succession des Evcsques Angloix et 
tur la tialiditc de leur ordination rtfut&e, torn. ii. p. 
13. Paris, 1725, 8vo. [Add Krazer De Apostolicis, 
ncc non antiquis fed. Occident. I.iturgiix, sec. 1, cap. i. 
sec. 2, p. 3, ed. Augsburg, 1786. See Mosheirn's /n- 
ttitut. majorei. hist. Christ, p. 375. Schl. 

1 Hartmann, De Rebus gestis Christianor. tub Apos- 
tolis, cap. xv. p. 387 ; Bimrner, Ditt. I. Juris ecckt. 
antiqui de stato die Christianor. p. 20, &c. [See also 
Acts. xx. 7 ii. 1; I Cor. xvi. 1, 2; Apoc. i. 10; 
Pliny, Epist. lib. x. ep. 97. n. 7.- Schl. 

2 Curcellams, Diatrikadecsusanguinix; Opp. Thcol. 
p. 958. Albaspinoeus, Ooseroat. Ecclcs. lib i. Obs. xiii. 
p. 53. In vain some learned men labour to persuade 
us that, in all the early churches, both days or the first 
and last days of the week, were held sacred. The 
churches of Bithynia mentioned by Pliny, devoted but 

not consider wrong. As to annual rcligi 
ous days, they appeared to have observed 
two ; the one in memory of Christ's resur- 
rection, the other in commemoration of the 
descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles. 3 
To these may be added those days on 
which holy men met death for Christ's 
sake, which, it is most probable, were 
sacred and solemn days from the very 
commencement of the Christian church. 4 

5. The places of assembling were un- 
questionably the private dwelling-houses 
of Christians. But as necessity required 
that when a congregation was formed and 
duly regulated, some fixed, uniform place 
should be appointed for its meetings ; and 
as some furniture was requisite for their 
accommodation, such as books, tables, and 
benches, which could not conveniently be 
transported from place to place, especially 
in those perilous times, it was undoubtedly 
the case that the place of their assemblies 
soon became, instead of a private room, a 
sort of public one. 6 These few remarks, I 
conceive, are sufficient to determine that 
long controversy, whether the early Chris- 
tians had temples or not? 6 If the word 
temple may denote a dwelling-house or 
even a part of one, devoted to the public 
exercises of religion, yet without any idea 
of holiness attached to it, and not set apart 
from all profane or secular uses, then I can 
readily admit that the earliest Christians 
had temples. 

one stated day to thoir public worship; and beyond all 
controversy, that was what we call the Lord's day, or 
the first day of the week. [Glc-seler refers to a recent 
dissertation on this subject by Franks, entitled De Diei 
Dominici apud vi'terrs Christ, cclvlirat tone. Halle, 1826. 
See also Noondcr, Allgem. Gcsch. vol. i. p. l.'8. #. 

3 Although some have doubted whether the day 
called Pentecost ( Whitsunday) was a sacred day, so 
early as the first century (see Uingham, Origins 
Ecdcs. lib. xx, cap. 6,), yet I am induced by very 
weighty reasons, to believe that, from the beginning, it 
was held equally sacred with the Passover [or Easter 
day]. Perhaps also [Good Friday] the Friday on 
which our Saviour died was, from the earliest times, 
regarded with more respect than other days of tho 
week. See Gothofredus, in Codicem Theodos.tom. i. p. 
138 ; Asseman, Biblioth. orient. Vatican, torn. i. pug. 
217237. Martene, Thcsaur. Anecdotor.tum. v. p. 66. 

4 These were called Nalatitia martyrum (the mar- 
tyrs' birth-days). See Sagittarius, De NatalUiis nutr- 
tyrum, republished by Crenius, Syntagma i. Diss. philol. 
1G99. In the second century these natalitia were 
everywhere observed ; and they are often mentioned by 
Tertullian and Cyprian. Nay, in the epistle of the 
churoh of Smyrna to Philomelius in Eusebius, Hist. 
Ecrlt-s. lib. Iv. cap. 15, the observance of the day of 
I'olycarp's martyrdom is spoken of. Schl. 

5 See Vitringa, De Synngottn veterc, lib. i. par. iii. 
cap. i. p. 432. [It may be inferred from Acts xix. 8, 
1 Cor. xi. 22 xiv. 35, and James ii. 2, that Christians 
then had certain determinate places for holding public 
worship. Schl. 

See Blondcll, De Episcopis et Prcsbyt. sect. iii. 
pag. 216, 243, 246; Bohmer, Disa. Ii; Juris ecclet. 
antiq. de antelucanis Chrixtinnorum cvetibut, HOC. iv. p. 
39 ; Hingham, Originet Ecclet. book vili. chap. i. and 



[PAIIT. ir. 

6. In these public assemblies of Chris- 
tians the holy Scriptures were read, which 
for that purpose were divided into por- 
tions ; then followed an exhortation to the 
people, neither eloquent nor long, but full 
of warmth and love. If any signified that 

*they were moved by a divine influence 
they were allowed successively to state 
what the Lord commanded; the other 
prophets who were present judging how 
much authority was due to them. 1 Cor. 
xiv. 16. Next, the prayers, which con- 
stituted no inconsiderable part of public 
worship, were recited after the bishop. 1 
To these succeeded hymns, which were 
sung not by the whole assembly, but by 
certain persons during the celebration of 
the sacred supper and the feasts of charity. 2 
The precise order and manner of perform- 
ing all these parts of religious worship in 
the various Christian churches, cannot be 
fully ascertained ; yet it is most probable, 
that none of these exercises was wholly 
omitted in any church. 3 

7. The prayers of Christians were fol- 
lowed by oblations of bread, \vinc, and 
other things, for the support of the minis- 
ters of the church and the poor. For 
every Christian who had anything to 
spare, brought his gift and offered it in ti 
sense to the Lord. 4 From these gifts so 
much bread and wine as were requisite for 
the Lord's supper were set apart and con- 
secrated by prayer, offered up by the 
presiding minister alone, the people re- 
sponding amen. 5 The distributors of the 
sacred supper were the deacons. To this 
most holy ordinance were annexed those 
temperate meals, which from their design 
were denominated agapcv, or feasts of 
charity. The various difficulties which 
occur in the accounts respecting these 
feasts will undoubtedly be solved with ease, 
by admitting that the earliest Christians 
were governed by different rules, and did 

1 Sec Justin Martyr, Apologia sccund>r, p. 98, &c. 

2 See Walch'a Misvctt. Sacra. Excrcit. ii.; DC Hym- 
nis Keel. Apostolicie, for the nature of these psalms and 
hymns; and Isidor. Hispal. Da Etc. Offiriis, lib. i. cap 
v. for their manner of .singing, which is glanced at in 
the well-known letter of Pliny, lib. x. ep. U7. The cele- 
brated Augustl has also published a tract on these early 
hymns, as evidences of the doctrines then professed in 
the church. Jena, 1810, 4to. #. 

3 This must be understood of the churches which 
were fully established and regulated ; for in the infant 
churches which had not become duly organized, 1 
can believe one or other of these exercises might be 

4 See PfaflT, Dissert, da oblat. ct cons^c. Eucharis- 
tftw ; in hia Syntagma Dissert. Theolog. Stnt.1720, flvo. 

6 Justin Martyr, Apologia, secunda, p. 98, c. The 
writers on the ceremonies of the sacred supper are 
mentioned by Fabricius, nib. Ant. cap. xi. p. 395, c. 

6 The writers concerning the '/;, are mentioned 
by Ittlg, Select, hixtttr. ecctes. capita, sacul. ii. cap. iii. 
p. 180, &c. ; and Pfnff, De (trig, juri* rn-t?*. p. s. 

not everywhere celebrate either this or 
any other ordinance in precisely the same 

8. In this century baptism was admin- 
istered in convenient places not in the 
public assemblies, and by immersing the 
candidates wholly in water. 7 At first, all 
who were engaged in propagating Chris- 
tianity administered this rite ; nor can it 
be called in question, that whoever per- 
suaded any person to embrace Christianity 
could baptize his own disciple. But when 
the churches became better regulated and 
were provided with rules of order, the 
bishop alone exercised the right of baptiz- 
ing the new converts; though in process 
of time, as the limits of his church were 
enlarged, he imparted this right to the pres- 
byters and chorepiscopi, reserving how- 
ever the confirmation of those baptisms 
which were administered by the presby- 
ters. 8 As to the ceremonies which in 
this early period were added to baptism for 
the sake of order and decency, we are not 
able to say anything with certainty ; nor 
do we think it safe to gather the rules of 
this century from the customs of subse- 
quent times. 

9. The Grecian Christians when danger- 
ously sick, sent for the ciders of the church, 
agreeably to James v. 14; and after the 
sick man had confessed his sins, they com- 
mended him to God in devout supplication, 
and anointed him with oil. Many things 
iii regard to this rite may be, and have 
actually been, subjects of controversy. 
But the silence of the ancient writers pre- 
vents our coming to any certain conclu- 
sions; for though there is no reason to 
doubt that this rite prevailed extensively 
among Christians, yet it is rarely men- 
tioned in the writings of the ancients. 9 

10. No law was enacted by Christ and 
his apostles concerning fasts ; but the cus- 

7 See Vossius, De 2lapti*tno t disp. i. Thes. vi. p. 31, 
&c. and the authors recommended by Fabricius, Bib/. 
Anttfj. cap. xi. sec. 25, p. 380, c. 

* These remarks, I conceive, go to elucidate and 
determine the questions so strenuously debated among 
the learned, concerning the right of administering bap- 
tism. See ttohmcr, dif\s. xi. Jam cedes, antiqtii, p. 500, 
&c. ; Le Clerc, Biblioth. unioersdk, tomo iv. p. 93, &c. 
[Mosheim's assertions in this section being applicable 
only to the first century, need to be somcwhat.qualifled, 
for they certainly exceed his authorities. The English 
reader will see a very careful digest of information and 
references on the question of baptism, but not limited 
to the first century, in Coleman's Antiquities of the 
Christian Church, p. 115, &C.#. 

9 Most of the ancient testimonies concerning this 
custom are collected by Launoi, De Sacramento w> 
tionis infinnorum, cap. i. p. 444. Opp. torn. i. Among 
these passages very few are to be found in tne writers 
of the first two or three centuries , yet there is here and 
there one which has escaped the notice of this very 
learned man. [Tho principal writers on this subject j 
are mentioned by Wolf, Curtc philot. et crit. torn iv. 
on Ja. v. 14. Mur. 

CHAP, v.] 


torn obtained, that most Christians occa- 
sionally and privately joined, abstinence 
from food with their prayers, and espe- 
cially when engaged in undertakings of 
great importance. 1 Cor. vii. 5. How 
much time should be spent in this duty, 
was left to the private judgment of each 
individual ; nor was a person despised who 
thought it sufficient to observe only the rules 
of strict temperance. * Of any solemn pub- 
lic fasts, except only on the anniversary day 
of the crucifixion of Christ, there is no 
mention in the most ancient times. Gra- 
dually, however, days of fasting were in- 
troduced; first by custom and afterwards 
by legal sanction. Whether any thing of 
this nature occurred in the first century, 
and what days were devoted to fasting, we 
have not the means of deciding. And yet 
I would not deny that weighty arguments 
are adduced by those who thinly that while 
the apostles were still living or soon after 
their decease, the Christians in most places 
abstained from food, either wholly or par- 
tially, on the fourth and on the sixth days 
of the week. 2 



1 . CHRISTIAN churches had scarcely been 
gathered and organized, when here and there 
men rose up who not being contented with 
the simplicity and purity of that religion 
which the apostles taught, attempted inno- 
vations, and fashioned religion according to 
their own notions. This appears from va- 
rious passages in the epistles left us by the 
apostles, and particularly from those of 
Paul. For in these there is frequent men- 
tion of persons, who cither endeavoured to 
mould the Christian doctrines into confor- 
mity with that philosophy or yvwrf/g 3 to 
which they were addicted ; or who were dis- 
posed to combine with Christianity Jewish 
opinions, customs, and institutions. Seve- 
ral of these corrupters of religion are like- 
wise expressly named, as Ilymenreus and 
Alexander, Philctus, Hermogenes, Phygel- 
lus, Demas, and Diotrephes. 4 If however 

I Shepherd of Hermas, lib. Hi. Bimilit. v. pag. 931, 
935, cd. Pabricli, at the close of vol. iii. of his Codes 
Apocryph. N. T. [The best writer on thig subject is 
Daille, De Jcjuniit et Quadra^eiimti. Da vent. 1654, 
8vo. ; against whom, however, Beveridge brings some 
objections, in Codex Canon. vind. Scld. 

a See Beverldge, Codex Canon, viwlic. torn. ii. Ptttr. 
Apostol. p. 166. 

3 1 Thn. vi. 20 ; and cap. i. 3, 4; Tit. III. 9; Colos. 
li. 8. 

i Concerning Diotrephes, there is a particular tract, 
by Stcmler, 1758. Schi. 

from this list, Alexander, Hymenams, and 
Philetus be excepted, the otters appear to 
be rather apostates from the practice of re- 
ligion, than corrupters of its principles. 5 

2. So long as the greater part of the per- 
sonal disciples of the Saviour were alive, 
these innovators were not very successful, 
and seem to have had no great number of 
followers. But gradually they acquired 
more influence ; and before the decease of 
all those whom Christ had himself instruc- 
ted, they laid the foundations of those sects 
which afterwards exceedingly disturbed the 
Christian community, and ^ave rise to so 
many controversies. The history of these 
sects is very obscure ; indeed, the most olj- 
scure part of ecclesiastical history. This 
obscurity arises, partly from the deficiency 
of ancient records ; partly from the tenets 
of these sects, which for the most part 
were singularly obscure and remote from 
common apprehension ; and partly from the 
ignorance and hostility of those who have 
written concerning them. This however 
is perfectly clear, that no one who loves the 
truths which the Bible inculcates can find 
anything to commend in the peculiarities of 
these sects. 6 

& 2 Tim. ii. 18, and elsewhere. See also the elabo- 
rate discussions concerning these men, by Vitringa, 
Oltsere. Sume, lib. iv. cap ix. p. 952 ; Ittig, De Ha* 
rt'siarchis <i'in apostol. sec. 1, cap viii. p. 84; Buddeus, 
l)i; Ecd.Apast. cap. v. p. 292, c. [As to llymemeus 
and Philetus, we are informed by St. Paul (2 Tim. ii. 
17, 18, comp. 1 Tim. i. 19, 20), tbat they had swerved 
not only in general from sound doctrine, but their par- 
ticular error is pointed out. They taught that a resur- 
rection of the dead wan no longer to be anticipated, it 
being already past; and they laboured to make prose- 
lytes to this opinion. See Exurcitat. de Ilymf"n<vo ct 
Phihto, in his Miscall. Sacra, p. 81, &c. AH to Alexan- 
der, it is still contctited whether the Alexander in 1 Tim. 
i 20; and 2 Tim. iv. 14; and Acts ix. 33, bo one and 
the same person. The greater part believe the affirma- 
tive. Hut Neumann ( Erkliirwug d. N. T. vol. vl, p. 
3G3) and Moshehn (De Rvbus Christ, ante C.M. p. 178) 
support the negative; being inclined to belicvo that 
there were two persons of this name. The younger 
Walch (Historie dcr Kctxcr. p. 127) prefers abiding 
by the common opinion. Ilermogenos and Phygellu.s 
are accused by Paul (2 Tim. i. 15) of only having for- 
saken him when he was imprisoned at Jtome, which 
was inconstancy but not heresy. As to Demas, Paul 
tells us (2 Tim. iv. 10) that from love to the world, ho 
had forsaken him. But this gives no ground for charg- 
ing him with being a heretic. Diotrephes, mentioned 
in the 3d Ep. of John, is accused of a twofold fault; 
viz. refusing to receive those whom the apostle recom- 
mended to his kind offices ; and setting himself in op- 
position to the apostle. But neither of these offences 
is sufficient to constitute him a heretic. Schl. 

6 Professed histories of the sects which arose in this 
and the next century, have been written by Ittig, J)a 
Htercsiarchii teoi apostolici et apoxtolico proximi. Lips. 
1690, 4to, and an Appendix. Lips. 1G96, 4to, by Rena- 
tus Massuet, Dissertat. Ire.nceo pratmuifg ; and by Tille- 
mont, Wcmoiret pour seroir d fhistoire de (' Eglisc. But 
all these, and others whom I pass over, have rather col- 
lected materials for a history of these sects, than writ- 
ten the history itself. Among the Lutherans, llinckel- 
mann, Thomasius, Horbius ; and among the Reformed, 
Basuage and Dodwell, have either promised the world 
such a history or attempted to write it, but have done 
no more. We must therefore still wait for some per- 


[1'ART. II. 

3. At the head of all the sects which dis- 
turbed the peace of the church stand the 
Gnostics; who claimed ability to restore 
to mankind the lost knowledge (yvuotg) 
of the true and supreme God; and who 
announced the overthrow of that empire, 
which the Creator of the world and His 
associates had set" up. It is indeed the 
common opinion, and supported by the tes- 
timony of Clemens Alexandrinus (Stromat. 
1. vii. cap. xvii. pages 898, 099), that the 
Gnostic sects first arose, after the decease 
of the apostles, in the reign of Adrian ; and 
that previously no discords had produced 
separations from the church. But the sa- 
cred Scriptures themselves to say nothing 
of other ancient documents put it beyond 
controversy, that even in the first century, 
in various places, men infected with the 
Gnostic leprosy began to erect societies dis- 
tinct from the other Christians. 1 John ii. 
18; 1 Tim. vi. 20; Col. ii. 8. 1 Yet these 
stray flocks did not become distinguished 
for their numbers, or for their fame and 
notoriety till the times of Adrian. Under 
the appellation of Gnostics are included all 
those in the first ages of the church, who 
modified the religion of Christ by joining 
with it the oriental philosophy, in regard 
to the source of evil, and the origin of this 
material universe. The leading principles 
of this philosophy have already been stated. 

4. All those eastern philosophers, believ- 
ing that rational souls became connected 
with matter and inhabitants of bodies, con- 
trary to the will and pleasure of the supreme 
God, were in expectation of a mighty le- 
gate from the Deity, possessed of consum- 
mate wisdom and power; who would imbue 
with a knowledge of the true God, the 
spirits now oppressed with the load of their 
bodies, and rescue them from their bondage 
to the lords of this material world. When, 
therefore, some of them perceived that Jesus 
and his friends wrought miracles of a bene- 
ficent character, they were ready to believe 
that Jesus was that mighty legate of God, 
come to deliver men from the power of the 

son of adequate sagacity, fairness, and skill in ancient 
philosophy and literature, to accomplish this difficult 
undertaking. [This has been since attempted by Wiileh, 
in the work already referred to under the running title 
of /list, der AVte/r.; Lardner, Hist, ttf the Htretict. 
London, 1780, 4to ; Lowuld, De Doctrina (rnosfica. 
llcidelb. 1818, 8vo; Neander, Gciwtische Kntwickeluntf 
tl. wrrnithmsten Gnost. Systcnw. Berlin, 1818, 8vo; and 
still bettor, in his Algrm. GfSfi/i. far Cftr. Relig. u. Kir- 
die, vol. i. part ii. pages G0'2 85ft. -3/wr. 

I The reader will recollect, that Mosheitn's opinions, 
Concerning an oriental philosophy in the apostolic a^e, 
have been much questioned (sco* above. Note 2, p. 2!J); 
and that these texts which speak only of false teachers 
who corrupted the truth, afford no certain evidence of 
the existence of Gnostic churches or congregations 
existing as distinct religious bodies. Mur. [See Bur. 
ton's Heresies qftke Apostolic Age, Lecture!. R. 

genii who governed this lower world, and 
to rescue souls from the influence of their 
material bodies. This supposition being 
admitted into minds polluted with gross 
errors, they interpreted or rather per- 
verted, whatever Christ and his disciples 
taught, so as to make it harmonize with 
their other opinions. 

5. Hence there necessarily arose among 
them a multitude of opinions which were 
extremely foreign from the precepts of 
Christ. Their belief that the world was 
not created by the supreme God in whom 
is all perfection, but by one or more inferior 
deities of a bad or at least of an imperfect 
character, would not allow them to admit 
the Divine authority of the Old Testament j 
Scriptures ; and it led some of them to ve- 
nerate and extol the serpent, the prime 
author of sin among men, and likewise se- 
veral of the vilest persons mentioned in the 
Jewish Scriptures. The same belief in- 
duced them to contemn Moses and the re- 
ligion he taught ; and to represent him as 
instigated to impose such hard and unsuita- 
ble laws on the Jews, by the world's Crea- 
tor who had no regard for human happiness, 
but only for his own glory and authority. 
Their belief that matter is eternal and the 
source of all evil, prevented them from put- 
ting a due estimate upon the human body, 
and from favouring marriage whereby bo- 
dies are produced; and also from admitting 
the doctrine of the future resurrection of 
the body. Their belief that malevolent 
genii ruled over the world, and that from 
them originated all the diseases, wars, and 
calamities of men, led them almost univer- 
sally to addict themselves to magic, or the 
art of weakening and paralyzing the power 
of those <renii. I omit many other points 
incompatible with so summary a history as 

6. Their principles required that while 
they admitted Christ to be the Son of the 
supreme God, and a messenger sent, for the 
benefit of miserable souls, from the Plcroma 
or upper world where God and his family 
dwell, they should hold most unworthy sen- 
timents concerning his person and offices. 
They could not admit him to be truly God, 
nor truly man. Not truly God, because 
they held him, though begotten of "God, to 
be yet much inferior to the Father; nor 
truly man, because everything concrete and 
corporeal they believed to be intrinsically 
and essentially evil : therefore most of them 
divested Christ of a material body, and de- 
nied him to have suffered for our Bakes 
what he is recorded to have endured. The 
cause of Christ's coming among men, they 
said, was simply to strip the tyrants of this 

CHAP, v.j 


world, those impotent genii, of their power 
over the virtuous and heaven-born sonls of 
men ; and to teach men how to withdraw 
their divine minds from these impure bodies, 
and fit them for a union with God. 

7. Their systems of morals, we are in- 
formed, were widely different. For most 
of them recommended abstinence and aus- 
terity, and prescribed the most severe bodily 
mortifications, in order that the soul, whose 
ill fate it was to be associated with a body, 
might enjoy greater liberty, and be able the 
better to contemplate heavenly things. For, 
the more this depraved and grovelling habi- 
tation of the soul is weakened and attenu- 
ated, the less will it be able to withdraw 
the mind from the contemplation of divine 
objects. But some of them maintained, on 
the contrary, that we may safely indulge 
all our libidinous desires; and that there 
is no moral difference in human actions. 1 
This contrariety of opinions needs not sur- 
prise us, because the one principle natu- 
rally produced both systems. For persons 
who believed that their bodies were the very 
essence of evil and calculated only to hold 
their souls in bondage, might, according as 
they were of a voluptuous or of a morose 
and austere disposition, either fall into the 
conclusion, that the acts of the body have 
no connexion with the soul when it has at- 
tained to communion with God, or, on the 
contrary, suppose that the body must be 
strenuously resisted and opposed as being 
the enemy of the soul. 

8. As these extraordinary opinions re- 
quired proof, which it was not easy to find 
in the writings of the apostles, recourse was 
had to falsehoods and impositions. There- 
fore when asked, where they had learned 
what they had so confidently taught, some 
produced fictitious books under the names 
of Abraham, Zoroaster, and Christ, or his 
apostles ; some pretended to have derived 
their principles from a concealed and secret 
doctrine taught by Christ ; some affirmed 
that they had arrived at this high degree of 
wisdom by an innate energy which existed 
in their own minds; and some pretended 
that one Theudas, a disciple of St. Paul, or 
Matthias, one of Christ's disciples, had been 
their teacher. Those of them who did not 
wholly reject the books of the New Testa- 
ment, either interpreted them most ab- 
surdly neglecting the true import of words, 
or wantonly corrupted them by retrench- 
ing what they disliked, and adding what 
they pleased. 

U. It is easy to see how these persons, 

after assuming the name of Christians, be- 
came divided into numerous sects. In the 
first place, it appears from what has been 
already stated, that they held very difiprent 
opinions before they proteased Christianity. 
Hence, as i-ach one endeavoured to accom- 
modate his own philosophical opinions to 
the Christian religion, it was the necessary 
consequence that various systems of reli- 
gion were produced. Moreover, some of 
them were born Jews as Cerinthus and 
others, and did not wish to appear contemn- 
ers of Moses; while others were wholly 
estranged from the Jewish religion, and 
could indulge themselves in liberties which 
the former could not. And lastly, this 
whole system of philosophy and religion 
was destitute of any fixed and solid basis, 
and was, in a great measure, the creature 
of their own fancy; and who does not know, 
that systems and institutions which are the 
productions of the imagination, never have 

10. The heads and leaders of the philoso- 
phical sects which troubled the church in 
the first century, next come to be consi- 
dered. The first place among them is by 
many given to Dositheus, a Samaritan. 
And it is sufficiently proved that there was 
a man of this name among the Samaritans, 
about the time of our Saviour ; and that he 
left a sect behind him. But all the ac- 
counts we have of him clearly show that 
he is to be ranked, not among those called 
heretics, but among the enemies of the 
Christian name ; or, if it be thought moro 
correct, among the delirious and insane; 
for he wished to be accounted the Messiah 
or that Prophet whom God had promised 
to the Jews ; he could not, therefore, have 
held Jesus Christ to be a divine ambassador, 
nor have merely corrupted his doctrines. 2 

11. What I have said of Dositheus I 
would likewise say of Simon Magus. This 
impious man is not to be ranked among 
those who corrupted Christianity by an in- 

'1 See Clemens Alex. Stromat. lib. Hi. cap. v. p. 529, 
ed. Potter. 

* Basnage, Histoire d Juif$,\\\r. ii. chap. xiii. p. 307. 
Simon, Critique de la liibliotheque Set Auteurt Ecclei. 
par M. du Pin, tome Hi. chap. xiii. p, 304. [Mosheim, 
Intt. hist. Ckrit. majvret, p. 376. Walch, Hi*t. der 
<etzer, vol. I. p. 1 82. All the accounts make Dositheus 
to have lived among the Samaritans ; one writer repre- 
sents him as an apostate Jew. According to Origen 
C Philocal. i.), he was a rigorous observer of the law of 
Moses ; and particularly allowed no one to move from 
the spot where the Sabbath overtook him. According 
to Epiphanius ( ll&re*. lib. I par. i. hser. 13, previous to 
I the Christian heresies), he was an apostate Jew whose 
i ambition being disappointed, he retired among the 8a- 
j maritana, lived in a cave, and fasted so rigorously as 
to occasion his death. Other ancient accounts simply 
mention him among the founders of sects ; as Hegesip- 
pus, in Eusebius, Hnt. Ecct. lib. iv. cap. xxii. It is 
said, his followers accounted him the Messiah (Photlus, 
Biblioth. cxxx.) ; and that at first ho claimed to be so ; 
but after wards retracted in presence of his pupil Simor- 




torniixturc of errors or among the heretics, 
but is to bo classed among those who de- 
clared open war against Christianity, al- 
though nearly all the ancient and modern 
writers account him the head, father, and 
ringleader of the whole heretical crew. For 
it is manifest from all the records we have 
of him, that after his defection from the 
Christians, he ascribed to Christ no honour 
at all; but set himself in opposition to 
Christ and claimed to be the supreme 
power of God. 

12. What the ancients relate of the life 
and opinions of Simon are so different and 
inconsistent, that some very learned men 
have concluded they could not all relate to 
one person ; and therefore they suppose two 
Simons ; the one, Simon Magus, who aban- 
doned the Christian religion ; and the other, 
a Gnostic philosopher. On this point men 
will judge as they see right; but to me it 
appears neither safe nor necessary to reject 
the testimony of the ancients that there was 
only one Simon. 1 He was by birth cither 
a Samaritan or a Jew ; and after studying 
philosophy at Alexandria, 2 professed to be 
a magician, as was common in that age : 
and by his fictitious miracles persuaded the 
Samaritans among others, that he had re- 
ceived from God the power of controlling 
those evil spirits which afflict mankind. 
Acts viii. 9, 10. On seeing the miracles 
which Philip performed by Divine power, 
Simon joined himself to him, professed to 
be a Christian, and hoped to learn from the 
Christians the art of working miracles. 
When cut off from this hope by the pointed 
reproof of St. Peter (Acts viii. 9, 10), he 
not only returned to his old course of sor- 
cery, but wherever he went he laboured to 
obstruct the progress of Christianity. The 
accounts of his tragical death and of a 
statue decreed him at Rome, are rejected 
with great unanimity by the learned at the 

Magus (Clemens, Recagn* lib. ii. 8, &c.) Eulogius, 
Bishop of Alexandria, in the seventh century wrote 
against the Dositheans According to Photius, Biblioth. 
cxxx.), and besides his pretended Messiahship, he at- 
tributes to Dositheus various errors, all of which coin- 
cided with either Sadduccan or Samaritan opinions. 
See Schmidt, Handb. d. christl. Kirchenge$chichte> vol. 
i. sec. 50, p. 214, &c.Mur. 

i See the Dissertation by Vpelger, revised and pub- 
lished by Moshelm, Dm. ad Histor. Eccles. pertinentes, 
vol. ii p. 55, &c. De uno Simone Mago. [The idea of 
two Simons, the one a Samaritan mentioned Acts viii. 
the other a Jewish philosopher in the reign of Domi- 
tian, and the father of all the Gnostic sects, was first 
thrown out as a conjecture by Vitrfnga, Observ. Sacrar. 
lib. v. cap. xii. sec. 9, p. 159, and afterwards defended 
by Heumann, Acta erudit. Lips, for April, A.D. 1717, 
p. 179; and Beausobre, Ditt. sut let Adamites, part ii. 
subjoined to L'Enfant'a Hisloire de la guerre des Htts- 
tXet, sec. 1, p. 350, &c. But this hypothesis is now 
generally given up.flfwr. 

* Oementin*, HomU. il. in Patr. ApottoL torn. Ii. 
P. 533. 

present day._ They arc at least uncertain 
and improbable. 3 

13. Simon undoubtedly belonged to that 
class of philosophers who admitted, as co 
existent with the supreme and all-perfect 
God, not only eternal matter but an evil 
deity who presided over it. And if I mis- 
take not, he was one of those in this class 
who believed matter to have been eternally 
animated, and at a certain period to have | 
brought forth, by its inherent energies, that 
depraved being who now rules over it, sur- 
rounded by numerous attendants. From 
this opinion of Simon, the other gross errors 
ascribed to him by the ancients concerning 
fate, the indifference of human actions, the 
impurity of the human body, the power of 
magic, &c. would very naturally follow. 4 
The most shocking of all his abominations 
was, his pretence that the greatest and most 
powerful of the Divine ^Eons of the male 
sex resided in himself; and likewise that 
another Mon of the female sex, the mother 
of all human souls, resided in. his mistress 
Helena; and his proclaiming that the su- 
preme God had dispatched him down to 
this world, to break up the empire of the 
world's fabricators, and to deliver Helena 
out of their hands. 6 

3 See Beausobre, Histoire de Munich ee, pages 203 
395; Van Dale, Diss. de Statua Shnonis, annexed to 
his book De Oraculis, p 579 ; Deyling, Ohservat. fri- 
crar. lib. i. Observ. xxxvi. p. 140; Tillemont, Mc- 
moircs pour servir a I'histoire de I'Eglise, torn. i. p 340, 
and numerous others. [What Arnobius, Adv. Gciites, 
lib. ii. p. 64, ed. Herald, and after him, many others 
relate, with some variety, concerning Simon's death; 
viz. that while practising magic at Rome, in order to 
ingratiate himself with Nero, he attempted to fly being 
assisted by evil spirits ; but that by the prayers of St. 
Peter, the evil spirits were compelled to let him fall, 
which either killed him outright or broke his bones, 
and so mortified him that he killed himself, is too im- 
probable and has too much the aspect of Action to gain 
credit in this enlightened age. And the mistake of 
Justin Martyr, Apol. i. cap. xxxiv. who says he saw 
a public statue inscribed to Simon on an island in the 
Tiber at Rome, has been satisfactorily accounted for, 
since the discovery, in the year 1574, of a stone in the 
Tiber at Rome, bearing this inscription: " Semoni 
Sanco, Deo Fidio Sacrum." For this inscription, 
which Justin, being an Asiatic, might easily misunder- 
stand, was undoubtedly intended for an ancient pagan 
god. A/wr. 

* The dissertation of Horbius, DC Simone Afago, 
though a juvenile production and needing correction in 
style, I prefer to all others on this subject. It will be 
found republished by Voigtius, in the Biblioth. Hare- 
siologica, torn. i. par. Hi. p. 51 1. Horbius treads closely 
in the steps of his preceptor, Thomasius, 'who very 
clearly saw the source of those numerous errors by 
which the Gnostics and especially Simon, were in- 
fected. The other writers who have treated of Simon, 
are enumerated by Voigtius, itbi supra t p. 567. [See 
Walch, Hist, der Ketzer. vol. i. p. 152, &c. The 
English reader will find a full, but not a very accurate, 
account of Simon in Calmet's Dictionary of the Rible. 
Mur. [But he ought especially to refer to Burton's 
Heresies of the A post. Age, Lee. iv. with the illustrative 
Notes 38 to 43, inclusive; and to Milman's Hitt. / 
Christ, vol. ii. p. 96, &c. R. 

* Some very learned men, I am aware, have supposed 
that the ancient accounts of Simon's Helena should be 
interpreted allegortcally; and that Simon intended, by 

CHAP v.] 



14. From Simon Magus, it is said, Me- 
nander, who was also a Samaritan, learned 
his doctrine ; which is no more true than 
what the ancients relate, that all the here- 
tical sects derived their origin from this 
Simon. Menandcr is to be removed from 
the list of heretics strictly so called, and 
classed among the lun-itics and madmen, 
who foolishly arrogated to themselves the 
character of the Saviour of mankind. For 
it appears from the testimony of Irenams, 
Justin Martyr, and Tcrtullian, 1 that he 
wishe/1 to be thought one of the /Eons, sent 
from the upper world or the Plcroma, to 
succour the souls which were here suffering 
miserably in material bodies; and to afford 
them aid against the machinations and the 
violence of the demons who governed our 
world. As he erected his religious system 
on the same fundamental principles as Si- 
mon did, the ancients supposed that he 
must have been his disciple. 

15. If those now mentioned are excluded 
from the number of the heretics of the first 
century, the first place among the Christian 
sectaries, and also among those denomi- 
nated Gnostics, seems to belong to the 
Nicolaitans, of whom Jesus Christ himself 
expressed his detestation. Rev. ii. 6, 14, 
15. It is true the Saviour does not tax 
them with errors in matters of faith, but 
only with licentious conduct and a disre- 
gard of the injunction of the apostles to 
abstain from meats offered to idols, and 
from fornication. Acts xv. 29. But the 
writers of the second and the following cen- 
turies, Irenaeus,Tertullian,Clemens Alexan- 
drinus, 2 and others, declare that they taught 
the same doctrines with the Gnostics con- 
cerning two principles of all things, and 
concerning the JEons and the origin of the 
present world. Whether this testimony is 
to be admitted, or whether we are to sup- 
pose that the ancients confounded two dif- 
lerent sects which bore the same name ; the 
one, the Apocalyptical Nicolaitans, and the 
other, a Gnostic sect of the second century 
founded by a man named Nicolaus ; is a 
question which admits of doubt. 3 

the name of Helena, to indicate matter or the soul or 
something I know not what. But for such an allego- 
rical interpretation, it would bo easy to show there is 
little foundation. 

1 Irenseus, lib. i. cap. xxiii.; Justin Martyr, Apol. ii. 
p. 69 ; Tcrtullian, Da Anima, cap. 50 ; and De Rctur- 
mtf. cap. v. Mur. 

2 Irenceus, lib. Hi cap. xi. and lib. ii. cap. xxvii. ; 
Tertull. De Praswript. cap. xJvi.; Clem. Alex. Strom. 
lib. ill. cap. iv. Mur. 

3 Sec Demonstratio Serta Nicolaitarum, adv. doctiss. 
ejus oppuynatores, cum Supplemento; in Moshelm's Dis- 
tort, ad Histor. Eccles. pertin. vol. 1. pag. 389 49.5 ; 
also, Mosheim's Institut. Hist. Christ, mnjor. p. 46, and 
Comment, de Reb. Christ, ante C.M. p. 105, and espe- 
cially Walch, Hist. de> Ketser. vol. i. p. 167. All 

1C. With greater propriety we may 
reckon among the Gnostics, Cerinthus, a 
Jew by birth, 4 but was taught literature and 
philosophy at Alexandria. 6 Though some 
of the learned have chosen to assign him 
rather to the second century than to the 
first, 6 yet it appears it was while St. 
John was still living, that he endeavoured 
to form a singular system of religion, com- 
pounded of the doctrines and principles of 
Jesus Christ, and those of the Gnostics and 
Jews. From the Gnostics he borrowed the 
notions of a Plcroma, ./Eons, a Demiurge, 
&c. but these he so modified, that they ap- 
peared not wholly inconsistent witli the 
opinions of the Jews. Therefore to the 
Creator of this world, whom also he ac- 
knowledged to be the Sovereign and the 
Lawgiver of the Jewish nation, he ascribed 
a nature possessed of the highest virtues, 
and derived from the true God; but which, 
he affirmed, had gradually receded from its 
primitive excellence and become deterio- 
rated. Hence God had determined to sub- 
vert his power by means of one of the 
blessed -ZEons, whose name was Christ. 
This Christ had entered into a certain Jew 
named Jesus (a very righteous and holy 

the ancients, except John Cassianus ( Collatio, xviii. cap. 
xvi.)> supposed that Nicolaua of Antioch, the Deacon 
(Acts vi. 5), was either the founder or accidental cause 
of this sect. Irenceus makes him to have been the 
founder of it. But Clemens Alex, states that an in- 
cautious speech or act of his gave occasion only to this 
sect. For he being one day accused of too much atten- 
tion to his wife, when he came to defend himself he 
publicly divorced her, using the expression, OTI Tropa- 
vpT?ira<r0ai TT) <rapl fiI, it is proper to abuse the flesh; 
i.e. to subdue its corrupt propensities. This speech was 
afterwards perversely applied, by a Gnostic association, 
to justify their abominations. With this account agree 
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lit), iii. cap. xxix. ; Theotlorut. 
Fab. HiereL lib. iii, cap. i. Opp. torn. iv. p. 226, and 
Augustine, De Harrcs. cap. v. Now the question arises, 
whether there actually was, in the time of St. John, an 
heretical party holding different fundamental principles 
from the orthodox, and distinguished by the name of 
Nicolaitans. Some say there was, others say there was 
not. Mosheim takes the affirmative on account of the 
historical credibility of the Fathers, and the literal im- 
port of the words used in the Revelation. The next 
question is, who was the founder of this sect? Here, 
some follow Irenceus; others follow Clemens Alex.; 
and some, among whom is Mosheim, think it probable 
there were two persons of the name of Nicolaus. If 
this supposition be admitted, it will be easy to account 
for the fact that the Nicolaitans of the Fathers are ac- 
cused of Gnosticism, while there Is no mention of it In 
the Revelation. Baumgarten's Auxtig der KirclurH* 
gesch. Schl. 

< For Epiphanius states, Ha-rcs. xxviii. sec. 3, that 
ho was circumcised; and Johannes Damascenus, De 
Iffcrfls. cap. viii. that his followers were Jews. His 
doctrines also show higher respect for the Jewish forms 
of worship than is common for the Gnostic heretics. 
Walch's Hi*t. der Ketzer, vol. i. p. 250. Schl. 

6 Theodoret, Fabul. Hteret. lib. ii. cap. iii. Opp. 
torn. iii. p. 219. 

See Basnage, Annal. Polit. Eccles. torn. ii. p. 6 ; 
Faydit, Ecfaircissements surthistoire ecctes. de deux pre- 
miers sitcles, chap. v. p. 64, and others. To this is op- 
posed Buddeus. De Eccl. A postal, cap. v. p. 412; [and 
Tillemont, Mtm. pour servir d Vhistoire de CEglise, 
tome ii. p. 486; and Mosheim, Imtit. Hut. Eccles. ma 



[PART n. 

man, the son of Joseph and Mary by ordi- 
nary generation), by descending upon him 
in the form of a dove, at the time when he 
was baptized by John in the river Jordan. 
After his union with Christ, this Jesus vi- 
gorously assailed the God of the Jews, the 
world's Creator; and by his instigation 
Jesus was seized by the rulers of the Jew- 
ish nation and nailed to the cross. But 
when Jesus was apprehended Christ flew 
away to heaven ; so that only the man Jesus 
was put to death. Cerinthus required his 
followers to worship the supreme God, the 
father of Christ, together with Christ him- 
self; but to abandon the Jewish Lawgiver, 
whom lie accounted the Creator of this 
world ; and while they retained some parts 
of the Mosaic law, to regulate their lives 
chiefly by the precepts of Christ. He pro- 
mised them a resurrection of their bodies, 
which would be succeeded by exquisite de- 
Wghts in the millenary reign of Christ; and 
then would follow a happy and never-end- 
ing life in the celestial world. For Ccrin- 
tlius supposed that Christ would hereafter 
return, and would unite himself again with 
the man Jesus in whom he had before 
dwelt; and would reign with his followers 
during a thousand years in Palestine. 1 

jor. sec. i. p. 439, c. They who place Cerinthus in 
tho second century rely chiefly on two arguments. 
The first is, that the ancient writers who treat of the 
heretics set down Cerinthua after Marcion, (rather 
after Carpocrates.) The other rests on a spurious let- 
tor of Pius, Bishop of Rome (in the middle of the se- 
cond century), to Justus, Bishop of Yienne; in which 
Tins laments that Cerinthus was at that time making 
many proselytes. The epistle may be found in Con- 
stant. Enistol. Pontific. Append, torn. i. p. 19; [and in 
Binius, Concil.Olt'n. torn. i. p. 124.] But the first argu- 
ment proves nothing, because the historians of the he- 
resies pay no regard to chronological order ; and the 
second falls, because the epistle is not genuine. Schl. 
[ Hut, see on this subject Lampc, Cotnmcntar. in Johan, 

Proli'ff. lib. ii. cap. Hi. sec. 13, &c. p. 181, &c Mur. 

i The doctrines of Cerinthus are stated in full by 
Walch, Hist, der Ketzer. vol. i. page 260, &c.; and by 
Moshelm, Instit: hist. Christ, irwjor. p. 445; and Com- 
ment, de lleb. Christ, ante C.M. p. 196. It may bo re- 
marked that Ircnteus, Ado. Heeres. lib. ill. cap. fii. says 
ho had heard from various persons, that Tolycarp told 
them, that the Apostle John once met Cerinthus in a 
public bath at Ephesus, and instantly fled out saying 
he was afraid the bath would fall on that enemy of the 
truth and kill him. This story may be true, notwith- 
standing Irenwus had it from third-hand testimony; 
but tho addition to it, that Cerinfhus was actually killed 
by the fall of the building as soon aa John had gone 

17. Those who maintained the necessity 
of the Mosaic law and ceremonies in order 
to eternal salvation, had not proceeded so 
far in this century as to have no communion 
with such as thought differently. They 
were of course accounted brethren, though 
weaker ones. But after the second destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem in* the reign of Adrian, 
when they withdrew from the other Chris- 
tians and set up separate congregations; 
they were regarded as sectarians who had 
deviated from the true doctrines of Christ. 
Hence arose the names, Nazarenes, 2 and 
Ebionites ; 3 by which those Christians, 
whose errors originated from an undue 
attachment to the Mosaic law, were discri- 
minated from the other Christians, who held 
that the Mosaic ceremonial law was abro- 
gated by Christ. These Nazarenes or 
Ebionites, though commonly set down 
among the sects of the apostolic age, in 
reality belong to the second century in 
which they had their origin. 

out, was first annexed in modern times by tho Domini- 
can, Bernhard of Luxemburg, in his Catalogus Hare- 
ticorum; and it deserves no credit. See Walch, ubi 
supra, p. 255. Schl. 

* This name the Jews first gave by way of reproach 
to the disciples of Christ, because he was a citizen of 
Nazareth. Acts xxiv. 5. Afterwards the name was 
applied especially to a Christian sect which c,ndea- 
vourcd to unite the Mosaic law with the religion of 
Christ. Of these Nazarenes, Moshc'.m treats largely, 
Institut. hist. Christ, major p. 465, and Comment. <Ir 
licbus Christ, ante C. M. p. 328 ; as also Walch, Hist. 
der Ketzer. vol. i. p. 101, be. .Schl. 

3 The origin of this name is still a subject of contro- 
versy. Some derive it from some founder of this sect 
who was called Ebion. Others think tho name Ebionites 
to be equivalent to the Hebrew word D S 3VD,K P 0<>r 
people. But they are not agreed why this name was 
given to the sect. Others again regard the whole sub- 
ject as an historical problem, which can never be solved 
with absolute certainty. It is treated of largely by 
Walch, Hitt. der Ketzer , vol. i. p. 100 ; and by Mo- 
sheim, Institut. hixt. Christ, major, p. 477 ; and in hia 
Din. qua ostcnditur, rerto hodie et explorate corutitui 
non posse, utrum Ebion quidam notxe Secla auctor ex- 
Merit olim inter Chrixtianos, nccne ? in his Disxert. ad 
hist, eccles. pertin. vol. i. p. 547, &c. See Doederlein, 
Commentar. de Ebionceis t> nurncro hostium Chritti eari- 
mendu. Buzow. 1770, 8vo. Schl. [See also Burton's 
Heretics qf the Apost. Age, Lect. vi. with notes 73 to 
84, inclusive; and particularly Oicseler, Lehrbuch d. 
KircJteng. sec. 32, with tho important references to 
recent works in notes 8 and 9. Davidson's translation, 
vol. i. p. 98, &c. Also, Matter, Hist, du Gnost. vol. iii. 
p. 11, &c. who likewise treats of the Elxaitet or Eicet* 

CHAP. i. 







1 , MOST of the Roman emperors of this 
century were of a mild character. Trajan 
(A.D. 98 117), though too eager for glory 
and not always sufficiently considerate and 
provident, was humane and equitable. Ad- 
rian (A.D. 117 138) was more severe, 
yet not absolutely bad and tyrannical; his 
character was a compound of virtues and 
vices. The Antonines (Pius, A. D. 138 
161, Marcus Aurelius the Philosopher, 
A.D. 161 180, with Verus, A-.D. 161 
109, and Commodus, A.D. 169192) were 
models of excellence and benignity. Even 
Severus (A.I). 193 211), who afterwards 
assumed another character, was at first 
oppressive to no one, and to the Christians 
mild and equitable. 

2. Through this lenity of the emperors, 
Christens living in the Roman empire suf- 
fered far less than they would have done 
if they had been under severer rulers. The 
laws enacted against them were indeed 
sufficiently hard; and the magistrates, ex- 
cited by the priests and the populace, often 
made considerable havoc among them, and 
went frequently much beyond what the 
laws required. Yet for tnese evils some 
relief was commonly attainable. Trajan 
would not have the Christians to be sought 
after ; and he forbade any complaints being 
received against them without the names 
of the accusers annexed. l And Antoninus 
Pi us even decreed that their accusers should 
be punished. 2 Some in one way and others 

1 See Pliny's Ejnutleg, lib. x. ep. 98. 

a Eusebius, Hut. Ecckt. lib. iv. cap. xiii. [where 
the law of Antoninus is given at length fron. the Apo- 
logy of Molito. Some indeed have supposed that it 
was Marcus Antoninus, and not Antoninus Pius, who 
issued this decree. (So Valesius in &>e.) But this Is 
contrary to the express testimony of Eusebius, and to the 
contents of the edict itself. For we know from history 
that the earthquakes, mentioned in the edict, happened 
under Pius. See Capitolinus, Vita Antonivd Pit, cap. 
ill Besides, if Marcus himself had published this 
edict, Melito could nave had no occasion by this A po- 

rn another, protected them against the evil 
designs of the populace- and the priests. 
Hence the Christian community increased 
and became vastly numerous in this cen- 
tury. Of this fact we have the clearest 
testimony of the ancients, which some have 
in vain attempted to call in question. 3 

3. On what particular countries, both 
within the Roman empire and beyond it, 
the light of heavenly truth first shone in 
this century, the paucity of ancient records 
will not allow us to state with precision. 
There are unexceptionable witnesses who 
declare that in nearly ail the East, and 
among the Germans, the Spaniards, the 
Celts, the Britons, and other nations, Christ 
was now worshipped as God. 4 But if any 
inquire, which of these nations received 
Christianity in this century and which in 
the preceding, it is not in my power to an- 
swer. Pantaenus, master of tne school in 
Alexandria, is said to have instructed the 

logy, to implore the grace of the emperor in favour of 
the Christians. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ, ante 
C.M. p. 240. Schl. 

3 See Moyle, On the Thundering Legion i a Latin 
translation of which, with notes, I have annexed to my 
Syntagma Dits, ad tanctioret ditciplinat pertinent, 
pages 652661. Sec "also an additional passage in Jus- 
tin Martyr, Dial, cum Try phone, p. 341. 

4 Ireneeus, Adv. H&ret. lib. i. cap. x. ; Tertullian, 
Adv. Judteot, cap. vii. [The testimony of the former 
is this : " Neither do those churches which are esta- 
blished among the Germans, believe or teach otherwise ; 
nor do those among the Heberii, or among the Celts ; 
nor those in the East ; nor those in Egypt; nor those In 
Libya ; nor those established in the central parts of the 
world." The language of Tertullian is rhetorical, and 
the statement, undoubtedly, somewhat too strong. He 
says : " In whom, but the Christ now come, have all 
nation.? believed ? For, in whom do all other nations 
(but yours, the Jews) confide? Parthians, Medea, 
Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, Armenia, 
Phrygia, Cappadocia, and inhabitants of Pontus, and 
Asia, and Paraphylia; the dwellers in Egypt, and in- 
habitants of the region beyond Cyrene ; Romans and 
strangers ; and in Jerusalem both Jews and proselytes, 
so that the various tribes of the Getuli and the nume 
rous hordes of the Moors ; all the Spanish clans, and 
the different nations of Gauls, and the i-egions of the 
Britons inaccessible to the Romans but subject to 
Christ, and of the Sartnattans, and the Dacians, and 
Germans, and Scythians, and many unexplored nations 
and countries, and islands unknown to us and which 
we cannot enumerate : in all which places, the name of 
the Christ who has already come, now reigns/* A/ur, 


[PART i. 

Indians in Christianity. 1 But these In- 
dians appear to have been certain Jews, 
living m Arabia Felix. For Pantsenus 
found among them, according to the testi- 
mony of Jerome, the Gospel of St. Matthew 
which they had received from their first 
teacher Bartholomew. 

4. From Gaul, it would seem, the Chris- 
tian religion must have spread into Ger- 
many on the left of the Khinc, which was 
subject to the Romans, and also into Britain 
opposite to Gaul. 2 Yet certain churches 
in Germany have bcon accustomed to de- 
duce their origin from the companions and 
disciples of St. Peter and other apostles; 3 
and the Britons, following the account given 
by Bede would fain believe that their king 

1 Eusebius, I list. Eccles. lib. v. cap. x. Jerome, DP 
Scriptoribus Illustr. cap. xxxvi. [According to use- 
bins, the zeal of Pantnonus prompted him to undertake 
a voluntary mission among the Indians. But accord- 
ing to Jerome (Da Scrip tor. Illustr. cap. xxxvi. and 
c?p. Ixxxiii. Opp. torn. Iv. par- ii. p. G5G, ed. Bencd.), 
ho was sent out by Demetrius, Bishop of Alexandria, 
*n consequence of a request made by the Indians for 
A Christian teacher. As it is well known that the 
Greek and Latin writers Rive the name of Indians to 
the Persians, Parthians, Medea, Arabians, Ethiopians, 
Libyans, and many other nation slittle known to them ; 
the learned have inquired who were the Indians visited 
by Pantomus ? Many think they were those we call 
the East Indians, inhabiting the country about the river 
Indus. Jerome so thought, for he represents him as 
sent to instruct the Brahmans. Vali'sius and Ilolste- 
nius and others suppose they were the Abyssinians or 
Ethiopians, who are often called Indians arid were near, 
and always had intercourse with, tho Egyptians. Soe 
Basnage, Annnl. jwlit. ficdts. tome ii. p. 207; Valesius, 
Adnohit. ad Sotratis Hist. Eccb-s. p. 13. Others in- 
cline to believe them Jews, resident in Yemen or Ara- 
bia Felix, a country often called India. That they were 
not strangers to Christianity is evident from their hav- 
ing Matthew's Gospel among them, and from their 
desiring some one to expound it to them. Their ap- 
plying to the Bishop of" Alexandria shows that Egypt 
was to them the most accessible Christian country; and 
their having the Gospel written in Hebrew, as Jerome 
testifies, is good proof that they were Jews ; because no 
other people understood that language. Besides Bar- 
tholomew had formerly been among them, the field of 
whose labours has been supposed to be Arabia Felix. 
See Tillemont's life of Bartholomew, in his Mtmnires 
pour termr d t'histoire de I' Eglixp, tome i. pages 11 GO, 
1161. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ, ante C. M. p. 20G, 
207, A/Mr. 

* On the origin of those German churches men- 
tioned by Tertullian and Irena>us as existing in this 
century, Ursinus, Bebelius, and others have written; 
and still better, Llron, Singularity historiques et litte- 
raires, tome iv. Paris, 1740, 8vo. The common and 
popular accounts of the first preachers of the Gospel in 
Germany, are learnedly impugned by Calmet, llistoirc 
de Lorraine, tome I. Dut. rur les Eotquet de Treuet, 
pages 3, 4 ; Bolland, ./f da Sanctorum, January, torn. il. 
p 92'2? Hontheim, Diss. de <era episcopat. Trevirensis; 
in Historia Trevirenwt, torn. i. 

s It is said St. Peter sent Eucherius, Valerius, and 
Maternus into Belgic Gaul; and that they planted the 
churches of Cologne, Treves, Tongres, Liege, and some 
others ; and presided over them till their death. See 
Brower, Annales Trevirenws, lib. ii. p. 143, &c.; and 
Acta Sanetor. Antwerp**,. 29th of January, p. 918. 
But Calmet, Bolland, ana Hontheim (ubi supra), have 
proved satisfactorily that these pretended founders of 
the German churches did not live earlier than the third 
or fourth century, and were first represented as being 
legates of the apostles In the middle ages. See Mos- 
heim, De Rrt. Christ. See. p. 212 Mur 

Lucius sought and obtained Christian teach- 
ers from Eleutherus the Roman pontiff, in 
thw second century and during the reigr 
of Marcus Antoninus. 4 But these ancient 
accounts are exposed to much doubt, and 
are rejected by the best informed persons. 

4 See Ussher, Fed. Jiritannicar. Prinordia, cap. i. 
p. 7; Godwin, De Ctmnersione Ilritann. cap. i. p. 7; 
Rapin, History qf England, vol. i.; [Burton, Adnotat. 
ad Clcnumtix Rom. eptst. ad Corinth, in Patribns Apos. 
torn. ii. p. 470; Stiliingfleet, Antiquit, qft/icEng. Church. 
cap. i. ; Spanheirn, Historia Eccles. major, 'sa'cul. ii. 
pages 603, G04. The first publication of tho Gospel in 
Britain has been attributed to James, the son of Zebe- 
dec, whom Ilerod put to death (Acts xii. 1); to Simon 
/elotes, another apostle; to Aristobulus (mentioned 
llonj. xvi. 10); to St. Peter, &c. by some few legendary 
writer.* who are cited by Ussher, Keel. Britunn. Pri- 
rnordia, cap. i. But, rejecting these accounts, William 
of Msilmesbury, and after him many other monks, main- 
tained that Joseph of Arimnthoo, with twt'lve others, 
were sent from Gaul by St. Philip, into Britain, A.I). 
G3 ; that they were successful in planting Christianity; 
spent their lives in England, had twelve hides of land 
assigned them by tho king at Glastonbury, where they 
first built a church of hurdles, and afterwards estab- 
lished a monastery. By maintaining the truth of this 
story, tho English clergy obtained the precedence of 
some others, in several councils of tho fifteenth century, 
and particularly that of Basil, A.D. 1434. (Ussher's 
Primordin, cap. ii. pag. 12 30.) Since tho Reforma- 
tion, this story has been given up by most of the English 
clergy. But as Eusebius (l)emonstrat Evany, lib. iii. 
cap. v.) and Thcodoret (Grcecar. Citratio Affi'ctimium, 
lib. ix.) name the Britons among others, t6 whom the 
apostles themselves preached the Gospel, some have 
maintained that St. Paul must have visited that 
country, and they urge that Clemens Rom. says, that 
this apostlo travelled errl TO repfj.a TTJS i;crtu>s, to 
tin> utmost bounds of tlte west. They also urge thnt 
among the many thousand Romans who passed over 
into Britain in the reign of Claudius and his successors, 
there were doubtless some Christians, who would 
spread the knowledge of Christ there. But the princi- 
pal reliance has been on the reported application of 
King Lucius to Pope Eleutherus for Christian teachers, 
about A.D. 1 50, or rather 1 76. ( Ussher, 7Vmwrrf/tf, cap. 
iv. p. 44, &c.) On all these traditions Mosheim passes 
the following judgment : "Whether any apostle or any 
companion of an apostle, ever visited Britain, cannot 
be determined; yet the bulunce of probability rather 
inclines towards the affirmative. The story of Joseph 
of Arimathea might arise from the arrival of some 
Christian teacher from Gaul, in the second century, 
whose name was Joseph. As the Gauls, from Diony- 
sius. Bishop of Paris, in the second century, made 
Dionysius the Areopagite to be their apostle ; and the 
Germans made Maternus, Eucherius, and Valerius, 
who lived in the third and fourth centuries, to be 
preachers of the first century, and attendants on St. 
Peter ; so the British monks, I have no doubt, made a 
certain Joseph from Gaul in the second century, to be 
Joseph of Arimathea. As to Lucius, I agree with the 
best British writers in supposing him to be the restorer 
and second father of tho English churches, and not 
their original founder. That he was a king, is not pro- 
bable; because Britain was then a Roman province. 
He might be a nobleman, and governor of a district 
His name is Roman. His application I can never be- 
lieve was made to the Bishop of Rome. It is much 
more probable, he sent to Gaul for Christian teachers. 
The independence of the ancient British churches on 
the see of Rome, and their observing the same rites 
with the Gallic churches, which were planted by Asia- 
tics, and particularly in regard to the time of Easter, 
show that they received the Gospel from Gaul, and not 
from Rome. See Mosheim, De Reb t Christ. &c. p. 213, 
&c. -Mur. [This subject has been subsequently in- 
vestigated, but with no new results first by Dr. Hales, 
in hia Essay on the Origin and Purity cfthe Primitine 
Church in the British Isles. Lond. 1819, 8vo; next by 
Thackeray, in his Researches into the Eccles. and Po> 
lit. State of Anc. Britain under the Horn. Emperors. 

CilAP I.] 


5. Transalpine Gaul which is now called 
France, perhaps received some knowledge 
of the Gospel before this century, either 
from the apostles or from their friends and 
disciples. But unequivocal proofs of the 
existence of churches in this part of Europe 
first occur in the present century. For in 
it Pothiims, a man of distinguished piety 
and devotedncss to Christ, in company witn 
Irenreus and other holy men, proceeded 
from Asia to Gaul, and there instructed the 
people with such success, that he gathered 
churches of Christians at Lyons and Vicnne, 
of which Pothinus himself was the first pre- 
sident or bishop. 1 

Lond. 1843, 2 vola. 8vo; and still more recently by 
! Smith, in his Religion (\f Ancient Britain. Lond. post 
i 8vo, 1844. Of Paul's presumed visit to Britain, sco 
Burton's Lcct. on Ecc. Wtt. &e. i. 284-6. R. 

1 Peter de Marco, Epistoht de Eofingelii in G alii a 
initiis, puHi.shed among his dissertations, and also by 
Valesiua, subjoined to Euiwbii Historia Eccl.; Launoi, 
Opuscultt, in his Opp. torn. ii. Hirtvire Litte:aire de 
Ii Fntnce, tome i. p. 223. ; Liron, Sin*ularitei his- 
j toriqucs et litt'cruircx, the whole fourth volume. Paris, 
i 1740, 8vo, and others. [The most eminent French 
' writers have disputed about the origin of their churches. 
! Three different opinions have been advanced. The 
' first is that of Launoi (ubi supra), whom many writers 
j of eminence at this day follow. It is, that if we except 
the Asiatic colonists of Lyons and Vienno among 
whom there were Christian churches formed about 
A.D. 150; the first propagation of Christianity among 
' the Transalpine Gauls, was by missionaries from Rome 
: about A.D. 250. This hypothesis is founded chiefly on 
! the testimony of three ancient writers; viz. Sulpicius 
I Severus. Historia Sacra, lib. ii. cap. xxxii. where, speak- 
ing of the persecution at Lyons and Vienne under Mar- 
cus Antoninus (A.D. 177), he says : These were the first 
martyrs among the Gauls ; for the Divine religion was 
not received till late beyond the Alps. The next testi- 
mony is that of the author of the Acts of Saturninus, 
Bishop of Toulouse, who suffered under Docius. The 
author is supposed to have written in the beginning of 
the fourth century. He says : Scattered churches of a 
few Christians arose in some cities of Gaul in the third 
century. See Ruinart, Ada. Martyr, sincera, p. 130. 
The third testimony is that of Gregory of Tours, the 
father of French history (in the Historia Francor. lib. 
i. cap. xxvii. and De Gforia Confessorum, cap. xxx ed. 
Ruinart, p. 390. ) He says: Under Decius (A.D. 248 
251 ), seven missionaries were sent from Home to preach 
in Gaul. Now these seven missionaries are the very 
persons who are said to have been sent thither by 8t. 
Paul and 8t, Peter ; viz. Trophimus Bishop of Aries, 
Stremonius Bishop of Clermont, Martial Bishop of Lt- 
rnoges, Paul Bishop of Narbonne, Saturninus Bishop 
of Toulouse, Gratian Bishop of Tours, and Dionysius 
Bishop of Paris. The second opinion is that of the 
strenuous advocates for the apostolic origin of the Gal- 
lic churches, Peter de Marca (ubi supra), Natalia Alex- 
ander ( Hut. Eccl. S<ecul. i. diss. xvl. xvil. vol. ill. pages 
356420, ed. Paris, 1741, 4to), and others. They 
consider St. Paul and St. Peter as the fathers of their 
church. Paul, they suppose, travelled over nearly all 
France in his journey to Spain ; and also sent St. Luke 
and Crescens into that country. For the last they 
allege, 2 Tim. iv. 10, " Cruscens to Galatia;" or rather 
to Gaul, according to Epiphanius and others, who, for 
Ta\aTiav, would read ToAAiai/. St. PeteT, they con- 
ceive, sent Trophhnos, his disciple, into Gaul. St. 
Philip, they also suppose, laboured in Gftul. And the 
seven bishops above-mentioned, they say, were sent by 
the apostles from Rome. Very few at this day embrace 
the opinion entire. The third opinion takes a middle 
course between the first and the second, and is that 
which is maintained by Liron, tiitsrrtntion tur les- 
tabliMnent de fa religion Chrtticnne dans kg Gaulsf 
In the fourth volume of his Singularity kistoriquei, 

6. This rapid propagation of Christianity 
is ascribed by the writers of the second cen- 
tury almost exclusively to the efficient will 
of God to the energy of Divine truth, and 
to the miracles wrought by Christians. Yet 
human counsels and pious eilbrts ought not 
to be wholly overlooked. Much was un- 
doubtedly effected by the activity of pious 
men, who recommended and communicated 
to the people around them the writings of 
Christ's ambassadors, which were already 
collected into one volume. All people in- 
deed were not acquainted with the lan- 
guage in which these divine books were 
composed ; but this obstacle was early re- 
moved by the labours of translators. As 
the language of the Romans was extensively 
used, many Latin translations, as wo are 
informed by Augustine, 2 were made at an 
early period. Of these, that which is called 
the Italic Version 3 was preferred to all 
others. The Latin version was followed by 
a Syriac, an Egyptian, an Ethiopia, and 
some others. But the precise dates of these 
several translations cannot be ascertained. 4 

7. Those who wrote apologies for the 
Christians, and thus met the calumnies and 
slanders by which they were unjustly as- 
sailed, removed some obstacles to the pro- 
gress of Christ's religion, and in this way 
contributed not a little to the enlargement 
of the church. For very many were pre- 
vented from embracing Christianity, solely 
by those detestable calumnies with which 
ungodly men aspersed it. 6 Another sup- 
port to the Christian cause was furnished 
by the writers against the heretics. For 

&c. It admits what Launoi, Sirmond, and Tillemont 
have fully proved, that Dionysius, the first Bishop of 
Paris, was not Dionysius, the Arcopagito mentioned 
Acts xvii. 34, but a man who lived in the third century. 
It also gives up the story of St. Philip, and of most of 
the pretended apostolic missionaries to Gaul. But it 
maintains the probability of Paul's travelling over Gaul 
on his way to Spain; and of his sending Luke and Cre- 
scens to that country; and affirms that in the second 
century, there were many flourishing churches in Gaul, 
besides those of Lyons and Vienne. See Moshelm, DC. 
Rcb. Christ, ante C.M. p. 208, c.; Tillemont. Metnoi- 
res pour servir d I' hist, de V Egl, vol. iv. p. 983. Mur. 

2 Augustine, De Doct, Christ, lib. II. cap. art. xv. 

3 Sec Carpzov, Critica Sacra, V. T. p. 66*3 , [and the 
Introductions to the New Test, by Mlchatilis, Home, 
and others. Mur. 

Basnage, Hist.derEglisp,\\rr. ix.chap. i. tome 1. 4M). 
6 Nothing more Injurious can be conceited than thtf 
terms of contempt, indignation, and reproach, which 
the heathens employed in expressing their hatred against 
the Christians, who were called by them atheists, be- 
cause they derided the heathen polytheism ; magicians, 
because they wrought miracles ; self-murderers, because 
they suffered martyrdom cheerfully for the truth; haters 
of the light, because, to avoid the fury of the persecu- 
tions raised against them, they were forced, at first, to 
hold their religious assemblies ift the night; with a 
multitude of other ignominious epithets employed 
by Tacitus, Btaetonhm, Celsus, Ac. See Bingham, Orig. 

Keel, book I. chap. tt. p. 6. Mad. [flee on this sub- 
ject, Turner's Calumnies on th* Primitive Chruitani 

accounted for. R. 


[PART 7. 

the doctrines of these sects were so absurd 
or so abominable, and the morals of some 
of them so disgraceful and impious, as to 
induce many to stand aloof from Christia- 
nity. But when they learned from the 
books against the heretics, that the true 
followers of Christ held these perverse men 
in abhorrence, their feelings towards them 
were changed. 

8. It is easier to conceive than to express 
how much the miraculous powers and the 
extraordinary Divine gifts which the Chris- 
tians exercised on various occasions, con- 
tributed to extend the limits of the church. 
The gift of foreign tongues appears to have 
gradually ceased, as soon as many nations 
became enlightened with the truth, and 

| numerous churches of Christians were every- 
where established ; for it became less neces- 
sary than it was at first. But the other 

' gifts, with which God favoured the rising 
church of Christ, were, as we learn from 
numerous testimonies of the ancients, still 
everywhere distributed. 1 

9. I wish we were fully authorized to 
place among the miracles what many an- 
cient writers have recorded concerning a 
certain legion of Christian soldiers in the 
army of ^Marcus Antoninus, in his war 
against the Marcomanni (A.D. 174), which 
by its supplications procured a shower of 
rain when the Roman troops were ready 

1 Collections of these testimonies have been made, by 
Pfnnner, De Donis miraculosis f and by Spencer, in his 
NotcB ad Origenem contra Celsum, pag. 5, 6 ; but the 
most copious is by Matnachius, Orig. ct Antiq. Chris- 
tian<p, torn. i. p, 3G3, &c. [The principal testimonies 
of the second and third centuries, arc Justin Martyr, 
Apol. ii. cap. vL; Dial, cum Try ph. cap. xxxix. and 
Ixxxii ; Ireneeus, lib. ii. cap. xxxi. and lib. v. cap. vi.; 
and in Euseb. 11. E. lib. v, cap. vii.; Tertullian, Apo- 
log. cap. xxiii. xxvii. xxxii. xxxvli ; Ad Scap. cap. ii.; 
Origen, contra Celg. lib i. p 7 ; and lib. vii, p. 334, ed. 
Spencer; Dionys. Alex, in Euseb. H.E. lib. vi. cap. xl.; 
Minutius Felix, Octan. p. 3G1, ed. Paris, 1605; Cyprian, 
De Idol. Vanit. p. 14, Ad Demetriam, p. 191, ed. 
Brem. See Mosheim, De lieb. Christ, ante C.M. p. 
221. Very candid remarks on this subject may also be 
found in Schroeckh, Kirchenees. vol. iv. p. 380, &c.; 
and in Jortin'u Remarks on Ecc. Hist, vol i. p. 247 
Mur. [The question regarding the existence and 
extent of miraculous powers in the early ages of the 
church was discussed in the last century, with great 
keenness, in consequence of the publication, in 1749, of 
Middleton's Free inquiry into the miraculoits powers of 
the Christian Church. He limited their exercise to the 
apostles, and repudiated the alleged miracles of the se- 
cond and third centuries, but on grounds which ap- 
peared designed to convey a covert attack on the 
Scripture miracles. Answers appeared, by Church, 
Brooke, Dodwell, and others, who maintained ex- 
treme opinions in favour of the protracted continu- 
ance of these powers. Bishop Kaye, a most competent 
and judicious critic, has recently given this opinion on 
the question:" I may be allowed to state the conclu- 
sion to which I myself have been led, by a comparison 
of the statements in the book of Acts with the writings 
of the fathers of the second century. My conclusion 
then is, that the power of working miracles was not 
extended beyond the disciples, upon whom the apostles 
conferred it by tho imposition of their hands. "Kayo s 
TertuUian, p. 98 R. 

to perish with thirst. But the reality of 
-this miracle is a subject of controversy 
among the learned; and those who think 
that the Christian soldiers erred, in regard- 
ing that sudden and unexpected shower by 
which the Roman army was saved as a mi- 
raculous interposition, are supported not 
only by very respectable authorities, but by 
arguments of no little weight. 8 

10. It is certain that the Roman army, 
when reduced to the greatest straits, was 
relieved by a sudden fall of rain ; and that 
this shower was regarded, both by the pa- 
gans and the Christians as extraordinary 
and miraculous: the latter ascribed the un- 
expected favour to Christ's being moved by 
the prayers of his disciples ; while the former 
attributed it to Jupiter, or Mercury, or to 
the power of magic. It is equally certain, 
I think, that many Christians were then 
serving in the Roman army. And who can 
doubt that these, on such an occasion, im- 
plored the compassion of their God and 
Saviour? Further, as the Christians of 
those times looked upon all extraordinary 
events as miracles, and ascribed every un- 
usual and peculiar advantage enjoyed by 
the Romans to the prayers of Christians, it 
is not strange, that the preservation of the 

2 The arguments on the two sides of the question may 
be seen in Witsius, Jhss. de Legiane fulminatrice, sub- 
joined to his &gypticrca. He defends the reality of the 
miracle; and Dan. Laroque, Dist. de LegioneJ'ulminat. 
subjoined to the Adversaria Sacra of bis father Mat- 
thew Laroque, opposes the idea of a miracle ; but best 
ot all in the controversy concerning the miracle of the 
thundering legion, between Peter King [rather the Rev 
Richard King of Topsham Mur.] and Walter Movie, 
which I have translated into Latin and published with 
notes, in my Syntagma Dissertutionum ad disciplinas 
sanctions perttnentium. Sea also Jublonski, Spicik- 
gium de Lcgione fulminatricfi in the Miscellan. Lip- 
sicns. torn. viii. p. 417, [and in his Opuscula, vol. iv. p. 
3, &c. /?.] where, in particular, the reasons are investi- 
gated which led the Christians improperly to class this 
rain among the miracles. [See also Mosheim, De Jieb. 
Christ. &c. p. 249, &c. The most important among 
the ancient accounts of this matter are, on the side of 
the pagans, Dion Cassias, Historia J{omana,l\b, Ixxi. 
cap. viii.; Julius Capitol inus, Vita Marc. Antonin. 
cap. xxiv.; JElius Lampridius, Heliogabali vita, cap. 
Ix.; Claudian, Consulat. vi. Honorii v. : and on the side 
of the Christians, Tertullian, Apologet. cap. v. Ad Sea- 
pulam, cap. iv.; Euscbius, Hist Eccles. lib. v. cap. v. 
and Chronicon. pages 82215; Xiphilinus, on Dion 
Cassius,l\b. Ixxi. cap. ix. x. Mur. [Against the ex- 
istence of any miracle in this case, see Bishop Kaye's 
Tertullian, Sec. p. 106; Burton's Lect. on Ecc. Hist. vol. 
ii. p. 1G6; and Milman's Hist, of Christ, vol. ii. p. 190, &c. 
with the Note in p. 175, in which he says : " The miracle 
of the thundering legion, after having suffered deadly 
wounds from former assailants, was finally transfixed by 
the critical spear of Moyle." Little did he think that soon 
after, a learned Fellow of Oxford would rush into the field 
to break a lance in defence of this slaughtered miracle. 
The well-known Mr. Newman, when in his state of tran- 
sition between the churches of England and Rome, 
published in 1842, an Essay on the Miracles recorded in 
Ecclesiastical History, in which he not only defends in 
general the miracles of the Nicene Church, but spe- 
cially that of the thundering legion, together with seve, 
rul others which had long been rejected by every critic 
competent to apply the simplest rules of evidence K. 

CHAP, ii.] 


Roman emperor and his army should be eessor Nerva. 3 But it had become a coin- 

placed among the miracles which God 
wrought in answer to the prayers of Chris- 
tians. But as all wise men are now agreed 
that no event is to be accounted a miracle, 
if it can be adequately accounted for on 
natural principles, or in the common and 
ordinary course of Divine Providence ; and 
as this rain may be easily thus accounted 
for, it is obvious what judgment ought to 
be formed respecting it. 

11. The Jews, first under Trajan (A.D. 
116), and afterwards under Adrian (A.D. 
132), led on by Bar-Choehebas who pre- 
tended to be the Messiah, made insurrec- 
tion against the Romans and again suffered 
the greatest calamities.. A vast number 
were put to death ; and a new city, called 
ylia Capitolina, was erected on the site of 
Jerusalem, which not an individual of that 
miserable race was allowed to enter. 1 This 
overthrow of the Jews confirmed, in some 
measure, the external tranquillity of the 
Christian community. For that turbulent 
nation had previously been everywhere the 
accusers of the Christians before the Roman 
judges ; and in Palestine and the neighbour- 
ing regions, they had themselves inllieted 
great injuries upon them, because they re- 
fused to aid them in their opposition to the 
Romans. 2 But this new calamity rendered 
it not so easy for the Jews, as formerly, to 
do either of these things. 

12. The philosophers and learned men 
who joined the Christians in this century, 
were no inconsiderable protection and orna- 
ment to this holy religion, by their discus- 
sions, their writings, and their talents. But 
if any are disposed to question whether the 
Christian cause received more benefit than 
injury from these men, I must confess my- 
self unable to decide the point. For the 
noble simplicity and the majestic dignity of 
the Christian religion were lost, or at least 
impaired, when these philosophers presumed 
to associate their dogmas with it, arid to 
bring faith and piety under the dominion 
of human reason. 



1 . IN the beginning of this century there 
were no laws in force against the Christians, 
for those of Nero had been repealed by the 
senate, and those of Domitian by his suc- 

i Justin Martyr, Dud. cum Tryph. p. 49278. [Dion 
Cassius, Hist. Horn. lib. Ixix, cap. xll. xiv. Mur. 
s Justin Martyr, Jpolog. i. p. 72. Sclil. 

mon custom to persecute the Christians, 
and even to put them to death, as often as 
the pagan priests, or the populace under 
the instigation of the priests, demanded 
their destruction. Hence under the reign 
of Trajan, otherwise a good prince, popular 
tumults were frequently raised in the cities 
against the Christians, which were fatal to 
many of them. 4 When therefore such 
tumults sprang up in Bithynia, under the 
proprajtor Pliny the younger, he thought 
proper to apply to the emperor for instruc- 
tions how to treat the Christians. The em- 
peror wrote back that the Christians were 
not to be sought after; but if they were 
regularly accused and convicted, and yet 
refused to return to the religion of their 
fathers, they-were to be put to death as bad 
citizens. 6 

2. This edict of Trajan being registered 
among the public laws of the Roman em- 
pire, set bounds indeed to the fury of the 
enemies of the Christians, but still it caused 
the destruction of many of them, even un- 
der the best of the emperors. For when- 
ever any one had courage to assume the 
odious olnce of an accuser, and the accused 
did not deny the charge [of being a Chris- 
tian], he might bo delivered over to the 
executioner unless he apostatized from 
Christianity. Thus by Trajan's law, per- 
severance in the Christian religion was a 
capital offence. Under this law, Simeon, 
the son of Cleophas and Bishop of Jerusa- 

lem, a venerable old man, bein w 
the Jews suffered crucifixion. 

accused by 

to the same law, Trajan himself ordered the 
great Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, to be 

3 Bishop Kayo haa shown that these of 
Mosheim, though corroborated by Gibbon, are erro- 
neous, and that there were laws in force which, though 
not expressly directed against the Christiana by name, 
both could be and were brought to bear upon them, in- 
dependently of any new laws by Nero or Domitian. 
Kayo's Tertullian, &c. p. 114, &c. These general laws 
were those against the introduction of foreign religions 
(sacra peregrina), and against illegal associations (col- 
legia, sodalitates), and nocturnal assemblages; to all 
of which the primitive Christiana could be easily made 
amenable. See the references and authorities in Gieaclwr, 
Lehrbuch. Davidson's Translation, vol. i. p. 26. A 

4 Eusebius, Historia Ecctes. lib. iii. cap. xxxii. 

5 Pliny, Epiftol. lib. x. Epist. 97, 98, which epistles 
many learned men have illustrated by their comments, 
and especially Vossius, Bohmer, Baldwin, and Heu- 
mann. See Milner's Hist, of the Ch. of Chritt, century 
ii.chap. i. Mur. [The student should by all means read 
the excellent remarks of Milman on this celebrated letter 
of Pliny, on Trajan's rescript, and generally on the 
state of the law with regard to the punishment of the 
Christians during this and the subsequent reigns. 
Hist, of Chrut. vol. ii. p. 140, &c. He should also 
refer to Welch's judicious commentary on these docu- 
ments, in his Elementi qf Church Hitt. vol. 1. p. 452, 
&c. and consult Gieseler's references to several impor- 
tant continental works on this subject. See Lehrbuch, 
c.- Davidson's Translation voL i. p. 105. R. . 

6 Eusebius, Hist. Ecclet. lib. 111. cap. xxxlU 


[PART i. 

thrown to wild boasts; 1 for the kind of 
death was left by the law to the pleasure of 
the judge. 

3. Yet this law of Trajan was a great 
restraint upon the priests who wished to 
oppress the Christians, because few persons 
were willing to assume the dangerous office 
of accusers. Under the reign of Adrian, 
therefore, who succeeded Trajan, A.D. 1 17, 
they evaded it by an artifice; for they 
excited the populace at the seasons of the 
public shows and games, to demand with 
united voice from the presidents and magis- 
trates the destruction of the Christians; 
and these public clamours could not be dis- 
regarded without danger of an insurrection. 2 
But Serenus Granianus, the proconsul of 
Asia, made representation to the emperor, 
that it was inhuman and unjust to immo- 
late men convicted of no crime, at the plea- 
sure of a furious mob. Adrian, therefore, 
addressed an edict to the presidents of the 
provinces, forbidding the Christians to be 
put to death unless accused in due form, 
and convicted of offence against the laws; 
i.e. as I apprehend, he reinstated the law 
of Trajan. 8 Perhaps also the Apologies 
for the Christians presented by Quadratus 
and Aristides, had an influence on the mind 
of tlje emperor. 4 In this reign Bar-Cho- 
chebas, a pretended king of the Jews, 
before he was vanquished by Adrian, com- 
mitted great outrages on the Christians, 
because they would not join his standard. 5 

I Soe the Acta, martyrii Jgnntiani ; published by 
Ruinart, and in the Patrfts Apostolici, and elsewhere. 
See above, p, 38, note 3, and Milner's Mitt. <if the Ch. 
cent. LI. chap. 1. vol. i. p. 153, Loud. 1827. Afw. 

^ It was an ancient custom or law of the Romans, of 
which many examples occur in their history, that the 
people when assembled at the public games, whether at 
Rome or in the provinces, might demand what they 
pleased of the emperor or magistrates ; which demands 
oould not bo rejected. This right indeed properly be- 
longed only to llpman citizens, but it was gradually as- 
sumed and exercised by others, especially in the larger 
cities. Hence when assembled at the public games, the 
populace could demand the destruction of all Christians, 
or of any individuals of them whom they pleased; and the 
magistrates dared not utterly refuse these demands 
Moreover, the abominable lives and doctrines of certain 
heretics of this age, brought odium on the whole Chris- 
tian community ; as we are expressly taught by Euse- 
bius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. \\\. See Mosheim, DC 
Kebus Christ. &c. p. 236 Mm-. 

3 See EusebiuB, Hist. Eccl lib. iv. cap. be. and Bald- 
win, Ad Edict* Principum in Christianas, p. 73, &c. 
This edict is also given by Justin Martyr, Apolog, i. 
sec. 68, 69. It was addressed not only to Minutius 
Fundanus, the successor of Serenus, but to the other 
governors of provinces; as we learn from Eusebius, 
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap, xxvi. Schl. 

< These Apologies are mentioned by Eu&ebius, Hi it. 
Eccles. lib. iv. cap. Hi. and Jerome, Epist. ad Magnum 
Qrat. Urbi Roma;, Opp. torn. Iv. pars 2, p, 656, ed, Bene- 
dict, and De Virit lllwlr. cap. xix. xx. From this in- 
dulgence of the emperor towards the Christians, arose 
the suspicion that he himself inclined to their religion. 
Lampridius, Vita Alexandra Seo*ri> cap. xliii.- Schl: 

& Justin Martyr, Apohff. ii. p. 72, ed. Colon.; Jerome, 
De Vint lUwtr. cap. xxi Schl. 

4. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the 
enemies of the Christians assailed them in 
a new manner ; for, as the Christians by the 
laws of Adrian were to be convicted of some 
crime, and some of the presidents would not 
admit their religion to be a crime, they were 
accused of impiety or atheism. This ca 
lumny was met by Justin Martyr in an 
Apology presented to the emperor. And 
the emperor afterwards decreed that the 
Christians should be treated according to 
the law of Adrian. 6 A little after, Asia 
Minor was visited with earthquakes ; and 
the people regarding the Christians as the 
cause of their calamities, rushed upon them 
with every species of violence and outrage. 
When informed of this, the emperor addres- 
sed an edict to the Common Council of Asia, 
denouncing capital punishment against ac- 
cusers of the Christians, if they could not 
convict them of some crime. 7 

5. Marcus Antoninus, the philosopher, 
whom most writers extol immoderately for 
his wisdom and virtue, did not indeed re- 
peal this decree of his father, and the other 
laws of the preceding emperors; but he 
listened too much to the enemies of the 
Christians and especially to the philoso- 
phers, who accused them of the most horrid 
crimes and particularly of impiety, of feast- 
ing on the flesh of murdered children, and 
of incest. Hence no emperor after the 
reign of Xero, indicted greater evils and 
calamities on the Christians than this emi- 
nently wise Marcus Antoninus; nor was 
there any emperor, under whom more Apo- 
logies for them were drawn up, of which 
those by Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and 
Tatian, are still extant. 8 

6 Eusebius, Hist. Eccfas. lib. iv. cap. xxvi. where 
Melito tells Marcus Aurclius, that his father ^ Anton. 
Pius) wrote to the Larisseans, the Thessalonians, the 
Athenian?, and to all the Greeks, not to molest the 
Christians. Schl. 

7 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xiii. where the 
edict is given at length. It may also be seen in Milner, 
Hist, qf the CA.cent. ii. chap. ii. vol. i. p. 182, &c. 
where several pious reflections are subjoined. It 
has been questioned whether this edict was issued by 
Marcus Aurejius or by his father Antoninus Pius. Valc- 
sius (on Kuseb. //. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. xiii. ) decides for the 
former; and Mosheim (Dc Reb. Christ. &c. p. 240, &c.) is 
as decisive for the latter Others have little doubt that 
the whole edict is a forgery of some early Christian. 
For this opinion they urge that its language is not such 
as the pagan emperors uniformly use, but is plainly that 
of an eulogist of the Christians. See Nqander'a Allgern. 
Kirchenges. vol. i. part i. p. 151, &c.Mur. [See 
also the references to several works in support of its 
spuriousness in Gieseler, Lehrkuch, $c. Davidson's 
Trans, vol. i. pages 130, 131 R. 

Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. &e, p. 244, character- 
izes Marcus Antoninus as a well-disposed but supersti- 
tious man, a great scholar, but an indifferent emperor. 
His persecutions of the Christians arose from his ne- 
gligence of business, his ignorance of the character of 
Christians and of Christianity, and from his easy cre- 
dulity and acquiescence in the wishes of others. His 
character is also given by Milner, Hist, qf the Church^ 
cent. ii. chap. iv. and very elaborately by Neandor, Kir- 

CHAP, ir.] 



0. In the first place, this emperor issued 
unjust edicts against the Christians whom 
he regarded as vain, obstinate, devoid of 
understanding, and strangers to virtue; 1 
yet the precise import of these edicts is not 
now known. In the next place, he allowed 
the judges, when Christians were accused 
of the crimes already specified by slaves 
and by the vilest of persons, to put their 
prisoners to torture ; and notwithstanding 
their most steadfast denial of the charges 
allowed against them, to inflict on them ca- 
pital punishments ; for, as the laws would 
not allow the Christians to be executed 
without a crime, the judges who wished to 
condemn them had to resort to some me- 
thod of making them appear to be guilty. 
Hence under this emperor, not only were 
several very excellent men most unjustly 
put to death, among whom were Polycarp, 
the pious Bishop of Smyrna, and the cele- 
brated philosopher Justin, surnamed Mar- 
tyr 2 ; but also several Christian churches, 
especially those of Lyons ani Vienna in 
France, (A.D. 1770 were by his order 
nearly destroyed and annihilated by a va- 
riety of tortures. 3 

7. Under the reign of Commodus, his 
sou (A.D. 180 192), if we except a few 
instances of suffering for the renunciation 
of paganism, no great calamity befel the 
Christians. 4 But when Severus was placed 
on the throne near the close of the century, 
much Christian blood was shed in Africa, 
Korypt, and other provinces. This is cer- 
tain from the testimonies of Tcrtullian, 5 

chengetch. vol. i, parti, p. 154, Scc.Mur. [Milman 
devotes an entire chapter to the elucidation of this sin- 
gular but instructive phenomenon, of the best of the 
Roman emperors proving the bitterest of the Christians' 
persecutors. Ho accounts for it on several grounds 
different from those assigned by Mosheim in the text. 
Hist, erf Christ, vol. 11 p. 15!), Sic.K. 

1 See Mclito, as quoted by Kusebius, Hist. EC I. lib. 
iv. cap. xxvi. 

2 The Acta Marfyrii of both Tolycarp and Justin 
Martyr are published by Kuiimrt, in his Ada martyr, 
sincara. The former also in the Ptttrt.s Apostol. Ihe 
life and martyrdom of Polycarp are the subject of the 
5th chapter of Milner*s Hist, of the Ch. century ii. vol. 
i. p. 209, c. as those of Justin Martyr are of chap. iii. 
of the same, p. 187, &c. Mur. 

3 See the letter of the Christians at Lyons giving 
account of this persecution, in Eusobius, Hist. Ecctes. 
lib. v. cap. ii.; also in Fox, Book of Martyr** an< * *n 
Milner's Hist, of the C&.cent. U. chap.vl. voL I p. 223, 
&c. Mur. [Most eloquently has Milman epitomised 
the ancient narratives of the well-attested martyr- 
doms of Polycarp and of the Viennese Christians. 
These were scenes which the author of the *' Martyr of 
Antioch " was fully prepared to depict with deep pathos. 
Hist, of Christ, vol. ii. p 1H4, &c. and 193, &C.K. 

4 Eusebius, Hist. Ecckt. lib. v. cap. xxiv. and xvi. 
xviii. xix. 

5 Tertullian,^ Sr.apitlam, cap. iv. and Apohgrt.c&p. 
v. which show that Severus himself was, at first, favour- 
able to the Christians. But the same Apoloffet cap. 
xxxv. xlix. vii. xii. xxx. xxxvii. shows that Christians 
Buffered before the enactment of the laws. Schl. 

Clemens Alexandrinus, and others; and 
thoso must mistake the fact who say that 
the Christians enjoyed peace under Severus, 
up to the time when he enacted laws ex- 
posing them to the loss of life and property, 
which was in the beginning of the next cen- 
tury; for, as the laws of the emperors 
were not abrogated, and among these the 
edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus 
were most iniquitous; it was in the power 
of the presidents to persecute the Chris- 
tians with impunity whenever they pleased 
These calamities of the Christians near the 
end of this century, were what induced 
Tertullian to compose his Apology and some 
other works. 7 

8. It will appear less unaccountable that 
so holy a people as the Christians should 
suffer so much persecution, it* it be con- 
sidered that the patrons of the ancient su- 
perstition continually assailed them with 
their railings and accusations. These re- 
proaches and calumnies of which we have 
before spoken, are recounted by the writers 
of the Apologies. The Christians were at- 
tacked in a book written expressly against 
them by Celsus, the philosopher, whom 
Origen in his confutation of him repre- 
sents as an Epicurean, but whom we, for 
substantial reasons, believe to have been a 
Platonist of the sect of Ammonius. 8 This 
miserable sophist deals in slander, as Ori- 
gen's answer to him shows. And he docs 
not so much attack the Christians as play 
ofFhis wit, which is not distinguished for 
elegance and refinement. Fronto, the rhe- 
torician, also made some attempts against 
the Christians; but these have perished 
with the exception of a bare mention of 
them by Minutius Felix. 9 To these may 

6 Clemens Alex. Stromat. lib. ii. p. 494. Schl. [See 
also the account of the martyrs of Soillita in Africa, 
A I). 200, in Tluinart's Ada Martyr. ; Baronius, Ann. 
A.I). 200; and Milner, Hist, of the Ch. vol. i. p. 302. 

7 I have expressly treated of this subiect in my Dm. 
de vera attain Apologetic* Tertulliani at initio persecu- 
tionis Severi ; which is the first essay in my Syntagma 
Diss. ad hist, cede*, pertinent. Vol i. Alton. 1743. 

ft See Mosheim's preface to the German translation 

of Origen's work Mur. [The learned Dr. Lardner 

does not think it possible that Celsus could have been of 
the sect of Ammonius; since the former lived and 
wrote in the second century, whereas the latter did not 
flourish before the third. And indeed we have from 
Origen himself, that he knew of two only of the name 
of Celsus, one who lived in the time of Nero, and the 
other in the reign of Adrian, and afterwards. The 
latter was the philosopher, who wrote against Christi- 
anity. Macl. 

9 Minutius Felix, Octaniu*, p. 266, ed. Herald- [Ml- 
nucius mentions this calumniator in two passages, 
namely, cap. x. p. 99, and cap. xxxi. p. 322 ; in the 
former of which, he calls him Cirtenris notterf implying, 
that he was of Cirta, in Africa : in the latter passage, 
he speaks of him as an orator, indicating what profes- 
sion he followed. It has been supposed by the learned, 
and not without reason, that this Fronto was Cornelius 
Fronto, the rhetorician, who instructed Marcus An 



be added Crescens, a Cynic philosopher, | eager to injure them; and in particular did 

who though he seems to have written no- 
thing against the Christians, yet wtts very 

tonius In eloquence (and whose works were first pub- 
lished A D. 1816, by Ang. Maio, Frankf.-on-Mayn, in 2 
parts). So long as the Christian community was mode 
up of unlearned persons, the philosophers despised 
them ; but when, in the second century, some eminent 
philosophers became Christians, as Justin, Athenagoras, 
Pantomus, and others, who retained the name, garb, 
and mode of living of philosophers, and became teach- 
ers of youth, and while they gave a philosophical aspect 
to Christianity, exposed the vanity of the pagan philo- 
sophy and the shameless lives of those addicted to it ; 
the pagan philosophers, perceiving their reputations 
and their interests to be at stake, now joined the popu- 
lace and the priests in persecuting the Christians in 

not cease to persecute Justin Martyr, till 
he compassed his death. 1 

general; and they especially assailed the Christian 
philosophers with their calumnies and accusations. 
Their chief motive was, not the love of truth, but their 
own influence and worldly interest; just the same 
causes which had before moved the pagan priests. This 
war of the philosophers commenced in the reign of 
Marcus Antoninus, who was himself addicted to philo- 
sophy. And it is easy to see what induced him to listen 
to his brother philosophers, and at their instigation, to 
allow the Christians to be persecuted. See Mosheim, 
De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 256, &c. A/r. 

l Justin Martyr, Apologiaii. p. 21, ed. Oxon.; Tatian, 
Oral, contra Griecot, p. 72, ed. Worthii. 





1. LITERATURE, although it seemed in 
some measure to recover its former dignity 
and lustre during the reign of Trajan, 1 
could not long retain its influence under the 
subsequent emperors, who were indisposed 
to patronize it. The most learned among 
those Roman sovereigns, Marcus Antoni- 
nus, showed favour only to the philosophers 
and especially to the Stoics ; the other arts 
and sciences he, like the Stoics, held in con- 
tempt. 2 Hence the literary productions of 
this century, among the Romans, are far in- 
rior to those of the preceding century infe- 
elegance, brilliancy, and good taste. 

2. Yet there were men of excellent ge- 
nius among both Greeks and Romans, who 
wrote well on almost every branch of learn- 
ing then cultivated. Among the Greeks, 
Plutarch was particularly eminent, He 
was a man of various but ill-digested learn- 
ing ; and besides was tainted with the prin- 
ciples of the academics. Rhetoricians, 
sophists, and grammarians had schools in 
all the more considerable towns of the Ro- 
man empire, in which they pretended to 
train up youth for public life, by various 
exercises and declamations. But those edu- 
cated in these schools were vain, loquacious, 
and formed for display, rather than truly 
eloquent, wise, and competent to transact 
business. Hence the sober and considerate 
looked with contempt on the education 
acquired in the schools of these teachers. 
There were two public academies ; one at 

1 Pliny, Epistola, lib. ill. Ep. xvili. pag. 234, 235, ed. 
Cortli et Longolii. 

M. Antoninus, Meditations*, or, Ad te iptum. lib. i. 
tee. 7, pag. 3, 4 j sec. 17, p. 17, ed. Lips. 

Rome founded by Adrian, in which all the 
sciences were taught but especially juris- 
prudence ; the other at Berytus in Phoeni- 
cia, in which jurists were principally edu- 
cated. 3 

3. Many philosophers of all the different 
sects flourished at this time ; but to enume- 
rate them belongs rather to other works 
than to this. 4 The Stoic sect had the honour 
of embracing two great men, Marcus Anto- 
ninus, the emperor, and Epictetus. 5 But 
each of these men had more admirers than 
disciples and followers; nor were the Stoics, 
according to history, held in the highest 
estimation in this age. There were larger 
numbers in the schools of the Platonists ; 
among other reasons because they were less 
austere, and their doctrines were more in 
accordance with the popular notions respect- 
ing the gods. But no sect appears to have 
numbered more adherents than the Epicu- 
reans, whose precepts led to an indulgent, 
careless, and voluptuous life. 6 

4. Near the close of this century a new 
philosophical sect suddenly started up, 

3 M. Antoninus, Meditationes, or, Ad te iptum, lib. i. 
iwo. 7, 10, 17, pag. 4, 7, 16, ed. Lips. 

4 Justin Martyr, Dial.ctan Trypho. Opp. p. 218, &c. 
Many of the philosophers of this age are mentioned by 
M. Antoninus, Meditat. or, Ad te ipsum, lib. i. 

5 Concerning M. Antoninus, see Brucker's Hitt. 
Crit. Philo*. torn. ii. p. 578 ; and for Epictetus, ibid, 
p. 568. Schl. Staudlin, Gesch. der Moralphilot. p. 
265, &c. treats of M. Antoninus ; and ibid. p. 260, &c. 
of Epictetus. Mur. [Hitter has also treated of the 
state of philosophy among the Romans, and especially 
Epictetus and Antoninus. See his Hitt. of Ancient 
Philosophy, Morrison's Transl. vol. iv. p. 75 to 227. 
It is to be regretted that the Gctchichte der Chrittl. Philo- 
ophie by the same scholar, four volumes of which have 
been published at Hamburg, has not yet been rendered 
accessible .to the English reader. The last volume 
comes down to the middle of the fifteenth century, 
where he closes his survey of the medieval systems of 
philosophy and theology.- K. 

Lucian, Pteudomantis, opp* torn. i. p. 763. 

CHAP, i.] 


which in a short time prevailed over a large 
part of the Roman empire, and not only 
nearly swallowed up the other sects but 
likewise did immense injury to Christianity. * 
Ejxypt was its birth-place and particularly 
Alexandria, which for a long time had been 
the seat of literature and every science. Its 
followers chose to be called Platonics. Yet 
they did nofc follow Plato implicitly, but 
collected from all systems whatever seemed 
to coincide with their own views. And the 
ground of their preference for the name of 
Platonics was, that they conceived Plato 
had treated more correctly than any of the 
others, that most important branch of phi- 
losophy which treats of God and those 
things which are placed beyond the cogni- 
zance of the senses. 

5. That controversial spirit in philosophy 
whidh obliged every one to swear allegiance 
to tqe dogmas of his master, was now dis- 
appif >vcd by the more wise. Hence, among 
level's of truth and men of moderation, a 
new class of philosophers had grown up in 
Egypt, who avoided altercation and a sec- 
tarian spirit, and who professed simply to 
folloV truth, gathering up whatever was 
accordant with it in all the philosophic 
schools. They assumed therefore the name 
of Eclectics. But although these philoso- 
phers i?ere really the partisans of no sect, 
it appears from a variety of testimonies, 
that tijfcy much preferred Plato, and em- 
braced ijnost of his dogmas concerning God, 
the b^uan soul, and the universe. 2 

philosophy was adopted by such 
learned at Alexandria as wished to 
accounted Christians, and yet to retain 

the name, the garb, and the rank of phiio- 
phors. In particular all those who in this 
century presided in the schools of the Chris- 
tians at Alexandria Athenagoras, Panlae- 
nus, and Clemens Alexandrinus are said to 

; have approved of it. 3 These men were per- 

1 See Mosheim's Commentat. de turbata per recen- 
tiores Platonicos ecclesia in his Syntagma Dis. ad 

\ hist, eccles. pertinent, vol. i. p. 85, &c.; and Brucker's 
Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p. 162, 8tc. Schl. [And, 
on the contrary, Keil, Exercitat. xviii. De Doctoribus 
veterif eccles. culpd corruptte per Platonicas sententias 
theoloffue, liberandis, Lips. 1793 1807, 4to. Mur. 

2 See Brucker's Hist. Crit. P kilos, torn. ii. p. 189, 
8cc. Schl. 

3 The title and dignity of philosopher so much de- 
lighted those good men that when made presbyters, 
they would not abandon the philosopher's cloak and 
dress. See Ongen's letter to Eusebius, Opp. torn. i. p. 
2, ed. De la Rue ; [Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Trypho. 
tritium. For proof that Pantsenus studied philosophy, 
see Orlgen, in Eusebius. Hist. Eccles. lib vi. cap. xix. 
Jerome, De Scriptor. I/lwtr. cap. xx The proficiency 
of Athenagoras in philosophy, appears from his Apo- 
logy, and his Etsay on the Resurrection. That Cle- 
mens Alex, was much addicted to philosophy, is very 
evident; see his Stromata, passim.- Concerning the 
Alexandrian Christian school, see Conringius, Antiqui- 
'ttte* 4ca&*m\c<e % p 29; Schmidt, DIM. prefixed to 

suaded that true philosophy, the great and 
most salutary gift of Grod, lay in scattered 
fragments among all the sects of philoso- 
phers ; and therefore that it was the duty 
of every wise man, and especially of a Chris- 
tian teacher, to collect those fragments from 
all quarters, and to use them for the defence 
of religion and the confutation of impiety. 
Yet this selection of opinions did not pre-j 
vent their regarding Plato as wiser than all! 
others, and as having advanced sentiments] 
concerning God, the soul> and spiritual: 
things, very accordant with the principles 
of Christianity. 4 

7. This [Eclectic] mode of philosophising 
received some modification, when Ammo- 
nius Saccas at the close of the century, 
with great applause opened a school at 
Alexandria, and laid the foundation of that 
sect which is called the New Platonic. This 
man was born and educated a Christian, 
and perhaps made pretensions to Christi- 
anity all his life. 5 Being possessed of great 
fertility of genius as well as eloquence, he 

Hyperii Libcllnm da Cdtcchcxi; Aulisius, Delia Scuole 
Sucre, lib. ii. cap. i. ii. xxi.; Langernack, UixtoriaCate- 
chismorum, par. i. p. 86. See Mosheim, De Itch. Christ. 
&c. p. 273, c. Mur. [See Guerike, Comment, de 
Srhnla qiue Ahxand. floruit Catccht-tica Halle, 1824, 
1825. M. Matter of Strasburg has published a work 
on the Alexandrian school ; but, although learned and 
valuable, it refers very briefly to the Christian Cate- 
chetical school there. It is entitled. Histoiredel Ecole 
d' Alexandria compared aux princi pules ecolcs contcmjw 
rallies. Paris, 1840-4, 2d edit. 2 vols. 8vo. //. 

4 Soe Mosheim, De liulttu Christ, ante C. M. p. 27G, 
&c. A/wr. 

5 The history of the philosopher Arnmonius is in- 
volved in great obscurity. All that could bo gathered 
from antiquity respecting him, is given by Brucker, 
Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p 205. See also Fabricius, 
Biblioth. Grccca, lib. iv. cap. xxvi. Whether A mmonius 
continued a professed Christian or apostati/A-d, has 
been much debated. Porphyry, wno studied under Plo- i 
tinus, a disciple of Amrnonius (as quoted by Eusebius, ' 
Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. xix.) says, he was born of 
Christian parents, but when he came to mature years 
embraced the religion of the laws ; i, c. the pagan reli- 
gion. Eusebius taxes Porphyry with falsehood in this; ' 
and says that Ammonius continued a Christian till his 
death, as appears from his books, one of which was on 
the accordance of Moses with Jesus Christ. Jerome, 
De Script. lUustr. cap. Iv. says nearly the same. Vale- 
sius, Bayle, Basnage, and Mosheim (when he wrote his 
essay De Eccksia turbata per recentiores Platonicos), 
agreed with Eusebius and Jerome. But when he wrote 
his Commentarii do lieb. Christ, he fell in with the 
opinion of Fabricius, Brucker, and others (and which 
is now the general opinion), that Eusebius and Jerome 
confounded Arnmonius the philosopher, with another 
Ammonius, the reputed author of a harmony of the 
Gospels and other works ; because it can hardly be sup- 
posed this enthusiastic admirer of philosophy would 
have found time or inclination for composing such 
books. Besides, it is said that Ammonius the philo- 
sopher published no books. Still the question remains, 
what were the religious character and creed* of this 
philosopher in his maturer years ? Mosheim thinks it 
probable that he did not openly renounce Christianity, 
but endeavoured to accommodate himself to the feelings 
of all parties ; and therefore he was claimed by both 
pagans and Christians. Hence, if he wot a Christian, 
he was a very inconsistent one and did much injury to 
its cause. See Mosheim, De Rebut Christ. &c. p. 
281. A/ur. I 



[PART ji. 

undertook to bring all systems of philosophy 
and religion into harmony, or attempted to 
teach a philosophy by which all philoso- 
phers and the men of all religions, the 
Christian not exceptcd, might unite and 
hold fellowship. And here especially lies 
the difference between this new se<& and the 
Eclectic philosophy which had berore flou- 
rished in Egypt ; for the Eclectics held that 
there was a mixture of good and bad, true 
and false, in all the systems; and therefore 
they selected out of all, what appeared to 
them consonant with reason and rejected 
the rest. But Ammonius held that all sects 
professed one and the same system of truth, 
with only some diiference in the mode of 
stating it, and some minute difference in 
their conceptions ; so that by means of suita- 
ble explanations, they might with little 
difficulty be brought into one body. l More- 
over he held this new and singular prin- 
ciple, that the prevailing religions and the 
Christian also, must be understood and ex- 
plained according to this common philoso- 
phy of all the sects, and that the fables of 
the vulgar pagans and their priests, as well 
as the interpretations of the disciples of 
Christ, ought to be separated from their 
respective religions. 

8. The grand object of Ammonius, to bring 
all sects and religions into harmony, required 
him to do much violence to the sentiments 
and opinions of all parties, philosophers, 
priests, and Christians, and particularly by 
allegorical interpretations, to remove very 
many impediments out of his way. The 
manner in which ho prosecuted his object, 
appears in the writings of his disciples and 
adherents which have came down to us in 
great abundance. To make the arduous 
work more easy, he assumed that philoso- 
| phy was first produced and nurtured among 
the people of the East; that it was incul- 
cated among the Egyptians by Hermes, 2 
and thence passed to the Greeks; that it 
was a little obscured and deformed by the 
disputatious Greeks ; but still that by Plato, 
the best interpreter of the principles of 
Hermes and of the ancient oriental sages, it 
was preserved for the most part entire and 
uncorrupted; that the religions received by 
the various nations of the world were not 
inconsistent with this most ancient philo- 
sophy ; yet it had most unfortunately hap- 

1 The views of this sect are very clearly expressed by 
Julian, who was a great devotee of this philosophy, 
Orat. vi. contra Cynico*, Opp. p. 184. SchL 

2 This appears from the writings of all his followers, 
Plotinus, Proclu, Porphyry, Damascius, and others. 
And the learned, not without reason, conjecture that 
all the works of Hermes and Zoroaster, which we now 
have, originated in the schools of these new Platonics. 

pencd, that what the ancients taught by 
symbols and fictitious stories in the manner 
of the orientals, had been understood liter- 
ally by the people and the priests; and 
thus the agents of divine providence, those 
demons whom the supreme Lord of all had 
placed over the various parts of our world, 
had erroneously been converted into gods 
and had been worshipped with many vaio 
ceremonies; that therefore the public reli 
gions of all nations should be corrected bj 
this ancient philosophy; and that it was the 
sole object of Christ to set bounds to the 
reigning superstition, and correct the errors 
which had crept into religion, but not to 
abolish altogether the ancient systems. 8 

9. To these assumptions he added the 
common doctrines of the Egyptians (among 
whom he was born and educated), concern- 
ing the universe and the Deity as consti- 
tuting one great whole [Pantheism 4 ], con- 
cerning the eternity of the world, the nature 
of the soul, providence, and the government 
of this world by demons, and other received 
doctrines, all of which he considered as true 
and not to be called in question. For it is 
most evident that the ancient philosophy 
of the Egyptians, which they pretended to 
have learned from Hermes, was the basis of 
the New Platonic or Ammonian ; and the 
book of Jambliehus, De Mystcriis JEgijp- 
tiorurn, in particular makes this evident. 
In the next place, with these Egyptian no- 
tions lie united the Platonic philosophy ; 
which he accomplished with little difficulty, 
by distorting some of the principles of Plato 
and putting a false construction on his lan- 
guage. 5 Finally, the dogmas of the other 
sects he construed, as far as was possible, 
by artifice, ingenuity, and the aid of alle- 
gories, into apparent coincidence with these 
Egyptian and Platonic principles. 

10. To this Egyptiaco-Platonic philoso- 
phy, this ingenious man and fanatic joined 

* Jambliehus, De Myxteriis JEgyptiorum, lib. i. cap. 

4 On this principle the whole philosophy of the an- 
cient Egyptians was founded; and on it Ammonius 
erected his* system. The book which goes under tho 
title of Hermttis Trisniegitti Sermo de Natura Deorum, 
ad dsclepium, which is extant in Latin among the 
works of Apuleius, the supposed translator, is evidence i 
of this fact. See also Kusebius, Precparatio Evangel. \ 
lib. iii. cap. ix, and Mosheim's notes on Cuduorth's I 
intellectual System^ vol. i. p. 404, &c. And the same 
fundamental principle is assumed by Plotinus, Proclus, ! 
Simplicius, Jamblichus, and all the New Platonics, j 
See for example, Porphyry, in his Life qf Plotinus, cap. I 
ii. p. 94. SHU. 

5 The principle of the Ammonian and Egyptian phil- ! 
osophy, that God and the world constitute one tndi-\ 
visible whole, it cost him much labour to reduce to har- \ 
mony with the system of Plato ; who, as we learn from ' 
his Timteus, taught the external existence of matter 
as a substance distinct from God. $ee troclus on the 
Tinueu* of Plato. Schl, 

CHAP, i.] 



a system of moral discipline apparently of 
high sanctity and austerity. He indeed 
permitted the common people to live ac- 
cording to the laws of their country and 
the dictates of nature ; but he directed the 
wise, by means of contemplation, to elevate 
their souls, the direct offspring of God, 
above all earthly things ; and to weaken 
and emaciate their bodies, which were hos- 
tile to the liberty of their souls, by means 
of hunger, thirst, labour, and other auste- 
rities; 1 so that they might in the present 
life attain to communion with the Supreme 
Being, and ascend after death active and 
I unencumbered to the universal Parent, and 
be for ever united with him. And these 
precepts Ammonius, who was born and 
educated among Christians, was accustomed 
to beautify and ennoble by forms of expres- 
sion borrowed from the sacred Scriptures ; 
and hence these forms of expression occur 
abundantly in the writings of his followers. 2 i 
To this austere discipline he superaddcd 
the art of so improving that power of the 
soul which conceives the images of things, 
that it was capable of seeing the demons, 
and of performing many wonderful things 
by their assistance. His followers called 
tli is art Theurgy. 3 Yet this art was not 
cultivated by all the philosophers of Am- 
monius's school, but only by the more emi- 
nent. 4 

1 1 . That the prevailing religions, and 

particularly the Christian, might not appear 

irreconcilable with his system, Ammoni us 

first turned the whole history of the pagan 

gods into allegory, 5 and maintained that 

i those whom the vulgar and the priests 

l honoured with the title of gods, were only 

1 See Porphyry, De Abstinentui, lib.. 1. cap. xxvil 
&c. pages 22 34. Schl. 

2 See examples in Hieroclos on the Golden Versos of 
Pythagoras ; and in Simplicius and Jamblichus. See 
also Mosheim's Dis*. de studio Kthnicorum Christiana, 
imitandi.invol i. of his Hist. Ecckt. pertinent. 
p. 321. Schl. 

3 This worthless science is very similar to what has 
been called allowable magic, and which is distinguished 
from necromancy or unlawful magic. It was undoubt- 
edly of Egyptian origin. As the Egyptians imagined 
the whole world to bo full of good and evil spirits, they 
might easily be lead to suppose there must be some 
way to secure the favour of these demons. See Augus- 
tine, De Cioit. Dei, lib. x. cap. ix. Opp. torn. ix. p. 187. 
Schl. [" Theurgy is the science of the Gods and the 
various classes of superior spirits, of their appearing to 
men, and their operations ; and the art, by certain acts, 
habits, words, and symbols, of moving the Gods to im- 
part to men secrets which surpass the powers of reason, 
to lay open the future to them, and become visible to 
them. So it is described in the book which bears the 
name of Jamblichus, Da Mysteriis JEyyptiorum, lib. i. 
cap. xxvi. xxix." Staudlin, Gesch. dcr Moralphilos. p. 
402, Sec. Mur. 

4 See, concerning the moral system of the new Pla- 
tonics in all its material parts, Staudlin, Gesch. dcr 
Moral phil. p. 435, &c. Mur. 

& See for example, Porphyry, De Antro bymphar. 
pud Homcrum, De Styge, &c.Schl. 

the ministers of God to whom some homage 
might and should bo paid, yet short of the 
superior homage which was due to the Su- 
preme God; fl and then he acknowledged 
that Christ was an extraordinary man, the 
friend of God and an admirable Theurge. 7 
But he 4(fcnied that Christ aimed wholly to 
suppress the worship of the demons, being 
ministers of divine providence ; that, on 
the contrary, he only sought to wipe away 
the stains contracted by the ancient reli- 
gions, 8 but his disciples had corrupted and 
vitiated the system of their master. 9 

12. This new species of philosophy, im- 
prudently adopted by Origen and other 
Christians, did immense harm to Christi- 
anity. For it led the teachers of it to in- 
volve in philosophic obscurity many parts 
of our religion, which were in themselves 
plain and easy to be understood ; and to 
add to the precepts of the Saviour not a few 
things, of which not a word can be found 
in the holy Scriptures. It also produced that 
gloomy set of men called mystics ; whose 
system, if divested of its Platonic notions 
respecting the origin and nature of the soul, 
will be a lifeless and senseless corpse. It 
laid a foundation too for that indolent 
mode of life which was afterwards adopted 
by many, and particularly by numerous 
tribes of monks ; and it recommended to 
Christians various foolish and useless rites 
suited only to nourish superstition, no small 

6 Orosms, Wstnria, lib. vi. cap. i. pages 361, 3G. r ). 


7 It cannot be dented that tho sect of Ammonlus em- 
braced some who were enemies of Christ and the 
Christians. The emperor Julian and some others, are 
proof of this. Hut Ammonium himself honoured Christ. 
And Augustine contended against some philosophers of 
his time, who, as followers of Ammonius, honoured 
Christ yet maintained that the Christians had corrupted 
his doctrine ; Da Consensu finangvlixtarum, Opp. torn, 
iii. par. ii. lib. i. cap. vi. HOC. 11, p. 5; and cap. viii. 
sec. 14, p. 6; and cap. xv. p. 8. Schl. 

Augustine, D<> Conscnxu Ennngpl. lib. i. cap. xvi. 
p. 8; and cap. xxiv. p. 18. Yet they admitted that 
Christ abolished the worship of certain demons of an 
inferior order, and enjoined upon men to pray to the 
celestial Clods, and especially to the Supreme God. This 
is evident from a passage of Porphyry quoted by Augus- 
tine, De Civit. Dei, 111), xix. cap. xxiii. sec. 4. Opp. 
torn, vil.p. 430. Schl. 

9 What we have stated in these sections respecting 
the doctrines of Ammonius, we have collected from the 
books and discussions of his followers, who are called 
New Plutonic*. Ammonius himself left no writings ; 
and he forbade his followers to publish his doctrines, 
but they did not obey him. See Porphyry, Vita Plotini, 
cap. iii. p. 97, ed. Fabricii, lib. iv. Ittbltoth. Grasca. 
Yet there can be no doubt, that all we have stated was 
invented by Ammonius himself, whom the whole family 
of the New Platonics constantly affirm to have been 
the author of their philosophy. [Mosheim, in his 
Comment, fa Reb. Christ, ante C. A/, sec. 2732, pages 
280 298, has given a more full account of Am- 
monius and his doctrines, and has carefully cited 
his chief authorities ; but the substance of his state- 
ments is contained in the preceding sections, and his 
most important authorities are referred to in the notes 
of Schlegel, which are all here preserved. Mur. 



part of which we see religiously observed by 
many even to the present day. And finally, 
it alienated the minds of many in the fol- 
lowing centuries from Christianity itself, 
and produced a heterogeneous species of 
religion, consisting of Christian and Platonic 
principles combined. And who is able to 
enumerate all the evils and injurious effects 
which arose from this new philosophy or, 
if you please, from this attempt to recon- 
cile true and false religions with each other? 
13. The number of learned men among 
the Christians, which was small in the pre- 
ceding century, was larger in this. And 
yet we scarcely find among them rhetori- 
cians, sophists, and orators. Most of those 
who obtained some reputation among them 
by their learning, were philosophers ; and 
they, as already stated, followed the princi- 
ples of the Eclectics, although they preferred 
Plato to all others. But all Christians were 
not agreed as to the utility of learning and 
philosophy. Those who were initiated into 
the mysteries of philosophy, wished that 
many, and especially such as aspired to the 
office of pastors and teachers, might apply 
themselves to the study of human wisdom, 
so that they might confute the enemies of 
truth with rnorc effect, and teach and in- 
struct others with more success. But a great 
majority thought otherwise; they wished to 
I banish all reasoning and philosophy out of the 
church, for they feared that learning might 
injure piety. At this time, therefore, broke 
out that war between faith and reason, re- 
ligion and philosophy, devotion and intellect, 
which has been protracted through all suc- 
ceeding centuries down to our own times, 
and which we by all our efforts cannot 
easily terminate. By degrees, those ob- 
tained the ascendancy who thought that 
philosophy and erudition were profitable, 
rather than hurtful, to religion and piety ; 
and laws were at length established that 
no person entirely illiterate and unlearned, 
should be admitted to the office of teacher 
in the church. Yet the vices of the philoso- 
phers and learned men, among other causes, 
prevented the opposite party from ever being 
destitute of patrons and advocates. Ample 
proof of this will be found in the history of 
the following centuries. 



1. THE form of church government which 
began to exist in the preceding century, was 
in this more carefully established and con- 
firmed in,all its parts. One president or 

bishop presided over each church. He was 
created by the common suffrage of the whole 
people. With the presbyters for his council, 
whose number was not fixed, it was his busi- 
ness to watch over the interests of the whole 
church, and to assign to each presbyter his 
station. Subject to the bishop and the pres- 
byters, were the servants or deacons who 
were divided into certain classes, because 
all the duties which the interests of the 
church required, could not well be attended 
to by them all. 

2. During a great part of this century 
all the churches continued to be, as at first, 
independent of each other, or were con- 
nected by no associations or confederations. l 
Each church was a kind of little state go- 
verned by its own laws, which were enacted 
or at least sanctioned by the people. But 
in process of time, all the Christian churches 
within the same province united and formed 
a sort of larger society or state ; and in the 
manner of confederated republics, held their i 
conventions at stated times, and deliberated | 
therein for the common advantage of the 
whole body. This custom first arose among 
the Greeks, with whom a [political] confe- 
deration of cities and the consequent con- 
ventions of their several delegates, had 
been long known ; and afterwards when its 
utility was seen the custom extended through 
all Christian churches. 2 These conventions 

1 Yet by ancient custom peculiar respect was paid 
to the churches founded and governed by the apostles 
themselves ; and such churches were appealed to in 
controversies on points of doctrine, as most likely to 
know what the apostles had taught. See Trenams, A<lv. 

llteres. lib. iii. cap. Hi, and Tertullian, De Prescript, 
adn. Htercs. cap. xxxvi. Thus Moaheim, De tteb. 

Christ, &c. p. 258. A/w. 

2 Tertullian, De Jejuniis, cap. xiii. p. 711. [where we 
have this very important statement : Aguntur prceter<>a 
per Orcecias, ilia ccrtis in locis Concilia rx unioersis 
ecclesii.i, per quas ct altiora quteque in commune trac- 
tantur, et ipsa reprcesentatio totius nominis Chrixtiani 
magnd venerrttfone cvlebratur. From this passage of 
Tertullian which was written near the beginning of the 
t h ird century, Moshcim ( Da Hi-bus Christ, &c. p. 26fi, 
&c. ) infers: 1 . That provincial councils had not then been 
held in Africa, nor anywhere except among the Greeks; 
2. That councils were considered as human institutions, 
and as acting only by human authority. 3. That the 
provincial councils were held always iii the same place 
certis in locii. 4. That they did not interfere with 
the private concerns of individual churches, which were 
left to their own management ; but conferred only on 
greater matters, or such as were of common interest 
dltioratractantur. 5. That the attending bishops acted 
as representatives tf their churches, and not as men 
clothed with authority from heaven, by virtue of their 
office reprceswitatio totius nominis Christinni. From 
Greece, the custom of meeting in councils extended 
into Syria and Palestine. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. 
cap. xxiii. We have no certain accounts of any coun- 
cils till after the second century. The earliest of which 
we have authentic notice, were those which deliberated 
concerning the Montanists, about A. D. 170 or 173. 
(Euseb. H.E. vol. 16) and the next were those assem- 
bled to consider the proper time for Easter. (Eusob. 
H. E. vol. 23). All these councils are placed by Euse- 
bius under the reign of Commodus, or A.D. 180192. 
In the third century councils became frequent. Pro- I 
vincial councils were now held, perhaps throughout the j 




The bishops now wished to be thought to 
correspond with the high priests of the 
Jews 5 the presbyters were said to come in 
place of the priests ; and the deacons in that 
of the Levites. Those who first drew this 
parallel between offices so totally different, 
probably made the misrepresentation not 
so much from design as from ignorance. 
But this idea being once introduced and 
approved, among other errors resulting 
from it I shall mention only this, that it 
established a wider difference between the 
teachers and the taught, than accords with 
the nature of the Christian religion. 1 

5. Among the doctors of this century 
whose writings rendered them particularly ' 
famous in after ages, was Justin Martyr, a 
converted philosopher, who had dipped into 
nearly every sect in philosophy. He was 
pious and possessed considerable learning, 
but he was sometimes an incautious dis- 
putant, and was ignorant of ancient history. 
We have among other works of his two 
Apologies for the Christians, which are 
justly held in great estimation. 2 Irenaeus, 

of delegates from the several churches as- 
sembled for deliberation, were called by the 
Greeks, Synods, and by the Latins, Coun- 
cils; and the laws agreed upon in them 
were called canons or rules. 

3. These councils, of which no vestige 
appears before the middle of this century^ 
changed nearly the whole form of the church. 
For in the first place, the ancient rights 
and privileges of the people were very much 
abridged by them ; and on the other hand, 
the influence and authority of the bishops 
were not a little augmented. At first, the 
bishops did not deny that they were merely 
the representatives of their churches, and 
that they acted in the name of the people; 
but by little and little they made higher 
pretensions, and maintained that power was 
given them by Christ himself to dictate 
rules of faith and conduct to the people. In 
the next place, the perfect equality and 
parity of ail bishops, which existed in the 
early times, these councils gradually sub- 
verted ; for it was necessary that one of 
the confederated bishops or a province 
should be intrusted with some authority 
and power in those conventions over the 
others ; and hence originated the preroga- 
tives of Metropolitans. And lastly, when 
the custom of holding these councils had 
extended over the Christian world, and the 
universal church had acquired the form of 
a vast republic composed of many lesser 
ones, certain chief men were to be placed 
over it in different parts of the world, in 
orctar to preserve the coherence of the whole 
body. Hence came Patriarchs, and ulti- 
mately a Prince of Patriarchs, the Roman 

4. No small honour and profit accrued 
to the whole order of men who conducted 
the affairs of the church, from the time they 
succeeded in persuading the people to re- 
gard them as successors of the Jewish 
priests. This took place not long after the 
reign of Adrian, when upon the second 
destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews lost all 
hope of seeing their commonwealth restored. 

Christian world ; and special councils were called as 
occasion required. Originally these councils had no 
jurisdiction, but were mere conventions of delegates, 
met to consider and agree upon mutters of common 
concern. But they soon began to claim power, to 
enact and enforce laws, and to hear and decide contro- 
versies. And the bishops, instead of appearing as the 
representatives of their churches, claimed authority 
from Christ to bind and control the churches. Seo 
Ziegler, on the origin of Synods, in Henkens, Neuen. 
Magazin, vol. i. No. i.; Planck's Geichichte derchristL 
kirchl. Getettschafts- Verfattung, period ii. chap. v. vol. 
1. p. 90, &c.; Walch, Hittorie der Kirchenvertamml. 
Introd. sec. 3, 4, and b. i. chap. i. sec. ii. p. 82, &c. 
chap. iii. p. 118, &c.; Bingham, Originet Eccles. vol. 
vH. p. 45, &c.; and King, Constitution, $c. qfthe Prim- 
itive Church, chap. \iii.~-Mur. 

\ This comparison of Christian teachers with the 
Jewish priesthood, among other consequences, led the i 
former to lay claim to tithes and first-fruits ; of which 
we find mention before the times of Constant ine. Per- 
haps a desire to increase their revenues, which were both 
small and precarious, led some of the bishops to 
apply Jewish law to the Christian church. That they 
claimed first-fruits as of divine right in this century, 
is clear from Ireneeus, Contra Haws. lib. iv. cap. xvil. 
and xxxiv. That tithes were not yet claimed, at least 
in the Latin church, appears from the latter of these 
passages in Ircrwus ; yet in the Greek and oriental 
churches, tithes began to be claimed earlier than among 
the Latins ; and probably in this second century, for 
the Greek writers of the third century and the dpn*- 
tolic Constitution* (which seem to contain the eccle- 
siastical laws of the Greek church) mention tithes aa a 
thing then well known. See Mosheim, De lleb. Christ. 
&c. p. 271. A/Mr. 

Justin Martyr was the son of Priscus, and grand- 
son of Bacchius, pagan Grecians settled at Flavia Nea- 
polis (Nuplous), the ancient Sichem in Samaria. See . 
Apolog. .. cap. i. He had successive masters in philo- 
sophy, Stoic, Peripatetic, Pythagorean, and lastly Pla- 
tonic. He travelled much and was very eager in the 
pursuit of knowledge, and especially respecting the 
Divine Being. When about 23 years old, as is conjec- 
tured, and about A.D. 137, he was converted to Chris- 
tianity, in consequence of being directed by an aged 
Christian to go to the Bible as the source of true philo- 
sophy. He afterwards spent most of his time at Rome ; 
where he lived as a Christian philosopher and devoted 
all his talents to the furtherance* of the gospel. At last, 
A.I). 164 or 167, he suffered martyrdom, one Crescens, 
. a pagan philosopher, being his accuser, and on the 
I simple charge of his being a Christian. His writings 
j are numerous, erudite, all of them theological, and all 
of a polemic character. His style is harsh and inelegant, 
his temper is ardent and decisive, and his arguments 
and opinions not always satisfactory. Yet being the 
first of the learned divines and a very zealous and 
active Christian, he merits our particular attention. 
His life and writings are described by Eusebius, Hit. 
Ecd. lib. iv. cap xi. xii. xvi. xviii.; Jerome, De Scrip tor. 
I/lust r. cap. xxiii.; Photius, Biblioth. ocxxxii. and 
others among the ancients; and by Cave, Du Pin, 
Longerue, Maran, Milner (Hitt of the Ch. vol. 1. p 
187, &c.), and others among the moderns. About A D. 
140, he composed two learned treatises against the 
pagans, Cohortatio ad Grcecot, and Oratio ad Greecos 


bishop of Lyons in France, whose only re- 
maining writings are his five Books against 
Heresies ; whicn though preserved only in 
a Latin translation from the original Greek, 
are a splendid monument of antiquity. l 

About A.D. 150, or, as some think ten or twelve years 
earlier, Justin presented his. earliest or long Apology 
for the Christians to the Emperor Antoninus Pius : 
and a little before his death or after A.D. 160, his other 
sinology, an imperfect copy of which is improperly 
called lib first Apology. Besides the four works now 
mentioned Justin wrote a book, De Morutrckia Dei, 
proving the Divine unity in opposition to polytheism, 
by testimonies from the Old Testament and likewise 
| from pagan writers. The latter part of the book is pre- 
served. Against the Jews ho composed in the latter 
! part of his life, his Dialogus cum Try phone. Jud<eo. He 
! defends Christianity against the Jews, chiefly by argu- 
' ments from the ancient prophecies and types of Christ 
in the Old Testament. He also wrote a book against 
Marcion and another against all the heresies ; both of 
which are unfortunately lost. So are his book concern- 
ing the soul (in which he collected the opinions of the 
philosophers on that subject), and his book entitled, 
Psaltes. There are several other works now extant 
under his name, which axe either doubted or denied to 
be his. Justin's works make a considerable folio vo- 
lume. The best edition i.s the Benedictine, by Prudent. 
Maran. Paris, 1742. Thirlby's ed. of the Dialogue, 
Lond. 1722, folio, is good. The two Apologies, with 
those of Tertullian and Minutius Felix, are given in 
English by Keeve. Lond. 1707, 2 vola. 8vo. Mur. 
[The best translation is that by Chevallier, uM fupra. 
Camb. 1833. His Exhortation to the Greeks has been 
translated into English by Moses. Aberd. 1757, 8vo; 
and his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, -by Brown, 
Lond. 1755, 2 vols. 8vo, repuhlished in one volume, fivo. 
Cambridge, 1846. The student ought also to consult 
Bishop Kuye's Account qf the Writings and Opinions oj' 
Justin Martyr, 2d edit. Lond. l83(i; and particularly 
Semisch's Justin Martyr, &c. translated by Kyland, in 
Nos. 41 and 42 of the %din. Jiib. Cab. 1843. K. 

l Irena-us who was active during the last half of this 
century, was born and educated in Asia Minor under 
Polycarp and Papias. About A.]). 150, Potbinus and 
others went from Asia Minor to Lyons and Vionnc in 
France ; and Irenu-us, then a young man, is supposed 
to have been one of those missionaries. He remained 
a presbyter till the death of Pothhms, A.D. 177, when 
ho succeeded him in the episcopal chair at Lyons, which 
he filled till about A.D. 202, the time of his martyrdom. 
While a presbyter he was sent to Home by his church, 
concerning the aft'air of Montanus. He is supposed to 
have composed the letter written in the name of the 
churches of Lyons and Vienne, giving the graphic ac- 
countof their persecution in A.D. 177. He likewise took 
an active part in the controversy respecting Easter, A.D. 
196; and wrote to Victor, bishop of Rome, on the sub- 
ject ; and also to the presbyter Blastus, who was de- 
posed at Rome during that contest. Eusobius has also 
preserved part of a letter of his to Florinus, an apostate 
to Gnosticism, with whom Irenoms had been intimate 
in his youth. Some other small works of his arc men- 
tioned by the ancients. See Euscbius, Hist. EccL lib. 
v. cap. xv. xx. xxiv. xxvi ; Jerome, De Scriptor. illujttr, 
cap. xxxv.; but the great work of Irenwus is his. exami- 
nation and confutation of the misnamed (vvoxris) 
knowledge in tivo books, commonly called Libri contra 
Hteresex. The work is altogether polemic, and is di- 
rected particularly against Valentinus; yet so as to be 
a confutation of all the Gnostics, and a defence of the 
catholic faith against most of the heretics of that age. 
The book contains much information respecting the 
early heretics, their origin, sentiments, and characters ; 
also respecting the state of theological science in that 
age, the doctrines generally received and taught, and 
the manner of stating and defending them. But un- 
fortunately the original Greek is lost, except the ex- 
tracts preserved by Eusebiug, Epiphanius, and others ; 
and the Latin translation which is very ancient, is 
extremely barbarous and sometime* scarcely intelligi- 
ble. Irenseus was an ardent and sincere Christian, and 
a discreet and amiable man. He possessed considera- 

Athenagoras was no contemptible philoso- 
pher, and his Apology for the Christians 
and his treatise on the Resurrection of the 
body, display both learning and genius. 2 
Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, has left us 
three books addressed to one Autolycus 
in defence of Christianity, which are erudite 
but not well-digested. 8 Clemens Alexan- 

ble learning and influence; but his mind does not 
appear to have been one of the highest order. As an 
interpreter of Scripture, like all the early fathers he 
was too fond of tracing allegories ; and as a theologian, 
few of the moderns will account him entirely correct 
in principle or perfectly conclusive in his reasonings. 
See, concerning his life and writings, Cave, Du Tin, 
Massuot i^the editor of his works), the Acta Sanctor. 
torn. v. June, p. 335; liistoire litteraire de la France, 
tome i. p. 51; and Milner, Hist, of the Ch. century iii. 
Chap. i. vol. i. p. 269. The best editions of his works 
are by Grabc, Lond. 1702, fol.; Mid the Benedictine, by 
Massuet, Paris, 1710, and Venice, 1734, 2 torn, fol. 
Mur. [The English reader may consult Heaven's 
Account of the Life and Writings i(f Irentfus, Lond. 
1811, 8vo, which though n somewhat ambitious imita- 
tion of Bishop Kaye's works, is far inferior and causes 
one to regret that so excellent and interesting a subject 
hud not fallen into the hands of a more learned and 
impartial inquirer. 21. 

v Athenagoras, one of the most elegant and able 
writers the church has produced, is scarcely mentioned 
by any of the fathers. Methodius, about A.D. 285, 
quoted from him ; (seeEpiphan. H ceres. Ixv.) Sidetes, 
about A.D. 400, gives some lame account of him (in 
Dodwell's Dm. on Irenants, p. 408); and 1'hotius (Sili- 
liotheca), in the ninth century speaks of him. This is 
all the fathers tell us. Jt appears from the title of his 
Apology that he was a Christian philosopher of Athens, 
and that he wrote his Apology in the reign of the Em- 
perors Marcus and Commodus. Sidetes, who is a writer 
of little credit, gays he presided in the school at Alex- 
andria before Pantenus, which is contradicted by Eu- 
sebius, and that he was converted to Christianity by 
reading the Scriptures with a design to confute them, 
which may be true. Mosheim, in his Dixs. de vera 
(t'-tate dpulogetici Athenag. ( Dissert ad Hist. Eccles. 
vol. i. p. 2(59, &c.) has proved that the Apology was 
written A.D. 177, the very year of the persecutions at 
Lyons and Vienne, Athenagoras descants on the same 
topics ns Justin Martyr, and employs the same argu- 
ments ; but his composition is immensely superior as to 
style and method. His other work, De Itenurrectione, 
is written with equal elegance, and contains the argu- 
ments used in that age to support the doctrine of the 
resurrection of the body against the objections of phi- 
losophers. His works, besides being printed separately 
by Dechair, Oxford, 1 706, 8vo, are commonly subjoined 
to those of Justin Martyr ; and the best edition is the 
Benedictine, by Maran. [Paris, 1742. Mur, [See 
Clarisse, Commentqr. de Athenagorce vita, scriptis et 
doctrina. Leyden, 1819, 4to. The English reader will 
find both his works translated in Humphrey's Apotoge- 
ticks qf Athenagoras. Lond. 1 7 1 4. li. 

3 Theophilus was made Bishop of Antioch, in Syria, 
A.D. 168, and died about A.D. 182 or 183. The best 
accounts of him by the ancients, are those of Eusebius, 
Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xx. xxiii.; and Jerome, De 
Scri/itor. Illustr. cap. xxv. He appears to have been a 
converted pagan, a man of reading, a decided and active 
Christian pastor, sound in faith, and zealous for the 
truth. He is not metaphysical, but still is rather a dry 
and argumentative writer. He composed a book against 
Hermogenos, and another against Marcion. and a Com- 
mentary on the four Gospels, all of which are lost 
His great work, and the only one which baa reached us, 
is his three books addressed to his pagan friend Auto- 
lycus, in vindication of Christianity. Hero he takes 
much the same ground with Justin Martyr and the 
other Apologists ; but he descends more into detail in 
his proofs from Scripture and from history. He is fond 
of allegorical and fanciful interpretations, and on them 
resta a large part of his arguments. Yet the work con- 
tains much that is instructive and solid ; and ia written 

CIIA.P. ii.] 


drinus, a presbyter and head of the cate- 
chetic school at Alexandria, was a man 
of extensive reading, especially in the 
works of ancient authors. This is manifest 
from the works of his which remain; namely, 
his Stromata, his Pcedagogus, and his Ad 
GrcBcos Exhortatio. But he was infected 
with very great errors, into which he was 
betrayed by his excessive love of philoso- 
phy ; nor are his works to be recommended 
as exhibiting good arrangement and perspi- 
cuity of style. l In the Latin language, 

in a plain, familiar style. Mur. [This work, entitled 
Apologetic Discourses, has been translated Into English, 
by Betty. Oxford, 1722. Jt, 

1 Titus Flavius Clemens, whether born at Athens or 
Alexandria, was a pagan in early life and devoted him- 
self to philosophy. Ho travelled in Greece, in South 
Italy, in Coelo-Syria, in Palestine, and lastly in Egypt, 
where he was a pupil of Pantamus, the master of the 
Christian school at Alexandria. Becoming a Ch* istian 
he was made a presbyter of the Alexandrian church, 
arid succeeded his preceptor Pantrenus, as master of the 
catechetic or divinity school. He taught with great 
applause during the reign of Severus (A.D. 1U3 211), 
and had Origen and other eminent men of the third 
century for pupils. About A.D. 202, he retired into 
Palestine and Syria for a short time, to avoid persecu- 
tion. He is supposed to have died about A.I). 220. 
Clement had vast learning, a lively imagination, great 
fluency, considerable discrimination, and was a bold 
and independent speculator. Tluit he had true piety 
and hold tho essential truths of the Gospel, is admitted 
by all ; but no one of the fathers except Origen, has 
been more censured in modern times, for an excessive 
attachment to philosophy or metaphysical theology. 
lie was a true Eclectic, which ho also professed to be ; 
that is, he followed no master implicitly, but examined 
and judged for himself. Yet his education and the at- 
mosphere in which he lived, led him to lean towards 
Platonisrn and Stoicism. His great error was, that he 
overrated the value of philosophy or human reason as 
a guido in matters of religion. He also indulged his 
imagination, as all the learned of this age did, to ex- 
cess ; and construed tho Bible allegorically and fanci- 
fully. His three principal works which have reached 
us constitute one whole. His Exhortatio ad Grcecos 
was intended to convince and convert pagans. His 
Ptfdagogut in three books was intended to instruct a 
young convert in the practice of Christianity, iris 
Stromata [Patch-work] in eight books (the last of 
which is not the genuine eighth book), are written with- 
out method or in a most discursive mariner. In them 
Clement attempts to give tho world his most profound 
thoughts and speculations on theology and the kindred 
sciences. lie has also left us a practical treatise, en- 
titled Quis dives ill: sit, qui salnelur? in which his object 
is to show to what temptations and dangers the rich are 
exposed. There are ascribed to him and printed with 
his works, extracts from the writings of others which 
are dubious. Eusebius and Jerome mention works of 
his which are now lost. Of these the principal are, 
Libri vlii. Hypotypoteon, a compendious exposition of 
the Old and New Testaments. The character and 
writings of Clement have been elaborately investigated 
by various persons, among whom are Le Nourry ( Ap- 
parat. ad ftiblioth. Patr.)\ Walch (MisceUnnea &rcm); 
Bruckcr (Hist. Crtt. Philos.)\ and Neander, Kitchen- 
gesch. vol. 1. The best edition of his works is that of 
Potter. Oxf. 1715, fol. Afur. [Reprinted with ad- 
ditions at Venice, 1757, 2 vols. folio. See another 
excellent work by Bishop Kaye, entitled Some account 
o,f the writing* and opinions of Clement of Alexandria. 
Lond. 1835. None of his writings has been translated 
into English, with the single exception of the tract, 
Who is the rich man that shall be saved? by Jones, 
Lond. 1711, 12mo; but in a curious series of publica- 
tions, entitled Small bookt on great subjects, the English 
reader will find in No. VII. (Pickering, Lond. 1814), 
under the title of Christian docttine in the second Cen- 

scarccly any one in this century illustrated 
or defended the Christian religion except 
Tertullian. 8 He was,at first a j urisconsult, 

tury, extracts from the three great works of Clemens, 
his Exhortation to the Greeks, his P&dagogus, and his 
Stromata. R. 

2 Quint us Septimius Florens Tertullianus was the 
son of a pagan centurion of proconsular rank, and born 
at Carthago about A.D. 1GO. He was bred to the law ; 
but becoming a Christian was made a presbyter in the 
church of Carthago, whore he appears to have spent 
his whole life. About A.I). 200 he embraced the sen- 
timents of the Montanists ; which ho afterwards de- 
fended with his usual ardour. He is said to have lived 
to a great age ; and yet he is supposed to have died 
about A.D. 220. Jerome, DC Seriptoribus llluttr. cap. 
liii. Eusebius, Chronicon, ann. 16, and others, give 
him a high character. Jerome tolls us that Cyprian, 
bishop of Carthage, was accustomed to read some por- 
tions of his works daily ; and in calling for this author, 
used to say, Da magistrum, bring nit/ master. He wrote 
with grout force and displayed much both of erudition j 
and acuteness ; but his style is concise, harsh, and ex- j 
trernely difficult for modern readers. His diction and 
his spirit too it has been supposed, were extensively pro- 
pagated in the Latin church. His works consist of about 
30 short treatises and are nearly all of a polemic cast, 
argumentative, vituperative, and severe. They may bo 
divided into three classes ; namely, apologetic or in 
controversy with pagans and Jews / doctrinal or con- 
futations of heretics ; and moral in defence or con- 
futation of certain practices or rules of conduct. Most 
of his works of the last class were written after he 
became a Montanist, and are in defence of the rigid 
principles of that sect, or in opposition to the opinions 
and practice of Christians in general. The best edition 
of his works is by Sernler, Halle, 1769-73, 5 vols. Bvo, 
with a Gth vol. by \Vindorf containing indices and a 
Glossary, 1770. Mur. [Reprinted in 1828, in G vols 
12mo. See Neander, Antignosticus Geist dot Terlul- 
lianus und dexsen Schri.ften. Berlin, 1.S25. 
See also the first and perhaps the best of Bishop Kayu's 
patristic works, entitled The Eccles. Uixtory nf the 
second and third centuries, illustrated from the writings 
of Tertullian. Lond 1845, 3d edit. Several of Ter- 
tullian's writings have been translated into English , 
his Apolnpy, by Reeves and Chevallicr, ubi supra; his 
Prescript ion against Heretics, by Betty. Oxford, 1722; 
and his Address to TerfuUux, with valuable notes by 
Sir 1). Dalrymple (Lord Hailes). Kdin. 1790, 18mo. 
These three pieces with eleven others have been trans- 
lated by tho Rev. Dr. Pusey of Oxford, and they form 
No. x. of the Library (\f the Fathers of the holy 
Catholic Church in course of publication at Oxford. 
Of thi.i collection twenty-six numbers or volumes have 
already appeared. /?. 

Besides the writers above mentioned whose works 
are extant, there were many others in this century of 
whose works we have only extracts preserved by the 
fathers. Of these, a catalogue embracing such as are 
mentioned by Eusebius in his Eccles. History, and by 
Jerome, De Scriptoribus Iltustribus, is here subjoined. 

Papias, Bp. of Hicrapolis in Phrygia. contemporary 
with Ignatius in the beginning of the century. He 
wrote five books containing traditional accounts of 
Christ, his apostles, and others of the primitive times 
He is said to have advocated the doctrine of the Mil 
lenium. Euseb. iii. 3.9; Jerome, cap 18. 

Quadratus, Bp. of Athens. He wrote an Apology foi 
the Christians, presented to tho Emperor Adrian, A.D. 
123 or 131. Euseb. iv. 3; Jerome, cap. xix.\ 

Aristides, an eloquent Christian philosopher of Athena, 
at the same time presented an Apology. Euseb. iv. 3 ; 
Jerome, cap xx. 

Agrippa Castor, contemporary with the two last 
He was " a very learned man," and wrote a confutation 
of the 24 books of Basilides the heretic. Euseb. iv. 7 ; 
Jerome, cap. xxi. 

Hegesippus, a converted Jew, who resided at Corinth 
and at Rome, He wrote about A.D. 160, five books of 
Ecclesiastical matters from the death of Christ to his 
own times. Euaeb. iv. 8, 22, and iii. 19, 20, 32; Jerome, 
cap. xxii. 


[PART n 

then a presbyter at Carthage, and at last a 
follower of Montanus. "We have various 
short works of his intended either to ex- 
plain and defend the truth or to excite piety. 

Mc'llto, Bp. of Sardis. lie wrote an Apology besides 
various short works. Euseb. iv. 26 ; Jerome, cap. xxiv. 

Apollinaris, Bp. of Ilierapolis in Phrygia, A.D. 170. 
He wrote an Apology, five books against the pagans, 
and other works. Euseb. iv. 27 ; Jerome, cap. xvi. 

Dionysius, Bp. of Corinth, from about A.D. 170. He 
was an active and influential man, and wrote valuable 
Epistles to several churches and their bishops ; namely, 
to the churches of Sparta, Athens, Nicomedia, Gortyna, 
and others in Crete ; to Amastris, and others in Pontus ; 
to Pinitus, a Cretan bp. and Victor, Bp. of Rome. Euseb. 
iv. 23 ; Jerome, cap. xxvii. 

Tatian, a rhetorician and disciple of Justin Martyr. 
After the death of Justin he swerved from the common 
path, and became founder of a rigorous sect called En- 
cratites. He flourished about A.I). 170, and wrote an 
Apology under the title of Oratio contra Grtecos, which 
is still extant and usually printed with the works of 
Justin Martyr. He is said to have composed many 
other works ; among which a Diatessaron or Harmony 
Of the four Gospel*, and a treatise on Perfection iiftvr 
the pattern of Christ, are particularly mentioned. Euseb. 
iv. 29 i Jerome, cap. xxxix.; Clem. Alex. Strom, iii. 12. 

Musanus, of the same age wrote against the Encra- 
tites. Jerome, cap. xxxi.; Euseb. iv. 28. 

Modestus, of the same age wrote a book against 
Marcion, which Eusebius says exceeded all other con- 
futations of that heretic. Euseb. iv. 25 ; Jerome, cap. 
xxx Li. 

Bardesanes, a Syrian of Edessa, ot the same age an 
eloquent and acute reasoner. He was first a Valcnti- 
nian ; but afterwards wrote against that and other 
sects. His works were numerous, which his admirers 
translated from Syriac into Greek. His dialogues 
against Marcion, and his treatise On Fnt<>, are particu- 
larly commended. Euseb. iv. 30; Jerome, cap. xxxiii. 

Victor, Bp. of Rome, A.D. 194-203. His zeal re- 
spccting the right day for Easter led him to write 
several Epistles on that subject. Euseb. t. 24; Jerome, 
cap. xxxiv. Nothing of his remains, though two spu- 
rious Epistles with his name are still extant. 

Pantwnus, a Christian philosopher of A lexandria, and 
head of the catechetic school there before Clement. He 
was a learned and active Christian, and wrote much 
particularly in explanation of the Scriptures ; but his 
works are lost. He visited India or Arabia Felix, as a 
missionary, and had great influence in the church. 
Euseb. v. 10; Jerome, cap. xxxvi. 

Rhodon, an Asiatic Greek, but educated at Rome 
under Tatian. He wrote much ; and in particular on 
the Hexaemeron (the six days of creation) ; a treatise 
against Marcion ; and another against the Phrygians 
or Cataphrygians, the disciples of Montanus. Euseb. 
v. 13; Jerome, cap. xxxvii. 

Miltiades, who flourished in the reign of Commodus, 
A.D. 180-192. He wrote an Apology and works against 
the Cataphrygians, the pagans, and the Jews. Euseb. 
v. 17 ; Jerome, cap. xxxix. 

.Apollonius, an eloquent Greek writer, author of a 
long and much valued confutation of the Cataphry- 
gians. Euseb. iv. 18 ; Jerome, cap. xl. 

Serapion, ordained Bp. of Antioch, A.D. 191. He 
wrote an Epistle concerning the Montanists or Cata- 
phrygians, and some other tracts. Euseb. vi; 12 ; Jer. 
cap., xli. 

Apollonius, a Roman senator and martyr under Com- 
modus. His eloquent defence at his trial was committed 
to writing. Euseb. v. 21 ; Jerome, cap xlii. 

Under the reigns of Commodus and Scvcrus, or A.D. 
180-211, lived several writers mentioned summarily by 
Euseb. v. 27, and by Jerome, cap. xlvi-li ; namely, 
Heraelitus, author of a Commentary on Paul't Epistles; 
Maximus, who wrote on the Origin of Evil and tfie 
Creation qf Matter; Candidas and Appion, who wrote 
on the Hexaemeron ; Sextus wrote on the Resurrection ; 
and Arabianus composed gome doctrinal tracts. 

All the preceding wrote in Greek, except Bardesanes, 
who composed in Syriac, and Victor and Apollonius 
the martyr who wrote in Latin Mur. 

Whether his excellences or his defects 
were the greatest, it is difficult to sav. 
He possessed great genius, but it was wild 
and unchastened. His piety was active and 
fervent, but likewise gloomy and austere. 
He had much learning and knowledge, but 
was changeable and credulous, and more 
acute than solid. 1 



1. THE whole Christian system was still 
comprised in a few precepts and proposi- 
tions ; nor did he teachers publicly advance 
any doctrines beside those contained in what 
is called the Apostles' Creed. In their 
manner of handling these doctrines there 
was nothing subtle, profound, or distant I 
from common apprehension. This will not 
appear strange if we reflect that no contro- 
versy had yet been moved respecting those ! 
important points of religion about which 
contests afterwards arose, arid that the 
bishops were generally plain, unlearned i 
men, more distinguished for their piety than 
for their genius and eloquence. 

2. Yet insensibly, from this venerable 
simplicity there was a considerable depar- ; 
ture ; many points were more critically 
investigated and more artificially stated; 
many principles also were imprudently 
adopted which were derived from philoso- 
phy and that too not of the most solid 
character This change arose from two 
principal causes. The first lay in the dis- 
position of certain teachers who wished to 
make Christianity appear in harmony with 
the decision* of philosophy, and who thought 
it elegant to state Christian precepts in the 
language of philosophers, civilians, and 
rabbins. The other cause is found in the 
discussions with the opposers and corrupters 
of the truth. To meet these, the Christian 
doctors were sometimes under the necessity 

l Those who wish further information concerning 
these writers, their defects and their works, are directed 
and the direction is given once for all to consult 
those authors who treat professedly of the Ecclesiastical 
Writers; namely, Fabriciug, Btbliotheca Greeca and 
Riblioth. Latino; Cave, Historia Literaria Scriptor. 
Ecclet.; Du Pin, Hibliothcque desAut. Ecctes. Ceillier, 
Histoire generate deit aut. Facrfo et Eccl^t. and others. 
[To these may be added Lumper, Hist. Theol. Crit. de 
Vita Scriptis atyue Doctrina, SS. PP. trium priorum 
c. Au 

gsburg, 178399, in 13 volumes, 8vo. 
Opus est magna diligentia congestum, docturn, utile, at 
quod dolendum, non absolutum." Danz. Also Sch- 
ramm, dnalytit operum, SS. PP. Augsburg, 1780-96, in 
eighteen volumes, 8vo. a very valuable work ; and Schti- 
nemann, Biblio.Hiit. liter, patrum latinor. a Tertuilitmo 
ad Gregor. Mag. et Itid. Hirp. Lip. 1792-4, 2 vols. 8vo. 
In the preface to the second volume the author pro- 
mises a third to complete the work ; but I believe it 
was never published, and he died in 1802. 7J 



of stating with precision what was before 
undefined, and exhibiting their views with 
more discrimination. 

3. Whoever wishes for an example need 
only consider, what began to be taught in 
this age respecting the state of souls when 
separated from the body. Jesus and his 
apostles simply taught that the spirits of 
holy men on leaving the body were received 
to heaven, and that those of the wicked 
went to hell. And this satisfied the first 
disciples of Christ in whom there was more 
piety than curiosity; but this plain doc- 
trine was materially injured, when Chris- 
tians were induced to agree with the Pla- 
tonics and others, that only the souls of 
I heroes and men of distinguished abilities 
I were raised to heaven ; while those of others, 
j being weighed down by their sensual pro- 
I pensities, sunk to the infernal regions an ~ 
| could never attain to the world of light till 
cleansed from their pollutions. 1 From the 
time when this opinion began to prevail, the 
martyrs only were represented and believed 
to be happy immediately after death ; others 
were assigned to some obscure region, in 
which they were detained till the second 
coming of Christ, or at least till their im- 
purities which disqualified them for heaven 
should be removed from them. From this 
source, how numerous arid how vast the 
errors ! what vain ceremonies ! what de- 
basing superstitions took their rise ! 

4. But they all revered the Holy Scrip- 
tures as the rule of faith and the standard 
of truth ; and therefore they wished them 
to be in the hands of all. Of the transla- 
tions of the Scriptures into other languages, 
we have already spoken. We shall here 
speak only of the expositors. The first 
Christian who composed explanations of the 
sacred volume, was if I mistake not Pan- 
tsenus, the master of the Alexandrine school. 
But divine providence has so ordered that 
none of his writings have reached us. The 
Hypotyposes also of Clemens Alexandrinus, 
in which he is said to have expounded de- 
tached passages from the sacred books, have 
been lost ; and likewise his Commentaries on 
the canonical Epistles. Tatian composed a 
Harmony of the Gospels, which has [not] 
escaped the ravages 01 time. 8 Justin Martyr 

t I have treated largely of these sentiments of the 
ancients and especially of the Platonics, in my notes 
on Cud worth's Intellectual System, vol. ii. p. 1036. 

2 I cannot but think thore must be a great typo- 
graphical error in the original of this sentence. For it 
is not easy to believe that Mosheim maintained the long- 
exploded notion, that either of those Harmoniet of the 
four Gospels which we have in the Bibliotheca Patrum, 
could be the genuine work of Tatian. See Prudentius 
Maran, Dlss. xiii. cap. xii. sec. 5, 6, prefixed to Ms edi- 
tion of Jiutin Martyr, &c. and republishedby Sprenger, 
Thetaurut Kei Patristica, torn, ii. Mur* 


explained the Revelation; Theophilus of 
Antioch elucidated the four Gospels; and 
others expounded the Mosaic account of the 
creation. All these works are now lost. 

5. But this loss is the less to be regretted, 
since it is certain that no one of these ex- 
positors could be pronounced an excellent or 
renowned interpreter. They all believed the 
language of Scripture to contain two mean- 
ings; the one obvious and corresponding 
with the direct import of the words; the other 
recondite and concealed under the words, 
like a kernel by the shell : the former they 
neglected as of little value, and bestowed 
their chief attention on the latter; that is, 
they were more intent on throwing obscu- 
rity over the sacred writings by the fictions 
of their own imaginations, than of searching 
out their true meaning. Some also, and 
this is stated especially of Clement, attemp- 
ted to make the divine oracles teach and 
support the precepts of philosophy. The 
excessive and almost divine authority as- 
cribed to the Alexandrine version of the Old 
Testament, called the Septuagint, was a 
great obstacle to any valuable and suitable 
interpretation of that part of the Bible. 

6. A system of Christian theology so far 
as wo can learn, was composed by no one 
in this age. The tracts of Arabian us, De 
dog mate Christiana, having been all lost, we 
cannot tell what they were. The five books 
of Papias, De Dictis Christi et Apostolorum 
or Explanatio oraculorum dominicorum, so 
far as can be learned from Eusebius, 3 must 
be regarded rather as an historical than a 
loctrinal work. Mclito of Sardis is said 
to have written, De Fide, De Creatione, and 
De Veritate; but it does not appear from 
these titles whether they were polemic or 
doctrinal treatises. Some points in theo- 
logy were stated and defended by those who 
engaged in religious controversies. But the 
doctrines which were not brought into con- 
troversy were not so distinctly treated by 
the writers of that a<Te, that we can fuller 
understand what their views were. It is 
not strange therefore that all sects of 
Christians can find in what are called the 
Fathers something to favour their own 
opinions and systems. 

7. The controversial writers who distin- 
guished themselves in this century encoun- 
tered either the Jews, or the worshippers 
of idol gods, or the corrupters of the Chris- 
tian doctrine and founders of new sects, 
that is, the heretics. With the Jews con- 
tended in particular Justin Martyr, in his 

3 Eusebius, tlitt. Eccfa. lib. iii. cap. xxix. See also 
rcnacus, Adv. Hares, lib. v. cap. xxxlil; Jerome, De 
Scriptor. lUustr. cap. xy?U. Mur. 



PART n. 

Dialogue with Trypho and likewise Ter- 
tullian; but neither of them in the best 
manner, because they were not acquainted 
with the language and history of the He- 
brews, and did not duly consider the sub- 
ject. The pagans were assailed especially 
by those who wrote Apologies for the Chris- 
tians, as Athcnagoras, Melito, Quadratus, 
Miltiades, Aristides, Tatian, and Justin 
Martyr ; or who composed addresses to the 
pagans, as Justin, Tertullian, Clement, and 
Theophilus of Antioch. All these van- 
quished paganism and answered the calum- 
nies cast upon the Christians solidly and 
dexterously; but they were less able and 
successful in explaining the nature of the 
Christian religion, and demonstrating its 
truth and divine origin. At least we per- 
ceive that much is wanting in the explana- 
tions they give of Christian doctrines, and 
in the arguments they use in confirmation 
of religious truth. Those who chastised the 
heretics make a numerous body, but we 
have few of their writings left. The whole 
host of heretics were attacked by Irenseus 
in a work expressly against them ; by Cle- 
ment, in his Stromata; and by Tertullian, 
De PrcBScriptionibus adoersus hcrreticos; 
not to mention Justin Martyr, whose con- 
futation of them has been lost. Those who 
wrote against particular sects of heretics, it 
would be tedious to enumerate ; besides, the 
works of most of them are not preserved. 

8. In these disputants there was some- 
thing more of ingenuousness and good faith 
than in those who undertook the support of 
truth in the following centuries. For the 
convenient wiles of sophistry and the dis- 
honourable artifices of debate had not gained 
admittance among Christians. Yet a man 
of sound judgment, who has due regard for 
truth, cannot extol them highly. Most of 
them lacked discernment, knowledge, ap- 
plication, good arrangement, and force. 
They often advance very flimsy arguments, 
and such as were suited rather to embar- 
rass than convince the mind. One, laying 
aside the Divine Scriptures from which all 
the weapons of religious controversy should 
be drawn, bids us consult the bishops of 
those churches which were founded by 
apostles. Another, as if contending about 
the title or boundaries of lands in a court 
of law, with an ill grace pleads prescription 
against his adversaries. A third imitates 
the silly disputants among the Jews, who 
offered as arguments the mystic powers of 
numbers and words. l Nor are those wholly 
in error who- think that the vicious mode of 

l Examples may be seen iiv Basnage, Histoire det 
Ju(/5r, tome lii. pages 660694. 

disputing which afterwards obtained the 
name of (Economical, was sometimes used 
even in this century.* 

9. The principal parts of practical reli- 
gion or morality are treated of by Justin 
Martyr, or whoever it was that composed 
the Epistle to Zenas and Serenus found 
among the works of Justin. Others dis- 
cussed particular duties in set treatises. 
Thus Clemens Alexandrinus composed tracts 
on Calumny, Patience, Continences and 
other virtues, which have not escaped the 
ravages of time. But the tracts of Tertul- 
lian on practical duties, namely, on Chas- 
tity, on Flight from persecution, on Fasting, 
on Theatrical exhibitions, on the Dress of 
females, on Prayer, &c. have come safely 
to -our hands ; and would be perused with 
greater profit, were it not for the gloomy 
and morose spirit which they everywhere 
breathe, and the excessively artificial and 
difficult style in which they are written. 8 

10. In what estimation these and other 
ancient writers on Christian morals ought 
to be held, the learned are not agreed. 
Some hold them to be the very best guides 
to true piety; others on the contrary think 
their precepts were the worst possible, and 
that practical religion could not be commit- 
ted to worse hands. 4 Competent judges 
will decide the question for themselves. To 
us it appears that their writings contain 
many things excellent, well considered, and 

2 Simon, Histoire critique ties principaux Comments- 
teurs du N. T. cap. ii. p. 2 1 . [To do or to say anything, 
KO.T oiKOfojuuav, or oicovo/u.tca>?, is to use decep- 
tion or good policy rather than fair honest dealing, 
yet with good intentions or for a good end. See Suicer, 

Thesaur. Ecdcsiant. torn. ii. p. 459. Mur. 

3 So perplexed and difficult is the style of Tertullian 
and so peculiar his use of Latin terms, mostly of the 
Punic dialect, that it has become necessary to compile 
a Lexicon for his works, which will be found attached 
to Semler's edition (vol. vi.) and which is almost in- 
dispensable to the student. It has l>een remarked as 
unfortunate that the first application of Latin to Chris- 
tian subjects was made by this "flery African; " for 
with him originated that barbarous style, " duram, hor- 
ridam, Latinisque inauditam," which is the foundation 
of our theological latinity of the present day. The stu- 
dent will find in Munter's Primordia Eccles. Afric. a 
selection of Tertullian's phrases still employed in treat- 
ing of doctrinal and polemical subjects. It. 

4 On this- subject the learned and ingenious Bar. 
beyrac held a controversy in our day with Ccillier, a 
Benedictine monk. A history of the controversy with 
his own opinion of it is given by Buddeus, Isagoge ad 

Theologian, lib. ii. cap. iv. sec. 4, p. 553, &c. After- 
wards, Barbeyrac published a more full defence of the 
severe judgment he had passed upon the fathers, under 
the title ofTraite.dcla Morale des Peres, Amsterd. 1728, 
4to, which is well worth reading by those who wish to 
investigate the -subject; yet I think he charges the fa- 
thers with some faults which may easily be excused. 
[Liberatus Fassonius, a Catholic, published an answer 
to Barbeyrac in a Latin work, De Morali Patrum Doc 
trina, adv. librum Barbeyraci. Libourne, 1767, 4to 
Mur. [Various other writers took the field against 
Barbeyrac and a few in his defence ; their names and 
the titles of their works may be seen in Walch's Bibtto 
Patrittica, by Danz. p. 692, &c. R 

CHAP, in. 


well calculated to cherish piety; but at the 
same time many things unduly rigorous, 
and derived from the Stoic anci Academic 
philosophy; many things vague and inde- 
terminate and many things positively false 
and inconsistent with the precepts of Christ. 
If one deserves the title of a bad master in 
morals, who has no just ideas of the proper 
boundaries and limitations of Christian 
duties, nor clear and distinct conceptions 
of the dilferent virtues and vices, nor a per- 
ception of those general principles to which 
recurrence should be had in all discussions 
respecting Christian virtue, and who there- 
fore very often talks at random, and blun- 
j ders in expounding the divine laws, though 
he may say many excellent things and excite 
in us considerable emotion; then I can 
readily admit that in strict truth this title 
belongs to many of the fathers. 

11. In this century there was admitted, 
with good intentions no doubt yet most 
inconsiderately, a fundamental error in 
regard to morals and pernicious to Chris- 
tianity; an error which through all suc- 
ceeding ages to our times, has produced an 
inanity of mistakes and evils of various 
kinds. Jesus our Saviour prescribed one 
and the same rule of life or duty to all his 

disciples ; but the Christian doctors, either 
by too great a desire of imitating the nations 
among whom they lived, or from a natural 
propensity to austerity and gloom (which 
is a disease that many labour under in Sy- 
ria, Egypt, and other provinces of the east), 
were induced to maintain that Christ had 
prescribed a twofold rule of holiness and 

| virtue ; the one ordinary, the other extraor- 
dinary; the one lower, the other higher; 
the one for men of business, the other for 
persons of leisure, and such as sought to 
attain higher glory in the future world. 
They therefore early divided all that had 
been taught, whether in books or by tra- 
dition respecting a Christian life and morals, 
into Precepts and Counsels. They applied 
the name Precepts to those laws which were 
universally obligatory or were enacted for 
all men of all descriptions ; but the Coun- 
sels related only to those who deemed it 
praiseworthy to aspire after superior holi- 
ness and a closer union with God. 

12. There soon arose a class of persons 
who professed to strive after that higher 
and more eminent holiness which common 
Christians cannot attain ; and wlio resolved 
to obey the counsels of Christ in order to 
enjoy intimate communion with God in this 
life, and on leaving the body to rise with- 
out impediment or difficulty to the celestial 
world. They supposed many things were 
forbidden to them, which were allowed to 

other Christians ; such as wine, flesh, ma- 
trimony, and worldly business. 1 They 
supposed they must emaciate their bodies 
with watching, fasting, toil, and hunger. 
They considered it a happiness to retire to 
desert places, and by close meditation to 
abstract their minds from all external 
objects and whatever delights the senses. 
Both men and women imposed these severe 
restraints on themselves, with good inten- 
tions I suppose, but they set a bad example, 
and greatly injured the cause of Christi- 
anity. They were denominated Ascetics, 
2-Tou<5a/b/, 'EaXsxro/, and also both male and 
female philosophers, and were distinguished 
from other Christians, not only by a differ- 
ent appellation but by peculiarities of dress 
and demeanour. 2 Those of this century 
who embraced this austere mode of life, 
lived indeed by themselves, but they did 
not withdraw altogether from the society 
and converge of men. But in process of 
time persons of this description retired into 
deserts, and afterwards formed themselves 
into associations after the manner of the 
Essenes and Therapeutic. 

13. The causes of this institution are 
plain. First, the Christians did not wish 
to appear inferior to the Greeks, the Ko- 
mans, and the other people, among whom 
there were many philosophers and sages 
who were distinguished from the vulgar by 
their dress and their whole mode of life, 
and who were held in high honour. Now, 
among these philosophers (as is well known) 
none were more popular with the Christians 
than the Platonists and Pythagoreans, who 
it appears recommended two modes of liv- 
ing ; the one for philosophers who wished 
to excel others in virtue, and the other for 
people engaged in the common affairs of 
life. 3 The Platonists prescribed the follow- 
ing rule for philosophers : The mind of a 
wise man must be withdrawn as far as pos- 
sible from the contagious influence of the 
body; and as the oppressive load of the 
body and intercourse with men are most 
adverse to this design, therefore all sen- 
sual gratifications are to be avoided ; the 
body is to be sustained or rather mortified 
with coarse and slender fare ; solitude is to 
be sought for ; and the mind is to be self- 

Athcnagoras, Apologia pro Christian^ cap. xxviii. 
p. 129, ed. Oxon. and others. 

2 See Salmasius, Comment, in Tertullian. de Pallto t 
pages 7, 8. [Deyling, Exerdt. de Asceti* Vet. in CM- 
serv. Sacr. lib. iii, and Binghara, Antiq. Ecctet. vol. iii. 
p. 3, &c. Mur. 

3 They made a distinction between living according 
to nature, (^v Kara, <f>vcru/), and living above nature, 
(friv virep 4>vcrtv). See Jneas Gazffiua, in The.o- 
p/irasto, p. 29. ed. Barthii. The former was the rule for 
all men ; the latter only for philosophers who aimed at 
perfect virtue. 



[PART. n. 

collected and absorbed in contemplation, 
so as to be detached as much as possible 
from the body. 1 Whoever lives in this 
manner shall in the present life have con- 
verse with God ; and when freed from the 
load of the body, shall ascend without de- 
lay to the celestial mansions, and not need 
like the souls of other men to undergo a 
purgation. The grounds of this gystem lay 
in the peculiar sentiments entertained by 
this sect of philosophers and by their friends, 
respecting the soul, demons, matter, and 
the universe. And when these sentiments 
were embraced 'by the Christian philoso- 
phers, the necessary consequences of them 
must also be adopted. 

14. What has been stated will excite less 
surprise, if it be remembered that Egypt 
was the land where this mode of life had its 
origin ; for this country, from some law of 
nature, has always produced a greater num- 
ber of gloomy and hypochondriac or melan- 
choly persons than any other ; a and it still 
does so. Here it was that long before the 
Saviour's birth, not only the Essenes and 
Therapeutae those Jewish sects composed 
of persons affected with a morbid melan- 
choly or rather .partially deranged had 
their chief residence j but many others also 
that they might better please the gods, 
withdrew themselves as by the instinct of 
nature from commerce with men and from 
all the pleasures of life. 3 From Egypt 
this mode of life passed into Svria and the 
neighbouring countries, which m like man- 
ner always abounded with unsociable and 
austere individuals ; 4 and at last it was in- 
troduced from the east among the nations 
of Europe. Hence the numerous maladies 
which still deform the Christian world; 
hence the celibacy of the clergy; hence the 
numerous herds of monks ; hence the two 
species of life, the theoretical and mystical; 
hence the many other things of a like na- 
ture which we shall have occasion to men- 
tion in the progress of our work. 6 

15. Another error among the Christians, 

1 Consult here, by all means, that most distinguished 
Platonist, Porphyry, irepl ATTOX^S, or, on abstinence 
from flesh, book i. sees. 27 and 41, pages 22, 34, where 
he formally lays down rules for these duties of a philo- 

See Maillet, Detcription de VEgypte, torn, ii. p. 57, 
&0. Paris, 1735, 4to. 

3 Herodotus, Historiar. lib. li. p. 104, ed. Gronov.; 
Epiphanius, Expos. Fidei. sec. 11: Opp. torn. ii. p. 1092; 
Tertullian, De Exhortatione Castitutis, cap. xiii.; Atha- 
nasiuB, Vita Antonii, Opp. torn. ii. p. 453. 

4 Chardln, Voyage* en Perse t tome iv. p. 197, ed. 
Amsterd. 1735, 4 to. 

6 The reader who is desirous of tracing minutely the 
origin and progress of error, both in doctrine and 
morals in the primitive church, should read what Isaac 
Taylor has written on this subject, especially in sections 
8 and 9 of his Natural Hist. of Enthusiasm, and in the 
first volume of his Ancient Christianity. A full view 

not indeed of equal extent but a pernicious 
one and productive of many evils, was the 
following. The Platonists and Pythagoreans 
deemed it not only lawful but commendable 
to deceive and to lie, for the sake of truth 
and piety. 6 The Jews living in Egypt 
learned from them this sentiment before the 
Christian era, as appears from many proofs. 
And from both, this vice early spread among 
the Christians. Of this no one will doubt, 
who calls to mind the numerous forgeries of 
books under the names of eminent men, the 
Sibylline verses, 7 and other similar trash, 8 
a large mass of 'which appeared in this and 
the following centuries. I would not say 
that the orthodox Christians forged all the 
books of this character ; on the contrary it 
is probable that the greater part of them 
originated from the founders of the Gnostic 
sects ; yet that the Christians who were free 
from heterodox views were not wholly free 
from this fault, is too clear to be denied. 

1 6. The more the boundaries of the church 
were enlarged, the greater the number of 
vicious and bad men who thrust themselves 
into it ; as may be proved by the many com- 
plaints and censures of 'the writers of this 

of the errors which were but too prevalent even at this 
early period, may be seen in a very valuable work by a 
layman of the English Church, which is more compre- 
hensive than its title would intimate, for it embraces 
corruptions in morals as well as in doctrines. I refer 
to Osburn's Doctrinal Errors of the Apostolical and 
Early Fathers, Lond. 1885, 8vo. He draws his ma- 
terials solely from the fathers of the first and second 
centuries, his views are evangelical, and he writes in an 
excellent spirit. #. 

Mosheim, on this subject, in his Comment, de Reb. 
Christ. &c. p. 231, refers us to his Dits. de turdaCa per 
recentiores Platonicos ecclasia, sec. 41, &c. Mur. 

7 Concerning the Sibylline verses which were com- 
posed about A.D. 138, Fabricius lias treated largely, 
IHblioth. Graca, torn. i. The latcsc editor of the verses 
is Servatus. [Gallums, who has corrected the text and 
added copious notes. Amsterd. 1089, 4to. He has sub- 
joined the Magic Oracles ascribed to Zoroaster and 
others, in which are many things of Christian origin. 
That the sibylline verses were fabricated by some Chris- 
tian in order to bring idolaters to believe in the truth 
of Christianity, has been well shown by Blondell among 
others; and with a very few exceptions there is no 
learned man at the present day who thinks otherwise. 
BlondelTs work was first published under the title, De* 
Sibylles, celebrtes t ant par I' Antiquite payenne, que par 
let saincts Peres. Charenton, 1649, 4to. Two years 
after the title was changed, doubtless to allure pur- 
chasers ; Traite de la Creance des Peres touchant I' Etat 
dcs ames apres cette vie, $c. d V occasion de I'Ecrit attri~ 
bueaux Stbelles. Charenton, 1651, 4to. That the 
pagans were indignant at this forgery, which they attri- 
buted to the Christians, appears from Origen, Contra 
CeUum, lib. v. p. 272, ed. Spencer ; Lactantius, Instit. 
Divinor. lib. iv. cap. xiv.; and Constantino the Great, 
Oratio ad Sanctos, in Euseb. Hist. Eccles. See Mosheim, 
De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 230. Mur. 

6 That the books now circulated under the name of 
Hermes and particularly the one called Pcemander 
were a Christian forgery, was first shown by Casaubon, 
Exercit. i. in Baronium, sec. 18, p. 54, and afterwards 
by Conringius, Bcausobre, Cudworth, Warburton, and 
many others. Some however suppose the books were 
originally composed by Platonists, and afterwards 
interpolated and corrupted by some Christian. See 
Mosheim, De Reb. Christ.?. 230. Mur 

CHAP, iv.] 



age. The well-known custom of excluding 
transgressors from the communion was a 
barrier against the more flagrant and noto- 
rious crimes. Of all sins, those accounted 
the most heinous and the greatest were these 
three, murder, idolatry, and adultery; which 
terms, however, must here be understood in 
the broadest sense. Those guilty of these 
crimes were in many churches cut off for 
ever from communion ^ in other churches 
they were received back after a long, severe, 
and painful probation. 1 

17. It is worthy of particular notice that 
this custom of excluding improper charac- 
ters from the society of Christians, and of not 
receiving them back except upon full proof 
of reformation, was at first a simple pro- 
cess, or attended with very little formality; 
but by degrees the regulations for it were 
greatly amplified, and deformed by many 
rites borrowed especially from the discipline 
of the pagan mysteries. 2 That it was proper 
for the Christian bishops to increase the 
restraints upon the licentiousness of trans- 
gression, will be readily granted by all who 
consider the circumstances of those times. 
But whether it was for the advantage of 
Christianity to borrow rules for this salu- 
tary ordinance from the enemies of the 
truth, and thus to consecrate, as it were, a 
part of the pagan superstition, many per- 
sons very justly call in question. The more 
candid will appreciate the good intention of 
those who introduced this sort of rules 
and ceremonies ; all beyond this they will 
ascribe to human weakness. 3 

1 In this manner I think wo may reconcile the dif- 
ferent opinions of learned men on this subject. See 
Morin, De Di&ciplina Pienitentite, lih. ix. cap. xix. p. 
670, Sec. Sirmond, Historic Puenitcntio! PublinR, cap. 
i. Onp. torn. iy. p. 323, and the recent Dissertation of 
Orsl, DeCriminumCapitaliiun per Tria Prior a S&cula 
Absolution^ Milan, 1730, 4to. 

2 See Fahricius, Itibliog. Antiq. p. 397 ; Morin, De 
P<eniten. Discip. lib. i. cap. xv. xvi. &c. 

3 It is much to be regretted, that in reviewing the 
history of religion in each century, Mosheim had not 
given a sketch of the vicissitudes of spiritual Chris- 
tianity, and of the influence of real piety and godliness 
on the habits, both of thought and life, of professing 
adherents of the Gospel. He never leads us into the 
trite interior of the Church of Christ, to exhibit the 
mode in which evangelical truth was apprehended by 
Christian minds at different periods, or to depict its 
operation in remodelling individual character, and re- 
proving the domestic or social evils prevalent in each 
successive generation. The historian indeed surveys 
the pulpit, but he never descends into the congregation, 
or visits the family, or inquires among individuals for 
the evidences of an efficacious faith. He draws no suf- 
ficiently distinct line of demarcation between real reli- 
gion and the mere nominal Christianity too prevalent 
in each age ; between spiritual worship and that cum- 
brous ritual which was generally so popular, and so 
rigidly enforced and practised. The Christian reader 
longs to know, not merely whether the technical teach- 
ing of the church was sound and scriptural, but whether 
its value was duly appreciated by the people ; whether 
they received the truth in the love of it," delighted in 
the exercises of a spiritual worship, and sought to adorn 
their fa'th by lives of true self-denial and beneficence. 



1 . IT is certain that to religious worship 
both public and private many rites were 
added, without necessity, and to the great of- 
fence of sober and good men .* The principal 
cause of this I readily look for in the per- 
versenoss of mankind, who are more de- 
lighted with the pomp and splendour. of 
external forms than with the true devotion 
of the heart, and who despise whatever 
does not gratify their eyes and ears. But 
other and additional causes may be men- 
tioned ; which, though they suppose no bad 
design, yet clearly betray indiscretion. 

2, First, there is good reason to suppose 
that the Christian bishops multiplied sacred 
rites for the sake of rendering the Jews and 
the pagans more friendly to them; for both 
had been accustomed to numerous and splen- 
did ceremonies from their infancy, and had 
no doubt that they constituted an essential 
part of religion . And hence, when they saw 
the new religion to be destitute of such 
ceremonies, they thought it too simple and 
therefore despised it. To obviate this ob- 
jection, the rulers of the Christian churches 
deemed it proper for them to be more 
splendid and attractive in their public wor- 
ship. 5 

For information on these points we must look beyond 
the pages of Mosheim ; and a* yet the only source open 
to the English reader is the History of Milner, written, 
it is true, in an excellent spirit, and full of instruction 
on those very topics omitted by Moshoim, but superficial 
and uncritical in all that respects the substance of 
ecclesiastical history prior to the Reformation. I may 
add that the student will find in Woismann's Intro* 
durtio in Mcjnnratnlia Kcr.lcs. Hist. &c. 2 vols. Halle, 
1745, 4to, that union of accuracy, research, and erudi- 
tion, with a just appreciation of spiritual religion, so 
requisite to constitute a suitable history of the Chris- 
tian church. It, 

4 Tertullian, Liber dc Oralione, Opp. p. 129, &c. 
Paris, 1675. 

5 It will not be unsuitable to transcribe here a very 
apposite passage, which I accidentally met with in Oro- 
gory Nyssen's life of Gregory Thaumaturgus. Opera, 
Par. 1638, torn. iii. p. 574. owe&ui' yap &ri Tats cro/xa- 
TIKCUS OujuwjStats Ty nepl TO. et6a>\a 7r\ai/fl Trapa/xlm rb 
j/TjrruoSes T(I>V TToAAow K<xi atralSeuTtav' a> o.v TO Trpotrtjyov- 
IJLWOV re'ws ei/ auTois fxaAura KaropQajBeifi TO^fr 

avr\ rtav fj-arauav fre/3cur/jiaTWi> /JAe'rretv, iira^t^ 
TCUS TUV ayiW fj.apnj(xav fA</>cuSpui'eor0ai /xi^/aa 
nadetv /cat dyaXAea-tfai <os x w * >7r T '' KaT ^ TO a 
TTpos TO erejttj'OTepo'j/ re teat, aKpijS&rrepoy 
vov TOU /Si'ov, Kai Trpbs ittewo Ko07jyov/w,i07S TJ Triorews* 
" When he [Gregory] perceived that the ignorant and 
simple multitude persisted in their idolatry, on account 
of the sensitive pleasures and delights it afforded, he 
allowed them in celebrating the memory of the holy 
martyrs to indulge themselves, and give a loose to 
pleasure, (i. e. as the thing itself, and both what pre- 
cedes and what follows, place beyond all controversy, 
ho allowed them at the sepulchres of the martyrs on 
their feast days to dance, to use sports, to indulge con- 
viviality, and to do all the things that the worshippers 
of idols were accustomed to do in their temples on 
their festival days), hoping that in process of time they 
would spontaneously come over to a more becoming 
and more correct manner of life." (Mosheim had 




3. Secondly, the simplicity of the wor 
ship which Christians offered to the Deity 
had given occasion to certain calumnie, 
spread abroad both by the Jews and the 
pagan priests. The Christians were pro- 
nounced Atheists because they were desti- 
tute of temples, altars, victims, priests, anc 
all that pomp in which the vulgar suppose 
the essence of religion to consist; for unen- 
lightened persons are prone to estimate 
region by what meets their eyes. To 
silence this accusation, the Christian doc- 
tors thought they must introduce some ex- 
ternal rites which would strike the senses 
of people; so that they could maintain that 
they really had all those things of which 
Christians were charged with being desti- 
tute, though under different forms. 

4. Thirdly, it is well known that in the 
books of the New Testament various parts 
of the Christian religion are expressed in 
terms borrowed from the Jewish laws, or 
arc in some measure compared with the 
Mosaic rites. This mode of expression 
the Christian doctors and writers not only 
imitated, but extended still further; and 
in this there was little to censure. But 
in process of time, either from inconsider- 
ation, ^ignorance, or motives of policy, the 
majority maintained that such phraseology 
was not figurative, but accordant with 
the nature of the things, and to be un- 
derstood in its proper sense. The bishop; 
were at first innocently called high priests, 
and the presbyters, priests, and the deacons, 
Levites. But in a little time, those to whom 
these titles were given abused them, and 
maintained that they had the same rank and 
dignity, and possessed the same rights and 
privileges, with those who bore these titles 
under the Mosaic dispensation. Hence the 
origin of first-fruits, and next of tithes; 
hence the splendid garments, and many 
other things. In like manner, the com- 
parison of the Christian oblations with the 
Jewish victims and sacrifices produced many 
unnecessary rites, and in time corrupted 
essentially the doctrine of the Lord's Sup- 
per, which, ere they were aware of it, was 
converted into a sacrifice. 

5. Fourthly, among the Greeks and the 
people of the east, nothing was held more 
sacred than what were called the Mysteries. 
This circumstance led the Christians, in 
order to impart dignity to their religion, 
to say that they also had similar mysteries, 
or certain holy rites concealed from the vul- 
gar; and they not only applied the terms 

quoted only the Latin version by Vossius. I have pre- 
ferred giving the original ; but I have not disturbed tho 

? n f J lL tr , a S on of the I )as8a se as previously given 
by Murdock. xt. 

used in the pagan mysteries to the Chris- 
tian institutions, particularly baptism and 
the Lord's Supper, but they gradually in- 
troduced also the rites which were designated 
t>y those terms. l This practice originated 
in the eastern provinces ; and thence, after 
the times of Adrian (who first introduced 
the Grecian mysteries among the Latins), 8 
it spread among the Christians of the west. 
A large part therefore of the Christian ob- 
servances and institutions, even in this cen- 
tury, had the aspect of the pagan mysteries. 

6. Fifthly, many ceremonies took their 
rise from the custom of the Egyptians and 
of almost all the eastern nations, of convey- 
ing instruction by images, actions, and sen- 
sible signs and emblems. The Christian 
doctors therefore thought it would be ad- 
vantageous to the cause of Christianity to 
place the truths which are necessary to be 
known in order to salvation, as it were, 
before the eyes of the unreflecting multi- 
tude, who with difficulty contemplate ab- 
stract truths. The new converts were to 
be taught that those are born again who 
are initiated by baptism into the Christian 
worship, and that they ought to exhibit in 
their conduct the innocence of little in- 
fants; therefore milk and honey, the common 
food of infants, were administered to them. 
Those who obtained admission to the king- 
dom of Christ, from being the servants of 
the devil, became the Lord's freed men, 
and like newly enlisted soldiers swore to 
obey their commander. And to signify this, 
certain rites were borrowed from military 
usages and from the forms of manumission. 3 

7. Lastly, not to be tedious, whoever 
considers that the Christians were collected 
from among the Jews and from the pagan 
nations, who were accustomed, from their 
earliest years, to various ceremonies and 
superstitious rites, and that the habits of 

1 Examples are given by Casaubon, Exercit xvi. in 
Annales Baronii, p. 388; Tollius, Insignia Itineris 
Ttalici, Notes, 151163; Spanheim, Notes to Ms French 
Translation qf Julian's Ccesars, pages 133,134; Clark- 

son, Discourse on Liturgies, pages 36, 42, 43, and others. 

2 Spartianus, Hadrian, cap. xiii. p. 15, ed. Obrechti. 
.Spartian speaks only of the Eleusinian Mysteries, into 
which Adrian was initiated at Athens. These it may 

>e that Adrian first introduced among the Latins ; yet 
he was not the first Roman initiated in them. That 
some mysteries had before this time been introduced 
nto the Roman worship, appears from the Epistles of 
Cicero to Jtticus, lib. v. 21, end; lib. vi. 1, end; lib. 
xv. 25. Gronovius, indeed, understands these (mysteria 
Romana) to be the worship of the goddess Bona Dca. 
See his. Observ. lib. iv. cap. ix. But on this worship 
no male person might attend ; and I see not why Cicero 
hould inquire so particularly of his friend (as he does) 
ibout the time of these mysteries, if they were nothing 
)ut the worship of a deity in which none but females 
ver bore any part.- Schl. 

3 See Merill,0tomwrfmer,lib. ili. cap. iii. [ Schwartz, 
t)e Ritibus quibusdam FormtUisque a Manumissione ad 
S.Baptimnum translate, Altorf, 1738; and Zentgrav, 
De Ritibtu HaptismaKbtu StecuH Sccimdi, Jena, 1749. 

CHAP, iv.] 


early life are very hard to be laid aside, 
will perceive that it would have been little 
short of a miracle, if nothing corrupt and 
debasing had found its. way into the Chris- 
tian church. For example, nearly all the 
people of the east, before the Christian era, 
were accustomed to worship with their faces 
directed towards the sun rising; for they 
all believed that God, whom they supposed 
to resemble light, or rather to be light, and 
whom they limited as to place, had his resi- 
dence in that part of the heavens where the 
sun rises. When they became Christians 
they rejected, indeed, the erroneous belief; 
but the custom which originated from it, 
and was very ancient and universally pre- 
valent, they retained. Nor to this hour 
has it been wholly laid aside. From the 
same cause many Jewish rites originated, 
which are still religiously maintained by 
many Christians, and especially by those 
who live in eastern countries. 1 

8. The rites themselves I shall state only 
summarily; for this extensive subject de- 
serves to be considered by itself, and can- 
not be fully discussed in the narrow limits 
of our work. The Christians assembled for 
the worship of God in private dwelling- 
houses, in caves, and in the places where 
the dead were buried. They met on the 
first day of the week, and here and there 
also on the seventh day, which was the 
Jewish Sabbath. Most of them likewise 
held sacred the fourth and sixth, the for- 
mer being the day on which our Saviour 
was betrayed, and the latter that on which 
he was crucified. The hours of the day 
allotted to those meetings varied according 
to times and circumstances ; most of them 
could assemble only in the evening, or in 
the morning before the dawn of day. When 
the Christians were assembled, prayers were 
recited (the purport of which Tertullian 
gives us), 2 the holy Scriptures were read, 8 
short discourses on Christian duties were 
addressed to the people, hymns were sung, 
and at last the Lord's supper and the love- 
feasts were celebrated, the oblations of the 
people affording them the materials. 4 

1 See Spencer, Da Lcgibus liitualibus Ebrteor. Prolc- 
gom, p. 9, ed. Cantab, and all those who have explained 
the rites and usages of the oriental Christians. 

2 Tertullian, Apologeticum, cap. xxxix. 

3 That other religious books besides the canonical 
Scriptures were read in several churches, appears from 
Euscbius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. 23, and lib. iii. 3 ; who 
informs us that the first Epistle of Clement and that 
of Soter, Bishops of Rome, were publicly read in the 
Church of Corinth, as was the Shepfard of Hermas> in 
very many churches. Mur. 

4 Pliny (Epistda, lib. x. Ep. xcvii.) gives some ac- 
count of the public worship of the Christians in the 
beginning of this century; and Justin Martyr, near the 
close of that Apology which he presented to Antoninus 
Plus, A.D. 150, gives the following more full and au- 
thentic account: " On the day which is called Sun- 

9. The Christians of this century conse- 
crated anniversary festivals in memory 6f 
the Saviour's death and resurrection, and 
of the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the 
apostles. The day in remembrance of 
Christ's dying and expiating the sins of 
men was called the Passover, because they 
supposed that Christ was crucified on the 
same day in which the Jews kept their Pass- 
over. But in observing this festival, the 
Christians of Asia Minor differed from other 
Christians, and especially from those of 
Rome. Both fasted during what was called 
the great week, that on which Christ died; 3 
and in remembrance of the last supper of 
our Saviour, they held a sacred feast or ate 
the paschal lamb, just as the Jews did; 
which feast, as well as the time of Christ's 
death, they denominated the Passover. Now 
the Asiatic Christians held their paschal 
feast on the fourteenth day, or full moon, 
of the first Jewish month, which was the 
very time on which the Jews ate their Pass- 
over ; and on the third day after this sup- 
per, they kept the memorial of Christ's 
triumphs over death, or of his resurrection. 
This custom they said they had received 
from the apostles John and Philip; and 
they moreover supported it by the example 
of Christ himself, who celebrated his pas- 
chal feast at the same time with the Jews. 
But the other Christians put off their Pass- 
over, that is, their paschal feast, until the 
evening preceding the festal day sacred to 
Christ's resurrection, and thus connected 

day, all, whether dwelling jn the towns or in tho vil- 
lages, hold meetings ; and the Memoirs (djrop.vrjijLOvev- 
/xara) of the apostles, and the writings of the pro- 
phets are read as much as the time will permit ; then 
the reader closing, the president in a speech exhorts 
and excites to an imitation of those excellent examples ; 
then we all rise and pour forth united prayers; and 
when wo close our prayer, as was before said, bread is 
brought forward, and wine, and water; and the presi- 
dent utters prayers and thanksgivings according to 
his ability (cor// Svi/a/xis avrw), and tho people respond 
by saying amen ; and a distribution and participa- 
tion of the things blessed takes place to each one 
present, and to those absent it is sent by the deacons. 
And those who are prosperous and willing give what 
they choose, each according to his own pleasure; and 
what is collected is deposited with the president, and 
ho carefully relieves the orphans and widows, and those 
who from sickness or other causes are needy, and also 
those in prison, and the strangers who are residing with 
us, and in short all that have need of help. Wo all 
commonly hold our assemblies on Sunday, because it 
is the first day on which God converted the darkness 
and matter and framed tho world ; and Jesus Christ our 
Saviour on the same day arose from the dead." Justin 
makes no mention here of singing as a part of the pub- 
lic worship of Christians ; but Pliny in his Epistle as- 
sures us" Quod cssent soliti stato die ante lucein 
convenire; carmenque Christo quasi Deo, dicere tecum 
inuicem;" and both the New Testament and all anti- 
quity recognise singing as a part of Christian worship. 
Mur. [A similar but, in some respects, a more de- 
tailed account of primitive worship is given by Tertul* 
lian in his Apology, chap, xxxix. R. 

6 On this point there was great diversity. See Ire- 
ftffius, in Eusebius, Hist. Ecclet. lib. v. p. 24 Mur. 



[PART 11. 

* the memorial of Christ's death with that 
of his resurrection ; and they cited Pete: 
and Paul as authors of their custom. 

10. The Asiatio custom of celebrating 
the Passover had two great inconveniences 
which appeared intolerable to the other 
Christians, and especially to the Romans. 
First, by holding their sacred feast on the 
very day on which they supposed Christ 
ate the paschal lamb with his disciples, they 

i interrupted the fast of the great week, which 
I appeared to the other Christians to fall lit- 
tle short of a crime. Again, as they always 
kept the memorial of Christ's rising from 
j the dead on the third day after their pas- 
I chal supper, it unavoidably happened that 
they more commonly kept on some other 
day of the week than the first or Sunday, 
j culled the Lord's day, the festival of Christ's 
resurrection, which in after times was called, 
and is now called, the Passover [Pascha, 
or Easter.] Now the greater part of the 
Christians deemed it wrong to consecrate 
any other day than the Lord's day in re- 
membrance of Christ's resurrection. Hence 
great contention frequently arose from this 
difference between the Asiatic and the 
other Christians. In the reign of Antoni- 
nus Pius about the middle of this century, 
Anicetus Bishop of Rome, and Polycarp 
Bishop of Smyrna, discussed this subject 
with great care at Koine. But the Asiatics 
could not be induced by any considerations 
to give up their custom, which they believed 
to be handed down to them from St. John. 

1 1 . Near the close of the century, Victor, 
Bishop of Rome, was of opinion that the 
Asiatic Christians ought to be compelled 
by laws and decrees to follow the rule 
adopted by the greater part of the Chris- 
tian world. Accordingly after ascertaining 
the opinions of foreign bishops, he sent an 
imperious letter to the Asiatic bishops, ad- 
monishing them to follow the example of 
other Christians in observing Easter. They 
replied with spirit by Poly crates, Bishop of 
Ephesus, that they would riot depart from 
the holy institution of their ancestors. Ir- 
ritated by this decision, Victor excluded 
them from his communion and from that 
of his church (not from that of the univer- 
sal church, which he had not power to do); 
that is, ho pronounced them unworthy to 
be called his brethren. The progress of 
this schism was checked by Irenasus, Bishop 
of Lyons, in letters wisely composed, di- 
rected to Victor and others, and by the 
Asiatic bishops, who wrote a lon<* letter in 
their own justification. And thus both 
parties retained their respective customs, 

Eusebius, Hist. Ecctet. lib. iv. cap. xiv. and lib. T. 
cap. xxiv. 

until the council of Nice, in the fourth cen- 
tury, abrogated the Asiatic usages. 8 

12. When the Christians celebrated the 
Lord's supper, which they were accustomed 
to do chiefly on Sundays, they consecrated 
a part of the bread and wine of the obla- 
tions by certain prayers uttered by the 
bishop of the congregation. The wine was 
mixed with water, and the bread was divided 
into small pieces. Portions of the conse- 
crated bread and wine were commonly 
sent to the absent and the sick, in testimony 
of fraternal affection towards them. 3 There 
is much evidence that this most holy rite 
was regarded as necessary to the attainment 
of salvation ; and I therefore dare not accuse 
of error those who believe that the sacred 
supper was in this century given to in- 
flints. 4 Of the love-feasts, the notice be- 
fore given may be sufficient. 

13. Twice a-year, namely, at Easter and 
Whitsuntide 5 (Paschatis et Pentecostes die- 
bus), ^baptism was publicly administered by 
the bishop, or by the presbyters acting by 
his command and authority. The candi- 
dates for it were immersed wholly in water, 
with invocation of the sacred Trinity, ac- 
cording to the Saviour's precept, after they 
had repeated what they called the Creed 
(Symbolum}, and had renounced all their 
sins and transgressions, and especially the 
devil and his pomp. The baptized were 
signed with the cross, anointed, commended 
to God by prayer and imposition of hands, 
and finally directed to taste some milk and 
honey. 6 The reasons for these ceremonies 
must be sought in what has already been 
said respecting the causes of the ceremonies. 
Adults were to prepare their minds ex- 
pressly by prayers, fasting, and other de- 
votional exercises. Sponsors or godfathers 
were, as I apprehend, first employed for 
adults and afterwards for children. 7 

2 What is here stated briefly is more fully explained 
in my Comment, (le Reb. Christ, ante C.M.'p. 435, &c 
I there said, p. 439, that Fuydit saw the mistake in the 
common accounts of this controversy. But my memory 
failed me. On consulting the book, I find that he treats 
of the controversy indeed, but ho misunderstood the 
precise subject of it. The venerable Heumann's tract 
on this controversy is republisbed in the Syf/oge of his 
minor works. [Moshcim thinks that many writers 
have mistaken the points at issue, from not distinguish- 
ing between the ancient and the more modern applica- 
tion of the term Passover or Easter. See Neandcr, Kir- 
changes, pt. ii. p. 617; Prideaux, Connection, pt. ii, b. v 
aim. 162; Baillet, Hist, dcs Pastes, p. 9. Mur. 

3 See Rixner, De Ritibus Vctcrum Christ' anor. circa 
Eucharistiam, p. 155, &c. [and note 4, in the preceding 
page. Mur. 

4 See Mayer, De Eucharistia Infantum ; and Zornius, 
Historia Eucharistia! Infantum, Berol. 1?36, 8vo. 

See T ertullian ' De Vaptismo, cap. xix. Oper<r,p. 232; 
Wall, History of Infant Baptism, vol. i. pages 277, 279; 
Vicecomes, De Ritilus Jlaptismi, Paris, 1G18, 8vo. 

6 See especially Tertullian, De Kaptismo [and re- 
specting the honey and mijk, Tertullian, De Corona: aud 

Clemens Alex. Ptedag. Jib. i. cap. vi Schl. 

Soe Van Mastricht, De Susceptotibus Infantium ex 

CRAP, v.] 





I . AMONG the Christian sects which arose 
in this century, the first place is due to 
those Jewish Christians whose zeal for the 
Mosaic law severed them from the other 
believers in Christ. 1 The rise of this sect 
took place in the reign of Adrian. For 
when this emperor had wholly destroyed 
Jerusalem a second time, and enacted se- 
vere laws against the Jews, the greater part 
of the Christians living in Palestine, in order 
not to be confounded as they had been with 
Jews, laid aside the Mosaic ceremonies, and 
chose one Mark, who was a foreigner and 
not a Jew, for their bishop. This proce- 
dure was very offensive to those among 
them whose attachment to the Mosaic rites 
was too strong to be eradicated. They 
therefore separated from their brethren, 
and formed a distinct society in Pcrrea, a 
part of Palestine, and in the neighbouring 
regions ; and among them the Mosaic law 
retained all its dignity unimpaired. 2 

Baptism, edit. 2d, Frank f. 1727, 4to. He thinks spon- 
sors wore used lor children and not for adults, p. 15. 
Sue also Wall, Hist, of Infant Baptism, vol. i. pages Gy, 
474, c. [The manner of receiving now converts into 
the churches, about the year 150, is thus minutely de- 
scribed by Justin Martyr, in his (so called) second Apo- 
loifif, towards the conclusion: " In what manner wo 
dedicate ourselves to God, after being renewed by Christ, 
wo will now explain, lest by omitting this wo should 
seem to dissemble in our statement. Those who believe 
and are persuaded that the things we teach and incul- 
cate are true, and who profess ability thus to live, are 
directed to pray, with fasting, and to ask of God the 
forgiveness of their former sins ; we also fasting and 
praying with them. Then we conduct them to a place 
where there is water, and they are regenerated [bap- 
tized] ; for they receive a washing with water, in the 
name of the Father of all, the Lord God, and of our 
Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit. For 
Christ said, 'Except ye bo regenerated, ye shall not 
enter into tho kingdom of heaven.' " " This washing 
is likewise called illumination ; because tho minds of 
those who have learned these things are enlightened; 
and whoever is enlightened is washed in the name of 
Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate; 
and in the name of the Holy Spirit, who, by tho pro- 
phets, foretold all that relates to Christ." "And after 
thus washing tho convinced and consenting person, we 
conduct him to where the brethren, as we call them, 
are assembled ; and there offer our united supplications 
with earnestness, both for ourselves and for the en- 
lightened person, and for all others everywhere; that 
wo may conduct ourselves as becomes those who have 
received the truth, and by our deeds prove ourselves 
good citizens, and observers of what is commanded us, 
so that we may be saved with an eternal salvation ; and 
on ending our prayers wo salute each other with a kiss." 
Justin Martyr then describes tho administration of the 
Lord's Supper. Mur. 

1 Tho origin, names, and diversity of opinion of this 
class of sects,* are well stated by Neander, Kirchcngcsch. 
vol. i. part ii. pages 603 G2G. Mur. 

2 See Sulpitius Sevorus, Historic* Sacri, lib. ii. cap. 
xxxi. p. 245, fee. [p. 381, ed. Ilornli, 1657. He says, 
" Adrian stationed a regiment of soldiers as a constant 
guard to prevent all Jews from entering Jerusalem ; 
which was advantageous to the Christian faith; be- 
cause at that time nearly all (the Jewish Christians) 

2. This body of people, who would unite 
Moses and Christ, was again divided into 
two classes, differing widely in their opi- 
nions and customs, the Nazarenes and the 
Ebionites. The former are not reckoned 
by the ancient Christians among heretics, 8 
but the latter are placed among those sects 
which subverted the foundations of religion. 
Both sects used a history of Christ or a 
Gospel, which was different from our Gos- 
pels. 4 Tho word Nazarene was not the 
name of a sect, but was equivalent to tho 
word Christian. For those who bore tho 
title of Christians among the Greeks were 
among the Jews called Nazarenes, which 
they did not esteem as a name of disgrace. 
Those who, aflcr their separation from 
their brethren, retained this original name 
imposed on the disciples of Christ by the 
Jews, believed Christ to be born of a vir- 
gin, and to be in some way united with 
the divine nature. And although they 
would not discard the ceremonies prescribed 
by Moses, yet they would not obtrude 
them upon the Gentile Christians. They 
moreover rejected the additions made to 
tho Mosaic ritual by the doctors of tho law 
and the Pharisees. 5 It is therefore easy to 
see why the other Christians in general 
judged more favourably of them. 

3. Whether the Ebionites derived their 
name from a man [called Ebion], or were 
so denominated on account of their poverty 
either in regard to property or sentiment, 
is uncertain/' But they were much worse 
than the Naxarenes. For though they sup- 
posed Christ to be an ambassador of God 
and endowed with divine power, yet they 
conceived him to bo a man, born in tho 
ordinary course of nature, the son of Joseph 
and Mary. They maintained that the cere- 
monial law of Moses must be observed, not 
by the Jews only, but by all who wished 

believed in Christ as God, yet with an observance of tho 
law." A/wr. 

a The first that ranked tho Nazarenes among the 
heretics, was Epiphanius, a writer of tho fourth cen- 
tury, of no great fidelity or accuracy of judgment. 
[Neander, Kircfiengesch. vol. i. part ii. pages 6*19, 0*20, 
thinks tho Nazarcnes, described by Epiphanius, were 
descendants of the Ebionites, who had now imbibed 
some Gnostic principles. Tho names Ebionites and 
Nazarcnes are often confounded, both by ancients and 
moderns. Mur. 

4 See Fabricius, Codex Apocryph. N. T. torn. I. p. 
355, &c. and Mosheim, l-'indicite, contra Tolandi Naza- 
renum, p. 112, &c. [Jones on the Canon of the New 
Text. vol. i. and the authors of Introductions to the 
New Test. Mur. [And Bible Dictionaries. 7i. 

& See Le Quien's A dnota lionet ad Damauxnum, 
torn. i. p. 82, 83, and his Diss. de Nazarenis et eorurn 
Fide, which is the seventh of his Dissertations sub- 
joined to his edition of the Opera Damasceni. [ Walch, 
Hist, dcr Katzer. vol. i. p. 101, &c.- Schl. 

See Fabricius, Ad Philastr. de Harerilnu, p. 81. 
Tttig, De UcercsibuiJEoi Apoatoloci. [Also note on cent 
i. part ii. chap. v. p. 50, and Neander, Kirchengesch. 
vol. i. part ii. p. 612, &c Mur. 



[PART u. 

to obtain salvation; and therefore St. Paul, 
that strenuous opposer of the law, they 
viewed with abhorrence. Nor were they 
satisfied with the mere rites which Moses 
appointed, but observed with equal vene- 
ration the superstitious rites of their an- 
cestors, and tne customs of the Pharisees 
which were added to the law. l 

4. These little and obscure sects were not 
very detrimental to the Christian cause. 
Much greater disturbance was produced by 
those whose founders explained the doc- 
trines of Christianity agreeably to the pre- 
cepts of the oriental philosophy respecting 
the origin of evil. These latter sects, con- 
cealed and unnoticed previously to this cen- 
tury, came. forth from their obscurity during 
the reign of Adrian, 2 and gathered churches 
of considerable magnitude in various coun- 
tries. A long catalogue of these semi-Chris- 
tian sects might be gathered out of the 
writings of the ancients ; but of the greater 
part of them we know no more than their 
names, and perhaps some of them differed 
only in name from each other. Those which 
acquired notoriety beyond others may be 
divided into two classes. The first class 
originated in Asia, and maintained the phi- 
losophy of the east in regard to the origin 
of the universe (if I may so say) pure and 
uncorrupt: the other class, founded among 
the Egyptians and by the Egyptians, mingled 
with that philosophy many monstrous opi- 
nions and principles current in Egypt. The 
systems of the former were more simple and 
intelligible ; those of the latter were much 
more complicated and more difficult of ex- 

5. In the Asiatic class, the first place 
seems to belong to Elxai, a Jew, who is said 
to have founded the sect of the Elcesaites 
in the reign of Trajan. Though he was a 
Jew, and worshipped one God, and revered 
Moses, yet he corrupted the religion of his 
fathers by many false notions derived from 
the philosophy and superstition of the ori- 
entals; and after the example of the Esse- 
nes, expounded the Mosaic law according 
to the dictates of reason, or in other words 

made it an allegory. But Epiphanius, who 
had read one of Elxai's books, acknowledges 
himself in doubt whether the Elcesaites 
should be reckoned among the Christian 
sects or among the Jewish. In his book 
Elxai mentions Christ, and speaks honour- 
ably of him ; but he does not explain him- 
self so as to make it manifest whether Jesus 
of Nazareth was the Christ of whom he 
speaks. 3 

6. If Elxai be not reckoned, Saturninus 
of Antioch will justly stand at the head of 
this class ; at least he lived earlier than all 
the other Gnostic heresiarchs. He supposed 
two first causes of all things, the good God, 
and matter; the latter evil in its nature and 
subject to a Lord. The world and the first 
men were created by seven angels, that is, 
by the rulers of the seven planets, with- 
out the knowledge of God, and against the 
will of the Lord of matter. But God ap- 
proved of the work when it was completed, 
imparted rational souls to the men who be- 
fore had only animal life, and divided the | 
entire world into seven parts, which he sub- 
jected to the seven creators, of whom the 
God of the Jews was one, reserving, how- 
ever, the supreme power to himself. To 
these good men, that is, men possessed of 
wise and good souls, the Lord of matter 
opposed another sort of men, to whom he 
imparted a malignant soul. And hence the 
great difference between good and bad men. 
After the creators of the world had revolted 
from the supreme God, he sent down Christ 
from heaven clothed, not with a real body, 
but with the shadow of one, that in ourjworld 
he might destroy the kingdom of the Lord 
of matter, and point out to the good souls 
the way of returning back to God. But 
this way is a hard and difficult one. For 
the souls that would ascend to God after the 
dissolution of the body must abstain from 
flesh, wine, marriage, and from all things 
which either exhilarate the body or delight 
the senses. Saturninus taught in Syria, 
which was his native country, and especially 
at Antioch ; and he drew many after him 
by his great show of virtue. 4 

1 Trenaeus, Contra lltertw*, Jib. 1. cap. xxvi. Epi- 
phanius treats largely of the Ebionitcs in MzPanarium, 
hjcres. xxx. But he is worthy of no credit ; for ho ac- 
knowledges (sec. itt. p. 127, and sec. xiv. p. 141), that 
ho has joined the Sampsons and the Elcesaites with the 
Ebionites, and that the first Ebionites did not hold the 
errors which he attributes to the sect. [The correct- 
ness of Epiphanius, as a historian, is often called in 
question ; and perhaps justly. But if the term Ebion- 
itcs designated a variety of minor sects, all of them 
Jewish Christians, and if some of these sects had in 
the fourth century imbibed Gnostic sentiments, un- 
known to the original Ebionites, then Epiphanius may 
here be entirely correct, which others suppose to be the 
fact. See Neander, as cited above, Noto 3 Mur. 

2 Clemens Alex. Stromnt. lib. vii. cap. xvii. p. 808. 
Cyprian, Kpist. Ixxv. p. 144. and others. 

3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccks. lib. vi. cap. 38; Epiphanius 
Hares, xix. sec. 3, p. 41; Theodoret, Fnbul. liter ft. 
lib. ii. cap % vii. p. 221. [Of these Elcesaites, who were 
also called Sampsimns, everything afforded by antiquity 
that is important has been collected by Walch, Hist, der 
Ketxer. vol. i. p. 587, &c. He justly accounts them en- 
thusiasts. Schl. 

4 Irenreus, lib. i. cap. xxiv.; Euseb. Hist. Fed. lib. 
iv. cap. vii.; Epiphan. Hares, xxiii.; Thoodoret, Fabul. 
Hcerct. lib. i. cap. ii. and the other writers on the here- 
sies [Among the modern writers, see Mosheim, J)e 
Reb. Christ. &c. p. 336, &c. ; Walch, Hist, der Ketxer. 
vol.i. p. 274, &c.; Jttig, De Harestarcfm, 
cap. i. ; Tillemont, Memoires pour sermr d I Htstoire 
dt> fEL'lise, tomeii. p. 215, and Neander, Rirchengetch. 
vol. i. part ii. p. 759, &c. Mur. 

CHAP, v.] 



7. In the same class of Asiatic Gnostics 
must be placed Cento, a Syrian, and Mar- 
cion, the son of a bishop of Pontus. The 
history of these men is obscure and uncer- 
tain. It appears, however, that they began 
to establish their sect at Rome ; that Cerdo 
taught his principles there before the arri- 
val of Marcion ; that Marcion, failing to 
obtain some office in the church at Rcfme, 
in consequence of some misconduct, joined 
the party of Cerdo, and with great success 
propagated their tenets over the world. In 
the manner of the orientals, Marcion taught 
that there are two first causes of all Brings, 
the one perfectly good, the other perfectly 
evil. Intermediate between these two dei- 
ties, ranks the Architect of this lower world, 
whom men worship, and who was the God 
and the Lawgiver of the Jews ; he is neither 
perfectly good nor perfectly evil, but of a 
mixed nature, or, as Marcion expressed it, 
he is just; and therefore he can dispense 
punishments as well as rewards. The evil 
deity and the Creator of the world are 
perpetually at war. Each wishes to bo 
worshipped as God, and to subject the in- 
habitants of the whole world to himself. 
The Jews are the subjects of the Creator of 
the world, who is a very powerful spirit ; 
the other nations which worship many 
gods, are subjects of the evil deity. Each 
is an oppressor of rational souls and holds 
them in bondage. In order, therefore, to 
put an end to this war, and give freedom 
to the souls which are of divine origin, the 
supreme God sent among the Jews Jesus 
Christ, who is of a nature very similar to 
himself, or his Son, clothed with the appear- 
ance or shadow of a body, which would 
render him visible, with commission to 
destroy both the kingdom of the world's 
Creator and that of the evil deity, and to 
invite souls back to God. He was assailed 
both by the prince of darkness and by the 
God of the Jews, or tlio world's Creator; 
but they were unable to hurt him, because 
he had only the appearance of a body. Who- 
ever will abstract their minds, according 
to his prescriptions, from all sensible ob- 
jects, and renouncing as well the laws of 
the God of the Jews as those of the prince 
of darkness, will turn wholly to the supreme 
God, and at the same time subdue and mor- 
tify their bodies by Aisting and other means, 
shall after death ascend to the celestial 
mansions. The moral discipline which Mar- 
cion prescribed to his followers was, as the 
nature of the system required, very austere 
and rigorous. For he condemned marriage, 
wine, flesh, and whatever is grateful and 
pleasant to the body. Marcion had nu- 
merous followers, among whom Lucan o^ 

Lucian, Severus, Blastes, and others, but 
especially Apellcs, are said to have deviated 
in some respects from the opinions of their 
master, and to have established new sects. l 

S. Bardesanes and Tatian are commonly 
but erroneously supposed to have been of 
the school of Valentinus the Egyptian ; for 
their systems differ in many respects from 
that of the Valentinians, and come nearer 
to the oriental principle of two first causes 
of all things. Bardesanes was a Syrian of 
Edessa, a man of great acumen, and dis- 
tinguished for his many learned produc- 
tions. Seduced by his attachment to the 
oriental philosophy, he placed in opposition 
to the supreme God, who is absolute good- 
ness, a prince of darkness who is the au- 
thor of all evil. The supreme God created 
the world free from all evil, and formed men 
possessed of celestial souls and of subtile 
ethereal bodies. But when the prince of 
darkness had induced these first men to sin, 
God permitted the author of all evil to in- 
close men in gross bodies formed out of 
sinful matter, and also to corrupt the world 
that men might suffer for the iniquity they 
had committed. Hence the struggle be- 
tween reason and concupiscence in man. 
Jesus therefore descended from the celestial 
regions, clothed not with a real but with 
a celestial and ethereal body, and taught 
men to subdue their depraved bodies, and to 
free themselves from the bondage of vicious 
matter by abstinence, by meditation, and 
by fasting ; and whoever will do so, on the 
dissolution of the body, shall ascend to the 
mansions of the blessed, clothed in their 
ethereal vehicles or their celestial bodies. 
Bardosanes afterwards returned to sounder 
sentiments, but his sect long survived in 
Syria/ 2 

9. Tatian, by birth an Assyrian, a dis- 
tinguished and learned man and disciple 
of Justin Martyr, wns more noted among the 
ancients for his austere moral principles, 
which were rigid beyond measure, than for 
the speculative errors or dogmas which he 

1 Besides the common writers on the heresies, as Ire- 
nams, Epiphanius, Theodoret, Kc. see Tertullian's five 
liookt against Marcion; the Poem agninxt Marcion, 
also in live books, which is ascribed to Tertullian ; and 
the Dialogue agaimt'thv Martionitcs, which is ascribed 
to Origcn. Among the modern writers, see Massuet, 
the editor of lrena?us, Tillemont, Beuusobre, Hittoira 
du Manicheisnie, tome ii. p. C9, &c.; Walch, lint, der 
Kctxer. vol. i. pages 484537; Mosheim, De Rub. 
Christ. &c. pag. 441 410 ; Neander, Kirchcnges. vol. i. 
part ii. pages 779807. Mur. 

2 Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. xxx. and the wri- 
ters on the ancient heresies. Origen, Dial, contra Mar- 
cionitas, sec. iii. p. 70, ed. Wetstein ; Strunzius, ///.*- 
toria llftrdcscinis el Bardemnwtar. \f\\tenfo. 1722, 4to; 
Beausobre, Hist, du Manic.heitmp,, vol. il. p. 128, &c. 
[Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 394, &c.; Walch, 
Hist, dar Ketzer. vol. i. pages 407424 ; Neander, A'ir- 
chengvich. vol. i. part ii. p. 743, &c. Mur. 


[PART 11. 

proposed as articles of faith to his followers. 
Y"et it appears from credible witnesses that 
ho held matter to be the source of all evil, 
and therefore recommended the abhorrence 
and the mortification of the body; that he 
supposed the Creator of the world and the 
true God were not one and the same being ; 
that he denied to our Saviour a real body ; 
and corrupted Christianity with other doc- 
trines of the oriental philosophers. His 
followers, who were numerous, were some- 
times called from him Tatiani or Tatian- 
ists, but more frequently were designated 
by names indicative of their austere morals. 
For, as they discarded all the external com- 
forts and conveniences of life, and held wine 
in such abhorrence as to use mere water ir 
the Lord's Supper, fasted rigorously, and 
lived in celibacy, they were denominated 
Encratitad or abstainers, Hydroparastata? 
or water-drinkers, and Apotactatae or re- 
nounccrs. 1 

10. The Gnostics of the Egyptian class 
differed from those of the Asiatic, by com- 
bining the oriental with Egyptian philoso- 
phy, and more especially in the following 
particulars: 1. Although they supposed 
matter to be eternal and also animated, yet 
they did not recognise an eternal prince of 
darkness and of mutter, or the malignant 
deity of the Persians. 2. They generally 
considered Christ our Saviour as consisting 
of two persons the man Jesus, and the Son 
of God or Christ ; and the latter, the divine 
person, they supposed entered into Jesus 
the man, when he was baptized in Jordan 
by John, and parted from him when he 
was made a prisoner by the Jews. 3. They 
attributed to Christ a real and not an ima- 
ginary body, though they were not all of 
one sentiment on this point. 4. They pre- 
scribed to their followers a much milder 
system of moral discipline ; nay, they seemed 
to give precepts which favoured the cor- 
rupt propensities of men. 

11. Among the Egyptian Gnostics, the 
first place is commonly assigned to .Basilides 
of Alexandria. lie maintained that the 
supreme and all-perfect God produced from 
himself seven most excellent beings or 

1 The only work of Tatian whfch has reached us is 
his Ora.Ho ad Grtfcos. His opinions are spoken of by 
Clemens Alex. Strom, lib. Hi. p. 4GO ; Epiphanius, 
Ultras, xlvl. cap. i. p. 301 ; Origen, De Oratione, eap. 
xiii. p. 77, ed. Oxon. and by others of the ancients ; 
but no one of them has attempted to delineate his sys- 
tem. [Of the moderns, see Walch, Hist, far Kctzer. 
vol. i. pages 445 447, and Neander, Kirchengnch. vol. 
i. part ii. pages 762766. It should bo remembered 
that the names Encratites, stpotactite* ('KyKparlrat 
ATRJTCIKTOI), were applied to all the austere sects ; so 
that though all Tatianists were Encratites, yet all En- 
cratites were not Tatianists. 3/tr. [See also Hitter, 
Gfschichte dor Christ. Philvt. Hamb. 1841, vol. i. p. 
328, &c. R. 

. Two of the JEons, namely, Dynamis 
and Sophia (Power and Wisdom), procre- 
ated the angels of the highest order. Those 
angels built for themselves a residence or 
heaven, and produced other angels of a na- 
ture a little inferior. Other generations of an- 
gels succeeded and other heavens were built, 
until there were three hundred and sixty- 
five heavens, and as many orders of angels ; 
that is, just as many as there are days in a 
year. Over all these heavens and angelic 
orders there is a Prince or Lord, whom 
Basilides called Abraxas ; a word which was 
doubtless in use among the Egyptians be- 
fore Basilides, and which, when written in 
Greek, contains letters that together make up 
the number 365; that is, the number of the 
heavens. 2 The inhabitants of the lowest 
heaven contiguous to eternal matter, which 
is an animated and malignant substance, 
formed a design of constructing a world out 
of that disorderly mass and of fabricating 
men. God approved the work when it was 
finished, and gave rational souls to the 
men whom the angels had formed, whereas 
before they had only sensitive souls ; he 
also gave to the angels dominion over men. 
The Prince of these angels chose the Jewish 
nation for his subjects and gave them a 
law by Moses. The other angels presided 
over other nations. 

12. The angels who created and go- 
verned the world gradually became corrupt; 
and they not only laboured to obliterate 

2 A great number of gems still exist, and quantities 
of thorn are daily brought to us from Egypt, on which, 
besides other figures of Egyptian device, the word 
Abraxas is engraved. See Jo. Macarius, Abraxas seu 
d<- Gcmmis liasilidianis Disquisitio, enlarged by Jo. 
Chiflet, ed. Antwerp, 1657, 4to, Bern, de Montfaucon, 
P(ilfograj)h. Grtfca, lib. ii. eap. viii. p. 177, &c. and 
others. Learned men almost universally think those 
gems originated from Basilides ; and hence they are 
called gemniif Basilidiana;. But very many of them 
exhibit marks of the most degrading superstition, such 
as cannot bo attributed even to a semi-Christian ; and 
likewise manifest insignia of the Egyptian religion. 
They cannot all therefore be attributed to Basilides, 
who, though he held many errors, yet worshipped 
Christ. Those only must refer to him which bear some 
marks of Christianity. The word Abraxas was unques- 
tionably used by the ancient Egyptians, and appropri- 
ated to the Lord of the heavens ; which Basilides re- 
tained from the philosophy and religion of his country. 
See Beausobre, Ilistoire du Manicheisme, torn. ii. p. SI ; 
1'a.sseri, Disg. de Gemmis JJasilidianis, in his splendid 
work, De Gcmmis Stelliferis, torn. ii. p. 221, &c, cd. 
Florcnt. 1750, fol. ; Jablonskl, De Nominis Abraxas 
Signification?, in the Mucellan. Lipsicns. Nova, torn, 
vii. and in his Opuscula, v. 4, p. 80, &c. Passeri con- 
tends that none of these gems has reference to Basi- 
lides ; he makes them all refer to the magicians, or the 
soothsayers, sorcerers, conjurers, and fortune-tellers. 
But this learned man, it appears to me, goes too far ; 
for he himself acknowledges (p. 225), that he some- 
times found on them some vestiges of the Basilidian 
errors. These celebrated gems still need an erudite 
but cautious and judicious interpreter. [A considerable 
collection of these gems may be seen, with explanatory 
notices, in the volume of plates to the First Edition of 
Matter, Hist. Crit. du Gnosticisms, Par. 1828. Thes 
plates are not given in the second edition.^. 

CHAP, v.] 



the knowledge of the supreme God, in order 
that they might themselves be worshipped 
as gods, but they waged war with each 
other for the enlargement of their respect- 
ive territories. The most arrogant and 
restless of them all was ho who governed 
the Jewish nation. Therefore, the supreme 
God, in compassion to the souls endowed 
with reason, sent down from heaven his Son 
or the prince of the yEons, whose name is 
Nus [voDj, mind] and Christ ; that he, join- 
ing himself to the man Jesus, might restore 
the lost knowledge of his Father, and over- 
turn the empire of the angels who governed 
the world, and especially of the insolent 
Lord of the Jews. The God of the Jews 
perceiving this, ordered his subjects to seize 
the man Jesus and put him to death ; but 
against Christ he had no power. l The souls 
that obey the precepts of the Son of God 
will ascend to God when their bodies die, 
the rest will pass into other bodies. All 
bodies return back to vicious matter whence 
they originated. 

13. The moral system of Basilidcs, if we 
believe most of the ancients, favoured con- 
cupiscence and allowed every species of 
iniquity. But from much surer testimony 
it appears that he recommended purity of 
life and the practice of piety, and con- 
demned even an inclination to sin. Still 
there were some things in his moral precepts 
which greatly offended other Christians ; for 
he taught that it is lawful to conceal our 
religion, to deny Christ when our life is in 
danger, to participate in the pagan feasts 
which followed their sacrifices; and he 
detracted much from the estimation and 
honour in which the martyrs were held, and 
maintained that they were greater sinners 
than other men, and were visited by Divine 
justice for their iniquities ; for it was a prin- 
ciple with him that none but sinners suffer 
any evil in this life. And hence arose the 
suspicions entertained respecting his system 
of morals, which seemed to be confirmed 
by the flagitious lives of some of his disci- 
ples. 2 

14. But much viler than he, and said to be 
the worst of all the Gnostics, was Carpo- 

l Many of the ancients tell us on the authority of 
Irenseus, that our Saviour, according to Basilides' opi- 
nion, had not a real body ; and that Simon the Cyrenian 
was crucified in place of him ; but that this is erroneous, 
and that Basilides supposed the man Jesus and Christ 
united to constitute the Saviour, is demonstrated in the 
Com. de Rebus Chritt. &c. p. 354, &c. It may be that 
here and there a follower of Basilidea held otherwise. 

a Besides the ancient writers on the heresies, Basili- 
des is particularly treated of by Massuot, Duer*. in 
Irerueum; and Beausobre, Hitt. du J/antcfowme, vol. ii. 
p. 8, &c. [ Walch, Hut. der Ketxer. vol. i. pages 281 
309; Mosheim, De Rebut Chritt. &c. pag. 842361 ; 
and Neander, Kirchenget.vo\. i. part il. pages 679-704^- 
afur. [And Hitter, ubi tupra, vol. i. p. 123, &<*. Jl. 

crates, also of Alexandria [who lived in the 
reign of Adrian]. His philosophy did not 
differ in its general principles from that of 
the other Egyptian Gnostics ; for he main- 
tained one supreme God, ./Eons, the offspring 
of God, eternal and malignant matter, the 
creation of the world from evil matter by 
angels, divine souls unfortunately enclosed 
in bodies, and the like. But he maintained 
that Jesus was born of Joseph and Mary in 
the ordinary course of nature, and that he 
was superior to other men in nothing but 
fortitude and greatness of soul. He also 
not only gave his disciples license to sin, but 
imposed on them the necessity of sinning, by 
teaching that the way to eternal salvation 
was open to those souls only which commit- 
ted all kinds of enormity and wickedness. 
But it exceeds all credibility that any man 
who believes there is a God, that Christ is 
the Saviour of mankind, and who inculcates 
any sort of religion, should hold such senti- 
ments. Besides, there arc grounds to be- 
lieve that Carpocratcs, like the other Gnos- 
tics, held the Saviour to be composed of 
the man Jesus and a certain TEon called 
Christ, and that he imposed some laws of 
conduct on his disciples. Yet undoubtedly 
there was something in his opinions and 
precepts that rendered his piety very sus- 
picious; for he held that concupiscence was 
implanted in the soul by the Deity, and is 
therefore perfectly innocent ; that all actions 
are in themselves indifferent, and become 
good or evil only according to the opinions 
and laws of men; that in the purpose of 
God all things are common property, even 
the women, but that such as use their rights 
are by human laws accounted thieves and 
adulterers. Now, if he did not add some 
corrective to the enormity of these princi- 
ples, it must be acknowledged that he wholly 
swept away the foundations of all virtue, 
and gave full license to all iniquity. 3 

15. Valentinus, also an ligyptian, ex- 
ceeded all his fellow-heresiarchs, both in 
fame and in the multitude of his followers. 
His sect had its birth at Home, grew to 

3 See Irenaeus, Contra llaret. lib. I. cap. xxv.; Cle- 
mens Alex. Stromat. lib. Hi. p. fill, and the others. 
[Mosheim, De RebuuChrist. &c. pages 361 371; Wulch, 
Hist, der Ketxer. vol. i. pages 309327; Neander, AVr- 
rhengetch. vol. i. part ii. pages 767773. Carpocratos 
left a young son, Epiphanes, to propagate his system ; 
and this son, though he died at the age of seventeen, 
wrote a book from which the world have had to learn 
what they could of the tenets of Carpocrates. It is 
doubtful whether he ought to be called a Christian. He 
was an Egyptian philosopher, who had perhaps bor- 
rowed some notions from the Christians, but still his 
philosophy was his cynosure. Two inscriptions in the 
true spirit of this philosopher, recently discovered in 
Cyrene in Africa, have given rise to a conjecture that 
his sect continued till the sixth century. See the in- 
scriptions with comments in the Chrittmat Programm 
of Geseniua, A.D. 1825. Mur. 



[PART n. 

maturity in the island of Cyprus, and with 
wonderful celerity traversed A*i$, ^Africa, 
and Europe. Valentinus held the general 
principles common with his brother Gnos- 
tics, ajnd he assumed the title of a Gnos- 
tic ; yet he held several principles peculiar 
to himself. In the Pleroma (which is the 
Gnostic name for the habitation of God), 
he supposed thirty ./Eons, fifteen males and 
as mafly females. Besides these there were 
four unmarried; namely, Horus ["O^o$], 
the guardian of the confines of the Pleroma; 
Christ, the Holy Spirit, and Jesus. The 
youngest of the'^Eons, Sophia (Wisdom), 
fired with vast desire of comprehending the 
nature of the supreme Deity, in her agita- 
tion brought forth a daughter called Acha- 
moth [ni)Dn> tne sciences or philosophy] ; 
who being excluded from the Plerorna, de- 
scended to the rude and shapeless mass of 
matter, reduced it to some degree of order, 
and by the aid of Jesus brought forth De- 
miurgus [ATj/x/ougyog, Artificer], the builder 
and Lord of all things. This Deiniurgus 
separated the more subtile or animal mat- 
ter from the grosser or material ; and out 
of the former he framed the world above 
us or the visible heavens ; out of the latter, 
the lower world or this earth. Men he 
compounded of both kinds of matter; and 
his mother, Acharnoth, added to them a 
third substance which was celestial and 
spiritual. This is a brief outline of the 
complicated and tedious fable of Valentinus. 
It appears that he explained the origin of 
the world and of the human race, in a more 
subtle manner than the other Gnostics; 
yet that he did not differ from them in 
reality. And the same is true of the other 
parts of his system. 

16. The Architect of the world gradually 
became so inflated that he either thought 
himself, or at least wished men to regard 
him, to be the only God ; and by his pro- 
phets, sent among the Jews, he arrogated 
to himself the honours of the supreme God. 
And the other angels who presided over 
parts of the created universe imitated his 
example. To repress this insolence of De- 
miurgus and imbue souls with a knowledge 
of the true God, Christ descended, being 
composed of an animal and spiritual sub- 
stance, and moreover clothed with an 
ethereal body. He passed through the body 
of Mary, just as water through a canal; 
and to him Jesus, one of the highest -/Eons, 
joined himself when he was baptized in 
Jordan by John.^ The Architect of the 
world, who perceived that his dominion 
would be shaken by this divine man, caused 
him to be seized and crucified. But before 
Christ came to execution, not only Jesus 

the Son of God, but also the rational soul 
of Christ forsook him, so that only his 
sentient soul and his ethereal body were 
suspemkd on the cross. Those who, ac- 
cording to the precepts of Christ, renounce 
the worship not only of the pagan deities, 
but also that of the Jewish God, and submit 
their sentient and concupiscent soul to be 
chastised and reformed by reason, shall with 
both their souls, the rational and the sen- 
tient, be admitted to the mansions of the 
blessed near to the Pleroma. And when 
all particles of the Divine nature, or all 
souls, shall be separated from matter and 
purified, then a raging fire shall spread 
through this material universe and destroy 
the whole fabric of nature ; for the whole 
oriental philosophy and the system of the 
Gnostics may be reduced to this epitome, 
this world is composed of both good and 
evil. Whatever of good there is in it was 
derived from the supreme God, the parent 
of light, and will return to him again; and 
when this takes place, this world will be 
destroyed. l 

17- The ancients represent the school of 
Valentinus as divided into many branches. 
Among these were, the Ptolomaitic sect, 
whose author Ptolomy differed from his 
master respecting tho number and nature 
ofthe-ZEons; the Secundian sect, established 
by Secundus, one of the principal followers 
of Valentinus, who seems to have kept more 
closely to the oriental philosophy, and to have 
maintained two first causes of all things, 
light and darkness, or a prince of good and 
a prince of evil ; the sect of Heracleon, from 
whose books Clement and Origen quote 
much ; the sect of Marcus and Ualarbasus, 
called Marcosians, who according to Ire- 
naeus added much that was senseless and 
absurd to the fictions of Valentinus, though 

l Of the Valcntinian system we have a full account 
in Irena?us, Contra H&res. lib. i. cap. i. vii.; Tertul- 
lian, Contra Valentinianos; Clemens Alex. Passim\ and 
in all the ancient writers on the heresies. Among the 
moderns, see Buddeus, Diss. de H&resi Vakntiniana} 
subjoined to his Introd. in Hist. Philos. Ebrceorimi; 
which has occasioned much discussion respecting tho 
origin of this heresy, gome of the moderns have at- 
tempted to give a rational explanation of the intricate 
and absurd system of Valentinus. See Souverain, Pla- 
tonisme Deiwile, chap. viii. p. 64 Vitringa, Obscrvat. 
Sacra, lib. i. cap. ii. p. 131 ; Heausobre, Hist, du Munich. 
p. 548, &c.; Basnage, Hut. des Juifs, tomo iii. p. 729;&c.; 
Faydit, Edairciss. sur V Hist. Eccles. dcs 11. Premiers 
Siedes, p. 12; who also contemplated writing an Apo- 
logy for Valentinus. 1 pass by Arnold, the patron of 
all the heretics. But how vain all such attempts must 
be is proved by this, that Valentinus himself professed 
that his religion differed fundamentally from that of tho 
other Christians. [Besides the authors above referred 
to, see Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. &c. pages 371 389; 
Walch, HiM. der Ketzer. vol. i. pages 335386 ; and 
Ne&nder,Kircheng(>fch. vol i. part.ii. pages 704 731. 
Mur. [And especially Bitter, ubi supra, vol. i. p. 191, 
&c. who has a long and valuable chapter on this sect. 

CHAP, v.] 



it is certain that they did not maintain all 
tli at is attributed to them. I pass by other 
sects which appear to have originated from 
the Valentinian system ; but whether all the 
sects which arc called Valentinian actually 
originated from disciples and followers of 
Valentinus, appears very doubtful to those 
who consider how great mistakes the an- 
cients have made in stating the origin of the 
heretics. 1 

18. Of the smaller and more obscure 
Gnostic sects, of which the ancients give us 
little more than the names, and perhaps 
one or two detached sentiments, it is unne- 
cessary to say anything. Such were the 
Adamites, who are said to have wished to 
imitate the state of innocence ; 2 the Cain- 
ices, who are represented as paying respect 
to the memory of Cain, Corah, Dathan, the 
inhabitants of Sodom, and Judas the trai- 
tor; 3 the Abelites, whom the ancients re- 
present as marrying wives, but raising up 
no children ; 4 the Sethites, who regarded 
Seth as the Messiah ; 5 the Florinians who 

1 Besides Irenseus and the other ancient writers, see, 
concerning these sects, Grabo, Spwilegium Patrurn et 
Htereticorwn, saecul. ii. pag. G9 82, &c. On the Mar- 
cosians, Irenneus is copious, lib. i. cap. xiv. That Mar- 
cus was out of his senses is unquestionable; for he 
must have been deranged, if he could hold even the 
greater part of the strange fancies which are said to 
belong to his system. [Among the moderns who have 
treated of these sect*, see Walch, Hist, der Ketzcr. vol. 
i. pages 387 401; and Neander, Kirclieng. vol. i. part 
ii. pages 731 -746.- Mur. 

2 See for an account of them, Clemens Alox. Stro- 
mat. lib. i. p. 357; lib. iii. p. 525, lib. vii. p. 854; Ter- 
tullian, Scorpiace, in Opp. p. 633; and Contra Prrtx 
cap. iii. ; Epiphanius, PLere*. Iii Opp. torn. i. p. 459 ; 
Theodoret, Il^eret. Fabul. lib. 1 cap. vi.; Augustine, 
De Hcercs. cap. xxxi.; Jo. Damascenus, Opp. torn. i. 
p. 88 ; and among the moderns, Walch, Hist, der Kft- 
xi-r. vol. i. pages 327 335; Baylo, Dictionniirc, Art. 
Adamites and Prodicus ; Tillemont, Me moires, c. 
tome ii. p. 25(5; Beausobre, Diss. mr let Adamites, sub- 
joined to Lonfant's Histoire des Hutsites. The accounts 
of the ancients are contradictory, and several of the 
moderns doubt whether there ever was a sect who per- 
formed their worship in a state of nudity. Mur, 

3 All the ancient writers mentioned in the preceding 
note, except Damascenus, speak of the Cainites, but what 
they state is very brief and contradictory. The correct- 
ness of their accounts is justly doubted by Baylo (Die- 
tionnaire, Art. Cainites), and others. Origen ( Contra 
Cetsum, lib. iii. p. 119) did not regard them as Chris- 
tians. Yet they might be a sect of Gnostics, who, hold- 
ing the God of the Jews for a rovolter from the true 
God, regarded Cain, Dathan, Corah, and others who 
resisted him as being very praiseworthy. Mur. 

< The Abelites are mentioned only by Augustine, Ds 
Hares, cap. Ixxxvii. and by the author of the book Prce- 
destinatus, cap. Ixxxvii. It is represented that every man 
married a female child and every woman a little boy, 
with whom they lived and whom they made their heirs, 
hoping in this way to fulfil, literally, what Paul says, 
1 Cor. vii. 29, that " they that have wives be as though 
they had none." The sect is treated of by Walch, Hint, 
der Katzer. vol. i. p. GOT, who doubts whether it wero 
not altogether an imaginary sect. Mur. 

6 The Sethites are mentioned by the author of Prtc- 
destinatus, cap. xix.; and Philastrius, DC Haresib. cap. 
iii.; but Rhenferd (Din. de Sethianis, in his Opp. Phi- 
lolog. p. 165), and Zorn ( Opuscul. Sacra, torn. i. p. 614), 
consider this to be an imaginary sect. See Walch, ubi 
supra, p. 609, &c.; and Neander, Kirchengetch. vol. i. 
part il. p. 758, &c. A/ur. 

originated at Rome under Florinus and 
BlastuSy 6 and many others. Perhaps the 
ancient Cliiristian fathers divided one sect 
into several, deceived by the fact of its hav 
ing several names; they may also have had in- 
correct information respecting some or them. 

19. Among the Gnostics of the Egyptian 
class, a chief place must be assigned to the 
Ophites or Serpentians, a senseless sect, of 
which one Euphrates is said to be the fa- 
ther. The sect originated among the Jews 
before the Christian era. A part of them 
became professed Christians, the rest re- 
tained their former superstition. Hence 
there were two sects of Ophites, a Chris- 
tian sect and an anti-Christian. The 
Christian Ophites held nearly the same 
absurd notions' with the other Egyptian 
Gnostics concerning ^Eons, the eternity 
of matter, the creation of the world without 
the knowledge or consent of the Deity, the 
rulers of the seven planets who presided 
over the world, the tyranny of Dcmiurgus, 
the descent of Christ joined to the man 
Jesus into our world to overthrow the king- 
dom of Demiurgus, &c.; but they held this 
peculiarity, that they supposed the serpent 
which deceived our first parents was either 
Christ himself, or Sophia concealed under 
the form of a serpent ; and this opinion is 
said to have induced them to keep some 
sacred serpents, and to pay them a species 
of honour. Into such absurdities men might 
easily fall, if they believed the Creator of 
the world to be a different being from the 
supreme God, and regarded as divine what- 
ever was opposed to the pleasure of De- 
miurgus, 7 

20. The numerous evils and discords 
which arose from combining the oriental 

6 Florinus and Blastus were by the ancients reckoned 
among the Valentinians. Both were presbyters of Rome, 
intimate friends, and excommunicated by the Roman j 
bishop Eleutherius. (Kuseb. H. E. vol. xv.) As 
Florinus in early life enjoyed the instruction of Poly- 
carp at Smyrna, and as Irenseus wrote a letter to Blas- 
tus concerning the schism at Rome about Easter-day, 
Walch (ubi supra, p. 404), supposes both of them, and 
particularly Blastus, were opposed to tho views of the 
Romish Church respecting Easter. He also considers 
it most probable that Florinus was inclined towards 
Gnosticism; for Iremeus wrote a book against him 
concerning the eight ^Eons ; and he actually had some 
followers. Suhl. [That Florinus was a Gnostic Is 
clear from Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. lib. v. cap. xx.) That 
Blastus was so is not so certain. Mur. 

7 The history and doctrines of this sect, so far as they 
are known, I have stated in a German work printed at 
llelmstadt, 1746-4 [bearing the title, Enter Versuck ei- 
nirunpart/ieyiscken und grundlic/ten Ketzergeschichte. 
Afterwards, Schumacher published an Explanation Q/ 
the obscure and difficult Doctrinal Table of t/te ancient 
Ophites, Wolfenbiittel, 1756, 4to; Schumacher main- 
tained that the doctrine of the Ophites embraced neither 
metaphysics nor theology, but merely the history of the 
Jewish nation couched in hieroglyphics ; Walch, Hist, 
der Ketzer. vol. i. pages 447481, has epitomized both 
works; and we here give his leading thoughts in further 
illustration of this sect. These people, called in Greek 
Ophites, In Latin Serpentians, were by tho Asiatics 



and Egyptian philosophy with the Christian 
religion, began to be increased about the 
middle of this century, by those who brought 
the Grecian philosophy with them into the 
Christian Church. As the doctrines held 
by the Christians respecting the Father, 
Son, and Holy Spirit, and respecting the 
twofold nature of the Saviour, were least of 
all at agreement with the precepts of this 
philosophy, they first endeavoured so to 
explain these doctrines that they could be 
comprehended by reason. This was at- 
tempted by one Praxeas, a very distin- 
guished man, and a confessor, at Rome. 
Discarding all real distinction between the 
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, he taught that 
the whole Father of all things joined him- 
self to the human nature of Christ. Hence 
his followers were called Monarchians and 
Patripassians. Nor was the latter an un- 
suitable name for them, if Tertullian cor- 
rectly understood their sentiments ; for they 
denominated the man Christ, the Son of 
God; and held that to this Son, the Father 
of the universe, or God, so joined himself, 
as to be crucified and endure pangs along 
with his Son. Yet Praxeas does not ap- 
pear to have erected a distinct church. 1 

called Nahassians, or Naasians. Iremeus (lib. H. cap. 
xxxiv.) the author of the supplement to Tortullian's 
book, De Prescript. H<er<>t. (cap. xlvii ); Epiphanius 
(Hares, xxxvii.); Thcodoret ( ll&rct. Fabul. lib. i. cap. 
xiv.); and Augustine ( De llu-rcs. cap xvii.), account 
thorn Christian heretics ; but Origen ( Contra CWmm, 
lib. vii. sec. 28) holds them to be not Christians. Yet 
he speaks of them as pretended Christians in his Com- 
ment on Matth. torn. iii. p. 851, &c. Philastrius makes 
them more ancient than Christianity. It i most pro- 
bable they were Jewish Gnostics, and that some of them 
embraced Christianity, so that the sect became divided 
into Jewish and Christian Ophites. There are two 
sources of information on this part of ecclesiastical his- 
tory. The first is the accounts of Iromcus, Epiphanius, 
and others. The second is what Origen tells us ( Con- 
tra Celsum, lib. vL sec. xxxiii. &c.) concerning tho 
Diagram of the Ophites. This Diagram was a tablet, 
on which the Ophites depicted their doctrines in all 
sorts of figures, with words annexed. It probably con- 
tained the doctrines of the Jewish Ophites, and is dark 
and unintelligible, unless wo may suppose this symboli- 
cal representation contained that system, the principal 
doctrines of which are stated by the ancients. The 
theological system both of the Jewish and the Chris- 
tian Ophites, cannot be epitomized and must be sought 
for in Walch, p. 461. Their serpent- worship consisted 
in this, they kept a living serpent which they let out 
upon tho dish when celebrating the Lord's supper, 
to crawl around and over tho bread. The priest to 
whom the serpent belonged now came near, brake the 
bread, and distributed to those present. When each 
had eaten his morsel he kissed the serpent, which was 
afterwards confined. When this solemn act, which the 
Ophites called their perfect sacrifice, was ended, the 
meeting closed with a hymn of praise to the supreme 
God, whom the serpent in Paradise had made known to 
men. But all the Ophites did not observe theso rites, 
which were peculiar to the Christian Ophites, and con- 
fined to a small number among them. This worship 
must have been symbolic. The Ophites had also Talis- 
mans. ScM. [See a lucid account of the Ophites, in 
Neander's Kirchengetch. vol. i. part ii. pages 746756. 
Alur. [Matter givea the diagram of the Ophites In the 
second volume of his Hist, du Gnost.R. 
* See Tertullian, Liber contra Praxeam; and com- 

21. Nearly allied to this opinion was 
that which was advanced about the same 
tame at Rome, by Theodotus, a tanner, 
yet 'a man of learning and a philosopher j 
and by one Artemas or Artemon, from 
whom originated the Artemonites ; for, so 
far as can be gathered from very indistinct 
accounts of these men left us by the ancients, 
they supposed that when the man Christ 
was born, a certain divine energy or some 
portion of the divine nature (and not the 
person of the Father as Praxcas imagined), 
united itself to him. Which of these men 
preceded the other in time, and whether 
they both taught the same doctrine or dif- 
fered from each other, cannot at this day 
be decided, so few and obscure are the an- 
cient accounts we have of them. But it is 
unquestionable that the disciples of both 
applied philosophy and geometry to the 
explication of the Christian doctrine. 2 

pare Wcsselintf, J'rohalriUa, cap. xxvi. p. 223, Sec. 
[Tertullian (to whom we are indebted for all certain 
knowledge of the views of Praxeas) was not only an 
obscure writer, but also a prejudiced one in regard to 
Praxeas. He not only rejected his doctrine, but hated 
him, because Praxcas had alienated the Roman bishop 
Victor from Montanus, whose partisan Tertullian was. 
Hence Tertullian, in his censures on Praxeas, is often 
extravagant and insulting. The opposition of Praxeas 
to Montunus doubtless led the former into his error. 
Montanus had treated of the doctrine of three persona 
in the Divine essence, and had insisted on a real dis- 
tinction between the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. 
(Tertullian, Contra Praxeam, cap. xiii. p. 420.) Praxcas, 
who was hostile to Montanus, published his own doc- 
trine in opposition to Montanus. From Tertullian, 
moreover, it appears clearly that Praxcas discarded the 
distinction of persons in the Divine essence, and, as 
Tertullian expresses it, contended for the monarchy of 
God; but how he explained what the Scriptures teach 
concerning the Son and the Holy Spirit is not so clear. 
Of the various conceptions we might gather from Ter- 
tullian, Mosheim gives a full investigation in his Corn- 
tni'ut. de Rebus Christ. &c. p. 426. See also Walch, 
Hist dfr Kctzer. vol. i. pages 527 546. ScM. '[See 
also Neander, Kirchengesch. vol. i part iii. p. 994, &c. 

2 Eusebius, Hist. Eccla. lib. v. cap. xxviii. ; Epi- 
phanius, Hceres. liv. p. 4(J4 ; Wesseling, ProbabiKa, 
cap. xxi. p. 172, &c. Several persons occur in the his- 
tory of the heretics bearing the name of Theodotus. 

(1 ) Theodotus of Byzantium, a tanner, of whom above. 

(2) Theodotus the younger, disciple of the former, and 
founder of the sect of Melchisedeckians. 'This sect 
derived its name from its holding, agreeably to tho doc- 
trine of the elder Theodotus, that Molchisedec was the 
power of God and superior to Christ; and that he sus- 
tained tho office of an intercessor for the angels in 
heaven, as Christ did for us men on earth. (3) Theo- 
dotus, the Valentinian. (4) Theodotus, the Montanist. 
Our Theodotus had saved his life during a persecution 
at Byzantium, by a denial of Christ, and thus had in- 
curred general contempt. To escape from disgrace ho 
went to Rome. But there his offence became known. 
To extenuate his fault, he gave out that he regarded 
Jesus Christ as ft mere man, and that it couia be no 
great crime to deny a mere man. lie was therefore 
excluded from the church by Victor the bishop. Thus 
Theodotus came near to the system of the Socinians, 
and held Christ for a mere man, though a virtuous and 
upright one. Whether he held the birth of Christ to 
have been natural or supernatural, the ancient accounts 
are not agreed. He rejected the Gospel of John ; and 
held his own doctrine to be apostolical, and that of the 
eternal divinity of Christ to be a novel doctrine. See 
Walch, ttbi supra, pages 546557. Artemon has in mo- 

Oil A P. V.] 



22. The same attachment to philosophy 
induced Hermogenes, a painter, to depart 
from the sentiments of Christians respect- 
ing the origin of the world and the nature 
of the soul, and to cause disturbance in a 
part of the Christian community. Regard- 
ing matter as the source of all evil, he could 
not believe that God had brought it into 
existence by his omnipotent volition. lie 
therefore held that the world and what- 
ever is in the world, and also souls and 
spirits, were formed by the Deity out of 
eternal and vicious matter. There is much 
in this doctrine very difficult to be ex- 
plained, and not in accordance with the 
common opinions of Christians. But neither 
Tcrtullian, who wrote against him, nor 
others of the ancients, inform us how he 
explained those Christian doctrines which 
are repugnant to his opinions. 1 

23. In addition to these sects, which may 
be called the daughters of philosophy, there 
arose in the reign of Marcus Antoninus an 
illiterate sect, opposed to all learning and 
philosophy. An obscure man of weak judg- 
ment, named Montanus, who lived in a poor 
village of Phrygia called Pepuza, had the 
folly" to suppose himself the Comforter pro- 
mised by Christ to his disciples, and to pre- 
tend to utter prophecies under divine in- 
spiration. 3 lie attempted no change in the 

dern times become more famous than Theodotus ; since 
Samuel Crell assumed the name of an Artcmonite, in 
order to distinguish himself from the odious Socinians, 
whoso doctrines ho did not fully approve. (Seo his 
book with the title : L. M. Artemonii^ Tnitium Eoan- 
frcfii Johannis ex Antiquitate Restitutum, and his other 
u ritings). The history of this Artemon is very obscure. 
The time when ho lived cannot be definitely ascer- 
tained, arid tho history of his doctrine is not without 
uiiUcuHies. U is not doubted that; he denied the divinity 
of Jesus Christ, as held by orthodox Christians. But 
whether ho swerved towards the system of the modern 
Socinians or to that of Praxeas is another question. 
Mosheim believed the latter; De Reb, Christ. &c. 491. 
Hut as this rests on the recent testimony of Gcnnadius 
of Marseilles ( De Dpgm, Ecclct. cap. iil.) Walch (p. 
504) calls it in question. See also Rappen, Dm. do 
Hist. Artemonis et Artemonitarum, Lips. 1737. Schl. 
[Sec also Neander, Kirclu'ngesch. vol. i. part iii. pages 
DUGI 000. Mur. [Of Theodotus and Artemon, see 
Burton's Lect. onEcc. Hist, qfthe First Three Cent. vol. 
ii. p.211, &0.K. 

i There is extant a tract of TertulUan, Liber contra 
Hermogencm, in which ho assails the doctrine of Her- 
mogenes concerning matter and tho origin of the world. 
But another tract of his, De Ceruu AnimtE, in which 
he confuted the opinion of Hermogenes concerning the 
soul, is lost. [Tertullian is exceedingly severe upon 
Hermogenes, who was probably his contemporary, and 
fellow-African. Yet he allows that ho was an inge- 
nious and eloquent man, and sound in the principal 
doctrines of Christianity. It seems the morals of Her- 
mogenes gave most offence to Tertullian. He had mar- 
ried repeatedly, and he painted for all customers what 
they wished. To a Montanist these things were ex- 
ceedingly criminal. There is no evidence that Herrno- 
geues founded a sect. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. 
&c. p. 43'2, &c.; Walch, Hist, der Ketzer. vol. i. p. 47 6, 
&o. and Neander, Kircliengesch. vol i. part iii. p. 076, 
&c. Mur. 

* They doubtless err who tell us that Montanus 
claimed, to be the lioty Spirit. He was not so foolish. 

doctrines of religion, but professed to be 
divinely commissioned to perfect and give 
efficiency to the moral discipline taught by 
Christ and his apostles; for he supposed 
Christ and his apostles had conceded too 
much to the weakness of the people of their 
age, and thus had given only an incomplete 
and imperfect rule of life. He therefore 
would have flists multiplied and extended, 
forbade second marriages as illicit, did not 
allow churches to grant absolution to such 
as had fallen into the greater sins, con- 
demned all decoration of the body and 
female ornaments, required polite learning 
and philosophy to be banished from the 
church, ordered virgins to be veiled, and 
maintained that Christians sin most grie- 
vously by rescuing their lives by flight, or 
redeeming them with money in time of per- 
secution. I pass by some other of his 
austere and rigid precepts. 

24. A man who professed to be a holier 
moralist than Christ himself, and who would 
obtrude his severe precepts upon Christians 
for divine commands and oracles, could not 
be endured in the Christian church. Be- 
sides, his dismal predictions of the speedy 
downfal of the Roman republic, &c. might* 
bring the Christian community into immi- 
nent danger. He was therefore first by 
the decisions of some councils, and after- 
wards by that of the whole church, excluded 
from all connexion with that body. But 
the severity of his discipline itself led many 
persons of no mean condition to put confi- 
dence in him. Pre-eminent among these 
were two opulent ladies, PriscillaandMaxi- 
milla ; who themselves, with others, uttered 
prophecies, after the example of their master, 
whom they denominated the Paraclete [or 

Nor do those correctly understand his views whom I 
have hitherto followed, and who represent him as as- 
serting, that there was divinely imparted to him that 
very Holy Spirit, or Comforter, who once Inspired and 
animated the apostles. Montanus distinguished tho 
Paraclete promised by Christ to the apostles, from the 
Holy Spirit that was poured upon them ; and held, that 
under the name of the Paraclete, Christ indicated a 
divine teacher, who would supply certain parts of the 
religious system which were omitted by the Saviour, 
and explain more clearly certain other parts, which for 
wise reasons had been less perfectly taught. Nor was 
Montanus alone in making this distinction. For other 
Christian doctors supposed the Paraclete whose coming 
Christ had promised, was a divine messenger to men 
and different from the Holy Spirit given to the apos- 
tles. In the third century, Manes interpreted the pro- 
mise of Christ concerning the Paraclete in the same 
manner ; and boasted that he himself was that Para- 
clete. And who does not know that Mahomet had tho 
same views, and applied the words of Christ respecting 
the Paraclete to himself? Montanus therefore wished 
to be thought that Paraclete of Christ, and not the 
Holy Spirit. The more carefully and attentively we 
read Tertullian, the greatest of all Montanus' disciples 
and the best acquainted with his system, the more 
clearly will it appear that such were his views. [See 
Burton's Lect. on tfte Ecc. Hist> of First Three Cent. 
vol. ii. p. 155, &c.~/f. 


[PART. n. 

Comforter], Hence it was easy for Mori- 
tanus to found a new church which was 
first established at Pepuza, a little town of 
Phrygia, but which spread in process of time 
through Asia, Africa, and a part of Europe. 
Of all his followers the most learned and 
distinguished was Tcrtullian, a man of 
genius but austere and gloomy by nature; 
who defended the cause of his preceptor by 
many energetic and severe publications. l 

1 Seo KuHehhw, Hiit. Eccle*. lib. v. cap. xvi. and es- 
pecially Tertullian in hi* numerous books ; and then 
till writer;*, both ancient find modern, who havo treated 
professedly of the scots of tho oariy ages. Unite re- 
cently and with attention tind gn-Ht erudition, the his- 
tory of the Montanistfl has been illustrated by Werns- 
dorf in \\\nComini"Htatio de Montanisti* Smculi fit'cundi 
ruftfo crcditi* llatreticit, Dantzik, 1 751, 4to. The Mon- 
tnnists were also called Phrygians or Oataphrygians, 
from the country where they resided and originate! ; 
alo Pepti&iaiitf, from the town where Montanus had 
his habitation, and which he pretended was the New 
Jerusalem spoken of in the Jteoi'lutivn of St. John. It 
appears likewise, that from 1'ri.soilla they were called 
PriseUHanists ; though thin name, on account of its 
ambiguity, has In modern times been disused. Tertul- 

lian denominated those of his faith the Spiritttal ( Spiri- 
tualos), and its opposers the Carnal (Psychikoi), because 
the former admitted Montamis" inspiration of the Holy 
Spirit, which the latter rejected. The time when Mon- 
tanus began to disturb the church is much debated. 
Those who follow Eusebius, who is most to be relied 
upon, place this movement in the year 171 or 172. 
Wernsdorf 8 conjecture that Montanu* was the bishop 
of Pepu/a Is not improbable. See concerning Tertul- 
liun, Ilamberger's account of the principal wr.ters, vol. 
ii. p. 4fJ2, and Wnlch, Hist. Kecks. N. Tvst. p. 048, &c.; 
nnd concerning the Montnnists, Walch, Hist, tier Krfzt'r. 
vol. i. p. Gil, itc.- Schl. [Also Nt-ander, Kirt'hi'neetch* 
vol. i. part Hi. pages 870 8fc3. Jl/r. [In adilition to 
the various works on these Gnostic sects referred to in 
the several preceding notes, tho Kudcnt ought also to 
consult Matter, Hist. Crit. <(u (Inost. 2d edit. 3 vol. 
and to read especially the sections from 44 to 4s, inclu- 
sive, of Cleseler, Lchrl/urh, &c. Davidson's Trans, vol. 
i. p. 134, &c. with the very valuable rt-feronces and ex- 
tracts contained In the notes. See also Mi I man's Hist. 
qfChrtett vol. ii. chap. v. entitled, ChriUianity and On- 
entalixin } liittcr, Geschirhte dt-r Christ. l*lnh>x. voi. i. 
books 1 and 2. The modern Roman Catholic view of 
these sects may be seen in Dollinxer, Lehrl/ur/t dcr 
Kirch'-ngr.xrh. (.'ox's Transl. Txmd. 1 840, vol. i. chap. ii. 
The English reader may also consult Kp. Kaye's Tcr- 
tiittiim, cS;c. chap, vii.; Waddington's Hist, of the t'/mrcfi, 
part. i. chap. v. ; Vidal's Translation of Miixkeim's t'otn- 
iiirntarifs, &c. vol. ii. and Rose's Translation of New** 
dtr't History oj the Christian Jinfigfon, vol. ii. Ii, 

CUAP. i] 







1. THAT Christians suffered very great 
evils iu this century, and were in perfect 
security during no part of it, admits of no 
controversy. For, not to mention the popu- 
lar tumults raised against thorn by the pa- 
gan priests, the governors and magistrates 
could persecute them, without violating the 
imperial laws, as often as either superstition, 
or avarice, or cruelty prompted. Yet it is 
no less certain that the rights and liberties 
of the Christians were increased more than 
many have supposed. In the army, in the 
court, and among all ranks, there were many 
Christians whom no one molested at all; 
and under most of the Roman emperors who 
reigned in this century, Christianity presen- 
ted no obstacle to the attainment of public 
honours. lit many places also, with the full 
knowledge of the emperors and magistrates, 
they possessed houses in which they regu- 
larly assembled for the worship of God. 
Yet it is probable, or rather more than 
probable, that the Christians commonly pur- 
chased this security and these liberties with 
money; although some of the emperors had 
very xind feelings towards them, and were 
not greatly opposed to their religion. 

2. Antoninus, surnamed Caracalla, the 
son of Severus, came to the throne in the 
year 211; and during the six years of his 
reign he neither oppressed the Christians 
himself, nor suffered others to oppress them. l 
Antoninus Heliogabalus [A.D. 218222], 
though of a most abandoned moral charac- 
ter, had no hostility towards the Christians. 3 

1 From a passage in Tertullian (Ad Scapul. cap. iv.) 
asserting that Caracalla had a Christian nurse ; lactc 
Christiano educatum fuisse; and from one in Spartia- 
nus (life of Caracalla, in Scriptor. llittor. Aug. vol i. 
p. 707, cap. i.) asserting that he was much attached to 
a Jewish playfellow when he was seven years old, it has 
been inferred that ho was half a Christian, and on that 
account was indulgent to the followers of Christ. But 
it is much more probable that they purchased his in- 
dulgence with their gold. See Moshetm, De liebtu 
Christ. &C. p. 460. M>tr. 

2 Larapridius, Vita Ih-liogabuti, cap. ill. p, 796. [Di- 

His successor, Alexander Severus [A. D. 
222 235], an excellent prince, did not, 
indeed, repeal the laws which had been 
enacted against the Christians, so that in- 
stances occur of their suffering death in his 
reign, yet from the influence of his mother, 
Julia Mammrea, to whom ho was greatly 
attached, he showed kind feelings towards 
them in various ways, and whenever occa- 
sion was offered ; and even paid some wor- 
ship and honour to our Saviour ; 3 for Julia 
entertained the most favourable sentiments 
of the Christian religion, and at one time 
invited to the court, Origen, the celebrated 
Christian doctor, that she might hear him 
discourse. But those who conclude that 
Julia and Alexander actually embraced 
Christianity, have not testimony to adduce 
which is unexceptionable. Yet it is certain 
that Alexander thought the Christian reli- 
gion deserved toleration beyond others, and 
regarded its author as worthy to be ranked 
among the extraordinary men who were 
divinely moved. 4 

ccbat pneterea (Impcrator), Judceorum et Samnritaiio- 
rum rcligionca ct ChrUtianam devoticmom illuc ( Ho- 
rn vm) transferendam, ut omnium cultarum socretmn 
Ilcliogabali sacerdotium teneret: which Moahcim ( Da 
]l<-t>. Cirixt. &c. p. 460) understands* to mean, that llo- 
)io?abalus wished the Jewish, Samaritan, and Christian 
rc-liKions to be freely tolerated at Rome, so that the priests 
of his order might understand all the arcana of them, 
having them daily before their eyes Mur. 

See Lampridius, Do Vita Seven, cap. xxix. p. 930; 
and Zoibich, Dint, de Chritto nb Alexarulro in lantrio 
ntlto, which Is found in the Mitceli Lipt. Nova, torn, 
iii. p. 42, &c. [Most of the modern writers make Julia 
Mainmna to have been a Chriutlan. Sep Wetsteln's 
preface to Origen's Dial, contra Marciunitat; but tho 
ancient writers, Eusobius ( //. K, vi. 21) and Juromo 
( De Scriptor. Iltuitr. cap. liv. ) express themselves 
dubiously. The former calls her Oeoantfturrdrriv, and 
the latter retigiotam (devout); and both state tliat ho 
invited Origon to her court, then at Antioeh, in order 
to hear him discourse on religion ; but neither of them 
intimates that she obeyed his precepts and adopted tho 
Christian faith. And in the life of Julia, there are clear 
indications of superstition, and of reverence for the pa- 
gan gods. Mosheim, De fab. Chritt. Ac. p. 46 1 . Schl 

4 See Spanheim, Ditt. de Lucii Britanwn regit, Ju- 
tue Mammeece, tit Phili/Hwrwn, convertionibu*, Opp. torn, 
ii. p. 400; Jabiomki, Dis. da Alexandra Sevcro Merit 
Chriitianii per Onotticot initiato, in Miic. Lint. Nov. 
torn. iv. p. 56, &c.; [and in his Oputculu, vol. iv. p. 38, 
c. 21. 



[PAllT I. 

3. Under Gordian [A.D. 236244] the 
Christians lived in tranquillity. His suc- 
cessors, the Philips, father and son [A.D. 
244 249], showed themselves so friendly 
to the Christians that by many they were 
supposed to be Christians. And there are 
arguments which may render it probable 
that these emperors did, though secretly 
and covertly, embrace Christianity; but as 
these arguments are balanced by others 
equally strong and imposing, the question 
respecting the religion of Philip the Arabian 
and his son, which Las exercised the sagacity 
of so many learned men, must be left unde- 
cided. l At least neither party has adduced 
any evidence, either from testimony or from 
facts, which was too strong to be invali- 
dated. Among the subsequent emperors 
of this century, Gallienus [A.D. 2GO208J 
and some others likewise, if they did not 
directly favour the Christian cause, at least 
they did not retard it. 

4 . This friendship of great men, and espe- 
cially of emperors, was undoubtedly not the 
last among the human causes which con- 
tributed to enlarge the boundaries of the 
church. But other causes, and some of 
them divine, must be added. Among the 
divine causes, besides the inherent energy 
of heavenly truth, and the piety and con- 
stancy of the Christian teachers, especially 
noticeable is that extraordinary providence 
of God, which we are informed, by means 
of dreams and visions, induced many 
persons who before were either wholly 
thoughtless or alienated from Christianity, 
to come out at once and enrol their names 
among the followers of Christ. 2 To this 
must be added the curing of diseases and 
other miracles which very many Christians 
still performed, by invoking the name of the 
Saviour. 8 Yet the number of miracles was 
less vn this age than in the preceding, which 
may be ascribed not only to the wisdom of 
God, but also to his justice, which would 
not suffer men to make gain by the powers 
divinely given them. 4 

5. Among the human causes which aided 

I See Spanhehn, DC Christirtnismo Philip/wrum, Opp. 
\ torn. ii. p. 400 (P. <le la Kayo), Entwtiens historiqucs 
\ mr la C/iristinninne dt> r Emptrcur PhiKppe* Utrecht, 
| 1(592, 12mo; Mamachius, Origines et Anti<{+ Christ i- 
1 artff, torn. ii. p. 252, &c. See Fabricius, Lux Kran^elii 
\ fofi nrbi fjtorivn*, p. 252, &c.; [and Mosheim, De liebm 
\ Christ. c. p. 47 i. Tho most important ancient testi- 
monies are Kusob. //. E. lib. vi. cap. 34, and Chroiticon, 
ann. 246; Jerome, De Script, Jllust. cup. liv. Mur. 

* See Origen, Ado. Cclsurn^ lib. i. p. 35 ; Homil. in 
LuctE vil. Oj)p. torn. ii. p. 216, ed. Basil. Tertullian, 
De /JnhM, cap. xiv. p. 348, ed. Rigoltll. Euscbius, Hist. 
Ecclt-t. lib. iv. cap. v. and other*. [See also note 1, 
cent. ii. part 1. chap. i. p. 54, &c. of this work. Mur. 

3 Origen, Adn. Cclsum, lib. i. pag. 57} Eusebius, 
Hist. Eccl. lib. v. cap. vii.; Cyprian, Bp. i. Ad Dona- 
turn, p. 3, and the note of Baluze there, p. 3*'6. 

4 Spencer, Notes on Origen. adv. Celsum, pag. 6, 7. 

the progress of Christianity may doubtless 
be reckoned the translation of the Scrip- 
tures into various languages, the labours of 
Origen in disseminating copies of them, and 
various books composed by wise men. No 
less eflicary is to be ascribed to the be- 
neficence of Christians towards those whose 
religion they abhorred. The idolaters 
must have hearts of stone, not to have 
been softened and brought to have more 
friendly feelings towards the people, whose 
great sympathy for the poor, kindness to 
enemies, care of the sick, readiness to re- 
deem captives, and numerous other kind 
oflices, proved them to be deserving of the 
love and gratitude of mankind. If, what I 
would not pertinaciously deny, pious frauds 
and impositions deserve a place among the 
causes of the extension of Christianity, they 
doubtless hold the lowest place, and were 
employed only by a few. 

0. That the boundaries of the church 
were extended in this century, no one calls 
in question; but in what manner, by whom, 
and in what countries, is not equally mani- 
fest. Origen taught the religion he professed 
to a tribe of Arabs ; I suppose they were 
some of the wandering Arabs who live in 
tents/'' The Goths, a ferocious and warlike 
people, who inhabited Mo^ia and Thrace, 
and made perpetual incursions into the neigh- 
bouring provinces, received a knowledge of 
Christ from certain Christian priests whom 
they carried away from Asia. As those 
priests, by the sanctity of their lives and 
their miracles, acquired respect-ability and 
authority among these marauders who were 
entirely illiterate, such a change was pro- 
duced among them, that a great part of the 
nation professed Christianity, -and in some I 
measure laid aside their savage manners. 15 j 

7. To the few and small Christian churches 
in France, erected in the second century by | 
certain Asiatic teachers, more and larger i 
ones were added in thus century after the j 
times of Decius [A.D. 250]. In the reign 
of this emperor those seven devout men, I 
Dionysius, Gratian, Trophimus, Paul, Sa- 

& Euscbius, Hist. Ecelcs. lib. vi. cap. xix. [But S>m- 
ler, first. F.rclvs. Selecta, Cap. t. i. p. W, supposes they 
were not wondering Arabs. Mur. 
<> Sozomen, Hist. Ecelcs. lib. ii. cop. vU; Diacontis, 

Hist. Misccljan. lib. ii. cap. xir.; Thilostorgius, Hist. 

Eccles. lib. ii. cap. v. [Philostorgius says that Ulphi- 
las, who in the fourth century translated the Christian 
Scriptures into the Gothic language, was a descendant 
of the captives carried off by the Goths from Cappa. 
docia, in the reign of Gallicnus, which is not improba- 
ble. By the influence of their Christian captives, the 
Goths were induced to Invite Christian teachers among 
them ; and numerous churches were collected. JV 
Gothic bishop, named Theophilus, subscribed the acts of 
the council of Nice. ( Socrates, Hist. Eccles lib. ii. cap. 
xli. ) Yet there is indubitable evidence that a large part 
of the nation remained pagans long after this period. 
See Mosheim, De llebus Christ. &c. p. 449 Mur. 

CHAP, it,] 



turmnus, Martial, and Stremonius migrated 
to this country, and amidst various perils 
founded the churches of Paris, Tours, Aries, 
[N"arbonne, Toulouse, Limoges, Clermont], 
and other places. And their disciples gra- 
dually spread the Christian doctrine through- 
out Gaul. l To this century likewise must be 
referred the origin of the German churches 
of Cologne, Treves, Metz, [Tongres, Liege,] 
and others ; the fathers of which were Eu- 
charius, Valerius, Maternus, Clement, and 
others. 8 The Scots also say that their 
country was illuminated with the light of 
Christianity in this century, which does not 
appear improbable in itself, but cannot be 
put beyond controversy by any certain tes- 
timony. 3 



1. IN the commencement of this century 
the Christians were variously afflicted in 
many of the Roman provinces; but their 
calamity was increased in the year 203, 
when the Emperor Severus, who was other- 
wise not hostile to them, enacted a law that 
no person should abandon the religion of 
his fathers for that of the Christians, or even 
for that of the Jews. 4 Although this law 
did not condemn [existing] Christians, but 
merely restrained the propagation of their 
religion, yet it afforded to rapacious and 
unjust governors and judges great oppor- 
tunity for troubling the Christians and for 
putting many of the poor to death, in order 
to induce the rich to avert their danger by 
donations. Hence after the passing of this 
law, very many Christians in Egypt, and in 
other parts of both Asia and Africa, were 
cruelly slain ; and among them were Leoni- 
I das, the father of Origen ; the two celebrated 
African ladies, Perpetnaand Felicitas, whose 
acts [martyrdom] have come down to us ; 6 

1 Greg. Turon. Hist. Francor. lib. I. cap. xxviii. p. 
23; Ruinart, Acta Martyr urn Sinwra, p. KM). &c. [See 

l note 1, on cent. H. part i. chap. 1. p. 53, &e. of this 
wbrk, where the origin of the Gallic or French churches 
' is considered at some length. Mur. 

2 Caltnet, Histnirc de Lorraine, tome i IMss. i. p. 7, 
&c.; Nicol. do Hontheim, Historia Trevirensis. [See 
also notes 3, p. 52, and 1, p. 53, on cent. U. part i. 
chap. i. of this work. Mur. 

3 See Usshor and Stillingfleet on the Origin and 
Antiquities <tf the British Churches; and Mackenzie, De 
Kigali Scotvrum Prosapin, cap. viii. p. 119, &c. [ with 
the works referred to In note 4, p. 52, above. See also 
Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. i. p. 31f>. it, 

4 EuHebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. i.; Spartianus, 
Vita Seoeri, cap. xvi. xvii. 

5 Ituinart, Acta Martvrum Siacera, p. 90, &c. [See 
an affecting account of the sufferings of these and other 
martyrs in the reign of Severus, in MJlncr's Hist, qf 
the Church, cent. ill. chap. vol. i. p. 204 Mur. [The 
student should not deny himself the pleasure of perusing 
the account taken from the acts of the martyrdom of 
Perpetua and Felicitas,whlch he will find in the eloquent 

also Potamiena, a virgin; Marcella and 
others of both sexes, whose names were held 
in high honour in tho subsequent ages. 

2. From the death of [Scptimius] Seve- 
rus till the reign of Maximin, called Thrax 
from the country which gave him birth [or, 
from A.D. 21 1 to A.D. 235], the condition 
of Christians was everywhere tolerable, and 
in some places prosperous; but Maximin, 
who had slain Alexander Severus, an em- 
peror peculiarly friendly to the Christians, 
fearing lest the latter should avenge the 
death of their patron, ordered their bishops, 
and particularly those whom he knew 
to have been the friends and intimates of 
Alexander, to be seized and put to death. 6 
During his reign therefore many and atro- 
cious in juries were brought upon the Chris- 
tians; for although the edict of the tyrant 
related only to the bishops and the minis- 
ters of religion, yet its influence reached 
farther, and incited the pagan priests, the 
populace, and the magistrates, to assail 
Christians of all orders.* 

3 . This storm was followed by many years 
of peace and tranquillity. [From A.I). 237 
249.] But when Decius Trajan came to 
the imperial throne, A.D. 249, war, in all 
its horrors, again burst upon the Christians ; 
for this emperor, excited either by fear of 
the Christians, or by attachment to the an- 
cient superstition, published terrible edicts, 
by which the governors were commanded, 
on pain of forfeiting their own lives, either 
to exterminate all Christians utterly, or 
bring them back by pains and tortures to 
the religion of their fathers. During the 
two succeeding years, a great multitude of 
Christians in all the Roman provinces were 
cut oiFby various kinds of punishment and 
suffering. 8 This persecution was more cruel 
and terrific than any which preceded it; 
and immense numbers professed to renounce 
Christ, being dismayed not so much by the 

pages of Milman (flist. of Christ, vol. il. p. 210, Ac.) 
who introduces it with this just remark: " Of all tho 
histories of martyrdom none is so uncxaggerated in its 
tone and language, so entirely unencumbered with mi- 
racles; none abounds in such exquisite touches of 
nature, or, on the whole, from its minuteness and cir- 
cumstantiality, breathes such an air of truth and reality 
as this."/;. 

fi Kusebius, Hist. Ecchs. lib. vi. cap. xxviii.; Orosius, 
Wstnr. lib. vii. cap. xix. p, 509. 

7 Orjgen, torn, xxviii. in Matth. Opp* torn. i. p. 137} 
Firmilian, in Opp. Cypriani, Ep. Ixxv. p. 140, &c, 

8 Kusebius, Hist. JRcclet. lib. vi. cap. xxxix. xli.; 
Gregory Ny*sen. Vita, Tlmumfiturgi* Opp. torn. iii. p. 
6G8, &c.; Cyprian, De 7,i/w>, InOpp* p. 182, &o. [Eu- 
sebius attributes the persecution by Decius to his 
hatred of Philip, his predecessor, whom he had mur- 
dered, and who was friendly to the Christians. Gregory 
attributes it to tho emperor's zeal for idolatry. Both 
causes might have prompted him. The persecuting 
edict is not now extant ; that which was published by 
Medon, Toulouse, 1G64, 4 to, is probably unauthentic. 
See Mosheim, De fob, Chritt. &c. p. 476, &c. J/ur. 


[P.VUT 1. 

fear of death as by the dread of the long- 
continued tortures by which the magistrates 
endeavoured to overcome the constancy oi 
Christians; and procured for themselves 
safety either by sacrificing, t. e. offering 
incense before the idols, or by certificates 
purchased with money. Hence arose the 
opprobrious names of Sacrificers, Licensers, 
and the Certificated, (Sacrificatorcs,^ Tliuri- 
ficatores, and Libcllatici,) by which the 
lapsed were designated. 1 

4. From the multitude of Christians char- 
geable with defection in the reign of Dccius, 
great commotions and sharp contests arose 
in different parts of the church ; for the 
lapsed wished to be restored to Christian 
fellowship, without submitting to that se 
vere penance which the laws of the church 
prescribed, and some of the bishops fa- 
I vourod their wishes while others opposed 
them. 2 In Egypt and Africa many per- 
sons, to obtain" more ready pardon of their 
I offences, resorted to the intercession of the 
I martyrs, and obtained from them letters of 
recommendation (libellos pacis) that is, pa- 
pers in which the dying martyrs declared 
that they considered the persons worthy of 
their communion, and wished them to be 
received and treated as brethren. Some 
bishops and presbyters were too ready to 
admit offenders who produced such letters ; 
but Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, a decided 
and austere man, though he was not dis- 
posed to derogate at all from the honour of 
the martyrs, was nevertheless opposed to 
this excessive lenity and wished to limit 
the effects of these letters of recommenda- 
tion. Hence there arose a sharp contest 
between him and the martyrs, confessors, 
presbyters, the lapsed and the people, which 
ended in his gain ing the victory. 3 

l See Prudontius Maran, Life of Cyprian, prefixed to 
Cypriani Opp. sec. 6, p. 54, Sec. [For an Interesting 
account of tho sufferings of Christians in this persecu- 
tion, the English reader is referred to Milncr's Hist, qf 
the Church, cent, iii.chap. viii.; and chap. xi. This per- 
secution was more terrible than any preceding one, 
because it extended over tho whole empire, and because 
Its object was to worry tho Christians into apostacy 
by extreme and persevering torture. The Certifl- 
cnted or Libettitici, are supposed to be such as pur- 
chased certificates from the corrupt magistrates, in 
which it was declared that they wore pagans and had 
complied with the demands of the law, when neither of 
these was fact. To purchase such a certificate was not 
only to be partaker in a fraudulent transaction, but it 
*ra to prevaricate before the public in regard to Chris- 
tianity, and was inconsistent with that open confession 
of Christ before men which he himself requires. On 
the purport of these letters see Mosheim, Da Itch. Christ. 
Ac. pages 482489 Mur. 

2 Kusebius, Hitt. Eccle*. lib vi. cap. xliv.; Cyprian, 
Efristofat passim. 

Albasplnams, Obteroat. Eccks. lib. i. oba. xx. p. 94; 
fie Pcenit et Satinfactionibus humanis, lib. vii. cap. xvi. 
p. 706. Tho whole history of this controversy must bo 
gathered from tho Epistlet of Cyprian. [Tertullian, 
De FzuftcftiYz, cap. xxii.; and AdMartyres t c&p. i, makes 
the earliest mention of those letters; whence it i* con- 

5. The successors of Dccius, namely, 
Gallus and his son Volusian, (A.D. 251- 
253) renewed the persecution against the 
Christians which seemed to be subsiding ; ' 
and as their edicts were accompanied by 
public calamities, particularly by a pesti- 
lential disease which spread through many 
provinces, the Christians had again to un 
dergo much suffering in divers countries. 6 
For the pagan priests persuaded tho popu- 
lace that the gods visited the people with 
so many calamities on account of the Chris- 
tians. The next emperor, Valerian, stilled 
the commotion A. 1). 254, and restored 
tranquillity to the church. 

G. Till the fifth year of his reign Valerian 
was very kind to the Christians ; but sud- 
denly, in the year 257, by the persuasion of 
Macrianus, ji most bigoted pagan who was 
his prime minister, he prohibited the Chris- 
tians from holding meetings, and ordered 
the bishops and other teachers into exile. 
The next year he published a far more 
severe edict ; so that no small number of 
Christians in all the provinces of the Roman 
empire were put to death, and often ex- 
posed to punishment worse than deaf). 
Eminent among tho martyrs in this tem- 
pest were Cyprian bishop of Carthago, 
Sixtus bishop of Rome, Lauren tins a 
deacon at Rome who was roasted before 
a slow fire, and others. But Valerian being 
taken captive in a war against the Per- 
sians, his son Gallicnus, in the year 2(50, 
restored peace to the church. 

7. Under Gal lien us therefore, who reigned 
with his brother eight years [A.D. 260- 
268] and under his successor Claudius who 

jectured that they first began to bo used about the mid- 
dle of the second century, liy martyrs here must bo 
understood persons already under sentence of death for 
their religion, or at least such as had endured some suf- 
fering, and were still in prison and uncertain what 
would befall them. Mosheim ( De Rebus Christ. &c. 
pages 490497), has collected the following facts re- 
specting their misuse. ( 1 ) They were given with little 
or no discrimination to >11 Applicants. Cyprian, Ep. 
xiv. p. 24, Kp. x. p. 20. (2) They often did not express 
definitely the names of the persons recommeuded, but 
said: "Receive A. B. (cum suis) and his friends." Ibid. 
Ep. x. pag. 20, 21. (3) Sometimes a martyr, before his 
death, commissioned some friend to give letters iti his 
name to all applicants. Ibid. Ep. xxi. p. 30; Ep. xxi. 
p. 31 .(4) Some presbyters obeyed these letters without 
consulting the bishop, and thus subverted ecclesiastical 
order. Ibid. Ep. xxvii. p. 38; Ep. x. p. 20; Kp. xi. 
p. 52; Kp. xxxii. pag. 31, 32. It is easy to see what 
effects would follow, when the almost deified, martyrs, 
of every age and sex and condition felt themselves to 
possess authority almost divine, and were besieged by 
host of persons writhing under tho rigours of the 
ancient discipline. -^-Mur. 
'Eusebius, Uitt. Kccles. lib. vii. cap. 1.; Cyprian, 

* Sec Cyprian, Liber ad Demetrianum. [Milner's 
Hist, tftha Church, cent. ill. chap. xii.J/w. 

6 Eusebius, Hist. Ecctet. lib. vii. cap. x. xi. 4cta 
Cypriani, in Ruinart's Ada Marty rum Sincera, p. 216; 
Cyprian, Epist. Ixxvli. p. 178, Enut. Ixxxii. p. 166, ed. 
Baluze. [Milner's Uitt. qf the Church, cent. HI. chap. 
'. Afar, 

CHAP. i."j 


reigned two years [AJD. 268-270] the con- 
dition of the Christians was tolerable, yet not 
altogether tranquil and happy. Nor did Au- 
relian, who came to the throne A. D. 270, 
attempt to disquiet them during four years. 
Hut in the fifth year of his reign, prompted 
cither by his own superstition or by that 
of others, he prepared for wir against them. 
But before his edicts had been published 
over the whole empire, he was assassinated 
in Thrace, A.D. 275. Hence few Chris- 
tians were cutoff under him. The remainder 
of this century if we except some few in- 
stances of the injustice, the avarice, or the 
superstition of the governors 2 passed away, 
without any great troubles or injuries done 
to Christians living among Romans. 

8. While the emperors and provincial 
governors were assailing Christians with 
the sword and with edicts, the Platonic 
philosophers before described fought them 
with disputations, books, and stratagems. 
They were the more to be feared, because 
they approved and adopted many doctrines 
and institutions of the Christians, and fol- 
lowing the example of Ammonius, their 
master, attempted to amalgamate the old 
religion and the new. At the head of this 
sect in this century was Porphyry, a 
Syrian or Tyrian, who composed a long 
work against the Christians, which was 
afterwards destroyed by the imperial laws. 3 
lie was undoubtedly an acute, ingenious, 
and learned man, as his extant works evince ; 
but he was not a formidable enemy to the 
Christians ; for he had more imagination 
and superstition than sound argument and 
judgment, as his books which remain and 
the history of his life will show ; without re- 
curring to the fragments of his work against 
the Christians which are preserved, and which 
are unworthy of a wise and upright man. 

9. Among the wiles and stratagems by 
which this sect endeavoured to subvert the 
authority of the Christian religion, this de- 
serves to be particularly mentioned, that 
they drew comparisons between the life, 

1 Eusebius, UL-t. Eccle*. lib. vii. cap. xxx. ; Lactan- 
Uus, Dii Mwtihu* Persecutor, cap. vi. 

2 One example is the iniquity of the Caesar, Galerius 
Maximian, near the end of the century, who persecuted 
the soldiers and servants of his paVace who professed 
Christianity. Sec Eusebius, Uitt. Eccle*. lib. viii. cap. 
I. and tv. 

3 gee Holstenius, Vita Parphyrii, cap. xi. ; Pabri- 
clus, Lux Emng. toll orbi cxoriens, p. 151; Buddens, 
Xstigogc in Theologutm, lib ii. p. 877, &c. and Bruoker's 
Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p. 236, &c. His fifteen 
Books againtt the Christians wore condemned to bo 
burned by Theodosius II. and Valentlnian ILL A.D. 
419, (soe the Codex Justinianus de Summa Trinitate, 
lib. i. tit. i. cap. iii.) The work was answered by 
Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, and Philostorgius ; 
but the answers are lost Of the work of Porphyry 
extracts are preserved by Eusebius, Jcromo, and others. 

miracles, and transactions of our Saviour, 
and the history of the ancient philosophers ; 
and endeavoured to persuade the unlearned 
and women that these philosophers were 
in no respect inferior to Christ. With such 
views, Archytas of Tarentum, Pythagoras, 
and Apollonius Tyanams, a Pythagorean 
philosopher, were brought again upon the 
stage, and exhibited to the public dressed 
very much like Christ himself. The life of 
Pythagoras was written by Porphyry. 4 The 
lire of Apollonius, whose travels and pro- 
digies were talked of by the vulgar, and 
who was a crafty mountebank and the ape 
of Pythagoras, was composed by Pliilos- 
tratus, the first rhetorician of the age, in a 
style which is not inelegant. The reader 
of the work will readily perceive that the 
philosopher is compared with our Saviour; 
and yet he will wonder that any man of 
pound sense could have been deceived by the 
base falsehoods and fictions of the writer. 6 

10. But as nothing is so irrational as 
not to find patrons among the weak and 
ignorant, who regard words more than ar- 
guments, there were not a few who were 
ensnared by these silly attempts of the 
philosophers. Some were induced by these 
stratagems to abandon the Christian relU 
gion which they had embraced. Others 
being told that there was little difference 
between the ancient religion rightly ex- 
plained and restored to its purity, and the 
religion which Christ really taught, and not 
that corrupted form of it which his dis- 
ciples professed, concluded it best for them 
to remain among those who worshipped 
tha god?. Some were led by those com- 
parisons of Christ with the ancient heroes 
and philosophers, to frame for themselves 
a kind of mixed or compound religion. AVit- 
ness, among others [the emperor], Alex- 
ander Scvcrus, who esteemed Christ, Or- 
pheus, Apollonius, and the like, .all worthy 
of equal honours. 

11. The Jews were reduced so low that 

4 And in the next century by Jambllchus. That both 
biographers had the game object is shown by Klister, 
/Id not. ad Jamblich. cap. ii. p. 7, and cap. xi*. p. 78. 

5 See Olearius, Pro-fat, ad PMbttrati nitttm 
and Mosheim, Notes on Cud worth's Intclk-cttt 

pages 301, 30I>, 311, 831; also Bnickcr'a Hist. Crit. 
Philos. torn. ii. p. DH, &e. and Enftold's dbridgmnnt qf 
Brucker, vol. ii. p. 42, c.; Lardner's Worbi, vol. viil. 
pages 250 21)2. Apollonius was born about the bo- 
ginning and died near the close of the 'first century. 
He travelled over all the countries from Spain to India; 
and drew much attention by his sagacious remark**, 
and by his pretensions to superhuman knowledge and 
powers. He was a man of genius, but vaJn-glorious, 
and a great impostor. Mur. [ The Life tf Aodloniux, 
by Philostratus, has been translated into English from 
the Greek, with notes and illustrations, by Berwick, 
Lond. 1809, 8vo. The reader may sec a brief but judi- 
cious 'account of Apollonius In Smith's Diet. <tf Greek 
and Roman liiog. vol. i. p. 242. II. 



[PART n 

they could not, as formerly, excite in the 
magistrates any great hatred against the 
Christians. Yet they were not wholly in- 
active, as appears from the books written 
by Tertullian and Cyprian against them. 
There occur also in the Christian fathers 
several complaints of the hatred and 
machinations of the Jews. ' During the 
persecutions of Scvcrus, onoDomninus aban- 

doned Christianity for Judaism, undoubt- 
edly to avoid the punishments which were 
decreed against the Christians. Scranion 
endeavoured to recall him to his duty in a 
special work. 2 This example shows that 
while the Christians were in trouble, the 
Jews were in safety ; and therefore though 
greatly depressed, they had not lost all 
power of doing jnjury to the Christians. 





1 . LITEIIATUHE which had suffered much 
in the preceding century, in this lost nearly 
all its glory. Among the Greeks, with 
the exception of Dionysius Longinus, an 
excellent rhetorician, Dion Cassius, a fine 
historian, and a few others, scarcely any 
writers appeared who can be recommended 
for their genius or their erudition. In the 
western provinces still smaller was the 
number of men truly learned and eloquent, 
though schools continued everywhere de- 
voted to the cultivation of genius ; for very 
few of the emperors favoured learning, civil 
wars kept the empire almost constantly in 
commotion, and the perpetual incursions of 
the barbarous, nations into the most culti- 
vated provinces, extinguished with the pub- 
lic tranquillity even the thirst for know- 
ledge. 8 

2. As for the philosophers, nearly every 
sect of Grecian philosophy had some adhe- 
rents who were not contemptible, and who 
are in part mentioned by Longinus. 4 But 
the school of Ammonius, the origin of which 
has been already stated, gradually cast all 
others into the background. From Egypt 
it spread in a short time over nearly the 
whole Roman empire, and drew after it 
almost all persons inclined to attend to 
philosophical studies. The prosperity was 
owing especially to Plotinus, the most dis- 
tinguished disciple of Ammonius, a man of 
intellectual acumen, and formed by nature 
for abstruse investigation; for he taught, 
first in Persia, then at Rome and in Cam- 

l Hippolytus, Sermo in Susann. et Daniel. Opp torn. 
i. pages 274-276. 
* Eusobius, Uiit. Ecclet. lib. vi. cap. xii. 

3 See //we. Littfr. de la France, by the Benedictines, 
tome i. part ii. p. 317, &c. 

4 In Porphyry's Vita Plotini, cap. xx. p. 128, ed. 

pania, vast assemblages of youth; and cmbcv 
died precepts in various books, the greate? 
part of which has come down to us. 5 < 

3. It is almost incredible what a number 
of pupils in a short time issued from the 
school of this man. But among them no 
one is more celebrated than Porphyry, a 
Syrian, who spread over Sicily and many 
other countries the system of his master, 
enlarged with new discoveries and carefully 
perfected. 6 At Alexandria almost no other 
philosophy was publicly taught from the 
time of Ammonius down to the sixtli cen- 
tury. Tt was introduced into Greece by 
one Plutarch, who was educated at Alex- 
andria, and who re-established the Academy 
at Athens, which subsequently embraced 
many very renowned philosophers, who will 
hereafter be mentioned. 7 

4. The character of this philosophy has 
already been explained as far as was com- 
patible with the brevity of this work. It is 
here proper to add, that all who were ad- 
dicted to it did not hold the same opinions, 
but differed from each other on several 
points. This diversity naturally arose from 
that principle which the whole sect kept in 
sight; namely, that truth was to be pur- 
sued without restraint, and to be gleaned 
out of ell systems. Hence the Alexandrian 
philosophers sometimes would receive what 
those of Athens would reject. Yet there 
were certain leading doctrines which were 
fundamental to the system, that no one who 

5 See Porphyry's Vita Plotini, republished by Fabri- 
clus in Biulioth. Grtcca, vol. iv. p. 91 ; Bayle, Diction' 
naire, tome iii. art. Plotinus, p. 2330, and the learned 
Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p. 217, &c. 

6 Holstenius, Vita Porphyrii, rcpublished by Fabri- 
cius in Biblioth. Gr. [Porphyry was first the disciple 
of Longinus, author of the justly celebrated treatise on 
the Sublime. But having passed from Greece to Rome, 
where be heard Plotinus, he was so charmed with the 
genius and penetration of this philosopher that he at 
tached himself entirely to him. See fit a Plotini, p. 3 ; 
Eunapius, Vita Philos. cap. ii. p. 17.- Mad. 

i Marinus, Vita I'rocti, cap. xi. xii. p. 25, &G. 




claimed the name of a Platonist dared to 
call in question. Such were the doctrines 
of one God the source of all things, of the 
! eternity of the world, of the dependance of 
matter on God, of the plurality of Gods, 
of the method of explaining the popular 
superstitions, and sonic others. 

5. The estimation in which human learn- 
ing should be held, was a question on which 
I the Christians were about equally divided; 
I for while many thought that thejiterature 
j and writings of the Greeks ought to receive 
attention, there were others who contended 
' that true piety and religion were endangered 
j by such studies. But the friendtogf philo- 
. sophy and literature gradually acqpSred the 
| ascendancy. To this issue Origen contri- 
! butcd very much; who having early im- 
bibed the principles of the New Platonism 
inanspiciously applied them to theology, and 
earnestly recommended them to the nume- 
rous youth who attended on his instructions. 
And the greater the influence of this man, 
which quickly spread over the whole Chris- 
tian world, the more readily was his method 
of explaining the sacred doctrines propa- 
gated. Some of the disciples of Plotinus 
connected themselves with the Christians, 
yet retained the leading sentiments of their 
: master, 1 and those undoubtedly laboured to 
I disseminate their principles around them, 
! and to instil them into the minds of the 



1 . THE form of ecclesiastical government 
which had been introduced was more and 
more confirmed and strengthened, both in 
respect to individual churches and the whole 
society of Christians. He must be ignorant 
of the history and the monuments of this 
age, who can deny that a person bearing 
the title of bishop presided over each church 
in the larger cities, and managed its^ public 
concerns with some degree of authority, yet 
having the presbyters for his counsel, and 
taking the voice of the whole people on sub 
jects of any moment. 2 It is equally certain 

l Augustine, Epistola Ivi. Ad Dioscor. Opp. torn. ii. 
p. 260. 

* Authorities are cited by BlondcII, Apologia pro Sen- 
tent ia Hieronymi tie Episcopis et Pmbyterit, p. 136, Sec. 
[and still more amply by Boileau under the fictitious 
name of Claudius Fonteius, in his book De Antiqno 
Jure Presbyterorum in liegimine Ecclesiastico, Turin, 
1676, 12mo. The most valuable of these testimonies 
are from the Epistles of Cyprian, bishop of Carthago, 
who was a warm advocate for episcopal pre-eminence, 
yet did not presume to determine any question of mo- 
ment by his own authority, or without the advice and 
consent of his presbyters, and was accustomed to take 

that one bishop in each province was pre- 
eminent over the rest in rank and authority. 
This was necessary for maintaining that con- 
sociation of churches which had been intro- 
duced in the preceding century, and for hold- 
ing councils more conveniently and readily. 
Yet it must be added that the prerogatives 
of these principal bishops were not every- 
where accurately ascertained ; nor did the 
bishop of the chief city in a province always 
hold the rank of first bishop. It is also be- 
ji^nd controversy that the bishops of Rome, 
Antioch, and Alexandria, as presiding over 
the primitive and apostolic churches in the 
greater divisions of the empire, had prece- 
dence of all others, and were not only often 
consulted on weighty affairs, but likewise 
enjoyed certain prerogatives peculiar to 

2. As to the bishop of Rome in particular, 
he was regarded by Cyprian, 8 and doubtless 
by others likewise, as holding something of 
primacy in the church. But the fathers, 
who with Cyprian attributed this primacy 
to the Roman bishop, strenuously contended 
for the equality of all bishops in respect to 
dignity and authority; and, disregarding 
the judgment of the bishop of Rome when- 
ever it appeared to them incorrect, had no 
hesitation in following their own judgment. 
Of this Cyprian himself gave a striking 
example in his famous controversy with 
Stephen, bishop of Rome, concerning the 
baptism of heretics. Whoever duly consi- 
ders and compares all their declarations, 
will readily perceive that this primacy was 
not one of power and authority, but one of 
precedence among associated brethren. That 
is, the primacy of the Romish bishop in re- 
gard to the whole church was the same as 
that of Cyprian in the African church, which 
did not impair at all the equality of the 
African bishops, or curtail their liberties 
and rights, but merely conferred the right 
of convoking councils, of presiding in them, 
and admonishing his brethren fraternally, 
and the like. 4 

the sense of the whole church on subjects of peculiar 
interest. See Cyprian, Ep. v. p. 11; Ep. zlil. p. 23; Ep. 
xxviiL p. 39; Ep. xxiv. p. 33; Ep. xxvii. pag. 37, 38. 
To the objection, that Cyprian did himself ordain some 
presbyters and lectors without the consent of his coun- 
cil and the laity, it is answered, that the persons so ad- 
vanced were confessors, who according to usage, were 
entitled to ordination without any previous election. 
Cyprian, Ep. xxxiv. pag. 46, 47; Ep. xxxv. pag. 48, 
49; Tertullian, De Anim<t, cap. Iv. p. 353, &c. Sec 
Mosheim, Comment, de lleb. Christ, &c. pag. 575579. 

Cyprian, Ep. Ixxiii. p. 131; Ep. Iv p. 86, De Unl- 
tate Eccletia, p. 195, ed. Haluze. 

* See Haluze, Annot. ad Cypriani Epitt. pag. 887, 
389, 400, &c. and especially Cyprian himself who con. 
tends strenuously for the perfect equality of all bishops. 
Ep. Ixxi. p. 127. Nam nee Petrus vindicavlt sibi ali- 
quld insolenter, aut arrogante* ossumpsit se primntum 
tenere, ctobtemperari anovellis etposteris slbl oportere 


[PART n 

3. Although the ancient mode of church 
government seemed in general to remain 
unaltered, yet there was a gradual deflec- 
tion from its rules and an approximation 
I towards the form of monarchy ; for the bi- 
! shops claimed much higher authority and 
| power than before, and encroached more and 
more upon the rights not only of the Chris- 
tian people, but also of the presbyters. And 
to give plausibility to these usurpations, 
they advanced new doctrines concerning 
the church and the episcopal office ; whieji 
however wore for the most part so obscure 
that it would seem they did not themselves 
understand them. The principal author of 
these innovations was Cyprian, the most 
bold and strenuous defender of episcopal 
power who had then arisen in the church. 
Yet he was not uniform and consistent, for 
in times of difficulty when urged by neces- 
sity, he could give up his pretensions and 
submit everything to the judgment and 
authority of the church. 1 

4. This change in the form of ecclesiastical 
government was followed by a corrupt state 

Ep. Ixxiii. p. 137. Unusquisque Episeoporum quod 
putat facial, hahens arhitrii sui liberam potestatem. - 
E)>. lv. Ad Cornt'fium Horn. p. 80. Cum statutum- et 
ffvjuum git pariter ac justum, ut uniuscuj usque causa 
illic audiatur ubi est crimcn admission, et singulis pas- 
toribus portio gregis sit adscripta, quam regat unus- 
quisquc et gulx-rnet, ratinnem sui actus Domino redi- 
turus, [ami (Cyprian's address at the opening of the 
council of Carthage, A. I). 255, in his Works, p. 329, ed. 
Baluzo. Nequc cnim quLsquaiii nostrum Kpiscopum se 
ease Kpiscoporum constituit, aut tyrannico terrorc ad 
ohscqucndi necessitatcm eollegas suos adigit, quando 
habeat oinnis Frisco pus pro licentia libertatis ot potos- 
tatls sum arbitrium proprium tamquo judicari ab alio 
non possit, quam nee ipse potest altorum judicare. Sod 
expoctemus univorsi judiciuni Domini nostri Jcsu 
Christ!, qui units H so?. habot potestatcm et prajpon- 
cndi nos In ecelosiai suie gubcvnat ione, ot de actu nostro 
| judicatidi. The passages referred to in the preceding 
note, in which Cyprian not very intelligibly speuk.s of 
a. unity in the church and of a certain primacy of the 
Roman pontiff, rnustlKJ so understood as not to contra- 
dict these very explicit assertions of the absolute equa- 
lity of all bishops. See Mosheim, Do Itcb. Christ. &c. 
pag. 579687 Mur. 

1 No mati can speak in higher terms of the power of 
bishops than the arrogant Cyprian that very Cyprian 
who, when not fired by any passion, is so condescending 
towards presbyter*, deacons, und the common people. 
He inculcates, on all occasions, that bishops derive their 
office, not so much from their election by the clergy and 
people, as from tho attestation and decree of God. See 
Kp. Hi. pftg. 68, GO; Ep. xiv. p. 59; Up. lv. p. 82; lip. 
Ixv. p. 113; Kp. Ixix. p. 121. He regards bishops as the 
successors of tho apostles. Kp. xlii. p. 57. So that 
bishops are amenable to none but to God only ; while 
presbyters are amenable to the religious society. Kp. 
xi. p. 19. Deacons were created by the bishop; and 
therefore can be punished by him alone without tho 
voice of the society. Kp. Ixv. p. 1 1 4. Bishops have the 
same rights with apostles, whose successors) they are. 
-And hence, none but God can take cognizance of their 
actions. Kp. Ixix. p. 1 2 1 .The whole church is founded 
on the bishop ; and no one Is a true member of the 
church who is not submissive to his bishop. Kp. Ixix. 
p. 123. Bishops represent Christ himself, and govern 
and judge in his name. Kp. lv. Ad Cornel, pages 81, 
82. Hence all bishops, in the following ages, styled 
themselves Vicars of Christ. See BinghanVs Orig. 
fades, vol. 1. p. 81, &c. In the ninth century, a bishop 

of the clergy; for although examples of pri- 
mitive piety and virtue were not wanting, 
yet many were addicted to dissipation, ar- 
rogance, voluptuousness, contention, and 
other vices. This appears indubitable if 
we listen to the frequent complaints of the 
most credible persons of those times. 2 Many 
bishops nowalfected the state of princes, and 
especially those who had charge of the more 
populous and wealthy congregations ; for 
they sat on thrones surrounded by their 
ministers and other ensigns of their spiri- 
tual power, and perhaps also dazzled the 
eyes and the minds of the populace with 
their splendid attire. The presbyters imi- 
tated tfity example of their superiors, and, 
neglecting the duties of their ollice, lived in 
indolence and pleasure. And this embold- 
ened the deacons to make, encroachments 
upon the office and the prerogatives of the 

5. it was owing to this cause especially 
that, in my opinion, the minor orders of 
clergy were everywhere in this century 
added to the bishops, presbyters, and deii- 
cona. The words sub-deacons, acolythi, 
ostiarii or door-keepers, lectors or readers, 
exorcists, and copmtre, designate officers, 
which I. think the church would have never 
had, if the rulers of it had possessed more 
piety or true religion. But when the 
honours and privileges of the bishops and 
presbyters were augmented, the deacons 
also became more inflated, and refused to 
perform those meaner offices to which they 
once cheerfully submitted. The offices de- 
signated by new titles are in great 
measure explained by the words themselves. 
The exorcists owed their origin to the doc- 
trine of the New Platonists axlopted by the 
Christians, that evil spirits have a strong 
desire after the human body, and that 
vicious men are not so much impelled to 
sin by their natural depravity and the in- 
fluence of bad examples, as by the sugges- 
tions of some evil spirit lodging within 
them. 3 The copiata) were employed in the 
burial of the dead. 

of Paris is so styled in a letter of Lupus. F.p. xoix. p. 
149, ed. Baluze. After the ninth century the bishops 
of Rome assumed the exclusive right to this as well as 
other honorary episcopal titles. Sc/il. [See Moshelm, 
Da Hewitt Christ, p. 688, &c.Mur. 

2 Origcn, Cmnmcnt. in M<t(thtitm, par. 1. Opp, pag 
420, 441, 412 ; Eusebius, Hist. Er.dc. lib. viii. cap. 
i. p. 2D1 ; Cyprian, in many of his Rpistlet. A/ur, 

3 See Gothofredus, Ad Cudiccm Theodosi/mum, torn, 
vi. p. 48. [Several of the Catholic writers, as, e. g. 
Baronius, Bcllarmine, and Scbelstrate, believed these 
minor orders of the clergy were instituted by the apos. 
ties ; but the most learned writers of the Romish com* 
munion, and all the Frote&tanU, maintain that they 
were first instituted in the third century. See Cardinal 
Bona, Rcrum Lilwgicar. lib. i. cap. xxv. sec. 1C, 17 ; 
Morin, De Ordinatume, p. 3, Excrc. 14, cap. i. and 
BinghanVs Orig. Eccks. vol. i. Not one of these orders 

CHAP, u ] 


G. Marriage was allowed to all the clergy 
from the highest rank to the lowest. Yet 
those were accounted more holy and excel- 
lent who lived in celibacy; for it was the 
general persuasion that those who lived in 
wedlock were much more exposed to the 
assaults of evil spirits than others: 1 ^and it 
was of immense importance that no impure 
or malignant spirit should assail the mind 
or the body of one who was to instruct and 
govern others. Such persons therefore 
wished, if possible, to have nothing to do 
with conjugal life. And this many of the 
clergy, especially in Africa, endeavoured to 
accomplish with the least violence to their 
inclinations ; for they received Into their 
houses and even to their beds some of those 
females who had vowed perpetual chastity, 
affirming however most solemnly that 
they had no criminal intercourse with 
them. 2 These concubines were by the 
Greeks called rfui//o*axro/, and by the Latins 
mulicrcs subintroductfo. Many of the bi- 
shops indeed sternly opposed this shameful 
practice; but it was a long time before it 
was wholly' abolished. 

7. Of the writers of this century the most 
distinguished for the celebrity of his name 
and for the extent of his writings was Ori- 
gen, a presbyter and catechist of Alexan- 
dria, a man truly jjjreat and the instructor 
of the whole Christian world. Had his dis- 
comment and the soundness of his judgment 
been equal to his genius, piety, industry, 
erudition, and his other accomplishments, 
he would deserve almost unbounded com- 
mendation. As he is, all should revere his 
virtues and his merits. 3 The second was 

is even named by any writer who lived before Tertul- 
llan ; nor are all of them named by him. Cyprian, in 
tbo middle of the third century mentions hypoditiconi, 
ctrolytlii, and kctore*. Sec his Hp. xiv. xxiv. xxxvi. xlii. 
xlix. Ixxlx. ed. Baluz. And Cornelius, bishop of Rome, 
contemporary with Cyprian, in an epistle which is pre- 
served by Eusebius, II. E. lib. vi. cap. xliil. represents his 
church as embracing 4G (7r0e<r/3imfpovO presbyters, 7 
(SioKOj'ovs) deacons, 7 (vTroOtoxoyovs) subdcacons 42, 
(ttKoXovflovs) acolythi, and exorcists (eopKiora<>), and 
readers (a^ayi/wara?), with door-keepers (TrvAwpois), 
together 52. The particular functions of these inferior 
orders are but imperfectly defined by the writers of the 
third century. Those of the fourth century describe 
more fully the duties of all these petty otnecrs. Afr/r. 

1 Porphyry's, n-epi a7ro\^, lib. iv. p. 417. 

2 See Dodwell, Diss. tcrtia Cypriavii&t ; and Mura- 
tori, Dit*. dc Synis<tctis ct Ag'i^iu, in his jlwcdota 
Crteca, p. 218; lialuze, Ad Ctiprlani Efiittol. p. 5, 12, 
and others. [This shameful practice commenced be- 
fore this century. Slight allusions to it are found in 
the Shepherd of Hermat and in Tertullian ; but the 
first distinct mention of it is In Cyprian, who inveighs 
severely against it in some of his Kpistlcs. Such con- 
nexions were considered as a marriage of souls with- 
out the marriage of bodies. See Moshcim, De Kcb. 
Christ. &c. p. 599, &G.Mur. 

3 See Huet, Origeniana, a learned and valuable work ; 
Doucin, Jlistoire d'Origene et det Mouvemen* ant- 
oecs dant rfyliw au sujet de sa Dot-trine, Paris, 1700, 
8vo; and Bayle, Dictionnaire, tome ill. art. Origtne, 
and many others. [Origcn, surnamed A damantius, was 

Julius Africanus, a very learned man, most 

an Alexandrian Greek, born of Christian parents, A.D. 
185. His father Leonidas was a roan of letters, a de- 
vout Christian, and took great pains with the education 
of his son, especially in the holy Scriptures, some por- 
tion of which ho required him dully to commit to 
memory. His education, begun under his father, was 
completed under Clemens Alevandrimis and tbo phi- 
losopher Saccas. Orlgon was distinguished for preco- 
city of genius, early piety, and indefatigable industry. 
When his father sullerc'i martyrdom, A.D. 202, Origcn, 
then seventeen years old, was eager to suffer with him, 
but was prevented by his mother. The property of the 
family was confiscated, and Origon with his widowed 
mother and six younger sons were loft in poverty, but 
Origen found no difficulty in procuring a school for 
which his talents so well qualified him. The next year, 
A.I). 203, Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, advanced 
him to the mastership of the catechetic school, though 
ho was then only eighteen years old. IJi* talents as un 
instructor, his eminent piety, and his assiduous atten- 
tion to those who suffered in the persecution, procured 
him high reputation and numerous friends among tho 
Christians; but bis great success in making converts 
to Christianity and forming his pupils to be intelligent 
and dpvotcd Christians, rendered him odious to tho 
pagans who watched for opportunities to assassinate 
him. ' Tho austerity of his life was great. He fed on 
the coarsest fare, went barefoot, and slept on the ground. 
About this time ho sold bis largo and valuable collection 
of pagan authors for a perpetual income of four oboli 
(about flvepctiee) a-dny, which he regarded as a com- 
petent support. Construing tho passage in Matth. xix. 
12 literally, lie acted upon that interpretation, in order 
to avoid temptation in ins intercourse with his female 
pupils. About tho year 212 he made a short visit to 
Hoifie. On bis return he took his former pupil Hura- 
clas to be bis assistant in the school, HO that he might 
devote more time to the exposition of the Scriptures. 
Many learned persons, pagans and heretics, were con- 
verted by him ; and among them Ambrose, a Vulen- 
tinian and a man of wealth, who became a liberal pa- 
tron of Origen and at last died a martyr. In the year 
'215, the persecution under Caracalla obliged Origen to 
flee from Alexandria. lie retired to Cwsarea in Pales- 
tine, where he was received with high respect; and 
though not even a deacon at that time, tho bishops of 
C.'usarca and Jerusalem allowed him to expound tho 
Scriptures publicly in their presence. Tho next year 
Demetrius called him buck to Alexandria and to his 
mastership of the catechetic school. About this time 
an Arabian prince invited him to bis court, to impart 
to him Christian instruction. Afterwards Mamnuua, 
the mother of tho Emperor Alexander Scverus, sent for 
him to Antioch, in order to hear him preach. In the 
.year 228, he was publicly called to Achaia, to withstand 
the heretics who disturbed the churches there. On his 
return through Palestine, Theoctistus bishop of Coesa- 
rca, and Alexander bishop of Jerusalem, ordained him 
a presbyter, to the great offence of Demetrius, who was 
envious of the growing reputation of his catcchist. 
Demetrius had little to object against Origen, except 
that he was a eunuch, and that foreign bishops had no 
right to ordain his laymen. Controversy ensued, and 
in the year 230 Demetrius assembled two councils 
against 'him, the first of which banished Origcn from 
Alexandria, and the second deprived him of his clerical 
office. Demetrius also wrote letters to Rome and else- 
where, to excite odium against this unoffending man. 
Heraclas now succeeded him in the school at Alexan- 
dria, and Origen retired, A.I). 231, to Ccesarea in Pales- 
tine. Here ho resumed his oflice of instructor, ami 
continued to write expositions of the Bible. Hut in tho 
year 235 a persecution in Palestine obliged him to flee 
to Ctesarea in Cappadocia, where ho lived concealed for 
two years. After his return to Palestine he visited 
Athens ; and about the year 244 was called to attend a 
council at Bostra in Arabia against Beryllus, bishop of 
that place, who was heretical in respect to the personal 
existence of Christ previous to his incarnation. Origen 
converted him to the orthodox faith. Demetrius, his 
persecutor, died A.D. 232, and was succeeded by Hera- 
clas, a disciple of Origen, after whom Dionyslus th<? 
Great filled the see of Alexandria from A.D. 248 to 2C5. 
The persecution of Origen died with his personal enemy 
Demetrius, and he was greatly beloved and honoured 


[PART 11. 

of whose labours and works are lost. 1 The 
name of llippolytus ranks very high among 

both the writers and the martyrs ; but his 
history is involved in much obscurity. 2 The 

by all around him till the day of his death. His i 
, dence was now fixed at Cwsarou in Palestine; but 

but he 

occasionally visited other places. Against the more 
. learned pagans and the heretics of those times, he was 
I a champion who had no equal ; he was also considered 
j as a devout and exemplary Christian, and was heyond 
question the first biblical scholar of the age. He was 
master of the literature and the science of that age, 
which ho valued only as subservient to the cause of 
Christ; but he was more skilful in employing them 
against pagans and heretics, than in the explanation 
and confirmation of the truths of revelation. In the 
latter part of hid life, during the Decian persecution, 
A.D. 250, he was imprisoned for a considerable time, 
and came near to martyrdom which he showed himself 
willing to meet, lie was, however, released ; but his 
sufferings in prison, added to his intense literary labours, 
had broken down his constitution, and he died, A.I). 
254, at Tyre, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. He was 
in general orthodox according to the standard of that 
age; but unfettered in his speculations and unguarded 
in hia communications, he threw out some crude opi- 
nions which the next age gathered up and blazoned 
abroad, and for which ho was accounted by some a 
heretic. The principal errors ascribed to him are 
derived from his four books irepi apWoi/ (Deprincipiis, 
on the first principles of human knowledge), and are : 
first, the pre-existence of human souls and their incar- 
ceration in material bodies for offences committed in 
a former state of being ; second, the pro-existence of 
Christ's human soul and its union with the Divine na- 
ture anterior to the incarnation of Christ; third, the 
transformation of our material bodies into ethereal ones 
at the resurrection ; fourth, the final recovery of nil 
men and even devils through the mediation of Christ 
Origen could number among his pupils many eminent 
martyrs and divines, among whom Firmilianus of Cap- 
padocia, Gregory Thaumaturgus, and Dionysius the 
Great, bishop of Alexandria, arc best known at the pre- 
sent day. His life and history are best related by 
bius, Hist. tlcclex. lib. vi. passim; and by Jerome, De 
I'iris ll/ustr. cap. lv.; and Up. xli or Ixv. The united 
work of IVimphilus and Eusebius, in defence of Origen, 
in six books, is unfortunately lost, except the first book, 
of which wo have a translation by ttuttnus. Epipha- 
nius, Haves. Ixiv. gives a philippic upon Origen and his 
followers. Photius, Bibliolh, cxviii. affords us some 
knowledge of his lost works. Origen was a most vo- 
luminous writer. Euscbius says he collected 100 Epis- 
tles of Origen ; and that when sixty years old Origen 
permitted stenographers to write down his extempore 
discourses. Besides these ho ..composed eight Hooks 
u gainst Celsius ' in defence of Christianity, which are 
still extant; four books ircpl apx&v, extant, in a 
Latin translation by Kufinus ; ten books entitled fftro- 
mata, which are lost; his Hexapla and Tetrnpht, of 
which little remains; and tracts on prayer, martyrdom, 
and the resurrection; but his principal works are expo- 
sitions of the Scriptures. It is said he wrote on every 
book in the Bible except the Apocalypse. His allegori- 
cal mode of interpreting Scripture is described by Mos- 
heim in the next chapter. Origen's expositions are of 
three kinds : first, Homilies, or popular lectures ; se- 
cond, Commentaries, divided into books, which arc full, 
elaborate, and learned expositions ; third, Scholia, or 
short notes, intended especially for the learned. A col- 
lection of Origen's Scholia, and scattered remarks on 
Scripture, compiled by Basil the Great and Gregory 
Nazknzen, is extant, bearing the title of 4>tA0iraAt'a. 
A large part of his Homilies arid Commentaries is wholly 
lost, and some of the others have come to us only in the 
Latin translation of Rufinus. The earlier editions of 
Origen's works are chiefly in Latin, and of little value. 
Huet, a Benedictine monk, first published, A.D. 16G8., 
in 2 vols. fol. the expository works of Origen, Greek 
and Latin with notes and a valuable introduction en- 
titled Origeniana. Montfaucon, another Benedictine, 
collected and published what remains of his Hexapla 
and Tetrapln, Paris, 1714, 2 vols. fol.; but the best 
edition of all his works, except the Hexapla, is that 
of the Benedictines De la Rue, Paris, 1733-59, 4 vols. 
fol. The principal modern writers concerning Origen, 
besides Uuet and the De la Rues, are Tillemont, Mem. 

a I' Hist, de. rEfflijte, tome ill. pages 216 -264; Bayle, 
Diet. art. Driven? ; Cave, Hist. Lit. torn. I. p. 112, &c.; 
Lardner, Credibility, part ii. vol. ii. p. 161, &c. ; Huloix, 
Defence of Origen,' Doucin, Histoirc d'Origene, Paria, 
1700, 8vo; Mosheim, De Reb. Christ, pag. 605 680 ; 
Schroeckh, Kircftengesch. vol. iv. pages 2!) 145; Noan- 
der, Kirchengfisch. vol. i. pages 11721214; Milner's 
account of Origen, Eccles. Hist. cent. iii. chap. v. vi. xv. 
is not impartial. Mur. [The most recent work on 
Origen is Hcdej)enning,.0rigenes eine Darstelluttg sein. 
Leliem wid Lehre, Bonn, 1841, &c. The student 
should hero again, in reference to Origen and the Alex- 
andrian theology, consult Gieseler, Lchrluch, &c. sees. 
62, G3, G4 ; Davidson's Transl. vol. i. p. 229, &c. The 
only portion of Origen's works which has been trans- 
lated into English is his Answer to Celsus, and even 
of that only the first two books were translated by 
Bellamy, Lond. 8vo. about 1710. 7i. 

1 Julius Africanus, for erudition and as an interpre- 
ter of Scripture, is ranked 'with Clemens Alexandrinus 
and Origen by Socrates, Hint. Eccles. lib. ii. cap. xxxv. 
The best account of this distinguished man is derived 
from Euscbius, Hist, fades, lib. vi. cap. xxxi.; and 
Jerome, DC Viris lllustr. cap. Ixiii. lie was probably o) 
Niconolis, once called Emmaus, in Judea, and is sup- 
posed to have died, being a man in years, about A.D. 232. 
Of his life little is known, except that he oriee visited 
Alexandria to confer with Hera el as, head of the cate- 
chetic school after Origen; and that the city of Nico- 
polis having been burnt about A.D. 221, Africanus was 
sent as envoy to the emperor, with a petition that it 
might be rebuilt. His principal work was stimuli frf 
tin- n'urhlfnnn tlie Creation down to A.D. 2'J|, in five 
books, of which only fragments now remain. He was 
author of A Jitter to Jlristide.s, reconciling the two 
genealogies of our Saviour. Of this work we have a 
long extract in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. 7, and a 
fragment in Routh's Jiilhjuiic Sacra-, vol. ii. p. 11 5. 
Another letter of Africanus, addressed to Origen, is still 
extant in the works of Origen, vol. i. pages 1012, cd. 
De la Rue. Eusebius and others ascribe to Africanus 
another and larger work entitled Keorot. It is a 
miscellany and unworthy of a Christian divine. Many 
fragments of it have been collected by Thevenot, and 
published in his Collection qfthr Writings of (he ancient 
Greek Mathematicians, Paris, 1693, fol. Mur. 

2 The Benedictine monks have, with great labour 
and erudition, endeavoured to dispel this darkness. 
See flist. Lifter, de la France, tome i. p. 361, &c. Paris, 
1733, 4to. [Both Eusebius, 1/ Lcclen. lib. vi. cap. x.\. 
xxii.; and Jerome, De I'iris lllustr. cap. Ixi. make him 
to have flourished in the reign of Sevcrus, A.D. 222, &c. 
and to have been a bishop, but of what city they could 
not learn. Subsequent writers were divided, some re- 
presenting him as an Arabian bishop, and others as 
bishop of Ostia, near Rome, whence he is surnamed 
Portuensis. That he was a martyr is generally con- 
ceded : though the poem of Prudentius, on the martyr- 
dom of llippolytus, refers to another person who was a 
Roman presbyter. Eusebius, ubi supra, gives an account 
of his writings: "Besides many other works ? hc wrote 
a treatise concerning Easter, in which he describes the 
succession of events, and proposes a Paschal Cycle of 
sixteen years; the work terminates with the first year 
of the Emperor Alexander." (Sevcrus, A.D. 222.) 
" His other writings which have reached me are thc.> i e : 
on the Ilexagmeron" (Gen. i.); "on what follows the 
Hexaemeron; against Marcion; on the Canticles; on 
parts of Ezekiel; concerning Easter; against all the 
heresies." Besides these Jerome mentions his Com- 
mentaries on Exodus, Zechariah, the Psalms, Isaiah, 
Daniel, the Apocalypse, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes ; 
and some tracts. Certain other works of llippolytus 
are enumerated in an inscription on the base of his 
statue, dug up near Rome in the year 1551; also by 
Photius, llililioth. No. 1 21 arid 122; and Ebedjesus, in 
Asseman's Biblioth. Orient, torn. iii. par. 1. His Pas- 
chal Cycle is his only work which has come down to us 
entire. The dialogue concerning Christ and Antichrist, 
still extant, if really his, does him little credit as a theo- 
logian. The concluding part of his work against all 
the heresies still remains, and gives us trie best account 
we have, though a lame one, of the heresy of Noetus 


CHAP, n. j 

writings now extant bearing the name of 
this great man are, not without reason, re- 
garded by many as being either spurious or 
at least corrupted. Gregory, bishop of 
New Cassarea [in Pontus], was surnamed 
Thaumaturgus on account of the numerous 
and distinguished miracles which he is said 
to have wrought. But few of his writings 
are now extant; his miracles are questioned 
by many at the present day. 1 I could wish 

All that remains of him, genuine and adulterated, and 
all that is ascribed to him, arc well edited by Fabricius, 
in two thin volumes, fol. Ilainb. 1710-18, For a more 
full account of him and his writing*, besides the Itin- 
toire Litt. da la France, and Fabricius, Ad Hippol. 
Opera; see Tillemont, Me moires a I ' Hist, Ecoles. tome 
iii. pages 104 and 309, &c ; Cave, Hist. Lit. vol. i. p. 102, 
e ; Lardner, Credib. part ii. vol. it. p. (59, &c.; Sch- 
roeckh, Kirchengcsch. vol. iv. p. 151, c.; Meander,* vol. i. p. 1147, c. Mur. [An elabo- 
rate biography of this father may be seen in Smith's 
Diet, of Greek and Rom. Jiioffr. vol. ii. p. 490, where 
all the questions respecting his history and writings 
are carefully considered. II. 

i See Anton, van Dale, Preface to, his book, l)e Ora- 
culis, p. (J. [Schyoeckh, Kirch<--ngesch. vol. iv. p. 351, 
c. and pages 380392, and Lordlier, Credibility, part 
ii. vol. ii. p. 450, &c. Gregory of New Caisarea in 
Pontus, whose original name was Thcodorus, was born 
of heathen parents at New Ceesarca near the beginning 
of this century. His family was wealthy and respect- 
able. After the death of his father, which was when 
he was fourteen years old, his mother and the children 
became nominally Christians. But Gregory was a 
stranger to the Bible, and ambitious to make a figure in 
the world. About the year 231 he left Pontus, intend- 
ing to study law in the famous law school at Berytus, 
but meeting with Origen at Cresarea he was induced 
to change his purpose, lie applied himself to the study 
of the Bible, was baptized, assumed the name of (ire- 
gory, and continued under the instruction of Origen 
eight years, except that he fled to Alexandria for a short 
time to avoid persecution. Ho was now a devoted 
Christian and a man of great promise. On leaving 
Origen, he composed and read in a public assembly a 
eulogy 011 his instructor, in which he gives an account of 
his own past life, and of the manner in which Origen 
Uimself allured him to the study of the scriptures, and 
changed all his views. lie returned to Pontus and be- 
came bishop of his native city, New Ca'sarea, where he 
spent the remainder of his life. When created bishop 
he found but seventeen Christians in his very populous 
diocese. When he died there was only about the same 
number of pagans in it. lie and his flock endured per- 
secution in the year 250. He attended the first council 
of Antioch against Paul of Samasata, in the year 20-1 
or 265, and died soon after. Some account of him is 
given by Kuscbiua, //. It. lib. vi. cap. 30, and lib. vii. 
cap 11, 28 ; Jerome, DC Vir'ia I/luxtr. cap. Ixv. and E/)> 
ad Magnum. But his great eulogists among the an- 
cients were the two brothers, Basil the Great, and Gre- 
gory Nysscn, whose grandmother sat under the ministry 
of Gregory Thauin. and furnished her grandchildren 
with an account of him. Basil speaks of him in his Book 
mi the tloly Spirit and in his Epistles, No. 28, 110, 204, 
207, or (52, 63, 64, 75 ; and Nyssen, in his Life of Gre- 
gory Thaum. inter 0pp. Grvgvrii Nys. torn. iii. p. 530, 
&c. Among the moderns who give us his history arid 
enumerate his works, sec Tillemont, Mcimoires 4 I' Hint. 
Ecd. tomoiv. p. 131, &c. and Notes sur S. Greg. Thaum. 
p. 47 ; Du Pin, NOD. BibliotA. das Aut. Ecdes. tome i. 
p. 184, &c. ; Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr. vol. v. p. 247, &c ; 
Cave, Hist. Lit. vol. i. ; Neander, Kirchengesch. vol. i. 
pages 12 24, &c. ; Schroeckh, ubi supra; Lardner, ubi 
supra, and Milner, Ecdet. Hist, cent iii. chap. 18. Tho 
only genuine works of Gregory which are extant aro 
his Eulogy on Origen, which has been mentioned ; a 
Paraphrase on Ecclesiastes ; a short Confession of 
Faith (the hu;t part of which some have questioned), 
and a Letter containing counsel for the treatment of 
the lapsed. The spurious works attributed to him arc, 

that many writings of Dionysius, bishop of 
Alexandria, were now extant ; for the few 
fragments which have reached us show tliat 
he was a man of distinguished wisdom and 
mildness of disposition, and prove that the 
ancients used no flattery when they styled 
him Dionysius the Great. 3 Methodius was 

Capita xii. Da Fide, with anathemas; In Annuntia- 
lionem Sanctissitrue Marias Sernwnes tres ; in Sanctd 
Tht'oplumia siva df apparitions Dei et Christi Raptismo; 
J)e anima, disputatio ad Tatianum ; Expositio Fidni 
T) Kara fxepo? Trums, (relating only to the Trinity.) All 
these were collected and published with learned notes 
by Gerard Vossius, Mentz, KJ04, 4to, and Paris, 1G22, 
fol. with the works of Macarius, Basil of Seleucia, and 
a tract of Zonaras, subjoined. Mur. 

8 The history of Dionysius is carefully written by 
Basnage, Hittuire de I'fylise, tome i. livr. ii. chap. v. p. 
G8. [Ho was probably born of heathen parents but 
early converted to the Christian faith by Origen, under 
whom ho had his education at Alexandria. lie became 
a presbyter there ; and succeeded licraclas, as head of 
the catechetical school, about the year 232 ; and on the 
death of Iferaclas, A.D. 218, he again succeeded him 
in the episcopal chair, which he filled till his death in 
the year 265. We know little of his history, while a 
cntechist, except that ho now read carefully all the works 
of heretics and pagans, and mado himself master of tho 
controversies of the day (Euseb. H. E. lib. vii. cap vii). 
As a bishop ho was uncommonly laborious and faithful, 
and had little rest from persecution, in which he and 
his flock suffered exceedingly. These sufferings are 
described in the copious extracts from his writings, 
preserved by Kusebius, in his Hint. Ecdi>s. lib. vi. 
and vii. In tho general persecution under Deems, 
Dionysws was under arrest, and suffered much with 
his flock for a year and a half. Soon after his release, 
the pestilence began to lay waste the church and the 
city, and did not entirely cease till tho end of twelve 
years. The warm contest respecting the rcbaptism of 
converted heretics, about the year 250, was submitted 
by both parties to him, and drew forth several able 
productions from his pen. Not long after ho had to 
withstand the Sabcllians in a long and arduous contro- 
versy. In the year 257 the persecution under Valerian 
commenced; and for about two years Dionysius was 
in banishment, transported from place to place, and 
subjected to great sum-rings. After his return in the 
year 200, insurrection among the pagans and civil war 
and famine raged at Alexandria. Scarcely was quiet 
restored, when this aged and faithful servant of God 
was solicited to aid in the controversy against Paul of 
Samosata, His infirmities prevented his attending the 
council of Antioch in 205, where Paul was condemned; 
but he wrote his judgment of the controversy, sent it to 
the council, and died soon after in the close of that 
year. In his controversy with the Sabellians he was, 
to say the least, unfortunate ; for in his zeal to main- 
tain a personal distinction between the Father and the 
Son. he let drop expressions which seemed to imply, 
that the latter was of another and an inferior nature to 
the former. This led the Sabelljans to accuse him of 
heresy; and a council assembled at Rome called on 
him to explain his views. He replied in several books 
or letters, addressed to Dionysius, bishop of Rome, 
which pretty well satisfied his contemporaries. After- 
wards, when the Ariam claimed him, Athanasius came 
forth in vindication of his orthodoxy, Mosheim, (Da 
Rd>u<t Christ, p. u'%, &e.) supposed that Dionysius dif- 
fered from the orthodox on tho one hand, and from 
Sabellius on the other, in the following manner: They 
all agreed, bhat in Jesus Christ two natures, the human 
and tho divine, were united. The orthodox maintained, 
that both natures constituted but one person, and denied 
personality to the human nature. SabelHus admitted the 
union of two natures in Christ, but denied personality 
to his divine nature. Dionysius distinguished two per- 
sons, as well as two natures, in. Christ; and affirmed 
that the actions and sufferings of tho human nature 
could not be predicated of the divine nature. Natalia 
Alexander has a Dissertation (Hist. Eccles. sfficul. iii. 
digs. xix. ) in vindication of the orthodoxy, though not 
of all the phraseology of Dionysius ; for a knowledge of 


PART u. 

a man of piety and had some weight of 
character ; wit the few works of his remain- 
ing prove him not to be a man of an accu- 
rate and discriminating mind. 1 

8. Of the Latin writers of this century 
Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, deservedly 
stands first. The epistles and tracts of this 
distinguished and eloquent man breathe 
such a spirit of ardent piety, that almost no 
one can read them without feeling his soul 
btirred within him. Yet Cyprian would 
doubtless have been a better writer if he 
had been less studious of rhetorical orna- 
ments, and a better bishop if he had been 
more capable of controlling his temper and 
of discriminating between truth and error. 2 

the life and writings of Dionysius, the chief original 
sources are, Eusebius. lint Eccles. Jib. vi. cap xxix. 
xxxv. xl. xlli. xllv. -xlvi.; lib. yii. cap. i. iv. xi. xx. 
xxviii.; Prtepar. Evang. lib. xiv. cap. xxiii. xxvii. ; 
Jeromes, Da Viris Jlluxtr. cap. Ixix. and Prci'fatin ad Lib. 
xviii.; Comment, in Esaiam ; Athanasius, Da Snttentia 
Dinnysii, and J)e Synod i Nic<wuK Decrclis ; Hasil, DC 
Spiritu Sancto, cap. xxix. ; Kpist* nd stmpliiluch. and 
Epixt. nd Maximum. Of his works only t\vo short 
compositions have conic to us entire ; namely, his very 
sensible letter to Novutian Jn Kusabi. Hixt. Ecc.les. 
vi. 45), and his I^mtola Cnnonim ad ttasilidem. But 
we have valuable extracts from many of his letters and 
books preserved by Eusebiu.s. Athanasius also gives 
extracts from various works of his ; and Eusebius men- 
tions several from which he gives no extracts, and 
which are not now extant. Mm: [All that has been 
preserved of Dionysius may be found in (Jallandiuy, 
Jiiblio. l'<i t rum, v. 3, p. 4s 1, <Scc. and in a separate edi- 
tion published by S. de Mugistris, Koine, 17%, folio, 
Greek and Latin, with a Dissertation on his life and 

I Methodius Patarcnsis Eubulius was bp. of Olympus 
or of Patura in Lyeiu, and afterwards of Tyre. lie 
lived during the last half of the third century; and died 
a martyr at Chaleis in Greece, probably A. T). .'ill, 
during the Diocletian persecution. Jerome (Dc Viris 
llln.xtr. cap. Ixxxiii.) ranks him among the popular 
writers, and commends him especially for the neatness 
of his style; but Soerutes (in his //wf. En-It*, lib. vi. 
cap xiii.) represents him as one of those low and con- 
temptible scribblers, who endeavoured to bring them- 
selves into notice by assailing the characters of their 
superiors. His works, us enumerated by Jerome, are 
two books against Porphyry (a largo work now lost) ; 
fr-ust of the Ten I'irgim (a dialoguo of pious females, 
in praise of celibacy ; it is still extant, though perhaps 
corrupted; but doc's its author little credit^; On the 
rcsurrtictiun of the l>dy, against Origen. Much of it is 
preserved by Epiphanius, Hares. Ixiv.; Photius, Hib- 
lioth. ccxxxiv. \c. ; On the witch (if En dor, against 
Origen (not extant); On free-mil (and the origin of 
e^ il ; not from matter, but from abuse of human liberty. 
Extracts from it remain) ; Commentaries on Genesis 
and Canticles (almost wholly lost); many other popular 
works (not described by Jerome). The works of Me- 
thodius, so fur as they remain, were edited with those 
of A mphilochius and Andreas Cretensis, by Combetis, 
Paris, 1G44, fol. Several discourses of the younger Me- 
thodius, patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth cen- 
tury, have been oscrilicd to the older Methodius. Mur. 

* ThaHcius Cacilius Cypriamts was born of heathen 
parents and probably about the year 200, at Cartilage 
in Africa. He was rather dissipated, but was a man of 
genius and a teacher of rhetoric. In the year '244 or 
24ft he was converted to Christianity by CiTcilius, a 
presbyter of Carthage, whose name he assumed.. An 
account of his conversion we have in his tract, De 
Gratia Dei, ad Dona turn. As soon as he became a 
Christian he distributed all his property In charity to 
the poor, devoted himself much to the study of the 
bible and of his favourite author Tertullian, and showed 
a *eal and earnestness in religion seldom equalled. He 

The dialogue of Minutius Felix, which he 
entitled Octavius, answers the arguments 

was made a presbyter a few months after his conver- 
sion, and was advanced to the episcopal chair in tho ! 
year 248. Asa bishop he was indefatigable and efli- ; 
cient. Few men ever accomplished so much in a long ! 
life, as Cyprian did in tho ten years of his episcopacy. I 
In the year 250 the Decian persecution obliged him to ; 
leave Carthage, and live in concealment for more than I 
a year. During his exile he Wrote 3!> epistles which 
are extant, addressed to his church, to its officers col- ; 
lectively or individually, to other bishops, and to various 
individuals. On his return to Carthage, A.D. 251, he 
had much to do to collect and regulate his Hock ; a con- i 
troversy arose respecting the reception of the lapsed to j 
Christian fellowship, and Cyprian had personal con- 
tests with some of his presbyters who were opposed to 
him. Ho was also drawn into the Novatian I 
verny. The persecution was soon after renewed by the ! 
emperor*GalluK ; and pestilence and famine spread j 
wide, and incursions of barbarians from the desert laid 
waste the back country. Cyprian wrote and preached 
incessantly ; and in the year 253 called a council and 
roused up the African churches to great efforts for re- ! 
deeming Christian captives. In the year 257 the per- i 
sccution under Valerian broke out, and Cyprian was 1 
banished to Curubis. The next year, A.I). '258, he was 
recalled from banishment, summoned before the new 
governor, Maximus, and condemned to be beheaded. 
Cyprian lived about twelve years after he embraced 
Christianity; and during ten of these he was inces- 
santly engaged in active duties. It was impossible, 
therefore, that he should become a very learned theo- 
logian. Though a man of genius, he was not a meta- 
physician or philosopher, and seems riot formed for 
abstruse speculations. He was an orator and a man of 
business rather than a profound scholar. The prac- 
tical part of Christianity and the order and discipline 
of the church, most engaged his attention. Naturally 
ardent and poring daily over tho writings of Tertul- 
lian, he imbibed very much the spirit and tho principles 
of that gloomy Montanist; and having high ideas of 
episcopal power and groat intrepidity of character, he 
was an energetic prelate and a severe disciplinarian. 
The best original sources for the history of this dis- 
tinguished man are his own numerous letters and 
tracts, and the Passio t>. Cypriani or account of his 
martyrdom, written by Pontius one of his deacons, llo 
is very honourably mentioned by many of the fathers ; 
and Gregory Naz. wrote a professed eulogy of him. Tho 
moderns also, especially the Roman Catholics and the 
English Episcopalians, have written elaborately con- 
cerning his history, his works, and his opinions. Bee 
l?p. Pearson's Annalcs Cypriuniri, and Dod well's Dig- 
ger tut i ones Cyprianhw, in the Oxford edition of Cy- 
prian's works, KiH'2; Tillcmont, Memoircs a I'Hidoiro 
EceUt. tome it. p. 19, c. and sur S. Cyprfen, p. 
10, &c. ; Prud. Maran, Vita S. Cyjvriani, pro-fixed to 
OPP- Cyi> r ' <<! Paris, 1720, pages 38134, and Milncr's 
Church Hist. cent. iii. chap. vii. xv. His works con- 
sist of 81 Epistles, and 14 Treatises which are ac- 
counted genuine. His style is neither perspicuous 
nor chaste, but ardent and animated. The earlier 
editions of his works by Erasmus and others arranged 
his letters in books, without regard to their dates or 
subjects; the edition of Pamelius, 1556, re-published 
by Rigaltius, lfiG4, attempted to arrange them in chrono- 
logical order; the Oxford edition by Up. Fell, i62, 
fol. perfected this arrangement ; tho edition prepared 
by Baluze and published by Prudentius Maran, Paris, 
172G, fcl. [the Benedictine edition] retains tiro order 
of Pamelius. The last two are the best editions. Afar. 
[Cyprian's works were tramlated into English os- 
tensibly from Fell's edition, but I suspect merely from 
the French translation of Lambert, by N. Marshall, 
Lond. 1717, folio. They have been recently translated 
anew and published in two volumes of the Oxford 
Library of the Fathers; volume iii. containing his thir- 
teen treatises and volume xvii. his letters, with a very 
useful table prefixed, giving a scheme of tho numbering 
of these epistles, which is different in tho four principal 
editions of his works, and therefore very embarrassing ; 
this volume also contains the extant works of Pacian. 
There is a separate biography of this eminent father 
entitled The life and times of St. Cyprian, by G A. Poolo, 



by which the Christians were commonly at- 
tacked by their adversaries, in a manner so 
spirited and eloquent, that it cannot be 
disregarded except by those who are willing 
to be ignorant of the" state of the church in 
this century. 1 The seven books of Arno- 
bius, the African, against the Gentiles, are 
more full and copious, and though obscure 
in several places, will not bo read without 
both pleasure and profit. Yet this rhetori- 
cian, who was superficial in his knowledge 
of Christian doctrines, has mingled great 
errors with important truths, and has set 
forth a strange philosophical kind of reli- 
gion, very different from that ordinarily re- 
ceived. 2 The writers of less eminence I 
leave to be learned from those who have 

Lond. 1810, 8vo. ; but it is not worthy of the subject, 
though it has been translated into French, being well 
adapted to the taste of thu continental Romanists. I 
have not seen Rettberg's work mentioned by Dan/., en- 
titled Cyprian dar^rstcfft. nuch sdncm Lfben n. Wirkt-n, 
Giitt. 1831. The life of Cyprian, which is Riven in 
Smith's Diet, of Cirrck and Rinmtn '/Hog. is from the 
pen of one of my colleagues, Professor Kamsay of tbo 
university of Glasgow, and, like all his works, is most 
carefully and accurately compiled.- ft. 

I Minutius Felix was a Christian advocate at Rome, 
and is supposed to have been contemporary with Ter- 
tullian, and to have flourished about the year 220. Ho 
is mentioned by Jerome, Do I'irig Jltwtr. cap. Ivili. 
and by Lactantius, Institut. Dinhwrr. lib. i. cap. xl. and 
lib. v. cap. i. Little is known of his history. Ilia ele- 
gant dialogue between Cnecilius a pagan and Octavius 
a Christian, recounts the principal arguments urged 
for and against Christianity at that time, in a clear, con- 
cise, and forcible manner. The Latinity is pure and 
elegant. Jerome informs us that another tract now 
lo*t, Da Vttto wlcimtra Mttthan-i tiros, was ascribed to 
him, but from its style it was probably not his. In 
the middle ages tho (Manias of Minuting was mis- 
taken for the 8th book (Liber Oetavus) of Arnobius; 
and it was so published in the earlier editions. It has 
been often republished. The best editions, cum notis 
variorum, are those of GronoviuH, Leyden, 1709, 8vo. ; 
uid of Davis, Cambridge, 1707 and 1711, 8vo. The 
Germans are fond of the edition of Cellaring IG98, 8vo, 
republished by Under, 1700, and by Ernesti, 1773, 8vo, 
It lias been translated into French, Dutch, [German,] 
and English ; the last, by Reeves, among his Apnhv*it!s in 
ilrftmw <\J' the Christian religion, vol. ii. Lond. 170.0, 8 vo. 
Afur.j [but much more accurately by Sir 1). Dai- 
ry mplc, with notes and illustrations, Edin. 1781. There 
is also a short but excellent account of this father 
rind of the best editions of the Ortaoius, by Professor 
Itumsay, in Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman J3iog. 
vol. ii. p. Hi. It. 

'i Arnobius, senior, was a teacher of rhetoric at Sieca 
in Africa, during the reign of Diocletian. See Jerome, 
De yiris Iltustr. cap. Ixxix. He was at first an open 
adversary of the Christian religion, but at length being 
fully convinced of its truth, ho undertook to defend it 
in a learned and elaborate work. But either his know- 
ledge of Christianity was then very limited, or he had 
studied the scriptures only in private and without seek- 
ing instruction from Christian teachers, for he enter- 
tained many singular opinions. Jerome reports ( Citron, 
ml. arm. xx. Comtantini), that when Arnobius applied 
to the bishop for Baptism, the latter refused him from 
doubts of tho sincerity of his conversion ; and that 
Arnobius wrote his book to satisfy the mind of the 
bishop. This account is called in question by some. 
Seo Lardner, Credibility, &c. part ii. voL iv. p. 7, and 
Neander, Kirchengesch. vol. i. p. 116J, &c.. lie proba- 
bly wrote in the beginning of the fourth century, apd 
died perhaps about A.D. 326. Tho best early editions 
of his work are those printed at Leyden, 1651 and 1657, 
4to. Tho latest edition is that of Orel, Lips. 1816, 8vo, 
In 2 parts, with an Appendix, 1817, 8vo. Mur. 

professedly enumerated tho learned men 
among Christians. 8 

3 The following notices of other leading men in this 
century may bo interesting to tho literary reader. 

Caius, a learned ecclesiastic of Rome, in the begin- 
ning of this century, is mentioned by Jerome, DC firit 
Illutlr. cap. lix. and is quoted repeatedly by Eusebius. 
In his workagainstProculus the Montanist ho assailed 
the Chiliasts, and ascribed but 13 epistles to St. Paul. 
Kusob. //. E. ii. 25 ; Ui. 28, and vi. 20. Ho has been 
supposed by some to be the author of tho book against 
Artemon, quoted by Eusebius, //. K. v. 28. 

Just before A.D. 200, Thcophilus bp. of Antloeh, 
Baechylus bp. of Cjpsarea in Palestine, and Polyerates 
bp. of Ephesus, called councils on the controversy re- 
specting Easter day, and composed synodic epistles. 
See Jerome, De yiris Illuxtr. cap xliii. xlv. and Euseb. 
//. E. v. 23 and 25. From the epi.stle of Polycrates 
valuable extracts aro made by Jerome, ubi supra, and 
Euseb. //. E. iii. 31, and v. 24. 

At tho commencement of this century lived Hora- 
clitus, Maximus, Candidus, Appion, Scxtus, and Ara- 
bianus, who were distinguished as writers, according to 
Jerome, D<* J'iris Illuxtr. cap. xlvi. II. and Euseb. H. E, 
v. 27. Ileraclitus commentated on Paul's Epistles: 
Maximus wrote concerning tho origin of evil (n-cpl rys 
vArjT, from which we have a considerable extract in 
Euseb. Prtepar. K van if. vi. 22); Candidus and Appion 
explained tho Hexoi-meron or six days' work, in 
Genesis; Sextus wrote on tho resurrection; and Ara- 
bianus composed some doctrinal tracts. 

Judas, of tho same ngo, undertook a computation of 
the seventy weeks of Daniel ; and brought down his 
history of events to A. 1). 203. Sec Jerome, De I' iris 
Illuxtr. cap. Hi. and Euseb. H. E. vi. 7. 

Ammonius was probably an Egyptian Christian, 
nearly contemporary with Origen; and not the apostate 
philosopher Ammonius Saceas, under whom Origen 
studied, though confounded with him by Eusub, //. / 
vi 19, and by Jerome, Da yiris Illuxtr, cap. Iv. See 
Fabrichifl, Jlibtioth. Gr. iv. p. 101, and Mosheirn, DC 
lt<>b. C/irist. p. 2H1, &c. He wrote a book on the agree- 
ment of Moses with Jesus, which is lost, and a lltir- 
monif qf the four Gos/x'lx, which is supposed to be one of 
those still extant in the Itililinth. Max. Pntrnm. But 
whether the larger llttrnumy, In torn. ii. part ii. or tho 
smaller, intom. iii . is the genuine work, haslnjen doubted. 
See Lardner, Credibility, &c. part ii. vol. ii. p. 100, e. 

Tryphon, a disciple of Origen, is said by Jerome ( Dn 
yiris Illmtr. cap. Iviii.) to have been very learned in 
the scriptures, and to have written many epistles RIM! 
tracts, and particularly a treatise concerning the red 
heifer in the book of Numbers, c. xlx.; and another on 
the dividing of the birds in Abraham's sacrifice, Gen. 
xv. 10. Nothing of his is extant. 

.Symmaehus, originally a Harmtritan, then a Jew, and 
at last an Ebionite Christian, gave a free translation of 
the O.T. into Greek; and also defended the principles 
of the Ebionitcs, in a Commentary on Matthew's Gos- 
pel. See Euscb. II. K, vi. 17. 

Narcissus was made bp. of Jerusalem, A.I). 196. After 
four years of faithful service he was falsely accused of 
immoral conduct ; and though generally accounted in- 
nocent, he voluntarily abdicated his oinco and lived in 
retirement till A.D. 210, when ho resumed his office 
and continued in it till his martyrdom, A.D. 237. He 
was then 1 l(i years old. See Euseb. H. /'.'. vi. 9, 10, 1 1 . 

Alexander succeeded Narcissus A.I). 327, and held 
the chair fourteen years. This eminent man was bishop 
of a church in Cappadocia when called to tho see of 
Jerusalem. He wus a great patron of Origen, and 
wrote several epistles, from which extracts are pre- 
served. After important services to the church he died 
a martyr, A.I). 251. Sec Jerome, Do Writ lUwtr. cap. 
xlii. and Eusebius, U.K. vi 11, 14, 19, 26, 39, and 46. 

Firmilian, bp. of Ca-sarea in Cappadocia, was a great 
admirer and a disciple of Origen. He was a man of 
high eminence in the church, and died at Tarsus, on 
his way to tho second council of Antioeh against Paul 
of Samosata, about A.D. 2G6 A long and able epistle 
of his to Cyprian on the rebaptisrn of heretics, is pre- 
served in a Latin translation among the works of Cyprian, 
E}}. 75. See Euseb. U.K. vi. 26, 27, 46, and vii. 6, 29. 

Pontius, a deacon of Carthage, attended Cyprian at 




hia death, and wrote an account of his martyrdom, 
which has reached us, though perhaps interpolated. It 
is prefixed to Cyprian's works, and is found in Ruinart, 
Jcfa Selecta Martyntm. See Jerome, DC Pint lllustr. 
cap. Ixviii. Pontius himself, it is said, suffered martyr- 
dom shortly after; of which an account is extant, pro- 
fessedly written by his fellow-deacon Valerius; in 
Haluzo'g MisrelUinfict. torn. ii. p. 124. 

Cornelius, bp. of Rome, was elected Juno 2, A.D. 
25 1 , in opposition to Novatian ; and, after fifteen months, 
died in banishment at Centurncellre (Civita-Vccchia); 
Sept. 14, A.D. 252. In the works of Cyprian there are 
extant two epistles of Cornelius to Cyprian, and ten 
epistles of Cyprian to Cornelius. Cyprian describes 
him (Ef). 52, ed. Baluz.) as an unimpeachable char- 
actera pious, sensible, modest man well qualified to 
be a bishop. Jerome ( I)c Viris lllnstr. cap. Ixvi.) men- 
tions four epistles of Coiwlius to Fabius bp. of Antioch, 
and Eusebius gives us a long and valuable extract from 
one of them. U.E. vi. 43. See Bower's Lives of the 
1* pc's t vol. i. 

Novatian, first a presbyter, and then the schismatical 
bishop of Rome, wrote (according to Jerome, Da Virix 
JMujttr. cap. Ix.v.) DC Pttsehn ; De toibbatha.; De Cir- 
rumcisionc ; De Sttccrdote > DC Omlione ; De Cibix Ju- 
tlttnrft i extant, inter Opp. Tertulliani) ; De Instantia ; 
DC Attnlo ; DC Trinitatv (a largo book, being an abridg- 
ment of a work of Tertullian extant, inter Opp. Tertul.) 
and many other works. An epistle written by him to 
Cyprian, in the name of the Human clergy. A.D. 250, 
is likewise extant ( See Opp, Cypriant\ Ep. 31, ed. 
B.iluz.) and shows that he was a man of talents and a 
good writer. His rival, Cornelius, describes him as a 
very bad man. See Euseb. //. E. vii. 43. 

Stephen, bp. of Rome, A.I). 253 257, is chiefly 
famous for his presumptuous attempt to excommuni- 
cate Cyprian and many other bishops of Africa and the 
East, for rebaptizing converted heretics. See Euseb. 
//. K. vii. 25, 7 ; Cyprian, Ep. 7075 ; Bower's Liccx 
tif the Popes, vol. i. 

Sixtus II. bp. of Rome, A.I). 257, 258, and a martyr, 
u as more conciliatory than his predecessor. Euseb. //. /,'. 
vii. 5,9. Bower's Liws i\fthc Popes, vol. i. Various sup- 
posititious writings are extant under his name. The 
most noted is a series of 460 moral Apophthegms, trans- 
luted by Rulinus. Jerome (on Ezek. cap. xviii. and 
elsewhere), and Augustine, (Itetract. lib. ii. cap. 42), 
pronounce them the \\ork of Sixtus, a pagan philoso- 
pher; which they probably are, notwithstanding Sieber, 
their editor (hips. 1725, 4to), has laboured hard to iix 
them on this Roman bishop. 

Dionysius, bp. of Rome, A.D. 25.9200, was a learned 
man and a good bishop. See Basil. /)>. 1?2(), and DC 
Sf). Stmcto, cap. xxix ; Euseb, //. K. vi. 7. lie wrote an 
epistle against thq Sabellians, of which Athanasius ( Dt 
Synodi NicamtB Dccretis) has preserved an extract ; 
also an epistle to Dionysius of Alexandria, acquainting 
him with the dissatisfaction of a council of bishops at 
Rome, with some expressions concerning the Trinity 
used by that patriarch, and requesting of him an 
explanation which was given in four Letters or 
Hooks. Athanasius, Pro Scntftntia Dionys. Alex, and 
Euseb. //. E. vii. 26 ; See Bower's Lives of ihe Popes, 
vol. i. 

Malchion, a presbyter and a teacher of philosophy at 
Antioch. Ho greatly distinguished himself in the third 
council against Paul of Samosata, A.I). 269. Two 
previous councils had been unable to convict the crafty 
heretic; but in this, Malchion encountered him in pro- 
ponce of the council while stenographers took down 
their dialogue. Paul was now convicted ; and the 
Diilogue was published. Euseb. U.E. vii. 29; Jerome, 
Da I'irix lllustr. cap. Ixxi. 

Cornmodianus, a Christian poet, was probably an 
African, and contemporary, or nearly so, with Cyprian. 
See Dodwell's Diss. de JKtnte Comwodiani. lie had a 
smattering of Greek and Latin learning ; but was a 
weak though well meaning man. His book comprises 
eighty paragraphs, called Instructions. It is written 
ttcrostlcally, and in a loose kind of hexameter. The 
style is rudo and the matter trite. The first half of the 
book is directed against the pagans, next he assails the 
unbelieving Jews, and then attempts to instruct all 
classes of Christians and all ranks of ecclesiastical 
functionaries. It was first published by Rigaltius, sub- 
joined to Cyprian's works, A.D. 1650; and again in 
1G6G. The editions with notes by Schurtzflciscli, 1710, 

and of Davis, subjoined to his Minutiut Felix, Camb. 
1711, 8vo, are the best. 

Anatolius, a very scientific ecclesiastic of Alexandria, 
who by his address once delivered his townsmen from 
a siege. Ho was mado Bishop of Laodicea in Syria 
ab6ut A.D. 270, and published canons for ascertaining 
Easter, from which Eusebius (U.E. vii. 32), has pre- 
served an extract; and Institutes of Arithmetic, of 
which somo fragments still remain. Eusebius (ubi 
supra) gives a long account of him. See also Jerome, 
I hi Viris lUuxtr. cap Ixxiii. What remains of his works 
has l>ecn published, Greek and Latin, by Buchcrius in 
his Doctrina Temporum, Antw. 1634, fol. 

Arehelaus, bishop of Carrha in Mesopotamia, flou- 
rished about A.I). 278. He wrote in Syriac his deputa- 
tion with Manes the heretic, which was early translated 
into Greek and thence into Latin. See Jerome, DC 
Viris lllustr. cap. Ixxii. A large part of the Latin copy 
was first published by Valesius, subjoined to Socrates, 
llistoria Ecclcs,; afterwards, together with what re- 
mains of the Greek, by Zaccagnius in his Coll-ection <\f 
rare Works of tlia Greek and Latin Church, Rome, 
1698, 4to, pages 1 102; and, lastly, by Fabricius, ad 
fincm Opp. S. Hipprfyti, 2 vols. fol. 

Pierius, a presbyter, and perhaps catechist of Alexan- 
dria. He was of Origen's school, very learned in the 
Scriptures, and wrote many discourses and expositions 
in a neat and simple style. He was called Origcn Ju- 
nior. His long discourse on the prophet Hosca is par- 
ticularly noticed by Jerome. Photius (llibiioth. cxix.) 
mentions twelve books of his expositions. He was of 
an ascetic turn, lived considerably into the fourth cen- 
tury, and spent his latter years at Rome. Nothing of 
his remains. See Jerome, DC Viris Illuslr. cap. Ixxvi.; 
and Eusebius, //. E. vii. 32. 

Theognostus of Alexandria, a friend of Origen and 
perhaps successor to Pierius in the catcchetic school, 
lie wrote seven books of Ilypotyposes; of which Pho- 
tius (Biblioth cvi.) has preserved an abstract. Photius 
deemed him heretical in regard to the Trinity; but 
Athanasius makes quotations from him in confutation 
< f the Arians. See Fabricius, Bililioth. Or. vol. xix. p. 

Lucian, a learned presbyter of Antioch. Ho adhered 
for some time to Paul of Samosuta. To him most of 
the churches from Syria to Constantinople were in- 
debted for corrected copies of the Scptuagint. Jerome 
mentions him as the author of several theological tracts 
and letters; and a confession of faith drawn up by him 
is ^ill extant in Socrates, Hut. Ecclcs. lib. ii. cap. x.; 
and in Walch's JSiblwth. Symbol. Vctus, p. 29, &c. Ho 
was a very pious man, and suffered martyrdom at Nico- 
media, A.D. 311. See Euseb. //. E. viii. 13, and ix. 6; 
and Jerome, De Viris lllustr. cap. Ixxvii. 

Hesychius, an Egyptian bishop and martyr, was fa- 
mous at the same period for setting forth correct copies 
of the Septuagint in Egypt. Whether he was that 
Hesychius who compiled a useful Greek Lexicon, still 
extant, is uncertain. He died a martyr, A.D. 31 1. Sec 
Euseb. U.K. viii 13; and Fabricius, Biblioth. Or. vol. 
iv. pi 554, &c. [The student will see the question re- 
specting the identity of the Christian martyr and the 
Greek grammarian discussed in Smith's Diet. <tf Gicck 
and Horn. Biog. vol. ii. pages 446 and 448. It. 

Pamphilus the martyr was a native of Berytus ? but a 
presbyter of Csesarca in Palestine, where ho established 
a school, and collected a theological library which has 
been of immense service to the Christian world. This 
library afforded to Eusebius, Jerome, and many others, 
the means of becoming learned divines, and of benefit- 
ting the world by their writings. To this establishment 
ecclesiastical history and biblical learning are peculiarly 
indebted. Pamphilus was a pupil of Pierius, an admi- 
rer of Origen, and the great friend and patron of Euse- 
bius. He transcribe! most of the works of Origen with 
his own hand; and he composed a biography and vindi- 
cation of Origen, in live books, to which Eusebius added 
a sixth book. Only the first book is now extant; and 
that in a Latin translation of Rufirms, printed inter Oj>p. 
Origcnis. Pamphilus took great pains to multiply and 
spread abroad correct copies of the holy Scriptures. 
His life was written by Eusebius, in three books, which 
are lost. II o .suffered martyrdom, A.D. 309, at Cwsa- 
rea in Palestine. See Euseb. De Martyribus Pafostititr, 
cap. x. and vii.; and U.E. vi. 32, vii. 32, and viii. 13; 
Jerome, De Viris lllustr. cap. Lxxv. 

Victorinus, bishop of Pctavio in Upper Pannonia (Po 

CHAP nr. 





1. To the common people the principal 
truths of Christianity were explained in 
their purity and simplicity, and all subtle- 
ties were avoided ; nor were weak and ten- 
der minds overloaded with a multitude of 
precepts. 1 But in their schools and in their 
books the doctors who cultivated literature 
and philosophy, and especially those of 
Egypt, deemed it proper and becoming to 
subject Divine wisdom to the scrutiny of 
reason, or rather to the precepts of their 
philosophy; and to find out a hidden mean- 
ing in the doctrines taught by Christ. At 
the head of this class was Origcn, who being 
fascinated with the Platonic philosophy, 
ventured to apply its laws to every part of 
religion, and persuaded himself that the 
philosophy which he admired could assign 
the causes and grounds of every doctrine, 
and determine its precise form. 2 He must 

tau in Steyermark), wrote Commentaries on Gen. Exod. 
Levit. Isa. Ezek. Habak. Eccles. Cant, and the Revela- 
tion : also a book against all the heresies. He died a 
martyr, A.D. 303. Jerome says he understood Greek 
better than Latin ; and therefore his thoughts are good, 
but his style bad. Cave (llitt. Liter, vol. i.) pub- 
lished a fragment of his Commentary on Genesis. 
Whether the Commentary on the Revelation, now ex- 
tant under his name, be his, has been much doubted ; 
because this comment is opposed to Chiliasm, whereas 
Jerome (De Viris llluslr. cap. xviii.) says that Victo- 
rinus favoured the sentiment of Nepos and the Chiliasts. 
See Jerome, De Viris Illustr. cap. Ixxiv. Mur. 

1 See Orlgen, in Da Princiuiis, Opp. torn. i. p. 49, 
and lib. i. De Princip. cap. vii. p. 69, ed. De la Rue ; 
also Gregory Neocsesar. Expositio Fidei, p. 11, Opp. ed. 

2 In his Stromatttt which are lost, and in his work 
DL> Principiis, which is preserved in the Latin transla- 
tion of Ruftnus. [See a long note of Mosheim on the 
philosophy and theology of Origen, in his Comment, de 
Rcb. Christ, p. 604, &c. It does not appear that Origen 
regarded reason or philosophy as of higher authority 
than revelation. He believed indeed that there is a 
true philosophy as well as a false, and that the dictates 
of the former are to be received and confided in ; but he 
also believed that the Scriptures contain a divine reve- 
lation which is to be received and followed with implU 
cit confidence ; and that no philosophy is true which 
contradicts the plain declarations of the Scriptures. At 
the same time ho believed that the Scriptures for the 
most part only state the simple truths and facts of re- 
ligion, without explaining the grounds and reasons of 
them; and that they state these truths and facts in a 
plain and popular manner without acquainting us with 
the metaphysical nature of the subjects. In his opinion 
it was the proper business of reason or philosophy to 
investigate more fully the causes and grounds of these 
religious truths and facts, and to examine and deter- 
mine their metaphysical nature. Such it appears were 
Origen's fundamental principles. A nd how few are they 
who in this or in any age have adopted more consistent 
views? Yet he erred; and erred just as theologians 
have ever been prone to do, by relying too confidently 
on the correctness and certainty of what he regarded as 
the conclusions of true philosophy. His errors accord- 
ingly were nearly all in relation to religious philosophy, 
or ontology and metaphysics. He reasoned according 
to the reigning philosophy of the age and country in 
which he lived. He therefore believe*! in the pre-exist- 
ence of human souls, and their incarceration in bodies 
for offences previously committed; that the senses are 

indeed be acknowledged to have proceeded 
in this matter for the most part with timi* 
dity and modesty; but his example sanc- 
tioned this faulty mode of treating theology, 
and led his disciples to burst the barriers 
he prescribed, and to become very un- 
guarded in explaining divine truths accord- 
ing to the dictates of philosophy. To these 
divines as the parents, that species of theo- 
logy which is called philosophic or scholastic 
owes its birth, but it afterwards assumed 
various forms according; to the capacity and 
erudition of the men who delighted in it. 3 

2. It is a singular circumstance that 
another species of theology which has 
been denominated mystic, and which has 
a natural tendency to destroy the former, 
originated from the same sources and 
nearly at the same time. Its authors are 
unknown; but its causes and the process 
of its formation are manifest. Its origi- 
nators assumed that well-known doctrine 
of the Platonic school, which was approved 
also by Origen ami his followers, that a 
portion of the Divine nature was diffused 
through all human souls ; or to express the 
same thing in other words, that reason in 
us is an emanation from God himself, and 
comprehends the elements or first princi- 
ples of all truths human and divine. Yet 
they denied that men, by their own efforts 
and care, can excite this divine spark within 
them; and therefore they disapproved of 
the endeavours of men to gain clear percep- 
tions of latent truths by means of defini- 
tions, discrimination, and reflection. On 
the contrary they maintained" that silence, 
inaction, solitude, repose, the avoidance of 
all active scenes, and the mortification and 
subjugation of the body, tended to excite 
this internal word [Xo'/o^, or reason] to put 
forth its hidden energies, and thus to in- 
struct men in divine things^; for the men 
who neglect all human affairs, and with- 
draw their senses and their eyes from the 
contagious influence of material objects, do 
spiritually, or with the mind, return to God 
again ; and being united with God they not 
only enjoy vast pleasure, but they see in 
its native purity and undisguised that truth 
which appears to others only in a vitiated 
and deformed state. 

3. Such reasoning induced many in this 

polluting to the fioul and must be all mortified ; that all 
rational beings are left of God to follow their own 
choice, and are restrained only by motives the most 
powerful of which is punishment ; and that ultimately 
God will thus bring all his creatures to be wise and holy 
and happy. Mur. 

3 In his Comment, de Reb. Christ, pages 658667, 
Mosheim endeavours to show that Origen, by his reli- 
gious philosophy, laid the foundations of mystic theology 
in the Christian church ; but the evidence he adduces ia 
by no means conclusive. 'Mur 



[PART. n. 

century to retire into deserts, and to ema- 
ciate their bodies by fasting and hardships ; 
and by such motives rather than by fear of 
the Decian persecution, I suppose Paul the 
hermit was led to roam in the deserts^ of 
Thebais, and to lead a life more becoming 
an irrational animal than a human being. 1 
This Paul is said to be the author of the 
institution of Eremites. But this mode of 
life prevailed among Christians long before 
Paul the hermit; in fact it was practised 
long before the Christian era, in Egypt, 
Syria, India, and Mesopotamia, and it still 
exists among the Mahometans as well as 
the Christians in those arid and burning 
climates ; 3 for the heated atmosphere which 
overspreads those countries naturally dis- 
poses the inhabitants to repose and indo- 
lence, and to court solitude and melancholy. 3 
4. Among those who laudably employed 
themselves on the sacred volume, the first 
place is due to those who took earnest care 
that copies of the Bible might everywhere 
be found accurately written, and at a mo- 
derate price; that it might be translated 
into other languages, and that amended and 
faultless editions ini^ht become common. 
Many opulent Christians of those times are 
known to have expended no small portion 
of their estates in furtherance of these pb- 
jccts. In correcting the copies of the Sep- 
tuagint version, Pierius and Hesychius in 
Egypt, and Lucian at Antioch, employed 
themselves with laudable industry. Nor 
should the nearly similar efforts of Pamphi- 
lus the martyr be passed without notice. 
But Origen passed all others in dili- 
gence and patient labour in this wviy. His 
Hcxapta, though [nearly] destroyed by the 
ravages of time, will remain an eternal 
monument of the incredible application with 
which that great man laboured to subserve 
the interests of the Christian religion. 

i His life was written by Jerome. [See also the A 
Sanctorum, Atwerp,iom. i. January 10, ihW2. tic/ 

See the Travels of Paul Lucas, A.D. 1714, vol. ii. 
p. 368, [The reader will recollect tlie Dervises and Fa- 
ll Ira who roam over the whole country from the shores 
of the Mediterranean to the Ganges. Jerome reports 
in the preface to his life of Paul ot Thebais, on the ques- 
tionable authority of Amnthas and Macarius, two dis- 
ciples of St. Anthony, that Paul the hermit of Thebais 
was the first who practised this mode of life. But high 
ideas of the sanctity of renouncing social and civilized 
life and dwelling in deserts among beasts, were preva- 
lent lK5fore Paul in the middle of this century turned 
hermit. Thus Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem, obtained 
great reputation in the close of the second century, by 
secreting himself many years in the desert. Eusebius, 
H. E, lib. vi. cap. ix. x. The origin of religious eranii- 
tisrn may perhaps be traced back to the early pagan 
philosophers; for Porphyry (wept a7rox%, sec. 35) 
assures us that the ancient Pythagoreans were distin- 
guished for their attachment to this mode of life. Mur. 

3 The peculiar predispositions of eastern habits to an 
anchorite life are very eloquently unfolded by Taylor, in 
his Nat. Hist, of Enthusiasm, 4th edit. p. 205, &c __ It. 

* The fragments of this Herculean work which are 


5. The same Origen stands unquestiona- 
bly at the head of the interpreters of the 
Bible in this century. But with pain it 
must be added, he was first among those 
who have found in the Scriptures a secure 
retreat for all errors and idle fancies. As 
this most ingenious man could sec no feasi- 
ble method of vindicating all that is said in 
the Scriptures, against the cavils of the 
heretics and the enemies of Christianity, 
provided he interpreted the language of the 
Bible literally, he concluded that he must 
expound the sacred volume in the way in 
whieh the Platonists were accustomed to 
explain the history of their gods. I le there- 
fore taught that the words in many parts of 
the Bible convey no meaning at all ; and in 
some places where he ncknowlcdged there 
was some meaning in the words, he main- 
tained that under them there was contained 
a hidden and concealed sense, which was 
much to be preferred to their literal mean- 
ing. 8 And this hidden sense it is that he i 

preserved have been collected and published by that 
ornament of the once learned Benedictines, IJernh. do 
Montfaucon, Paris, 1713, 2 vols. fol. See also Bnddeus, 
Isngoga in Tln'ologhnn, tou\ ii p. I37G, Ac.; and Carp- 
zov, Critica Sacra yet. Tittt. p. 574. [Origen published 
both a Tftrunlit and a limit. lit; that i a fourfold and 
a sixfold Bible. The former contained in parallel 
columns, 1, Aquila's Greek version; 2, that of Syni- 
machns ; 3, the Soptuagint version ; 4, the Greek ver- 
sion of Theodotion. The Hcsenpln contained throughout 
six columns, generally eight, and occasionally nine, 
thus arranged: 1, The Hebrew text in the Hebrew cha- 
racter; 2, the Hebrew text in Greek characters i 8, 
Aquila's version : 4, that of Syrnmaehus ; 5, the Septua- 
gint; (), that of Theodotion ; 7, and 8, two other ({reek 
versions whose authors were unknown ; 9, another 
Greek version. The three last being anonymous ver- 
sions arc denominated the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh 
Greek versions. The most useful parts of Montfaucon's 
llcxapla with additions, corrections, and notes, have 
been published in two vols. 8vo, by Bahrdt, Lips. 17G9- 
70. Mur. 

5 Here may be consulted the Preface of DC la Ruo to 
the second volume of Origen's works, ed. Paris, 1733, 
fol. With greater fulness and precision I have stated 
and explained Origen's system of biblical interpretation 
in my Comment, fie Itch. Christ. &c. p. G.'9, where also 
his philosophy, his theology, and his contest with bi- 
shop Demetrius, are formally taken up and discussed. 
[With this may be compared the observations of that 
distinguished philologist, Professor Erncsti, iu^his Dis- 
xcrtntio de Origcne, interprctationis librnrum SS. gram- 
ffintictB auctore, written A.D. 1756. Ernesti shows that 
the merits of this Christian father, in regard to the 
criticism and exposition of the Old and New Testa- 
ments, were by no means small. The leading thoughts 
of Mosheim, as stated in his Comment fie lieb. Christ 
e. are the following: Origen was not the inventor of 
the allegorical mode of expounding thd Scriptures. It 
was in use among the Jews before the Christian era. 
(Ernest! goes farther, and seeks its origin in the schools 
of the prophets.) Philo was a great allegorist; and 
Pantsenus and Clemens Alex, were the first Christian 
allegorists Origen took greater lil>erties in this mode 
of interpretation ; and it was not simply his resorting 
to allegories, but his excesses in them, which drew upon 
him enemies. Before his day all interpreters explained 
the narrations and the laws contained in the Bible, ac- 
cording to their literal meaning ; but Origen perversely 
turned a large part of biblical history into moral fables, 
and many of the laws into allegories. Probably he 
learned this in tho school of Ammonius, which ex- 
pounded Hesiod, Homer, and the whole fabulous history 




searches after in his commentaries, inge- 
niously indeed, but perversely, and gene- 

of the Greeks allegorically. The predecessors of Ori- 
gen, who searched after a mystical sense of Scripture, 
still set a high value on the grammatical or literal 
sense; but ho often expresses himself as if ho attached 
no value to it Before him allegories were resorted to 
only to discover predictions of future events, and rules 
ftr moral conduct; but he betook himself to allegories, 
in order to establish the principles of his philosophy 
on a scriptural basis. All this must have been offen- 
sive to many Christians. His propensity to allegories 
must be ascribed to the fertility of his invention, the 
prevailing custom of the Egyptians, his education, the 
Instructions he received from his teachers, and the 
example both of the philosophers, of whom he was an 
admirer, and of the Jews, especially Philo. To these 
may be added other causes. He hoped, by means of 
his allegories, more easily to convince the Jews, to 
confute the Gnostics, and to silence the objections of 
both. This ho himself tolls us, fie PHncipiis, lib. vtii. 
cap viiL p. 104, Ac. ; but we must not forget his attach- 
ment to tliat system of philosophy which he em- 
braced. This philosophy could not be reconciled with 
the Scriptures, except by a resort to allegories; and, 
therefore, the Scriptures must bo interpreted alleg-ori- 
cally, that they might not contradict his philosophy. 
He also believed that it was doing honour to the holy 
Scriptures, to consider them as diverse from all human 
compositions, and as containing hidden mysteries. 
See JJoinity xv. on Genesis, Vpp- torn. il. p. 5)9 : and 
JJomily on A'.rorf., Opp. torn. ii. p. 129; and finally, he 
thought many of the objections of the enemies or reli- 
gion could not be fully answered w'thout recurrence 
to allegories. His general principles for the interpre- 
tation of the sacred volume resolve themselves into 
the following positions : 1. The Scriptures resemble 
man. As a man consists tf three parts, a rational 
mind, a sensitive soul, and a visible body, so the Scrip- 
tures have a threefold sense, a literal sense, corre- 
sponding with the body; a moral sense, analogous to 
the soul; and a mystical or spiritual sense, analogous 
to the rational mind. Homily v. on Levit. sec. 5. Opp. 
torn. ii. p. 20.1 2. As the body is the buscrpart of man, 
so the literal is the less worthy sense of Scripture. And 
as the body often betrays good men into sin, so the lite- 
ral sense often leads us into error. Stromata, lib. x. 
quoted by Jerome, b. iii. Comment on GaUtt. cap. iii. 
Opp. torn. i. p. 41. 3. Yet the literal sense is not wholly 
useless. De Pi-incipiiit, lib. iv. sec. 1'2, p. 169; and sec. 
14, p. 173. 4. They who would see farther into the 
Scriptures than the common people must search out 
the moral sense. 5. And the perfect, or those who have 
attained to tho highest degree of blessedness, must also 
investigate the spiritual sense. De Principiis, lib. iv. 
sec. ii. p. 1(58. G. Tho moral sense of Scripture in- 
btructs us relative to the changes in the mind of man, 
and gives rules for regulating the heart and lifo. 7. Tho 
spiritual sense acquaints us with the nature and state 
and history of tho spiritual world, composed of two 
Harts, tho heavenly and the earthly. The earthly, mys- 
tical or spiritual world, is the Christian church on 
earth. The heavenly, mystical world is above, arid cor- 
responds in all its parts with the lower world, which 
was formed after its model. 8. As the Scripture con- 
tains the history of this twofold mystic world, so there 
is a twofold mystic sense of Scripture, an allegorical 
and an analogical. 9. The mystic sense is diffused 
throughout the holy Scriptures. 10. Yet wo do not 
always meet with both tho allegorical sense and the 
anagogical in every passage. 11. The moral sense like- 
wise pervades the whole Bible. 12, But the literal 
sense does not occur everywhere; for many passages 
have no literal meaning. 13. Some passages have only 
two senses; namely, amoral and a mystical [tho mys- 
tical being either allegorical or anagogical, rarely both,] 
other passages have three senses [the moral, the mys- 
tical, and the literal.] 14. The literal sense is perceived 
by every attentive reader. The moral sense is some- 
what more difficult to bo discovered. 15. But the mys- 
tic sense none can discover with certainty, unless f hey 
are wise men, and also taught of God 16. Neither can 
even such men hope to fathom all the mysteries of the 
sacred volume. 17. In searching for tho anagogical 
sense, especially, a person must proceed with peculiar 
care and caution. cA/. [Mosheim states tho follow- 
ing as Origen's general rule for determining when a 

rally to the entire neglect and contempt of 
the literal meaning. 1 This recondite sense 
he moreover divides into the moral and the 
mystical or spiritual ; the former containing 
instruction relative to the internal state of 
the soul and our external actions, and the 
latter acquainting us with the nature, the 
history, and laws of the spiritual or mysti- 
cal world. He fancied that this mystical 
world was also twofold, partly superior or 
celestial, and partly inferior and terrestrial, 
that is the Church: and hence he divided 
the mystical sense of Scripture into the 
terrene or allegorical, and the celestial or 
anagogical. This mode of interpreting 
Scripture, which was sanctioned by^ Jewish 
practice, was current among Christians be- 
fore the times of Origen ; but as he gave 
determinate rules for it, and brought it into 
a systematic form, he is commonly regarded 
as its originator. 

C. Innumerable expositors in this and tho 
following centuries pursued the method of 
Origen, though with some diversity; nor 
could the few who pursued a better method 
make much head against them. The com- 
mentaries of Hippolytus which have reached 
us show that this holy man went wholly into 
Origcn's method. And no better, probably, 
were the expositions of some books of the 
Old and New Testaments, composed by 
Vietorinus, which are lost ; but the Para- 
phrase on the book of Ecclesiastes, by Gre- 
gory Thaumaturgus, still extant, is not 
liable to the same objection, although its 
author was a great admirer of Origen. Me- 
thodius explained the book of Genesis, and 

passage of Scripture may be taken literally, and when 
not ; viz. Whenever the words, if understood literally, 
will afford a valuable meaning, one that is worthy of 
God, useful to men, and accordant with truth and cor- 
rect reason, then the literal meaning is to be retained; 
but whenever the words, if understood literally, will 
express is absurd, or false, or contrary to correct 
reason, or useless, or unworthy of God, then the literal 
sense is to bo discarded, and tho moral and mystical 
alone to be regarded. This rule he applies to every 
part both of tho Old Tost, and the New; and iio assigns 
two reasons why fables and literal absurdities arc ad- 
mitted into the sacred volume. The first is, that If the 
literal meaning were always rational and good, the 
reader would be apt to rest in it, and not look after the 
moral and mystical sense. Tho second is. that fabulous 
and incongruous representations often afford moral and 
mystical instruction which could not so well be con- 
veyed by sober facts and representations. De Princi- 
ple, lib. iv. sec. 16, Ifl, torn. x. Comment, in Joh.Afur. 
[For further views of Origen as a biblical expositor, 
the student should turn to Kosenmiiller, ffist. Interpret. 
Libr. &tcr. torn. iii. p. 17-156; Simon, /list. Crit. ttu 
Vieux Test. livr. iii. ch. ix. p. 439442; Conybeare's 
Bampton Lectures, on the Secondary and Spiritual 
Interpretation of Scripture, Lond. 1824, p. 130 UH; 
and Davidson's Sacred Hermeneutics, Edin. 1843, p. 
96-105. tf. 

Origen, in his Stronuita. lib. x. cited by De la Rue, 
Opp. torn. i. p. 41, says: Muttorum maforum occat&etl, 
si quit in carne Scriptures manectt. Qua qut /fcerint, 
regnwn Dei non consequentur. Qaamobrem spiritual 
Scripture? fructusque guaaramut qui non dicuntur ma- 



[PART 11. 

the Canticles; but his labours have not 
reached us. Ammonius composed a Har- 
mony of the Gospels. 

7. Origen, in his lost work entitled Stro- 
mata, and in his four books De Principiis, 
explained most of the doctrines of Christi- 
anity, or, to speak more correctly, deformed 
them with philosophical speculations. And 
these books of his De Princigiis were the 
first compendium of scholastic, or, if you 
please, philosophic theology. Somethin^ 
similar was attempted by Theognostus, in 
his seven books ofllypotyposes, for a know- 
ledge of winch we are indebted to Photius, l 
who says they were the work of a man in- 
fected with the opinions of Origen. Gregory 
Thaumaturgus, in his Expositio Fidei, gave 
a brief summary of Christian doctrines. 
Certain points of the Christian faith were 
taken up by various individuals, in reply 
to the enemies or the corrupters of Christi- 

j anity. Tracts on the Deity, the resurrec- 
I tion, antichrist, and the end of the world, 
were composed by Ilippolytus. Methodius 
wrote on free-will, and Lucian on the creed ; 
but as most of these treatises are no longer 
extant, their character is little known. 

8. Among the writers on moral subjects 
(or practical theology), passing by Tertul- 
lian, who was mentioned under the preced- 
ing century, the first place belongs perhaps 
to Cyprian. From the pen of this extraor- 
dinary man we have treatises on the advan- 
tages of patience, on mortality, on alms 
and good works, and an exhortation to mar- 
tyrdom. In these works there are many 
excellent thoughts, but they are not ar- 
ranged neatly and happily, nor sustained 
by solid arguments. 2 Origen wrote, among 

i other works of a practical nature, sai Exhor- 
tation to Martyrdom ; a topic discussed by 
many in that age, with different degrees o'f 
eloquence and perspicacity. Methodius 
treated of chastity, but in a confused man- 

nifesti. He had said a little before: Non wildc cos 
JHiwt Scrfptnra, qtii cam intdligunt, ut scrfpfum cx(. 
Who would suppose such declarations could fall from 
I the lips of a wise and considerate man? But this ex- 
I cellent man suffered himself to be misled by the causes 
i mentioned, and by his love of philosophy. He could 
i not discover in the sacred books all that he considered 
I true, so long as he adhered to the literal sense ; but allow 
hirn to abandon the literal sense, and to search for re- 
condite meanings, and those books would contain Plato, 
Aristotle, Zcno, and the whole tribe of philosophers 
And thus nearly all those who would model Christianity 
according to their own fancy or their favourite system 
of philosophy, have run into this mode of interpreting 

l Photiua, Biblioth. cod. cvi. p. 279. Photius repre- 
sents hirn as erring, with Origen, in regard to the cha- 
racter of the Son of God ; but Bull defends him against 
this charge, in his Dtfenrio Fidei Nicante, sec. ii. cap. 
x. sec. 7, p. 135. See concerning him Fabricius, Bib- 
hoth. Gr, Hb. v. cap. i vol. v. p. 276 ; and lib. v. cap. 
Ixxxviii. vol. ix. p. 408 Schl. 

See Barbeyrac, De la, Morale dei Peret, chap. viii. 
p. 104, &c. 

ner, in his Feast of Virgins. Dionysius of 
Alexandria wrote on penance and on temp- 
tations. To mention other writers in this 
department would be needless. 

9. Of polemic writers, a host might be 
mentioned. The idolaters were assailed by 
Minutius Felix, in his dialogue entitled 
Octavius; by Origen, in his eight books 
against Celsus ; by Arnobius, in his eight 
books against the Gentiles ; and by Cyprian, 
in his tract on the vanity of idols. The 
Chronicon of Hippolytus, written against 
the Gentiles ; and the work of Methodius in 
opposition to Porphyry, who attacked Chris- 
tianity, are lost. We may also place among 
polemic writers, both those who opposed the 
philosophers, as Hippolytus, who wrote 
against Plato, and those who treated of fate, 
of free-will, and of the origin of evil, as 
Hippolytiu', Methodius, and others. Against 
the Jews, Hippolytus attempted some-thing 
which has not reached us ; but the Testi- 
monies [from Scripture] against the Jews, 
by Cyprian, are still extant. Against all 
the sectarians and heretics, assaults' were 
made by Origen, Victorinus, and Ilippoly- 
tus, but nothing of these works has come 
down to us. It would be superfluous here 
to enumerate those who wrote against indi- 
vidual heretics. 

10. But it must by no means pass unno- 
ticed, that the discussions instituted against 
the opposers of Christianity in this age 
departed far from the primitive simplicity, 
and the correct method of controversy; for 
the Christian doctors, who were in part- 
educated in the schools of rhetoricians and 
sophists, inconsiderately transferred the arts 
of these teachers to the cause of Christianity; 
and therefore considered it of no importance 
whether an antagonist were confounded by 
base artifices or by solid arguments. '1 hus 
that mode of disputing which the ancients 
called economical, 3 and which had victory 
rather than truth for its object, was almos't 
universally approved. And the Platonists 
contributed to the currency of the practice 
by asserting that it was no sin for a person 
to employ falsehood and fallacies for the 
support of truth, when it was in danger of 
being borne down. A person ignorant of 
these facts will be but a poor judge of the 
arguments of Origen in his book against 
Celsus, and of the others who wrote against 
the worshippers of idols. Tertullian's 

3 Souverain, Pldtonisme <?jnotf, p. 244, Daill6. De 
vero usu Patrum, lib. i. p. 160; Wolfii, Casauboniana, 
p. 100. On the phrase, to do a thing KOLT OIKOVO/UUCIP. 
Gataker has treated largely in his notes on Antoninus, 
lib. xi. p. 330, &c. [It signifies to do a thing artfully and 
dexterously, or with cunning and sagacity, as a shrewd 
manager of a household (OIKOPO/UUK) controls those 
under him. A/ur. [See Mote 2, page 68, above. /*, 

CHAP in.] 



method of confuting heretics; namely, by 
prescription, was not perhaps altogether un- 
suitable in that age. But they who think it 
always proper to reason in this manner must 
have little knowledge of the di (Terence which 
time and change of circumstances produce. 1 
11. This culpable disposition to circum- 
vent and confound an adversary, rather than 
confute him with sound argument, produced 
also a multitude of books falsely bearing 
on their front the names of certain dis- 
tinguished men. For the greater part of 
mankind, being influenced more by the 
authority of names than by arguments and 
scripture testimony, the writers conceived 
they should prefix names of the greatest 
weight to their books, in order to oppose 
successfully their adversaries. Hence those 
Canons which were falsely ascribed to the 
apostles; hence those Apostolic Constitu- 
tions which Clemens Romanus was reputed 
to have collected; hence too the Rccogni- 
tions of Clement, as they are called, and the 
Clementina* and other works of the like 
character, which a too credulous world long 
held in high estimation. By the same arti- 
fice the mystics, as they are called, sought 
to advance their cause. Having no answer 
to give to those who demanded who was the 
first author of this new sort of wisdom, they 
alleged that they received it from Diony- 
sius, the Areopagite of Athens, a contem- 
porary with the apostles ; and to give plausi- 
bility to the falsehood, they palmed upon 
this great man books void of sense and 
rationality. 3 Thus they who wished to sur- 
pass all others in piety deemed it a pious 

1 Soe Spanheim, DIM. de Prescriptions in Rebut Fidci, 
Opp. torn. iii. p. 1079. [Tertulliau's book was entitled 
De Prccscriptione Hareticorum, or Pnescriptionibus nd- 
ivn-M* Hcereticos, which might bo translated, On the 
Presumption in regard to Heretics, or Presumptions 
against them. The author attempts to confute all the 
heretics at once, and by means of an historical argument. 
He maintains that the orthodox churches were founded 
by the apostles and their approved assistants, who or- 
dained the first pastors of these churches, and esta- 
blished in them all one and the same faith, which must 
of course he genuine Christianity* and that this faith, 
having been handed down pure and uncorrupted, is 
now contained in the creeds and inculcated in the as- 
semblies of these churches. But he alleges that not one 
of these things can be said of the heretical churches, 
which had not such an origin, and embrace various 
differing creeds, and creeds derived from other sources. 
Being bred an advocate and familiar with the proceed- 
ings of courts, he gives a forensic form to his argument, 
not only by using the law term Prcescriptio, but by 
maintaining that the orthodox were, and had always 
been, in right and lawful possession of that invaluable 
treasure, true Christianity; and that of course the here- 
tics, who were never in possession of it, in vain attempt 
now to oust them of what they thus hold by legal pre- 
scription. Mur. 

2 Respecting these supposititious works, see the notes 
to sec. 19. chap. it. part. ii. cent, i. R. 

3 The spurious works ascribed to Dionysius the Areo- 
pagite (who is mentioned Acts xvii. 34), are the follow- 
ing --De Ccelesti Hitrarchia, De Ecctesiastica Hier- 
archia, De Dioinis Nominibus, De Myttica Theofogia, 
together with twelve epistles. They all relate to the 

act to employ deception and fraud in sup- 
port of piety. 

*12. Among the controversies which di- 
vided Christians in this century, the most 
considerable were concerning the millen- 
nium, the baptism of heretics, and Origen, 
That the Saviour is to rei<m a thousand 
years among men before the end of the 
world, had been believed by many in the 
preceding century without ofTcncc to any ; 
all, however, had not explained the doc- 
trine in the same manner, nor indulged 
hopes of the same kind of pleasures during 
that reign. 4 In this century the millena- 
rian doctrine fell into disrepute, through 
the influence especially of Origen, who op- 
posed it because it contravened some of his 
opinions. 5 But Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, 
attempted to revive its authority inawofk 
written against tho allegorists, as he con- 
temptuously styled the opposers of the mil- 
lennium. The book and its arguments were 
approved by many in the province of Ar- 
sirioe, and particularly by Coracion, a pres- 

mystic theology, and breathe a devout spirit, but are 
exceedingly obscure and difficult of comprehension. 
It is supposed they wore written in the fourth or lifth 
century, as they bear marks of that period, and ar<j 
not mentioned by any writer prior to the sixth cen- 
tury. The best edition of these works, Gr. and Lat. 
with copious notes, is that of Balthazar Corderlus, 
Antwerp, 1034, 2 vols. fol embracing the Gr scholia 
of St. Maxirnns the martyr (A.D. 65.9), and the para- 
phrase of G. Pachymcras (A.D. 12SO.) Mur. 

4 See the learned Treatise concerning the True Millen- 
nium, which Dr. Whitby has subjoined to the second 
volume of his Commentary upon the New Testament. 
See also, for an account ot the doctrine of the ancient 
Millenarians, the fourth, fifth, seventh and ninth vo- 
lumes of Gardner's Credibility, &c. Mad. [Alsoll. 
Corodi's Kritische Gcschichtc dcx Chitiasmut, 2d ed. 
1794, 3 vols. 8vo. Mur. 

5 See Origen, De Prinrimis, lib. ii cnp. xL Opp. 
torn. i. p 104, and Prolog. Comment, in Cantic. 
Cant i cor. torn. iii. p. 28. The Corinthians, Marcion- 
ites, Montanists, and Melitians, among the heretical 
soots, and among the orthodox fathers Papias, Justin 
Martyr, and Ircnams, held to a millennial reign of 
Christ, and Irena-us understood it in a very gross sense. 
Moshcim, in his Comment. <4c Reb. Christ. Sic. p. 721, 
believed the doctrine had a Jewish origin ; and he sup- 
posed the Christian doctors received, or at least tole- 
rated it, because they hoped by it to make the Jews 
more willing to embrace Christianity. But Walch, in 
his Hist, der Kctzer. vol. ii. p. 143, is more discrimi- 
nating, and maintains that the question, whether a mil- 
lennial reign of Christ is to be expected, had a biblical 
origin, the earlier Chiliasts relying on the testimony of 
tho H'-volation; but the explanation of the doctrine 
was derived from the Jewish opinions. According to 
the account of Gennadius of Marseilles, De Dotfmat. 
Ecdesiast. cap. Iv. p. 32, the Chiliasts may be divided 
into four classes. Tho first open opposer of Chiliasm 
that we meet with, was Caius, a teacher in the Church 
of Rome, towards the end of the second century. He 
denied that the Revelation was written by John, and 
ascribed it rather to Cerinthus. But ho effected very 
little. Origen was a more powerful opposer of tho 
doctrine. He did not, like Caius, deny the canonical 
authority of the Apocalypse, but explained the passages 
in it which describe the millennial reign of Christ, alle- 
gorically, as referring to spiritual delights, suited to 
the nature of spirits raised to perfection, and these to 
be enjoyed, not on the earth, but in the world to come. 
See Mosheim, Comment, de Reb Christ, p. 720, &c. and 
Walch, Hist der Ketzer. vol. ii. p. 136151.- SuM. 



[PART n. 

byter of some respectability and influence. 
But Dionysius of Alexandria, a disciple of 
Origeri, allayed the rising storm by his oral 
discussions and his two books on the divine 
promises. 1 

13. As no law had determined in what 
manner those who came over from heretical 
churches to the catholic Christians were 
to be received, different customs prevailed 
in different churches. Many of the Ori- 
ental and African Christians classed re- 
claimed heretics among the catechumens, 
and admitted them to the Christian ordi- 
nances by baptism. But most of the Eu- 
ropean Christians regarded the baptism 
administered by erring Christians as valid ; 
and therefore received reclaimed heretics 
simply with imposition of hands and prayer. 
This diversity long prevailed without giving 
rise to contention. But in this century the 
Asiatic Christians determined in several 
councils, what before had been loft at dis- 
cretion, that all heretics coming over to the 
true church must be re -baptized.' r l his 
coming to the knowledge of Stephen, bishop 
of Rome, he with little humanity or pru- 
dence excluded those Asiatics from his 
fellowship and from that of his rhnreh. 
Notwithstanding this rashness of Stephen. 
Cyprian with other Africans, in a council 
called on the subject, embraced the opinion 
of the Asiatics, and gave notice of it to 
Stephen. Upon this Stephen wns very in- 
dignant; but Cyprian replied with energy, 
and in a new council held at Carthage, 
again pronounced the baptism administered 
by heretics to be wholly invalid. The rage of 
Stephen now waxed hotter, and he most un- 
justly excluded the Africans from the rights 
of brotherhood. But the discord was healed 
partly by the moderation of the Africans 
and partly by the death of Stephen. 3 

14. The contests concerning Origen were 
moved by Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, 
who is reported by the friends of Origen to 
have been influenced by envy and hatred ; 
which, however, is very doubtful. In the pro- 
ceedings of Demetrius against Origen, one 
may discover marks of a mind exasperated, 
impassioned, arrogant, and unreasonable, 
but none scarcely of envy. 4 In the year 228 
Origen took a journey to Achaia, and on 
his way suffered himself to bn ordained a 
presbyter by the bishops of Ctcsarca and 
Jerusalem. At this, Demetrius was great ly 
offended, because he deemed Origen unfit 
for such an ollicc, on account of his having 
mutilated himself, and because being master 
of a school under him, he had been ordained 
j without his knowledge and consent. The 
matter, however, was compromised, and 
Origen^ returned to Alexandria. But not 
long after, from some unknown cause, new 
dissension arose between him and Deme- 
trius, which became so great that Origen 
left Alexandria and the school in the year 
231, and removed to Cscsarca [in Palestine]. 
Demetrius accused him in his absence, be- 
fore an assembled council, and deprived 
him of his ofliee without a hearing ; arid 
afterwards, in a second council divested 
him of his ministerial character. It is pro- 
bable that Demetrius accused Origen before 
the council, particularly the last one, of er- 
roneous sentiments in matters of religion; 
which it was easy for him to do, as Origen's 
book, DC PrimiyHs, which was full of dan- 

1 See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. vii. 24, and Gonnadius 
Massiliensis, DC. Dogma tibus Errlrsitisticis, cap. Iv p. 
32, od. Elmcnhorst. [Nepos held the Revelation to ho 
an inspired book; and he maintained in opposition to 
the allegoristsrthat the passages which speak of a mil- 
lennial reign of Christ must be understood literally, and 
a* promising corporeal pleasures. Jiut he does not 
appear to have defined clearly what these pleasures 
were to be, though he excluded eating, drinking, and 
marriage, as Mosheim supposes, nbi supra, p. 720. The 
very obscure and defective history of Nepos is ex- 
plained, as far as it can IK?, hy Walch, uli siiprn, pages 
152 1G7. Schl. [See also MUnscher, Handfmcfi <1cr 
Dogmenges. vol. ii. pages 408431, and Neander, Kir- 
chcnges. vol. 1. part iii. pages J 0889(5. Mur. 

* Kusebim, Hist. Eccwr. vii. cap. v. and vii. Firmil- 
lian, Epist. ad Cypriannm, in Cyprian's Epist. 75. The 
councils which decided this point, before Stephen's 
rash procedure, were (1) the council of Carthage, about 
A.D. 215. See Cyprian, Ep. 71 and 73 (2) that of Ico- 
nium in Thrygia, A.D. 235. Cyprian, Ep. 75. Euseb. 
H. E. vii. 4 (3) that of Synada, and (4) some others, 
which arc barely mentioned in Cyprian, En. 75, and 
Euseb. uhi tupra. See Walch, Hist, der Kirchcnver- 
tamml. pages 91, 94, and 9G. Mur. 

3 Cyprian, P.p. 70 and 73, and several others, od. 
Baluzc, Augustine, DC Baptismo contra Donatistat 

erous sentiments, had been published not 
long before. The decision of the council 
at Alexandria was approved by the majority 
of the Christian bishops, though rejected 
by those of Achaia, Palestine, Phoenicia, 
and Arabia. 5 

lib. vi. and vii. Opp. torn. ix. where he gives the arts 
of the council of Carthngo, A.D. 2. r >G. Prudent. Maran, 
I'itd Cypriaui, p. 107, and nil the writers of the life of 
Cyprian. [The whole history of this controversy is 
discussed at large by Mosheim, Cumnu-nt. de Jii'lMs\ Se. 
pages 540- -517, and still more fully by Walch, /list. <l<r 
Ketyer. vol. ii. pages 328 384. Si hi. 

* Mosheim is singular in this opinion; which ho de- 
fends at great Icncrth, in his Comment. </c Rebus. <feo. p. 
671, &c. in opposition to the express testimony of Ku- 
seblus, //. fc. vi. 8, and Jerome, Epi&t. 29, Opp. torn. iv. 
part ii. p. 68. If Demetrius was not envious of tho 
growing reputation of Origen, or otherwise affected l>y 
personal antipathy, it acorns impossible to account for 
the rancour he manifested. Mur. 

5 This account is deiived from the original sources, 
especially from Kuscbiu*, Hist. Eccles. vi. 23. Pho- 
tius, Bibltoth. cod. cxviii. Jerome, I)e Vcris Vlnstr. 
and Origen himself. It differs, in some respects, from 
that given by the common writers, Doucin, Iluet, and 
others. [That Demetrius accused Origcn of erroneous 
sentiments, is a mere conjecture of Mosheim and others. 
which however is expressly denied by Jerome. Epi*. aa 
J'avlam. No. 29, Opeta, torn. iv. par. II. col, C8 und 
480, ed. Martlanay. Neither Is It certain that Demetrius 
assembled two councils. See Walch, Hist, der JKerchen- 
versam. p. 92, &c.~Afur. 

CHAP, iv.] 





1. ALL the monuments of this century 
which have come down to us show that 
there was a great increase of ceremonies. 
To the causes of this which have already 
been mentioned, may be added the passion 

| for Platonic philosophy, or rather the popu- 
lar superstition of the oriental nations re- 
speeang demons, which was adopted by the 
I'lntonists and received from them by the 
Christian doctors. For, from these opinions 
concerning the nature and the propensities 
of evil spirits, many of these rites evidently 
took their rise. Hence arose the public 
exorcisms, the multiplication of fasts, and 
the aversion to matrimony. Hence the 
caution not to have intercourse with those 
who were either not yet baptized, or had 
been excluded from the communion of the 
church, because s;ieh were considered as 
under the power of some evil spirit; and to 
pass over other things, hence the painful 
austerities and penances which were en- 
joined upon offenders. 1 

2. That the Christians now had in most 
provinces certain edifices in which they as- 
sembled for religious worship will be denied 
by no candid and impartial person. Nor 
would I contend strenuously against those 
who think these edifices were frequently 
adorned with images and other ornaments. 2 
As to the forms of public worship and the 
times 3 set apart lor it, it is unnecessary 
here to be particular, as little alteration 
was made in.this century. Yet two things 
deserve notice. First, the public discourses 
to the people underwent a change. For, not 
to mention Origan, who was the first, so far 
as we know, that made long discourses in 
public, and in his discourses expounded 
the sacred volume, there were certain bi- 
shops, who being educated in the schools 
of the rhetoricians, framed their addresses 
and exhortations according to the rules of 
Grecian eloquence, and their example met 
the most ready approbation. Secondly, the 
use of incense was now introduced, at least 
into many churches. Very learned men 
have denied this fact; but they do it in the 

1 Whoever desires to look farther into this subject 
may consult 1'orphyry, On Abstinence from Flesh, and 
various passages in Euseblus, Praparat. Rnang. and 
Theodoret, comparing them with the Christian institu- 

a Yet there is most ground for the negative. Von 

' a The regular seasons for public worship were all 
Sundays, Good Friday, Easter, and Whitsunday. See 
Orlgen, against Celsus, book vili. p. 833. The anniver- 
saries of the local martyrdoms were also observed. 
Von Bin. 

face of testimony which is altogether unex- 
ceptionable. 4 

3. Those who conducted religious wor- 
ship annexed longer prayers and more of 
ceremony to the celebration of the Lord's 
Supper; and this I suppose with no bad 
intentions. Neither those doing penance 
nor those not yet baptized were allowed to 
be present at the celebration of this ordi- 
nance; which practice it is well known was 
derived from the pagan mysteries. 5 That 
golden and silver vessels were used in it. 
is testified among others by Prudcntiiis, 
and I see no reason to doubt the fact 
in respect to the more opulent Chris- 
tian churches. The time of its administra- 
tion was different, according to the state 
and circumstances of the churches. Some 
deemed the morning, some the afternoon, 
and some the evening, to be the most suit- 
able time for its celebration. 7 Neither were 
all agreed how often this most sacred ordi- 
nance should be repeated. 8 But nil believed 
it absolutely necessary to the attainment of 

1 Kevoridge, M Canon, iii. Apnxtol p. 401, and his 
Cudt'X Canon. 1'indirutns, p. 7H. [The Christians ori- 
ginally abhorred the uac ot" incense in public worship 
as b?ing a part of the worship of idol*. 8ee Tertullian, 
/tjjolvg. cap. xlii.; and D? Corona MiUtis, cap. x. Yet 
they permitted its use at fiin.-rals against offensive 
smells. Afterwards it was used at thn induction of 
magistrates and bishops and also in public worship, to 
temper the bad air oi' crowded assemblies in hot coun- 
tries, and at last degenerated into a superstitious rite. 

5 Soe Pf.ifT, Hiss. ii. fie, I'lf-jinHc. Throlog. soc. 13, p. 
14!), teo. ; imd IHiifcham, Antiyuit. Eccles. book x. chap. v. 

ILpi <7-r?ft'v. Hymn. ii. p. CO. c<l. II<-.Jn*ii [and 
Optiitns Milovit. be Kchiswrite Dotififat. cap. xii. p. 
}7.$c/il. [In a very interesting document entitled 
(iestu apnii XenopMlum, to be found in Mouth's Hcliquke 
Saocr. vol. iv. p. 100, <te. ; nnd in Optatus, Opera, p. 
2t>r, there Is a circumstantial account of the plate 
and other property belonging to the Church of Cirta, 
now Cor.stuntlnn, In Noith Africa, in the year 303-4, 
during the Diocletian persecution, when the Roman 
authorities seized the efl'ects belonging to the Christian 
communities. They found in this provincial church 
two golden and six silver cups, six silver pitchers, a 
small silver kettle (cuccumtllum\ seven silver lamps, 
two wax taper -stands (cercofala), a few brazen cande- 
labra of seven lights each, eleven brazen lamps with 
their chains, eight hundred and twelve female dresses 
(tunica; inuticbiM), thirty-eight caps or veils (mfl/orftv), 
sixteen male tunics, thirteen pair of men's stocking*, 
forty-seven pair of women's ditto nnd nineteen copfa 
rmtican<r, probably some kind of coarse dresses. In 
the triclinium of the church, perhaps the room for the 
love-feasts, or for the administration of baptism, thevo 
were four dolia or large tubs, and six earthen jars for 
wine. The Roman officials had great trouble in col- 
lecting the books (codices) of this church, In order to 
burn them. When they entered the library they found 
the shelves or presses all empty, but behind a chest they 
discovered capitulata (?) and a lamp, both of silver. 
From the readers, whom they traced out with some dif- 
ficulty, and from the schoolmaster or grammaticut, 
they obtained in all thirty-seven codices, most of them 
apparently portions of the sacred Scriptures. 11. 

7 See Cyprian, Ep. Ixlii. p. 104. SeM. 

8 It was commonly administered every Sunday, as 
well as on other festival days ; and in times of persecu- 
tion, dally. See Cyprian, De Oratione Domin. p. 209, 
Ep. Ivi. p. 90, P.p. liv. p. 78, ed. Baluze. ScM. 



[PART 11. 

salvation; and therefore they universally 
required infants to become partakers of it. 
In some places the sacred feast preccdei 
and in others followed the Lord's Supper. 2 
4. Baptism was publicly administered 
twice a-year to candidates who had gone 
through a long preparation and trial, 3 none 
being present as spectators but such as had 
been themselves baptized. The effect oi 
baptism was supposed to be the remission oi 
sins ; and it was believed that the bishop, by 
the imposition of hands and by prayer, con- 
ferred those gifts of the Holy Spirit which 
were necessary for leading a holy life. 4 Oi 
the principal ceremonies attending baptism 
we have before spoken. [Cent. ii. part ii. 
cap. iv. sec. 13.] A few things, however, 
must here be added. None were admitted 
to the sacred font until the exorcist, by a 
solemn and menacing formula, had declared 
them free from bontlagc to the prince of 
darkness and now servants of God. For 
after the opinion had become prevalent 
among Christians, that rational souls origi- 
nated from God himself, and therefore were 
in themselves holy, pure, and morally free, 
the evil propensities of man must be con- 
sidered as arising from the body and from 
matter, or some evil spirit must be supposed 
to possess the souls of men and impel them 
to sin. The Gnostics all embraced the first 
supposition ; but the Catholics could in no 

I wise embrace it, because they held that 
matter was created by God and was not 

I eternal. They had therefore to embrace 
the second supposition, and to imagine some 
evil demon, the author of sin and of all evil, 
to be resident in all vicious persons. 5 The 

1 They believed that this ordinance rendered person: 
immortal, and that such as never partook of it had no 
hopes of a resurrection. Hence Dionvsius Alex, (cited 
by Kuseh. U.K. vii. 11), calls it, ato-Gyryv /aero, rov 
Kupt'ou (Tvva.yo)-ffiv. That children also partook of it 
i3 testified by Cyprian, DC Lapris, pages 184 and 189, 
cd. Baluze. See Horn's Hist. Eucharist,. I'ttfantum, 

\ cap. iv. sec. 1, &c.; and cap. vi. sec. 3; also Bingham, 
Antiquit. llcdcit. book xv. chap. iv. sec. 7. Schl. 

2 Chrysostom, Hotnil. xxii. Oportct Harcscscsse.Ow. 
torn. \.-Schl. ** 

3 In the Apostolic Constitutions, book viii. chap, xxxii. 
a three years' preparation was enjoined, yet with allow- 
ance of some exceptions. Schl. 

4 This may be placed beyond all controversy by many 
passages from the fathers of this century. And as it 
will conduce much to an understanding of the theology 
of tho ancients, which differed in many respects from 
purs, I will adduce a single passage from Cyprian. It 
is in his Epitt. Ixxiii. p. 131. Manffettitm est aufem, 
ubi ct per qunt rcmissa peccatorum dari possit, qiue in 
baptismo scilicet datur. Qui vero prapositis ecclesia 
offvruntur, per nostram orationem et minus imporitionem 
Spiritum Sanctum consequuntur. See also a passage 
from Dionysius Alex, in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vii. 
cap. viii. 

ft That exorcism was not annexed to baptism till some 
time In the third century, and after the admission oi 
the Platonic philosophy into the church, may almost be 
demonstrated. The ceremonies used at baptism in the 
second century are described by Justin Martyr, in his 
ecojKl Apology, and by Tertullian in his book De Co- 

persons baptized returned home decorated 
with a crown and a white robe ; the first 
being indicative of their victory over the 
world and their lusts, the latter of their ac- 
quired innocence. 6 

5. Greater sanctity and necessity were 
now attributed to fasting than was done 
before; because it was the general belief 
that demons laid fewer snares for the tem- 
perate and abstemious than for the full fV-d | 
or luxurious. 7 The Latins were singular 
in keeping every seventh day of the week 
as a fast; 8 and as the Greek and Oriental 
Christians would not imitate them in this, 
it afforded abundant matter for altercation 
between them. Ordinarily Christians prayed 
three times a day, at the third, sixth, and 
ninth hours [9 A.M. 12 noon, and 3 P.M.], 
as was the custom of the Jews. Besides 
these regular hours of prayer, they prayed 
much and often ; for they considered it the 
highest duty of a holy man to hold converse 
with God. 9 On joyful and festive occa- 
sions while giving thanks to God, they 
thought it suitable to pray standing, thus 
expressing their joy and confidence by the 
posture of their bodies ; but on sorrowful 
occasions and seasons of fasting and humi- 
liation, they were accustomed to make their 
supplications on their bended knees or pros- 
trate, to indicate self-abasement. ! That cer- 
tain forms of prayer were everywhere used 
both in public and in private, I have no 
doubt; 11 but I am likewise confident that 
many persons poured out the feelings of 

rorui Militis; but neither makes any mention of exor- 
cism. This is a cogent argument to prove that it was 
admitted by Christians after the times of these fathers, 
and of course in the third century. Egypt perhaps first 
received it. 

6 Perhaps also of their freedom. Schwarz, Dm. de 
C(-rcmoniis ot Formulis a Veterum Manumissione ad 
Baptismum tmnskitis. Cyprian refers to the white 
garments, Da La mis, p. 181 Schl. 

7 Clementina, Homil. ix. sec. 9, p. G88, &c. ; Por- 
phyry, De Abstinentia, lib iv, p. 417, &c. and others. 

8 Sec Concilium Eliberitanum, Canon 26. Schl. 

9 See Cyprian, De oratiane, p. l 2\4. Schl. 

10 See Cyprian, De Oration*, p. 214; and Constitut. 
Apostol. lib. ii. cap. lix Schl. 

11 In tho earliest times, exclusive of the short intro- 
ductory salutation, Pax votiscum, &c. no established 
forms of prayer were used in public worship, but tho 
jishop or presbyter poured forth extempore prayers. 
See Justin Martyr, Apology ii. The Lord's prayer was 
used not only as a pattern, but also as a formula of 
prayer. Yet only the baptized and not the catechu- 
mens, might utter it. Tertullian, De Orations cap. i. 

x.; Cyprian, De Oratione Domin. and Constitut. Apos- 
tol. lib. vii. cap. xliv. Afterwards various forms were 
gradually introduced, and particularly short prayers 
derived from passages of Scripture. When greater 
miformity in the churches as .to ceremonies was in- 
roduced, the smaller churches had to regulate their 
Forms of prayer conformably to those of the larger 
churches, and of course to adopt the formulas of tho 
metropolitan churches. Origen, Contra Cetsum, lib. vi.; 
and Homilia in Jercm.f Eusebius, De Vita Const antini 
Mag. lib. Iv. cap. xix. xx. xvii.; Hist. Ecclet. lib. it 
cap. xvii.; Lactantius, DeMortib. Persecutor, cap. xlvi. 
xlvii. See Baumgarten's Erltiuterung der Christlicften 
Alterthiimer, p. 432.-* Schl 

CHAP, v.] 



their hearts before God in free and unpre- 
meditated effusions. They supposed there 
was great efficacy in the sign of the cross 
against all sorts of evils, and particularly 
against the machinations of evil spirits; 
and therefore no one undertook anything of 
ranch moment without first crossing him- 
self. 1 Other ceremonies I pass without 



1 . MOST of the sects which disquieted the 
church in the preceding centuries, caused it 
various troubles also in this ; for the ener- 
gies of the Montanists, Valentinians, Mar- 
cionites, and other Gnostics, were not wholly 
subdued by the numerous discussions of their 
tenets. Adelphius and Aquilinus of the 
Gnostic tribe, but very little known, en- 
deavoured to insinuate themselves and their 
doctrines into the esteem of the public at 
Rome and in Italy. 2 But these and others 
of the same class were resisted by Plotinus 
himself, the coryphaeus of the Platonists of 
this age, and by his disciples, with no less 
boldness and energy than the orthodox 
Christians were accustomed to manifest ; 
for the philosophical opinions of this faction 
concerning God, the origin of the world, the 
nature of evil, and other subjects, could not 
possibly meet the approbation of the Pla- 
tonists. These united forces of the Chris- 
tians and the philosophers were doubtless 
competent to bring the Gnostics gradually 
to lose all credit and influence among the 
well-informed. 3 

2. While the Christians were struggling 

1 The Christians at first used the sign of the cross, to 
bring to remembrance the atoning death of Christ, on 
all occasions. Hence Tertullian, De Corona Militis, 
cap. iii. p. 121, says: Ad omneni progressum atque 
promotum, ad omneni aditum et exiturn, ad vestitum, 
ad calciatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad lamina, ad cu- 
bilia, ad sedilia, qusecunque nos conversatio exercet, 
frontem crucis signaculo terimus. Compare also his 
work, Ad Uxorem, lib. ii. So late as the second century 
the Christians attached no particular virtue to the sign 
of the cross, and they paid it no adoration. See Ter- 
tullian, Apologet. cap. xvi.; and Ad Nationct, cap. xii.; 
but afterwards powerful efficacy began to be ascribed 
to it. See Cyprian, Testimonia ado. Judtsos, lib. ii. 
cap. xxi. xxii. p 204 ; and Lactantius, Institut. lib. iv. 
cap. xxvil xxviii. Schl. 

2 Porphyry, Vita Plotini, cap. xvl. p. 118, &c. 

3 The book of Plotinus against the Gnostics is still 
extant among his works. Ennead ii. lib. ix. p. 213, 
&c. [Semler, In his Hutorite Ecckt. Selecta Capita, 
vol. I. p. 81, conjectures, and not without reason, that 
the Gnostics and all the assailants of the Old Testa- 
ment, lost their power after Origen introduced the alle- 
gorical and tropological mode of expounding Scripture, 
and extended it in some measure to the history of 
Christ. And as he further supposes, the labours of 
Dionysius Alex, and other learned fathers, e.g. Doro- 
theus, a presbyter of Antioch (who understood the He- 
brew; Eusehlus, H.E. vii. 32), may have contributed 

with these corrupters of the truth, and upon 
the point of gaining the victory [a little past j 
the middle of this century], a new enemy, I 
more fierce and dangerous than those, sud- 
denly appeared in the field. Manes, 4 whom 
his disciples called Manichaeus, 6 a Persian, 6 
educated among the Magi, and himself one 
of the Magi before he became a Christian, 
was instructed in all the sciences and arts 
which were in repute among the Persians j 
and the adjacent nations, and was an astro- 
nomer (though a rude one}, a physician, a 
painter, and a philosopher ; but he had an 
exuberant imagination, and, as appears very 
probable, was delirious and fanatical. This 
man adventured to combine the principles 
of the Magi with Christianity, or rather to 
explain the latter by the former. To faci- 
litate the accomplishment of this object, he 
gave out that Christ had left the way of sal- 
vation imperfectly explained, and that he 
himself was the Paraclete whom the Saviour 
promised to send to his disciples when he left 
the world. Many were seduced by his elo- 
quence, his grave aspect, and the simplicity 
and innocence of his life, and in a short time 
he established a sect ; but at last he was put ' 
to death by Varanes I. King of the Per- 
sians. The cause, time, and manner of his 
execution, are variously stated by the an- 
cients. 7 

much to diminish the Gnostic party, as they carried 
investigation farther and more lucidly confuted the 
Jewish notions, and at the same time approximated a 
little towards the Gnostic doctrines concerning the Son 
of God. Hence it is we hear no more about the Gnos- 
tics in this century; and the few who still remained 
united themselves with the Manlcheeans. Schl. 

4 The oriental writers call him Mani; (Hyde, De 
Relig. Vet. Persarum, cap. 21; and D'Herbelot, BiMioth. 
Orientate, art. Mani); but the Greeks and Latins call 
him Maj/rj?, Mai/et?, and Manes. See Walch, Hut. der 
Ketzer. vol. i. p. 691. ScM. 

5 See the Acta Archelai, cap. v. 49; Augustine, De 
Hareiib. cap xlvi. ; and Contra Fauttum, lib. xix. cap. 
xxii. Schl. [ See the Acta Ditputationis Archelai Epis. 
et Mnnetis Hatreriar. in Routh's RdiquitB Sacrce, vol. 
Iv. p. Ill, Oxfd. 1818. #. 

G Notwithstanding the Greek and oriental writers 
represent Manes as being a Persian, Walch ( Hut. der 
Ketzer. vol. i. p. 708), and Beausobre (Hut. Crit. de 
Manichee, tome i. p$66), think it more probable that he 
was a Chaldean ; because Ephrem Syrus expressly so 
states, Opp. Syro-LMi*. torn. Ii. p. 468; and because 
Archelaus, in his Ada, ubi tupra, cap. xxxvi. charges 
Manes with understanding no language but that of the 
Chaldees. Schl. 

7 All that is extant concerning the life, actions, and 
doctrines of this very singular genius, has been very 
carefully collected and reviewed ingeniously, though 
often with more ingenuity and copiousness, than were 
necessary by Beausobre, in his Hist. Crltiq. de Mani- 
ch&e et du Manicheisme, Amsterdam, 173439, 2 vols. 
4 to. [ Whoever would gain the best acquaintance with 
the history of Manes and the Manlcheeans, may con- 
sult, besides Beausobre, ubi supra, the long essay of 
Mosheim, in MB Comment, de Rebus, Sec. pages 728 908; 
Wolf, Ufanichteumut ante Manichaot, &c. Hamb. 1707, 
8vo; Gardner's Cred. of the Got. Hut. part ii. vol. iii 
pages 364753; and Walch's Hut. der Ketzer. vol. i. 
pages 685814. These principal writers being con- 
sulted, all the rest may be neglected. The last of these 
works has the great advantage that it concentrates 



[PART n. 

3, The religious system of Manes is a 
compound of Christianity and the ancient 
philosophy of the Persians, which he had 
imbibed in early life. What the Persians 
relate concerning their Mithras. Manes ap- 
plied to Christ. According to his views and 
those of the Persians, there are two first 
principles of all things, a subtile and very 
pure substance or light, and a gross and 
corrupt substance or darkness. Over each 
of these a Lord has reigned from all eter- 
nity. The Lord of light is denominated 
God ; the regent of the world of darkness is 

arranges properly, criticises acutely and solidly, and 
expresses in u lucid and agreeable style nil lias 
been said on the subject by the useful Wolf, the agree- 
able and learned but prolix Beausobre, the acute Mo- 
heim, and the solid and critical Lurdner. Von Kin. 
[In regard to the History of A/nnes, there is much is- 
ttgrecment between the oriental and the Grecian writers. 
Yet in the particulars stated in the text there is no dis- 
agreement. We will extract JjwaJtf,oalMi* tt ^. Comm. 
de llet>. Christ, p. 734, &c. so fTruchaa is neccssYfry'tt) 
give a history of this extraordinary man. Manes, on 
meeting with the books of the Christian*, found that 
the religion they contained coincided with his philo- 
sophy in some respects, and contradicted it in others. 
He determined to unite the two together, to enlarge 
and improve the ono by the other, and thus to give the 
world u new religion. He began by giving out that he 
was the Paraclete (o llagaxAnToc, John xvi. 7,. 13, &c.] 
and porhaps he really supposed ho was so. He rejected 
or altered Hitch books of trie Christians ns contravene*! 
his opinions, and substituted others in their place, par- 
ticularly those which he pretended were written by 
himself under a divine impulse. The King of Persia 
threw him into prison, but for whateau-e is unknown 
The Greek writers (especially Arehelaus, in his Artn Dix- 
pufationia, &c. who fur nishod the other Greek and Latin 
writers with nearly all the historicul facts they state), 
represent that he was imprisoned, because having pro- 
mised to cure the king's son, he failed and caused the 
death of the young prince. A different account is given 
by the oriental writers, Persian, Syrian, and Arabian, 
cited by IVHerbelot, BiMiut/irque Orient, art. Munis 
Hyde, Historic llt'lig. I'cter. Prranrum, cap. x\\., Re- 
naudot, Hi.\t<tria Patriarch. /Hwtndrinor^- 42; I'ocock, 
Spfriinrn Hint. Antbum, p. Ill), &e. They state that 
Manes, coming to the court of King Sapor, was received 
kindly; and that his doctrines were embraced by the 
monarch. Hereupon Manes became so bold as publicly 
to attack the Persian religion. This drew on him per- 
secution, and so endangered his life that lie was obliged 
to flee into Turkistan. Here he collected many fol- 
lowers, and spent a whole year in a cave, where he 
composed his book entitled Erfantt, or Arzeug, i.e. the 
Gospel, and which in adorned with splendid paintings. 
This book ho represented to be a gift of (Sod. In the 
mean time Sapor died, and was succeeded by his son 
Ilormisdas, who was so favourable to Manes as to 
embrace hia religion. After the death of Kormiadas, 
Varanes I. succeeded to the throne. He was at first 
wall disposed towards Manes, but soon turned again- 1 
him and determined on his destruction. Kor this pur- 
pose he allured him from his safe retreat, under pretence 
of a disputation with the Magi, and caused him to be 
put to death as a perverter of the true religion. This 
took place in the year 278; or, according to Walch, 
( Hist, der Ketzer. vol. i. p. 724) in the year 277. The 
shocking fate of Manes rather animated than terrified 
his followers The most able and eloquent of them 
roamed through Syria, Persia, Egypt, Africa, and over 
most parts of the world; and by the severity of their 
morals and the simplicity of their religion, they every- 
where made proselytes. And notwithstanding all the 
persecutions which have befallen them, their descend- 
ants exist to this day, in the mountains between Persia 
and India. SehL [More recent writers may be con- 
sulted, viz, Neander Kirchenge*. vol. i. part il. pages 
813 AG,. and Von ReichlinR Meldegg, Die Theologie 
4et Manes u. ikr Ursprung. 1825, 8vo. A/w. 

called Hyle (iiXij, matter}, or daemon (the 
devil). These two Lords are of opposite 
natures and dispositions. The Lord of light, 
as he is himself happy, so he is beneficent ; 
the Lord of darkness, being himself misera- 
ble, is malignant, and wishes others also to 
be miserable. Each has produced a nume- 
rous progeny of his own peculiar character, 
and distributed them over his empire. 

4. For a very long period of time the 
prince of darkness was ignorant of the ex- 
istence of light, and of the world of light ; 
but on occasion of a war which arose in his 
kingdom, he gained some knowledge of the 

I light ; and on discovering it, he was eager 
! to possess it. The Lord of light opposed 
him with an army ; but the general of the 
i celestial army, whose name was The First 
1 Man, was rather unsuccessful ; and the 
troops of darkness succeeded in getting pos- 
session of a considerable portion of the ce- 
lestial elements, and of light itself, which is 
an animate substance, and these they mixed 
with depraved matter. The next general 
on the side of the world of light, called The 
Living Spirit, conducted the war more suc- 
cessfully; yet he was unable to liberate the 
celestial substance now in combination with 
the vicious elements. The vanquished 
prince of darkness produced the parents of 
the human race. The men who are born 
of this stock consist of a body formed from 
the depraved matter of the world of dark- 
ness, and of two souls, thc3 one sensitive and 
concupiscent which they derived from the 
prince of darkness, the other rational and 
immortal, being a particle of that divine 
light which was plundered by the army of 
darkness and immersed in matter. 

5, Men being thus formed by the prince 
of darkness, and minds which were tho 
daughters of eternal light being inclosed in 
their bodies, God now, by the living Spirit 
who had before vanquished the princes of 
darkness, formed this our earth out of vi- 
cious matter, that it might become the resi- 
dence of the human race, and afford God 
advantages for gradually delivering souls 
from their bodies, and separating the good 
matter from the bad . Afterwards God pro- 
duced from himself two majestic beings, 
who should afford succour to the souls im- 
mured in bodies, namely, Christ and the 
Holy Spirit. Christ is the being whom the 
Persians call Mithras. lie is a mo?t splen- 
did substance, consisting of the purest light 
of God, self-existent, animate, excelling in 
wisdom, and having his residence in the sun. 
The Holy Spirit likewise is an animate and 
lucid substance, which is diffused through 
the whole atmosphere that encompasses oar 
earth, warms and enlightens the souls of 

CHAP, v.] 



men, fecundates the earth, elicits gradually 
from it the latent particles of divine fire, 
and wafts them upward that they may re- 
turn to their native world. 

^ 6. After God had for a long time admo- 
nished the captive souls immured in bodies, 
by angels and by men instructed by him- 
self, he, at length, in order to accelerate 
their return to the heavenly country, di- 
rected Christ, his son, to descend from the 
sun to this our world. He being clad in 
the form and shadow of a human body, but 
not joined to a real body, appeared among 
the Jews, pointed out the way in which souls 
may extricate themselves from the body, 
and proved his divinity 1 by his miracles. 
Hut the prince of darkness instigated the 
Jews to crucify him. Tin's punishment, 
however, he did not actually endure, be- 
cause he had not a body ; but the people 
supposed he was crucified. Having accom- 
plished his embassy, Christ returned to the 
sun, his former residence, and charged his 
apostles to propagate the religion he had 
taught them throughout the world. More- 
over, when about to depart he promised to 
send at some time a greater and more per- 
fect apostle, whom he called the Paraclete, 
who should add many things to the precepts 
he had delivered, and dispel all errors in 
regard to religious subjects. This Para- 
clete promised by Christ was Manes the 
Persian, who by command of God ex- 
plained the whole doctrine of salvation 
perfectly, and without any ambiguity or 

7. The souls which believe Jesus Christ 
to be the Son of God cease from worship- 
ping the God of the Jews (who is no other 
than the prince of darkness), obey the laws 
which were given by Christ and enlarged 
and explained by Manes, the Paraclete, and 
perseverin'dy resist the lusts of the evil soul, 
these shall progressively become purified 
from the contaminations of base matter. Yet 
the entire purgation of the soul cannot be 
effected in the present life. Therefore souls 
when freed from the body must undergo a 
twofold purification after death, before they 
are admitted into the world of light; the 
first purification is by sacred water, and the 
second by sacred fire. They first go to 
the moon, which consists of sacred water, 
and are there purified during fifteen days ; 

1 Not his Divinity; for this, In the trae and proper 
sense of the word, the Manichaaans could not predicate 
of Christ nor of the Holy Ghost They held neither of 
them to be more ancient than the world. See Fortn- 
natua in his dispute with Augustine, i. p. 69. They 
believed that the light of the Son might be obscured by 
intervening mutter, but that the lipbt of the Father 
could not See Mosheim, Comment, cte Reb. Christ. Ac, 
p. 775, &c.Sc/il. 

thence they proceed to the sun, the holy 
fire of which removes entirely all their re- 
maining pollution. The bodies which they 
left behind, being formed of base matter, 
revert back to their original mass. 

8. 13ut the souls which have neglected the 
means for their purgation will, after death, 
pass into other bodies, either of animals or 
of other beings, until they become cleansed. 
Some also, being peculiarly depraved, will 
be delivered over to the evil demons inhabit- 
ing our atmosphere, to be tormented for a 
season. When the greater part of the souls 
shall be liberated and restored to the world 
of light, then, at the command of God, in- 
fernal fire will burst from the caverns in 
which it is contained, and will burn up and 
destroy the fabric of this world. Afler these 
events, the prince and powers of darkness 
will be compelled to retire to their wretched 
country, where they must remain for ever. 
For, to prevent their renewing war against 
the world of light, (Jod will encompass the 
world of darkness with an invincible guard. 
That is to say, the souls whose salvation has 
become desperate will keep watch like sol- 
diers about the world of darkness, so that 
its miserable inhabitants can no more go out. 

9. To give these monstrous opinions some 
plausibility, Manes rejected nearly all the 
sacred books in which the Christians be- 
lieved their religion was contained. The 
Old Testament especially he pronounced to 
be the work, not of God but of the prince 
of darkness, whom he represented the Jews 
as worshipping in place of the true God. 
The four histories of Christ which we call 
Gospels, he either denied to have been com- 
posed by the apostles, or he maintained that 
if they were so, they had been corrupted, 
interpolated, and stuffed with Jewish fables 
by crafty and deceitful men. In place of 
them he substituted another gospel which 
he denominated Erteng, and which he af- 
firmed had been dictated to him by God 
himself. The Acts of the Apostles he wholly 
rejected. The Bpistles which are ascribed 
to St. Paul he admitted to have been writ- 
ten by him, but maintained that they were 
adulterated. What he thought of the other 
books of the New Testament we are not 

10. The rules of life which Manes pre- 
scribed for his followers were peculiarly 
rigorous and severe. He directed them to 
mortify and macerate the body, which he 
regarded as the very essence of evil and 
the work of the prince of darkness, to de- 
prive it of every convenience and gratifica- 
tion, to extirpate every sensual appetite, 
and to divest themselves of all the propen- 
sities and instincts of nature. But as he 



[PART ii. 

foresaw that he could expect few to embrace 
his system, if he imposed upon all without 
discrimination such severe rules of life, he 
divided his followers into two classes, the 
! elect and the hearers ; that is, the perfect 
, Christians and the imperfect. The former, 
or the elect, were to abstain from flesh, 
eggs, milk, fish, wine, and every inebriating 
drink, from marriage and from every in- 
' diligence of sexual passions, to live in the 
| most abject poverty, to sustain their enui- 
ciated bodies with bread, herbs, pulse, and 
melons, to abstain from all active life, and 
j to be devoid both of love and hatred. A 
I milder rule was prescribed for the hearers. 
I They might possess houses, lands, and goods, 
eat flesh though sparingly, and marry wives: 
yet even these indulgences had their limi- 
tations. The whole ^body of Manichaeans 
were subjected to one* president, who repre- 
sented Jesus Christ; with him were con- 
nected twelve masters or rulers, who 
represented the twelve apostles; next to 
these there were seventy-two bishops, cor- 
responding with the seventy-two disciples 
of Christ; and under each bishop there 
were presbyters and deacons. All these 
officers were from the class of the elect. ' 

1 1 . The sect of the Ilieracites was formed 
in Egypt near the close of this century, by 
Hierax of Leontopolis, who was a book- 
copier by trade, a man of learning and 
venerable for the visible sanctity of his de- 
portment. Many have supposed that this 
sect was a branch of the Manichaean family, 
but erroneously ; for although Hierax held 
some notions in common with Manes, yet 

1 All these particulars arc more fully stated and sup- 
ported by citations from anti.quity. in my Comment, da 
licbus Christ. &c. [pages 7281*03; with which the 
reader should compare Walch's Hist, dcr Kctzrr. vol. 
i pages 685814. From both we extract the following 
notices respecting the worship of this sect. They re- 
verenced the sun and the moon, though they did not 
account them deities. Their worship was so simple, 
that they claimed to be farther removed from paganism 
than all other Christians. They had no temples, no 
altars, no images, no oblations, and no burning of in- 
cense They observed Sundays which they kept as 
fhsts. But they observed none of the Christian festi- 
vals which relate to the incarnation and baptism of 
Christ. They celebrated the memorial of Christ's death 
but with little of devotion. Whether they observed 
Easter is uncertain, but they observed the anniversary 
of Manes' death, which they called Bama (/%ia), with 
great devotion. Fasting was one of their most impor- 
tant religious exercises. They kept sacred Sundays and 
Mondays. They made use of baptism, but did not 
baptize either children or grown persons who were 
only hearers ; and even to the elect, it was left optional 
whether they would be baptized or not. The elect ob- 
served likewise the Lord's Supper, though it is not 
known what they used in place of wine, which was with 
them altogether prohibited. Schl. [The student may 
also consult, on Manes or Mani and his system, Matter, 
Uitt. du Gnoxt. vol. Hi. p 70, &c.; Gicselcr, Lchrluch, 
sec. 61, Davidson's Truud. vol. i. p. 223; Milman's Hist. 
tfChritt, vol. ii. p. 322, &c. where he will find much 
authentic information from the best sources ; and Rose's 
translation of Neander's Kirchcnget. vol. ii p. 140, &c. 

he differed from him in many respects. He 
believed it was the great business of Christ 
to promulgate a new law, more perfect and 
more strict than that of Moses. Hence 
he concluded that Christ had prohibited to 
his followers, marriage, flesh, wine, and 
whatever was grateful to the senses or the 
body ; which things had been allowed by 
Moses, but were abrogated by Christ. 
Yet if we duly consider all accounts, we 
shall conclude that Hierax, as well as 
Manes, did not suppose these severe injunc- 
tions were imposed by Christ on all his | 
followers, but only on those who aspired 
after the highest attainments in virtue. To 
this radical error he added others, either 
growing out of it or originating from other 
sources : for example, he excluded infants, 
who died before they came to the use of 
reason, from the kingdom of heaven ; be- 
cause divine rewards could be due to none 
but such as had actually passed through re- 
gular conflicts with the body and its lusts. 
He also maintained that Mclchisedec, the 
king of Salem who blessed Abraham, was 
the Holy Spirit. The resurrection of the 
body he denied, and the whole eacrcd vo- 
lume, especially its historical parts, he ob- 
scured with allegorical interpretations. 3 

12. The controversies respecting the 
Trinity which commenced in the preceding 
century, from the time when Grecian philo- 
sophy got into the church, had a wider 
spread in this century and produced various 
methods of explaining that doctrine. First 
[in the early part of the century] Noetus, 
a man of whom little is known, a native of 
Smyrna, maintained that God himself whom 
he denominated the Father, and held to be 
absolutely one and indivisible, united him- 
self with the man Christ, whom he called 
the Son, and in him was born and suf- 
fered. From this dogma of Noetus his 
adherents were called Patripassians ; i.e. 
persons who held that the great Parent of 
the universe himself, and not merely some 
one person of the Godhead, had made ex- 
piation for the sins of men. Nor were they 
unfitly denominated so, if the ancients cor- 
rectly understood their views. 8 

2 Epiphanius, Harex. Ixvii [and Augustine, Haretib. 
cap. xlvii.] from whom nearly all others have borrowed, 
with little exception, all they state. [See Mosh^im, De 
Reb. Christ. &c. pages 903-910; Walch, llitt. der Ketz. 
vol. i. pages 815823; Tillemont, Mem. pour servir d 

Hist. Eccles. tome iv. p. 411, and Lardner's Credib. 
of the Got. Hist, part ii. vol. vi. p. 76, &c Schl. 

3 See Hippolytus, Sermo contra Hteresin Noeti, in his 
Opp. torn. ii. p. 5, ed. Fabricii; Epiphanius, llceres. 
Ivii. Opp. torn. i. p. 470; Theodoret, Htrret. Falul. lib 
iii. cap. iii.; Opp. torn. iv. p. 227. [Noe'tus so held the 
unity of God as to discard the orthodox opinion of a 
plurality of persons in the Godhead. In fact he acknow- 
ledged but one person, who is designated in the Scrip- 
tures by the title of the Father. Noe'tus therefore was 

CHAP, v.] 



13. After the middle of the century ap- 
peared Sabullius, an African presbyter or 
bishop, at Ptolemais, the principal 'city in 
Pentapolis, a province of Libya Cyrenaica. 
He explained what the scriptures teach con- 
cerning the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, 
in a manner somewhat different from Noe tits, 
and gathered a number of followers, al- 
though he was confuted by Dionysius of 
Alexandria. Noetus had supposed that 
God the Father, personally, assumed the 
human nature of Christ ; but Sabellius held 
that only a certain energy put forth by the 
supreme Parent, or a certain portion of the 
divine nature being separated from it, be- 
came united with the Son or the man Christ. 
And the Holy Spirit he considered as being 
a similar portion or part of the eternal 
Father. 1 Hence it appears that the Sabel- 

a Unitarian, as respects the doctrine of three persons ; 
but in regard to the character of Christ, he held better 
views than the Socinians. So far as relates to two 
natures united in one person in Christ, he agreed with 
the orthodox ; but the divine person which was united 
with the human nature, according to Noe'tus* views, 
was no other than the person of the Father, because 
there was no other person in the Godhead. See MOST 
heim, Comment, de Reft. Christ, pages 681 687; and 
Walch, Hist, dcr Ketzer. vol. ii. pages 1 13. ScM. 

\ Most of the ancients who wrote against the heretics, 
speak of Sabellius [especially Epiphanius, Hares. Ixii. 
and Theodoret, Haret. Fabul. lib. ii. cap. ix.j To 
these add Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. vi.; Atha- 
nasius, De Sentential Dtonysii [and Basil the Great, 
Ep. 210 and 235.] Nearly all that is written by the 
ancients has been collected by Wortnius in his I/istoria 
Saheltiana, Francf. and Lips. 169(5, 8 vo, a learned work, 
only a small park of which relates to Sabellius. [See 
Mosheim, Comment, de Reb. Christ. &c. pages 688 G'9f); 
Beausobre, Histoire da Munichee^ c. tome i. p. 533, 
&e.; Lardner, Credibility <tf the Gns. Hist, part ii. vol. 
iv. p. 558, c. and Walch, Hint, der Ketxvr. vol. ii. 
pages H 49. The last of these differs somewhat from 
Mosheim in his description of the Sabollian doctrine. 
I le states it thus : the ancients one and all say that the 
Sabcllian system marred the true doctrine concerning 
God, and concerning all the three persons. It was ono 
of two directly opposite errors of which Arianism was 
tho other; and the true doctrine occupied the middle 
ground between them. Indeed Arius, by pushing his 
opposition to Sabellius too far, was led into his error. 
It hence follows that Sabellius, who did not deny the 
existence of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, made too 
little distinction between them, while Arius made the 
distinction too wide. It is clear that Sabellius ack now-, 
ledgcd but one person, and considered the Son of God 
as not being a distinct ]>erson; so that he could not 
have taught a personal distinction in the Trinity. Hy 
the Word (Aoyos) Sabellins understood an energy, by 
which the man Christ performed his works. So long 
as Christ remained on earth, this divine energy was in 
him, but afterwards it ceased. It was therefore like a 
sunbeam, which operates on bodies and produces the 
effects of tho sun, without being itself a person. So 
also is it with the Holy Ghost, by which wo are to un-. 
dor stand the operations of God in men, tending to fur- 
ther their knowledge of the truth and their advancement 
in virtue. The manner of God's putting forth his 
energy, by which the Son was produced, and by which 
the Holy Ghost is still produced and continued, the 
ancients expressed by the words, to spread out or ex- 
tend (ir\a.Tvi>e<rO(u, protendere, extendere), to send forth 
(ire/xTreotfat), and to transform, or change one's form and 
appearance (/oterofiop^etadat, jneTao^/^aTtCet*'). From 
what has now been stated, it maybe perceived how Sa- 
bellius could have taught the existence of three forms 
or aspects (rota 7rpd<rwTra) in the divine essence, without 
admitting the reality of three different persons ; and 

lians must have been denominated by the 
ancients Patripassians, in a different sense 
of the word from that in which the Noe- 
tians were so called. Yet tho appellation 
was not wholly improper. 

14. Nearly at the same time [about A.D. 
244], Beryllus, bishop of Bostra in Arabia, 
a pious and learned man, taught that Christ 
before his birth of the Virgin had no dis- 
tinct divinity, but only that of the Father. 
This proposition, if we duly consider what 
is reported concerning him by the ancients, 
contained the following sentiment : that 
Christ had no existence before he was born 
of Mary ; that at his birth, a soul, originat- 
ing from God himself, and therefore superior 
to the souls of all men, being a particle of 
the divine nature, entered into and was 
united with the man. Beryllus was so 
lucidly and energetically confuted by Ori- 
#en in a council assembled at Bostra [A.D. 
244], that he gave up the cause, and re- 
turnd into the bosom of the church. 2 

lo. Very different from him, both in 

how his opposers could infor that ho admitted but one 
distinction under three different names. The greatest 
difficulty is in this, that according to some representa- 
tions, Sabellius taught there was a difference or separa- 
tion (fiuupco-ti') between tho Father, Son, and Holy 
Ghost, but according to other accounts, he maintained 
such a unity as was inconsistent with it. This diffi- 
culty is the most easily surmounted, by supposing the 
former to refer to an imagined or conceived distinction, 
and not any real one. Such are Walch's views of the 
Sabellian system [and very similar are those of Nean- 
der, Kirchengesck. vol. i. part Hi. pages 1018 1025.] 
Walch thinks that Sabellius ought not to be called a 
Pafripasstan, for these held Christ to be one person, in 
whom two natures wore personally united ; and believed 
that, not the divine nature of tho Son, as a person, but 
the divine nature of the Father, who was the only per- 
son, was united with the human nature in Christ. Now 
as Sabellius held the Son to be no real part of tho 
Father, and still less held to a personal union of two 
natures in Christ, ho cannot truly be called a Patri- 
passian. According to Sabellius' opinion, Christ was 
a mere man, in whom resided a divine power that pro- 
duced those effects wliich we regard as tho acts of the 
divine nature united to the human. Among the op- 
posers of Sabellius, Dionysius of Alexandria attracted 
the most notice. Yet tho opposition made by this 
bishop was not satisfactory to all. Offensive passages 
were found in his epistles against the Sabellians. As 
he there brought forward the doctrine of Christ's incar- 
nation, and from that deduced his proof of the real 
distinction between the Father and the Son, he was 
understood as holding that the Son, in so far as he was 
a divine being, was a created one, or as denying that 
the Father and the Son were of the same essence. 
Dionysius defended himself, and showed that he had 
been misunderstood. Notwithstanding this the Ariana 
after his death claimed him as on their side, which 
obliged Athanasius to vindicate the reputation of Dio- 
nysius against them. Still there continued to be some 
to whom this defence appeared insufficient Basil the 
Great is an example. There can be no doubt that Dio- 
nysius thought with Athanasius in regard to the Tri- 
nity, but he used the language of Arius. In regard to 
the person of Christ, he expressed himself in the man- 
ner of Neatorius, for he carried the distinction between 
the divine and the human natures of Christ so far as 
wholly to exclude the former from a participation in 
those changes in the latter which were the result of tb* 
personal union of the two natures. See Walcb, Hist, 
der Ketzer. vol. ii. pages 50 63. Schl. ' 
3 Euscblus, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. xx. and xxxiiLi 


[PART n. 

morals and in sentiment, was Paul of Samo- 
sata, a bishop of Antioch [in Syria], and at 
the same time clothed with the civil office 
of a ducenarius. 1 lie was an ostentatious 
man, opulent and arrogant; 2 and greal 
disquieted the eastern church soon alter the 
middle of this century, by his novel expla- 
nations of the doctrine concerning the di- 
vine nature and concerning Christ. The 
sect which embraced his opinions were 
called Paulians or Paulianists. So far as 
can be judged from the accounts which have 
reached us, he supposed the Son and the 
Holy Spirit to exist in God, just as reason 
and the active power do in man ; that 
Christ was born a mere man ; but that the 
wisdom or reason (Xoyof ) of the Father de- 
scended into him and enabled him to teach 
and work miracles ; that on account of this 
union of the divine Word (Aoyo?) with the 
man Christ, we might say Christ was God, 
though not in the proper sense of the word, 
lie so concealed his real sentiments under 

Jerome, De Viris I'fuslr. cap. Ix. ; Socrates, Mist. EccJe\ 
lib. iii. cap. vii. Among the moderns, see Le Clcrc, 
Ars Critica, torn. i. par. ii. sec. i. cap. xiv. ; Chauffc- 
pi<5. Aouveriu Dictionnaire llist. Grit, tome i, p. 268, 
<toe. [See Mosheim, Comment, de Reb. Christ. <fcc. p. 
6M, <fcc. and Walch, Hist, der Ketzer. vol. il. pages 
126136. Walch does not place Beryllus among the 
heretics, because he is not chargeable with obstinacy 
in his eirors, nor with establishing a sect or party; 
both of which are necessary to constitute a heretic. 
Mosheim's assertion lhat Beryllus represented Christ 
as possessing a soul derived from the divine essence, 
is a mere conjecture that cannot be supported by 
proof; S hi. [Neander, Kii-chengesch. vol. i. part iii. 
p 1014, &e. places Beryllus among that class of Patri- 
passians who considered the personality of the Son 
of God as originating from a radiation or emanation 
from the essence of God into a human body. He 
therefore places Beryllus and Sabellius in the same 
class. Mar. 

1 The duccnarii were a species of procurators for the 
emperors in the provinces, whose salary was two hun- 
dred sestcrtia [dueentt sestertia, equal to above 1600 

i Ster.] from which sum these officers derived their title. 

| See Dion Camus, lib. liii. ; Suetonius, Claudian, cap. 
xxiv. and Salmasius, Notes on Capitolinus, Pertinax, 
p. 125. From Seller's Antiquities of Palmyra, Loud. 

| 160>i, 8vo, p. 166, <fec, it appears tha$ this ofllce i was 
much used in the province of Syria, and Mosheim con- 
jectures (Comment, de ttttb. Christ, ^c. p. 705) that Paul 
obtained it by means of ^eno.bia, who had a high esteem 
for him. Schf, 

* EusebiiiR, flift. Ecdex. lib. vli. cap. xxx. [Euse- 
bius hero gives copious extracts from the circular letter 
of the council, which condemned Paul and ordained 
Domnus his successor. Tho council characterize Paul 
as having* risen from poverty to opulence, by extortion 
and bribery; as proud, and insolent, and ostentatious; 
as choosing to be addressed by his civil title, and ap- 
pearing in public tit tended by guards and all the splen- 
dour of worldly rank ; as abusing authority aa an officer 
in the church; as intolerably vain, and coveting the 
aditluthns of the multitude; as decrying the fathers of 
the church, exalting himself, and abolishing the hymns 
,iu common use, and appointing women to sing psalms 
in praise of himself; as sending out bishops and pres- 
byters to sound his praise, and to extol him as an angel 
from heaven; as keeping several young and handsome 
women near his person, whom he enriched with pres- 
ents, and as living in luxury with them. How much 

of colouring there may be in this picture we have not 
the means of determining. But there can be little 
doubt the character of Paul was such as did not become 

the means of determining 

k bishop. Afar. 

ambiguous forms of speech, that repeated 
ecclesiastical councils were wholly unable 
to convict him ; but at last in the council 
assembled A.D. 269, Malchion, a rhetori- 
cian, drew him from his concealment, and 
he was convicted and divested of his epis- 
copal office. 3 

16. In a very different way some obscure 
philosophers in Arabia, the disciples of a 
man unknown, marred a part of the Chris- 
tian system. They denied the soul to be 
immortal, maintaining that it died with the 
body, and that it would be resuscitated with 
it by the power of God. 4 The believers in 
this doctrine were called Arabians, from the 
country in which they lived. Origen being 
sent for from Egypt, disputed against them 
with such success in a full council, that they 
renounced their error. 

17. Among the sects which arose in this 
century, that of the Novatians is placed 
last. They did not indeed corrupt the 
doctrines of Christianity, but by the seve- 
rity of the discipline to which they adhered, 

3 See fiphtola Concilii Antiochwi ad Paulum, in the 
lUbliotheca J'atrum, torn. xi. p. 302, ed. Paris, 1641, fol. 
and Dionysius Alexandrinus, &p. ad Paulum, ibid. p. 
273, and Deceni Pauli fiaino&att'ni Quaxtiones, ibid. p. 
278. See also Mosheim, Comment, de Jteb. Christ. &e. 
pugCJ 701 7L Q , and Walch, Hist, der Ketzcr. vol. ti p 
pages 04125. From the last writer we extract the 
following to give a more full and correct view of the 
Samosutenian doctrines:!. Paul of Samosata taught 
that theie is but one God, who in the Scriptures is de- 
nominated the Father. 2. lie did not deny that the 
Scriptures speak of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 
3. What ho understood by the Holy Ghost we dp not 
know; and Mosheim has attempted to supply this de- 
fect by a mere conjecture. 4. Concerning the Word 
and the Wisdom of God, he las spoken largely; but 
whether he distinguished between the Word in God 
(Aoyov efAW0v70) and the Word produced from (iod 
fAoyo* 7ipof/>opt/e6s), is doubtful. 5. This Word or 
\Vimlom in God is not a substance or a person. 6. But 
it is in the divine mind, as reason is in men. 7. Christ 
was a mere man. 8. lie first began to exist when he 
was bora of Mary. 1). Yet in this man dwelt the divine 
Word or Wisdom, and it was operative in him. 10. Tho 
union commenced when Christ was conceived in the 
womb of Mar . 11. By means of this Wisdom of God 
in him, Christ gradually acquired his knowledge and 
Iiis practical virtues. By it he became at once God and 
the Son of God, yet both in an improper sense of the 
terms. From this account it appears that PUotian in 
the next age came very near to Paul ot h'amosata, not 
indeed in his statements and expressions, but rather in 
his grand error, that Christ was a mere man, and su- 
perior to other men only on account of his pre-eminent 
gifts. Schl. [See Neander, Kirchengcs. vol. i. part iii. 
pagi-s 1007 14, Mur. 

4 Kusebius, Hist. Eccle.s^ lib. vi. cap. xxxvii. [See 
Mosheim. Comment, de Reb. Clui&t. &c. p. 718, and 
Walch, JJisL der Ketzer. vol. ii, pages Ji.7-171. As 
Eusebius, who is the only witness we have in regard 
to this sect, gives a very brief account of them, the 
learned in modern times have entertained two opinions 
concerning their system. Some suppose they held 
that the soul, though immaterial, sleeps while the body 
is in the grave; which however the words of Kusebius 
seem to contradict, for they describe the soul as dying, 
and briny dissolved, with the body^ (rvvairoOvifi<rKett> rot? 
crw/Lwurt ai ovi>8uul>0eipf<r0a.i. Others suppose, more 
correctly, that they were Christian mateiialists, who 
regarded the soul aa being a part of the body. And 
Mosheim conjectures that their error originated from 
their combining the Epicurean philosophy with Chris- 
tianity. ScA/. 

CHAP, v ] 



they produced a lamentable schism. No- 
vatian, 1 a presbyter in the church of Rome, 
a man of learning and eloquence, but of a 
stern and austere character, 2 maintained 
that such as had fallen into the more heinous 
sins, and especially such as had denied 
Christ during the Decian persecution, ought 
never to be admitted again to the church. 
Most of the other presbyters as well as 
Cornelius, whose influence was very great, 
were of a different opinion. Hence in the 
year 250, when a new bishop was to be 
chosen at Rome in place of Fabian, Nova- 
tian strenuously opposed the election of 
Cornelius. Cornelius however was chosen, 
and Novatian withdrew from communion 
with him. On the other hand Cornelius, 
in a council held at Rome A.I). 251, ex- 
communicated Novatian and his adherents. 
Novatian, therefore, founded a new sect, 
in which he was the first bishop. This sect 
had many adherents who were pleased with 
the severity of its discipline ; and it con- 
tinued to flourish in many parts of Chris- 
tendom until the fifth century. The 
principal coadjutor of Novatian in this 
schism was Novatus, a presbyter of Car- 
thage, who lied to Rome during the heat 
of this controversy, in order to escape the 
wrath and the condemnation of Cyprian 
his bishop, with whom he had a violent 
quarrel 3 

1 The Greeks always write his name Novatus or 
N'avatus; but the Latins generally write it Novutiamis, 
perhaps to distinguish him from Novutua of Carthage, 
jhe names being really the same. -Afur. [Euscbius 

writes it ii. 

* These traits of character he perhaps owed to the 
Strie philosophy, to which Nome have supposed him 
addicted. See milch, ubi supta p. 12o. /SiA/. 

a The student will llfld an account of this secf. and 

18. Respecting the fundamental articles 
of the Christian faith, there was no disa- 
greement between the Novatians and other 
Christians. Their peculiarity was, that 
they would not receive into the church per- 
sons who, after being baptized, fell into the 
greater sins. They did not, however, ex- 
clude them from all hopes of eternal salva- 
tion They considered the Christian church 
as a society of innocent persons, who from 
their entrance into it had defiled them- 
selves with no sin of any considerable mag- 
nitude ; and hence it followed that all 
associations of Christians which opened the 
door for the return of gross offenders were 
in their view unworthy of the name of true 
churches of Christ. And hence they as- 
sumed the appellation of Cathari, that is, 
the pure ; and what was still more, they rc- 
baptizcd such as came over to them from 
the Catholics; for, sueh influence had the 
error they embraced upon their own minds, 
that they believed the baptism of those 
churches which re-admitted the lapsed 
could not impart to the subjects of it re- 
mission of sins. 4 

of the disturbances excited both in Carthage and Homo, 
in Milnei's Jlist. of the Church, cent iii. chap. ix. and 
x. { and in Kurton's Lcct* on the fa-c Hist. <fee. vol. ii. 
p ii27, <fcc. Hut ft more full and accurate detail in ^ivc n 
by Mosheim, Comment, if a Keb. Christ, pa^es 41)7 arid 
5M, and Walcli, Hut. dvr Kclzer. vul. ii. p. 220, &e. 

Euseblus, Flist. Kecks, lib. vL cap. xliil ; Cyprian, in 
various of bis epistles, MS Kp 4l, 62, Ac.; vMba.spin.viiM, 
Observat. La-leu, lib, ii. cap xx. xxi. ; Or si, De Crinn- 
tiitm Capi/af. inter Ve tires Christ. Ab&olntione^ p. yM, 
ttc. ; Kenckel, l) Jla-re&i Novatiana, Strasburt;, 1651, 
4to [also Mosheim, Comment. <h> lie.b. Chrut. .fee. panes 
512-537, and Walch, Uist. d<>r Kclzer. vol. i. paj;ci 
185 -288. -&</*/. [And Noandcr. Kirdteuyes. vol. i. 
part i paces *7- 407. - Uur. 







[PAitv i. 






1. THAT I might not separate too far 
those facts which are intimately connected 
with each other, I have determined to ex- 
hibit the prosperous and the adverse events, 
not in distinct chapters, as heretofore, but 
combined in one series, following as much 
as possible the order of time. In the be- 
ginning of this century the Roman empire 
had four sovereigns, of whom two were 
superior to the others, and bore the title of 
Augustus; namely, Diocletian and Maxi- 
mianus Herculius ; the two inferior sove- 
reigns, who bore the title of Caesars, were 
Constantius Chlorus and Galerius Maxi- 
mianus.- Under these four [associated] 
emperors, the state of the church was tole- 
rably prosperous. ! Diocletian, though su- 
perstitious, indulged no hatred towards the 
Christians. 2 Constantius Chlorus, follow- 
ing only the dictates of reason in matters 
of religion, was averse from the popular 
idolatry, and friendly to the Christians. 3 
The pagan priests, therefore, from well- 

grounded fears lest Christianity, to their 
great and lasting injury, should spread far 
and wide its triumphs, endeavoured to ex- 
cite Diocletian, whom they knew to be both 
timid and credulous, by means of feigned 
oracles and other impositions, to engage in 
persecuting the Christians. 4 

2. These artifices not succeeding very 
well, they made use of the other emperor, 
Galerius Maxiinianus, who was son-in-law 
to Diocletian in order to effect their pur- 
pose. This emperor, who was of a fero- 
cious character and ill-informed in every 
thing except the military art, continued to 
work upon his father-in-law, being urged 
on partly by his own inclination, partly by 
the instigation of his mothar ; a ir.ost super- 
stitious woman, and partly ty that of the 
pagan priests, till at last, when Diocletian 
was at Nicomedia in the year 303, he ob- 
tained from him an edict, by which the 
temples of the Christians were to be demo- 
lished, their sacred books committed to the 
iiames, and themselves deprived of all their 
civil rights and honours. B This first edict 
spared the lives of the Christians; for Dio- 
cletian was averse from slaughter and blood - 

1 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. viii. cap. i. [Eusebius 
here describes the prosperous state of the Christians, 
and tholr consequent security and vices. The imperial 
palaces were full of Christians, and no one hindered 
them from openly professing Christianity. From among 
them men were chosen to the offices of imperial coun- 
cillors, provincial governors, magistrates, and generals. 
The bishops and other clergy were held in honour, even 
by those who adhered to the old religion of the state, 
and the number of Christians was seen to be increasing 
daily. Hence in all the cities spacious buildings were 
erected for public worship, in which the people assem- 
bled without fear; and they had nothing to wish for, 
unless it were that one or more of the emperors might 
embrace their religion. Schl. 

2 He had Christians in his court who understood 
how to lead him, and who would probably have brought 
him to renounce idolatry, had not the suggestions of 
their enemies prevailed with him. His wife Prisca was 
in reality a concealed Christian ; and also his daughter 
Valeria, the wife of Galerius Maxiinianus. See Lac- 
tantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xv. Schl. 

3 Some go still farther, and make him to have been 
actually a Christian. But from the representations of 
Eusebius, Hut. lib. viii. cap. xiii. no more can 
be inferred than that he was disposed to look favoura- 
bly upon the Christian religion Schl. 

4 Eusebius, De Vita Constant, lib. ii. cap. i.; Lactan- 
tius, Institut. Divinar. lib. iv. cap. xxvii. and fie Mortib. 
Persecutor, cap. x. [According to Eusebius, ubi supra, 
it was reported to the emperor that the oracle ol 
Apollo had declared he was prevented from giving true 
responses by the righteous men on the earth, and this 
the pagan priests interpreted, when questioned by the 
emperor, with reference to the Christians. According 
to Lactantius, ubi supra, while Diocletian was at An- 
tioch in the year 302, the priests who inspected the 
entrails of the consecrated victims declared that they 
were interrupted in their prognostications by the sign 
of the cross made by several of the emperor's servants. 

Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xi.; Euse- 
bius, Hut. Ercles. lib. viii. cap. ii. [This persecution 
should properly be named that of Galerius and not that 
of Diocletian. For Diocletian had much the least hand 
in it, and he resigned his authority before the persecu- 
tion had continued quite two years ; moreover, Galerius 
in his edict for putting an end to the persecution, a 
little before his death, acknowledges that he himself was 
the author of it. See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. cap. viii. 
p. 17, and Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xxxiv. 
See Mosheim, Comment, de Reb. Christ. &c. pages 916 
-922. Schl. [And Milman, Hist, oj Christ, vol. ii. p. 
272, kc.R. 

CHAP, i.] 



shed. Yet it caused many Christians to be 
put to death, particularly those who re- 
fused to deliver up their sacred books to 
the magistrates. 1 Seeing this operation of 
the law, many Christians and several even 
of the bishops and clergy, in order to save 
their lives, voluntarily surrendered the 
books and sacred utensils in their possession. 
But they were regarded by their more re- 
solute brethren as guilty of sacrilege, and 
were branded with the name of Traditors. 2 
3. Not long after the publication of this 
first edict, there were two conflagrations in 
the palace of Nicomedia ; and the enemies 
of the Christians persuaded Diocletian to 
believe that Christian hands had kindled 
them. lie therefore ordered many Chris- 
tians of Nicomedia to be put to the torture, 
and to undergo the penalties due to incen- 
diaries. 3 Nearly at the same time, there 

i were insurrections in Armenia and in Syria ; 

! and as their enemies charged the blame of 
these also upon the Christians, the emperor 
by a new edict ordered all bishops and mi- 
nisters of Christ to be thrown into prison ; 
and by a third edict soon after, he ordered 
that all these prisoners should be compelled 

| by tortures and punishments to offer sacri- 

| fice to the gods ; 4 for he hoped, if the bishops 
and teachers were once brought to submis- 
sion, the Christian churches would follow 
their example. A great multitude, there- 
fore, of excellent men, in every part of the 

S Roman empire, Gaul only exccptcd, which 
was subject to Constantius Chlorus, 5 were 

| cither punished capitally or condemned to 
the mines. 

4 In the second year of the persecution 
A.D. 304, Diocletian published a fourth 
edict, at the instigation of his son-in-law 

1 Augustine, Breviculum Colkit. cum Donatistix, cap. 
xv. xvii. in his Opp. torn. ix. pag. 387, 390, and Baluxe, 
Misccllan. torn. ii. pag. 77, 92. 

2 Optatus, Milevit. De Schianate Dona tut. lib. i. sec. 
13 p. 13, ed. Du Pin. 

3 Eusebius, Hut. Ecclct. lib. viii. cap. vi.; Lactantius, 
De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xiv.; Constantino the Great, 
Oratio ad Sanctorum Cuetum, cap. xxv. [After the se- 
cond conflagration Galorius left Nicomedia, pretending 
to be afraid of being burned by the Christians. Diocle- 
tian also compelled his wife and daughter to sacrifice 
to the gods in proof that they were not Christians, and 
caused many Christians of his household and court to 
be cut off, and Lonthimus the bishop of Nicomedia, with 
many of the clergy and common Christians, to undergo 
cruel deaths, because they refused to offer sacrifices to 
the gods. Schl. 

4 Eusebius, Hist. Ecclet. lib. viii. cap. vi. and De 
Marty tibus Paleettinai. 

.'' Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xv. Euse- 
bius, Hi-si. Eccles. lib. viii. cap. xiii. xviii. [Constan- 
tius Chlorus presided over Spain and Britain, as well 
as Gaul. In Spain there were some martyrs ; because 
Constantius not being present there in person, he could 
not prevent the rigorous execution of the decree of the 
senior emperor. But in Gaul, where he was personally 
present, he favoured the Christiana as much a* sound 
policy would permit. He suffered some of the churches 
to be demolished, and mos$ tf 3em to be shut up. And 

and the other enemies of the Christians. 
By this edict the magistrates were directed 
to compel all Christians to offer sacrifices 
to the gods, and to use tortures for that pur- 
pose. And as the governors yielded strict 
obedience to these orders, the Christian 
church was reduced to the last extremity. 7 
Calerius Maximianus therefore no longer 
hesitated to disclose the secret designs he 
had long entertained [A.D. 305]. He re- 
quired his father-in-law [Diocletian], to- 
gether with his colleague [Valerius] Maxi- 
mianus Herculius, to divest themselves of 
their power, and constituted himself Em- 
peror of the East, leaving the West to Con- 
stantius Chlorus, whose health he knew to 
be very infirm. He also associated with 
him in the government two assistants of his 
own choosing ; namely, Maximinus his sis- 
ter's son, and Severus, excluding altogether 
Constant! nc, afterwards styled the Great, 
the son of Constantius Chlorus. 8 This re- 
volution in the Roman government restored 
peace to Christians in the western provinces 
which were under Constantius ; 9 but in the 
eastern provinces, the persecution raged 
with greater severity than before. 10 

when the last edict of Galerius against tho Christians 
was promulgated, he deprived of their offices all those 
of his servants who resolved to adhere to Christianity, 
and retained tho others in his service. Schl. 

6 Eusebius, De Martyr. Palcestirue, cap. iii. [Dio- 
cletian was not yet willing tho Christians should bo 
put to death outright; his orders to the governors were 
couched in general terms that they should compel the 
Christians, by all kinds of corporeal sufferings, to give 
honour to the heathen gods. See Eusebius, De Vita 
Constant, lib. ii. cap. li.; compare Lactantius, Instit. 
Diuinar. lib. v. cap. xi.; Eusebius, Hist. Ecclet. lib. ix. 
cap. ix. and lib. viii. cap. xii. Hence, according to 
the disposition of the several governors was their exe- 
cution of the imperial edict. Some only sent the Chris- 
tians into banishment, when the attempt to make them 
oflor sacrifices failed. Others deprived them of an eye, 
or lamed one of their feet by burning it; and others 
exposed them to wild beasts, or lacerated their bodies 
with iron hooks or with the scourge, and afterwards 
sprinkled vinegar and salt on tho wounds, or dropped 
melted lead into them. In Phrygia a whole city with 
all its inhabitants was burned to ashes, because not an 
individual in it would offer sacrifice. Lactantius, Instit. 
Dioinar. lib. v. cap. xi. Some Christians also brought 
death upon themselves by holding religious meetings 
contrary to the emperor's prohibition, or by voluntarily 
presenting themselves before the governors and request- 
ing to be martyred. SulpitSus Severus, Hist. Sacra, lib. 
ii. cap. xxxii.; and Eusebius, De Martyr. Paltestinz, 
cap. iii Schl. 

7 Lactantius, Instit. Dininar. lib. v. cap. xi. 

8 Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xviil. xx. 
[Valerius Maximianus was in more fear of the young 
prince Comtantine than of his father Constantius. Yet 
Galerius had this prince in his power; for he detained 
him at his court in Nicomedia, and if he found occasion 
might have put him out of his way by assassination or 
some other means. Indeed, he attempted this in tho 
year 306. Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xxiv. 
But Constantino saved himself by flight, and repaired 
to his father in Britain. This sagacity of the prince 
overset the whole plan of the emperor, and was the 
means of rescuing the Christian religion from its jeo- 
pardy. See Mosheim, Comment, de lieb. Christ. &c. p. 
942, &c. Schl. 

9 Eusebius, De Martyr. Pulasstirus, cap. xiii. 

10 Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xxi. [MaxU 



[PART i 

5. But. Divine Providence frustrated th 
whole plan of Galerius Maximianus; fo 
Constantius Clilorus dying in Britain in 
the year 30(>, the soldiery by acclamation 
proclaimed his son Constantino Augustu 
or emperor, the same "who by his achieve 
ments afterwards obtained the title of th 
Great; and the tyrant Galerius was oblige* 
to submit and even to approve this advcrs 
eveit. Soon after, a civil war broke out 
for Maxentius [the son of the ex-eraperor 
Herculias, and] the son-in-law of Galcriu 
Maxiinianus, being indignant that Galeriu 
should prefer Severus before him and inves 
him with imperial power, himself assumec 
the purple, and took his father, Maxiini 
anus Herculius, for his colleague in the cm 
pire. In the midst of these commotions 
Constantino beyond all expectation mad 
his way to the imperial throne. The wes 
tern Christians, those of Italy and Africa 
excepted, enjoyed a considerable degree o 
tranquillity and liberty during these civi 
wars. 1 But the oriental churches experi 
enced various vicissitudes, adverse or tolera- 
ble, according to the political changes froir 
year to year. 2 At length Galerius Maximi 
anus, who had been the author of thei 

min, who governed Syria and Egypt, at first showec 
himself quite mild towards the Christians. Eusebius 
Hist. Eccles. lib. ix. cap. ix. But afterwards ho seeinec 
to wish to surpass all other enemies of the Christian.. 
in cruelty towards theirj. See Mosheim, Comment. (It 
Reb. Sec. p. 945, &c. Schl. 

1 Constantino, as soon as he came into power, gave 
the Christians full liberty to profess and to practise 
their religion. Lactantius, D<> Mortib. Persecutor, ciip 
xxiv. and Institut. Dininar. lib. i. cap. i. This he did 
not from a sense of justice or from magnanimity, anc 
still less from any attachment to the Christian religion 
but from principles of worldly prudence. Ho wished 
to attach the Christians to his party, that they might 
protect him against the power and the machinations of 
Galerius Maximian. His brother-in-law, Maxentius, 
imitated his example, and with similar views ; and there- 
fore the Christians under him in Africa and Italy en- 
Joyed entire religious liberty. See Optatus Milevitanus, 
De Schismate Donatist. lib. i. cap. xvi.; and Eusebius, 
Hist. Eccles. lib. viii. cap. xiv. See Mosheim, Comment, 
de Rfb. Christ, p. 952, &Q.ScM. 

* The cause of these vicissitudes is to be sought in the 
political state oi things. In this year Maxinmi assumed 
the title of Ciusar in Syria against the will of Galen us ; 
and the latter appeared about to declare war against 
the former, who was therefore indulgent towards the 
Christians iu order to secure their friendship. But as 
Galerius was appeased, Maximin became more severe 
against the Christians, to ingratiate himself more effec- 
tually with the emperor. After a while, however, he 
abated his severity ; and towards the end of the year 309, 
mid in the beginning of 310, the Christians enjoyed 
great Ireedom (Eusebius, De Martyr. Palcestinte, cap 
xiii.) ; for Galerius was now in declining health, and in 
such circumstances Maximin wished not to alienute the 
Christians from himself. But when the governor of 
the province informed him, in the year 310, that the 
Christians abused their freedom, Maximin renewed the 
persecution. Soon after Galerius was seized with his 
ast and fatal sickness, and Maximin being apprehen- 
sive that the imperial power could be secured only by a 
successful appeal to arms, policy required him again to 
desist from persecuting the Christians. Eusebius, Hist. 
Eccles. lib. viii. cap. xvi. See Moahehn, Comment, de 
Reb. Christ, p. 956, &o. Schl. 

heaviest calamities, being brought low by a 
terrific and protracted disease, and finding 
himself ready to die, in the year 311 issued 
a decree which restored peace to them, 
after they had endured almost unbounded 
sufferings. 3 

6. After the death of Galerius Maximi- 
antis [A.D. 311], Maxiinianus and Licinius 
[who was createdAugustus by Galerius Maxi- 
mianus after the death of Flavius Severus, 
A.D. 307], divided between themselves the 
provinces which had been governed by Ga- 
lerius. At the same time Maxentius, who 
held Africa and Italy, determined to make 
war upon Constantine, who governed in 
Spain and Gaul, in order to bring all the 
west under his authority. Constantine an- 
ticipated his designs, marched his army into 
Italy in the year 3) 2, and in a battle fought 
at the Milvian bridge near Koine, routed 
the army of Maxentius. In the flight the 
bridge broke down, and Maxentius fell into 
the Tiber and was drowned. After this 
victory, Constantine with his colleague Li- 
cinius immediately gave full liberty to the 
Christians of living according to their own 
institutions and laws; and this liberty was 
more clearly defined the following year 
A.I). 313, in a new edict drawn up at Mi- 
lan. 4 Maximin, indeed, who reigned in the 
East, was projecting new calamities for the 
Christians, 5 and menacing the Emperors of 
the West with war ; but being vanquished 
by Licinius, he put an end to his own life 
by swallowing poison at Tarsus in the year 

7. About this time Constantine the Great, 
who was previously a man of no religion, is 
said to have embraced Christianity, being 
induced thereto principally by the miracle 
of a cross appearing to him in the heavens. 
But this story is liable to much doubt; for 
bis first edict in favour of the Christians, 
and many other things, sufficiently evince 

3 Eusebius, Hist. Ecdts. Kb. viii. cap. xvi. Lactan- 
ius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xxxiii. [The decree 
s given us in Greek by Eusebius, Hist . Eccles. lib. viii. 

cap. xvii. and in Latin, by Lactantius, De Mortib. Per- 
secutor, cap. xxx iv. Schl. 

4 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. x. cap. v.; Lactantius, 
De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xlviii. [It is the second 
edict, or that of Milan, which is found in the passages 

)ere referred to. Eusebius gives it in Greek, Laotan- 
;ius in Latin. The first edict is wholly lost ; yet from 
he second wo may learn what was obscure or indefi- 
nite in the first. The first edict gave religious freedom, 
not only to the Christians, but to all other sects ; yet it 
orbade any person abandoning the religion in which 
le had been born and brought up. This prohibition 
operated disadvantageous^ to the Christian cause, and 
occasioned many who had recently embraced Christi- 
nity to return to their former religion in obedience 
o the imperial edict. This prohibition, therefore, with 
11 other restraints, was removed in the second edict, 
lee Mosheim, Comment, de Reb. Christ, p. 959. Schl. 
6 See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. x. cap. ii.; Lactan- 
ius, De Mortib. Persecutor, cap. xxxvi.; and Mosheim* 
De Red. Chiist. &c. p. 961, &c.Sc/tl. 

CKAF. i.J 



that he was at that time well disposed 
towards the Christians and their worship, 
but by no means that he regarded Chris- 
tianity as the only true and saving reli- 
gion. On the contrary it appears that lie 
regarded other religions, and among them 
the old Roman religion, as likewise true 
and useful to mankind; and he there- 
fore wished all religions to be freely prac- 
tised throughout the Roman empire. 1 But 
as he advanced in life Constantino made 
progress in religious knowledge, and gradu- 
ally came to regard Christianity as the only 
true arid saving religion, and to consider 
all others as false and impious. Having 
adopted this view he now began to exhort 
his subjects to embrace Christianity, and at 
length he proclaimed war against the an- 
cient superstitions. At what time this 
change in the views of the emperor took 
place, when he began to look upon all re- 
ligions but the Christian as false, cannot be 
determined. This however is certain, that 
the change in his views was first made mani- 
fest by his laws and edicts in the year 324, 
after the death of Licinius when he became 
sole emperor. 2 His purpose however of 
abolishing the ancient religion of the Ro- 
mans, and of tolerating only the Christian 
religion, he did not disclose till a little bo- 
fore his death, when he published his edicts 
for pulling down the pagan temples and 
abolishing the sacrifices. 3 

1 This is evident from Eusobius, D>' Vita Constant. 
lib. i. cap. xxvii. In the commencement of the war 
with Maxentius, he was! at a loss to what god lie 
should trust himself and his affairs. Ho at length de- 
termined to honour that one God only whom his father 
had worshipped, and to show no reverence to the ancient 
Roman deities. The grounds on which he came to this 
decision were feeble ; namely, the good fortune of his 
father who adhered to this worship, and the ill fortune 
and lamentable end of Diocletian, Galcrius Maximian, 
and other emperors, who had worshipped the pagan 
deities. And according to Eusebius ( I)n I'itn Con-tnnf. 
lib. i. cap. xxviii.) he knew so little of the God of his 
father, that he prayed he might be able to know him. 
He was a deist of the lowest class, who considered the 
God of his father as a limited being, though more bene- 
volent and powerful than any of the Greek and Roman 
deities. This is manifest from his regulations in favour 
of the Christians, and from his laws tolerating the pagan 
haruspices. Codex Thcotlos. lib. ix. tit. xvi. leg. 1,2; 
and lib. xvi. tit. x. leg. 1. Compare Zosimus, lib. ii. 
p. 10, ed. Oxford, 107.'), Hvo. See Mosheim, Comment, 
de R<>h. Christ, p. 971, 8cc. ScM. 

'* Eusobius, De Vita Constant, lib. ii. cap. xx. and 
xliv. [In this year, 321, all those who, for their adher- 
ence to Christianity during the preceding persecution, 
had become exiles, or been sent to the mines, or been 
robbed of their property, were restored to their country, 
their liberty, and their possessions ; and the Christian 
temples were ordered to be rebuilt and enlarged. Schl. 

3 See Gothofredus, Ad Codicem Thfiodos. torn. vi. 
part i. p. 2f)0, e. [The statement of Zosirnus (lib. ii. 
p. 104) is not to be wholly rejected. Tie says that after 
the death of Licinius a certain Egyptian came to Rome 
from Spain, and convinced the emperor of the truth of 
the Christian religion. No reason can be assigned why 
Kosimu* should have fabricated such a story. This 
Kgyptian was probably Hoslus, the Bishop of Corduba, 
who was a native Egyptian and was then at the court 

8. That the emperor was sincere and not 
a dissembler in regard to his conversion to 
Christianity, no person can doubt who 
believes that men's actions are an index of 
their real feelings. It is indeed true that 
Constantino's life was not such as the pre- 
cepts of Christianity required; 8 and it is 
also true that he remained a catechumen all 
his life, and was received to full member- 
ship in the church by baptism at Nicome- 
dia, only a few days before his death. 4 But 

of Constant ine, very probably soliciting the restoration 
of the church goods which had been confiscated. At 
least it is expressly stated that the money destined for 
Africa was paid in consequence of his efforts. This 
conjecture is favoured by Baumgarten, Jtuszug der 
Kirclwngvsch. vol. ii. p. 6!H. The later Greeks ascribe 
the emperor's conversion to a courtier named Euphra- 
tes; of whom, however, the ancients make no mention. 
Theodorct (Hist. Kcctes. lib. i. cap. xvii.) ascribes it to 
the influence of Helena, his mother; but she was brought 
to embrace Christianity by her son, according to Euse- 
bius, De Vita Constant, lib. Hi. cap. xlvii. Zoshnus 
relates further that Constantino asked the pagan priests 
to absolve him from the guilt of destroying Licinius, 
Kausta, and Crispun; and when they told him this was 
impossible, the Egyptian before mentioned undertook 
to show that the Christian religion offered the means 
of cleansing away his guilt; and this it was which in- 
duced the emperor to embrace Christianity. There is 
perhaps some degree of truth in this story; perhaps 
Constantino did in fact, after the death of Licinius, 
first learn either from this Egyptian or from some 
others, that the blood of Christ was expiatory for be. 
Hovers therein. It is at least certain that in the ft rut 
years after his victory over Maxentius, ho had very in- 
correct ideas of Christ and of the Ch'ristian religion, as 
is manifest from his /{/'script to Anulmus in Eusebius, 
Hint. Kccles lib x. cap. vii. See Mosheim, Comment. 
r?<- n.'h. Christ, p. 97, Ac ScM. [On the conversion 
of Constant! ne, see Ucugnot, Hist, de la Destruct. (hi 
Paifanisnw rn Occident, Paris. 183. r >, tome i. p. 54, &c.; 
Mtiman's Wat. of Christ, vol. ii. p. 308, &c.; Waddington's 
Hist, qfthe Church,\o\. i. p. 172, 3; Welsh's Klemtmti oj 
Ch. Hist. vol. i. p. 380, &c.; and the first excursus or dis- 
sertation appended to the excellent edition of Eusebius, 
l)c Vita Constant, by Ileinichen, Lips. 1830, 8vo. See 
also a tract by Hesse, entitled DC Constantini Mag. 
Christinnixnio I'uliticn, Jena, 1713, 4to. It is much 
doubted whether Constantino issued an edict for abol- 
ishing the heathen sacrifices .generally. Ho no doubt 
early forbade the celebration of such as were of an im- 
moral tendency, and forbore himself to take a part in 
the state sacrifices ; but no such edict as that referred to 
by Mosheim in the text is on record, and history shows 
that sacrifices continued to be offered up as formerly. 
See the whole subject of Constantino's conduct towards 
his heathen subjects, and the question of this alleged 
edict in particular, fully discussed by Rildiger in his 
valuable tract, Dfi.Stntuet Conditione Paganomm xub 
Impcratoribus Christ post Constantirium, Bros. 1825; 
and by Milman, in his Hist, qf Christ, vol. ii. p. 4CO, 
Kc Ii. 

3 He put to death his own son Crispus and his wife 
Kausta on a groundless suspicion ; and cut off his bro- 
ther-in-law Licinius and his unoffending son, contrary 
to his plighted word; and was much addicted to pride 
and voluptuousness . >>>/*/. 

Eusebius, Ue V;ta Constant, lib. iv. cap. Ixi. Ixii. 
Those who in reliance on more recent and dubious 
authorities, maintain that Constantino received Chris- 
tian baptism at Rome in the year 324, and from the 
hands of Sylvester then the bishop of Rome, do not at 
this day gain the assent of intelligent men, even in the 
Roman Catholic Church. See Noris, Historic. Dona- 
tivt. in his Opp, torn. iv. p. G50; Mamachius, Origines 
ft Antiq. Christ, torn. ii. p. 232, &c. [Valesius in his 
Notes on Eusebius, De Vita Constant, lib. iv. cap. Ixi. 
where Eusebius relates that Constantino first received 
imposition of hands previous to his baptism a little 
before his dfiath, infers that the emperor then first bo- 



.[PART i. 

neither of these is adequate proof that the 
emperor had not a general conviction of the 
truth of the Christian religion, or that he 
only feigned himself a Christian ; for in that 
age many persons deferred baptism till near 
the close of life, that they might pass into 
the other world altogether pure and unde- 
filed with sin; 1 and it is but too notorious 
that many persons who look upon the 
Christian religion as indubitably true and 
divine, yet in their lives violate its holy 
precepts. It is another question whether 
worldly motives might not have contributed 
in some degree to induce Constantine to 
prefer the Christian religion to the ancient 
Roman, and to all other religions, and to 
recommend the observance of it to his sub- 
jects. Indeed, it is no improbable conjec- 
ture that the emperor had discernment to 
see that Christianity possessed great effi- 
cacy, and idolatry none at all, to strengthen 
public authority and to bind citizens to 
their duty. 8 

9. The sign of the cross which Constan- 
tine most solemnly affirmed he saw in the 
heavens near mid-day, is a subject involved 
in the greatest obscurities and difficulties. 
It is however an easy thing to refute those 
who regard this prodigy as a cunning fic- 
tion of the emperor, or who rank it among 
fables; 8 and also those who refer the phe- 

came a catechumen, because he then first received im- 
position of hands. But that Constantine, long before 
this time declared himself a Christian, and was ac- 
knowledged as such by the churches, is certain. It is 
also true that he had, for a long time, performed the re- 
ligious acts of an unbaptized Christian, that is, of a 
catechumen; for he attended public worship, fasted, 
prayed, observed the Christian sabbath, and the anni- 
versaries of the martyrs, and watched on the vigils of 
Easter, &c. &c. See Mosheim, Comment, de Kcb. 
Chritt. p. 965, &c. Mur. 

1 See Busching's Ditput. de Procrastinatione Bap- 
tismi apttd I'eteres, ejusque Cattris. Schl. 

9 See Eusebius, De Vita Constant, lib. i. cap. xxvii. 
j 8 Hornbeck, Comment, ad liullam Urbani VIII. de 
i Imaginum Cultu, p. 182, &c. ; Oiselius, Tfuuaurut A'M- 
mism. Antiq. p. 463; Tollius, Preface to his French 
translation of Longinus, and in his Notes on Laetan- 
i tius, De Mortib. Persecut. cap. xlv,; Thomasius, Obsernat. 
Hallens. torn. i. p. 3SO; and others. [There is differ- 
ence of opinion as to the time when and the place where 
the emperor saw this cross. Some follow Eusebius ( DC 
Vita Constant, lib. i, cap. xxviii.) and believe that he 
saw it while in Gaul, and when making preparations 
for the war with Maxentius. Others rely on the testi- 
mony of Lactantius {De Mortib. Persecut. cap. xliv.) 
and believe that he saw the cross on the 26th day of 
October A. n. 312 [the day before the battle in which 
Maxentius was vanquished, near Rome]. So thought 
Baluze (see his Notes on this passage in Lactantius^ 
whom Pagi, Fabricius, and others have followed. The 
point is a difficult one to decide, and the brothers Bai- 
led ni ( Obterg. ad Norm* Hist. Donatist. Opp. torn. iv. 
p. 662) would compromise it by supposing there were 
two appearances of the cross, both in dreams, the first 
in Gaul and the last in Italy; which is a miserable shift 
Among those who regard the whole story as a fabrica- 
tion, some suppose it was a pious fraud, and others that 
it was a trick of state. The first supposition is most 
Improbable; for at the time the cross is said to have 
appeared to him, Constantine thought nothing about 
spreading the Christian religion, but only about van- 
quishing Maxentiua. Besides, he was not then a Chris- 

nomeuon to natural causes, ingeniously 
conjecturing that the form of a cross ap- 
peared in a solar halo, or in the moon ; 4 
and likewise those who ascribe the transac- 
tion to the power of God, who intended by 
a miracle to confirm the wavering faith of 
the emperor. 8 Now, these suppositions 

tian, and did not use tho event for the advancement of 
Christianity, but for the animation of his troops. The 
other supposition has more probability; indeed, Lici- 
nius once resorted to something like this, according to 
Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecut. cap. xlvi. But Con- 
stantine solemnly averred the reality of this prodigy, 
and if he had been inclined to use artifice in order to 
enkindle courage in his soldiers, he would far more 
probably, as his army was made up chiefly of barbarians 
arid such as were not Christians (see Zoximus, lib. ii. 
p. 8G), havo represented Mars or some other of tho 
vulgar deities as appearing to him. See Mosheim, 
Comment, de Reb. Christ p. 978, &G. Schf. 

4 See Schmidt, Diss. de Luna in Cruce visa, Jena, 
1681, 4to; and Fabricius, Dm. de Cruce a Constantino 
visa, in his-JHblioth. Gr. vol. vi. cap. i. p. 8, &c. [This 
opinion also has its difficulties. Fabricius himself ad- 
mits that on his hypothesis the appearance of visible 
words in the air cannot be explained. And he resorts 
to a new exposition of the language of Euscbius for 
relief; and believes that the words, "by this conquer," 
(TOUTO> rtKct, Me vince), were not actually seen, but 
that the sense of them was emblematically depicted in 
a crown of victory which appeared in the heavens. But 
(1) if the emperor Intended to say this, he expressed 
himself very obscurely. (2) It is certain that Constan- 
tine did not intend to be so understood, for he caused 
the very words mentioned to be affixed to the standards 
( Labara") of the legions, and to tho medals and other 
monuments of the event; which he would not have 
done, had he not designed it should be understood 
that these words were actually seen in the heavens. 
(3) All the ancient writers so understood the ac- 
count given by Euscbius. (4) Such a halo about the 
sun as that described by the emperor has never been 
seen by man. For he did not see the sign or form 
of a real cross, but the Greek letter X inter- 
sected perpendicularly by the letter 1', thus 
[Euseb. De t'itd Constant,, lib. i. sec. xxxi.] See 
Mosheim, De Rah. Chrut. p. 985. SchL [The 
general belief is that the emperor invented this mono- 
gram, and that it was only now seen or used for the 
first time. But an eminent Italian antiquarian, Buonar- 
ruoti, in his Ossarvnxionisopra nlrttni Frammenti di Vaii 
Antichi, Flor. 1716, 4to, has given good reasons for be- 
lieving that this Eastern or Grecian monogram had 
been in frequent use among the Christians prior to the 
time of Constantino; and that he only borrowed it from 
them and adopted it as the imperial ensign. See also 
Aringhi, Roma subterrane.a t vol. ii. p. 566. R. 

* Eusebius alone ( De Vita Conxtant. lib. i. cap. xxviii. 
xxxi.) among the writers of that ago gives us any 
account of tho vision of the cross ; though Lactantius 
(De Mort. Persec. cap. xliv.) and others speak, of the 
dream in which Constantine was directed to use the 
sign of the cross. But if Eusebius' account be true, 
how happens it that no writer of that age, except 
Eusebius, says one word about the luminous cross in 
the heavens ? Flow came it that Euscbius himself said 
nothing about it in his Eccles. Hist, which was written 
twelve years after the event, and about the same length 
of time before his Life of Constantine f Why does he 
rely solely on the testimony of the emperor, and not 
even intitnate that he ever heard of it from others; 
whereas, if true, many thousands must have been eye- 
witnesses of the fact? -What mean his suggestions 
that some may question the truth of the story, and hi* 
caution not to state anything as a matter of public- 
notoriety, but to confine himself simply to the empe- 
ror's private representation to himself? Again, if God 
intended to enlighten Constantino's dark mind and 
show him the truth of Christianity, would he probably 
use for the purpose the enigma of a luminous cross, in 
preference to his inspired word or a direct and special 
revelation ? Was there no tendency to encourage a 
superstitious veneration for the sign of the cross in such 
a miracle ? And can it be believed that Jesus Chrif 

CHAP, i.] 



being rejected, the only conclusion which 
remains is, that Constantino saw in a dream 
while asleep the appearance of a cross, with 
the inscription " By this conquer." 1 Nor 
is this opinion unsupported by competent 
authorities of good credit. 2 

10. The happiness anticipated by the 
Christians from the edicts of. Constantine 
and Licinius was a little afterwards inter- 
rupted by Licinius, who waged war against 
his kinsman Constantine. Being vanquished 
in the year 314, he was quiet for about 
nine years. But in the year 324 this rest- 
less man again attacked Constantine, being 
urged on both by his own inclination and 
by the instigation of the pagan priests. 
That he might secure to himself a victory, 
he attached the pagans to his cause, by se- 
verely oppressing the Christians and putting 

actually appeared to the emperor in a vision, directing 
him to make an artificial cross and to rely upon that 
as his defence in the day of battle ? But how came the 
whole story of the luminous cross to be unknown to 
the Christian world for more than twenty-five years, 
and then to transpire only through a private conversa- 
tion between Eusebius and Constantine? Is it not 
supposahlc that Eusebius may have misunderstood the 
account the emperor gave him- of a singular halo about 
the sun which he saw, and of an affecting dream which 
he had the night after and which induced him to make 
the Laburum and use it as his standard ? Such are 
the arguments against this hypothesis. Mttr. 

' Lactantius mentions only the dream : and the samo 
is true of Sozomen, lib. i. cap. iii. ; and Ruflnus, in his 
translation of the Eccles. Hixt. of Eusebius ; and like- 
wise of the author of the Chronicon Orientate, p. 57. 
Indeed the appeal of Eusebius to the solemn attestation 
of the emperor (De, Vita Const ant t lib. i. cap. xxviii.), 
and the statement of Gelasius Cy/doonus ( Actn Conc-ilii 
Nicieni, lib. i. cap. iv. in Harduin's Cimcitirr, torn i. p. 
351) that the whole story was accounted fabulous by 
the pagans, confirm the supposition that it was a mere 
dream. For the appeal of Eusebius would have been 
unnecessary, and the denial of its reality by the pagans 
would have been impossible, if the whole army of Con- 
stantine had been eye-witnesses of the event. Schl. 
[On the whole of this much litigated question of the 
miracle of the luminous cross, see in favour of its 
reality Newman's Essay on the Erclfs. Miracks prefixed 
to his translation of Floury, Oxf. 1842, p. 133, &c. and 
against the miraculous part, Milman's Jlist. of Christ. 
vol. i p. 351, and Welsh's Elements of Cli. Hint, vol i. 
p. 387. It. 

2 The writers who treat of Constantine the Great are 
carefully enumerated by Fabricius, Lux Salittaris fiwm- 
gelii Toti Ordi Kxarieni, cap. xii. p. 260, &c. [The latest 
and by far tho best (says Heeren, Ancient Hist. p. 475, 
ed. Bancroft, 1828) is, Lcben Constantin dcs Grosser), 
by Manso, Bresl. 1817.] Fabricius moreover (ibid. cap. 
xiii. p. 273, &c.) describes the laws of Constantine re- 
lating to religious matters under four heads. The same 
laws are treated of by Gothofredus, Adnot. ad Codicem 
Theodosianum ; and in a particular treatise by Fr. 
Baldwin, in his Constantinus Magn. ten de Legibus 
Constantini Ecclesiast. el Civil, lib. ii. ed. 2d, by Gund- 
ling, Halle, 1727, 8vo. [The student will find a full 
discussion of the extent of Constantino's laws in favour 
of Christianity in Kist, De Commutations quern Con- 
stantino Magno auctore, tocietas subiit Chrixtiana. 
Utrecht, 1818. See these several laws enumerated by 
Gieseler, Lchrbuck, &c sect. 56, and those against pa- 
ganism, in sec. 75, Davidson's Transl. vol. i. pages 201, 2, 
and pages 305, 6. See also on Constantino's esta- 
blishment of Christianity, its extent and results, the 
valuable observations of Milrnan, Hist, of Christ, vol. 
ii. p. 356; and especially pages 46476; the 20th chap, 
of Gibbon's Dect. and Fall qf the Rom. mp./ and Jor- 
tin's Remarks on Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. pages 1 22138. Ii. 

not a few of their bishops to death. 8 But 
his plans again failed. After several un- 
successful battles, he was obliged to throw 
himself upon the mercy of the victor, who 
nevertheless ordered him to be strangled in 
the year 325. After his victory over Li- 
cinius, Constantine reigned sole emperor 
till his death; and by his plans, his enact- 
ments, his regulations, and his munificence, 
he endeavoured as much as possible to obli- 
terate gradually the ancient superstitions, 
and to establish Christian worship through- 
out the Roman empire. He had undoubtedly 
learned from the wars and the machinations 
of Licinius, that neither himself nor the 
Roman empire could remain secure while 
the ancient superstition continued preva- 
lent; and therefore from this time onward 
he openly opposed the pagan deities and 
their worship, as being prejudicial to the 
interests of the state. 

1 1 . After the death of Constantine, which 
happened in the year 337, his three surviv- 
ing sons, Constantine II. Constantius, and 
Constans, in accordance with his will, as- 
sumed the empire, and were all proclaimed 
Augusti and emperors by the Roman senate. 
There were still living two brothers of Con- 
stantine the Great, namely Constantius 
Dalinatius and Julius Constans, and they 
had several sons. But nearly all these were 
slain by the soldiers at the command of 
Constantino's sons, who feared lest their 
thirst for power might lead them to make 
insurrections and disturb the common- 
wealth.* Only Gallus and Julian, sons of 
Julius Constans, escaped the massacre; 5 
and the latter of these afterwards became 

3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccks. lib. x. cap. viii. and DC Vita 
Constant, lib. i. cap. xlix. Even Julian, than whom no 
one was more prejudiced against Constantine, could 
not but pronounce Licinius an infamous tyrant who 
was sunk in vices and crimes. See Julian's Ctcsares, 
p 222, cd. Spanbcim. I would here observe, what ap- 
pears to have been overlooked hitherto, that Aurelius 
Victor mentions this persecution of Licinius in his 
book De Ciesaribus, cap. xlt. p. 445, ed Arntzenii, where 
he says : Licinio ne insontium quidtm ac nobilium phi- 
losophorum servilimore cruciatus adhibiti modumfecere. 
The philosophers whom Licinius is here said to have 
tortured were doubtless Christians, whom many from 
their slight acquaintance with our religion have mis- 
taken for a sect of philosophers. The commentators 
on Aurelius have left this passage untouched, which is 
apt to be the case with those who are intent only on 
the enlargement of grammatical knowledge derived 
from ancient writers. 

4 Mosheim attributes this massacre equally to the 
three sons of Constantine, whereas almost all authors 
agree that neither young Constantine nor Constans bad 
any hand in it at all Mad. 

6 Because they were despised; Gallus, being sickly, 
it was supposed would not live long ; and Julian, being 
but eight years old, created no fear. Some years after 
they were sent to a remote place in Cappadocla, where 
they were Instructed in languages, the sciences, and 
gymnastics, being in a sense kept prisoners; and were 
at last designed for the clerical office, having been 
made lectors or readers. Ammianus Marcell. lib. xxii. 
cap. ix.SM. 



[PART i. 

emperor. Constantine II. held Britain, 
Gaul, and Spain; but lost his life A.D. 340 
in a war with his brother Constantius. 
Constans at first governed only Illyricum, 
Italy, and Africa; but after the fall of his 
brother Constantine II. he annexed his pro- 
vinces to his empire, and thus became em- 
peror of all the West, until he lost his life 
A.D. 350 in the war with Magnentius, a 
usurper. After the death of Constans, Mag- 
nentius being subdued, the third brother, 
Constantius, who had before governed Asia, 
Syria, and Egypt, in the year 353 became 
sole emperor, and governed the whole empire 
till the year 361, when he died. Neither 
of these brothers possessed the disposition 
or the discernment of their father ; yet they 
all pursued their father's purpose of abolish- 
ing the ancient superstitions of the Romans 
and other pagans, and of propagating the 
Christian religion throughout the Roman 
empire. The thing itself was commendable 
and excellent, but in the means employed 
there was much that was censurable. 1 

12. The cause of Christianity, which had 
been thus flourishing and prosperous, re- 
ceived immense injury and seemed on the 
brink of ruin, when Julian, the son of 
Julius Constans, brother of Constantine 
the Great, now the only surviving branch 
of the Constantinian family, after a success- 
ful campaign in Gaul, A.D. 300, was hailed 
emperor by his soldiers, and on the death 
of Constantius A.D. 361 obtained possession 
of the whole empire. For Julian, though 
educated in the Christian religion, yet in- 
fluenced partly by hatred of the Constan- 
tinian family, which had murdered his 
father, brother, and all his relatives, and 
partly by the artifices of the Platonic phi- 
losopners, who deceived this credulous and 
vainglorious prince with fictitious miracles 
and prophecies, apostatized from Chris- 
tianity to paganism, and laboured to restore 
idolatry, now ready to become extinct, to 
its former splendour. Julian seemed to 
abhor all violent measures, and to give full 
liberty to his subjects of choosing their 
religion, and of worshipping God in the 
manner they pleased ; but at the same time 

1 Coercive measures were adopted which only made 
nominal Christians. A law was enacted in the year 
342, that all the heathen temples should be shut up, and 
that no person should be allowed to go near them. All 
sacrifices and all consultations of the oracles and 
soothsayers were prohibited, on pain of death and cor> 
fiscal! on of property; and the provincial magistrates 
were threatened with the same penalties if they were 
dilatory in punishing transgressors of the law. This 
was to compel the conscience and not to convince it. 
The history of these emperors may be found in the 
l/nivertal History, and in Le Beau, lihtmre du Bus 
Empire. Schl. [See also Gibbon's Ded. and Fall, &c. 
in the new and best edition, by Milman, Lond. 183S, 
and 2d edition, 1845. The best edition of Le Beau is 
by Saint-Martin, Paris, 1824-3CJ, in 21 vols. 8vo. H. 

he artfully and dexterously cut the sinews 
of the Christian cause, by abrogating the 
privileges granted to this religion and to 
its ministers, by shutting up the Christian 
schools in which philosophy and the liberal 
arts were taught, by not only tolerating 
but even encouraging and animating all 
sectarians, by writing books against the 
Christians, and in other ways. lie likewise 
had many projects in contemplation ; and 
would doubtless have done immense harm 
to Christianity, if he had returned victorious 
from the Persian wa* which he undertook 
directly after he came to the throne. But 
in this war, whicV was "both undertaken and 
carried on with jittle discretion, he fell by 
a wound received in battle A.D, 363, when 
he had just entered the thirty-second year I 
of his age, and after reigning sole emperor ! 
only twenty months from the death of j 
Constantius. 2 | 

13. Those who rank Julian among the I 
greatest heroes the world has produced, 
nay, place him the first of all who ever 
filled a throne, which many, and even per- 
sons of learning and discernment, 3 at this 

2 See, besides Tillemorit [the Universal History ; Le 
Beau, Histoire du Km Empire, tome iii. liv. xii. xiv.] 
and other common writers, the accurately written work 
of Bletteric, We de Julien, Paris, 1734, 8vo; the Lift 
and Character of Julian the Apostate, illustrated in 
Seocn Dissertations, by Pes Voeux, Dublin, 17-16. 8vo; 
Spanheirn, Preface and Notes to the "Works of Julian, 
Lips. 1G99, fol. ; and Fabrieius, Lux Salutarix Ewin- 
grlii, cap. xiv. p. 2f)4, &c. [SeeNeander, Uber Xayxcr 
'Jttlianus und sein Zeitftltcr, Hamb. 1812, 8vo. Mur. 
[To these works should by all means be added Milrnan's 
Hi.\t. of Christ, who devotes chapter yi. in vol. iii. to 
Julian and bis reign. Sec also bis edition of Gibbon's 
Ded. and Fall, &c. vol. iv. chaps, xxii. xxiii. and xxiv. 
and Beugnot, la Df struct, du Pagan, en Occi- 
dent, vol. i. livr. iii. where throe chapters are occupied 
with Julian, p. 177 220. /?. 

8 Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, livr. xxiv. chap. x. 
says : 11 n'y a point eu apres lui da prince plus digne da 
gouverner <?e? homines. [To form a correct judgment 
of Julian, it is necessary cursorily to survey the history 
of his life. Il was born A.I>. 331, and lost his mother 
Basilina the same year, and his father, Julius Constan- 
tius, a few years after. Mardonjus, a eunuch, and 
Kusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, were his first instruct- 
ors. When Gallus was made a Ca-sar, Julian obtained 
permission to come to Constantinople, where he at- 
tended the public schools ; then he went to Bithynia, 
everywhere attaching himself to the most noted teach- 
ers. At Pergamus he became acquainted with JKdesius, 
an aged Platonic philosopher, and heard his scholars, 
Kusebius and Chrysanthes, as also Maximus of Ephesus, 
who initiated h'm in theurgia, brought him to aposta- 
tize from Chmtianity, and presaged his elevation to 
the throne. T> is change in his religion he was obliged 
to conceal fron* Constantius and Gallus. Julian there- 
fore devoted himself to a monastic life, assumed the 
tonsure, and became a public reader in the church at 
Nicomedia. In the year 354, after the death of Gallus, 
he was deprived of his liberty and carried to Milan. 
After being in custody there seven months, he obtained 
by the intercession of the empress Eusebia a release, 
and liberty to travel into Greece, where he applied him- 
self, at Athens, to the sciences and to eloquence, and 
became acquainted with Basil and Gregory of Nazian- 
zen. In the year 355 he was proclaimed Ccesar, and 
had Gaul, Spain, and Britain entrusted to him. But 
Constantius greatly limited his power, and nominated 
not only the military commanders there, but also the 
officers of Julian's court, who were to keep strict watch 

ClIAi'. J.] 



day do, must either be so blinded by pre- 
j udice as not to see the truth, or they must 
have never read attentively Julian's writings 
which still remain, or lastly they do not 
know what constitutes true greatness and 

over him. Julian performed somo successful cam- 
paigns in Gaul', which procured him tho affections not 
only of the soldiery, but of all tho Gallic subjects. This 
awakened the jealousy of Constantius, who, under 
pretext of the Persian war, recalled a great part of the 
troops from Gaul. In the spring of 3t>0, the soldiers 
proclaimed Julian Augustus, and compelled him to 
assume that dignity. A reconciliation was attempted 
in vain. Constantius insisted that Julian should re- 
sign. Julian prosecuted the German war successfully, 
and alter vanquishing the Germans, whom Constantius 
had excited against him, and subduing lllyria and 
Italy, he marched unencumbered against Constantius, 
who came forward to meet him, but was taken sick on 
the way, and died in Cilicia. Julian now took quiet 
possession of the whole Roman empire, arid caused 
Constantius to be honourably buried. During the 
lllyrian campaign, in tho year 301, he publicly sacri- 
ficed to the gods; and after the death of Constantius, 
he let it be distinctly known that it was his purpose to 
reinstate idolatrous worship. But as ho was aware of 
the ill consequences which formerly resulted from 
direct persecution, and coveted the reputation of being 
magnanimous and benevolent; and as in prospect of 
his Persian campaign he stood in fear of the numerous 
body of Christians, he endeavoured to assail and to 
undermine them by artifice- For this purpose he 
adopted the following measures: First, he endeavoured 
to reform the pagan idolatry, and to introduce improve- 
ments in it derived from the Christian worship. With 
this view he attended to his olheial duties as Pontiff* 
Mttrimiis, offered sacrifices daily in his palace and 
garden, attended the public sacrifices on all the pagan 
festivals, and officiated personally even in the meanest 
service. He re-established the public sacrifices of the 
cities and provinces. Where there were no temples, or 
where the destroyers of the ancient temples could not 
be found, he erected temples at his own cost, and gave 
to the idolatrous priests high rank and large revenues. 
As ho had been converted to paganism by philosophers 
of the new Platonic school, and who were willing to 
borrow from Christianity, hence originated many 
burdensome ceremonies of worship, together with a 
considerable apeing of Christian institutions. He was 
strenuous for the virtuous behaviour of the priests ; and 
he forbade their going to theatres, or having much in- 
tercourse with those in civil authority. He wished to 
place the reading of useful books, giving public exhor- 
tations, and taking care of the poor, the sick, and 
funerals, on the same footing as they were among the 
Christians ; and he required that tho priests in many 
places should annually oo supplied with corn, and wine, 
and money, which they were to distribute to the poor. 
Secondly, ho encouraged and extended tho internal 
divisions among the Christians; for he restored all 
silenced and ejected teachers, and required that such 
parties as had been laid under ecclesiastical censures 
should be reinstated in their privileges, lie wrote 
letters to the most noted and most restless heretics, and 
encouraged them to disseminate their doctrines. He 
allowed the leading members of the different parties to 
como to him, and under colour of attempting to recon- 
cile their differences, he inflamed them more against 
each other. Thirdly, he deprived the clergy of tho 
franchises and permanent incomes which they 'had 
enjoyed under the former emperors, especially of their 
exemption from burdensome civil duties, and of the 
distribution of corn to the churches from the emperor's 
storehouses; and he compelled the monks and the 
ministers of religion, by force, to perform military 
duty. Fourthly, he excluded the Christians from all 
promotions, and in terms of bitter sarcasm forbade 
their access to the public schools, their studying the 
Greek authors and sciences, and their practising physic. 
Fifthly, he commanded the idolatrous temples, images, 
and altars, to be rebuilt at the cost of those who had 
pulled them down. Sixthly, acts of violence done by 
pagans to Christians, he either did not punish at all, or 
punished very slightly; but on tho contrary, every 

excellence. If we set aside genius, which, 
however, as his writings show, in him was 
not above mediocrity, military courage, 
love of learning, acquaintance with that 
fanatical and vain philosophy called modern 
Platonism, and lastly patience of labour, 
all that remains in Julian was certainly 
little and unworthy of commendation. His 
excellences were counterbalanced by very 
great defects ; first, a monstrous and almost 
anile superstition, the surest indication of a 
little mind ; then a puerile pursuit of ap- 
plause and vulgar popularity, extreme 
credulity and instability, a disposition to 
use dissimulation and artifice; and finally, 
ignorance of solid and sound philosophy. 
I will grant that in some respects he was 
superior to the sons of Constantino the 
Great, but in many respects he was inferior 
to Constantine himself, whom he censures 
so immoderately. 

14. As Julian affected to appear unwill- 
ing to trouble any of his subjects on account 
of their religion and opposed to no sect 
whatever, he showed so much indulgence 
to the Jews as to give them liberty to 
rebuild the temple of Jerusalem. The Jews 
commenced the work, but were obliged to 
desist before even the foundations were laid. 
For balls of fire issued from the ground, 
accompanied with a great explosion and a 
tremendous earthquake, which dispersed 
both the materials which were collected and 
the workmen. The fact itself is abundantly 
attested, 1 though the Christians, as often 

tumult among Christians was punished most severely. 
Seventhly, he connected idolatry with all solemn trans- | 
actions, and with the manifestations of respect due to 
himself. The soldiers, for instance, when extraordinary 
gratuities were presented them, must strew incense 
upon an altar ; and to all the publicly exhibited pictures 
of the emperor, idolatrous deities were attached. 
Eighthly, he ridiculed tho Christians and their worship 
scornfully, and wrote books in confutation of their 
doctrines. His work against Christianity, which was 
composed in the year 3G.'J, and in part during his Per- 
sian campaign, is lost. Indeed the Marquis d'Argens, 
in his Defense, du Pagani&mfi par I' Emprreur Jul.irn, 
en Gn>c et Frattfois, avec de$ Dissertation's et AW^v, 
Berlin, 1764, 8vo, has endeavoured to recover this work 
by means of the. confutation of it by Cyril; but the 
recovery is very incomplete. Yet these remains of it 
show that the book was more likely to injure Chris- 
tianity by the style in which it was written, and by the 
perversion of scripture, than by either the strength or 
the originality of its arguments and objections. Ninth 
and lastly, the emperor showed much partiality to the 
Jews, and allowed them to rebuild the temple of Jeru- 
salem, in order to confute by facts the prediction of 
Christ Immediately after there were banishments, 
tortures, and executions of Christians, under pretence 
that they had sh'owed themselves refractory against the 
commands of tho emperor ; and there were many, 
especially in the eastern provinces, who becanle apos- 
tates. Yet there were not wanting resolute confessors 
of the Christian religion. See Baumgarten's Ausxug 
dor Kirc/iengexch. vol. il. pages 763, 780, 792, ke. Schl. 
i See Fabricius, Lux Salutaris Ewmgclii, p. 124, 
where the testimonies are collected. See also the acute 
Moyle, Posthumous Works, p. 101, &o. [The principal 
authorities cited by Fabricius are, Chryuostom, Homft. 
v. ddn. Judtens, and elsewhere ; Ammianus Marcoll. lib. 



[PART i. 

happens in such cases, appear to have 
inconsiderately amplified it with some ad- 
ditional miracles. As to the causes which 
produced the event, there is room for debate, 
and there is debate. All, however, who 
weigh the subject with an impartial mind 
will easily perceive that they must join 
with those who ascribe the phenomenon to 
the omnipotent will of God; and that they 
who choose to ascribe it to natural causes 
or to artifice and fraud, offer no objections 
which are insurmountable. 1 

15. The soldiers elected Jovian to suc- 
ceed Julian. He died in the year 364, after 
reigning seven months, and therefore ac- 
complished but little. 2 The other emperors 

xxiii. cap. i. ; Gregory Naz. Ornt. iv.; Ambrose, Ep. 
40. (al. 29, written A.D. 388.) Socrates, II. E. lib. iii. 
cap. xx.; Sozomen, //. E. lib. v. cap. xxi.; Thcodorct, 
II. E. lib. iii. cap. xx. ; Rufinus, H. E. lib. i. cap. 
xxxvii. ; Philostorgius, H. E. lib. vii. cap. ix. xiv.; 
Hist. Eccles. Trifiartita,llb. vi. cap. xliii.; Nicephorus, 
lib. x. cap. xxxii.; Zonaras, lib. xiii. cap. xii.; Rabbi 
David Gantz, Zcmach David, pt. ii. p. 36; Rabbi Geda- 
liah, Schalschelct Hakkabalu, p. 109; Lardiier ( Collec- 
tion ($f Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. pages 
57 71, ed. London. 1707), maintains tbe whole story to 
bo false. His chief arguments are, that Julian only 
purposed to rebuild the temple after his Persian expe- 
dition; that he needed all his resources for that expedi- 
tion; the silence of some of the fathers, living near the 
time; and the decorations of the story by others of 
them. But these arguments seem wholly insufficient 
against the explicit testimony of so many credible wit- 
nesses, Christians and pagans, and several of them con- 
temporary with the event. Alur. 

1 Basnage, in his Hist, des Jutfs, tome iv. p. 1257, &c. 
contests the reality of this miracle. Against him ap- 
peared Cuperus, in his Epi stoke, p. 400, edited by Bayer. 
Recently, Bp. Warburton has maintained the reality of 
the miracle, with an excess of ingenuity, In an appro- 
priate treatise, entitled: Julian, or a J^ixcoursa concern- 
ing the earthquake and fii>ry eruption which defeated 
that emperor's attempt to rebuild the temple, at Jerusa- 
lem; London, 1750, 8vo. [See notes of Guizot and 
Milman to the latter's edition of Gibbon's Decl. and 
Fall, &c. vol. iv. pages 100, 1, referring this pheno- 
menon to natural causes; and Waddington's Hist, of 
the Church, vol. i. pages 22G 9, on the other side./?. 

2 See Bletterie, Vie de Jovien, 2 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1748, 
in which work he completes the history of Julian, and 

;ives a French translation of some of Julian's writings. 

The following notices are worth inserting : Both 

luring the lifetime of Julian, and after his death, when 
the soldiers made him emperor, Jovian openly declared 
himself on the side of Christianity; for when Julian 
gave orders to all the military officers who were Chris- 
tians either to quit the army or renounce their religion, 
Jovian chose to relinquish his office. Yet Julian would 
not release him, but gave him promotion during the 
Persian war. When chosen emperor, Jovian would 
not accept the office until the army had declared them- 
selves in favour of Christianity. When he arrived at 
Antioch he repealed all the laws of Julian adverse to 
Christianity (liufinux, lib. xi. cap i. and finzmnc-n, lib. 
vi. cap. iii.;, and wrote to all the provincial governors, 
commanding them to take diligent care that the Chris- 
tians should not be disturbed in their public assemblies. 
He restored to the churches, the clergy, and to widows, 
all the franchises and privileges which had been granted 
them by Constantino and his sons, but which Julian 
had taken from them. He likewise restored the use of 
the Labarum, or the standard with a cross, and he com- 
pelled one Magnus to rebuild the church of Berytus at 
his own cost, he having commanded it to be demolished. 

r*eodoret, lib. iv. cap. xix. In regard to the religious 
controversies of that day, he joined with the orthodox 
against the Arians, and he treated Athanasius with pe- 
culiar respect. See Baumgarten's Awxugder Kirc/u>n- 
Itigtorie, vol. ii. p. 805, and the Universal Hut. Schl. 

of this century, who reigned after Jovian, 
were Valentinian I. [in the West, from A.D. 
364375, with] Valens [in the East, from 
A.D: 304378], then Gratian [in the West, 
A.D. 375 383, with] Valentinian II. [also 
in the West, A.D. 375392, and] Theodosius 
the Great [in the East, A.D. 379 395], 
Ilonorius [in the West, A.D. 395423], 
with Arcadius [in the East, A.D. 395 
408]. All these were Christians, and did 
much to advance the religion they professed. 
They all endeavoured, though not with 
equal zeal, to extirpate wholly the pagan 
religion. In this particular, Theodosius the 
Great, the last emperor of this century [in 
the East, except Arcadius,] exceeded all 
the rest. lie came to the throne A.D. 389, 
and died A.D. 395 ; and during his whole 
life he did all he could to extirpate idolatry 
throughout the provinces of the empire, and 
enacted severe laws against its adherents. 
The same design was prosecuted by his sons 
Arcadius and Honorius; so that, in the 
close of this century, the ancient supersti- 
tions were ready to expire, and had lost all 
their credit. 3 

16. Yet this severity of the government 
could not prevent the existence of some 
pagan temples and ceremonies, especially 
in the remoter provinces. Indeed, these 
rigorous laws against the worshippers of the 
pagan deities seemed to have been aimed 
rather against the common people than 
against persons of rank and distinction; for 
it appears, that during the reign of Theo- 
dosius, as well as after his death, individuals 
filled the highest offices, and continued in 
them till old age, who are known to have 
been averse from Christianity and attached to 
paganism. Of this Libanius is an example, 
who was very hostile to the Christians, and 
yet was made praefect of the praetorian 
guards by Theodosius himself. Perhaps 
greater indulgence was shown to philoso- 
phers, rhetoricians, and military comman- 
ders, than to other people, on account of 
their supposed usefulness to the common- 

17. Yet these very rhetoricians and phi- 
losophers, whose schools were supposed to 
be so profitable to the community, exhausted 
all their ingenuity, both before the days of 
Constantine the Great and afterwarcis, to 
arrest the progress of Christianity. In the 
beginning of this century, Hierocles, the 
great ornament of the Platonic school, com- 
posed two books against the Christians, in 

3 See the laws of these emperors in favour of the 
Christian religion, and against the professors and friends 
of the ancient religion, in the Codex Theodotianus, torn, 
vi. and Peter and Jerome Ballerini, Diss. i. mZenonem 
Veronensem, p. 45, &c. Verona, 1739, foL 

CHAP, i.j 


which he had the audacity to compare our 
Saviour with Apollonius Tyanaeus, and for 
which he was chastised by Eusebius [of 
Caosarca], in a tract written expressly 
against him. l Lactantius speaks of another 
philosopher who endeavoured to convince 
the Christians they were in error, but his 
name is not mentioned. 2 Ai'ter the reign 
of Constantine the Great, Julian wrote a 
large volume against tiie Christians; and 
Hi menus 3 and Libanius, 4 in their public 
declamations, and Eunapius, in his lives of 
the philosophers, 5 zealously decried the 

1 Hieroclea, who flourished about A.D. 303, was go- 
vernor of Hithynia, and afterwards prefect of Egypt. 
He was a zealous persecutor of the Christians, and 
wielded both the sword and the pen against them. His 
character and his two books addressed to the Chris- 
tians, are thus described by Lactantius, Institut. Di- 
vinar. lib. v. cap. ii. iii. : " He was one of the judges, 
and was the principal author of the persecution [under 
Diocletian]. But not content with this crime, he also 
attacked with his pen the people he persecuted, for he 
composed two books not against the Christians, lest 
he should seem to address them as an enemy but to 
the Christians, that he might appear friendly to them, 
and anxious for their good. Jn these books he endea- 
vours to prove the falsehood of the scriptures, by mak- 
ing them appear full of contradictions." " He affirms 
that Christ was outlawed by the Jews, and that ho after- 
wards collected a company of nine hundred banditti, 
and became a robber." " Also, wishing to overthrow 
his miracles (which he does not pretend to deny), he 
attempts to show that Apollonius had performed as 
great, and even greater." " Having poured out such 
crudities, and having laboured utterly to extirpate the 
truth, he has the temerity to entitle his nefarious books, 
which are hostile to God (</)tAttXT)0ei9), devoted to the 
truth." Eusebius, Liber contra IJ terockm,Gr. and Lat. 
subjoined to his Dcmonstrntio Eoungplica, ed. Paris, 
1628. See Gardner's Works, vol. viii. and Bayle, Dic- 
tion. Hittor. ctCrit. art. tticrocle* (IdJMur. 

2 Lactantius, Instant Dioinar. lib. v. cap. ii. 

3 See Photius, Biblioth. cod. clxv. p. 355. [The works 
of Hirnerius are lost. Mur. 

4 Libanlus, the sophist, was born at Antioch about 
A.r>. 314, and lived probably till about the end of the 
century. He taught rhetoric and declamation at Nice, 
Nicomedia, Constantinople, Athens, and Antioch. The 
emperor Julian, when young, was forbidden to attend 
the school of Libanius ; but ho obtained and read his 
writings, and made them his model as to style. When 
Julian came to the throne he offered Libanius a public 
office, which the sophist proudly refused. Libanius was 
an inflated, pedantic man, full of himself, yet indepen- 
dent in his feelings, and free in the expression of his 
opinions. He was an avowed pagan, yet a strenuous 
advocate for religious toleration. His numerous writ- 
ings still remain, consisting of a prolix Life of himself, 
a large number of eulogies and declamations, and more 
than a thousand letters. They seldom contain either 
profound or original thought, or display research, but 
they are of gome use to throw light on the times in 
which he lived. They were published, Gr. and Lat. 
vol. i. Paris, 1GG6, and vol. ii. by Morell, 1627, fol. 
The most complete edition of his epistles is by Wolf, 
A mstcrdam, 1 738, fol. A volume, containing seventeen 
of his declamations, was published at Venice, 1755'. 
See his Life written by himself in hisWorks.vol.ii. pages 
1_84; Eunapius, ViUe.Philos. et %>AVtorwm,p.l30, &c.; 
Tillemont, Hist. desEmper. tome iv. p. 571, &c ; Fabri- 
cius, Biblioth. Gr. torn. vii. pages 376414 ; Lardner, 
Heathen 7Vwfr'wwmw?.r,vol.iv.pagesl27 16:3; and Gibbon, 
Decl. and Fall, chap, xxiv. Mur. [See his life, in 
Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom.Biog. vol. ii. p. 774.-#. 

5 See Eunapius, Lines of &desius % Maximus, &c. 
Eunapius also wrote a chronicle, to which he frequently 
refers In his Lives of the Sophists, the first edition of 
which is full of reproaches against the Christians and 
Constantine the Great; the second edition Is more 

Christian religion; yet not one of these 
persons was punished for the licentiousness 
of his tongue or of his pen. 

18. How much these sophists or philoso- 
phers, who were full of the pride of ima- 
ginary knowledge and of hatred to the 
Christian name, injured the cause of Chris- 
tianity in this century, appears from many 
examples, and especially from the apostacy 
of Julian, who was seduced by such men. 
Among those who wished to appear wise, 
and to take moderate ground, many were 
induced by their arguments and explana- 
tions to devise a kind of religion, interme- 
diate between the old superstition and 
Christianity, and to imagine that Christ 
had enjoined the very same things which 
had long been represented by the pagan 
priests under the envelope ot their cere- 
monies and fables. Of these views were 
Ammianus Marcellinus, a rery prudent and 
discreet man, 6 Chalcidius, a philosopher, 7 
Themistius, a very celebrated orator, 8 and 

temperate. Both editions were extant in the time of 
Photius; see his Biblioth. codex Ixxvii Sr/iL 

ti Ammianus Marcellinus, a celebrated Latin histo- 
rian of Grecian extract, was a soldier for at least 
twenty years, from A.D 350jonward3, and served in the 
honourable corps called Protectory Domestici. On 
retiring from military life he fixed his residence at 
Rome, where he lived perhaps till the end of the cen- 
tury. There it was he composed his faithful and 
valuable history. The work originally consisted of 
thirty-one books, and gave the Roman history from the 
accession of Norva (where Suetonius ends), to the death 
of Valens. The first thirteen books, which must have 
been very concise, are lost. The last eighteen, which are 
more full, include the period from A.D. 3^3 378. The 
stylo is harsh and unpolished, and sometimes difficult, 
but the fidelity and accuracy of the narration render the 
work highly valuable. Marcellinus was probably a real 
pagan, but he was not a bigot, and he was willing to 
give every one his duo according to his best judgment. 
The best editions of his work are that of Vulesius, re- 
published byGronovius,Leyden,1693, and that of Ernesti, 
Lips. 1775. See Bayle, Dictiunnairc, art. Marcellin, 
Mur. [Gibbon gives him a high character for accuracy 
and impartiality. Decl. andFall, &c. vol. iv. pages 389 
and 406. He observes that Marcellinus was the last sub- 
ject of Rome who composed a profane history in Latin. 
See his life, in Smith, ubi tupra, vol. i. p. 142. Ii. 

7 Chalcidius, a philosopher of the fourth century, wa$ 
author of a Latin translation of the Timceus of Plato, 
and of a commentary on it, which were published by 
Meursius, Leyden, 1617, 4to. Mosheim's opinion of 
his religious faith is farther developed in his Dit. df 
turbata per liecentiort's Platonicos Eccksia, sec. xxxi. 
and in his notes on Cudworth's Intellectual System, 
vol. i. p. 732, &c. Fabricius (in his notes on Chalci- 
dius, paxsim, and in his Biblioth. Latina, lib. iii. cap. 
vii. p. ,557, &c.) and some others hold that Chalcidius 
was a pagan. Brucker f tfW. Crit. Philos. torn. iii. p. 
472, &c.) makes him a Christian, though infected with 
the new Platonism of his age. Mur. 

8 Themistius, a Greek philosopher of Paphlagonia, 
called Euphrades (the fine speaker) from his eloquent 
and commanding delivery, was made a Roman senator, 
and enjoyed the favour of Constantius, Julian, and the 
succeeding emperors, down to Theodosius the Great, 
who made him prefect of Constantinople, and appointed 
him tutor to his son Arcadius. He wrote when young 
some commentaries on Aristotle, fragments of which 
are still extant, and thirty-three Orations. His* works 
are. beat edited by Uarduin, Paris, 1684, fol. He was a 
strenuous advocate for the free toleration of all reli- 
gions, as being all good and tending to the same result 
by different ways. Concerning him and his religious 



[PAUT ii. 

others, -who conceived that both religious 
were in unison as to all the more important 
points, if they were rightly understood; 
and therefore held, that (Christ was neither 
to be contemned nor to be honoured, to the 
exclusion of the pajan deities. 1 

19. As Constantino the Great and his 
rtons and successors took much pains to en- 
large the Christian Church, it is not strange 
that many nations, before barbarous and 
uncivilized, became subject to Christ. 2 
Many circumstances make it probable that 
the light of Christianity cast some of its 
rays into both Armenias, the Greater and 
the Less, soon after the establishment of 
the Christian church. 3 But the Armenian 
church first received due organization and 
firm establishment in this century, near tho 
beginning of which, Gregory, the son of 
Anax, commonly called the Illuminator, 
[Query pot], because he dispelled the mists 
of superstition which beclouded the minds 
of the Armenians, first persuaded some 
private individuals, and afterwards Tiri- 
dates, the king of the Armenians, as well 
as his nobles, to embrace and observe the 
Christian religion. He was therefore or- 
dained the first bishop of Armenia by 
Leontius, bishop of Cappadocia, and gra- 
dually diffused the principles of Christianity 
throughout that country.* 

20. In the middle of this century, one 
Frumentius proceeded from Egypt into the 
neighbouring country of Abyssinia or Ethio- 
pia, the inhabitants of which were called 
Auxumitae, from their capital city Auxuma, 
and baptized both the king of the country 

views, see Brueker's Hist. C'rit. Philnt. toin. ii. p. 481, 
ike. Mur. 

l This favourite opinion Mosheim defends more at 
length in his Disx. de turbala per IfacentioresPltitonivos 
Ecch'sia, sec. xxx. xxxi. xxxii. ; among his Dissert, 
ad Hist. Kctlt't. pertincntes, vol. i. pages 85 2 1C, 
Altona, 1733. But it does not seem necessary to adopt 
this hypothesis, which has but slender support from 
argument, because the Eclectic or now Platonic philo- 
sophy might easily lead its votaries to speak in terms of 
moderation, and even of commendation of the Christian 
[ religion, especially in an age when it prevailed almost 
universally, and was the religion of the state and of the 
imperial court. Mur. 

* Gaudentius, ntaPhilnttrii, ec. iii.; Fhilastriug, De 
II wes. Prsef. p. 5, ed. Fabricii; Socrates, hist. Ecdcx 
lib. i. cap. xlx. ; Georgius Oedrenus, Chrwinyr-raph. p 
23 1, ed. Paris ; and others. 

3 For Kusebius (Hist. Eccfcs. lib. vi. cap. xlvi.) in* 
forma us that Dionysius of Alexandria, about the year 
260, " wrote concerning penance to the brethren of 
Armenia, over whom Meruzanes was bishop ;" and, 
according to the Add Martyr um t some Armenians 
suffered martyrdom in the persecution under Decius, 
(A.D. 2M) and Diocletian (A.D. 304). SckL 

* See Narratio du Rebus jirmcniif, in Combefis, Aur~ 
inrinm IHblioth. Pair. Grtecor. torn. ii. p. 287, &c. ; Le 
Quien, Orient Christ, torn. 1. pages 419 and 1356; Schro- 
der, Thetaw. Lingua drmfnn'*tf,p. I49,&c. [Sozomen, 
MM. Eccles. ii. 8; Moses Choronemis, Hist. Armenii-it, 
lib. iii. ed. Whistoni, Lend. 173<>, 4U>, p. 256, Ac. ; Mar- 
tin, Mein. Hist, ct Geogr. stir V ArMienie, Paris, 1818, 
Hvo. Mur. 

and very many of the nobles. Afterwards 
returning to Egypt, he was consecrated by 
St. Athanasius, first bishop of the Auxu- 
mitse. From this circumstance the Ethiopia 
church, even to this day, is dependent on 
that of Alexandria, and receives its bishop 
from it. 5 In Iberia, a province of Asia 
which is now called Georgia, a Christian 
woman who had been carried captive into 
that country, partly by the sanctity of her 
life and partly by miracles, induced the 
king and his queen to renounce idolatry 
and embrace Christ, and also to send for 
priests from Constantinople, from whom 
they and their people might gain a fuller 
and more accurate knowledge of the Chris- 
tian religion. 6 

21. A part of the Goths inhabiting 
Thrace, Muesia, and Dacia (now the north- 
east part of llumelia, with Bulgaria and 
Walachia on the Danube), had embraced 
Christianity before the commencement of 
this century, 7 and Theophilus, their bishop, 
was present at the Nicene council. 8 Con- 
stantine the Great, after having vanquished 
them and the Samaritans, induced great 
numbers of them to become Christians. 9 
But still a large part of the nation remained 
estranged from Christ until the time of the 
emperor Valcns, who permitted them to 
pass the river Ister [or Danube], and to 
inhabit Dacia, Moesia, and Thrace, on con- 
dition that they would be subject to the 
Roman laws and would embrace Christian- 
ity, to which condition their king Fritigcrn 
consented. 10 The bishop of the Goths 
inhabiting Moesia in this century was the 
much celebrated Ulphilas, who, among 
other laudable deeds, gave his countrymen 
an alphabet of his own invention, and 
translated the bible for them into the 
Gothic language. 11 

5 Athunasius, Apologia ad Constantiwn, Opp. torn, i. 
pt. il. p. 315, ed. Benedict; Socrates, Hint. Eccles. Jib. i. 
cap. xlix.j Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. xxiv.; 
Theodoret, Hist. Ecctes. lib. i. cap. xxiii. ; Lndolt, 
Comment, ad Hist. ^EtMojric. p. 281,; Lobo, Voyage 
<P Abissinie, tome ii. p. 13, <tec. ; Fontaninns, Hist. 
Literar. Aquileice, p. 174. [Bruce's Travels in Abys- 
sinia, Edin. 1804, vol. v. p. 4, Ac. ; and vol viL p. 73, 
tec. Mur. 

Rufinus, Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cnp. x. ; Sozomen, Hist. 
Eccles. lib. il. cap. vii ; Le Qulen, Oriens Christ, torn, 
i. p. 1333, &c. [Theodoret, Hist. Eccks. i. cap. xxiv. 

7 Philostorgius, Hut. Ecdes. lib. ii. cap. \.-Schl. 

8 Harduin, Concilia, torn. i. p. 319. ticM. 

9 Socrates, Hist. Keels, lib. i. cap. xviii. 

10 Socrates, f/M.EtT/cjf. lib. iv. cap. xxxiii.; Le Quien, ' 
Orient Christ, torn. i. p. 1242; Henzcl, Prof, ad in. j 
Evungdia Gothica (ascribed to Ulphilas), cap. v. p. i 
18, &c. ed. Oxon. 1750, 4to. j 

u Mascovius, Hist. German, torn. i. p. 317; torn, ii j 
Note, p. 49; Acta Sanctor. March, vol. iii. p. 619; 
Benzel, ubi supra, cap. vili. p. xxx. [ Zahn, Ein- j 
leitung in Ulfiltn Bibeliibenetzwig* p. iv. &c. ed. i 
Weissenfels, 1805, 4to, where is condensed all that i* 
stated of Ulphilas and his translation by the ancients, i 
Tiz. PhilostorKius, H.E. lib. ii. cap. v.; Socrates. H. E. 

CHAP, i.] 



22. In the European provinces of the 
Roman empire there still remained a vast 
number of idolaters ; and though the Chris- 
tian bishops endeavoured to convert them 
to Christ, the business went on but slowly. 
In Gaul, the great Martin, bishop of Tours, 
was not unsuccessful in this work. Tra- 
velling through the provinces o:. Gaul, by 
his discourses and by his miracles (if we 
may believe Sulpitius Severus) he every- 
where persuaded many to renounce their 
idols and embrace Christ, while he de- 
stroyed their temples, and threw down their 
statues. 1 lie therefore merited the title of 
the Apostle of the Gauls, 

lib. ii. cap. xlf. and lib. iv. cap. Xxxiii. ; Sozomen, 
//, K. lib. iv. cap. xxiv. lib. vi. cap. xxxvii.; Theodoret, 
//. K. lib. iv. cap. xxxvii.; and others. Ulphilas (or 
Ufila, Urphilas, Gilfulas, c. but should, according to 
Jornandes, be written Wulfila, i.e. Wolfein^ diminutive 
of Wulf or Wo//; a wolf) is said by Philostorgius to 
have been descended from Christian Greeks of Sadagol- 
tiim in Cappadocia, who were carried into captivity by 
the Goths in the year 2(50. Others suppose from his 
name that he was of Gothic extract. Philostorgius also 
makes him first bishop of the (joths, and says he was 
ordained by the Arian Kusebius of Nicomedia, in the 
reign of Constantino the Great. Otiiers make him to 
have succeeded Theophilus, and to have flourished from 
the year 3fiO to 380. He was a man of talents and 
learning, an Arian (at least in the hitter part of his 
life), and possessed vast and salutary influence among 
the Goths in Dacia, Moesia, and Thrace. He was at 
the Arian synod ot Constantinople in the year 359, and 
was twice sent on embassies by the nation to the im- 
perial court. His last embassy was in the reign of 
Valens, A.I). 370, to obtain permission for the Goths to 
pass the Danube and settle in Meesia. He was success- 
ful; and 200,000 Goths were admitted into the Roman 
| empire, on conditions of obeying the Roman laws and 
joining the Arian interest. It is not known when he 
died, but it was some time in the reign of Theodosius 
the Great (*.n. 379895) ; he was succeeded in his 
episcopal office by Theotimus, or, as some report, by 
Selinas. He was author of a translation of the whole 
Bible except the books of Kings, from Greek into the 
language of the Goths of Mcosiii. The books of Kings 
were omitted by him, lest their history of wars and 
battles should Inflame the already too great thirst of the 
Goths for war and carnage. The alphabet he used was 
of his own devising, and formed chieliy from the Greek 
and Latin. Nothing remains of this translation except 
a single copy, somewhat mutilated, of the four Gospels, 
called the Codex Arffenteus, because written in letters 
of silver, now at Upsal in Sweden ; and a few fragments 
of the epistle to the Komans, recovered from an erasure 
of a MS. of the eighth or ninth century. Ulphilas' 
Gospels were first published by Junius, Dort, 105, 2 
vols. 4to; afterwards at Stockholm, 1G71, 4to; very 
learnedly at Oxford, 1750, fol. ; and lastly, in a very 
convenient German edition, by Zahn, Weissenfels, 180, 
4to, with a complete Apparatus in the German lan- 
guage. Afur. [A few unimportant fragments have 
been recently recovered by Cardinal Mai, among the 
MSS. of the Ambrosiaii Library in Milan, and pub- 
lished there in 1819 under this title -.Wphilce partium 
ineditarum in Ambrosianis Palimpsest is ab Ang. M'U'o 
repertarum Specimen, &c, Milan, 1819, 4to. The 
latest edition of the Gothic translation, is that entitled 
Vet. et Nov. Test, versionis Qothicce Fraamenta guce 
supersunt ad fidem cod. castigata, cum Olossario, <fcc. 
curfl H. C. de Gabelcntz et Loebe, 4to, in two volumes. 
The first contains the Text, Leips. 1843; and the second 
contains the Glossary and a Grammar of the Gothic 
language. Leips. 1843. -R. 

See Sulpitius Severus, Dial I, 2>e Vita Martini, cap. 
xlii. xv. xvii. DiaL ii. p. 106, Ac. ed. Hler. a Prato, 
Verona, 1741, fol. [This Martin was born in Sabaria 
in Pannonia, and brought up at Pavia in Italy. He 
embraced Christianity contrary to the will of his 

23. It is very evident that the victories 
of Constantine the Great, and the fear of 
punishment, as well as the desire of pleasing 
the Iloman emperors, were cogent reasons, 
in the view of whole nations as well as of 
individuals, for embracing the Christian re- 
ligion. Yet no person well informed in the 
history of this period will ascribe the exten- 
sion of Christianity wholly to these causes ; 
for it is manifest that the untiring zeal of 
the bishops and other holy men, the pure 
and devout lives which many of the Chris- 
tians exhibited, the translations of the sa- 
cred volume, and the excellence of the 
Christian religion, were as efficient motives 
with many persons as the arguments from 
worldly advantage and disadvantage were 
with others. As for miracles, 1 cheerfully 
unite with those who look with contempt 
on the wonders ascribed to Paul, Antony, 
and Martin. 5 * I also grant that many 
events were inconsiderately regarded as 
miracles which were according to the laws 
of nature, not to mention pious frauds. 
Still I cannot join with such as believe 
that in this age God did never manifest his 
power by any extraordinary signs among 
Christians. 3 

24. Although the Christian church within 
the Roman empire was involved in no se- 
vere calamities from the times of Constan- 
tine the Great onwards, except during the 
commotion of Licinius and the shor.t reign 
of Julian, yet slight tempests sometimes 
beat upon it in certain places. Athanaric, 
for instance, a king of the Goths, fiercely 

parents, and served In the army, following the "occupa- 
tion of his father. He afterwards left the military life, 
and committed himself to the Instruction of Hilary of 
Poictiers. From the Arians he suffered much persecu- 
tion ; and he was principally instrumental in the 
introduction of monastlcism among the Gaula. [He 
was ordained bishop of Tours, A.D. 374, and died in the 
year 397, aged 8LJ For other particulars of his life 
see his biographer, Sulpitius Severus; also Tillemont, 
Mdmoires a Fuist. de I'Eylise, tome x.; and the Hist. 
LiMr. de la France, tome i, pt. ii. p. 413. Schl. [The 
English reader may consult Mllner's Church History, 
cent iv. chap, xiv. Mur. 

Hieronymus a Prato in his preface to Sulpltlua 
Severus, p. xiii. &c. contends zealously for the miracles 
of Martin and others in this century. [An account of 
the miracles of St. Martin may be found in Sulpit 
Sever. Vita Martini; and Epistles i iii. and Dialogue 
ii. iii. The miracles of some contemporary monks of 
Egypt and the East are the subject of Dialogue i. For 
the history of Paul, see Jerome, De Vita S. Pauli 
remitce, in his Opp. torn, i.; and for that of Antony, 
see Athanasius, De Vita S, Antonii Eremitoe, In his 
Opp. torn. il. ed. Paris, 1027.-- Mur. [The life of 
Antony, by Athanasius, has been translated into English, 
Lond. 1697, 12mo. The student should turn to what is 
said of this piece of biography, as illustrative of the 
state of the fricene Church, in Taylor's Ancient Christ. 
vol. i. p. 198, &C.JK. 

3 See Eusebius, Contra Hteroclem^ cap. Iv. p. 431, ed. 
Olcartl; Dodwell, Diss. ii. in Irenoeum, sec. Iv. p. 195, 
[also Middleton's Free Inquiry into the Miraculous 
Powers in the Christian Church, and the other works 
referred to in Note 1, page 64, above. -ft. 



[TAUT n. 

assailed for a time that portion of the Go- 
thic nation which had embraced Chris- 
tianity. 1 In the more remote provinces 
also, the adherents to idolatry often de- 
fended their hereditary superstitions with 
the sword, and murdered the Christians, 
who, in propagating their religion, were not 
always as gentle or as prudent as they ought 
to have been. 8 Beyond the limits of the 
Koman empire, Sapor II. surnanied Lon- 
gaevus, the king of Persia, waged three 
bloody wars against the Christians in his 
dominions. The first was in the eighteenth 
year of his reign, A.D. 317; the second was 

in the thirtieth year; and the third, which 
was the most cruel, and destroyed an immense 
number of Christians, commenced in the 
next year, A D. 330, and lasted forty years, 
or till A.D. 370. Yet religion was not the 
ostensible cause of this dreadful persecution, 
but a suspicion of treasonable practices 
among the Christians; for the Magi and 
the Jews persuaded the king to believe that 
all Christians were in the interests of the 
Koman empire, and that Symeon, the arch- 
bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, sent to 
Constantinople intelligence of all that passed 
in Persia. 3 





1. THE Greeks and Romans of this cen- 
tury, who wished to pass for the literati of 
the age, devoted themselves particularly to 
eloquence, poetry, and history; and not a 
few of both nations might be named who 
acquired some reputation in these studies ; 
yet they all fell very far short of the highest 
excellence. The best of these poets, as 
Ausonius,* if compared with those of the 
Augustan age, are harsh and inelegant. 
The rhetoricians, abandoning wholly the 
noble simplicity and majesty of the ancients, 
taught the youth how to speak ostenta- 
tiously and sophistically on all subjects; and 
most of the historians were less attentive to 
method, perspicuity, and fidelity, than to 
empty and insipid ornaments. 

1 See Ruinart, Ada Martyrum ; and among these, 
the Avta Sti Sabtc, p. 698, &c. 

2 See Ambrose, be Ojficiis, lib. I. cap. xliii. sec. xvii. 
where there is an important statement. 

3 Sec Sozomen, Hut. Ecdes. lib. ii. cap. 1. xiii. 
These Persian persecutions are expressly treated of in 
the Biblioth. Oriental. Clement. Vatican, torn. i. pages 
6, 16, 181, and torn iii. p. 52, &c.; with which, how- 
ever, should be compared Asseman, Pr<ef. ad A eta 
Martyrum Oriental, et Occidental, splendidly edited, 
Rome, 1748 ; 2 vols. foL p. Ixxl. &c. Ho has published 
the Martyrologittm Perineum in Syriac, with a Latin 
translation and excellent notes. 

* Deoius, or Decimus Magnus Ausonius, was a Latin 
poet, born and educated at Bordeaux, who flourished in 
the last half of this century. He was probably a nomi- 
nal Christian, was a man of poetic genius, and much 
caressed and advanced to high honours by those in 
authority. Hia poems were chiefly short pieces, eulo- 
gies, epigrams, &c. and not devoid of merit. Yet the 
style attests the declining age of Roman literature. 
Some of the pieces are also very obscene. Edited by 
Tollius, Leyden, 1671, 4to ; and Lat. and Fr. by Jau- 
bert, Paris, 1769, 4 vols. 12mo.~ Mur. [The student 
will find an excellent life of Ausonius by Professor 
Ramsay, In Smith's Diet, of Greek and Rom. Biog. 
vol. i. p. 444 R. 

2. Nearly all who attempted philosophy 
in this century were of the sect called Mo- 
dern Platonists. It is not strange therefore 
that some Platonic notions are to be met 
with in the works of the Christians as well 
as others; yet there were fewer of these 
philosophers in the West than in the East. 
In Syria, Jamblichus of Chalcis expounded 
Plato, or rather palmed his own conceptions 
upon that philosopher. 5 His writings show 
that he was superstitious, obscure, credu- 
lous, and of ordinary intellectual powers. 
He was succeeded by JEdesius, 6 Maximus, 7 
and others, of whose follies Eunapius gives 
us an account. In Egypt, Hypatia, 8 a dis- 

6 Jamblichus. There were three of this name, the 
first lived early in the second century, his works are 
now lost, ; the second probably died about the year 333, 
and wrote largely; the third was contemporary with 
Julian, and wrote the life of Alypius the musician. The 
second is the one intended by Mosheim. He was a 
pagan, an enthusiast, and a great pretender to superior 
talents and learning. Of his works there remain a 
Life of Pythagoras, published Gr. and. Lat. with notes 
by Kustor, Amsterdam, 1707, 4to ; Exlwrtation to the 
Study of Philosopny; three books on Mathematical 
Learning; Commentary on Nicomachus ; Institutes of 
Arithmetic; and a Treatise on the Mysteries of the 
Egyptians and Chaldeans qf Assyria , published Gr. 
and Lat. with notes, by Tho. Gale. Oxf. 1678, fol. See 
Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. pages 260270. 
Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr. vol. iv. p. 282, &c. and Lard- 
ner's Works, vol. viii. Mur. 

6 JEdosius of Cappadocia, a disciple of Jamblichus, 
and like his master a devotee of theurgia. See Brucker, 
Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p. 270, &c. Mur. 

7 Maximus of Ephesus, called the Cynic, another 
pretender to superhuman knowledge, lie is said to 
have persuaded Julian to apostatize ; and he certainly 
had great influence over that emperor. He was put to 
death for practising magic, in the reign of Valens. See 
Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phitos. torn. ii. p. 28 1 , Ac. Eunapius 
(De Vitii Sophistarum) gives account of Jamblichus, 
JEdesius, and Maximus. Mur. 

8 Hypatia of Alexandria, a lady who excelled all the 
philosophers of her age, and who publicly taught phi- 
losophy with great applause, flourished in the close of 

CllAP. II.] 



languished lady, Isidorus, 1 Olyinpiodorus, 2 
Synesius, a semi-Christian, 3 and others of 
less fame, propagated this kind of wisdom, 
or rather folly. 

3. As the emperor Julian was a passion- 
ate admirer of this philosophy (which his 
writings clearly show), very many were in- 
duced by his influence to vie with each 
other in their endeavours to set it forth in 
the most alluring dress. 4 But when Julian 
died a dreadful storm burst upon the Pla- 
tonists during the reign of Valeutinian, and 
several of them were arraigned and tried 
for their lives, on the charge of practising 
magic and other crimes. In these commo- 
tions Maxhnus, the preceptor of Julian, 
among others, suffered death ; 8 but it was 
rather the intimacy of these men with Ju- 
lian, whose counsellors they had been, than 
the philosophy they embraced, which proved 
their ruin. Hence, the rest of the sect 
which had not been connected with the 
court, were exposed to very little danger or 
loss in this persecution of the philosophers. 

4. The Christians, from the time of 
Constantino the Great, devoted much more 
attention to the study of philosophy and 
the liberal arts than they had done before; 
and the emperors omitted no means which 
might awaken and cherish a thirst for learn- 
ing. Schools were established in many of 
the towns, libraries were formed, and li- 
terary men were encouraged by stipends, 
privileges, and honours. 6 All this was re- 
quisite to the accomplishment of their object 
of gradually abolishing pagan idolatry; for 

this century and the first part of the next. She was 
murdered in a tumult, A.D. 415. See Socrates, //?>/. 
Ecclet. lib. vii. cap. xv.; Suidas, art. Hypatta, torn. iii. 
p. 033 ; Tillemont, Memoires a I' Hist. Ecclet. tonic xiv. 
p. 274 ; Menage, Hist. Mulicr. Phi tot > see. xlix. Sec. p. 
494, &c.; and Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p. 
351. Mur. [To these works may be added J. Ch. 
Wernsdorf, Dissert. A cad. Iv. de llypatia. \Vittem. 
I747i and Wolftus, Catalogue faminur. Illustr. pages 
368 71. K. 

1 This Isidorus was surnamed Gaz/eus, from Gaza in 
Palestine, the place of his birth. Concerning him, see 
Bruckor, Hist. Crit. Philos. torn. ii. p. 343, &c. Schl. 

2 Olympiodorus, author of a Commentary upon Plata, 
still preserved in MS. at Paris, and a Life qf Pluto, of 
which a Latin version has been published. There were 
several persons of this name. See Brucker, Hist. Crit. 
Ph'dos. torn. ii. p. 490. Mur. 

3 Synesius, of Cyrene in Africa, studied under Hy- 
patia; resided at Constantinople from A.D. 397400, as 
deputy fronv his native city; was made bishop of Ptole- 
mais, A.D. 410. He wrote well for that age, though he 
was too much infected with the reigning philosophy. 
His works have been edited by Petavius, Gr. and Lat. 
Paris, 1612 and 1G31, fol.Mur. 

See Spanheim, Prarfatio ad Opp. Jub'ani, et ad ver- 
tionem Gntticam Casarum, Jttliani, pt. iii. et Adnotat. 
p. 234. Bletterle, Vie de Julien t liv. i. p. 26, &e. 

5 Ammianus Marcellin. Hist. lib. xxix cap. i. p. 556, 
ed. Valesii; and Bletterle, Viz de Jutien, p. 30, &c. 
155, 159, &c.; andPte de Jooien, tome i. p. 194. 

See Gothofredus, ad Codic. Theodos. under the titles 
or chapters, De Prtfessoribus et Artibu* Liberulibus: 
Balduin,Conrfanntt* Magn. p. 22, &c.; Conringius, 
Diss. de Studiit ROTTUB et Constantinop. subjoined to his 
Antiquit. Academics. 

the old religion of the pagans derived its 
chief support from the learning of its advo- 
cates; and, moreover, if the Christian youth 
could find no instructors of their own reli- 
gion, there was danger of their applying to 
the pagan teachers of philosophy and rhe- 
toric, to the injury of the true religion. 

5. Yet it must not be supposed that the 
Christian church was full of literary, erudite, 
and scientific men, for there was no law as 
yet to prevent the ignorant and illiterate 
from entering the sacred office; and it ap- 
pears, from explicit testimony, that very 
many of both bishops and presbyters were 
entirely destitute of all science and learn- 
ing; besides, the party was both numerous 
and powerful who considered all learning, 
and especially philosophical learning, as in- 
jurious and even destructive to true piety 
and godliness. All the ascetics, monks, 
and eremites, were inclined towards this 
party, which was also highly favoured, not 
only by women, but by all those who esti- 
mate piety by the gloom of the countenance, 
the sordidness of the dress, and the love of 
solitude, or, in other words, by the many. 



1 . CONSTANTINE the Great permitted the 
external organization of the church to re- 
main as it had been ; yet in some respects 
he improved and extended it. While 
therefore he suffered the church to continue 
to be, as before, a sort of republic, distinct 
from the political body, he assumed to him- 
self the supreme power over this sacred re- 
public, and the right of modelling and 
controlling it in such a manner as would 
best subserve the public good. Nor did 
any bishop call in question this power of 
the emperor. The people therefore in the 
same manner as before, continued to elect 
freely their own bishops and teachers; and 
the bishops severally, in their respective 
districts or cities, directed and regulated all 
ecclesiastical affairs, using their presbyters 
as their council, and calling on the people 
for their assent. The bishops also met to- 
gether in conventions or councils, to deli- 
berate on the subjects in which the churches 
of a whole province were interested, on 
points of religious controversy, on the rites 
of worship, and other matters of like im- 
port. To these minor councils of one or 
more provinces there were now added, by 
authority of the emperor, assemblies or 
grand councils of the whole church, called 
oecumenical or general councils, the empe- 
ror having first summoned one of thi* 



[PART n. 

.character at Nice; for he deemed it suitable 
(very probably at the suggestion of the 
bishops), that causes of great moment, and 
affecting either the church universally or 
the general principles of Christianity, should 
be examined and decided in conventions of 
the whole church. There were never, in- 
deed, any councils held which could strictly 
and properly be called universal; those, 
however, whose decrees and enactments 
were received and approved by the whole 
church, or by the greatest part of it, have 
been commonly called oecumenical or ge- 
neral councils. 

2. Most of these rights and privileges, 
however, were gradually diminished very 
much, from the time that various disturb- 
ances, and quarrels, and threatening con- 
tests arose here and there respecting 
ecclesiastical affairs, religious doctrines, or 
the elections of bishops. For, as the weaker 
parties generally appealed to the court, 
this afforded to the emperors the best op- 
portunity of encroaching on the power of 
the bishops, the liberties of the people, and 
the ancient customs of the church. The 
bishops likewise, whose wealth and influ- 
ence were not a little augmented from the 
time of Constantino, gradually subverted 
and changed the ancient principles of 
church government. For they first ex- 
cluded the people altogether from having a 
voice in ecclesiastical affairs, and next by 
degrees deprived the presbyters of their 
former authority, so that they might con- 
trol everything at their discretion ; and in 
particular appropriate the ecclesiastical 
property to themselves, or distribute it as 
they pleased. Hence, at the close of this 
century, only a mere shadow of the ancient 
form of church government remained ; and 
the former rights of the presbyters and the 
people were engrossed chiefly by the bishops, 
while those of the whole church passed into 
the hands of the emperors or their provin- 
cial governors and magistrates. 

3. Constantino, to render his throne 
secure and prevent civil wars, not only 
changed the system of Roman jurispru- 
dence, but likewise altered in many respects 
the constitution of the empire. l And as he 
wished, for various reasons, to adapt the 
ecclesiastical administration to that of the 
commonwealth, it became necessary that 
new grades of honour and pre-eminence 
should be introduced among the bishops. 
The chief among the bishops were those 
who had before held a pre-eminent rank, 
namely, the bishops of Rome, Antioch, and 

l 8ee Bos, Hist, de la Monarchic Franqaite* tome i. 
p. 64 ; Giannone. Hist, de Naplet, tome i. pages 94 

Alexandria, with whom the bishop of Con- 
stantinople was joined, after the imperial 
residence was transferred to that city. 
These four prelates answered to the four 
prajtorian prefects created by Constantino, 
and perhaps, even in this century, bore the 
Jewish title of Patriarchs. Next to these 
were the exarchs, corresponding with the 
civil exarchs, and presiding each over 
several provinces. The metropolitans came 
next, who governed only single provinces. 
After them ranked the archbishops, who 
had the inspection only of certain districts. 
The bishops brought up the rear, whose 
territories were not in all countries of the 
same extent, being in some mere extensive 
and in others confined to narrower limits. 
To these several orders of bishops I should 
add that of the chorepiscopi, or rural 
bishops, the superintendents of the country 
churches, were it not that the bishops, in 
order to extend their own power, had 
caused this order to be suppressed in most 
places. 2 

This is shown hy Thomassin, Disciplina Eccles. 
Vet. ct Nova circa Beneficia^ torn. 1. various passages. 
[Though the ecclesiastical divisions of the Roman em- 
pire did not coincide exactly with the civil divisions, 
yet a knowledge of the latter will help us to form a 
better idea of the former. Accordingly, wo annex the 
following account of the civil distribution copied from 
an ancient Nvtitia Imperii, said to have been written 
before the reign of Arcadius and Ilonorius, or before 
A.D. 395. See Pagi, Critica in Karon, ad arm. 37, torn, 
i. p. 29, &c. I. The Fra?torian prefecture of the East, 
comprising the extensive districts, or, as they were 
styled, the dioceses of 1st, the East; 2d, Egypt; 3d, 
Asia ; 4th, Pontus ; and 5th, Thrace. II. The Prefec- 
ture of Illyria, comprising the dioceses of 1st, Mace- 
donia; and 2d, Dacia. III. The Prefecture of Italy, 
comprising the dioceses of 1 st, Italy ; 2d, Illyricum ; 
and 3d, Africa. IV. The Prefecture of Gaul, com- 
prising the dioceses of 1st, Spain; 2d, Gaul; and .Id, 
Britain. Thus the civil division of the Roman empire 
was, in this century, into four Prefectures, containing 
thirteen Dioceses, which embraced one hundred and 
sixteen Provinces. The ecclesiastical division of the 
empire, though founded upon the civil division, was by 
no means so complete or so regular. The civil pro- 
vinces were generally ecclesiastical provinces, and under 
the inspection severally of the metropolitans or arch- 
bishops of those provinces. Yet there were many 
bishops who were exempt from the inspection or juris- 
diction of the metropolitans, and were therefore called 
avTo/ce<J>aAoi, independent. They also bore the titles of 
archbishops and of metropolitans, although they had no 
suffragans or bishops depending on them. Hence there 
were not properly five orders of bishops above the rank 
of chorepiscopi, as Mosheim represents ; but only three 
namely, patriarchs, metropolitans or archbishops, 
and simple bishops. Before the times of Constantino, 
provincial councils were common, and these gave rise 
to the order of metropolitans, Among the metropoli- 
tans, those of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria stood 
pre-eminent in honour and influence. During the reign 
of Constantino the Great, the powers of these three 
metropolitans were enlarged; but whether they bore 
the title or possessed the authority of patriarchs at that 
time is not certain. They however became patriarchs, 
both in name and in power, before the century had 
elapsed. And these were the three original patriarchs. 
Towards the close of this century, the bishops of Con- 
stantinople obtained rank next to those of Rome, and 
extended their authority over several dioceses not sub- 
ject to the other patriarchs. In the next century, the 
bishops of Jerusalem became independent of the patri- 

CHAP, ir.j 



4. The administration of ecclesiastical 
affairs was divided % by Constantine himself 
into the external and the internal. 1 The 
latter he relinquished to the bishops and to 
councils. It embraced what was purely 
religious, theological controversies, forms 
of worship, functions of the priests, the 
irregularities of their lives, &e. The ex- 
ternal administration he took upon himself. 
It included whatever relates to the external 
condition of the church or to its discipline, 
and also all contests and causes of the 
ministers of the church, both of the higher 
and of the lower orders, which did not 
respect religion and sacred functions, but 
property, worldly honours and privileges, 
and offences against the laws, and the like. 2 
He and his successors therefore assembled 
councils, presided in them, assigned judges 
for religious disputes, decided contests be- 
tween bishops and their people, determined 
the limits of the episcopal sees, and, by the 
ordinary judges, heard and adjudged the 
civil causes and common offences among 
the ministers of the church ; but ecclesias- 
tical causes he left to the cognizance of the 
councils and bishops. Yet this famous 
partition of the ecclesiastical government 
into the external and the internal adminis- 

archs of Antioch; and thus there were five patriarchates 
formed. These five patriarchates continued from the 
fifth century onward to the Reformation. In the 
eleventh century, Nilus Doxopatrius of Constantinople 
informs us that the patriarch of Constantinople then 
presided over fifty-two metropolitans, who had under 
them six hundred and forty-nine suffragan bishops, and 
over thirteen titular metropolitans, i.r. bishops who 
were called metropolitans and avToice<J>aAoi, hut had no 
suffragans, and likewise thirty-four titular archbishops. 
The patriarch of Antioch presided over thirteen metro- 
politan?, with one hundred and thirty-ninp suffragans, 
besides eight titular metropolitans, and thirteen titular 
archbishops. The patriarch of Jerusalem presided 
over four metropolitans with suffragans, and twenty- 
five titular archbishops. And the patriarch of Alexan- 
dria presided over seven metropolitans with suffragans, 
and five titular metropolitans and archbishops. The 
number of suffragans in the two last Patriarchates is 
not given. Mur. [The student will find full informa- 
tion on tho respective limits of these patriarchates in 
Bingham's Orig. Eccles. book ix. ch. i. sec. 5, 6, &c. illus- 
trated with maps. On Ecclesiastical Geography the 
older works are, Carolus a St. Paulo, Geoff rap/iia Sacra* 
Ams. 1703, fol. ; Nic Sanson, Atlas Antiquus Sacer t 
Kcc. ct Prqfttnus, curi J. Clericus. Am?. 1705, foi.; and 
more recently Holier, Hierographie odcr To/jog. 
Synchr. Darstnllung d. Gesch. d. Christ. Kirche. twelve 
maps, not well executed, Klber. 1825; and Wiltsch, 
Kirchhistoriscker Atlas, Gotha, 1843. The ancient 
names of the several sees throughout the Christian 
world, which it is sometimes very difficult to identify 
with their modern designations, are given in an excel- 
lent Index Gt'ographictts Episcopaluum Orbis Christ. 
appended to Fabricius, Salutaris Lux Euangelii, &c. It. 

1 Eusebius, DeVitaCwistant. lib. iv. cap. 24. 

2 See the imperial laws in both the Justinian and 
Theodoslan Codox; and, among others, Gotbofredus, 
.idCodicem Thcodos. torn. vi. pages 55, 58, 333, &c. [This 
whole system resulted partly from the office of Pontifex 
Maximus, which was retained by Constantine and all 
his successors till the fifth century, and partly from the 
conception of Constantine, that the church was a so- 
ciety existing independently of the state. See Bos, 
Di*, fie Pontificate .naximo Imperator. Christian or. 

trations was never clearly explained and 
accurately defined. Hence, both in this 
and in the following centuries, we see many 
transactions which do not accord with it 
but contravene it. For the emperors not 
unfrequently determined matters relating 
to the interior of the church ; and, on the 
other hand, councils and bishops often 
enacted laws respecting things which seem 
to belong to the external form and affairs 
of the church. 

5. The first among the bishops, in respect 
to rank and dignity, was the bishop of 
Home. And this pre-eminence was not 
founded solely on popular feeling and pre- 
judice of long standing, and which various 
causes had originated, but also on those 
grounds which, in the estimation of men, 
commonly give priority and greatness. For 
he exceeded all other bishops in the ampli- 
tude and splendour of the church, over 
which he presided, in the magnitude of his 
revenues and possessions, in the number of 
his ministers of various descriptions, in the 
weight of his influence with the people at 
large, and in the sumptuousness and mag- 
nificence of his style of living. 8 These 
indications of power and worldly greatness 
were so fascinating to the minds of Chris- 
tians even in this age, that often most 
obstinate and bloody contests took place at 
Rome when a new pontiff was to be created 
by the suffrages of the priests and people. 
A shocking- example of this is afforded by 
the disturbance at Rome in the year 3G6, 
after the death of Liberius. When they 
came to the choice of a new bishop, one 
party was for placing Darnasus, and another 
for appointing Ursicinus, a deacon, over the 
bereaved church ; and the contention issued 
in a bloody warfare, in which there was 
fighting, burning of buildings, and many 
lost their lives. Damasus came off victo- 
rious in the contest; but whether his claims 
were better, or his cause more righteous, 
than those of Ursicinus, docs not appear. 4 
I dare not pronounce either of them a good 

6. It is however abundantly attested 
that the bishops of Rome did not, in this 
century, possess supreme power and juris- 
diction in the church. They were citizens 
of the commonwealth ; and though higher 
in honour, they obeyed the laws and the 
mandates of the emperors, just like other 

3 Ammianus Marcellinus, Hist. lib. xxvii. cap. Hi. 

See the writers of Lives of the Popes, among whom 
Bower has stated this matter ingenuously and impar- 
tially, in his Hist, of the Pope*, vol. I. p. 180, &c. Lon 
don, 1749. [Ammian. Marccllin. Hist. lib. xxvii. cap. 
iii. says, that one hundred and thirty-seven corpses of th 
the slain were found m one day in the church oJ die.- 
uinus. Mur* T 





citizens. The more weighty religious causes 
were determined cither by judges appointed 
by the emperor, or in ecclesiastical coun- 
cils; minor causes were decided by indivi- 
dual bishops. The laws relating to religion 
were enacted either by the emperors or by 
councils. No bishop acknowledged that his 
authority was derived from the plenary 
power of the Roman bishop, or that he was 
constituted a bishop by the favour of the 
apostolic see; on the contrary, they all 
maintained that they were the ambassadors 
and ministers of Jesus Christ, and that their 
authority was derived from above. 1 Yet it 
is undeniable, that even in this century se- 
veral of those steps were laid, by which the 
Roman, pontiffs afterwards mounted to the 
summit of ecclesiastical dominion, and this 
partly by the imprudence of the emperors, 
partly by the sagacity of the pontiffs them- 
selves, and partly by the hasty decision of 
certain bishops. Among these steps, how- 
over, I would assign cither no place, or only 
the very lowest, to the fourth canon of the 
council of Sardica, in the year 347, to 
which the friends of the Roman pontiff as- 
sign the first and the most important place; 
for, not to mention that the authority and 
regularity of this council are very dubious, 
and that, not without reason, the existing 
enactments of this council are regarded by 
some as corrupted, and by others as forged, 2 
it cannot be made to appear from that canon 
that the bishops assembled at Sardica decided 
that in all cases an appeal might be made to 
the Roman pontiff as the supreme and final 
judge. But suppose they had so decided, 
which yet can never be proved, how weak 
must that right be which is founded only on 
the decision of a single obscure council ! 3 

1 AH these points are discussed at largo by many 
writers, among whom I will name De Marca, DC Con- 
cordia Sacerdotfi et Imperil; I)u Pin, DeAntiqua Ec- 
clesite Discipline; and especially Blondell, De la Pri- 
mctute dans V Eglise, a very learned work [also, Span- 
heim, Diss. de Primatu Papa', et Canone vi. Nicteno. 
Sr.hl. [The sixth canon of the council of Nice, A.D. 
325, gave to the bishops of Alexandria, Home, and An- 
tioch, severally, the same pre-eminence over their 
respective surrounding bishops. Meletius had en- 
oroached upon the prerogatives of his metropolitan of 
Alexandria; and therefore the council ordain (accord- 
ing to the translation of Dionysius Exiguus), ANTIQUA 
CON8Z7ETUDO SBRVETUR per JSgypttim, Libyan^ et Pen- 
tnoolim, itn ut Alexandrinus Eptscopus horum omnium 
habeat potcstatcm ; quia et Romce Episcopo parilis mos 
ett. Similiter autcm et apud Antiochiam, c&terasque 
prooincias, suis prioilegia serventiir ecclesiis. To recon- 
cile this canon with the papal claims of universal 
empire, the Romanists tell us it relates merely to the 
patriarchal or metropolitical power of the bishop of 
Rome, and not to his power as pope a distinction 
which does not appear to have occurred to the Nicene 
fathers. See Natalia Alexander, //<. ccles. seec. iv. 
diss. xx. J/r. 

See Mich, Geddes, Din. de Canonibvs Sardicensi- 
fctM, among his Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. II. p. 415 
[and Bower, Lives of the Pop**, -Pope Julius, vol. i. p. 
420, Ac.* 4ta Mvr. 

a This council was called by Julius, bishop of Rome, 

7. Constantine the Great, by transferring 
the imperial residence to Byzantium, and 
there rounding the new city of Constanti- 
nople, undesignedly raised up against the 
rising power of the Roman pontiff a formid- 
able competitor in the bishop of the new me- 
tropolis; for, as the emperor wished his 
Constantinople to be a new Rome, and had 
endowed it with all the privileges, honours, 
and elegances of old Rome, the bishop of 
so great a city, which was the imperial re- 
sidence, also wished to be thought every 
way equal to the bishop of old Rome in 
rank, and to have precedence of all other 
bishops. Nor did the emperors disapprove 
of this ambition, because they considered 
their own dignity as involved in that of the 
bishop of their metropolis; therefore, in the 
council of Constantinople, assembled in the 
year 38 1, by authority of the emperor Theo- 
dosius the Great, the bishop of Alexandria 
not being present, and the bishop of Rome 
being opposed to it, the bishop of Constan- 
tinople, by the third canon, was placed in 
the first rank after the bishop of Rome ; the 
bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, of 
course, to take rank after him. The bishop 
who had this honour conferred on him was 
Nectarius. Jlis successor, John Chrysos- 
torn, went further, and subjected all Thrace, 
Asia [the diocese of the western part of 
Asia Minor], and Pontus, to his jurisdic- 
tion.* The subsequent bishops of Constan- 
tinople gradually advanced their claims still 
further; but this revolution in the eccle- 
siastical government, and the sudden eleva- 
tion of the Byzantine bishop to high rank, 
to the injury of others, in the first place 

and was designed to be a general council ; it* was there- 
tore held at Sardica in Illyrieum, as accommodating 
both the East and the West ; but as most of the eastern 
bishops withdrew from it, it was rather a council of the 
West. Its decrees were not confirmed by several sub- 
sequent councils, nor received by the whole church. See 
De Marca, De Conmrdia Sacerdotii, &c. lib. vii. cap iv. 
v. xi. xii. xv. By the third canon in the Greek, or the 
fourth in the Latin translation by Isidorus, it was 
ordered that if any bishop shall think himself unjustly 
condemned, and wish for a now trial, his judges shall 
acquaint the bishop of Rome therewith, who may either 
confirm the first judgment or order a new trial before 
such of the neighbouring bishops as he may choose to 
name. The fourth canon, according to the Greek, adds 
that the see of the deposed bishop shall remain vacant, 
till the determination of the bishop of Rome is known. 
By the fifth canon, according to the Greek, and the 
seventh of Isidorus, it is ordered that if a condemned 
bishop apply to Rome for relief, the bishop of Rome 
may, if he see fit, not only order a new trial, but if the 
aggrieved bishop desire it, he may send one of his pres- 
jyters to sit and have a voice in the second trial. See 
De Marca, cap. iii. Thus these canons do not give the 
bishop of Rome even an appellate jurisdiction, but only 
;he power to decide whether an injured bishop shall 
lave a new trial. Mur. 

< See De Marca, Dim. de Const antinop. Patriar. In- 
stifutione, annexed to his work, J)e Concordia Sar.erdotii 
tom.iv. p. 163, &c. ed. Bamb. 1789; Le Quicn, Orient 
Christ, torn. i. p. 15, &c.; Parker, An Account of the 
Government <tf the Christian Church for the First Six 
Hundred Years, p, 245, Lond. 1685, 8vo. [The canon 



fired the Alexandrine prelates with resent- 
ment against those of Constantinople; and 
in the next place, it gave rise to those un- 
happy contests between the pontiffs of old 
and new Rome, which were protracted 
through several centuries with various suc- 
cess, and finally produced a separation be- 
tween the Latin and the Greek churches. 

8. The vices of the clergy, especially of 
those who officiated in large and opulent 
cities, were augmented in proportion to the 
increase of their wealth, honours, and pri- 
vileges, derived from the emperors and 
from various other sources; and that this 
increase was very great, after the time of 
Constantino, is acknowledged by all. The 
bishops had shameful quarrels among them- 
selves, respecting the boundaries of their 
sees and the extent of their jurisdiction; 
and while they trampled on the rights of 
the people and of the inferior clergy, they 
vied with the civil governors of provinces 
in luxury, arrogance, and voluptuousness. 1 
The presbyters in many places arrogated to 
themselves a dignity and authority equal to 
bishops. Of the pride and effeminacy of 
the deacons we often meet with various 
complaints. Those especially who ranked 
first among the presbyters and deacons 
were unwilling to be considered as belong- 
ing to the same order with the others, and 
therefore they not only assumed the titles 
of archpresbytcrs and archdeacons, but 
they thought themselves authorized to as- 
sume far greater liberties than were allowed 
to others. 

9. Among the eminent writers of this 
century who were an ornament to the eas- 
tern provinces and to Greece, the most 
distinguished were those whose names here 
follow. Euscbius Painphili, bishop of Ce- 
sarea in Palestine, a man of vast reading 
and erudition, and one who has acquired 
immortal fame by his labours in ecclesias- 
tical history and in other branches of theo- 
logical learning; yet he was not free from 
errors and defects, and he leaned towards 
the side of those who think there is subor- 
dination among the three persons in the 
Godhead. Some rank him among the 
Arians, but they certainly err in so doing, 
if they intend by an Arian one who embraces 
the opinions taught by Arius, the presbyter 

of the council was thus expressed: " ConstautinopoU- 
tance civitatis Ep'.scopum habere oportot ml mat Us ho* 
norem post Romanian Episcopuni, ptopt&w qui>d *U 
nota Rotna."~Mur. 

i See Sulpitf us Severus, Hist. Sacra, lib. 1. cap. xxlii. ; 
lib. ii. caps, xxxii. li. Dialog, i. cap. xx*. Add to this 
the account given by Clarkson, In his Discourse on 
Liturgies (Lond. W89, P- 18-!>, <fec ), of the extremely 
corrupt state of morals among the clergy, and, in par- 
ticular, of the eagerness of the bishops to extend the 
boundaries of their authority. 

of Alexandria. 2 Peter, bishop of Alexun- 

2 No one has with more zeal and learning accused 
Eusebius of Arianism than Le Clerc, In his Epistolie 
Hcderitmt. annexed to his Ars Critictr,Ep. ii. p. 30, &c. 
To him add Natalia Alexander, Hist. Eccles. sire. iv. 
diss. xvii All however that these and others labour 
to prove is, that Kusebius thought there was some dis- 
parity and a subordination among tho persons of the 
Godhead. Awl suppose this to have been his opinion, 
it will not follow that lie was an Arian, unless the term 
be taken in a very extensive and improper sense. It is 
to be lamented that so many abuse this term, and apply 
it to persons who, though in error, arc very far from 
holding thu opinions of Arius. [Eusebius Parnphili 
(i.Q*amici(s. 4>iAos) was born probably about the year 
270, nnd at Ca>sarea, where he spent nearly all his life. 
Till about forty years of age he lived in groat intimacy 
with the martyr Famphilus, a learned and dt-vout man 
of Ca'sarca, and founder of an extensive library there, 
from which Eusebius derived his vast stores of learning. 
Famphilus was two years in prison, during which Euse- 
bius was constantly with him. After the martyrdom 
of his friend, in the year 309, Kusebius fled tirst to Tyre 
and thence to Egypt, where he lived till the persecution 
subsided. After his return to Cjesarea about the year 
314, he was made bishop of his own city. In the year 
325 he attended the council of Nice, was appointed to 
deliver the address to the emperor on his entering the 
council, and then to ho seated at his right hand. The 
first draft of the Nicene creed was made by him, to 
which however the term o/u.oov<nos and tho anathemas 
were added by the council, and not without some scru- 
ples on the part of Kusebius. Afterwards Eusebius 
appeared to belong to a moderate party, who could not 
go all lengths with either side. About the year 3.'*0 he 
was offered tho patriarchal chair of Antioch, which ho 
refused, because the ancient customs forbade the re- 
moval of bishops from ono see to another. Ho died 
about the year 340. The opinion advanced by Mosheim, 
respecting the A nanism of Eusebius, is .supported at 
length by Socrates, among the ancients, Kcrlfs. I 
lib. ii. cap. xxi. ; and by Cave, in his Diss. de Euscbii j 
desaricn. sJrianismo, adv. Jo. Cfctirttnt f arid in his | 
EpistoUislpologct. ad eitudfinj both are annexed to bis | 
Ilist. Literar. Scrip. Ecc.lf**. Of the numerous works 
of Kusebius. the following have been preserved: 

C/tronicnn, originally in two parts ; the first a brief 
history of the origin and revolutions of all nations ; 
and the second, a full chronological table of the same 
events. Little of the original Greek remains, but we 
have the Latin translation of the second part by Jerome, 
which, with what could be gleaned of the Greek, and 
considerable additions from other ancient chroniclers, 
was published by Sealiger, 1GOG, fol. and a second ed. by 
Morns, 1G58. PM/MI ratio E niingrliM., in fifteen books, 
intended to prepare the minds of pagans to embrace 
Christianity, by showing that the pagan religions are 
absurd, and far less worthy to be received than the 
Christian. It is a learned and valuable work. Dcnum* 
stratio F.vaiigeliai in twenty books, of which the last 
ten are lost. This is an attempt to demonstrate the 
truth of the Christian religion by arguments drawn 
from the Old Testament, and was therefore intended 
especially for the Jews. It Is far less valuable than the 
former. Contrn llierocfetn, in defence of Christianity 
against the attack of that pagan philosopher. See tho 
note respecting II fancies* in page 123, above. Ilistoria 
Etrlesiagtica in ten books, from the birth of Christ to the 
death of Licinius in 324; a most valuable treasure, 
though less full and complete than could be wished. 
Kusebius was an impartial historian, and had access to 
the best helps for composing a correct hustory which 
his age afforded. See Kestner, Commentotio fie JSwebii 
Hint. Eccles. condiloris Auctontate eC Fide diplcmttHctr, 
sive de ejus Fontibus et Ratione, qua eis nsus est; Getting. 
18 1G, 4to. The l/itt. Eccle*. with the Vita C'twwtaa- 
tini, was best edited Gr. and Lat. by Valerius, Paris, 
K359 and 1671; and with improvements by Heading, 
Cambridge, 1720, 8 vols. fol. including tho other Gr. 
ecclesiastical historians namely, Socrates, Sozomen, 
Theodoret, Evagrlus, Theodorus Lector, and Philostor- 
gtus. The works of Kuseb. Socrat Sozora. and Evag. 
witli the three following, were translated into Eng- 
lish, Cambr. Ifi83, 1 vol. fol. Dt Mwiyribw J'afa- 
tin<je, usually appended to the eighth book of HtiL 
Kcdes, It gives account of the sufferers in the 



[PAIIT ii. 

dria, who is highly extolled by Eusebius. 
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, famous 
among other writings and acts, for his very 
strenuous opposition to the Arians. 8 Basil, 

East and in Egypt, during the persecution of Diocle- 
tian, A.D. 303313. De f'ita Conslttntini Magni, a 
panegyric rather than a biography. Oratio da Laudi- 
bus Conxtantini, delivered on the emperor's viccnnalia 
A.D. 335. Contra Marci'llum, composed by order o 
the council of Constantinople, 336, by which Marcellus 
was condemned as a Sabcllian ; and about a dozen other 
works of less value, besides several which have not 
reached us. Mur. [Some important additions have 
been subsequently made to the catalogue of his extant 
writings ; first by the publication at Milan, in 1816, of a 
Latin translation of his Chronicon, from an Armenian 
version, discovered at Constantinople a few years pre- 
viously; the original Armenian was published at 
Venice in 1818, by Jo. Uapt. Aucher, in 2 vols. 4to 
and more recently by the discoveries of Cardinal Mai 
in the Vatican library. These ho has published in tin. 
first and eighth volumes of that valuable work of his, 
the Scriptorum Vrterum Nova Collcctio c Vaticanis Co- 
dicilus edita, Roma, 1825-38, 10 vols. 4to. Another 
work of Eusebius in a Syrian version, was discovered 
in 1840 in an Egyptian monastery, by the Rev. H. 
Tattam, the same person to whom we owe the recovery 
of the Syrian version of the Epistles of Ignatius, for- 
merly referred to. This work has been translated into 
English by Dr. Lee of Cambridge, and published under 
the title of The Theophania, or Divine Manifestation <\f 
our Lord, &c.; Cambr. 1843, 8vo. To this work the 
editor has prefixed an elaborate Vindication of the Or- 
thodoxy and Prophetical Views qf Eusebius. Another 
vindication of this celebrated writer on a different point 
is much needed. Objections .have been made by Gib- 
bon, both in his History and in his Vindication of it, as 
well as by Waddington in his Hist, of the Church (see- 
the note appended to chap. vi. vol. i. p. 186), and by 
others, to the accuracy, impartiality, and competency 
of Eusebius as a historian. This charge, so vitally 
affecting the credit of this chief source of our know- 
ledge of ecclesiastical history, deserves and demands a 
full and careful examination, which it has not yet re- 
ceived in our literature. The way has been opened for 
its consideration by several tracts published in Germany, 
thp names of which are given in "YValch's Biblio. Pa- 
tristica, cura Dan/, p. 49, and Suppl. p. 8 ; but those 
which I have seen do not exhaust the subject. In 
addition to the translation of Eusebius's Lccles. Hint. 
mentioned above as published at Cambridge in 1683, 
which however does not include Sozomeri, and which 
has been frequently reprinted, there ore other English 
translations. One for instance in folio by Hanmer, 
published so early as 1577, and often reprinted ; and one 
in octavo by M. Cruse, an American divine, reprinted 
by Bagster (Lond. 1838) in his series of Greek Ecdes. 
Historians ; a series which includes also the Life of 
Constantino, Lond. 1845. Extracts from the Prcepar. 
Evangel, have likewise been translated by the Rev. H. 
Street, under the title of Leaves from Eusebius, Lond. 
1842, 8vo. The best edition, in the original Greek, of 
Eusebius's two historical works, and of his Evangelical 
Preparation, is by Heliiichen, Leip. 1827-30. Jl. 

1 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. ix. cap. vi. [Peter suc- 
ceeded Thomas in the chair of Alexandria in the year 
300, was imprisoned in the year 303, and whether re- 
leased or not before his martyrdom in 31 1 is uncertain. 
He is represented as a very learned, pious, and active 
bishop. Of his writings nothing remains but some rules 
respecting penance, and other points of ecclesiastical 
discipline, to be found in the collections of the ancient 
canons and decrees of councils. Mur. 

2 The accounts given of Athanasius by the oriental 
writers are collected by Renaudot, in his Hist. Patri- 
arch. Akxandrin. p. 83. All the works of Athanasius 
were splendidly published in three volumes, folio, by 
the Benedictine monk, JJernh. de Montfaucon [Paris, 
16.93. 7J.] [Athanasius was born at Alexandria about 
the year 298. He had a good education, and early 
displayed great strength of mind and uncommon 
sagacity as a disputant and a man of business. He was 
ordained a deacon in 319, and became the confidant and 
chief counsellor of his bishop Alexander, whom he ac- 
eompanied to the council of Nice in 325. In that 

council he was very active, and acquired great reputa- 
tion. In the year 326 Alexander died, and at his 
recommendation Athanasius succeeded to the see of 
Alexandria, when only twenty-seven or twenty-eight 
years old. For half a century he was the head of the 
orthodox party in the Arian controversy. This rendered 
him extfeinely odious to the Ariaiis, and involved him 
in controversy and sufferings nearly all his life. False 
accusations were raised against him, and a council was 
held at Cu'sarea, A.D. 334, before which he was sum- 
moned, but would riot appear. The next year, by 
peremptory command of the emperor Constantino, he 
appeared before the council of Tyre, and answered to 
the charges of murder, unchastity, necromancy, encou- 
raging sedition, oppressive exactions of money, and 
misuse of church property. Though his defence was 
good, he could not obtain justice, and he therefore fled 
to Constantinople, imploring the protection of the 
emperor. Here a council was assembled in 336, and a 
new charge falsely preferred against him namely, that 
he prevented the shipments of corn from Alexandria to 
Constantinople. He was unjustly condemned, and 
banished to Treves in Belgium. Anus died that year, 
and Constantino the Great the year following. In the 
year 338, the sons of Constantino allowed Athanasius 
to return to Alexandria. He immediately began to 
displace Arians, and to recall the churches to the faith. 
Disturbances ensued, Athanasius was again accused, 
and made application to the bishop of Rome for aid. In 
341, the council of Antioch decreed that no bishop who 
had been deposed by a council ought ever to return to 
his see ; and on this ground the see of Alexandria was 
declared vacant, and one Gregory of Cappadocia ap- 
pointed to .it. Gregory took forcible possession, and 
Athanasius fled to Rome for protection. A provincial 
council held there acquitted him on all the charges of 
his adversaries ; and three years after, A.n. 344, a much 
larger council held at Sardica did the same. In 347, 
after an exile of seven or eight years, Athanasius was 
permitted by the Arian emperor Constantius to return 
to his see. But in 350, on the death of Constant?, he 
was again accused and persecuted. Constantius caused 
him to be condemned in a council at Aries in 3f>4, and 
at the council of Milan in 355. Athanasius concealed 
himself at Alexandria two years, and then retired among 
th'j hermits of Egypt till the death of Constantius in 
.361. In this retirement he wrote most of his best 
works. On the accession of Julian in 361, he returned 
to his flock. But two years after, the pagans, joining 
the Arians, induced Julian to banish him again. But 
Julian died the same year, and Athanasius returned 
immediately to his see. In the year 367, the Arian 
emperor Valens made some attempts to remove him, 
but without success. Ho died A.D. 373, aged about 
seventy-five, having been a bishop forty-six years. He 
was truly a great man, a good bishop, and a most able, 
persevering, and successful defender of the orthodox 
faith in respect to the Trinity. His works are chiefly 
controversial, and in relation to that one doctrine. 
They consist of numerous letters and tracts, together 
with some brief expositions of the Scriptures, and a 
life of St. Anthony. His four Orations or Discourses 
against the Arians, and his Discourse against the 
pagans, which are his largest works, were translated 
nto English by Parker, and printed at Oxford, 1713, 2 
vols. 8vo. But a great number of letters, tracts, com- 
ments, and narratives, the production of subsequent 
ages, are falsely ascribed to him and printed with hi* 
works. Among these, beyond all question, is the creed, 
Quirunque milt, falsely called the Athanasian Creed. 
See Cave, Hist. Liter, i. p. 189; Oudin, De Scriptor. 
Kecks, torn. i. p. 312; Fabricius, Biblio. Grtec. vol. v. 
p. 297; Montfaucon, Prof, ad Opp. Athanasii; and 
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch vol. xif. pages 93252, 
Mur. [To these may be added the most recent work, 
believe, on this father, to wit, MShler, Athanasius der 
Orosse. v. die Kirche seiner Zelt besonders im Rampfe mil 
d. Arianismus; Montz, 1827-28, 2 vola. 8vo. In addition 
o the translation of his four orations mentioned above, 
iis life of St. Anthony was translated by D. 8. Lond. 
697; his treatise on the Incarnation of the Word, by 
Whiston, and published in his Anc. Monuments relating 
the Trinity, fcc. ; Lond. 1718 ; and vols. vlii. and 
. of the Oxford Library of the Fathers, contain 
ran&lations of A than a si us' s Select Treatises against the 
Arians, and voL xiii. his Historical Tracts. A few 
miscellaneous extracts from his writings, with his life, 
lay be seen in The, Book of the Fathers, Lond, 1837. j 

CHAP ii.] 


surnamccl the Great, bishop of Caesarea [in 
Cappadocia], who was inferior to few of 
this century in felicity of genius, skill in 
debate, and eloquence. 1 Cyrillus, bishop 
of Jerusalem, has left us some catechetical 
discourses which he delivered at Jerusalem, 
but many suspect him of intimacy with the 
semi-Arians. 2 John, for his eloquence sur- 

Thero is an excellent life of this eminent father in 
Smith's Diet, of Greek and Rom. Biog. from the pen 
of one whose untimely and lamented death on board 
the steamer, in 1843, suddenly closed his valu- 
able contributions to that work, and plunged all who 
had the privilege of being acquainted with him into the 
deepest sorrow I allude to the Rev. .T. Morell Macken- 
zie, Tutor in the Independent Theological Seminary at 
Glasgow, whom I had the happiness of knowing for too 
short a time ; and whose extensive erudition and genu- 
ine piety, united to the most obliging and the most 
amiable dispositions, never failed to ensure him the 
cordial respect and esteem of all who knew him. It, 

1 His works are published by the Benedictine monk, 
Julian Gamier, Paris (J721 1730) 3 vols. fol. [Basil 
was horn at C.-esarea in Cappadocia, about A.D. 3'29, and 
died archbishop of that church A.D. 379, a't. fifty. His 
first instruction in religion was from his grandmother, 
Marina, a hearer and admirer of Gregory Thaumatur- 
gus. His father, whose name was Basil, instructed him 
in the liberal arts. Thence he went to Constantinople 
or to Cicsarea in Palestine, and studied under Libanius, 
the philosopher and rhetorician. Next ho studied at 
Athena, having Gregory Naz. and Julian the apostate 
for fellow-students. In the year 355 he returned to 
Cappadocia, taught rhetoric a short time, and then 
retired for thirteen years to a monastery in Pontus. 
From this time he became a most rigid ascetic, and a 
very zealous monk. He founded several monasteries, 
and composed rules and regulations for monks. In 303 
he was called to Ctcsarea and ordained a presbyter ; the 
next year, falling out with his bishop Euscbius, he re- 
tired to his monastery, but was soon recalled by the 
bishop. He was now a very popular and efficient 
preacher. On the death of archbishop Eusebius, in the 
year 370, Basil was raised to tho archiepiscopal chair. 
He still dressed and lived like a monk, but was a most 
active and efficient bishop. He died triumphantly on 
the 1st of January, 379. Eulogies of him were com- 
posed by Gregory Na/.. Gregory Nysscn (who was his 
brother), Rphr.em Syrus, and Amphilochius. He was 
an elegant writer and a good reasoner. His works 
which remain are numerous, consisting of near a hun- 
dred discourses, sermons, and homilies, three hundred 
and sixty-five epistles, various ascetic tracts, controver- 
sial pieces, a liturgy* c. One of his best pieces is his 
treatise on the person and oilices of the Holy Spirit. 
He is unequal in his performances, and comes much 
short of Chrysostom as an orator. Yet his enthusiasm, 
his flexibility of stylo, and his clear and cogent reason- 
ing, notwithstanding the gloomy austerity of his mo- 
nastic character, entitle him to that high rank among 
tho ancient clergy which has ever been assigned him. 
See Hermant, Vic de S. Barile le Grand, ft cr/le da S. 
Gregoire de Nazmnze, Paris, 167!), 2 vols. 4to; Fa- 
bricfus, BiMiottt. Gr. vol. viii. p. GO, &c.; Gamier, Vita 
tit. flttgilii, prefixed to the third vol. of his Opp. Rasilii, 
Parts, 1730; and Schroeckh, Kirc/umgexch. vol. xiii. 
pages 1211; Manor's Church History, cent. iv. chap, 
xxiii. For his character as a pulpit orator, see Kschen- 
berg, Gesch. di-r Rcliirionsvortrag, pages 150 162, Jena, 
17*5, 8vo; and .T. W. Schmidt. -Ankitunff zum Popu- 
ldr<>n Kanzaloortrag, pt. iii. pages 8790, ed. 2 ; Jena> 
1800, 8vo.Mur. [It should have been stated that the 
(jfixt edition of his works is tho Benedictine, referred to 
in the beginning of this note. Indeed, wherever there 
is a Benedictine edition of the works of a father, it is 
invariably to be preferred. I know but of one exception, 
in the case of Jerome's works ; for certainly that by 
Vallarsi is superior to the Benedictine. Specimens of 
Basil's style of writing may be seen in Boyd's Select 
Postage* &c. 2d. edit.; Lond. 1810, p. 220, &c.; and in 
The Book of the Fathers already referred to. R. 

* The later ed''t;ons of his works are, in England , by 
Milles (.Oxford, ITO't, fol.], and in France, by the lie 

named Chrysostom, a man of genius, who 
presided over the church of Antioch and 
that of Constantinople, and has l*>tt us va- 
rious specimens of his erudition, among 
which his public discourses which he deli- 
vered with vast applause, stand conspi- 
cuous. 3 Epiphanius, bishop of Salamina 

nedictine August. Touttee [Paris, 1720, fol.] [Cyril Is 
supposed to have been born at Jerusalem about the year 
315. He was made deacon in the church of Jerusalem 
about A.D. 335, and presbyter perhaps three years after. 
On the death of Maximus, tho bishop Cyril was raised 
to the episcopal chair. But the Arian controversy, and 
his contest with Acacius of Caesarea respecting the 
priority of their episcopal sees, caused him to be twice 
deposed (A.D. 357 or 358, and 360), and to be expelled 
from his see by the emperor Valens in 3G7. But ho 
returned after short intervals to his charge ; and from 
379, sat peaceably in his chair till his death, A.D. 38G. 
He appears to have been truly orthodox, though not 
disposed to go to extremes. (Theodoret, Hist. Kecks. 
lib. ii. cap. xxvi.; and lib. v. cap. ix.) Of his works, 
we have twenty-ti) ree Lectures to Catechumens, which, 
though written when Cyril was a young man and only 
a presbyter, about the year 348 or 349, are an invaluable 
treasure to us, as they arc the most complete system of 
theology, and most circumstantial account of the rites 
of the church, which have reached us from so early an 
age. They are plain, didactic treatises, well adapted to 
the object for which they were written. See Tzschir- 
ner, DC Claris Vet. Oratoribtt*, Lips. 1821, 4to. 
Besides these lectures, a letter of his to the emperor 
Constantius, giving account of a marvellous appear- 
ance of a luminous cross in the heavens A.I>. 351, and a 
discourse he delivered at Tyre, are preserved. See Cave, 
Hist. Liter.; Touttee, preface to Cyril's Works; and 
Schroeckh, Kirc/iciig<w/i. vol. xii. pages 343 444. 
Mur. [The only work of Cyril which has been trans- 
lated into English is his Catechetical Lectures, forming 
the second volume of the Oxford Library of tho Fathers. 

3 For the best edition of the entire works of this movt 
elegant and gifted man, in eleven [thirteen] large folio 
volumes, we are indebted to the industry of Bernh. do 
Montfaucon, Paris, 1718-38. [John Chrysostom was 
the son of a respectable militai'y gentleman of Antioch 
in Syria, named Secundus. Ho was born in the year 
354 [this date is rejected by Schroeckh, Montfaucon, and 
others ; it ought to be either 347 or 351 or 2. R .] and 
lost his father in his childhood. Early discovering 
marks of uncommon genius, his mother Anthusa, a 
pious and excellent woman, procured for him the best 
instructors in all branches of learning. After spending 
three years under the religious instruction of Meletius, 
tho bishop of Antioch, he attended tho schools of Li- 
banius in rhetoric, of Andragathiaa in philosophy, and 
of Carterius and Uiodorus (afterwards bishop of Tyre), 
in sacred literature, who taught him to construe tho 
Scriptures literally. Distinguished as a scholar, he was 
also early pious; and about the age of twenty, em- 
bracing a monastic life, he retired to the mountains 
and spent four years in tho society of an aged hermit, 
and two years more in a solitary cave. Nearly worn 
out by his austerities, he was obliged to return to An- 
tioch, where he was made a deacon in 381, and com- 
menced author at the ago of twenty-six. Five years 
after he was ordained a presbyter, and began to preach. 
During twelve years he wrote and delivered an immense 
number of sermons, orations, and homilies. In the 
year 398 he was made patriarch of Constantinople, and 
in that station laboured and preached incessantly. But 
his life was too austere, and his preaching too pungent, 
and his discipline too strict, for that corrupt metropo- 
lis. The empress, the lax clergy, and many courtiers 
combined against him. In the year 403 he was sum- 
moned before an irregular council, to answer to forty- 
six frivolous or false charges, and refusing to appear ho 
was condemned, deposed, and banished for contumacy. 
But his people were so tumultuous that his enemies 
were compelled to recall him. The next year, however, 
A.D. 404, he was forcibly removed to Cucusus in Arme- 
nia, to the unspeakable pi'iet of all flood men. Mere he 
suffered extremely, his health failed, and being removed 




in Cyprus, has described the various sects 
of Christians as far down as his own time, 
in a large volume, which however contains 
many defects and misrepresentations, aris- 
ing from the credulity and ignorance of the 

author. 1 Gregory of Nazianzus and Gre- 
gory of Nyssa obtained much renown among 
the theologians and disputants of this cen- 
tury, and their works show that they were 
not unworthy to be held in estimation. 2 

to Pityu8 in Colchis, he died on the road thither, the 
14th of September, 407, aged fifty-two years and eight 
months. For overpowering popular eloquence, Chry- 
to.stoni had no equal among tho fathers. His discourses 
show an inexhaustible richness of thought and illustra- 
tion, of vivid conception, and striking imagery. Ills 
stylo is elevated, yet natural and clear. Ho transfuses 
his own glowing thoughts and emotions into all his 
hearers, seemingly without effort, and without the power 
of resistance. Yet he is sometimes too florid, he uses 
false ornaments, ho accumulates metaphors and illus- 
trations, and carries both his views and his figures too 
far. The spirit of the man, and some idea of his style, 
may be learned from the following literal translation of 
a paragraph in one of his private letters to a friend, 
written during his exile : " When driven from the city 
1 cared nothing for it. But I said to myself, if the em- 
press wishes to banish me, let her banish me : the earth 

| is the Lord's and the fulness thereof. If she would 
saw me in sunder, let her saw me in sunder : I have 
Isaiah for a pattern. If she should plunge me in tho 
sea, I remember Jonah. If she would thrust me into 
tho fiery furnace, I soe tho three children enduring 
that. If she would cast me to wild beasts, I call to 
mind Daniel in the den of lions. If she would stone 
me, lot her stono me I have before me Stephen the 
protomartyr. If she would take my head from me, let 

J her take it I have John the Baptist. If she would 
deprive me of my worldly goods, let her do it naked 
came I from my mother's womb, and naked shall I re- 
turn. An apostle has told me, 'God respecteth not 
man's person ;' and, ' If 1 yet pleased men, 1 should not 
be tho servant of Christ.' And David clothes me with 
armour, saying, ' I will speak of thy testimonies before 
kings, and will not be ashamed.' " The works ot 
Ohrysostom (including some falsely ascribed to him) 

I consist of about three hundred and fifty sermons and 
orations on a great variety -of subjects and occasions ; 
about six hundred and twenty homilies or exegetical 
discourses, on different books of tho Old and New Tes- 
taments, and about two hundred and fifty letters; 
together with several tracts on rnonastieism, and n 
treatise on the Priesthood. There is also a Liturgy 
which bears his name, being that used at Constantino- 
ple, and which perhaps received some alterations from 
his hand. For an account of his life and writings, see 
Cave, Hist. Liter.; Tillemont, Menwfrcs d t'Hixt. 
Eccfes. tomo xi. pages 1--40!>, 647626; Schroeckh, 
Kirchimgesch. vol. x. pages 245490 ; Montfaucon, 
Opp. Chrysost. torn. xiii. pages 1177. For the sen- 
timents, character, and influence of tho man, see Nea ri- 
der's Johann-c.t C/trysosfomus ttnd die Klrehc in desxcn 
ZfiMler, Berlin, 1K21-22, 2 vols. 8vo. Mur. [Several 
of his works have been translated into English. Two 
of his treatises appeared in Knglish about the middle of 
the IGth century. His Golden Bonk on the education 
of children, translated by Evelyn, Lond. lGf>9; Compa- 
nion for the Penitent, by Veneer, Lond. 172fl; On the 
Priesthood, by Hollier, Lond. 172H; by Bunco, Lond. 
1759, and recently by Marsh, 1844 ; select homilies and 
specimens of his extraordinary eloquence are given in 
Boyd's 8el?rt Postages, &c. and in the Hoofc <\f the F>t- 

\ thtrs. And in the Oxford Library of the Fathers, vols. 
ii. and xv. contains his Homilies on Matthew ; vol. vij. 
those on Roman* ; vols. iv. and v. on 1st Corinthians; 
vol. vi. on Galatians and Evhcsians ; vol. xiv. on Phi- 
lippians, Colossians, mid 'Jnrssalotrians; vol. xii. on 
Timothy, Titus , and Philemon ; and vol. ix. his Homi- 
lies on the StatufS, as they are called. I may add that 
Neanders valuable life has been translated into English 
by J. C. Stapleton. but only the first volume has yet 
appeared, Lond. 1H:W. The* student ought to read Mil- 
tiers account of this father in his Hint, of the Church. 
cent, v.chap. i. vol. ii. p. 279, &c. ; and that gtven from 
a wholly different point of view by Milman in his flist 
of Christ, vol. iii. p. 20H, &c. There is also an 
sketch of bis life in the American Itibliotheca Sacra, 
vol. i. p. 069. For Chrysosiom's character as an ex- 
positor of Scripture^ see 1) avidspn's Sawed llermeneu- 
'', p. 1U>.~- It. 

1 II is works, with a Latin translation and notes, were 
published by the Jesuit Petavius [Paris, 1(>22, 2 vols. 
fol. and Cologne (Lips.) 1G82.] His life is given in a 
good si/.ed volume by Gervasius, Paris, 1738, 4to. 
[Epiphaniusof Jewish extract was born at Be/anduca, 
a village near Eleutheropolis, about twenty miles from 
Jerusalem, abont the year 310. He became a monk in 
early life, visited Egypt, fell into the toils of the Gnos- 
tics, escaped, was intimate with St. Anthony ; and 
returning to Palestine In his twentieth year, about 330, 
became a disciple of Hilarion, established a monastery 
near his native village called Ancient Ad, where he 
lived more than thirty years. lie read much, and was 
ordained a presbyter over his monastery. In the year 
3G7 he was made archbishop of Constantia (formerly 
Salatnis) in Cyprus, but still lived by monastic rules. 
He engaged in all the controversies of the times, was 
an active and popular bishop for thirty-six years, and 
regarded as a great saint and worker of miracles. In 
37G he was at Antioch on the Apollinarian heresy, arid 
382, at Rome on the Meletian controversy. He had a 
long and fierce contest with John bishop of Jerusalem 
respecting Origenism, which he regarded with strong 
abhorrence. His friend Theophilus, bishop of Alexan- 
dria, having expelled some monks from Egypt, on the 
charge of Origenism, in the year 401, Epiphanius held 
a provincial council of the bishops of Cyprus against 
that error ; and as the expelled monks fled to Constan- 
tinople, Epiphanius followed them in 402, intending to 
coerce Chrysostom into a condemnation of those monks 
and of Origenism. But his enterprise wholly failed, 
and he died on his way home, A.D. 403 [402?], aged 
above ninety years. He became an author when turned 
of sixty. Ill* first work, dnchoratui (The Anchor), 
was written A.D. 374, to teach the world genuine 
Christianity, in opposition to the prevailing and espe- 
cially the Arian heresies. Soon after he composed his 
great work [Panarinm] contra Octoginta Horn-sex . He 
also made an epitome of this work, and wrote a treatise 
on (Scripture) Weights and Measures, a Letter to John 
bishop of Jerusalem, another to Jerome, and some other 
works of little value. It is said he understood five lan- 
guagesHebrew, Syriac, Egyptian, Greek, and Latin. 
Ilia learning was great, his judgment rash, and his 
credulity and mistakes very abundant See Cave, Hist. 
Liter, pages 231 234; and Schroeckh, Kirchvngesch. 
vol. x. pages 1 100. Mur. 

* Tolerable editions of the writings of both these men 
were published in France, during the seventeenth cen- 
tury ; but better editions are anticipated from the 
Benedictines. [After long delay, the first volume of 
the expected Benedictine edition of Gregory Nnzian- 
xen's works appeared at Paris, 1778, by Clemencet, 
large fol. [but -no additional volume has since appeared. 
Ii.} Of the old editions, the beat is that of Billius, Gr. 
and Lat. Paris, 1G09, 1630, and Cologne (Lips.) 1G90, 2 
vols. fol. His works, as here published, consist of 
about fifty orations or sermons, near two hundred and 
fifty epistles, and about one hundred and forty poems. 
Besides these, Muratori has published two hundred and 
twenty-eight epigrams and short poems of his, in his 
Anccdotn Gr. pages 1 lid, Petav. 1709, 4to. Some of 
the orations are violent attacks upon Arians and others, 
many others are eulogies on his friends and on monks, 
and a few are discourses on practical subjects. Of the 
poems, one of the longest is an account of his own life. 
Most of them were written after he retired from public 
life and are of a religious character, but of no great 
merit as specimens of genius. As an orator, Gregory 
Naz. is considered superior to Hasil for strength and 
grandeur. He also possessed a fertile imagination. But 
he has little method, and he abounds in false ornament. 
He was born about the year 325. His father, who was 
also named Gregory, was bishop of Nazianziig in Cap- 
padocia for about forty-five years, from A.D. 329 to 374. 
His mother Nonna, like tho mother of Samuel, devoted 
her son to the Lord before he was born. His education 
was begun at Csesarea in Cappadocia, continued at 
Cwsarca in Palestine and at Alexandria, and completed 
at Athens at the age of thirty, A.D. 355. HP was at 



But after ages would have prized them 
higher if they had been less attached to 
Origenism, and more free from the false 
eloquence of the sophists. Amon<j the Sy- 
rians, Ephraom has given immortality to his 
name by the sanctity of his lifeand by a great 
number of writings, in which he confutes 
heretics, explains the Scriptures, and treats 
of religious duties. 1 Among those of whom 

Athens about five years* and there commenced that in- 
timacy with Basil the Great which lasted through life. 
On his return to Naaianzus in 356, he was baptized, 
and betook himself to a retired and studious life, for 
which he always manifested a strong predilection. In 
30'1 his father compelled him to receive ordination as a 
presbyter, and the next year he preached his first ser- 
mon. On the death of Julian, who had been his 
fellow-student at Athens, he composed two invectives 
against him. His friend archbishop Basil, in the year 
372, offered him the bishopric of Sasima, which he re- 
fused with indignation on account of his aversion to 
public life. Yet he afterwards consented to be ordained 
as assistant to his aged father, on condition of not being 
obliged to succeed him. Soon after the deatli of his 
father in 374, ho retired to Seleucia and spent three 
years in obscurity. In 379, being pressed beyond the 
power of resistance, he went to Constantinople to 
preach to the remnant of the orthodox there. His suc- 
cess in converting Arians was here very great; and ho 
was so popular that the general council of Constanti- 
nople and the emperor Theodosius constrained him to 
accept tha patriarchal chair of that metropolis. But 
before the council rose, it being objected to him that it 
was irregular for a bishop to be transferred from one 
see to another, he gladly resigned. Returning to Na- 
y.ianzum, he discharged the episcopal functions there 
for a short time. But in 383 he retired altogether from 
public life, and after about seven years spent chiefly in 
writing religious poetry, he closed his life about A. i>. 409. 
See Cave, Hist. Liter.; and Schroeckh, Kirchengcsch. vol. 
xiii. pages 'JGS 458. Gregory, bishop of Nyssa in Cap- 
padocia, and younger brother of Basil the Great, was 
probably born about 331, at C&sarca in Oappadocia. Of 
j his early education littlo is known, llo was no monk, 
! and at first averse from the ministry. He was made bishop 
I oi' Nyssa in Cappadocia, about the year 37'2. But soon 
after ho was driven from his see by the persecution of the 
Arians, and for several years travelled from place to 
place. In 378 he returned to his see. Afterwards he was 
much employed on councils, and was greatly esteemed 
by the orthodox. The council of Antioch, in 379, ap- 
pointed him to visit the churches in Arabia, and restore 
order there. On his way he visited Jerusalem, and was 
disgusted with the profligate morals there. In the year 
38 L, he wrote his principal work against Eunomius the 
i Arian, which procured him great reputation. Atthcge- 
; neral council of Antioch, in the same year, he is reported 
to have made the new draft of the Niccno creed, which 
was afterwards universally adopted by the orthodox. 
He was also at the council of Constantinople in 394, and 
probably died not long after. He was a man of consider- 
able acumen, a /ealous polemic, and an extravagant 
orator. His works consist of polemic discourses and 
treatises, orations, eulogies, letters, and homilies ; and 
were published Gr. and Lat. by F. lc Due, Paris, 1615, 
2 vols. fol. to which Gretser added a third vol. Paris, 
! 16 1 8. The three vols. were reprinted, but less correctly, 
i Paris, 1638, fol. A better edition has long been desired. 
I See Cave, Hist. Liter.; and Schroeckh, Kirclumgtgch. 
\ vol. xiv. pages 3147. Mur. [Some specimens of the 
eloquence of these twoGregories may be seen in Boyd's 
Scfac! Passages* &c. and the Hookoftha Fathers. Ample 
references to the numerous works relative to their his- 
tory and writings, are given by Danz in his Walch'8 
Jiillio. Patritttcui and full biographies of both may be 
seen in Smith's DM. o,f Greek and Rom. Jiiogr. With 
these accounts ought to be compared Milner's views of 
their character, in cent. iv. chap. xx. and xxiv. of his 
Hut. qf the Church. On Gregory Nazianzen and his 
noetic talent, see JVluman's oj Christ, vol. iii. p. 
196, ,te. For their character and merits as biblical inter- 
preters, sec Davidson's Sacred Hermeneutict, p. 1 1C K. 
I An elaborate account is given of him by Asscman- 

but few works have reached us arc Pum- 
philus, the martyr and intimate friend of 
Eusebius, 8 Diodorus of Tarsus, 3 Hosius of 
Corduba, 4 Eustathius of Antioch, 5 Didymus 

in his Biblioth. Orient. Vatic, torn. i. p. 24, &c. Tho 
English published several of his works in Greek at 
Oxford [by Edw. Thwaites, 1709, fol.]. The same were 
published in a Latin translation by Vossiua [Rome, 
158997, 3 vols. fol,] His works were published in 
Syriac a few years since at Rome, by Asseman. [Six 
vols. in All; vol. i. ii. iii. Gr. and Lat. 1732-43-46; vol. 
iv. v. vi. Syriac and Lat. 1737 40-43. fol. Ephram 
Syrus, a monk and deacon of the church at Nisibis in 
northern Syria, was born and spent his whole life in 
and near that city. When elected bishop there, he 
feigned himself deranged, and absconded to avoid pro- 
motion. He was a most ardent devotee of monkery, a 
man of genius, and a prolific writer. His works con- 
sist of essays and sermons, chiefly on the monastic and 
moral virtues, commentaries on nearly the whole Bible, 
and hymns and prayers. A few of his essays arc 
polemic. All his works were written in Syriac, and 
were so popular in Syria as to be road in public after 
the Scriptures ; and being early translated into Greek, 
were held in high estimation in that age. It is said his 
lymns and prayers are still used in the Syriac churches. 
Eie died A.D, 378. See Jerome, dc Scriptor. Illuitr. cup. 
cxv. Sozomon, Hist. Kecks, lib. iii. cap. xvi. Theodo- 
ret, Hist. Ecclcs. ii. cap. xxx. and iv. 29 ; Schroeckh, 
Kirc/ientfcsch. vol viii. 253, &c. and xv. 527, Kc. Mil- 
er's Church History, cent. iv. chap. xxi. Mur 
] Selections from his writings, with a life, are given in the 
Hook of the Fathers. l)anz refers to two recent works 
by C. A. Lengerke, published the one at Halle, in 1H28, 
and the other at Kbnigsberg in 1831, on the character 
of this father as an interpreter of Scripture. Sco 
Walch's Jtiblio. Patrist. ed. Danz. p. 460 R. 

2 Pamphilus, a presbyter of Coesarea in Palestine, was 
born at Berytus, studied under Pierius of Alexandria, 
and spent his life at Ctcsarea. He was a learned, bene- 
volent, and devout man, and a great promoter of 
theological learning. lie procured an immense theolo- 
gical library, which he gave to the church of Caisarea. 
Most of the works of Origen he transcribed with his 
own hand, .and particularly the corrected copy of the 
Septuagint in Origen's Hexapla. One of these tran- 
scripts, P. 1). II net states is still in the possession of 
the Jesuits of Clermont. He wrote a vindication and 
biography of Origen in five books, to which Eusebius 
added a sixth. The whole are lost except a Latin 
translation of book first made by Ruflnus. During the 
persecution he was imprisoned two years, and then put 
to death. Eusebius, his great admirer, wrote his life, 
which is lost. See Jerome, DC Scriptor. Illustr. cap. 
Ixxvii. Euscbius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. xxxii. Cave, 
Hist. t Liter. Mur. 

3 Diodorus or Theodorus, bishop of Tarsus, was head 
of a monastic school and presbyter at Antioch, where 
he had Chrysostom for a pupil. He became bishop of 
Tarsus in 378, sat in the general council at Constanti- 
nople 381, and was succeeded at Tyro by Phalerius A.D. 
394. He was a learned man, and a voluminous though 
not an elegant writer. None of his works remains 
entire, but abstracts and mimerous extracts are pre- 
served by Photius and others. See Suidas, voce 
Ai65wpos, Socrates, H. K. vi. 3.; Sozornen, H. E. viii. 
2; Theodoret, //. K. iv. 25. ; Jerome, dc Scriptor. 
Ulustr. cap. cxix.; Cave, Hist. Lil<*r\ Fabricius, Bib- 
liolh. Gr. vol. vfii. p. 358, &c. ; Tillemont, Memoirs* 
d I'Hist. Eccles. torne viii. p. 558, &c. 802, &c.; 
Schroeckh, Kirchcngnsch. vol. x. pages 247251.- 

4 Hosius, bishop of Corduba in Spain, was born about 
the middle of the preceding century, became a bishop 
before the end of it, and sat in the council of llliberis 
A.!>. 305. He was chief counsellor in ecclesiastical 
affairs to Constantino the Great, who summoned him 
to the council of Aries in 314, and sent him to Egypt to 
settle the religious disputes of that country in 324. He 
stood at the head of the council of Nice in 325, and 
presided in that of Sardica in 347. By the Arian coun- 
cil of Sirmium, 356, he was banished, when near a 
hundred years old ; and, unable to resist, he now signed 
an artfully drawn Arian creed, and died A.D. 361, having 
lived more than a hundred years, and been a bishop 



[PART n. 

of Alexandria 1 , Ampliilochius of Iconium,* 
Palladius, author of the Lausiac History,* 

during about seventy. Nothing written by him re- 
mains, except an epistle to tho emperor Constant.! us, 
preserved by Athanasius in 1m Hut. Arum. ad. Mona- 
chon. Sec Cave, Hist. Liter. ; Til lemon t, AMmoirc* a 
r Hist. Eccles. tome vii. pages 300321; and Fabric! us, 
Biblioth. Or. voL vill. p. 89. Mur. 

5 Eustathius, a native of Side in Pamphylia, was 
bishop of JJanca (now Aleppo) in Syria, and promoted 
to the patriarchate of Antioch by the council of Nice, 
A.I). 325. He had previously distinguished himself as 
an opposer of Arianisin, and in that council he acted a 
conspicuous part. This, together with his work contra 
Arianot, rendered him extremely obnoxious to tho 
abettors of Arianism, who procured his condemnation 
In one of their councils about the year 330. Eustathius 
appealed in vain to the emperor, Constantino the Great ; 
he was banished to Trajanopolis in Thrace, where he 
died about the year 300. The only entire works of his 
now extant, are his treatise on the witch of Endor, in 
opposition to Origen, and a short, address to the em- 
peror, delivered at the council of Nice. These, together 
with a treatise on tho Hfixaumeron which is ascribed 
to him. were published by Leo Allatius, Lyons, 1029, 
4to. What remains of his work against the Arians 
was published by Fabricius, JHMiot/i. Gr. vol. viii. p. 
170, c. Ho was highly esteemed by the orthodox of 
his times. See Jerome, <tt> Srritifnr. JUustr. pap. Ixxxv. 
Chrysostorn, Laudatio Eustathii, Opp. Chrysost. torn, 
ii. p. G03 ; Athanasius, Epist. id Solitarifu ; Cave, 
Hut. Liter. Du Tin, Jtibliuth. drs Atiteum Eccffa. vol. 
iii.; Fabricius, nit tujmi, p. 1GG, c.; and Schroeckh, 
Kirchrngctch. vol. v. p. 27. r >, &c Mur. 

I Didymus, a learned monk of Alexandria, and head 
of tho catcehetic school there, was the preceptor of 
Jerome and Kutinus. lie lost his eyesight when young, 
yet became very conspicuous as a scholar and a theolo- 
gian. He was born about the year 311, and was alive 
A.D. 302, then more than eighty-three years old. Of 
his numerous works only three have reached us 
namely, De Spiritu Sancto, preserved in a Latin trans- 
lation of Jerome (inter Opp. Hiirmtymii torn. iv. pt. i. 
p. 393, Sic.), Scholia on (he canonical Epjstks, also in 
a Latin translation. Both these are given in the Bil>- 
Ihtth. Patr. torn. v. pag. 320, 338. ddwrxus Manic/ucnt ; 
Gr. and Lat. in Combetis, Auctarinm noviss. HiMioth. 
Patr. pt. ii. p. 21, &c. See Jerome, Da Script or. JUustr. 
cap. cix. and Cave, Hist. Liter. Mnr. 

* Amphlloehius, after t>cing a civil magistrate, and 
living a while with Basil and Gregory Naz. in their 
monastery, was made bishop of Iconium in Lycaonia 
about the year 370 or 37f>. He sat in the second general 
council at Constantinople A.D. 381; and in the same 
year was appointed by the emperor Thcodosius inspector 
of the clergy in the diocese of Asia. Tie probably died 
A.D. 3!)5. Ten short pieces, chiefly orations, and various 
fragments, were published as his works, though most of 
them aro of dubious origin, by Combefis, Gr. and Lat. 
Paris, 1644, fol. including the works of Methodius Pa- 
terensisand Andreas Cretensis. See Fabric! us, Biblioth. 
Gr. vol. vii. pages 500507; Oudin, Comment, de Sn-ipt. 
Kcclct. torn. ii. p. 216, &c. 4 Cave, Hist. Liter.; and 
Schroeckh, Ktrchcnffe.trk. vol. xii. pages 67 70. Mur. 

3 Palladius of Galatia, born A.D. 368, at the age of 
twenty went to Egypt to get a practical knowledge of 
monkery. After residing there several years, his health 
failed and he returned to Palestine, still leading a mo- 
nastic life. In the year 400, going to Bithynia, Chry- 
sostom ordained hinfbishop of Ilelenopolis, which he 
afterwards exchanged for Aspona in Galatia. After 
the fall of Chrysostom in 404, Pallndius was banished, 
and died in exile about A.D. 431. His great work was 
composed about the year 420, and contains the history 
of the principal monks of his own times, with many of 
whom he was personally acquainted. Being written at 
the request of Lausus, the emperor's lord of the bed- 
chamber, it was called Historin Lausiaca. It is the 
honest statement of a credulous monk who almost 
adored the heroes of his storv. Several Latin editions 
have been published. In Greek it appeared at Leyden, 
1016, 4to; and Gr. and Lat. in the Auctar. Biblioth. 
Patr. Paris, 1624, torn. ii. pages 893 1053, fol.; and 
In Ktblioth. Patr. Paris, 1624, torn. xiii.Some other 
works are ascribed to him. See Fabricius, Biblioth, 
Gr. vol. is. p. 2, &c.; Du Pin, Biblioth. des Auteurs 

Marcarius, senior and junior, 4 Apollinaris 
senior, 6 and a few others, 6 are most fre- I 

&c.; Cave, Hist. Liter.; Tillemont, Mcmm're* d FHi*t, 
Ecdfa. torn. xi. p. 500, &c. Mur. [See a full account 
of him in Smith's Diet, of Grctk and Horn, liiogr. vol. 
iii. p. y.~/f. 

4 Maearius senior or the Great, called the Egyptian 
Macarius, a native of Thcbais, was born A.D. 302, early 
addicted himself to a monastic life, at the age of 
thirty retired to the wilderness of Scetis and the moun- 
tains, Nitria, where he lived a hermit for sixty years, and 
died at the age of ninety, A.D. 391. Much is related of 
his austerities, his virtues, his wisdom, and his miracles. 
To him arc ascribed seven ojnucula and fifty homilies 
or discourses upon practical and experimental religion; 
edited last by Pritius, Gr. and Lat. Lips. 1714, 2 vols. 
in one, 12mo. Macarius junior, called the Alexan- 
drian Macarius, because he was born and spent the 
first part of his life at Alexandria, was contemporary 
with Macarius senior, with whom he is often con- 
founded. He was born about A.D. 304, pursued traffic 
some years, became a monk, retired to the wilderness of 
Scetis, was baptized at forty, became a presbyter, headed 
a numerous band of monks in the mountains of Nitria, 
and died about A.T>. 404, aged one hundred years, lie 
was no less distinguished for his virtues and his 
miracles than the other Macarius. But the elder Ma- 
carius was unsocial, especially with strangers, whereas 
the younger was very aflable and often visited the city 
of Alexandria, whence lie was called TroAtriwo?, the 
citizen. The younger wrote nothing but a single letter 
to his disciples.