DEDICATED
TO THE LOVING MEMORY OF MY
Grandmother
Nistarini Devi,
Grandfather
Moti Lai Ghose,
Father
Nritya Gopal Dutt,
A I .it-tie Son Amiva Gopal,
PREFACE
I cannot help a little egoism in this foreword. I was born
under the roof where Babu Moti Lai Ghose was working on
a day (28th October, 1897) exactly 50 years after he was born
(28th October, 1847). I lived with him under the same roof
upto his death (5th September, 1922), i.e., for 25 years. So,
the first 25 years of my life were spent constantly with him.
When I look back I find, besides my father, one outstanding
figure who predominated over everybody during this period
and this was Moti Lai Ghose. My earliest recollection is,
perhaps, about Moti Lai Ghose. When as a boy of five I was
standing on the roof of our house at Deoghur I saw him coming
from Jashidi in a Trolly and stopping in front of our house.
That is, perhaps, my earliest recollection of him. Since then,
perhaps, not a single day passed when I did not remember
him. He was at first my playmate, then a teacher,
who taught me music, writing and morals, then a friend,
philosopher and guide, and lastly I became his constant com-
panion, an amanuensis, a Private Secretary and an attendant,
rolled into one. Indeed, the little that I have learnt has been
mostly from my father, the late Nritya Gopal Dutt and my
grandfather, Moti Lai Ghose. The former taught me the
language and the latter gave me the idea. These two were
my gurus in the literary world. Moti Lai Ghose had a public
life extending over nearly sixty years. The present generation
may yet like to know something about a man who was one of
the makers of modern Bengal and who made journalism in this
land a power and not a mere profession. This is my apology
for writing his biography. I wish it were in better hands.
Nobody is more conscious of my failings than I am. Knowing
them as I do I hesitate to come forward before the public.
But the subject, I think, is a sacred one and the public, I hope,
will receive it in that light.
AMRITA BAZAR PATRIKA OFPICB,
~ r , T
Calcutta, ist January,
OFPICB, ]
f PARAMANANDA Dorr.
, 1935. I
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER
PAGES
I As A Boy In The Village ... ... I
II From A School-master To A Publicist ... 8
III A Budding Spiritualist ... ... 14
IV Driven By Malaria From Country To City ... 19
V A Famous Paper From An Infamous Place 29
VI Early Acquisition of Friends In Calcutta ... 39
VII From Bengali To English In One Night ... 45
VIII The Ilbert Bill Agitation ... ... 50
IX Evidence Before Royal Commission ... 54
X More About Evidence Before Royal Com-
mission ... ... ... 58
XI Early Congress Activities ... ... 63
XII How Charles Bradlaugh Was Drawn Into
Indian Politics ... ... ... 67
XIII From A Weekly To A Daily ... ... 72
XIV An Election Affray ... ... ... 78
XV "Hitabadi" Defamation Case ... ... 84
XVI Bengal Provincial Conference ... ... 88
XVII Evolution Of The Law of Sedition ... 95
XVIII Matters Municipal ... ... ... 104
XIX Fight Between Journalists ... ... 112
XX More Quarrels Among Journalists ... 120
XXI Road Cess And Public Works Cess ... 124
XXII Defamation Case Against Moti Lai ... 127
XXIII From A Writer To A Speaker ... ... 133
XXIV Two Commissions (University and Police
Reforms) ... ... ... 136
XXV Moti Lai And The "Superior Purzon" ... 144
XXVI Bearding The Lion In His Den ... ... 152
XXVII Partition of Bengal ... ... ... 155
vi
CHAPTER
PACKS
XXVIII King George's Visit To India ... ... 160
XXIX The Historic Barisal Conference ... ... 165
XXX The Congress Split At Surat ... ... 170
XXXI Moti Lai And Anglo-Indians ... ... 17$
XXXII Moti Lai on Jury System ... ... 182
XXXIII Security Taken From The Patrika ... 186
XXXIV Moti Lai And Lord Carmichael ... ... 193
XXXV Urban Versus Rural Sanitation ... ... 199
' XXXVI Public Services Commission Again ... 203
XXXVTI The Amrita Bkzar Patrika Contempt Case ... 206
XXXVm Moti Lai As A Public Man ... ... 215
XXXIX The Great War ... ... ... 2 19
XL Latter Life In Calcutta ... ... 223
XLI White Versus Brown ... ... ... 226
XLII Krishnagar Conference, 1915 ... ... 230
XLIII Life Outside Calcutta ... ... 242
XLIV Presidency College Embroglio ... ... 246
XLV Home Rule Movement ... ... 255
XLVI Contempt of Com Again ... ... 268
XLVTI As A Bengali Writer ... ... ... 274
XLVIII Humorous Articles ... ... ... 279
XLIX The Amrita Bazar Patrika A Family Paper,
Yet An Institution ... ... 283
L Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms ... ... 295
LI Home Rulers And Lord Willingdon ... 303
LII Moti Lai, Tilak and Gokhale ... ... 310
LIII Moti Lai And Lord Ronaldshay ... ... 313
LIV After The War ... ... ... 318
LV In Failing Health ... ... ... 325
LVI Rivals In A Good Cause ... ... 332
LVII Moti Lai And Gandhi ... ... 339
LVm Boycott and Non-Co-operation ... ... 346
LIX The Last Phase ... ... ... 35*
As Others Saw Him ... ... ... 366
Paramananda Dutt
1933
(Frontispiece
CHAPTER I.
AS A BOY IN THE VILLAGE.
His Parents and Brothers Early Education Stories from Early Life
The Village He Lived In Bengal in Olden Days The Great Bnrdwan
Fever Malarial Havoc.
Sj. Moti Lai Ghose, one of the founders of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika, was born in a small village named "Palua
Magura" (subsequently named "Amrita Bazar" according to
the name of Moti Lai's mother) in the district of Jessore on
Thursday, i2th of Kartik, 1254 Bengali era (28th Oct. 1847).
His father, Sj. Harinarayan Ghose was in his time a prosperous
pleader practising in the District Court of Jessore. Motilal
was his fourth son 3 brothers and 2 sisters having been born
before him. He was born along with a twin sister who,
however, died very early. Motilal's grandfather Padmalochan
was a famous Kulin of the time though not in very affluent
circumstances. His father however, earned some money and
had 'Durgotsav* and other festivities performed every year in
his house with due rites. Motilal's mother Amritamoyee was
a devout Hindu lady. Though means permitted the family
to keep a cook, she did not allow them to keep one and like
a true Hindu woman of the time she herself cooked food for
the members of the household and looked after their comforts.
The sole object of her life seemed to be to make her children
happy. But in later life, she began to live a retired life
spending almost the whole of her days in divine meditation.
Motilal was a sickly child and had stomach complaints
ever since his childhood. So he would often refuse to take
any food, but his aunt (mother's sister) who used to look
after him, would at such times force him to take food. Chid
by his aunt he had to open his mouth for crying aloud and
2 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
every time he did so she forced morsels of rice and milk
down his throat. This was one cause of his dread of his
aunt to which Motilal good-humouredly referred even in his
later days. This was perhaps his earliest recollection.
Motilal was very fortunate in his brothers. His eldest
brother Basanta Kumar was of exemplary moral character.
He it was who was responsible for the early education of his
younger brothers and his character and erudition fitted him
well for the task. The passion for knowledge was the pre-
dominant element in Basanta Kumar's character and he
implanted it into the mind of his younger brothers. His
second brother Hemanta Kumar who was the eldest of the
three brothers who founded the Amrita Bazar Patrika was
highly religious minded even from his boyhood. He read in
the Medical College at Calcutta in his youth and later took
an important part in conducting the paper. His third brother
Shishir Kumar, the second of the brothers who founded the
Amrita Bazar Patrika, is too well-known to require any
mention. Motilal had four younger brothers Hiralal, Ramlal,
Binodelal, and Golaplal. Of these Hiralal died very early
and Golaplal, who was a young boy when the Amrita Bazar
Patrika was started, in his latter days became very famous
as its editor. He breathed his last very recently. Basanta
Kumar taught Motilal the three R's and also sowed in him
the seed of a passion for knowledge which in his after-life
made him a serious thinker. In his youthful days, Motilal
burnt no midnight oil over big volumes but he went on doing
his work as usual and gathered knowledge in the course of
studies with which he used to utilise his spare moments.
Motilal was a gentle boy, always afraid lest he should
offend his stern and yet loving elder brothers. He finished
1 his early education in the village 'Pathsala'. The chief
characteristic of Motilal in his early youth was his submis-
siveness to his elder brothers whom he always regarded with
great veneration. It was this which later on developed into
that peculiar trait in Motilal's character his complete self-
j abnegation. He did not care for name or fame, he cared for
STORIES FROM EARLY LIFE 3
solid, silent work work not for himself or even his family,
but for his country which he loved more dearly than any-
thing else. In later days, tears would trickle down his cheeks
when he talked of the miseries of his countrymen and he did
what lay in his power to allay their sufferings. Like the
prompter in a theatre he had all along been working from
behind the scenes and he never grudged those who performed
their parts before the footlight. He was content with his part
and he was conscious that he played it well.
From the 'Pathsala* Motilal went for his education to the
Krishnagar Collegiate vSchool, whence he passed the Entrance
examination. Incidentally it may be mentioned here that
though keeping an indifferent health, Motilal had been a great
walker since his boyhood. In order to go to Krishnagar from
his native place he had to encounter great difficulties as there
were not good arrangements for conveyance in those days.
From his native village to Krishnagar, a distance of 50 miles,
Motilal had to walk on foot before and after his vacations.
Once during the summer when he felt very thirsty while on
his journey, he had to drink foul water from a drain as he
could not find any pond or tank near at hand. On another
occasion a violent storm came while he was on his way and
he took shelter in the shop of a grocer who treated him to
a feast of Chira and Dahi, (fried rice and curd). Even long
afterwards Motilal did not forget the hospitality of the grocer
and often referred to him in his stories about the good old days.
Another of Motilal 's favourite stories which were number-
less and which he would tell daily to the members of his
family when taking his dinner was that of a man with two
wives. Motilal was then a little child and he would go to
the house of his neighbours. Now, oq one occasion as he
went to the house of a neighbouring old man with two wives,
he found these three quarrelling amongst themselves. The
quarrel originated amongst the two wives when the husband
was absent and each was invoking the wrath of God upon
the other so that she might become a widow. At this time
in came the husband, and one of the women, who had a
4 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
broomstick in her hand, began mercilessly beating the husband
and admonishing him for marrying her. When the other
woman approached the husband, he fell upon her and laid her
prostrate on the ground. All this time Motilal, a little child,
was standing by, shaking with fear. The woman who fell on
the ground now espied Motilal and exclaimed to him, "Moti,
Moti, deto, bonti khana deto, Minsher gala kete felt", ("Moti,
will you please give me the fish-knife that is lying there, I
will chop off the head of this fellow.") This was too much
for Moti, who at once fled from the spot and called the
neighbours who separated the quarrelling trio.
Motilal's boyhood was mostly spent in his native village
"Amrita Bazar" in the Jessore District. It is situated on the
river Kapatakshi, about five miles to the north of the
Jhinkergacha Railway station. Of course in those days the
Railway did not run up to Jhinkergacha and conveyance was
not so easy as now. Perhaps that was the reason why the
village "Amrita Bazar" like many other villages was then in
a flourishing condition. But it was flourishing not in the
sense that there were big buildings or a large number of rich
men in this village but it was flourishing in this sense that
men there lived a happy and contented life. The sort of life
that people lived in the villages has been in more than one
place described by Motilal. It pleases our fancy to imagine
that while he gave the following description of village life
in olden days in his Presidential Address delivered at
Krishnagar at the Bengal Provincial Conference in 1915, he
had his own village in his mind's eye. Said he :
"Have you, my young friends, any idea of what
Bengal was 60 or 70 years ago? There were then very
few towns and Municipalities in the Province. The pick
of the nation lived in rural areas. The result was that
the bulk of the villages were furnished with all the
necessaries of civilized life. They had an excellent
system of drainage; and each of them posessed at least
half a dozen tanks, one or more of which were reserved
for drinking purposes, unless the village stood on a
flowing river. No people were more cleanly; they rub-
bed their bodies with mustard oil and bathed at least
VILLAGES IN OLDEN DAYS 5
once during the day. They lived in well-ventilated
houses, facing the south as a rule, and having large
compounds. They had their disinfectant in cow-dung.
Fields were specially set apart, far from human habita-
tion, for latrine purposes. The people had thus pretty
good knowledge of hygienic laws.
"They had abundance of food and had good
appetite. There was scarcely a family however poor,
who had not one or more milch cows. Rivers, channels,
khals, tanks and ponds abounded in fish. There was
a pasturage and a village common attached to? every
populated locality. Fruits were plentiful and so were
fresh vegetables. Rice used to sell at an incredibly low
price and all kinds of cereals were also very cheap.
"Villages in those days thus teemed with healthy,
happy and robust people, who spent their days in manly
sports in wrestling and playing lathis and swords ; in
swimming and climbing up tall trees ; in riding and
running, not troubled by the bread question or the fear
of being visited by any deadly pestilence or any
emissaries of the C. I. D. In short, the people could in
those days nourish their bodies properly with whole-
some food and pure drinking water ; they could keep
their villages dry by natural drainage ; they had not to
struggle hard for their bread ; they had enough of cattle
and unsilted-up waterways to furnish them with such
nourishing food as milk and fish. They had also several
other advantages which we do not possess now with the
result that they were able to enjoy an idyllic life six
or seven decades ago, which has passed beyond our
wildest dreams to-day."
If we go back 60 or 70 years from the year 1915 when
the above speech was delivered we come to the years 1845-55.
Motilal was then a mere boy. The speech reflects what
Motilal had seen in those days.
Motilal further said :
"Litigation was unknown among our ancestors. . . .
Our people once controlled the yarn industry of the
country by the universal use of the Charka in every
house, rich or poor. Not many generations ago, we
made our own metallic utensils and vessels ; we made
our goor and salt.
"As regards economical living, well, our forefathers
with the income of their small holdings not only led an
6 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
' independent life, but a life of ease and comfort
They held no Government appointments, yet they had
competence ; and they were happy and contented because
they knew how to lead an economical and healthy life."
About the sanitary condition of Bengal in those days
Motilal writes in his "Reminiscences" published in the Amrita
Bazar Patrika in April 1921 :
"What was the sanitary condition of Bengal villages
sixty or seventy years before (1845-55) ? As far as I
am aware no official enquiry has ever been held into
this subject. The official and urban impression of the
present day perhaps is that these villages were then as
insanitary as or perhaps more insanitary than they are
now. The reverse, however, is the case. This I say
partly from my own personal experiences and partly
from official reports. I was born and brought up in a
village in the interior of Jessore which was generally
known as a fever-stricken district. Yet sixty years ago
(before 1860) there was very little of disease in it, and
this was the case with most of the villages in Bengal.
"It was in the months of September and October
after the usual autumnal rainfall had ceased that the
people as a rule were attacked with fever. They fasted
or lived on low diet for seven days and were completely
free on the eighth, there being no relapse of the fever
afterwards. That was the general rule. Those who had
enlarged spleens, however, suffered from periodical
attacks of fever throughout the winter but they usually
shook them off as soon as spring with southern breeze
made its appearance. On rare occasions the fever would
take a typhoid character and end fatally.
"We had at that time plenty of mosquitoes, but no
Malarial fever. Cholera was practically unknown. So
were Phthisis and other respiratory diseases except
Asthma. The dreaded Small-Pox now and then broke
out in a virulent form, but the Tikadars or Small-Pox
doctors treated the disease with wonderful success.
What a pity that this race of specialists have now
become extinct and their treatment is lost to the world !
The mortality in those days was necessarily small."
Motilal has shown from official reports, and especially
from the Report of the Epidemic Fever Commission that the
deterioration of the Bengali race began with the outbreak of
a kind of fever in an epidemic form in the sixties of the last
AS A BOY IN THE VILLAGE 7
century which is known as the "Epidemic" or "Burdwan"
fever and which has now converted itself into Malaria and
spread not only in this province but all over India. The
Report of this Commission describes how Malaria destroyed
many cities and villages like Gour, Gadkhali, Ula, Kanchrapara,
Halisahar and Naihati within the ten years from 1860 to 1870.
Motilal had also a personal experience of the havoc created
by Malaria during this time. Writes he in his "Reminiscences"
alluded to above:
"As I have already said the great malaria fever
first broke out in Bengal in the sixties of the last century.
Perhaps it raged most furiously in 1864 in such districts
as Hooghly, Burdwan and Nadia. I was at the time
prosecuting my studies in the Krishnagar College. The
horrible sight that I saw has ever been imprinted in-
delibly upon my mind. There were no men in the
town of Krishnagar to burn or bury the dead bodies.
Cart-loads of them were thrown either in the Kharia
river or in the bed of the dead river Anjana. Heart-
breaking lamentations were heard almost in every house
of the town and to add horror to the situation jackals
in packs howled during the day after having feasted
upon the dead bodies. Our College was closed and I
returned to my native village, which was fifty miles
distant from Krishnagar walking all the way on foot
at a stretch. There was not a village in the District
of Nadia I passed through where the disease had not
entered and committed dread havocs. Cries of bitter
agony assailed my ears when I reached home. I soon
came to know the reason of this lamentation in my
family a mischievous fellow had circulated the rumour
that I had been carried off by an attack of Malaria."
CHAPTER II.
FROM A SCHOOL MASTER TO A PUBLICIST.
Student at Krishnagar As a Village School Master vl write Prabahini
Precursor of Patrika A mrita Bazar Patrika startedEarly History of
the Patrika- First Public Appearance Defamation Case Against Patrika.
Fortunately or unfortunately Motilal could not prosecute
his studies beyond the First Arts Class. For a time he read
in the General Assembly's Institution. He read in the College
at Krishnagar also where he had to reside at the College
boarding house.
In 1860 the great Brahmo leader Keshab Ch under vSen
and some members of the family of Maharshi Devendra Nath
Tagore went on a missionary expedition to Krishnagar which
was at that time a stronghold of Christian missionaries.
Keshab Chunder Sen's lectures defending Hinduism, in the
sense in which he understood it, created a great impression on
the local gentry and served as a check on the surging tide
of the Christian propagandists. They gave him a hearty
reception and the local Brahmo Samaj began to draw young-
men in large numbers. When Motilal joined the Krishnagar
College a few years afterwards the enthusiasm for Brahmoism
was perhaps at its highest. Being naturally of a religious
temperament he was drawn to the Brahmo Samaj which made
an indelible impression on his mind. For, though he did not
become an. out and out declared Brahmo he had in his religious
views many things in common with the Brahmoes, and,
though not an iconoclast, he could never become an orthodox
idolator.
It may be said here that Moti Lai's three elder brothers,
Basanta, Hemanta and Shishir had about this time started a
high school, a girl's school and a school for adult females in
their native village. For this last-named school which was
unthinkable in those days they had to suffer great persecution
from the orthodox Hindu section of the village people to whom
any body who wanted to bring about a social reform was a
AS A VILLAGE SCHOOL-MASTER 9
Christian. As a matter of fact they had been ostracised. But
nothing undaunted, with a band of young and ardent followers
they started a Hari Sabha, a Bhratree Sabha (Society of
Brothers) and a Brahma Sabha (not Samaj), where religious
lectures were delivered and divine services were held. These
had also made a lasting impression on Moti Lai's mind, who
next to God looked upon his brothers as the ideal to be followed.
Naturally, therefore, while at Krishnagar Moti Lai regu-
larly attended the prayers at the Brahmo Samaj and used to
sing religious songs at the time of service. Motilal had a
sweet and melodious voice and so his songs were a great
attraction for the gentlemen of the place. Also he started
along with the late Tarapada Banerjee and others a club for
social service, which did much useful work at the time. He
did not appear at the F.A. examination. Like all other boys
Motilal also did not like his examination, and he has more
th::n once said that examinations sapped the life of the youth
of our country and even in his old age he would sometimes
be oppressed in his sleep by the nightmare of examinations.
He himself did not read much in his younger days and he
did not like others also to read much. This may be an eye-
opener to those who lay special stress upon University Degrees
when considering the success or failure of a man. He did
not bear the stamp of the University yet in knowledge and
wisdom he was inferior to few of the great scholars of our
University.
When Motilal was still a youth, he had to give up his
studies, probably due to financial stringency, his father Hari
iCarayan Ghose having died in the year 1863 when Motilal
was only a boy of 16. Instead of appearing at the F.A.
examination he took up an appointment as Headmaster of a
High English School at Piljong in Khulna district. This was
the beginning of his brilliant and eventful career. Those who
have read biographies of great men know that not a few of
the world's greatest men had begun their career as school-
masters and so MotilaPs beginning may not be said to be
very unfavourable. He was a very successful teacher and the
io MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
school-master in him was not dead upto his last days. For
he was always fond of giving advice, and many perhaps have
benefited by his advice, which was always sound and sober.
Though mild and loving, yet something of the autocrat, of
the "You-must-obey-my-command" attitude was ever present
in the character of Motilal. He was very firm in his con-
victions, slow to be convinced but once convinced it was
very difficult to make him change his views. He would give
a patient hearing before he was convinced, but once convinced
he would not like to be argued with any further.
But Moti Lai could not stay at Piljong for a long time.
His health had all along been indifferent and it became worse
while at Piljong. His elder brothers Hemanta Kumar and
Sisir Kumar had been Income Tax Deputy Collectors and his
eldest brother Basanta Kumar had started a Bengali paper
named Amrita Prabahini which was published fortnightly. The
Amrita Prabahini was the precursor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
Unfortunately, however, the span of life of the Prabahini was
not very long, and with the early death of Basanta Kumar
the paper also ceased to exist.
Sometime after the death of Basanta Kumar, Hemanta
Kumar, Shishir Kumar and Moti Lai gave up their respective
jobs and started a weekly newspaper in Bengali with the name
of Amrita Bazar Patrika in March 1868. It was at first pub-
lished in their native village and Hemanta Kumar, Moti Lai,
Ananda Mohan Bose, Barrister, Jagabandhu Bhadra, Teacher,
Jessore Zilla School and Moti LaPs brother-in-law Kishori Lai
Sarkar, Vakil, High Court, were its writers. The struggle
through which the Patrika had to pass was very great. Some
years before his death Moti Lai himself wrote a sketch of the
early history of the Patrika, in which he narrated how the
three brothers started it as a Bengali weekly with a wooden
printing press and a few founts of second-hand types, how they
wrote the copy, set the type, prepared the ink, all by them-
selves, how it fell under the displeasure of the officials, who
tried to wreck it, how the Vernacular Press Act was passed,
how in one night the paper was transformed from Vernacular
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EARLY HISTORY OF THE PATRIKA n
into English, and how from a weekly paper it became a daily.
The history of all these is the history of the brothers Hemanta
Kumar, Shishir Kumar and Motilal. Much of what might be
said of Shishir Kumar with regard to these achievements might
equally and appropriately be said of Motilal also. The two
brothers, to use a simile once used by Motilal himself, were
two flowers in the same stalk, two bodies bearing the same
soul.
About the relationship between the two brothers Moti Lai
has written in the preface to Sj. Anath Nath Basu's Biography
of "Mahatma Shishir Kumar Ghose."
How sweet was the relationship between myself and
Shejdada (Shishir Kumar) it is impossible to make others
understand by words, spoken or written. For sixty
years we lived together and discussed political and
social affairs. Our bodies were separate but our souls
were not. As my little soul was intertwined with the
great soul of Shejdada no one had a greater opportunity
of understanding him than myself. He was my guru
and I was his pupil.
Writes Babu Motilal in the sketch of the early history
of the Patrika alluded to above :
"An enterprising man living at a place near Calcutta
had purchased printing materials to carry on printing
business. He failed in his venture and died soon after.
His widow thereupon wanted to dispose of them. These
materials were purchased and carried to Amrita Bazar,
a small village in the district of Jessore. The most
valuable of these materials was the Printing Press, a
wooden one, called the Balein Press which cost Rs. 32.
It was set up with the help of the village carpenter,
and the cases with worn-out types were placed on their
stands. In this way a printing workshop was established
at the village of Amrita Bazar.
"Those who did all these had, however, to learn
the business of printing in Calcutta ; and when they
started the Patrika, they had to hold the composing
sticks and set their articles in type and also to print
the sheets themselves. In short even when a few men
of the village had been trained the proprietors them-
selves had to do the works of compositor, pressman and
editor, so long they remained at Amrita Bazar, which
was their native village.
12 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
"Besides holding the composing sticks and pulling
the press for printing the journal they had to cast rollers
and types, prepare matrices and manufacture ink. In
paper making they failed but they manufactured fine
ink. The matrices and types were poor products, though
they were utilized in times of urgent need.
"The paper they started was a weekly in the Bengali
language. It came out in March, 1868 consisting only
of 2^ small (crown) sheets of paper. They named it
the Amrita Bazar Patrika Amrita, meaning nectar,
Bazar, market and Patrika journal, that is to say, the
A. B. P. was a paper which distributed nectar or honey.
Amrita has, however, another significance, namely,
aconite or poison. So the Amrita Bazar Patrika was a
paper which in the opinion of its proprietors purveyed
both nectar and poison, nectar to the right-minded and
poison to the wrong-headed people."
Within a few months of its publication the Amrita Bazar
came to enjoy a circulation of 500. Its fearless tone and
exposure of official abuses, however, offended the local autho-
rities, though it earned a seat for itself in the hearts of the
people.
The first public appearance of Motilal was when he was
a young man of 21 years. We have said before that before
he reached his teens he had been a very gentle and quiet boy.
But that does not mean that he was dull or unintelligent. The
real fact is that his intellect did not find any opportunity or
occasion for expressing itself. In the first year of its existence,
to be precise, within four months of its birth, the Amrita Bazar
Patrika found itself involved in a prosecution. A case was
brought against the editor and printer of the Patrika for criminal
defamation by an English Sub-Divisional Officer, Mr. Wright,
in consequence of some sharp criticism of his actions published
in its columns. Motilal was cited as a prosecution witness.
The prosecution wanted to prove through him that Shishir
Kumar was the editor of the paper and that a certain other
gentleman was the writer of the article in question. In a
previous case Motilal had said that his uncle was the proprietor
of the press.
DEFAMATION CASE 13
The Magistrate asked Motilal Who is the proprietor of
the Amrita Bazar RAtrika?
Motilal It belongs to the public.
Magistrate How is that? In a previous case you said
that it belonged to your uncle and now you say it belongs to
the public.
Motilal I am quite correct. In my previous statement I
said that my uncle was the proprietor of the press and not the
paper. The press and the paper are not the same thing.
The Magistrate grew angry and said Who is the editor
of the Patrikal
Motilal Well, the paper has been started only recently. It
has not yet been settled as to who should be its editor.
Magistrate. But do not people think that Shishir Kumar
is the editor?
Motilal. Yes, they do, because they think that Shishir
Kumar can write very well.
Magistrate. Do you think that Shishir can write English
well ?
Motilal. Yes, very well and better than many fat-salaried
civilians.
This was too much for the trying officer. But he in vain
tried to elicit from Motilal the story as to who the writer of
the article in question was. So that Motilal came out victorious
and Monmohon Ghosh, Barrister, who was defending the
Patrika, shook hands with Motilal and said that the like of
Moti was not to be found anywhere. He said that "it is
difficult to get this Moti's (jewel) peer."
The reader will understand from the above story how
shrewd and intelligent Moti I<al was and when necessary he
could rise to the occasion.
The case dragged on for eight months and though the
brothers came out victorious, their exchequer had been com-
pletely swept away. The printer and the writer of the article
in question (Raj Krishna Mitter) were convicted and sent to
jail, the former for six months and the latter for a year.
CHAPTER III.
A BUDDING SPIRITUALIST.
Moti Lai as a Medium Spirit of His Brother Appears A Healing
Medium.
The members of Moti Lai's family interested themselves
in spiritualism as early as 1866, that is, two years before the
Amrita Bazar Patrika had been started. It happened in this
way. Motilal's father Harinarayan Ghose breathed his last
in the year 1863. A little more than two years after this,
that is, in 1866 Moti Lai's next brother Hira Lai committed
suicide. He was a very sentimental youngman and would
often say, "What's the use of my life, if I cannot allay the
sufferings of mankind?" He hanged himself to death in a
fit of melancholia, which he used to get from time to time.
An hour before his death he began to cry and repeatedly asked
Motilal as to what would be the lot of mankind and other
living beings in this world. Moti Lai tried to console him
as best ^as) he could, but all his efforts were of no avail.
His death, following so close upon that of his father, gave
a great shock to the bereaved family ; specially Moti Lai and
his mother became very much overpowered with grief. Moti
Lai's elder brothers had come to learn that certain processes
had been discovered in America by which one could talk with
the dead and books had also been published detailing these
processes. Their mother's grief naturally knew no bounds
and in order to console her, they thought of procuring these
books. Shishir Kumar came to Calcutta with a view to get
them if he could. While in quest of these books he met the
late Peary Chand Mitter, the then Secretary of the Calcutta
Public Library and learnt from him how to conduct seances.
Said Babu Moti Lai Ghose as President of a meeting in
Calcutta held on the 23rd November 1916 in memory of the
late Peary Chand Mitter:
"For some domestic affliction my late lamented
brother, Shishir Babu, thought of starting for America
SPIRITUAL SEANCES 15
to learn the modern art of occultism direct from the
spiritualists there. He met Peary Chand Babu in the
Calcutta Public Library in order to consult him. Peary
Babu gave him some verbal instructions as to how to
form circles. He also gave him some books to read and
advised him that it was not necessary for any person to
go anywhere outside India for the purpose but they
could succeed if they practised here in India."
The late Peary Chand Mitter was very much impressed
with the conversation of Shishir Kumar and at his instance
the latter became a member of the Calcutta Public Library and
read the books on spiritualism which were available in those
days and learnt how to sit in a seance and conduct it, how to
mesmerise others, how to invoke the disembodied souls and
many cognate matters. Peary Chand Babu who had been
studying the subject from before also gave general instructions
to Shishir Kumar so that when he returned to his native village
Amrita Bazar he was thoroughly competent to conduct seances.
Immediately on returning home Shishir Kumar began con-
ducting circles. Just at dusk around a round table sat Basanta
Kumar, Hemanta Kumar, Shishir Kumar, Moti Lai and their
mother and sisters, their fingers touching each others.
The room was purified with sacred water, and the main door
was closed so that no outsider could enter the room when the
seance was being conducted. They prayed to God and sang
devotional songs. In the beginning they did not get much
response beyond some rapping noise. But gradually they got
very good result.* As to this I take the following from
* Spiritualism was first brought to this country by ourselves. The
first circles held were in our native village. When the 'accounts of these
seances were made known to some of our Calcutta friends, the latter
published them in the newspapers (Indian Daily News), with the result
that an immense sensation was created throughout the length and
breadth of the country. The news spread from town to town, from
hamlet to hamlet, from house to house that the Amrita Bazar people
Amrita Bazar being our native village have succeeded in talking with
the dead. Thus circles began to be held in every family in this country.
The Hindu Spiritual Magazine (1908).
16 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Srijut Mrinal Kanti Ghose's newly-published book in Bengali,.
Paroloker Katha:
"On the third day at the appointed time they sat in
a circle and began to sing the name of God with all
their heart. At this time Moti Lai felt as if his whole
body was being paralysed and a feeling of some kind
was collecting in his mind. Gradually his hands began
to quiver a little, it appeared to him as if some unseen
force was gradually over-mastering his body and mind,
so much so, that he was gradually losing his power of
thinking or doing anything. Then his breath became
very deep, his hands began to be thrown aside with
force and he was about to lose his consciousness. At
last his mental feeling became so intense that he went
on weeping in a suppressed way.
"Then Shishir Babu said 'Most probably some
spirit has possessed Moti. For it is to be found in books
on spiritualism that when a spirit enters into a medium
his condition becomes exactly like this'. Then he asked
'Who are you ?'
"From Moti Lai's appearance it seemed as if he
was trying to say something. But he could not utter a
a single word. As a result his mental feelings were
augmented. At this others became somewhat unnerved
and tried to bring him back to consciousness. Doors
and windows were opened at once, showers of water
were applied to his face and he was fanned and at last
he came back to his former self.
"When Moti Lai had completely come round he was
asked as to how did he feel in his unconscious state.
He replied 'At first I felt my body to be under . a
weight ; but I could not understand why it became so.
Gradually I felt that some one had fallen on my neck
and was weeping in a painful manner. On hearing him
weeping I could not also control myself but went on
weeping. At last it seemed to me that the unseen being
was trying to speak, but was unable to do so. At this
my mind was very much agitated and I was on the point
of losing consciousness.'
Continues Srijut Mrinal Kanti Ghose in his book named
above :
"On the fourth day after the seance had sat for a
time MotilaPs right hand began to quiver a little.
Experience of these few days showed that some spirit
MOTILAL AS A MEDIUM 17
had come down upon him and it seemed he was trying
to write something. A pencil was put into his shaking
fingers and his hand began to move very quickly and
some heiroglyphics were written on the paper. After
a time the name of Hiralal was written on the paper
rather indistinctly. On seeing HiralaPs name every-
body was moved and they began to cry.
"At this time as Moti Lai's hand began to shake
more quickly the pencil fell from his hand and his
breath became very quick. He was then wholly uncons-
cious. In that state he encircled his arms round his
mother's neck and panted and sobbed, and said, 'Mother,
I am Hiralal/ and went on weeping.
"All this time Moti Lai's eyes were closed and he was
semi-conscious ; in that state when in the exact voice
of Hiralal and exactly with Hira Lai's manners he said,
'Mother, I am Hiralal', it seemed to everybody that
it was Hira Lai who was speaking. 'Then Hira Lai
still exists' all of them thought and were beside them-
selves with joy. It is impossible to describe their mental
feeling when in that semi-conscious state Moti Lai was
drying with his hands the tears of their eyes. As if
they had got back their lost treasure, whose existence
was not altogether gone and it was he who had come
and had been consoling them this was their impression,
the weight of their grief was minimised and they seemed
to have got back life and heaved a sigh of relief."
When the medium had become a bit composed, several
questions regarding the next world were put to him and he
gave his answers. He described the place as a far better one
than this world. He said that he had not as yet come across
God or any disemobied soul who had come across Him, and so
forth and so on. Moti Lai and his brothers went on sitting
in circle. Gradually his elder brother Hemanta Kumar became
a medium. His faculty as a medium went on increasing till at
last through his mediumship spirits of a very high order made
many many valuable revelations regarding the next world, the
world where men, women and children go after they have
shuffled off their mortal coil and thus the undiscovered country
from whose bourne no traveller ever returneth was discovered
by the earnest efforts of the Ghose brothers of Amrita Bazar.
Shishir Kumar was a great healing medium. Like
18 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Moti Lai also had developed great powers as a healing medium.
This fact has been testified to by Shishir Kumar himself, who
writes in the Hindu Spiritual Magazine:
"Here is a personal experience of mine, which
whenever I think of it, gives me a thrill. I had taken
some indigestible food, and that made me sick. I com-
mitted another outrage while suffering from acute
diarrhoea ; and this time found that I had brought upon
myself cholera, the real disease. I felt that I was going
to faint away from exhaustion and griping of the
stomach. My pulse was then sinking rapidly. My
younger brother Moti Lai, who was with me sitting
apart, had no idea of the danger which had overtaken
me. I called him to my side, told him to sit behind
ray back, so that I could lean upon him. He did as
he was bid. I told him with great difficulty that I had
got cholera ; and a strange thing happened immediately
after. His hands and limbs began to shake, and he
showed by other signs that he was beside himself. It
seemed that he had been suddenly overtaken by con-
vulsion. I was so surprised that I could not utter a
word, even to ask what the matter was with him. He,
however, soon after regained some control over himself,
and then he began to make passes on my back with his
right hand. I then perceived that lie was making
mesmeric passes and doing this while in an unconscious
state himself. I had practised hypnotism, but he had
never done so. I realised then what the matter was.
It was this : I was in danger, and a good spirit was
trying to nip my disease in the bud by these mesmeric
passes. My brother was a good medium ; a good spirit
possessed him, so that he became unconscious for the
time-being and was in that state while making the
passes to cure me. Every pass of his was followed by
relief immense relief. I felt as if by these passes my
brother was infusing into me new life, nay, strength
and ecstacy. A little before I was going to faint from
fatigue and divers sorts of uneasy sensations ; two
minutes after I felt strong, happy and disposed to go
to sleep. I addressed, not my brother but the spirit,
'Thanks, I am all right', and then fell asleep under an
uncontrollable influence, from which I awoke quite
refreshed & new man. I know that God and his angels
take care of us.'*
It will be seen from the above that had Moti Lai been
engaged in regularly cultivating his power of mediumship he
A HAPPY FAMILY 19
might have developed into a wonderful healing medium. But
as fate would have it he had to direct his activities through
other channels. Hence, though upto his last days he was a
strong believer in spiritualism and took great interest in it
he could not keep on practising mediumship. The work of
conducting the Amrita Bazar Patrika and attending to
numerous public duties was heavy enough not to allow him
to practise and develop still further his powers as a spiritualist.
CHAPTER IV.
DRIVEN BY MALARIA FROM COUNTRY TO CITY.
Motilal's marriage an interesting episode First years of "A. B.
Patrika." Early Helpers Malaria Rpidemic Flood Follows Fever
4 'Amrita Bazar Patrika" Removed to Calcutta.
Motilal and his brothers were a family of musicians. Their
father was a musical genius and they had inherited the gift
from him. The musical talent developed in an extraordinary
manner in Shishir Kumar even when he was a mere boy.
Motilal who possessed an extraordinarily melodious voice was
his pet pupil and when these two brothers sang together,
either secular or religious songs, their elder brothers Basanta
Kumar and Hemanta Kumar would fall into ecstasies. Occa-
sionally they performed Jatras and other dramatical or musical
performances in their house.
I find in an issue of the Hindu Spiritual Magazine:
"They had their occasional Jatras or dramatic per-
formances, in which their neighbours were made to join.
Indeed, the whole village was at that time turned into
something like Brindaban with celestial music and
dancing. Rai Dinabandhu Mitra Bahadur, author of Nil
Darpan, was an intimate friend of the brothers and came
to see them now and then. He called them the 'happy
family* and in one of his dramas introduced characters
to illustrate the life of simplicity and love that they led."
But unalloyed happiness is not the rule of the world
it is against the law of nature. Truly has the poet described
20 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Happiness and Misery as twin brothers wherever the one
goes the other stealthily follows and they rule the day by
turns. While happiness was reigning supreme in the Ghose
family misery shot his arrows to strike the members of
that family. Happiness also tried to maintain his ground.
First their father died, then died their brother Hiralal they
felt miserable enough, but found great solace through spiritual
seances. The brothers who loved each other as dearly as their
lives had to separate themselves and take service in different
places, but were re-united when the Amrita Bazar Patrika was
started. The defamation case against the Amrita Bazar Patrika
went on for eight months and completely swept away their
small exchequer but they gained the sympathy of the people,
as the latter realised that the Ghose brothers had been the
victims of official wrath simply for going to fight the people's
cause. Scarcely had the Ghose family recovered from the
strain on their persons and purses on account the Defamation
Case when came Malaria and almost everybody in the family
was down with fever, so much so that they were compelled to
leave Amrita Bazar, the land of their birth, practically for
good. But of that later.
Some time after the Amrita Bazar Patrika had been
started, when Motilal was about 22 years old, he was married
with Srimati Nistarini Devi, daughter of the late Haran
Chandra Sarkar, then Sheristadar of the Dacca District Court,
whose native place was at Kumarkhali. There is an interest-
ing episode about the marriage. At the time when negotia-
tions were going on Motilal and his brothers had been swept
away by the then current of Brahmoism flowing through the
country. As a matter of fact they had formed a Brahmo
Sabha and a Bhratri Sabha in their native village where
prayers were held and sermons were delivered in right royal
Brahmo style. A sister of Motilal had also been married
according to the Brahmo rites in the Brahmo Samaj Hall.
Though they had not yet been able to make up their minds
as to whether they would sign any declaration confirming
themselves to be Brahmoes, they were in close touch with the
MOTILAL'S MARRIAGE 31
then Brahmo leaders and preachers. All this had given rise
to the impression in the orthodox Hindu circle in the
neighbourhood (and they were perfectly justified in drawing
the conclusion) that they had become Brahmoes. In those
days of conservatism, to the orthodox Hindu the line of
demarcation between a Brahmo and a Christian was very thin.
Thus they argued that because the Ghoses had become
Brahmoes they had become Christians also, and since they
were Christians they were beef-eaters. If confirmation was
needed there was no want of eye-witnesses who could swear
in the name of all that was holy or dear to them that they
had seen a big bull enter the house of the Ghoses in their
native village but it was never seen to have come out. So
the Ghoses must have eaten it up. Rumours spread like wild
fire and this story about the vanishing of the bull (a cock
and bull story in the real sense of the term) was no exception.
It travelled, in spite of the difficulties of transport in those
days, all the way from Jessore to Kumarkhali and from
Kumarkhali to Dacca. Negotiations for Motilal's marriage
with Nistarini had been concluded and a date had also been
fixed for the marriage. In the mean time the story about the
bull reached the ears of the female members of Motilal's
would-be father-in-law's family. There was bitter anguish in
their hearts and by way of precaution they sent Motilal's
would-be brother-in-law Babu Asutosh Sarkar (afterwards a
District Judge) to the village Amrita Bazar to make a local
enquiry into the matter. When he returned to Dacca his
relatives enquired of him if he had examined the compound
of their would-be bride-groom's house. "Well, did you not
find," they asked, "even a single bone of a bull in their
garden?" "No, not a single bone," was the reply, and there
was laughter and merriment in the house again. The incident
formed the subject matter of joke in the two houses and we
have personally heard it repeated even after long years have
gone by.
The marriage took place at Kumarkhali and the local
people said at the time of the marriage that they had not seen
22 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
a fairer or more beautiful bridegroom at that place. Indeed,
Motilal in his youth was very handsome. He was of medium
height and his stature was proportionate. He possessed a fair
complexion which was rare in a Bengal village in those days.
All these combined with his sweet voice when he sang some
Kirtan songs made a great impression.
Motilal was fortunate in his wife Nistarini. She was an
ideal Hindu lady of the old type. Throughout their lives she
had been a noble and affectionate partner and she outlived
him by a few years only. The way in which she nursed him
whenever he fell ill is possible only in a Hindu lady. Indeed
it seemed to be inimitable. As a matter of fact her life
appeared to be dedicated to him. So much so that she
regarded him not only as her husband but also as her guru
(spiritual preceptor), for she had taken her mantra (religious
initiation) from him. Strangely enough she took a great
interest in Indian politics and unable to read and write English
she was a regular reader of the vernacular papers and
magazines, and greatly enjoyed the antics that the late
Panchkari Bannerji wrote about her husband in the columns
of the vernacular daily, Nayak. Motilal had only one child
by her, my mother Srimati Sajalnayana, who was born in
Dacca in the year 1876 and inherited all the characteristics of
her parents.
To return to the Amrila Bazar Patrika. It has already
been said that the Amrita Bazar Patrika was first published
as a Bengali Weekly paper in 1868 from the village Amrita
Bazar in the District of Jessore. Since then it was published
from that place till the Durga Puja holidays of the year 1871,
i.e., for about three years and a half the paper was published
from the village. After the Puja vacation of that year the
paper began to be published from Calcutta.
On the 1 7th February 1870 the Amrita Bazar Patrika
launched upon its third year of existence. In issue number
one of that year can be found the following editorial remarks
in Bengali :
"By the grace of our kindly God we have just
EARLY HELPERS 23
launched our feet upon the third year of our existence.
We offer hundreds upon hundreds of thanks to those
noble-hearted gentlemen who have helped us by money
or otherwise. . . . We have become comparatively free
from troubles now-a-days."
The Amrita Bazar Patrika was at this time printed at the
village Amrita Bazar in a Press which was called the "Amrita
Prabahini Press." It was published once a week every
Thursday. Each issue contained eight pages. The size of
the pages was also much smaller than now being about the
foolscap size. Some of these pages were in Bengali, while others
were in English. There was no fixity as to how many pages
would be in Bengali and how many in English. Each issue
contained both news and editorial remarks ; besides, there
were some advertisements also. Its annual subscription if
paid in advance was five rupees only and if paid at the end
of the year it was rupees seven only.
Many men of light and leading of those days were con-
nected with the Amrita Bazar Patrika. To name a few of
them, Babu Kedar Nath Ghose, Pleader of Jhenidah, Babu
Tarapada Banerjee, Pleader of Krishnagar, Babu Haralal Roy,
Teacher of Hare School of Calcutta, Babu Umes Chandra
Ghose, Muktear of Cossipore (24-Perganas), Babu Durga Mohan
Das, Vakil of Barisal and Babu Krishna Gopal Roy of Bogra
were the agents of the Amrita Bazar Patrika in their respective
places of business or residence. Subsequently Babu Devendra
Chandra Ghose, Vakil of the High Court of Calcutta, Babu
Kishorilal Sarkar, Vakil of the Calcutta High Court, then
practising at Krishnagar, Babu Akshoy Chandra Sarkar,
Pleader of Berhampore and Babu Dinabandhu Sen, Teacher
of the High English School at Gauhati also became agents of
the Amrita Bazar Patrika in their respective places of business.
Now these were men having some position in their respective
circles and their words carried weight. They supplied news
to the Amrita Bazar Patrika, wrote out comments, secured
subscribers for it and helped it in times of danger in several
ways and thus contributed not a little to its success. All of
24 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
them have now gone to eternity and the Amrita Bazar Patrika
can now only pray for their souls.
Besides the persons named above there were thousands
upon thousands of others who helped the Patrika, most of
whose names it is not possible to ascertain and publish. The
Patrika must remain ever grateful to these unnamed persons.
The Amrita .Bazar Patrika reached its fourth year in 1871.
It was in that year that the great epidemic of Malaria referred
to above broke out at village Amrita Bazar and marred its
idyllic serenity. In the Bengali portion of the issue of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika of igth August of that year we find:
"There is no doubt about it that Jessore is now
in the grip of an epidemic of fever the like of which
has not been witnessed for long, if ever. Anyone who
is attacked is suffering from fever without any break
for 4 or 5 days and some times even for 10 or u days.
And again one who has been down with fever is getting
a relapse even after he has been completely cured. In
this way some have suffered from fever twice, some
thrice and some again have suffered even for a greater
number of times. Whenever there is a relapse the fever
comes with renewed vigour. The fever is making
people thinner and thinner. Up till now there were
not many fatal cases. But of late fatal cases have begun
to occur. God knows what is in store for Jessore this
year. It is not the Bengalis alone who are suffering
from fever. Many Sahebs (Anglo-Indians) have also
been attacked with fever and some of them have had
two or three attacks. Before the epidemic takes a more
serious turn, the Government ought to have recourse to
such methods that we may get away from this imminent
danger. The Government does not take any curative
measures unless a disease spreads itself in a very
dangerous way. This not only does not benefit us in
any way but also causes immense financial loss to the
Government for nothing."
What havoc the epidemic fever created at that time
becomes apparent from the following passage extracted from
the Bengali portion of the Amrita Bazar Patrika of the 26th
August, 1871.
"Milk and ghee have become difficult to obtain.
Whereas formerly the Goala quarters of village Amrita
Bazar daily produced about 4 maunds of milk, now we
SCARCITY AND FLOOD IN BENGAL 25
can get there only 8 or 9 seers. Men here have not
seen ghee for a good length of time. It is not that
things have taken such a turn here in this village only ;
we understand many places have fallen into a similar
sorrowful plight. In Magura Sub-Division of Jessore
District milk used to sell at half or one pice a seer.
We have recently been informed that milk is not at all
available there now. On enquiry we are told by the
Croalas that on account of want of fodder cows have
become mere skin-and-bone and so they are not giving
milk."
In the Bengali portion of the same issue of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika (26th August, 1871) we find:
" There is almost none who has not been attacked
with fever and one, who is once down with fever,
becomes unable to rally. All cases are now becoming
remittent If the fever attacks any member
of a family, almost all the members of the family are
getting contagion. Even not a single member is found
free from fever to give water to the patients to quench
their thirst."
Misfortune, they say, never comes alone. Village Amrita
Bazar was no exception to this rule. To fill up her cup of
misery came a great flood which put the whole of Bengal under
water for a considerable length of time. Regarding this we
find in the Bengali portion of the Amrita Bazar Patrika of
the 7th September, 1871:
"A great deluge has come. Even very old men are
saying that they have never seen such floods
A gentleman from Narail writes, 'We are floating on
water ; on whichever side we cast our eyes we find a
vast sheet of water like a sandy desert We
cannot estimate as yet as to how much cattle will be
lost. 1 "
The floods did not spare the village Amrita Bazar. In
consequence we find the following amongst the editorial
remarks in the Amrita Bazar Patrika (Bengali portion) of I4th
September, 1871 :
"We are in the midst of a great trouble. Many of
our employees working in the press have fallen ill. This
is not a town, where one may for the mere wish get
people who can work at the machine. Hence there has
been great dislocation in our work. The floods have
26 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
added to our trouble. We cannot move about without
a boat. This is not a watery country ; so boats are not
easily available. So we are facing danger at every step.
We can understand that we are not serving our
constituents properly ; but we hope that they will realise
the situation and excuse us for any irregularity."
It is clear from the above passage that it became very
difficult to run the Amrita Bazar Patrika from village Amrita
Bazar. The town of Jessore was only ten miles away from
the village of Amrita Bazar and if the proprietors of the paper
so wished they could bring out their paper from the town
of Jessore. But then, thanks to fevers and floods, Jessore was
in no better way than Amrita Bazar. Hence with great
difficulty the Amrita Bazar Patrika was published from village
Amrita Bazar upto the 4th October, 1871. That was the last
issue of the paper published from its village of nativity. Thus
from March 1868 to October 1871, for a brief span of three
years and a half the Amrita Bazar Patrika was published from
Amrita Bazar.
In the issue of the Amrita Bazar Patrika of the 4th
October, 1871 (Bengali portion) we find:
"We take our usual Puja holidays from this number.
The water has again begun to increase. It
seems everything is now going to be destroyed."
When the paper was issued on the 4th October, 1871 from
Amrita Bazar village, little did its proprietors imagine that
that was going to be the last number of the paper issued from
that village. They however got some respite and thought out
their future plan. They found that it was absolutely impos-
sible to run the paper any more from their native village.
So they decided upon going to Calcutta. In the meantime
there had been another criminal case against the Amrita Bazar
Patrika and Shishir Kumar had been prosecuted on a charge
of concealing evidence as he did not produce the original
copy of the article written by the late Raj Krishna Mitter
which was the subject matter of the previous criminal case.
In this case also Motilal was examined as a witness. This
time also he was severely cross-examined and at last even
REMOVAL FROM MAGURA TO CALCUTTA 27
threatened, but to no effect. The proprietors of the paper
thus escaped this time also.
The successive criminal cases caused enormous financial
loss to the proprietors of the paper and when they were about
to start for Calcutta they found that their coffers were almost
empty. In order to pay off their employees and meet sundry
liabilities of the press they sold away their press along with
all the printing materials to a gentleman who resided at
Jessore. After meeting the liabilities they became absolutely
short of funds. Hence they borrowed Rupees 100 at a high
rate of interest from a money-lender named Bakta-Jamal
Biswas. Motilal had made a saving of Rs. 200 from his pay
when he was acting as the Headmaster of a High English
School at Piljung in Khulna District and was also serving
as private tutor to some students there. Uptill now he had
kept this money with himself, but now that the whole family
was in dire need he had to part with that money and throw
it into the common coffer. The Ghose family had thus only
Rs. 300 with them and with this paltry sum in their pocket
Hemanta Kumar, Shishir Kumar and Motilal set out for
Calcutta with about thirty members of their family most of
whom were women and children and had been suffering from
Malaria to boot.
Towards the end of October 1871 they came to Calcutta,
a place then practically unknown to them. They rented a
house at 52, Hidaram Banerjee Lane, Bowbazar and put up
there with their whole family. They immediately set upon
re-start'ing the Amrita Bazar Patrika with indefatigable energy.
They again purchased a small hand press for printing and on
the 2ist December, 1871 they brought out without much
flourish or ado the first issue of the Amrita Bazar Patrika from
the city of Calcutta. We find the following editorial observa-
tions in the Bengali portion of that issue:
"Henceforth the Amrita Bazar Patrika will be
published from Calcutta. We had all along desired to
make a gradual improvement of our paper. But we
could not make much headway in that direction in the
*8 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
mofussil. Yet on account of some personal reasons we
could not leave village Amrita Bazar. Amrita Bazar
is situated on the bank of the river Kapotakshi, whose
water is very clear. We used to fish in that river and
as there is no fear of crocodiles there we used to swim
in that river to our heart's content in the summer and
the rainy seasons. At times we got together about a
hundred men and went out to hunt hares or porcupines.
There we used to pluck fruits from the trees and eat
them on the spot, and milked cows to drink their milk.
We could not leave these and come to Calcutta, we
were pained at the very idea of doing so. If we came
to Calcutta on some errand we felt ourselves to be in
hell and could find no relief till we had gone back
to our native village and breathed its pure air. Oh !
what a pity we have now to reside in that Calcutta !
Men of Jessore had all along shown us great favour ;
we pray to them that they may not stop the flow of
their favour. What more shall we say, we had to shed
tears for leaving Jessore. Krishnagar has become nearer
to us now. Hence if Krishnagar was benefited through
us it may still be benefited. We take our readers
into our confidence and say that though in the past we
had suffered much and had spent much money for the
Amrita Bazar Patrika latterly it had grown into a
profitable concern. None removes a profitable concern
like this for nothing. We have done so at great financial
loss only with a view to improving the paper. One
word to those who may think that because we have
removed the paper from a village to a city there will
be a change in its editorial policy. The Patrika is in
the hands of the very same men who conducted it
before there has not been the slightest change. But
we are in some trouble. Our expenses have multiplied
a hundred-fold. If the general public show us a little
favour and the people of Calcutta view us with a little
kindness, then and then only will the paper nin, other-
wise the Amrita Bazar Patrika is doomed."
Lest there should be any misapprehension in the reader's
mind that as the passages from the Amrita Bazar Patrika quoted
above have been quoted in connection with the biography of
the late Motilal Ghose they were all written by him, I must
tell him at the outset that Hemanta Kumar, Shishir Kumar
and Motilal all three were now writing in the editorial
PATRIKA PUBLISHED IN CALCUTTA 29
columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika and hence it is difficult
to determine at this distant date as to which wrote which.
The Ghose brothers were absolutely strangers in the city
of Calcutta. The reader can easily imagine what a bold step
they took in publishing the Arnrita Bazar Patrika from the
city so soon after coming to Calcutta.
From 2ist December, 1871 to 25th March, 1874 the Amrita
Bazar Patrika was published from Hidaram Banerjee Lane,
Bowbazar, Calcutta. Afterwards Hemanta Kumar, Shishir
Kumar and Motilal removed with their family to No. 2,
Ananda Chatterjee Lane, Baghbazar, Calcutta and the first date
on which the Amrita Bazar Patrika was published from that
house was the 2nd April, 1874.
CHAPTER V.
A FAMOUS PAPER FROM AN INFAMOUS PLACE.
Early Rise into All-India Fame No. 2, Ananda Chatterjee Lane.
As I have already stated the Amrita Bazar Patrika was
first published from premises No. 2 Ananda Chatterjee Lane,
Baghbazar, Calcutta on the 2nd April, 1874, *- e - six years after
it had been started at the village Amrita Bazar. It was the
seventh year of the life of the paper. It was still bilingual
a part of it was printed in Bengali for the people of the province
of Bengal and the rest was in English for the benefit of readers
of other provinces in India, such as Madras, Bombay, the
Punjab, etc. From the list of names published from time to
time in connection with acknowledgment of subscriptions it
is found that the paper was gradually getting an all-India
circulation.
How the Government of the day viewed the Amrita Bazar
Patrika will become apparent from the following curious note
30 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
regarding the paper which appeared in the Bengal Administra-
tion Report published in the year 1872 :
"The Amrita Bazar Patrika is believed by some to
be more extensively read than others. The language of
its articles is occasionally rough, but it has the merit of
discussing social and agrarian subjects both from the
tenant's as well as from the landlord's point of view."
The Amrita Bazar Patrika came to be appreciated in
England also. Towards the beginning of 1872, Babu Girija
Sankar Sen, who was then in England wrote to his father in
Bengal :
"Please ask the proprietors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika to send their paper to the East Indian Associa-
tion (London). Many people here may subscribe to the
paper. I have seen many extracts from the Amrita Bazar
Patrika in London papers."
In an article on "Representative Government in India"
written by Colonel Osborn as early as 1883 is to be found an
extract from the Amrita Bazar Patrika in support of a state-
ment of his to the effect that the officials in India disliked
public criticism but liked gagging Acts instead. Colonel
Osborn referred to the Amrita Bazar Patrika as "the most
influential native paper in India."
About the Amrita Bazar Patrika' s early rise into an all-
India fame the following observations by Mr. K. Subba Rao
of the Hindu in his recently published book "Revived
Memories" will be interesting.
Speaking about the period from 1876 to 1881 Mr. Subba
Rao writes :
"It was during this period that I was attracted
irresistibly to the weekly edition of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika which had established an undying reputation
for unsurpassed independence. It was recognised as the
staunchest friend of the Indian States and as the most
fervent admirer of all that was Indian. Its spirit of
fearlessness was often illustrated by the funniest
anecdotes then current among students that the two
brothers who were editing the paper Babu Shishir Kumar
Ghosh and Babu Motilal Ghosh were alternately in jail
for sedition or defamation all round the year!"
PATRIKA RISING INTO FAME 31
Referring to the early attainment of an all-India reputa-
tion by the Amrita Bazar Patrika Mr. Subba Rao writes:
"The Hindu, early in its eventful career, under the
able and absolute guidance of S. Subramania Iyer,
secured an all-India reputation. The Amrita Bazar
Patrika was the first to acquire it and next came the
Hindu."
Such early attainment of fame in the life of a journal is
very rare. A newspaper or journal must have reputation with
the public, for, its very existence, not to speak of gradual
improvement, depends on public support. The public must
have the impression that the paper is run not for the petty
personal interests of its handful of proprietors but for the sake
of the good of the general public. The public will support a
paper only so long as they will believe that the paper is sup-
ix>rting their cause. In this respect the Amrita Bazar Patrika
was very fortunate. Whoever came in touch with its pro-
prietors became at once convinced of their idealism it did not
take him long to realise that its proprietors were not so keen
for making money and living a life of ease and comfort as
for serving their country. Their personal wants were few and
so whatever the Amrita Bazar Patrika brought was spent in
improving it. The proprietors were, therefore, not much
troubled about the finances of the paper.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika had thus one peculiarity
throughout its long career it was very fortunate so far as its
finances were concerned. This is due in a great measure to
the fact that its proprietors had always lived an exemplarily
simple life. Plain living and high thinking was the motto
which they not only preached but practised also. And they
practised it not only in their private lives, but in their business
also. They did not require much money for conducting the
paper. For long they did not employ outsider writers Babus
Hemanta Kumar Ghose, Shishir Kumar Ghose and Motilal
Ghose, they themselves wrote copies, corrected proof-sheets for
their paper and looked into the financial side and the manage-
ment of the business. At first they had to pay only Rs. 40
as rent for their Baghbazar house, though gradually of course
32 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
it rose to an abnormal figure. They had practically no
furniture in the beginning. A friend of theirs (Mr. P. Ananda
Charlu of Madras) had an establishment in Calcutta and he
presented to the Ghose brothers his table and some chairs
when he gave up his Calcutta establishment. They also got
a long dining table which was disjointed and converted into
three smaller tables which can be seen in the Patrika office
even to-day ; the arms of some of the chairs were broken but
they were not repaired. Some khatias (charpoys) were requisi-
tioned Which served the double purpose of a bed at night and
a seat at day time. If the window panes were broken, pieces
of paper cut according to measurement were pasted to keep
off the sun and the rain and the bitter wintry wind and waste
papers were utilised to serve the purpose of carpets. The
Ghose brothers were not vain people. They were poor and
they knew it ; and they did not want to pass off as rich.
Herein lay the secret of the fact that the Amrita Babar Patrika
had paid its expenses from the very month it was started.
How economical (bordering on being miserly) the Ghose
brothers were will become apparent from the condition of their
house at 2, Ananda Chatterjee I/ane. Amongst their numerous
friends who paid visits to them from time to time in this house
was the late poet Nabin Chandra Sen, the renowned author
of "Palashir Juddha" (Battle of Plassey) and a good many
other books of poem. In his famous "Autobiography" written
in Bengali he has given a very interesting description of this
house. Following is an English rendering of the same :
"At the northern end of Calcutta, i.e., at Baghbazar
they (Shishir Kumar and Motilal) have a big two-storied
house with a courtyard inside it. Perhaps the building
has not been repaired for a century. In the ground
floor and first floor of the outer appartments of this
house are strewn about at random here, there and every-
where various unseemly commodities of a printing press.
The whole place is dirty, filthy and full of refuses. Not
only is the wooden staircase narrow, but it is broken in
many places. Neither the rooms nor the staircase had
any touch of the broomstick for several years. In a
verandah (on the first floor) there is a dirty little camp
table, on one side of which on a broken chair is sitting
POET NABIN SEN ON THE PATRIKA OFFICE 33
with his chin sandwiched in between his knees a short-
statured man Motilal Ghose of immeasurable strength
who strikes terror into the very heart of the British rule.
With some ordinary papers and a pencil in hand he is
forging political weapons of a superior order. In his
person he has a dirty thick red-bordered common dhoti
and a white dirty shirt without any buttons. Before
him, on the other side of the table, is an ordinary bench
and on his left there is another old chair 'an abode of
bugs' one of whose arms had been lost during the
battle of Plassey. On the other side of the table is a
dirty wall. You will not be able to swear that it had
ever been white-washed. By the side of this editorial
sanctum is a place for washing one's face and there you
will find a bowl, a napkin and other necessary articles
to please your eyes. On the other side of the aforesaid
wall there is a big room or 'hall'. Who can tell the
number of years for which dirt, cow- webs, sputum and
ink-spots have been adorning the ceiling and the walls
of this room? A 'durrie* is spread throughout this
room over which there is a bed-sheet and on one corner
there are two or more small bolsters. These also have
been marked with various marks like the walls of the
room. They seem to be saying:
'Eman bibidh dage degechhe kapal dhuile na yabe
dhoya jiba jatakaV (Bengali).
"Our foreheads have been marked with such various
kinds of marks that they cannot be washed away, so
long as we live.
"Really the bed-sheet and the bolsters can take a
solemn oath and say that they have never been indebted
to anyone of the washerman class. There is not a
single big man in India the dust of whose feet and the
smell of whose body cannot be found in this bed-sheet
and these bolsters. They are fit to have a place in the
Curzon Memorial or Victoria Memorial Hall of Lord
Curzon. Such is the condition of the outer appartments
of our brothers. I have heard that the condition of
their inner appartments is more deplorable. There is
a tank behind them. I have heard that the Health
Officer of Calcutta has spotted out this tank to be the
Khas-Mahal of all the Malaria-carrying mosquitoes of
Bengal."
One may think that in the above description there has
been some exaggeration or the poet has drawn upon his
imagination. Those who have seen the house in question will
34 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
at once understand that what the poet has said is almost
sixteen annas true. It may be mentioned here that the tank
referred to above has since been filled up.
At the time of the Anti-Partition Agitation when the
whole of Bengal was under a deep gloom Mr. Ramsay
MacDonald the present Prime Minister of England who was
still an ordinary member of the House of Commons paid a
visit to India. High offices had not yet metamorphosed him
and his heart was still weeping for the poor and distressed.
So immediately on his arrival in Calcutta he found out Motilal
in his place at Ananda Chatter jee Lane. In this connection
Mr. Ramsay MacDonald has left a description of the house
in his book, 'Awakening of India.' He has described this
> house as "an old crumbling place of many rooms where a
joint family dwelt in ancient style." Writes Mr. Ramsay
MacDonald in the "Awakening of India":
"I had an interview with one of India's trouble-
some editors. I sought him in the native part of the
city amongst those torrents of beings which bewilder
and dumfounder the European. I found him in a place
that might have been an Italian palace. There was an
ample courtyard, carved screens and balustrades, shady
stairs. But decay spoke from every stone. As I
entered, the red gleams of the setting sun struck its
top and threw its bases into dark shadow. I seemed
to have made tryst there with night.
" 'Here* said he whom I had come to see, ushering
me into a wide room bare of furniture saving for a
table and a chair or two, 'Here we worship. Let us
talk of the things of the spirit.' "
From the descriptions of 2, Ananda Chatterjee Lane given
above it will be understood how outsiders regarded this house.
The greater portion, if not the whole of Motilal's active life
was spent in this house. The "Pall Mall Gazette" of London
wrote about this house :
"Motilal Ghose publishes his paper in a huge
rambling warren of a house in North Calcutta where
he lives with a swarm of relatives and dependents in
patriarchal fashion. Babies cling about the editor's
bare legs as clad in a scanty piece of linen, he writes
torrents of fierce abuse with a most benevolent smile."
MOTILAL'S CONCENTRATION OF MIND 35
Indeed, it was very difficult to think the Amrita Bazar
Patrika office of those days at No. 2, Ananda Chatter jee Lane
to be an office at all. When Motilal was sitting in the
verandah in his broken chair day after day writing articles
for his paper to read which the whole of India was waiting
with anxiety, in the hall beside that verandah at the very
same time when he was writing, the members of the family,
composed of women and children were singing Kirtan songs
as loudly as they could. Motilal was writing and if he found
that there was some error in the songs or a wrong note was
struck he would at once stop writing and enter the hall and
teach the tune till those who were singing would be able to
sing it properly. It was only then that he would return to
his verandah and begin writing again. It often happened
that when he was writing, the members of his family were
giving a rehearsal of a Jatra or playlet on Lord Krishna in
the adjoining hall or little boys of the family were playing at hide
and seek under his table or around it, and quarrelling amongst
themselves or running about here and there in the verandah.
But Moti Lai would remain so much absorbed in his writing
that he would not pay the slightest attention to these but would
go on writing for hours together at a stretch. In this way when
he got tired of sitting he would often stand up and go on
writing with the piece of paper in his left hand. Such con-
centration of mind is rare. Latterly his backbone had become
slightly curved on account of his constantly sitting in a bent
way for hours together from day to day when he would be
writing for his paper.
It has already been narrated that Hemanta Kumar, Shisir
Kumar and Moti Lai came to Calcutta from their native village
with a very paltry sum in their pocket. How they gradually
rose to acquire name and fame is an object of study. It is not
difficult for a wealthy man to leave his native village and to
settle in Calcutta and prosper in business. There is a proverb
in our country that water accumulates only where there is
water, which means that wealth has a tendency to go to wealthy
persons. It is well-known also how difficult it is for men
36 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
devoid of wealth to acquire it. It is difficult to earn and more
difficult to make a saving. Whoever will look at the present
condition of the Amrita Bazar Patrika will at once realise that
the Ghose brothers had performed a miraculous task. They
started with an ordinary wooden printing press worth Rs. 30
and in course of about half a century their press became
equipped with numerous modern and up-to-date equipments
and all this time they had to maintain a big and growing family
consisting of many dependants. I have heard, and I speak
subject to correction, that among the newspapers it was the
Amrita Bazar Patrika which first used a Linotype machine in
Calcutta its proprietors were enterprising no doubt.
One has to think deeply over the gradual rise of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika. To my mind it seems there were two
reasons for this rise one was the earnest desire of its
proprietors to serve the country and the other was their simple
mode of living. Hemanta Kumar, Shishir Kumar and Moti
Lai were devout Vaishnavas. They not only worshipped
Sri Gauranga, the God incarnate of Navadwip, but also
preached and practised his teachings. The fundamental
principle of their religious creed was thus the Vaishnava
dictum of jibe day a name ruchi Vaishnava sevan, i.e., kindness
to animals, love for the name of God and the service of
Vaishnavas. They did not take Vaishnavas in the narrow
sense to mean the worshippers of Vishnu only but they took
the term in its wider sense to mean everything created by
Vishnu, i.e., not only men, but animals, birds, insects, etc.
They thought that the service of these was the main purpose
of their life, and to serve the people of the country and to do-
good to them they founded the Amrita Bazar Patrika. They
did not view politics differently from religion. As a matter of
fact, politics to them meant service of the country and so they
took up politics as a sacred duty. Many Englishmen either in
their individual capacity or as Government officials, came in
touch with them and they at once realised their honesty of
purpose and hence it is that on many occasions though there
were breaches of the law, if viewed strictly, these were winked
PLAIN LIVING AND HIGH THINKING 37
at by the powers that be. For, they regarded the proprietors
of the paper as honest men who were honestly trying to serve
their country.
The other reason for the rise of the paper, as I have said
already, was the plain and simple mode of life of its proprietors,
who never cared for outward show either in dress, or in food,
or in the furniture of their house. There was a remarkable
lack of grandeur of any sort. About the furniture of those
days I have already spoken. About their dress I may say that
it exactly fitted with their surroundings. Shisbir Kumar's
peculiar dress, dhoti and shirt with a hat on his head, has
been referred to in many places. Though Moti Lai had no
such idiosyncrasies about his dress, yet it was very simple and
he seemed to be quite unmindful of what he was wearing.
Ordinarily he wore a shirt and dhoti; on ceremonial occasions
also he wore these, only they were cleaner. He had no use for
golden studs, rings or watch and chain. The cloth he wore
was also sometimes very short and he had been using these
short dhotis long before the use of loincloth as a means to
cutting down expenses on clothes had been advocated. For
long years he slept on a temporarily provided tyled hut on the
roof of the house at 2, Ananda Chatter jee Lane, with no other
furniture than an ordinary cot and an earthen pitcher and a
glass in the room.
One of the characteristics of the Amrita Bazar Patrika in
its earlier days was that it took up isolated cases of official
vagaries or non-official oppression and went on exposing them
in series of articles. A certain official had pulled an employee
of his by the ear, a certain official had whipped a passer-by in
the public road or a certain white business magnate had kicked
a coolie to death, the little sparrow whispered the information
to the editors of the Amrita Bazar Patrika and at once they
took up their pens in favour of the weak and the oppressed.
They did not indulge in vague generalities or high-sounding
shibboleths and catch-words of Political Philosophy, neither did
they parade their wisdom to an unsophisticated world by
discussing subtle economic theories mainly borrowed from the
38 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
West. They had intelligence enough to understand the mental
capacity of their readers. Education or rather the art of
reading had not yet spread to a very considerable extent and
expansion of the railways, posts and telegraphs, motor cars,
aeroplanes, wireless, etc., also had not brought the different
parts of India together. So that the ordinary villager had no
interest in the affairs of a distant place, he had not yet developed
an all-India craze (which makes even three men in a village in
the remotest corner of a country composing a society prefix an
All-India before its name) and the fulfilment of his immediate
needs was his only desideratum. If he found food and clothing
and was not oppressed by the strong, official or non-official, and
could take part in the innocent amusements of the village-folk
he considered himself extremely fortunate. But there were
occasions when he could hardly get even these small mercies.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika pleaded that the villagers might not
be deprived of the elementary needs of their life.
Political ideas had not yet developed. India had no
politics of course we cannot say if we have any now. There
was, however, what might be called village politics, arising out
of caste-prejudices and cognate matters in the brains of idle
people who, having nothing for themselves to do would poke
their noses into other people's affairs. If, for example, a
person of a higher caste took such foods as rice, dal, fish-curry,
etc., touched by a person of a lower caste, the former would be
ostracised, but there was no objection to a higher caste person
taking sweetmeats, kachuri, singara (preparations from flour,
ghee, potato, etc.) or dahi (curd) from a lower caste person.
If a girl in a family was not married within the marriageable
age, which was then much lower than now, the girl's parents
had to face the odium of society, but if a man lived with women
of questionable fame it was taken as a matter of course. It was
against such social evils that the editors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika took up their pen.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika also brought to light instances
of differential treatment between Indians and Englishmen in
the administration of the day. The conclusions that the editors
ACQUISITION OF FRIENDS 39
of the paper arrived at Were reached by the process of what may
be called inductive reasoning. They did not start with a
general proposition and derive conclusions from it. On the
contrary they started with individual cases and established the
general rule. For example, their reasoning was never like
this : Foreign rule is bad, the present rule is a foreign rule,
and therefore the present rule is bad a method of reasoning
which is resorted to very glibly by the armchair politicians who
see the villages through their books. Mr. A is an English
official, he has done an act of oppression, Mr. B , though
an Indian, is serving under the English authorities, he has
misbehaved himself with the people who are in his charge and
his superiors in office are protecting him, and so forth and so
on ; and they drew the conclusion or left the readers to form
their own conclusions which were irresistible. In this way
they taught the people by "putting the finger into their eyes'*
as the Bengali phrase runs and made them acquainted with the
affairs of the day.
CHAPTER VI
EARLY ACQUISITION OF FRIENDS IN CALCUTTA.
Ghose Brothers and Raja Digambar Mitra Maharaja Sir Jatindra Mohan
Tagore Some other Friends The Indian League.
One of the most important things to which the proprietors
of the Amrita Bazar Patrika paid their attention on removing
to their Baghbazar house in the seventies of the last century
was the work of acquisition of friends. People, great and
small, began to see the conductors of the paper in their office
and they in their turn began to pay return visits. Their sweet
and lovable nature, and above all their free and frank talk and
childlike simplicity combined with deep insight into things soon
captivated those who came in touch with them and acquaintance
took no time to ripen into friendship and friendship soon
40 MEMOIRS OF MOTELAI, GHOSE
matured into intimacy. With the gradual increase in the
importance of the paper the number of people who visited them
increaseed and their number of friends also went on increasing.
Sometimes their visits were highly illuminating. The con-
ductors of the paper were still young and many of the persons
who came in touch with them were hoary-headed people
carrying years of experience along with them ; they had much
to teach the young journalists in course of their conversation.
As a matter of fact, all sorts of people with all sorts of informa-
tion almost every day poured iiAo the Amrita Bazar Patrika
office and so, in the course of a few years the conductors of
the paper acquired encyclopaedic knowledge and information
not by burning midnight oil over page after page of printed
matter, but through their conversation with men who were
vastly read or who had otherwise made their mark and were
competent to teach others. The poet Nabin Chandra Sen in
his "Autobiography" has justly remarked that there was not
a big man in the country who had not visited the Ghose brothers
in the Amrita Bazar Patrika office.
In this way the proprietors of the Patrika acquired
innumerable friends and some of them immensely rich too, but
they never went to them for pecuniary assistance though they
were no doubt helped in other ways by them. Many of them
became subscribers of the paper and those who had businesses
advertised their businesses in it. An incident may be recalled
in this connection. When the Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote
something in support of a proposal for a memorial to the late
Raja Digambar Mitra a Dacca paper which did not look with
much good grace on the late Raja Digambar, on account of his
serving in the Select Committee on the Road Cess Bill inspite
of his strongly opposing the principle of the Bill on its being a
direct violation of the Permanent Settlement and on other
grounds, wrote that the Amrita Bazar Patrika was moving for
a memorial to the Raja because he had rendered "material
assistance" to the Amrita Bazar Patrika during its "struggling
days," the suggestion being that the Raja had helped the paper
with money with a view to stop criticism. The Patrika gave a
WITH RAJA DIGAMBAR MITRA 41
spirited reply to this in which it disclosed the relationship that
existed between Shishir Kumar and Moti Lai on the one hand
and the Raja on the other. The Patrika said that it was one
Ram Gopal Sanyal who was responsible for circulating the
canard that the Patrika had taken money from the Raja. The
friendship between the Raja and Shishir Kumar and Moti Lai
grew in this way. After the Amrita Bazar Patrika had been
removed from village Amrita Bazar to Calcutta, Babus Shishir
Kumar and Moti Lai had one day been singing Dhrupad songs
in a friend's house. Raja Digambar Mitra who happened to be
there heard them singing and was very much pleased at Shishir
Kumar's skill and Moti Lai's charming voice. They were
introduced to the Raja who invited them to his house at Jhama-
pukur to hear their song. They soon became friends though
there was a great disparity in age between the Raja and the
Ghose brothers. The Raja became a well-wisher of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika and felt deeply that it deserved the support of the
country. So he wrote to thirty -eight gentlemen of Calcutta
asking them to give the paper a trial. The Raja was very
much respected and the subscription of the Patrika was then
only Rs. 5 per annum. Thus, his request was complied with
by thirty-six only two having declined. Of these thirty-six,
thirty-five continued to subscribe, but one viz., the late
Babu Paran Krishna Mukherjee of Tallah wrote a very angry
letter to the Manager of the Amrita Bazar Patrika for its support-
ing the Income Tax and discontinued subscribing the paper.
The late Babu Bhola Nath Chunder, the biographer of Raja
Digambar Mitra wrote as early as 1893 :
"His (Raja Digambar's) love for free ventilation of
thought disposed him to come to the aid of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika. There was the Hindu Patriot occupying
the field in autocratic supremacy. It professed to be a
big gun, but which always fired with blank cartridges.
Its milk and water editorials, without salt or sauce, had
become extremely insipid to the native community. *The
Amrita Bazar Patrika came to the rescue from the tyranny
of the Hindu Patriot, at about the same time that the
Indian Association became 'a brother near the throne of
the Turk' of the British Indian Association/'
42 MEMOIRS OF MOTII,AL GHOSE
Babu Kristo Das Pal was at that time editing the Hindu
Patriot and there was a tussle between the Patriot and the
Patrika over the Income Tax question. Raja Digambar being
a common friend the conductors of the Patrika and Babu Kristo
Das Pal met at his house and after a long discussion Babu
Kristo Das Pal agreed to write in support of the Income Tax.
He did so and a few days later he wrote to the Ghose brothers
complaining that by supporting the Income Tax he had lost
a dozen subscribers! At that time, as we think even now, it
required courage to support the Income Tax the Tax that hits
the rich but absolves the poor. Alas, very few do realise how
iniquitous are the indirect taxes, say, on salt or kerosene, when
compared with the direct tax on Income ! The Patrika of those
days tried hard to impress this on the public of the day.
Besides Raja Digambar Mitra the Amrita Bazar Patrika
had another great friend. This was Maharaja Sir Jatindra
Mohan Tagore Bahadur, a great personal friend of Babu Motilal
Ghose. The two would often meet and hold conversations for
hours together on various political and social topics. An
incident narrated during one such interview is, I think, worth
recounting. I have heard the story many a time from Motilal
himself. One day the Maharaja was driving in his old-fashioned
carriage and pair accompanied by Motilal when the Maharaja
told him about a magician named Hussain Khan who had come
to show some tricks to the Maharaja. In course of conversation
Hussain Khan begged to have from the Maharaja a beautiful
betel-nut case set with jewels which he had seen in the
Maharaja's drawing room. The Maharaja said with a smile,
"Yes, you will get it if you can bring it here from another
room just now by virtue of your black art." "Are you
serious? Will you really give it to me if I can bring it
here just now?" inquired Hussain Khan. "Yes, I am serious,"
replied the Maharaja. "Then I am bringing it," said Hussain
Khan. Two of the Maharaja's men covered the betel-nut case
with a handkerchief and held it tightly in an adjoining room.
Hussain with his face turned towards the sky and with folded
hands began to cry in an imploring tone, "Hazrat, de diay,"
MOTILAL'S FRIENDS 43
"Hazrat de diay" (O, Lord, give it to me; O, Lord give it to
me)." After he had cried in this way for some time, lo and
behold ! the betel-nut case was in his hand. True to his word
the Maharaja had to part with the valuable betel-nut case.
Another story regarding the Maharaja, which I have heard
from Motilal is worth repeating. Now, Motilal in his old age
was suffering from Dyspepsia which prevented him from taking
delicious dishes. On more than one occasion when a delicious
dish was placed before him he would say, "Why, have you
given such a dish to me? I cannot take it. My condition is
like the late Maharaja Jotindra Mohan Tagore's." And he
would narrate how on one occasion when a friend of the
Maharaja presented some delicious mangoes to him he burst
into tears and said that he was then so ill that he could not
digest mango ; he was living on sago only and the only way in
which he could take mango was by dipping a portion of it in
the sago-water to give it a smell of the mango.
Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee, Barrister-at-Law, was another of
MotilaFs friends to whose place he was often invited to dinner.
Needless to say Moti Lai benefited greatly by his association
with Mr. Bonnerjee. The two were co-workers in the Congress
field and they attended many Congresses together and worked
side by side in many public functions. Rajas Sita Nath Roy
and Janoki Nath Roy of Bhagyakul who lived in Shovabazar
were also his friends. Amongst other old friends of Motilal of
whom he often spoke in his latter days mention may be made
of Lai Mohan Ghose, Mon Mohan Ghose, Ananda Mohan Bose,
Reverend K. M. Banerjee and others, all intellectual stalwarts
of their times.
But it is very difficult to give a comprehensive list of the
friends and acquaintances of Motilal. I will not even make an
attempt to do so ; for, it is impossible for me to perform the
task. Their number was legion and they consisted not only of
men of Bengal, but men of other Provinces also ; nay, there
were many Englishmen also who associated with Motilal on
44 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
intimate terms. There was one peculiarity in Motilal's
character, viz., that though he criticised the officials relentlessly
in his paper, in his private dealings with them he was very
cordial and they also reciprocated with him in this matter.
The names of many of these friends, Indian or Englishmen,
will be mentioned as and when the narrative advances.
, After spending a few years in Calcutta the proprietors of
the Amrita Bazar Patrika found that in order to create public
opinion, with a view to carrying out the mission of service to
the country, the newspaper alone was not quite sufficient for
them. They realised that associations were also necessary
throughout the country where men of light and leading might
meet and exchange their views. No doubt there was the British
Indian Association which had been started in 1851 where men
interested in the uplift of the country might meet ; but its
subscription for membership was so high that it was practically
confined to the aristocracy and the big zemindars who only
participated in the deliberations or activities of this association.
What was needed was an association with branches in various
places where men of ordinary means might meet. The Indian
League was thus started in the year 1875 to serve as such an
association with Babu Sambhu Chandra Mukherjee, who had
worked for some time in the Hindu Patriot and had conducted
some other papers also, as President, Babu Kali Mohan Das,
Vakil, Calcutta High Court, as Secretary, and Babu Jogesh
Chandra Dutt and Babu Shishir Kumar Ghose as Joint-Secretary
and Assistant Secretary respectively.
When Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea started his Indian
Association in July 1876 the Indian League had already been
in existence for some months. At the inaugural meeting of
the Indian Association Babu Kali Churn Banerjee, the foremost
Indian Christian leader of his time and a member of the Indian
League opposed its formation on the ground that a similar
association had already been in existence for some time.
Surendra Nath replied to his opposition and staunchly advocated
the formation of a new association with the result that the
Indian Association was formed inspite of the opposition.
SPECIAL LAW FOR VERNACULAR PAPERS 45
After referring to this incident Surendra Nath writes in his
book "A Nation in the Making" :
"The Indian League did useful work. Babu Shishir
Kumar Ghose of the Amrita Bazar Patrika, Dr. Sambhu
Chunder Mukherjee of the Reis and Ray yet, and Babu
Moti Lai Ghose, were its moving spirit."
The Indian League, however, could not live long. It died
a premature death after a short but useful career.
CHAPTER VII
FROM BENGALI TO ENGLISH IN ONE NIGHT
Vernacular Press Act Shishir Kumar And Sir Ashley Eden Origin
of the Act A. 1?. Patrika's feat.
How the Amrita Bazar Patrika was converted in one night
from an Anglo-Bengali journal to a wholly English one is a
matter for history. In the seventies of the last century the
writings in the Amrita Bazar Patrika and a few other vernacular
newspapers had exasperated the authorities in Bengal. They
had incurred serious displeasure of the Government for their
unsparing criticism of Government measures. So, in the year
1878 the Government was determined to control these papers by
some new law giving the authorities greater powers than
before. Lord Lytton was then the Viceroy and Governor-
General and his Government took up the question of controlling
the vernacular papers in right earnest. They argued that the
vernacular papers wrote for the half-educated and ill-educated
village people, who were naturally more inflammable than
the educated and intelligent persons who read the news-
papers written in English. Hence greater care and caution
ought to be taken so far as the vernacular papers were
concerned and a special law was required for them more
stringent than the then existing laws which governed news-
papers in general.
At this time one fine morning (i4th March, 1878) some
46 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
official papers in Calcutta were published in which could be
seen a notice to the effect that a new Bill would be introduced
that very day in the Governor General's Council for the better
control of the vernacular press. One of the objects of this Bill
was to place newspapers published in the vernacular languages
of India under greater control and in order to effect this the
Bill sought "to furnish the Government with more effective
means than the existing law for the purpose of punishing and
repressing seditious writings which were calculated to produce
disaffection towards the Government in the minds of the
ignorant population." The Bill empowered any District
Magistrate or Commissioner of Police in a Presidency town
within the local limits of whose jurisdiction any newspaper in
oriental language was published, to call upon the Printer and
the Publisher to give a bond for such sum as the Government
might think fit not to print or publish in their newspaper any
words, signs or visible representations likely to excite disaffec-
tion to Government established by law in British India or
antipathy between any persons of different races, castes,
religions, or sects in British India. The Act also empowered
the Local Government to forfeit the security and seize the
newspapers, plants, etc. There were other provisions also in
the Act by which the publication of matters that were con-
sidered objectionable by the authorities might be prevented and
their printers and publishers might be brought to book. The
measure was thus a preventive as well as a punitive one.
It did not take long for the conductors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika to realise that the Bill was the handiwork of Sir Ashley
Eden, the then Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, between whom
and their paper no love was lost. They also understood that
it was the Amrita Bazar Patrika at which the Bill was mainly
aimed. Moti Lai, who was then the right hand man of
Shishir Kumar, at once ran to the meeting of the Governor
General's Council and was present in the Visitor's Gallery
when the Bill was being discussed. To his great disappoint-
ment he saw the Bill passed into law in one sitting. The
Vernacular Press Act, 1878 for so it was named was appli-
ORIGIN OF VERNACULAR PRESS ACT 47
cable to newspapers published in a vernacular or partly in a
vernacular and partly in English. The Amrita Bazar Patrika
was then a weekly paper. It appeared partly in Bengali and
partly in English and hence it came under the purview of the
Vernacular Press Act. But the proprietors of the paper were
quite equal to the Government of Sir Ashley Eden they
quietly abandoned the Bengali portion and next week on the
2ist March, 1878, the conductors of the Amrita Bazar Patrika
sprang a surprise upon the Government just as the Government
had sprung a surprise upon them. They brought out their
paper wholly in English, so that the Government looked on
agape and the newspaper-reading public of the day laughed a
hearty laugh.
In his foreword to the book "A Step in the Steamer"
containing the speeches of Lokmanya Tilak, published by
Messrs. Tulzaparkar and Patwardhan, Moti Lai thus describes
the origin of the Vernacular Press Act :
"An autocrat of autocrats, Sir Ashley sought to rule
Bengal with an iron hand. The Amrita Bazar Patrika
was, however, a thorn in his side. He, therefore, con-
ceived the idea of winning over Babu Shishir Kumar
partly by kindness and partly by threats. He had
managed to make Babu Kristo Das Pal, Editor of the
Hindoo Patriot his ardent admirer, and his next move
was to entrap and muzzle Shishir Kumar Ghose. So,
Sir Ashley sent for him one day, gave him a cordial
reception when he came, and offered him a 'share of the
Government* if he would follow his advice. Here is the
purport of what His Honour proposed: 'Let us three,
I, you and Kristo Das govern the province. Kristo Das
has agreed to conduct his paper according to my direc-
tion. You will have to do the same thing. I shall contri-
bute to your paper as I do to the Hindoo Patriot. And
when you write an article criticising the Government, you
will have to submit the manuscript to me before publi-
cation. In return the Government will subscribe to a
considerable number of your paper, and I shall consult
you as I consult Kristo Das in carrying on the adminis-
tration of the Province. '
"Babu Shishir Kumar was at the time a poor man.
His position in Calcutta society was not high. The
tempting offer came from the ruler of the province. Many
48 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
another man in his circumstances would have succumbed
to his temptation. But he was made of a different stuff.
He resisted and did something more. He thanked His
Honour for his generous offer, but also quietly remarked,
'Your Honour, there ought to be at least one honest
journalist in the land.' The expected result followed.
Sir Ashley flew into an unconquerable rage. With
scathing sarcasm he told Babu Shishir Kumar that he
had forgotten to whom he was speaking, that as supreme
authority in the province he could put him in jail any
day he liked for seditious writings in his paper, and that
he would drive him back to Jessore bag and baggage
from where he came in six months. It was not a vain
threat. The Vernacular Press Act owed its origin to
this incident. It was to take his revenge on Babu Shishir
Kumar that Sir Ashley Eden persuaded Lord Lytton to
pass this monstrous measure at one sitting. The blow
was aimed mainly at the Amrita Bazar Patrika which
was then an Anglo-Vernacular paper and fell within the
scope of the Act. But Babu Shishir Kumar and his
brothers were too clever for Sir Ashley. Before the Act
was put in force they brought out their paper in wholly
English garb and thus circumvented the Act and snapped
their fingers at the Lieutenant Governor ; for, a journal
conducted in the English language was beyond the juris-
diction of Lord Lytton's Vernacular Press Act. Sir
Ashley was a very outspoken man and he did not conceal
his chagrin and bitter disappointment at the escape of
the Patrika from several of his Bengali friends. He told
them that if there had been only one week's delay on
the part of the proprietors to convert the Patrika into
English, he would have dealt a deadly blow at it by
demanding a heavy bail-bond from them."
We find the following in the issue of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika dated the 2ist March, 1878:
"It is with deep regret that we part with our Verna-
cular columns. The step has been forced upon us by our
friends and patrons upon whose judgment and patriotism
we have confidence. We tried to start the paper in this
shape from the beginning of this year ; but for reasons
it is needless to mention we could not make all the
necessary arrangements till this week. Whether this
change will benefit our country or not, Heaven alone
knows, but we think an absolutely independent paper,
conducted in the English language, is just now a great
necessity. We have passed through many trials and we
are over-powered with gratitude when we recollect the
ACTION UNDER VERNACULAR PRESS ACT 49
sympathy that was extended to us, and we hope, if we
deserved it Heaven will move our countrymen to grant
it once more."
The reader will observe how cunningly any reference to
the Vernacular Press Act being the cause of converting the
paper into English has been altogether omitted.
Immediately after the Act had been passed Motilal had
occasion to go to Dacca, where at his instance a big public
meeting was held protesting against the Vernacular Press Act.
Babu Kali Prasanna Ghose, Babu Ananda Chandra Roy and
many other leading gentlemen of Dacca were present in this
meeting. Protest meetings were held in Calcutta and other
places also. In the House of Commons Mr. Gladstone criticised
this measure severely. It may be said in passing that action
was taken under the Vernacular Press Act against one news-
paper only, viz., the Som Prakash of Changripota, in the
suburbs of Calcutta, then a very influential paper edited by
Babu Dwarka Nath Bidyabhushan which had to stop publica-
tion for a period. There were no other prosecutions. The
measure was repealed during the incumbency of Lord Ripon
as Viceroy and Governor General of India.
After the passing of the Vernacular Press Act and when
the Patrika was being published in a thoroughly English garb
Mr. (afterwards Sir) Lethbridge was appointed a Press Com-
missioner. He was a medium between the Government of India
and the Indian Press and his function was to correspond with
the latter on public matters and supply them with official news.
There was a very small incident between him and the Patrika
which, I think, may be of some interest to the reader. In those
days the Russian Government used to subscribe to a copy of
the Amrita Bazar Patrika and having translated, that is mis-
translated, its articles, published them in the Russian Press to
discredit British rule in India. The Indian Government
naturally got annoyed and Mr. Lethbridge brought the matter
to the notice of the then conductors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika.
The conductors of the Patrika wrote to Mr. Lethbridge in
50 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
reply that they were not responsible if the Russian Government
were not fair in their translation of the articles of the Patrika.
They were helpless in this matter. All that they could do was
to stop the paper of the Russian Government and they wanted
to know if the Government of India wanted them to do so.
But then they also said that if such was the intention of the
Government they could stop the paper of the Russian Govern-
ment only on one condition they should be compensated for the
loss of a good subscriber like the Russian Government which
always paid their subscriptions to the Amrita Ba'zar Patrika
in advance. No further communication came from the Press
Commissioner and the matter dropped there.
CHAPTER VIII
THE ILBERT BILL AGITATION
An Example of Anglo-Indian Ix>yalty Governor-General Insulted.
Motilal on Anglo-Indians.
The most outstanding event in the political history of
Bengal that took place within a few years after the passing of
the Vernacular Press Act of 1878 was the agitation over what
was known as the Ilbert Bill. The agitators this time were
not the 'natives' of the soil or 'native* papers, but it was the
Anglo-Indians and the Anglo-Indian papers that carried on the
agitation. The trouble arose in this way. About the year 1882,
Government wanted to introduce legislation subjecting
'Europeans' to the jurisdiction of 'native* magistrates in a
manner which had jiot been previously authorised by law. The
Bill which purported to effect some changes in the Criminal
Procedure Code was published in the official papers along with
a statement of Objects and Reasons subscribed by Sir C. P.
Ilbert the then Legal Member of the Council and was therefore
called after him.
Now, Chapter VII of Act X of 1872 which dealt with the
subject of the trial of European British subjects was reproduced
in the Code of Criminal Procedure of 1882. So that, in that
ANGLO-INDIANS ON THE ILBERT BILL 51
year the position in which Indian members of the Govern-
ment Civil Service found themselves was rather anomalous.
For, the jurisdiction to try European British subjects in the
mofussil was limited to officers who were themselves European
British subjects, the Indian members of the service having no
authority to try them. Mr. B. L. Gupta, a member of the
Indian Civil Service, drew the attention of the Government of
Sir Ashley Eden, the then Lieutenant- Governor, to this matter
and subsequently the Bill in question was prepared, introduced
in Council and circulated for opinion.
The Anglo-Indians (at that time better known as Europeans)
were at once up in arms. They began to shout that if a
European, even if he be a criminal, were tried by an Indian,
then the prestige of the whole European community would be
at stake. A public meeting of the European (Anglo-Indian)
community was held in Calcutta( ?) in February, 1882 where
the Europeans mustered strong and amongst great excitement
the following resolution, proposed by Mr. J. J. J. Keswick and
seconded by Mr. J. H. A. Branson, Bar-at-Law was passed :
"That in the opinion of this meeting the Bill for
the amendment of the Criminal Procedure Code is un-
necessary in the interests of justice ; uncalled for by any
administrative difficulty ; based on no sound principle ;
founded on no experience; whilst forfeiting a much-
valued and prized and time-honoured privilege of
European British subjects, it confers no benefit upon
natives ; whilst imperilling the liberties of European
British subjects, it in no way affords any additional pro-
tection to natives ; it will deter the investment of British
capital in the country by giving rise to a feeling of
insecurity as to the liberties and safety of the Europeap
British subjects employed in the mufassil and also of
their wives and daughters ; and it has already stirred up
on both sides a feeling of race antagonism and jealousy,
such as has never been aroused since the Mutiny of
1857."
For a whole year the Anglo-Indians went on agitating
against the Bill and in the cold weather of 1883-84, the matter
went so far that Lord Ripon, who was then Viceroy and
Governor-General, was personally insulted by some members of
52 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
this community at the gate of the Government House in
Calcutta while returning from outside. A gathering of Anglo-
Indian tea-planters assembled and hooted at him at a railway
station while he was returning to Calcutta from Darjeeling.
As a matter of fact a number of Anglo-Indians had formed a
conspiracy according to which they bound themselves, if the
Government adhered to their proposed legislation, to over-power
the sentries at the Government House, put the Viceroy on
board a steamer at Chandpal Ghat, and send him to England
via the Cape of Good Hope. The existence of the conspiracy
was known to some officials including the Lieutenant Governor.
A concordat was, however, subsequently arrived at between
the Supreme Government and the representatives of the Anglo-
Indian community. The battle was virtually won by the latter.
For in the words of Sir John Strachey :
"The controversy ended with the virtual though not
avowed abandonment of the measure proposed by the
Government. Act III of 1884 extended rather than
diminished the privileges of European British subjects
charged with offences, and left their position as excep-
tional as before."
The Ilbert Bill agitation and subsequent developments were
commented upon in a series of articles in the Amrita Bazar
Patrika. Even long after this affair Motilal often referred good-
humouredly to the Ilbert Bill agitation when the question of the
loyalty of the Anglo-Indian community in India was raised.
The Ilbert Bill agitation was one of the many perennial subjects
with which Moti Lai often confronted the Anglo-Indian com-
munity in India. The subject of St. Andrew's Day Dinner was
another to which I may refer afterwards. The materialism of the
West was another of the subjects with which he embellished his
banters against the Europeans. The Europeans, he wrote, were
prospering in every way, but it was an undeniable fact that they
had pulled down God from His throne and had set up Mammon
in His place. They went to the church not for religion but for
display. They were far advanced in scientific discoveries, but
these instead of being conducive to the good of humanity were
rather destructive of the peace and harmony of mankind and
ANGLO-INDIAN LIFE IN INDIA 53
were utilised by the strong and the powerful in order to keep
the weak and the oppressed under subjugation.
There were many other matters in which Moti Lai twitted
the Anglo-Indians of India in his inimitable way. For
example, he often referred to the hard and struggling life that
they had to live in this country, especially in the months of
April, May and June when the heat in this country was intense.
He twitted them on their tenaciously sticking to their thick and
coarse coat and trousers even in this grilling weather ; and
advised them to live in India like Indians, by dressing them-
selves in the dhoti and chaddar and taking the plain and simple
Indian diet. Instead of jam, jelly and pork and ham he advised
them to take dal, bhat (rice) and sweets like rasagolla and
sandesh, which latter he would call a celestial food. He could
not admire the wisdom of the Europeans who left their con-
genial shores in the, prime of their lives and spent the best part
of their days amidst what appeared to them to be most uncon-
genial and unhealthy surroundings and under most trying con-
ditions, amassing enormous wealth, only to return home and
die rich. He opined that if the Englishmen were well advised
they ought not to have come to this country at all.
There was a vein of humour permeating almost all his
writings concerning the Anglo-Indians and perhaps that is why
he was very much liked by individual Anglo-Indians, official
or non-official though he criticised them en masse. Indeed, *
when one finds column after column of what has been called
in some quarters as "vitriolic vituperation against the European
community" in the writings of Moti Lai one is not a little
surprised to find that he had a large number of friends among
the European community in this country, both official and
non-official. The reason for this seems to be that though he
was an unsparing critic of the activities of the European com-
munity in this country, individual Europeans, who came in
touch with him, were convinced that neither did he bear any
malice or grudge against them nor had he any personal axe to
grind.
CHAPTER IX
EVIDENCE BEFORE ROYAL COMMISSION
Some Dirty Disclosures Vagaries of the Postal Department Post Office,
a family preserve European Etiquette.
A Royal Commission on Public Services in India was
appointed in 1887 to enquire into the conditions of the services
and suggest ways and means for their improvement. Babu
Moti Lai Ghose gave his evidence before the Committee on
the 3Oth March of that year. It brought him at once into
prominence before the public eye. Moti Lai selected the Post
Office for exposing the thorough ostracism of the Indians from
that department. When all special departments of the Govern-
ment had been taken possession of by the Anglo-Indians there
was left for the people only one the Postal Department.
There was ample reason for doing so. It was found after
repeated experiments that the Postal Department could not be
organised and its work carried on satisfactorily without the
help of the natives of the soil. The history is interesting.
Though the Dak system existed in this country before the
advent of the British rule, it was not so well-organised. A
system of Dak on an organised scale was introduced in India
for the first time on the ist December 1855. A low and
uniform rate of postage was put in force and the whole of the
then existing system was re-organised and considered under
the Postal Act of that year. The pre-payment of letters by
means of stamps in lieu of cash was introduced, as well as a
double charge on unpaid letters. A Director General of Post
Office was found necessary and one Mr. Riddel was appointed
to the post.
At first Mr. Riddel appointed a large number of Europeans
to help him, but he soon discovered his mistake. He found
>that these European subordinates were of no use to him, and
INDIAN IN THE POSTAL DEPARTMENT 55
he had to dispense with their services. He appointed Indians
in their place and in course of a few years the system was
completed. That the children of the soil possessed a vast
power of organisation was clearly demonstrated. Without the
help of such men as Babus Saligram, Dinabandhu, and Suryya
Narain and a host of others the postal system in the country
could perhaps have never been brought to a state of high
efficiency. Under the circumstances it was but fit and proper
that Indians should reign supreme in this Department. As a
matter of fact the Government of the day had recognised it.
So the Indian Postal Act laid down the following :
"No person other than a native of India can be
appointed to any office in the Post Office Department.
A 'native of India* was defined as any person born or
domiciled within the dominions of Her Majesty in India
or within the territories of Indian Princes tributary to
or in alliance with, Her Majesty, of parents habitually
resident in India and not established there for temporary
purposes only'."
But in course of time this rule was flagrantly violated.
When Moti Lai appeared before the Sub-Committee of the
Public Services Commission he pointed out this rule and
showed how it was being honoured more in the breach than in
the observance. For instance, the Director General of the Post
Office was not only not a "native" of this country, but was a
Civilian. So was the Deputy Director General. The Post
Masters General of all the Provinces with perhaps a solitary
exception were European Civilians. The first Assistant to the
Director General, the Comptroller of Post Offices, the second
and third Assistants to the Director General, the Presidency
Post Masters and their Deputies and the Deputy Post Masters
General were all "natives" no doubt, though not of India
but of England. In Bengal out of 15 Superintendents eight
were Europeans. In the Railway Mail Service out of 14
officers getting Rs. 150 and upwards per month, 10 were
Europeans. In Behar Circle, of the five Superintendents four
were Europeans. The children of the soil were thus completely
ostracised from the higher appointments in the service in the
56 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
face of the distinct provision on the subject, though nobody
had the hardihood to deny their thorough fitness for these posts.
Moti Lai showed by incontrovertible facts and figures that
not only was the Post Office a family preserve of the heads of
the departments but that jobberies of every kind were practised
in it. In short the departments had been filled by the sons,
sons-in-law, brothers and cousins of some of the chief officers,
all Europeans, though they had no right to be there as they
were not "natives of India." This exposure created such a
scandal that the matter formed the subject of an interpellation
in Parliament by Mr. Bradlaugh with the result that Mr. Hogg,
the then head of the Post Office, was compelled to resign. The
evidence of Babu Moti Lai did not go in vain. It secured for
the children of the soil many of the high offices in the Postal
department from which they had been shut out and which
had been the monopoly of European interlopers.
Though to all intents and purposes Moti Lai had been
assisting his illustrious elder brother, Shishir Kumar, in dis-
charging his editorial duties of the Amrita Bazar Patrika since
its very inception at their native village, it was perhaps for the
first time during the session of the Public Services Commission
in 1887, i.e., nearly twenty years after the paper had been
started that he appeared before the officials as the Joint-Editor
of the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
An incident happened while Moti Lai was giving his
evidence before the Committee which though a trifling one
is worth mentioning because his detractors and more especially
persons who were hit by his evidence wanted to make great
capital out of it. The Committee consisted of Justice Sir
Charles Turner, the Hon'ble Maulavi Abdul Jubbar, Mr. Kisch
{Post Master General) and others. The incident is as follows.
After Moti Lai had been examined for sometime before the
Committee he happened to eructate and this was the cause of
the incident. But let me describe it in the language of Moti
Lai himself. Writes Moti Lai giving a summary of his evidence
in the Amrita Bazar Patrika:
"At this time, an incident occurred to which I
AN INCIDENT BEFORE THE COMMISSION 57
would have never alluded if it had not been made a
capital of by the Indian Daily News reporter. I hap-
pened to eructate. Of course I was not aware that it
was a dreadful sin in the eyes of Englishmen to yield
to this natural action of the stomach. But the following
remark from Sir Charles Turner roused me. 'You did
it once/ said Sir Charles, 'but I passed it over. Well,
you must know, this is against English manners/ I, of
course, could not understand him, and I whispered into
Hon'ble Maulavi Abdul Jubbar's ears to know what was
it. He explained the thing to me, and it was with
difficulty that I could repress a smile. I, however, said
that I could not but do what I had done and begged to
be excused. Justice Turner then began to lecture me
on the rules of etiquette, and, I heard him with meek-
ness. I must admit, however, that his manner of re-
proving me was very gentle, and coming from a man of
his position and age. I took it in an excellent spirit."
This incident occurred in the midst of his examination
and after the examination was over Moti Lai parted company
with Sir Charles Turner "who rose to see him off and expressed
a wish that he would come again and give evidence, specially
on the Education Department."
The Indian Daily News report to which reference was
made by Motilal had however given a garbled version and
a gentleman wrote the following letter criticising that report
to the Editor of the Indian Daily News which was published
in ts issue of 4th April, 1887:
"Sir, I regret to see your reporter has dwelt
much upon an irrelevant matter in reporting the evidence
of Babu Motilal Ghose, Joint-Editor of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika. He reports that Babu Motilal was rebuked by
Sir Charles Turner as he twice eructated before him.
Sir Charles, no doubt, made some remarks on the
subject, but that was done with a patriarchal feeling
and with great courtesy and gentleness. Indeed, the
attitude of Sir Charles was courteous throughout and
he rose when Babu Motilal took leave. The reporter
also might have mentioned that Sir Charles asked
Babu Motilal to come again and give evidence on the
subject of education. But why so much fuss about
such a trifling matter? If Babu Motilal had gone to
Maharajah Jotindra Mohan Tagore, the first citizen in
58 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Calcutta, and had committed this breach of English
manners, and if the Maharajah had remarked it, he
would have simply said, 'You seem tired ; shall I
provide you with some refreshment?' What if a Hindoo
gentleman does not know English manners? What if
an English gentleman does not know Hindoo manners?
It would be absurd on the part of a Hindoo to laugh
at a European guest if he is found to eat with forks
and spoons, as it would be absurd on the part of a
European to laugh at his Hindoo guest if the latter is
found to eat with his hands. I notice this fact at all
because the prominence given in your columns about
the eructation business will injure the reputation of
such a good man as Sir Charles Turner more than that
of Babu Motilal. It is quite true, however, that Babu
Motilal's evidence has made ugly and damaging dis-
closures about the jobberies committed in the Postal
Department."
CHAPTER X
MORE ABOUT EVIDENCE BEFORE
ROYAL COMMISSION
Commotion in Postal Department Anglo-Indian Manners Press Com-
ments on the Evidence.
The evidence of Babu Motilal Ghose before the Royal
Commission on Public Services in which he disclosed the
vagaries of the Postal Department created a great commotion
in the Postal Department. Searching enquiries were at once
started by interested persons to find out the parties who had
supplied him with the damaging facts and Mr. Hogg, Director-
General of Post Offices, telegraphed to the Amrita Bazar
Patrika Office asking for copies of the Amrita Bazar Patrika
containing the summary of his evidence.
In the meantime Babu Motilal Ghose received an anony-
mous letter. The hand-writing, however, was of a European
or Eurasian. The following is the copy of the letter:
"Motilal Ghose. The bosh you were good enough
AN UNMANNERLY LETTER 59
to communicate before the Public Service Commission
the other day gives to all readers very fair idea of what
you black-guard natives (Bengalees) are and what the
likes of you are capable of saying and doing. It is a
wonder that the European gentlemen present there did
not apply the toes of their boots to your back side, as
they should have done to you for your display of
Bengali manners and customs. Surely you must have
eaten poor beef that morning for your breakfast to
make you belch forth and expel impure gas, which
during this warm weather must have reached the boiling
point in connection with the steam from boiled rice,
and found its way out of your black mouth, instead of
its proper channel your backside. You Bengalees are
the most degraded race on this earth, and you should
read Macaulay. It is the English Government only that
tolerates you, sons of ; but now you and the likes
of you must go to Upper Burmah, where the Burmese
will put you through in a very short time. You have
done more to damage your cause than all the Bengali
forgers, thieves, and rogues that we read of in the daily
papers, almost every day."
The above letter was adorned by a marginal couplet which
omitting certain words was as follows :
Tumara jovoo ke
Tumara gooshti ke
The Amrita Bazar Patrika published the above letter along
with the marginal couplet and commented on it as follows :
"We have very little doubt that the above is the
production of a European or a Eurasian postal officer.
If it be so, the couplet properly belongs to his patron
who gave him his appointment, and we therefore make
a free gift of it to him."
In fairness to the Anglo-Indian (then known as Eiiropean)
community be it said here that a gentleman of this community
(whose name I have not been able to ascertain) wrote a letter
to Motilal with reference to the eructation incident in a very
sympathetic manner which showed that there was at least one
Englishman who could feel for a Hindoo. The Amrita Bazar
Patrika also had the fairness to publish an extract from this
letter with approval. Following is the extract:
"I have often thought that one cause of frequent
misunderstanding between the two races is a want of
<6o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
knowledge of the social customs and ceremonies, modes
of address, etc. on the part of each. Nay, I have some-
times thought of compiling a short account of these
with the help of some native friends. What may seem
rude on either part may arise simply from not under-
standing the spirit of an action or expression. For
instance, one of the best intentioned Europeans in
Calcutta once told me in great distress, that a native
gentleman had taken great offence at his mode of
addressing him. I asked him what he had said. He
replied, C I spoke to him as I should to you or any other
gentleman. I addressed him as you just as I do to
you now.' I told him that he should have used the
honorific f Ap\ He was astonished and said he did not
know, but certainly he would have been the last man
in the world to intentionally give offence. Such
instances in speech and action are doubtless common,
and each race probably forbears to seek communication
with the other lest there should be some step in speech
or action not in accordance with received custom. If
the spirit of social intercourse were explained with
reasons for the modes adopted, I have a strong impres-
sion that communication would take place with more
ease and confidence and less of embarrassment in the
sense of doing wrong. "
Commenting on the evidence of Babu Motilal the Behar
Herald remarked :
"Of the branches of Public Service for which the
people are eminently fitted the Postal Department is one
about which there can hardly be two opinions. But
their exclusion from the higher grades of it was all but
complete. This fact was brought into prominent relief
in the evidence of Babu Motilal Ghose, Joint-Editor of
the Amrita Bazar PaMka before the Sub-Committee of
the Public Service Commission. This testimony must
have caused a strange flutter in the dovecots of the
department, as it was full of so many ugly disclosures
that Sir Charles Turner hesitated to accept it without
a thorough cross-examination. Mr. Kisch, the present
Post Master General who happened to be present was
asked, however, to contradict the witness, if he could,
but he did not venture to do so."
MotilaPs evidence before the Public Service Commission
was followed by a series of articles in the Amrita Bazar PaMka
exposing the jobberies of the Post Office. Numerous
YOUNG ANGLO-INDIANS AS SUPERINTENDENTS 61
instances were quoted and irrefutable facts and figures were
given, so that all attempts of the Postal authorities to shield
their action proved fruitless. Space does not permit me to
repeat the whole thing. So I take one point at random.
There was a rule in the Post Office Manual to this effect :
"It is essential that a Superintendent should have
a thorough practical knowledge of every detail of Post
Office work and be competent to instruct his sub-
ordinates. It is important also that he should know
the prevailing vernacular language of the circle in which
he is employed."
The Amrita Bazar PaMka quoted this rule and went on :
"Let us now mention the names of some of the
Superintendents who were appointed direct from outside*
and the ages in which they were appointed :
NAMES. AGE WHEN
APPOINTED.
YEARS.
L. A. Massa ... ... ... 19
H. C. Ronsack ... ... ... 19
E. A. Doran ... ... ... 19
A. J. Faichnie ... ... ... 18
G. W. Schoeneman ... ... ... 18
M. C. Byrne ... ... ... 19
A. R. Ammon ... ... ... 19
A. Bean ... ... ... 18
H. C. Sheridan ... ... ... 17
N. G. Wait ... ... ... ig,
C. C. Sheridan ... ... ... 18
E. R. Kellner ... ... ... 20
T. Corbett ... ... ... 19
W. A. Kelly ... ... ... 20
J. C. Koddy ... ... ... 18"
The Patrika further commented :
"It is hard to conceive how these young people
some of them could be styled lads could have qualified
themselves for the duties of a Superintendent, unless
we accept the supposition that they came out of their
mothers' womb like our Astabakra, fully competent to
teach the world and to do anything and everything.
Astabakra remained twelve years in his mother's womb
and learnt everything while there from what his father
62 MEMOIRS OF MOTII,AL GHOSE
taught to his disciples. Perhaps these young lads
acquired all the necessary qualifications of a Superin-
tendent while flying their kites near the Post Office
buildings!"
Mr. Hynes, First Assistant to the Director-General of
ft>st Office gave evidence before the Committee of the Public
Services Commission and tried to meet or refute some of the
statements of Babu Motilal Ghose, but he hopelessly failed to
achieve his end.
The Indian Patriot thus commented on the statement of
Mr. Hynes:
''The carefully worded replies of Mr. G. J. Hynes,
First Assistant to the Director-General of Post Office to
the statements of Babu Motilal Ghose, Joint-Editor of
the Amrita Bazar Patrika before the Public Service
Commission at Calcutta must prove disappointing read-
ing to everyone outside the Eurasian and Anglo-Indian
community and even to many in that community. ..."
The Shorn Prakash, which was in its time regarded as a
leading paper in the country, wrote:
"When the Public Service Commission held its
sitting at Calcutta, the 'patriots' fell fast asleep and it
was only Baboo Motilal Ghose, the Joint-Editor of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika that satisfied the members of the
Commission, citing innumerable instances he came to
know of, after a good deal of search, that the natives
of the country are gradually losing their privilege to
enter Government offices."
MotilaPs evidence before the Public Services Commission
was the subject matter of discussion in the Press for several
months together and brought him very prominently before the
public eye.
It took a year for the Public Service Commissioners to
prepare their Report. As regards the Postal Department the
Commission made the following recommendations:
"Postal Department: That in order to enable
Natives to compete on equal terms with Europeans and
Eurasians for appointments which require higher educa-
tional qualifications and greater physical energy than
are necessary for efficient service in the lower posts, a
certain number of appointments from Rs. 80 to Rs. 100
a month should be filled by competition, the successful
MR. EARDLEY NORTON 63
candidates being admitted on probation and being
trained in Head Offices, after which they should be
employed as Inspectors, and if found qualified selected
for the grades of Superintendent.
"That of the seven highest appointments in the
Departments at present filled by Covenanted Civilians,
not less than three should be ordinarily filled by
promotion within the Department."
It, therefore, appears that Motilal's evidence did not go
in vain. It succeeded in introducing the competitive system
of recruitment for certain posts and succeeded in snatching
away at least three out of the seven highest appointments from
foreigners to the children of the soil and set the ball of
Indianisation rolling.
CHAPTER XI.
EARLY CONGRESS ACTIVITIES.
Norton's Reminiscences Fourth All-India Congress Simultaneous
I. C. S. Examinations in England and India Fifth Congress Legisla-
tive Reforms.
The name of Mr. Eardley Norton, Barrister-at-Law
is well-known in this country. He practised at the Madras
High Court for a time and later joined the Calcutta High
Court where for a considerable time he ruled the day. He was
counsel on behalf of the prosecution in the famous Maniktala
Bomb Case in which Sri juts Aurobinda Ghose, Barindra Kumar
Ghose and others were prosecuted and Mr. C. R. Das took the
defence side. Long after this case in another famous trial
the trial of Sj. Nirmalkanto Roy, who was charged with
murdering a Police Officer in a street in CalcuttaMr. Norton
was on the defence side and succeeded in saving the young
man from the jaws of the gallows.
Mr. J^orton in his younger days took some interest in
Indian politics. He attended some sessions of the Indian
National Congres and took an active part in them.
64 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
We find in Mr. Norton's Reminiscences published in the
(now-defunct) Looker-on of March 8, 1919 that Babu Motilal
Ghose was one of those who attended the fourth session of
the All-India National Congress held at Allahabad in 1888
under the presidentship of Mr. George Yule, President of the
Calcutta Chamber of Commerce. Amongst those present were
Messrs. W. C. Bonnerjee, Telang, Monmohan Ghose, Pheroze
Shah Mehta, Ranade, Surendra Nath Banerjea and others.
"Moti Lai Ghose," says Mr. Norton, "was wrapped in an
ancient chudder" and when Rajah Sewprasad of Benares moved
a hostile resolution he "declined to call him bhai (brother)".
Says Mr. Norton:
"Next morning was to inaugurate the Resolution
on simultaneous examinations in England and in India
for candidates for the Civil Service. Dear old Moti Lall
Ghose had given notice of his intention to divide the
Congress on the Resolution. He objected to successful
Indian candidates being sent to England for a two years*
training. His o(rthodoxy was up in arms. England,
he said, spelt whisky and women for tender Indian
youths. He objected to a nautch-girl in India on prin-
ciple, but to the fair-haired Amaryllis clothed in black
silk 'undies', rouge and wanton smiles he was determined
to offer an opposition relentless and interminable. Let
the Heavens fall, let the Amrita Bazar Patrika be mis-
taken for the Pioneer, no decent Indian woman's brother
should be exposed to the wiles of Club No. I, and the
denizens of Pimlico or St. John's Wood. So he blew
his bugle and the clans mustered. It was up with the
banners of Moti Lai Ghose, and though the sages of
the Congress pleaded with Moti to fall into line with
their more liberal views he said nothing but sat like
a Sphinx, mute as the Fates, inexorable as death. We
sent him to bed at three and attacked him again at
six. He was harder and colder than ever. There was
no fire in his tent and he had frozen to an iceberg ; and
so he won his point. A compromise was arrived at,
and Monmohan Ghose was elected to move it at the
full meeting. Caine, the 'general ruffian' of the House
of Commons, was there as a visitor, and he told me
afterwards how deeply impressed he was with the
manner in which it was adopted. In a letter to a London
newspaper he described the incident and its determina-
tion as 'worthy of the Front Bench at Horn**."
SIMULTANEOUS I. C. S. EXAMINATIONS 65
The following comment on the fourth All-India National
Congress held at Allahabad in December 1888 was published
in the Amrita Bazar Patrika. As Moti Lai personally attended
the Congress and was also editing the paper at this time we
may presume this to be from his pen or at least written at
his instance :
"Many earnest people who had gone as delegates
to the Congress at Allahabad had to leave the place dis-
appointed. They had many things to say and to do, but
they had no opportunity of doing any good to the
Congress except swelling the number of delegates. The
complaint is just, but it is common to all large gather-
ings. It is certain, however, that this year a large
amount of anxious thought was bestowed upon the pro-
ceedings to be followed than it was done at Madras last
year."
In the Allahabad session Mr. John Adam of Madras moved
an amendment which wellnigh threatened a split in the
Congress camp. His amendment was to the effect that simul-
taneous examinations should be accompanied with compulsory
residence of the India-passed candidates in England. It was
nearly half-past five when Mr. Adam moved his amendment
and so the discussion was reserved for the next days' meeting.
It was only a very few of the delegates who were seated on
or near the platform who heard Mr. Adam's amendment or
paid any serious attention to it. Moti Lai who was one of
these gentlemen at once saw the grave consequences that
would follow if the amendment were passed or accepted by
the Congress. He said that if the amendment were carried,
considering the state of the Hindu society at that time the
Congress would be at once characterised as a non-Hindu orga-
nisation by its opponents and then the whole Hindu nation,
which was then much more orthodox than now, would disavow
the Congress, for they would not be able to subscribe to the
resolution for sending their children to England for education
or for fitting them to hold employments in their own country.
Such men, for example, as the Maharajah of Durbhanga, the
premier land-holder of the Province of Bengal or Maharaja
5
66 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Jatindra Mohan Tagore, the premier citizen of Calcutta, he
ieared, would at once cut off their connection with the Congress
if the amendment were successfully carried. So he considered
the amendment to be greatly injurious to the cause of the
country. Immediately after the meeting he saw Mr. Hume
(the father of the Indian National Congress) and Mr. Norton
and spoke to them on the subject. He explained to Hume
the danger involved in the amendment. Hume realised the
danger, became anxious and asked him to secure votes against
the amendment. It was then nearly half past nine in the
evening and Moti Lai then went to Norton who on hearing
about the danger involved in the amendment not only assured
him that he would oppose the amendment but promised to go
out next morning to canvass for votes against the amendment.
Moti Lai then saw Captain Banon, who had influence with
the Punjab delegates. The Captain also assured him that the
Punjab votes would go against the amendment.
Early next morning Norton was seen going out and secur-
ing votes. He forgot his morning tea, he forgot his breakfast
and was busily engaged in canvassing votes. Moti Lai also
induced other leaders to inform the delegates of the danger
that awaited them and the alarm spread like wild fire from
tent to tent. So before the day's meeting began it was
apparent to everybody that Mr. Adam's amendment would
be lost. Ultimately a compromise resolution was passed which
on the one hand appreciated the concessions proposed by the
Public Services Commission, but on the other hand stated that
full justice would never be done to the people of this country
until open competitions for the Indian Civil Service were held
simultaneously in England and India.
The fifth All-India Congress was held at Bombay in
December 1889 under the presidentship of Sir William
Wedderburn. The most outstanding figure in this session of
the Congress was Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, M.P., who had been
surnamed the "Member for India". When Moti Lai who was
attending the Congress as a delegate from Bengal met
Bradlaugh, the latter while referring to the warm reception
CHARLES BRADLAUGH 67
that was accorded to him remarked with a smile, "I was well-
nigh killed by your people, the crowd was so great."
The most important question before this session of the
Congress was the Bill for the reform of the Legislative
Councils. Bradlaugh had drafted a Bill on the subject. Before
the question was finally taken up for settlement in the open
Congress it had been referred to a select body of delegates
to devise, if possible, a uniform scheme which would apply
to all parts of India. This body sat for two days and threshed
out a scheme with the help of Bradlaugh which was ultimately
adopted by the Congress with some minor alterations.
Now, three schemes were placed before this select body
of delegates. One of these was known as the Bengal or Amrita
Bazar Patrika scheme. It had appeared in the columns of
Amrita Bazar Patrika some time before and was placed by
Moti Lai before the Congress. Bradlaugh remarked that of
the three schemes this was the best. In fact, he said that it
was the scheme which he liked most. But he was sure that
as it was based on direct representation the whole body of the
Conservatives in Parliament would object to it and give it no
chance of success. A scheme from Madras, fathered by Norton,
based upon indirect representation was finally adopted. The
other scheme which was not accepted had originated in
Bombay.
CHAPTER XII.
HOW CHARLES BRADLAUGH WAS DRAWN INTO .
INDIAN POLITICS.
Some English friends Caine, Bradlaugh and Digby Kashmir Affairs
Interview with Bradlaugh Taking up Kashmir Cause Questions in
Parliament.
Though Moti Lai was a severe critic of the British admi-
nistration in India he bore no ill-will against Britishers in
general or any individual Britisher. And it was partly
68 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
owing to this fact, if not also to his frankness of speech and
suavity of manners, that he could count among his personal
friends many an Englishman of power and position. One of
these was the late W. S. Caine, Member of Parliament. -Very
early he formed the acquaintance of Caine who had come to
India to preach against intoxicants, and acquaintance soon
ripened into friendship. Caine who possessed a very liberal
heart was moved by the pathetic appeals that Moti Lai made
to him to induce him to enter the field of Indian politics with
a view to agitate the grievances of India in Parlament. And
it was at Moti Lai's instance that Caine became the London
correspondent of the Amrita Bazar Patrika and raised several
Indian questions in Parliament in the eighties and nineties of
of the last century.
In the year 1889 the late Charles Bradlaugh M.P. came
to India. He was putting up at Bombay when the fifth
session of the Indian National Congress was going on. Motilal
had also gone to Bombay as a delegate to the Congress from
Bengal. He met Bradlaugh and with his persistent appeals
moved him to take up the cause of India. Bradlaugh at first
refused to intercede on behalf of India on the ground that
he was not aware of facts and figures regarding India. But
Motilal assured him that there would be no difficulty in this
matter as Bradlaugh could get all information regarding India
from Mr. William Digby, who was collecting materials for
his book "Prosperous British India," and who was a great
personal friend of Motilal. In this book, Digby, though an
Englishman himself, showed from facts and figures quoted
from official records what English rule had done in India,
he proved to the hilt the poverty of the Indian people, their
heavy taxation, the terrible and ceaseless drain from India to
England and the responsibility of England for famines in
Ifadia. Motilal and Digby often met each other and they must
have held long discussions on these matters.
At this time Maharaja Pratap Singh of Kashmir had lost
his guddee owing to the machinations of some -mischievous
persons. A series of articles were published in the Amrita
BRADLAUGH AND MOTILAL 69
Bazar Patrika feelingly describing the wrong that had been
done to the Maharaja. A letter of his describing the affair
was also published which created a great sensation in official
circles. When Bradlaugh agreed to take up the Indian cause
Motilal cited the dethronement of the Maharaja as a case in
point and wanted Bradlaugh to take up the question to
Parliament for redressing the grievance. Pandit Gopinath of
Lahore and two other representatives from the Maharaja of
Kashmir had come to the Congress at Bombay. At the instance
of Motilal these three representatives saw Bradlaugh with a
memorial on behalf of the Maharaja and Bradlaugh promised
to take up the cause of the Maharaja. At first he refused to
raise in Parliament the question of the Magistrate and the
Political Agent being off their heads, but Motilal insisted on
the matter being raised and Bradlaugh had to agree.
Here is a summary of the very interesting interview, that
took place between Motilal and Bradlaugh, taken from the
former's private diary :
When I proposed to Mr. Bradlaugh to take up the
case of the Maharajah of Kashmere, he seemed to be
very much -annoyed. His reply was, 'I have already
disposed of two gentlemen who saw me with the same
mission. One of them was a Pleader and the other an
Engineer of the State who had the boldness to offer me
some silver vessels as presents. I am sorry you too
want to drag me into this business. Well, I have
resolved not to meddle with it.'
I Why, may I inquire?
Mr. B. I have been advised by Mr. Hume not to
meddle with this matter as the people might then
charge me with having taken money from the Maharaja.
I But are you really going to be bribed?
Mr. B. Of course not.
I Has not Mr. Bradlaugh this reputation that he
never cares for what the world says about him so long
as he is satisfied that the case he advocates is a just
one?
Mr. B. Well!
I You know you are not going to be bribed, and
if I can convince you that the Maharaja has suffered
gross wrongs at the hands of the Government, why
70 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
should you not protect him? Is it because he had the
misfortune of being born a Prince?
Mr. Bradlaugh was non-plussed.
He however sought to wriggle out of his position
by declaring that he was willing to defend the Maharaja
provided he appealed to him openly.
I pointed out that that was an impossible condi-
tion. For, in that case the Government would make
his life simply unbearable.
Mr. Bradlaugh replied that Parliament was superior
to the Indian Government, and the latter would not"
dare to oppress a man when he was under Parliamentary
protection.
I told him what he said was theoretically correct,
but as a matter of fact, living six thousand miles away,
it was impossible for a Member of Parliament to give the
Maharaja any shelter if he fell under the displeasure of
an irresponsible and bureaucratic Government.
Mr. Bradlaugh reflected for a moment and then
said in a resolute tone : My decision is made. I will
not take up the matter if the Maharaja does not j-lace
his papers directly in my hands. No more on this
subject, Mr. Ghose.
It was now my turn to be non-plussed
A happy idea, however, flashed in my mind. I
asked Mr. Bradlaugh if he would not admit that the
subjects of Kashmir were as much interested as, or even
more interested than, the Maharaja himself in the pre-
servation of the integrity of the State. Suppose, these
subjects were to approach him for help, how could he
refuse it? If they were to tell him that granting the
Maharaja's alleged misgovernment was true, why should
they, innocent men, be punished by the annexation of
their State for his fault? What answer would he give
to them ?
Mr. Bradlaugh was again non-plussed I
He said that in that case it was his duty to serve
them. He then grew warm and with a tremendous thud
on the table with his gigantic hand, he assiired me he
would do his very best, that he would raise a debate in
the House, that he would expose the whole scandal to
the world, but our facts and figures must be absolutely
correct and his briefs must be prepared by Mr. Digby in
whom he had absolute confidence, to all of which I
readily agreed.
KASHMIR AFFAIRS IN PARLIAMENT 71
The sequel is interesting. Three gentlemen had come
from Kashmir to Bombay as delegates to the Congress. Motilal
told them the purport of his conversation with Bradlaugh and
enquired if they were prepared to wait in deputation on him
and appeal to him for his help. They were quite ready to do
it. They then presented a formal address to Bradlaugh pray-
ing for his protection and he gave them in public an assurance
of his support to their cause. One of these gentlemen was
Pandit Gopinath of Lahore.
Bradlaugh fulfilled his promise to the very letter. Digby
prepared a brief for him based on the articles in the Amrita
Bazar Patrika and the official papers relating to the subject.
On the 3rd July 1890 Bradlaugh gave notice of a debate in
Parliament on the Kashmir affairs in these words:
"I beg to ask leave to move the adjournment of the
House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of
urgent public importance, namely, the taking away by
the Government of India from the Maharaja of Kashmir
the government of his State and part of the revenue
while refusing to allow any judicial or Parliamentary
enquiry into the grounds for such action against a great
Feudatory Prince."
Considerably over forty members having risen in their
places, Bradlaugh made a powerful speech of considerable
length in which he proved conclusively the wrongs that had
been done to the Maharaja. The motion, of course, was
defeated, the Government having a large standing majority,
but it did its work. The Maharaja was restored to the guddee
though many of his powers were taken away. Some of these
powers, however, were restored as late as 1921.
In course of the above conversation Moti Lai made
another request to Bradlaugh to which also he at first declined
to accede. It was that he should be pleased to ask questions
in Parliament about the high-handed proceedings of the
members of the Indian Civil Service and the Political Agents
attached to the Courts of the Indian Princes. Bradlaugh not
only came round to the views of Motilal when the latter
described the doings of some of the Magistrates and Political
72 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Agents but grew warm and declared with a strong thump on
the table that he too had some personal experience of the high-
handedness of some of the Magistrates in England and that
he quite sympathised with the position of the Indians. As a
matter of fact his interpellations on the conduct of some of
the Magistrates in Bengal, such as Mr. H. A. D. Phillips,
Mr. Beams and others created a good deal of terror among the
members of the Indian Civil Service.
CHAPTER XIII.
FROM A WEEKLY TO A DAILY.
Age of Consent BillHan Haiti's Case Popular Feeling Against the
Bill Protest Meetings Necessity of a Daily Paper Patrika Converted
From A Weekly To A Daily.
While the sixth Indian National Congress was sitting in
Calcutta at the end of December, 1890, the rumour spread from
mouth to mouth that Lord Cross, the then Secretary of State
for India, had directed the Government of India to introduce
the Supreme Council a Bill to raise the Age of Consent
ten to twelve years. The whole country was indignant.
The general body of Hindus, who were then much more
orthodox than now, took it to be an affront to their religious
and social custom. The system of early marriage was ingrained
in them and they thought that by raising the age of consent
the marriage of girls would naturally be deferred and vices of
European society would gradually creep into the Indian homes.
Moreover they argued that if any reform in their society was
needed it should be carried out by themselves and not thrust
upon them by a foreign body.
Now, the Age of Consent Bill originated in this way. One
Hari Haiti had intercourse with his girl wife and the wife
died of bleeding. It was proved by medical evidence that
Hari Haiti had previous intercourses with his wife who was
a well-developed girl. It was also proved that it was of her
AGE OF CONSENT BILL 73
own accord that she came to her husband on the day she died
of bleeding. Though it was a case of accident pure and simple
Hari Maiti was sentenced to two years' rigorous imprisonment.
There are in every age and in every clime classes of
persons who always think that a reform is needed. If they
cannot bring about a reform of the strong and the obdurate
they will exert their energies to achieve this end with the
weak and the yielding. At the time when the above incident
occurred the Congress and politically-minded people of India
were trying to bring about an enlargement of the existing
legislative Councils on a representative basis. But another
class of "Reformers'* thought that the Government was a hard
nut to crack. So they directed all their energies towards
reforming the society of the country. They made much capital
out of Hari Haiti's case. The Government took up the cue.
Thus the Age of Consent Bill was introduced by the Govern-
ment and it fell among the Indian people like the apple of
discord and created disunion among their rank and file.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika at once took up the gauntlet.
It warned the people that if they paid all their attention to
this Bill they might forget other important matters ; for
example, "they were likely to forget the danger that was
hanging over their head in the shape of the Police Reform,"
which proposed to increase the number of European Magistrates
and give greater powers to the District Police Superintendents.
But cool calculation was of no avail. The popular passions
had been roused. Even men like Maharaja latindra Mohan
Tagore, Raja Rajendra Lala, Sir Romesh Chandra Mitter,
Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee and other leading members of the Hindu
society arrayed themselves against the Age of Consent Bill, and
inspite of its earlier warnings to the people the Amrita Bazar
Patrika itself was subsequently carried away by the tide of
popular opinion and began violently to oppose this piece of
social reform. As early as January 1891, when the Age of
Consent Bill had been formally introduced the Amrita Bazar
Patrika suggested that "a public meeting must be held at once
in Calcutta to consider the Age of Consent Bill before the
74 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
next meeting of the Legislative Council .... and a memorial
must be submitted by the public of Calcutta on or before the
day of the debate. "
Gradually, the feeling against the Bill became very intense
in the country and especially in Calcutta. It became the
subject matter of talk everywhere in the town. Hawkers
began to sell pamphlets in the streets for one or two pice
criticising and caricaturing the Bill. Some of these bore
inscriptions like "Great Danger to Hindu Religion," "Dohai
Maharanee our religion in Danger" and so forth and so on.
Meetings were held here and there and everywhere in the
town. The British Indian Association under the Presidentship
of Raja Rajendra Narayan Deb Bahadur and Secretaryship of
Maharaj-Kumar Benoy Krishna Dev of Shovabazar, took up
the matter in right earnest. Raja Peary Mohan Mukherjee of
Uttarpara who presided over a meeting of an association named
Sabitri Sabha gave expression to his opinion that the action
of the Government was improper. Maharaja Jatindra Mohan
Tagore of Pathuriaghata said that the introduction of the Bill
was a great blunder. The Hon'ble Sir Romesh Chandra Mitter
opposed the Bill in the Legislative Council. The columns of
the Amrita Bazar Patrika were filled up with opinions of men
opposing the Bill and week after week its leading editorials
were directed against the measure.
On the 22nd January, 1891 a public meeting was held
at the residence of the late Maharaja Kamal Krishna Dev
Bahadur at Shovabazar (Calcutta) to protest against the Bill.
The attendance was not only very large, but hundreds
of people had to go away disappointed owing to want of room.
The spacious quadrangle of the Rajbari was crowded to suffo-
cation. Not only Hindus, but several Mussulmans were also
present in the meeting. Telegrams sympathising with the object
of the meeting which were read out showed that they came
from persons like Maharani Swarnamoyi, Maharaja Jagadindra
Nath Roy Bahadur of Natore, Maharaja Girijanath Roy
Bahadur of Dinajpur, Raja Suryya Kanta Acharyya Bahadur
of Muktagacha, Raja Haronath Roy Chaudhury Bahadur of
A PROTEST MEETING 75
Dubalhati, Raja Gyanada Kanta Roy of Jessore, Maulavi
Mahammad Nazimuddin Khan Bahadur of Madras, Mahamaho-
padhyaya Ram Dikhit Apte of Poona, the Maharaja of
Durbhanga and others. Mahamahopadhyaya Bhuban Mohan
Bidyaratna, a renowed Pandit, was proposed to the chair by
Maharajkumar Nil Krishna Dev Bahadur and Syed Abdul
Sobhan, a Mahomedan gentleman, one of the biggest Zemindars
of Bogra seconded him. So, here was a matter in which
leading Hindus and Mahomedans were of the same opinion
and thus they combined in their protest against the proposed
measure.
Babu Kalinath Mitra moved the first resolution which ran
as follows :
That this meeting, while thanking the Government
for its benevolent intentions, deprecates all social re-
forms by the Legislature as at present constituted, and is
of opinion that under present circumstances, any reform,
affecting our society, to be useful and permanent must
come from within, and not be forced by the present
system of Legislation.
He opposed the Government measure in a vehement
speech. When he said that the Government were introducing
this measure on the opinion of a few Babus who had been
to England and returned to their mother country with new-
fangled ideas, Moti Lai interposed and said that he was,
however, glad to say that Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee was opposed
to this measure.
Babu (afterwards Raja) Sitanath Roy moved the second
resolution opposing penal legislation in a matter affecting
religious ceremony. A Standing Committee was formed at the
meeting with a view to carry on agitation against the Bill
and in a few days' time the Committee submitted a long
memorial to His Excellency the Viceroy (Lord Lansdowne)
giving point by point the objections against the proposed
legislation supported by the opinions of a large number of
medical practitioners of Calcutta and signed by 10,000 persons.
Very soon after this a public meeting was held at the
Calcutta maidan to protest against the Bill where a lakh of
76 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
men assembled. No one presided and 12 different speakers
addressed the meeting simultaneously standing apart from one
another in different places of the maidan.
It was at this time that Indians had to witness the peculiar
spectacle of the daily papers boycotting the public. Some
papers of Madras, Bombay and Calcutta refused to publish
letters from eminent persons opposing the Government measure.
At this critical moment the Hindu Patriot regretted the want
of a Hindu daily paper to safeguard the religion of the Hindus.
The Indian Mirror supported the Bill and it was characterised
by the Hindu public as a Brahmo paper. The result was that
great pressure was put on the conductors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika to convert their paper from a weekly to a daily one.
- igth February, 1891, ought to be a red-letter day
in the history of journalism in India. I do not know whether
according to the Hindu calendar that was an auspicious day
or not, but later events seem to testify that certainly that was
an auscipious day, at least, for journalism in India. It was
on the igth February, 1891, that the Amrita Bazar Patrika
made its appearance for the first time as a daily. I have
already said that at that time the Government and the country
had gone mad over the Age of Consent Bill. When this mad-
ness had assumed its greatest height the people of Bengal
found that they had no suitable daily organ to take up their
cause and agitate over the matter. They were not satisfied
with the pleadings of the Patrika once a week and they insisted
on the proprietors of the paper to convert it into a daily.
But the proprietors were not very well off at this time and
geat pressure was brought to bear upon them to take this
hazardous step. Various deputations from the people and
from friends and admirers now began to wait upon them and
they threatened to make their life miserable if they did not
change their paper into a daily. At last they had to agree and
though they had not much printing materials with them they
took a leap into the dark. The country now knows very well
if 'they had been rewarded for this bold step.
From this time Moti I*al had to labour hard very hard.
. ANOTHER PROTEST MEETING 77
The difference between the labour of conducting a weekly
paper and that of conducting a daily paper is very great, and
the difference grew all the greater as the change was a sudden
one. Moti Lai and his brothers who not only owned the
paper but had also its management in their hands had now to
undergo great financial difficulties, but they tided over all
obstacles by dint of their innate sense of economy and unique
capacity for adapting themselves to surrounding circumstances.
Within a week of the Amrita Bazar Patrika's conversion
into a daily "a densely crowded and representative meeting" of
the leading members of the Hindu community was held at the
residence of Babu Ramanath Ghose in Pathuriaghata, Calcutta,
to protest against the Age of Consent Bill. Almost all the
elite of the city and many distinguished Pandits from Nava-
dwip, Bhatpara, Bikrampur and Orissa were present in that
meeting. Raja Rajendra Narayan Deb Bahadur presided. In
the report of the meeting published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika
(Daily Edition) of the 2ist February, 1891 we find that Moti
Lai attended the meeting as Editor of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika. A Committee was formed in that meeting to
draw a memorial to Lord Landsdowne, the then Viceroy and
Moti Lai was one of the members of that Committee. Let it be
said here that in spite of the agitation in the country the Age
of Consent Bill was passed, and people know what good or
bad it has done either to the Government or to the country.
Since then the Sarda Act, called after Rai Harbilas Sarda
Bahadur has further increased the Age of Consent. The
Heavens have not fallen down, nor has the Ganges been on
fire. The fact is that the Age of Consent affecting the age of
marriage has ceased to be a social or religious matter, if ever
it was such ; it has now become a purely ,.""' ^u*w*m*l^^*9&-
CHAPTER XIV.
AN ELECTION AFFRAY.
Moti Lai, A Candidate For Election To Calcutta Corporation Supported
by the Press How Friends Were Parted Election Tactics Moti Lai's
Defeat.
In the year 1892 Moti Lai was attacked with a serious
disease which often attacks public men, he fell a prey to
the importunities of friends and thus got election fever. He
stood as a candidate for election as a Commissioner of the
Calcutta Corporation. In this connection he issued the follow-
ing appeal to his constituency : ~
"APPEAL
Amrita Bazar Patrika Office,
January i3th, 1892.
To
The Electors of Ward No. I.
Dear Sir,
I beg to offer myself as a candidate for one of the
Commissionerships in Ward No. I, at the forthcoming
General Election of Commissioners. I venture to hope
that you will kindly approve of my candidature .
Yours faithfully,
MOTILAL GHOSE,
Editor, 'A. B. Patrika'. "
While announcing his candidature the Statesman wrote:
"We observe that our old friend Mr. Motilal
Ghose, the Editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika has been
induced to offer himself as a candidate for one of the
vacancies in Ward No. I at the forthcoming General
Election of Commissioners. The city is in need of a
few more men of the sterling honesty and sturdy
independence of Moti Lai Ghose to manage its affairs
at the Municipal Board, and it is to be trusted his
candidature will prove successful."
In this connection the now-defunct National Paper said :
"The announcement of the new election has pro-
voked both worthies and unworthies to stand for elec-
PRESS OPINION OF MOTILAL 79
tion. We are glad to learn that the Editor of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika has been induced by the rate-
payers of Ward No I to stand for the election. The
promoter of the Municipal Elective system ought to have
a place on the Board."
The Bengalee in supporting Moti Lai's candidature
wrote :
"The electors of Ward No. I would be well-
advised in returning Babu Motilal Ghose as Commis-
sioner for their Ward. Babu Motilal Ghose is an
experienced journalist, a man of letters and of great
public spirit. He would be an acquisition to the Muni-
cipal Board."
The Guardian had the following:
"A notable candidate in these days of flunkeyism and
apkawastism among most of the Commissioners on the
Municipal Board, it is refreshing to see the name of
Babu Motilal Ghose offering himself as a candidate at
the forthcoming general election. In sturdy indepen-
dence of character, unflinching tenacity of purpose,
ready grasp at intricate subjects and the last though
not the least, in genuine patriotism, he has few equals
in India. If such a man stands for any Ward, it is
simply doing honour to such a constituency. We con-
gratuiate the rate-payers of Ward No. I to have per-
suaded Moti Babu to stand as a candidate for the same."
In the beginning there were eight candidates from Ward
No. I for two seats. But Moti Lai's rivals in the election
were really two, and they were formidable candidates, Rai
Pasupati Nath Bose and Babu Bhupendra Nath Basu. The
former belonged to a well-known aristrocratic family, he was
a big zemindar, having a palatial house in Calcutta, perhaps
the largest in the northern quarter of the town and he had
a large number of friends and relations in the Ward in which
he lived for generations and which he sought to represent at the
Corporation. Bhupendra Nath Basu was then a rising Attorney.
His later career is too well-known to require any mention.
Needless to say both these candidates were personal friends of
Moti Lai. At first the candidates took the election fight with
a good grace. But gradually high feelings were aroused and
supporters of rival parties began to call each other all sorts
8o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
of names and tried to belittle the heroes of their rivals in
various ways.
The following extract from a description of the situation
as given in a leading editorial of the Amrita Bazar Patrika of
some date in February, 1892 will be interesting:
"We read in books that something like madness
seizes the people at the period when an election takes
place in a country. At such times they lose their proper
senses and not only throw stones at each other but dead
cats, rats and dogs. Though it is only a Municipal
election, yet the people in Calcutta seem to be in a state
of frenzy.
* * * *
Ward No. I is not only the first according to the
Municipal division of the town but first also in its frenzy
which, as we said above, usually seizes the people during
the period of election in all countries. . . . Ward
No. i is a Kayastha quarter of the town. Of these
Kayasthas it has been alleged that Maharaja Yama
(Pluto) himself, the Lord of Death and the Giver of
punishment and reward, could not carry on his avoca-
tions until he had appointed Chitra Gupta, the Kayastha
for his Prime Minister. So there must be something
extraordinary in a quarter inhabited by Kayasthas even
in a Municipal election.
The three candidates who have presented themselves
this year (from Ward No. I) for the honour of a seat
on the Municipal Board are all Kayasthas. Now these
Kayasthas like others marry and give in marriage and
thus form relationships. In Ward No. I, therefore, the
Kayasthas, as a rule are related to each other.
When therefore (would-be) Commissioner No. I
appears in the field his affectionate father-in-law as a
matter of fact canvasses for him. The spectacle fires the
relations of other candidates with emulation and they
thus plunge themselves into the vortex of the whirlpool.
The voters and candidates being all Kayasthas are related
to each other. The voter who is the uncle-in-law
of a candidate is the grand-father of another, and thus
the candidates find themselves in the midst of voters,
who are generally their relatives.
The usual rule for candidates in all countries is to
base their appeals to voters upon their own merits. In
Ward No. I it is based, with very few honourable
exceptions upon relationship. One candidate pleads to
HOW VOTES WERE CANVASSED 81
a voter : 'Is not my brother your son-in-law?' and thus
secures the support of a voter. This voter is imme-
diately after beseiged by another candidate, who tries
to convince him that the brother of a son-in-law can
never have so much claim as the brother of a maternal
uncle, which relation he bears to him. When such is
the way the votes are canvassed for, it is no wonder
that the candidates and voters should all lose their
proper senses.
It was very calm in the beginning. At that time
the candidates met and shook hands like friends. This
was succeeded by squibs, lampoons and satires. And
now it is foul abuse abuse which fouls even the mouth
of a fisherwoman.
It was very dull in the very beginning, when the
candidates and their friends bowed to each other when-
ever they met, formally and politely. It was very
exciting and exhilarating when lampoons and satires
were hurled upon rivals. Now that abuses have been
resorted to the matter has become more nauseating than
putrid human flesh.
During the lampooning stage one candidate and his
friends issued a squib in which his opponent was des-
cribed as a 'Jessore plague*. Now this is very good and
unobjectionable. A squib on the other side was also
amusing and unobjectionable. Thus, one candidate
bears the name which can be rendered into 'lord of
brutes'. His opponent bears a name which means
'pearl*. Taking advantage of the names of the candi-
dates the friends of the latter enquire, 'How can brute
appreciate a pearl' ?"
Commenting on the methods of canvassing in Calcutta
the Behar Herald wrote:
A good deal of excitement is reported to be pre-
valent in Calcutta over the impending Municipal elec-
tions that come off on the I5th March, on which day
all the offices are likely to be closed. It would appear
from what we have learnt that the Chamber of Com-
merce and the Trades Association are not over-anxious
to exercise their privilege ; but the Indian constituency
are all up and doing. Canvassing is warmly going on,
but why there should be need for canvassing for such
men as Babu Motilal Ghose of the Arnrita Bazar Patrika,
and Babu Durga Gati Banerjee Rai Bahadur, Collector
of Calcutta, is what we do not understand. It is enough
82 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
that such men offer themselves as candidates. Let not
Calcutta illustrate by the rejection of these men as
Municipal Commissioners that it cannot appreciate real
worth. The metropolis of India which ought to be the
strongest hold of local self-government in the country
cannot afford to be said of its taste, 'Pearl before the
swine.'
The 1 5th of March was fixed for the polling of votes.
On the i4th of March before Mr. Justice Trevelyan in the
Calcutta High Court, Mr. Hill, Counsel on behalf of Babu
Pasupati Nath Bose, rival candidate of Babu Motilal Ghose,
applied under Section 45 of the Specific Relief Act for the
issue of a rule on Mr. Lee, Chairman of the Calcutta Munici-
pality and Babu Motilal Ghose to show cause why Motilal's
name should not be struck off the list of candidates for election
in Ward No. I. Mr. Hill argued that Motilal could not stand
as a candidate because he did not pay any rates or taxes to
the Corporation individually in his own name, but that he
was the member of a joint family and he could not be a voter
or a candidate. There was a lengthy discussion after which
His Lordship delivered judgment holding that the registration
of Motilal's name had been done according to the provisions
of the Calcutta Municipal Act.
Great excitement prevailed on the i5th March. The
Metropolitan Institution premises (now Shyambazar Vidyasagar
School) formed the election booth. Goondaism prevailed and
voters were physically restrained from voting. So that, ulti-
mately mounted police had to be requisitioned. Moti Lai,
however, was defeated and his rivals Pashupati Nath Bose and
Bhupendra Nath Basu won the field. Never again throughout
his eventful life did Moti Lai contest any election.
A fortnight after the elections were over a meeting was
held at the Albert Hall under the auspices of the Calcutta
Students' Association under the presidency of Babu Surendra
Nath Banerjea. Babu Satish Chandra Bose in a vigorous
speech moved for the raising of the Municipal franchise in
Calcutta "owing to the failure of the last election." To show
WHY MOTILAL WAS DEFEATED 83
how the election had failed he referred to the defeat of Moti
Lai in Ward No. I. Said he :
"Babu Moti Lai Ghose, the Editor of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika who was supported by the entire Press as
a man of sterling ability, unquestionable honour and
sturdy independence was rejected not on political grounds
but because his canvassing was not up to the mark.
This gentleman's illustrious brother Babu Shishir Kumar
Ghose has laid the rate-payers under a debt of immense
endless gratitude by persuading Sir Richard Temple to
confer upon them the invaluable boon of election. They
ought to have sought to discharge in part at least the
debt they owe to Shishir Kumar by returning his brother
who is so worthily wearing his mantle and following so
faithfully in the path of duty he chalked out for him."
Babu Nabo Kumar Ghose in seconding the resolution
said :
"Babu Moti Lai Ghose was not returned because he
failed to promise sumptuous feasts to the voters
because he had not the meanness to buy off votes
because it was the Patrika that by its powerful advocacy
secured to the people of Bengal the privilege of electing
their own men as Commissioners."
Babu Nirode Chandra Chatterjee, B.A., moved an amend-
ment "to extend the privilege of voting to the poorer but more
educated classes."
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea spoke in favour of the
amendment. He regretted with the mover that Babus Nagendra
Nath Ghose and Moti Lai Ghose had not been returned and
admitted that they would have been valuable acquisitions to
the Municipal Board, but that was no reason, he said, why
they should find fault with the elections. He, however, con-
fessed he could not understand why Babu Moti Lai Ghose was
rejected.
CHAPTER XV
"HITABADI" DEFAMATION CASE
A Year of Strifes Bengal Papers Abusing Each other Sj. Krishna
Kumar Mitter on MotiLal's Conduct Poet Nobin Sen's Version Mott
Lai and Surendra Nath United For A Time.
The year 1896 97 was a year of strifes. The famous
Hitabadi Defamation Case in which Pandit Kali Prasanna
Kavya-Visharad, editor of that paper was prosecuted for
libelling a Brahmo educationist's wife in the columns of that
paper took place in that year. While this case was going on
a series of articles were being exchanged between Moti Lai
Ghose in the Amrita Bazar Pdtrika on one side and Surendra
Nath Banerjea in the Bengalee and Narendra Nath Sen in the
Indian Mirror on the other hand. The fact is that Surendra
Nath as a member of the then Legislative Council had agreed
to certain taxation clauses in the Drainage Bill. The Amrita
Bazar Patrika opposed it. Surendra Nath ascribed this opposi-
tion to personal jealousy. The result was that for days together >
if not, for months, the Bengal papers went on abusing each
other. The controversy attracted the attention of newspapers
of other Provinces. The Congress was to sit in Calcutta. So,
many persons taking interest in public matters tried to bring
about peace between the fighting parties "to save the Congress/'
Many of them called upon Moti Lai to intervene and he did
his part but failed to bring about any compromise. In this
connection the following letter written to the Editor of the
Indian Mirror by Babu Krishna Kumar Mitter, (editor of
Sanjibani) and published in that paper will be interesting :
"To The Editor of The Indian Mirror,
"Sir, Babu Surendra Nath Banerjee's organ, the
Bengalee, has been grossly abusing Babu Moti Lai Ghose,
the Editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika since the day
when he had the boldness to oppose the Suakin resolu-
tion moved by Babu Surendra Nath at tfce last Provincial
MOTILAL AND THE HITABADI CASE 85
Conference and to praise two Bengali members of the
Legislative Council in connection with the Drainage Bill
controversy.
* The latest charge, which has been brought against
Moti Babu, is that he has identified himself with the
Hitabadi defamation case. The charge is utterly false.
Babu Moti Lai Ghose came to me more than once to
request me to have the case compromised. He also went
to Pandit Mahesh Chunder Nyayaratna to induce him
to exert his good influence to settle the case out of
court, but the defendant did not think it proper to go
to his place to settle the terms of apology. For all this
trouble what has been the reward of Moti Babu?
unmitigated slander and vilification.
Yours etc.,
KRISHNA KUMAR MITRA."
Poet Nabin Chunder Sen in his "Autobiography" has
described at length the rivalry that existed between Moti Lai
Ghose and Surendra Nath Banerjee on the eve of the Calcutta
Congress in 1896. He has also described in detail the famous
Hitabadi defamation case. In this connection he has also
described how in this case Surendra Nath sided with Kavya-
Visharad and Moti Lai was against him. Indeed he has gone
the length of characterising Moti Lai as being the "chief
instigator" of the Brahmo Professor, which means that it was
at his instigation that the Professor brought the case against
Kavya-Visharad. I am constrained to remark that the Poet's
memory perhaps failed him when he wrote this part, at least,
of his reminiscence. It will be clear if we compare the portion
of his reminiscence dealing with this matter with his evidence
before the High Court Sessions in that case. Following is an.
English translation of what he writes in his " Autobiography. "
(Volume V, p. 175) :
"At the outset brother Moti of the Amrita Bazar
brought a soiled copy of an issue of the Hitabadi to
my house and made me understand that there was a
'gross libel* in it. He had underlined many a time a
certain word 'this* or something like that. He said
that this word was fatal. I was about to smile. After-
wards I heard from him that Kavya-Visharad was
86 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
formerly a doll in his hands and that he had shaped
him. But now that doll had not only gone over to the
hand of Suren Banerjee, but was showering bitter
banters on him by calling him 'Ghosh-nandan' every
now and then in the columns of the HUabadi. Brother
Moti had therefore made a firm determination to teach
a lesson this time to this ungrateful wretch. I cannot
vouch for its truth. I heard it afterwards that it was
he who was sacrificing the poor Brahmo (complainant)
and he was the chief instigator of this libel case.
"He had tried to convince another 'famous' man
who wrote about it to one of my friends. When
inspite of my prayers to Surendra Nath my name was
not removed from the list of witnesses, I tried to induce
brother Moti to bring about a compromise. On one
occasion I spent the hours from evening to 10 o'clock
at night at the Ganges side near his Baghbazar house
discussing this matter. But 7 found that he 'was not at
all willing to have a compromise. No gentleman could
offer the type of apology that he wanted to be given.
When I showed that to Surendra Babu he said that
Kavya-Visharad would never agree to that." (Italics are
mine).
But in his evidence in court we find a different story.
Babu Nabin Chandra Sen, the poet, who was then Personal
Assistant to the Commissioner of Chittagong had been examined
on behalf of the defence when the HUabadi defamation case
had come up for hearing before the High Court Sessions. In
course of cross-examination by Mr. Garth, the well-known
Barrister, he had said:
"I never contribute to newspapers. I have known
the accused (Kavya-Visharad) for three or four months,
since a few days before the publication of this poem.
He was introduced to me by the Hon'ble Babu Surendra
Nath Banerjee in his Office, as the Editor of the HUabadi
of which I was a subscriber. I am personally interested
in this case in so far as I tried to compromise this case.
I was asked to compromise this case first by Babu Moti
Lai Ghose, Editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika ; and
also by Babu Surendra Nath Banerjee and the Hon'ble
Mr. A. M. Bose. Babu Moti Lai Ghose on behalf of
the complainant asked me to compromise the case."
(Italics are mine).
It will thus be seen that the two versions of Moti Lai's
conduct as given in the poet's Autobiography and his evidence
MOTILAL AND SURENDRA NATH 87
before the Court are not only different from each other but
quite contradictory. Judging from Babu Krishna Kumar
Mitra's letter the version given before the Court by the poet
i.e., the earlier version seems to be the correct one. I have
often wondered what led the poet to give a different version
in his Autobiography.
All differences between Moti Lai and Surendra Nath due
to the Hitabadi case were however made up, at least till the
holding of the Congress Session. They began paying com-
pliments to each other. In the Congress Surendra Nath was
to move a resolution on the famine that was then troubling
the country. As Surendra Nath was entering the tent at the
Beadon Square where the Congress was being held Moti Lai
handed over to him a packet containing photographs of the
emaciated figures of men, women and children who were
starving in the poor houses of Jubbulpore and in the roads
and streets there. Surendra Nath referred to these photo-
graphs in his speech and paid a tribute to the Amrita Bazar
Patrika f " which has done admirable service in this connection, "
in which W. S. Caine, M.P., who was present in the Congress,
also joined. Moti Lai thus complimented Surendra Nath in
return in the columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika :
"The most important resolution before the Congress
this year was decidedly the one relating to the present
famine. No one was more fitted to deal with this all-
important and all-absorbing topic of the day than that
distinguished orator, the Hon'ble Surendra Nath
Banerjee, and it is needless to say that he did the fullest
justice to the subject. He not only poured out his
fervid eloquence when speaking on the resolution but
also brought forward evidence of an unimpeachable
character to prove that, at least in the Central Provinces,
thousands of people were being decimated by famine in
consequence of the apathy of the rulers. And what was
the nature of this evidence? Well, the evidence con-
sisted of facts and figures which were published in the
official Gazette of the Central Provinces and the photos
of famine-stricken people taken at Jubbulpore and other
places. Surely these photos, and facts and figures cannot
lie ! How we wish Lord Elgin and Mr. Lyall had come
88 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
and heard the speech of Babu Surendra Nath and the
others who followed him !"
Throughout their lives Moti Lai and Surendra Nath fought
with and complimented each other by turns. A collection of
these events would make very interesting reading. I shall have
occasion to refer to some of them.
CHAPTER XVI
BENGAL PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE
District Associations Necessity of Provincial Conferences On Way to
Madras Congress- Some Stories Moti Lai's Food First Years of the
Conference Nator ConferenceThe Great Earthquake of 1897 Views
on Death.
Before ' the advent of the National Congress, Provincial
questions were taken care of by local Associations. Every
district in Bengal had its Association, and almost all these
public bodies were full of life and vigour. The leading men
of the districts considered it a duty and honour to join these
associations, and there was not a question, affecting the
interests of the country, which did not engage their serious
attention. When Sir George Campbell introduced his Municipal
measure, the whole of the Province of Bengal rose to a man
to oppose it. Similarly the Public Works Cess Bill of Sir Ashley
Eden and the Gagging Act of Lord Lytton were opposed
tooth and nail by public meetings brought about by these
associations. On the other hand the Local Self-Government
measure of Lord Ripon was popularised throughout the
Province by means of these local bodies. But with the advent
of the Indian National Congress most of the District Associa-
tions died a natural death or became moribund. The Congress
superseded their influence and they soon lost their prestige
and usefulness and languished away for want of popular
support. The impression soon got hold of the minds of the
people that the Congress would be able to remove their
BENGAL PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE 89
grievances which the district associations had not been able
to do, and thus they began to neglect the local bodies.
But before long it was found out that the Congress could
take up only all-India questions and any programme chalked
out by the Congress could not be easily carried into practice
in the Provinces. Hence arose the necessity of holding
Provincial Conferences, which were primarily concerned with
provincial matters. The Provincial Conference sat for the first
time in the year 1888. Since then up to 1894 it was held in
Calcutta. But in 1895 the venue was for the first time trans-
ferred to a mofussil town Berhampore. Since then it has
been held in many mofussil towns.
The Bengal Provincial Conference was held at Nator in
June 1897. The Conferences for the previous two years were
held at Berhampore and Krishnagore. Previous to that the
Conference was held in Calcutta year by year. The Amrita
Bazar Patrika suggested from time to time that Provincial Con-
ferences should be held in the mofussil towns where people
would be able to concentrate their attention on local and pro-
vincial matters, whereas the Congress would deal with matters
concerning the whole of India. Going backwards the Provincial
Conference of Bengal as distinguished from the Congress was,
really speaking, inaugurated in 1888, in deference to the opinion
expressed by the Bengal delegates assembled at Madras on the
occasion of the National Congress held in that town in the
previous year. Moti Lai had been one of the delegates from
Bengal to the Congress at Madras in December 1887 who was
keen on holding the Provincial Conference.
Speaking of the Madras Congress I am reminded of an
incident to which Moti Lai often referred in his later life. The
delegates from Bengal went to Madras by a steamer from
Calcutta which was specially chartered for the occasion. Among
the delegates there were several England-returned gentlemen
who predominated the Congress in those days. They were
accustomed to take their meals in the right royal English
fashion. They not only used the dining table and spoon and
fork, but their courses were also as much in imitation of the
90 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
English dishes as possible. Now one of these delegates, pro-
bably Mr. W. C. Bonnerjea, who happened to be very intimate
with Moti Lai requested him to sit by him at dinner. When
the first course, which was a soup, arrived Moti Lai inquired
of its ingredients. On being told that it was prepared with
tongues and tails of young calves, Moti Lai refused even to
touch it, far less drink it. At first his friend sang a panegyric
on the young calves' tongues. One's life, he said, was in vain
if one did not take these delicious things. Gradually he grew
cross. But Moti Lai sat like a statue with his hands up. 'I felt
nauseating when I found that my friend also took raw oysters
in his dinner,' said Moti Lai when narrating this incident in
after life. And yet Moti Lai had never been very orthodox
about his food, though he was a teetotaller all his life and took
only one or two pans (betel-leaf) only after his meals.
Once in his life he had taken ham or rather hog's meat. It
was while he was yet in his teens in his native village Amrita
Bazar (then called Palua Magura). But let me tell it in his own
language as far as I can. Said he while narrating this affair :
"In my native village Palua Magura there lived a
band of people of the Bedia caste who cultivated lands and
tended hogs. Off and on Bedias came to our place and
begged of this and that thing. Now one day a Bedia came
to our house and begged of my mother a little quantity
of mustard oil. 'Good Mother,' said the Bedia, "will you
kindly give me a little quantity of mustard oil ? I have
killed a hog and will roast it with oil.' Mother gave
him some quantity of mustard oil and inquired, 'You
Bedias take hog's meat, how does it taste?' Instead of
directly answering the question the Bedia put a question
to my mother, 'Mother, have you taken muri (fried rice)
with small pieces of cocoanut?' 'Why not? Certainly I
have taken muri and cocoanut and enough too.' 'That's
all right,' said the Bedia, 'you know the taste of hog's
meat, for it is exactly like that.' 'Rama, Rama,' cried
my mother."
Perhaps, it was this incident which subconsciously acted
within his mind and prompted him to taste hog's meat as soon
MOTILAL'S FOOD 91
as the first opportunity arrived. But to go on with the story.
Said Moti Lai:
"Not long after this a Bedia rcriyat (tenant) of my
father's came to our place and pleaded that he would
not be able to pay his rent. In place of rent he offered to
give a hog. Father of course refused to take it. When
the raiyat had gone somewhat away from our house I and
some of my brothers met him and asked him to give the
hog to us. He not only agreed but also killed it himself
and helped us to cook it in a garden in the outskirts of
our village and we partook of it, though not with
much relish."
The above incident was narrated by Moti Lai to the members
of his family and to many of his friends in my presence more
than once. This was perhaps the only occasion when Moti Lai
took any forbidden food. Though a devout Vaishnava Moti
Lai had no fad about food. He took fish regularly and almost
daily, though not in a large quantity, and meat on very rare
occasions. I have seen him taking chicken soup also under
medical advice. If I remember aright, in a certain law-suit
when he was put a question by the Barrister of the opposite
party, probably Mr. (afterwards Sir) N. N. Sircar, as to whether
he took fowls or not he admitted that he did so under medical
advice. Throughout his life Moti Lai was very regular and
moderate in his diet, which always included milk or dahi (curd)
twice or thrice a day. A cup of milk on returning from morning
walk, a cup of milk along with the mid-day meal and a cup of
milk with the night-meal were a regular feature of his diet.;
This enabled him to do an enormous quantity of brain work
and though he was frail in body his capacity to do brain work
was extraordinary. He was a valetudinarian throughout his
life, but always working. He was rarely laid up in bed for
long and could work even though he was ill. Latterly he had
given up milk on account of wind trouble in his stomach and
took dahi in its stead regularly along with his morning and
night meals. If he could be said to have any fad about his food
it must be dahi, for without it he would feel very uncomfortable
and would rarely go without it. He took tea very sparingly,
but latterly he had given it up altogether. While we were
gt MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
at Koilwar in the year 1918-19 myself and my younger brother
Atulananda took tea several times in a day. It was very cold
there and we relished it. We tried our utmost to persuade
him to take tea at least once in a day, but he did not agree.
He would say, "Now that I have given it up I am not going to
take it again." In its place he would take cow's milk or malted
milk. Under medical advice he had taken Laudanum (Tinctura
Opii) for years, but latterly he had given it up also and would
not take a drop of it even if requested by some of his medical
advisers to do so. Ordinarily he was very much constipated
and for years he had to take enema and douche ; and he recom-
mended the latter to many of his friends when they complained
of constipation. He took fruits and fruit-juice regularly, but
his constipation never left him. But this is a digression.
The first Provincial Conference of Bengal was held at the
British Indian Association rooms in Calcutta. Representatives
from 28 districts of Bengal attended. Dr. Mahendra Lai Sircar,
the famous doctor, to whose munificence is due the Indian
Association for the Cultivation of Science presided. It was in
the year 1888 ; since then annual Conferences on similar lines
were held till 1895, when a departure was made. Before that
the Conference was held annually in Calcutta. It was dis-
covered that as the Conference dealt with questions affecting
Bengal it would be better if it were moving from town to town.
Thus 1895 saw the Conference at Berhampur where it was invited
by the late Baikuntha Nath Sen, so well-known for his activities
in connection with the Congress and for the welfare of the
people. Next year it was held at Krishnagar in the historic
hall of the Maharaja of Nadia. In 1897 it was presided over
by Mr. Satyendra Nath Tagore, retired I.C.S., and held at
Nator under the patronage of the descendants of Rani Bhowani.
Tfye Nator Conference was held in a specially improvised
pandal. More than 200 delegates and 3000 people were present.
The pandal could accommodate more than one thousand people;
so, many had to wait outside or go away for want of seats.
Amongst those present were Messrs. W. C. Bonnerjee, A. M.
Bose, Maharaja Jagadindra Nath Roy, Babu Tarapada Bannerjee
AN EARTHQUAKE SCENE 93
of Krishnagar, Babu Akshoy Kumar Moitra of Rajshahi, Raja
Sashisekhareswar Roy, Babu Baikuntha Nath Sen, Babu Hari
Prosad Chatterji of Krishnagar, Babus Moti Lai Ghose,
Bhupendra Nath Basu, Guru Prasad Sen, Hirendra Nath Datta
and others.
For two days the Conference went on smoothly, but on the
third day, the i2th of June 1897 happened an incident which is
still remembered in Bengal. There was a great earthquake at
about five o'clock in the afternoon all over Bengal. The shock
lasted for about 5 minutes. In Calcutta a large number of
buildings collapsed or were damaged and the earthquake created
a havoc with houses in many other towns. The Conference
had almost come to its closei when the earthquake began. Moti
Lai who was inside the pandal has given a description of the
scene from which I quote:
"It was at about 5 p.m. on Saturday last when the
Conference had nearly concluded its deliberations, that
the first intimation of the earthquake was received by the
delegates assembled in the pandal. There were about
five hundred men collected outside the pavilion, and it
was they who first raised the alarm by the usual cry of
Haribole, uttered during such visitations. Two or three
minutes before, the atmosphere had become so oppres-
sively hot that the Hon'ble Babu Guru Prasad Sen had
to leave the meeting, saying that he could not bear it any
longer. Within a few seconds of the announcement of
the earthquake, the terrific nature of the shock was per-
ceived by everybody. Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee now stood
up, and, with his loud and sonorous voice, asked the
assembled gentlemen not to leave their seats but to keep
quiet; though he himself was reeling like a drunkard.
There was thus no rush, to the credit of the delegates ;
but as thfe pandal began to rock to and fro, literally like
a vessel in a tempestuous sea, every one sought refuge in
the open air. Very few, however, could stand on their
legs. Some fell flat on the ground, while others were
obliged to be unsteady like drunken men.
"Perhaps the severest shock was felt about four
minutes later on. It was then that the horrible character
of the visitation was realised. It seemed to everybody
that the earth was sinking. The alarm was raised that
we were being engulfed ! As a matter of fact, fissures
were seen all around us ; and water, sand and some other
94 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
substance which smelt something like sulphur, were
being forced up through these rents. The prospect
before us was awful indeed. We all were going to be
buried alive !
"The severity of the shock, however, gradually
abated and it ceased completely after six minutes. Then
we passed through a unique experience. A rumbling
sound like that of a distant thunder passed underneath
the ground where we stood, and the atmosphere assumed
a peculiar stillness and oppressiveness, indicating that
something, more awful than what we had witnessed,
was in store for us. The rumbling noise ceased, and
immediately the ground began to rend and send forth
water and a peculiarly black substance. A large piece
of ground, about one hundred cubits in length and
nearly as much in breadth, lying close to the beautiful
garden house of Raja Jogendra Nath Roy where we
had put up, immediately sank down and was converted
into something like a little tank !
"Half-an-hour after the occurrence though yet in a
state of agitation, the delegates sat down again to
transact the portion of the business of the Conference
which had been left unfinished
"Raja Jogendra Nath and Maharaja Jagadindra Nath
were in the pandal when the earthquake took place. They
at once ran to their respective houses, the former to find
that his palace was lying in a heap of ruins, and the latter
to find that his newly-built palace had been considerably
damaged. Fortunately no lives were lost, though the
wife of the Maharaja of Natore had fainted away, and
it was feared at first that she would not survive. The
loss of Raja Jogendra Nath was immense, but what
affected him most was the destruction of the cele-
brated Joy Kalee temple and the image of the Goddess
itself. Between three to four hundred of hungry people
were daily fed in this temple. Some two hundred and
fifty people had finished their meal, and another two
hundred were about to sit to dinner when the catastrophe
took place. They all fled and saved their lives, except
one old woman who was killed on the spot."
Moti Lai also described how an evening party that had been
arranged that day to meet the delegates at the palace of the
Raja of Dighapatia had to be abandoned.
In the above description of the earthquake we do not find
any mention of an episode which I have found him narrating
HIS VIEWS ON DEATH 95
on many occasions. It is this. When the earthquake took
place Moti Lai along with several other delegates came out of
the pandal and five or six of them arm in arm began to reel
to and fro as if they were dancing. Moti Lai felt very much
amused and began to laugh and dance. At this a venerable
gentleman whose arm he was holding and who had shown much
courage in the beginning suddenly broke down; he began to
cry aloud like a little child when he found that a portion of the
land behind them had gone down. He began to say, "We
are dying, dying, our end is near." The more Moti Lai laughed
and danced in joy, the more the gentleman wept. Moti Lai
never feared death. He had all along treated death as an
ordinary event, an event that would happen in due course and
about which one should not make much fuss. "Death" he
held, "is a blessing to those who have sorrows of their own and
who have no worldly prosperity to leave behind. Death is
dreadful to those who have worldly prosperity and are bewitched
by it. Dear friend death is a fine leveller; and when he comes,
the heedles being who laughs at others' sorrows and who never
expected his presence, weeps in turn."
CHAPTER XVII.
EVOLUTION OF THE LAW OF SEDITION.
India In Famine's Grip Lokamanya Tilak's Conviction Tilak's letter
Justice Strachey On Sedition Newspaper Comments The Sedition
Bill Protests From All Sides Natu Brothers' Plight.
The year 1897 was a bad year for India. The whole
country was in the grip of a terrible famine on account of suc-
cessive failures of crop and exportation of a large portion of
what was produced in the land. Famine Relief Societies were
established and they did what they could but it is not possible
for private organisations whose resources are limited to do any-
thing substantial and on a large scale on such occasions unless
Government with their unlimited resources come forward to
96 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
help. From time to time the Amrita Bazar Patrika published
gruesome descriptions of the sufferings of the famished people,,
how men, women and children were lying on roadsides with
bodies which consisted of mere skin and bone, how the wealthy
people had become so much accustomed to such sights that they
had ceased to be moved by them. And along with such des-
criptions the Patrika appealed to the Government and the people
to do what they could for the famine-stricken people.
The Indian Relief Society of Calcutta which consisted of
men like Raja Benoy Krishna Dev, Mr. A. M. Bose, Babu
Guru Prasad Sen, Rev. Kali Charan Banerjee, Babu Moti Lai
Ghose, Babu Sitanath Roy, Ray Parbati Sankar Chaudhury,
Rai Yatindra Nath Chaudhury, Babu Hirendra Nath Datta,
Babu Amrita Krishna Mallik, Mr. C. R. Das, Babu Kishori Lai
Sarkar and others, now moved the Government for advancing
money to the distressed raiyais.
The articles in the Amrita Bazar Patrika and the appeals
of the Relief Society had some effect on the Government which
not only advanced money to the suffering people but also made
large concessions providing for a remission of a portion of the
money advanced.
Plague followed famine and scarcity. If the disease itself
was terrible and created consternation among the people the
measures taken by the Government at the direction of their
medical advisers were no less so. People fled from cities more
for fear of these measures than fear of the disease. The segre-
gation camps to which all the members of a family, any member
of which was attacked with plague, were taken were anything
but habitable places. They were certainly not safe for ladies
of bhadralok families to live in. There was one such camp at
Khana near Burdwan and several specific cases were published
in the Amrita Bazar Patrika describing the treatment meted out
to bhadralok ladies in that camp. Pandita Rama Bai of Bombay
narrated her experience of some of the plague hospitals and
segregtion camps of Bombay in the columns of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika which were sickening to a degree.
It was a bad year for journalism also. Several prosecutions
. PROSECUTION OF TILAK 97
were launched against newspapers for writing strongly against
measures taken by Government to cope with the plague. The
conductor of a Bombay paper named Prdtada was sentenced
to transportation for life for the fault of publishing a para-
graph which was held to be seditious. Two brothers known
as Natu brothers were deported under Regulation III of 1818.
There were several other convictions also, the most famous of
them being that of Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak in con-
nection with some articles in his paper the Keshari.
Now Tilak and Moti Lai were deeply attached to each
other. So, as soon as the news of the arrest of the great
nationalist leader reached Calcutta Moti Lai tried his best to
help him in his distress. It was not possible to get good
counsels at Bombay as all the leading counsels of that province
had already been engaged by the Bombay Government. So,
Lokamanya Tilak 's Bengal friends among whom mention may
be made of Moti Lai Ghose, Bhupendra Nath Basu and Babu
Hirendra Nath Datta, raised funds for his defence and helped
him substantially.
At this juncture some friends of Lokamanya Tilak sug-
gested to him to make up his quarrel with the Government
by making an apology. But when this proposal reached Tilak
he was deeply pained. As a matter of fact Moti Lai in con-
sultation with some of his friends thought of approaching
Government to persuade them to drop the case against Tilak
as they had done in the Bangabasi case. So, Moti Lai wrote
to Tilak about this matter. In this connection Lokamanya
wrote a letter to Moti Lai from which is given the following
extract :
"The other side expects me to do what amounts to
be pleading guilty. I am not prepared to do so. My
position amongst the people entirely depends upon my
character : and if I am cowed down by the prosecution
in the heart of my hearts I know the case for the
prosecution is the weakest that was ever placed before
a Jury I think, living in Maharashtra is as good as
living in the Andamans. On the merits of the case
I am confident of success, though I cannot in this letter
and in the present state of my health give you all my
7
98 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
reasons. I am afraid only of a non-Maharatta-knowing
Jury and not of justice. You as well as I know that
we are incapable of nourishing any sinister feeling
against British rule, and it is thus impossible for any
of us to be convicted of such a heinous charge as
sedition. Such risks, however, we must take if we
dabble in politics. They are the risks of our profession,
and I am prepared to face them. If you all advise,
I am prepared to go only so far as this: 'I don't
think that the articles are seditious, but the advisers of
the Government think otherwise. I am sorry for it.'
But this will not satisfy the Government. Their object
is to humiliate the Poona leaders, and I think in me
they will not find a Kutcha reed as they did in Professor
Gokhale and the editor of the Gnyan Prokash. Then
you must remember, beyond a certain stage we are all
servants of the people. You will be betraying and dis-
appointing them if you show a lamentable want of
courage at a crucial time. But above all as an honest
and honourable man, how can I plead guilty to the
charge of entertaining sedition when I had none? If
I am convicted the sympathy of my countrymen will
support me in my trouble."
But it is well-known that Lokamanya Tilak was convicted
and sentenced to 18 months' rigorous imprisonment. The
article in question was written in Marathi. The most curious
feature of the trial was that though three of the jurors who
knew the Marathi language found him "not guilty," six
British Jurors who did not know a word of Marathi found him
guilty.
Lokamanya Tilak's conviction cast a deep gloom over
the whole of India. The short-lived Press Association of
Calcutta, which consisted of some leading journalists met at
the rooms of the British Indian Association and a resolution
was passed to the effect that as a mark of their sorrow and
sympathy for the misfortune which had overtaken Tilak all
the papers represented in the Association should appear in
black, at least, for one day. So, on the 25th of September,
1897 the Amrita Bazar Patrika appeared in black lines and a
three-column long leading article, rather unusual for the
Patrika, was published. It showed a depth of feeling which
was possible only in a great personal friend. A series of
MR. JUSTICE STRACHEY'S EXPOSITION gg
articles followed criticising the charge to the Jury given by
Mr. Justice Strachey and assailing his exposition of the law
of sedition. But all this was nothing more than knocking
one's head against a stone wall.
It was soon realised by Indian leaders that the interpreta-
tion put by Mr. Justice Strachey upon the law of sedition as
embodied in Section I24A of the Indian Penal Code would
seriously affect the liberty of the Press and the freedom of
speech of the people. So, a Committee was formed by the
Indian Relief Society to raise funds for proceeding with an
appeal to the Privy Council and within a fortnight the requisite
sum of Rs. 12,000 was raised. Amongst others the following
gentlemen were in the Committee: Mr. T. Palit, Sj. Gaga-
nendra Nath Tagore, Rai Yatindra Nath Chaudhury, Mr. J.
Chaudhury, Mr. J. Ghosal, Sj. Moti Lai Ghose, Sj. Hirendra
Nath Datta, Mr. Guru Prasad Sen, Sjts. Bhupendra Nath
Basu, Rabindra Nath Tagore, Surendra Nath Banerjea and
others.
It may be said here that even Anglo-Indian papers like
the Indian Daily News and the Statesman were not satisfied
with the interpretation of the law as given by Mr. Justice
Strachey. The former said, "it was not fair and not wise."
The Morning Post of Delhi, a paper conducted by Englishmen,
also characterised the proceedings as "unjust" and "vindictive."
In the Bangabasi case Sir Comer Petheram had explained
the term "disaffection" occurring in Section 124 A of the
Indian Penal Code as "contrary to affection" but Mr. Justice
Strachey in his charge to the Jury had gone one step further.
He explained "disaffection" as "absence of affection" and
thus widened the scope of the sedition section of the Penal
Code. The meaning of the word "disaffection" was thus not
limited to any positive feeling like hatred, ill-will, etc., but
it was extended to mean the absence of affection or indifference.
The English Press did not support the judgment. The Liberal
Press, without exception, condemned the line of argument
taken by Mr. Justice Strachey and many Tory editors also
took the same view. Of course the great Jingo group, the
ioo MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Mail, Globe, St. James and Pall Mall, were delighted at the
conviction. Commenting on the judgment the Daily Chronicle
wrote on September 16, 1897 :
"There is one aspect of the 'sedition' trials in India
which must not be lost sight of and that is the new
definition of 'disaffection' enunciated by Mr. Justice
Strachey, according to whoin 'disaffection' may be
seditious even though it be simply strong disapproval
of some omission on the part of the Government. We
feel confident that such an interpretation of the law
would not be tolerated in England, and if not speedily
over-ruled, may produce grave mischief in India."
The Privy Council, it is well-known, did not admit Tilak's
appeal. More than thirty-five years have since gone by ; but
the law of sedition in India still stands in the same position
in which Mr. Justice Strachey put it in the face of strong
public opinion and it was only recently that Justice Sir Charu
Chandra Ghose said from the bench of the Calcutta High
Court in a case in which proceedings were drawn up against
the Amrita Bazar Patrika:
"It is said that the writer has contravened the rule
laid down by Mr. Justice Strachey. I would point out
that what was considered seditious under Section 124 A
I. P. C., in 1897 may not necessarily be held to be
so in 1932 ; one cannot shut one's eyes to changes in
political conceptions due to the march of events and to
the declared objectives of the Government of the day."
After the conviction of Lokamanya Tilak an amendment
was sought to be made in the definition of the word "dis-
affection" in the Sedition Section of the Indian Penal Code.
The Hon'ble Mr. Chalmers who was in charge of the Amend-
ment Bill introduced four vague words. They were hatred,
contempt, enmity and ill-will. The word disaffection was not
given a clear meaning, but was made to include these things,
i.e., disaffection was made to include things which it did not.
This gave rise to a volley of protest from the Indian press.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika published many a leading article
criticising the measure and indulged in a good deal of banter,
ridicule and lampoon. Protest meetings were held in various
places asking the Government not to proceed with the measure.
PROTESTS AGAINST SEDITION BILL 101
Towards the end of January, 1898 a Conference was held at
the rooms of the British Indian Association, Calcutta, to
protest against the Sedition Bill. The pick of the then
Calcutta society was there and Maharaja Sir Jatindra Mohan
Tagore was in the chair. Those were days of meetings
and memorials, they knew not other forms of protest. So,
a draft memorial was read before the Conference, which,
however, was not satisfied with the memorial and appointed
a Sub-Committee consisting of Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee, Rajah
Peary Mohun Mukherjee, Mr. J. Chaudhury, Mr. W. C.
Madge, Babu Moti Lai Ghose and Babu Kishori Lai Sarkar,
with Ray Raj Coomar Sarbadhicary Bahadur as Secretary for
the purpose of recasting the memorial. Towards the middle
of February a big public meeting was held at the Town Hall
under the Presidentship of Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee in which
amongst other resolutions the memorial to the Viceroy as
recasted was adopted in which it was said :
"That your memoralists further humbly pray that
Your Excellency in Council may be pleased to sanction
the insertion in Section I24A, a definition of "disaffec-
tion" in the sense in which it was explained by the
Indian Law Commissioners, to sanction the omission of
the vague and uncertain words "hatred", "contempt"
and "enmity" and of any provision throwing upon a
person accused under Section 505 I. P. C. the proof
of the absence of the intent charged or dispensing with
the proof of the intent and to limit the scope of that
section to what is false, and to sanction the omission
from the Bill to amend the Code of Criminal Procedure
of any provision enabling Magistrates to adjudicate upon
offences under Section I24A of the Penal Code, etc."
Babu Moti Lai Ghose was one of the organisers of this
meeting and amongst those who took part in the proceedings
were Rai Amrita Nath Mitter Bahadur, Mr. C. E. Grey,
Barrister-at-Law, Babus Surendra Nath Banerjea, Narendra
Nath Sen, Baikuntha Nath Sen, Kali Charan Banerjee. Babu
Rabindra Nath Tagore also addressed the meeting in Bengali.
In spite of protests from all sides of the country the
Sedition Bill was passed into law. There was nothing surpris-
ing in it ; the people had got accustomed to their opinion
102 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
being flouted by the Government. There were five hundred
.petitions against the Age of Consent Bill and they were dis-
posed of in seven words by Sir A. Scoble, "we have read and
considered the objections." Mr. Chalmers who was in charge
of the Sedition Bill played a similar part. "I freely admit
that our proposals have met with a good deal of criticism,"'
he said and he brushed aside everything and passed the Bill
into law. The arguments advanced by the Calcutta Bar, the
Defence Association, the Chamber of Commerce and many other
Associations and individuals were thus smashed into pieces by
the Law Member of the Government of India. Sir Alexander
Mackenzie, Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, was brutally frank
in his speech in support of the Bill. He enunciated the
curious principle that:
"The first duty of every Government, especially of
a foreign Government, is self-preservation."
As if the preservation and welfare of the people may safely
be relegated to the back-ground. And he quoted with approval
Sir Fitz James Stephen's dictum :
"Men must be content to take the risks incidental
to their professions. A journalist must run the risk of
being misunderstood, and should take care to make his
meaning plain. If his intentions really are loyal, there
can be no difficulty in his doing so. If not, he cannot
complain of being punished."
Another of the matters which kept the Indian journalists
bitterly complaining against the administration of India in the
year 1697-98 was the arrest and detention without trial of two
brothers named Natu in Bombay under the rusty Regula-
tion III of 1818. They were at first charged with having had
a hand in the murder of an official named Rand, who had
made himself very unpopular on account of his activities in
connection with the Plague quarantine in Bombay. It may
be remembered that Lokamanya Tilak's conviction was also
connected with the murder of this Rand, the charge against
him being that his writings in the Keshari had excited the
murderer. The Natu brothers were arrested on the 2oth July,
1897. Since then they were detained without trial in spite
PROTESTS AGAINST SEDITION BILL 103
of great popular agitation throughout India. Ten months
after the arrest, i.e., in March 1898, Mr. W. Redmond, a
Member of Parliament, put the question in Parliament as to
whether even after this long detention the Government intended
to bring the Natu brothers to an open trial, to which Lord
George Hamilton, M.P. on behalf of the Government replied :
"No sir, if there were any evidence to justify their
being put on a criminal charge, recourse would not
have been had to this Act."
A frank confession as to why Regulation III of 1818
is used !
The parallel of such a reply was found only the other
day (1933) by the writer of this when he was on a chance visit
to an Honorary Magistrate's Court when the officer was trying
a case. Two persons were hauled up before the Magistrate by a
police constable on a charge of disorderly conduct in a public
street. The accused put a question to the constable, "You
did not arrest us and were not on the scene when we were
arrested ?" The constable replied, "No, I did not arrest you.
But another did it under my command. I was standing at a
distance. 1 * When the accused pleaded not guilty the Magistrate
observed, "But why were you arrested at all? There are so
many men in this country, but they are not arrested. Since
you have been arrested, you must be guilty. I sentence you
to pay a fine of Re. i/- each." The pleader went on pleading
even after this. The Magistrate then observed, "Well, I think
your clients are not guilty. Therefore I have fined them
Rupee One only. If I had thought that they were guilty I
would have fined them Rupees Five each."
The Amrita Bazar Patrika published a large number of
leading articles and paragraphs protesting against the detention
of the Natu brothers.
Commenting on the above interpellation in Parliament the
Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote as follows:
"Lord George Hamilton frankly confesses that there
is no evidence against the Natus. What the Government
did was to tell the Natus that they had committed a
certain offence for which there is no evidence ! If the
104 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
outside public asks what the charge is, the Government
refuses to answer. Never was the British Government
placed in a more awkward position than what the incar-
ceration of the Natus suggests. l^t us put the Natus
and the Government face to face.
"The Natus: Why do you detain us?
"The Government: Because you have committed
an offence.
"The Natus: Then prove it in a Court of law.
"The Government: That we cannot do, for, there
is no evidence against you.
"Now that is the situation !
"The Natus were at first charged with having had
a hand in the murder of Mr. Rand. The ground was
shifted when Damodar Chapekar came forward to
extricate them. Next their detention was justified
because one of the brothers had played tricks. Now
we are assured that they committed a certain offence
though the nature of it, Lord George Hamilton does
not know."
There were many such paragraphs and leading articles in
the Amrita Bazar Patrika on the Natu brothers. These and
the numerous articles and paragraphs on Lokamanya Tilak had
one effect they exasperated the authorities but endeared Moti
Lai to the hearts of the people of Maharastra. The Natu
brothers were released after being in detention for more than
two years but during the period of their incarceration they were
never told what were the charges against them which up to the
present day remain a sealed book to the public.
CHAPTER XVIII
MATTERS MUNICIPAL
Elective System in Calcutta MunicipalityMackenzie Bill The Reason
Behind Patrikafs Criticism Protest Meetings A Funny Story Commis-
sioners Resign Bengal Act I of 1917.
The elective system was introduced into the Calcutta
Municipality in the year 1877. Since then the people of
MUNICIPAL BILL 105
Calcutta had been enjoying this elective system. But it was left
for Sir Alexander MacKenzie, before he had been scarcely one
year in the gadi of Bengal, to discover that the Calcutta Muni-
cipality had "no constitution at all" and that in the Calcutta
Municipality "everything was fluid and indefinite . His utter-
ances in the Bengal Council relating to the Municpal
Bill in the year 1898 created a great sensation. The elective
system had been tried in the Calcutta Municipality for twenty
years, but he now sought to take away the powers of the elected
Commissioners and reduce them to the position of so many
dummies. Nay more. Through these dummies the rate-payers
were to be taxed, while the proceeds of the taxes were to be
placed at the absolute disposal of the official Chairman and
twelve favourites of the Government, "a Working Committee
of twelve, elected and appointed so as to represent the three
chief interests in Calcutta the Government, the commercial
community, and the residents." (speech of Sir A. MacKenzie).
The elected Commissioners were to have no control over the
doings of the executive officers. Sir Alexander MacKenzie
did not take it into his consideration that since the elective
system was first introduced in Calcutta five Lieutenant
Governors had found it suitable. Sir Richard Temple, Sir
Ashley Eden, Sir Rivers Thomson, Sir Stewart Bayley and Sir
Charles Elliott every one of them was satisfied with the work
of the elected Commissioners, though Sir Ashley had at first
threatened to smother the whole system.
The real reason why this revolutionary measure was intro-
duced was that the Hindu Commissioners in the Calcutta Cor-
poration outnumbered the English ones, and the Government
wanted to take away the powers of the Hindu Commissioners
and place them in the hands of persons the majority of whom
would be Englishmen or apkawastes and jo-hukums, "basket-
catchers" of the Government.
The Amrita Bazar Pairika at once saw through the game.
It detected that the shibboleth of better administration was all
bosh and nonsense and wrote in March 1898:
"If the Bill be passed as it is, then adieu to local
io6 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
Self -Government in the capital city of the Empire. In
short what is proposed is to practically revive the old
days of Sir Stuart Hogg and place the Municipal Funds
at the absolute disposal of thirteen men of whom only
four are to be the representatives of the people. It
is for the rate-payers of Calcutta to decide whether they
prefer the proposed arrangement to the present order.
They have now got fifty of their representatives with
some powers to watch their interests on the Municipal
Board. They can now appoint their own Vice-Chairman,
Health Officer, Collector, etc., and control the Budget.
They can now check the high-handedness of the
Executive Subordinates through their respective Ward
Commissioners. But under the proposed law all this
will be changed. Their representaives, if they return
any, will be mere cyphers. They will not possess the
power of even a Municipal peon. If the money of the
rate-payers is wasted before their eyes, they will not be
able to check it. The rate-payers can now compel their
representatives to get their grievances redressed ; but
under the proposed Act, they will be at the absolute
mercy of the executive who will have everything in their
own way. If they consider the Bill a retrograde one
and we cannot conceive how it can be regarded other-
wise they must be up and doing. They must let
the Government know, in firm but respectful language,
that they do not want the measure ; if the Government
heeds them not, let them then ask the rulers to do away
with the farce of the elective system altogether and
convert the Municipal administration of Calcutta into a
department of Government."
Very soon the whole of Calcutta was in a ferment over the
Calcutta Municipal Bill. Meetings protesting against the Bill
were held in different quarters of the city and on the 3ist
August, 1898 a monster meeting was held at the Town Hall
under the presidentship of Rajah Benoy Krishna Dev Bahadur
of Sovabazar. Moti Lai was one of the organisers of these
meetings, but generally he worked from behind and did not
come before the footlight as a speaker.
Towards the beginning of the next year a public meeting
of the citizens of Calcutta was held at the Classic Theatre to
protest against the Municipal Bill. Moti Lai in taking the
chair said :
"I am not a so-called political agitator and have
MOTILAL ON THE MACKENZIE BILL 107
never taken a prominent part in any public meeting,
partly because my business is with the pen and not with
the tongue, and partly because I have no need. I had
been asked on several occasions to preside over meetings
but had escaped by securing competent men. A Chair-
man is as essential in a public meeting as a bridegroom
in a marriage ceremony. But the recruiting field for
Chairmen has become very much narrowed for two
reasons ; first, there have already been some two dozen
public meetings to protest against the Municipal Bill,
each meeting having had its new Chairman, and secondly
a number of leading Indian gentlemen have kept them-
selves aloof because of the allegation of some mis-
chievous persons to the effect that the movement is
their work and that it is to serve their private and
personal interests that they have set on foot this
agitation.'*
Amongst other things Moti Lai referred to a particular
clause of the Bill relating to the payment of fees of the
members of the proposed General Committee. Said he :
"The Europeans would not work in the Munici-
pality ; hence, to tempt them, the authors of the Bill
have to hold a bait in the shape of a fee of Rs. 32 per
sitting. The object of this provision is plain it is to
transfer power from the hands of willing guardians to
those of unwilling aliens and thus to Europeanise the
Corporation. The arrangement is unnatural and what-
ever is unnatural is bound to fail. If a child is taken
away from its w mother and placed under the care of a
paid nurse, it "is bound to suffer."
Moti Lai then gave a graphic description of how the then
existing elective system had been introduced in the Calcutta
Municipality a little more than 20 years ago and said that if
this system was to be abolished and the one proposed by the
MacKenzie Bill introduced it would mean everlasting disability
for Indians and the aspiration for Self-Government in India
would become a delusion and a mockery. He said that the
MacKenzie Bill was going to re-introduce the official system
in a more aggravated form, which prevailed before 1876, and
was universally condemned, and which failed so miserably as
to lead Indians and Europeans to combine and demand its
demolition and pray for the introduction of the elective system.
108 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
By the bye, I may here mention one thing. Many of our
public meetings are often marred by third-class speakers posses-
sing the house and speaking on without caring how the audience
are taking them. They often speak beside the point and bore
the audience who have to go away disappointed. Unfortunately
in public meetings in this country the Chairmen generally give
great indulgence to the speakers who go on rambling. Such
rambling speakers are very rarely called to order either by
the Chairman or the audience. It often happens that the
Chaiman and the assembled gentlemen feel impatient and are
tired and yet they calmly surrender to the torrents of irrele-
vant nonsense spit forth by an ignorant speaker. Moti Lai
was very much against these speakers and always opposed
such speeches. Thus in one of the articles in the Amritct Bazar
Patrika on the eve of a meeting at the Calcutta Town Hall to
protest against the Municipal Bill it was suggested that the
speeches should not be long and should be confined to the
point. This had a very good result. The Hon'ble Mr. Ananda
Charlu, who, as I have already said, was a great personal
friend of Moti Lai, good-humouredly referred to this and said
in the meeting :
"One of your newspapers, the autocrat of the city
of Calcutta, the Amrita Bazar Patrika, has told us in a
leader this morning that the present is not an occasion
for long speeches and that is a fiat which I have to bear
in mind, as otherwise I might come in for a good
castigation."
But to return to the Municipal Bill. Sir John Woodburn,
the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal was determined to pass the
Municipal Bill. In trying to destroy the representative
character of the Calcutta Municipality Sir Alexander MacKenzie
was simply carrying out the wishes of his late master Sir Ashley
Eden. But before Sir Alexander MacKenzie could accomplish
his task, fate drove him away from this country and he had
to leave his pet measure to the fostering care of his successor
Sir John Woodburn, who took up the task of carrying through
this measure at the cost of his reputation simply to please his
STORY OF A HEN-PECKED KING 109
predecessor. Sir John, said the Amrita Bazar Patrika, was
sacrificing himself for the sake of his predecessor. The Amrita
Bazar Patrika explained this by a funny story. Thus it wrote :
"This noble sacrifice reminds us of the hen-pecked
King who had learnt the languages of beasts, birds, nay,
of insects. Two ants were quarrelling over a grain of
cooked rice which had fallen from the royal plate, and
the high words that they exchanged elicited a smile from
the lips of the King. For as stated above the lucky
sovereign had got the gift of understanding the language
of even insects. Seeing the smile on the royal lips his
consort wanted to know the reason. Now, the King
had acquired the gift under one awful condition,
namely, that he must not disclose what he heard
creatures speak, for, if he did so he would lose his life
immediately. So, he could not explain to his wife the
cause of his smile, for were he to do so he would forth-
with fall down dead. He, therefore, begged to be
excused, but the queen would not hear of any excuse,
even when the King said that the penalty of the dis-
closure was to be the loss of his life. The Queen, not
wholly believing this, said, 'Very good, I don't care.
If you die, I don't mind. I must know the reason
why you smiled.' The hen-pecked King seeing that
he had no help in the matter, agreed to disclose every-
thing. 'My dear', said he, 'if I die I must die, like
a good Hindu, in the bosom of the Ganges, for my
salvation. So come, follow me, let us go there.' Thus
saying the King entered the sacred river, and the Queen
stood on the bank to hear why the King had smiled.
"But just then a strange thing happened. An ewe
and a ram were grazing on the bank, the former being
in an advanced state of pregnancy. She saw a bundle
of green grass being swept away by the current of the
river and she requested her husband to fetch her the
bundle as her tongue was watering for it. The ram
said in reply that he did not venture to do so, for, he
might be carried away by the current and drowned.
But the wife would take no denial. She began to scold
him in the bitterest terms, for his ungallantry, his
heartlessness, his unmanliness and so forth. 'Why did
you take a wife', said she, 'when you cannot satisfy
her wishes?'
"The ram bore all the taunts of his wife with
patience for some time, but at last he found that the
more he submitted the sharper became the tongue of
no MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
his wife. So, he said, 'You see, wife, I am willing to
do anything reasonable for you. But I am not a fool
like that king who is sacrificing his life for the whims
of his wife. That ass with a human shape has come
to give his life. If he had only the sense to see that
instead of sacrificing himself, he ought to have given
his wife the cut of a horse-whip, she would have long
ago desisted from tormenting him. Take note, wife,
if you again tease me with such selfish and unfeeling
requests, I will give you such a push with my horns
that you will remember it all the days of your life. 1
"The ewe seeing that her lord had assumed the
natural position immediately gave in. The King, as
we said, could understand the language of all animals
and so he understood all that the ram told his wife.
And a new light dawned on him. He came out of the
river and let his wife know that he would not submit
to her whims. Seeing the threatening attitude of the
King the poor Queen fell at the feet of her husband
and pitifully begged pardon of him. Since then she
felt greater respect for the King than she had ever done
before/ 1
The above was a very favourite story of Moti Lai's and
I have heard him narrate this on more than one occasion.
Now, what Sir John Woodburn was advised to do was
to follow the example of the ram. He was by no means bound,
said the Patrika, to sacrifice himself for the sake of Sir
Alexander MacKenzie. But Sir John did not pay any heed
to the advice. A series of meetings were held by the
public protesting against the Bill, but the Government turned
a deaf ear to them. Ultimately out of the fifty elected Com-
missioners 28 resigned their offices in a body, for, they had
realised that when the MacKenzie Bill would be passed
they would be divested of all their powers. Amongst those
who resigned were Babus Bhupendra Nath Basu, Narendra
Nath Sen, Radha Charan Pal, Srinath Dutt, Deva Prasad
Sarbadhicari, Surendra Nath Banerjea, Ramtaran Bannerjee,
Surendra Nath Roy, Raj Chunder Chunder, Kumar Manmatha
Nath Mitra and others. The Bill was however passed in utter
disregard of public opinion, a thing not at all unusual in
Bengal.
MUNICIPAL ACT OF 1917 in
In course of time the MacKenzie Act was found wanting
and seventeen years after it had been passed, i.e., in 1916 it
was sought to be replaced by another Act, whose provisions
were also considered to be halting by the public. A public
meeting of the citizens of Calcutta was held in this connec-
tion in the Town Hall of Calcutta in January, 1916, to con-
sider the proposed changes in the Constitution of the Calcutta
Corporation. The Hon'ble Maharajadhiraj Bijay Chand Mahatab
Bahadur of Burdwan, who took interest in public life in
Bengal in those days, presided and the Hon'ble Raja Reshee
Case Law moved the main resolution which ran as follows :
That the office of the President of the Corporation
should be separated from that of the head of the
Municipal Executive and that both the President and
the head of the Municipal Executive should be elected
by Municipal Commissioners, the election of the latter,
if the need be, being subject to confirmation by the
Government.
That with a view to give the rate-payers an
effective voice in the control of their Municipal affairs,
at least three-fourths of the members of the Corporation
should be elected by the different wards.
That the authority of the Corporation should be
supreme and that all proceedings of the Executive and
of Committees should be liable to revision by the
Corporation as under the Acts of 1878 and 1888. As a
necessary sequel the system of co-ordinate authorities
should be done away with.
In support of this resolution Moti Lai spoke in his usual
humorous vein as follows :
"They were progressing very fast indeed in Municipal
work ; they were progressing no doubt, but not upward
but downward. Their progress could be likened to the
progress of the cow's tail. The cow's tail goes down
and not up. In 1876 they were fit to manage civic
affairs. Forty years passed since then and they were
now unfit. They all knew the story of the mouse being
created a lion and then the lion again reduced to a
mouse. They were once a lion, but now they are a
mouse again, rather a dead mouse. They must, however,
fight the battle. They should hold hundreds of meetings
in Calcutta if necessary. They must exert all their
ii2 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
energy in getting back what they had and more than
what they had."
The Bengal Act I of 1917 was passed into law in spite
of popular opposition. But its span of life was very brief.
It was repealed by the present Calcutta Municipal Act, Bengal
Act III of 1923, which is considered to have conferred
autonomy or self-government to the civic body. It is left to
posterity to judge whether autonomy has been really conferred
or not.
CHAPTER XIX.
FIGHT BETWEEN JOURNALISTS.
Differences Between Moti Lai And Surendra Nath Some Defamation
Cases Kaliprasanna Kavya-Visharad Versus Ghose Family Dina Nath
Roy Versus Kavya-Visharad Moti Lai Versus Kavya-Visharad A
Lesson For Journalists.
The disfranchisement of Dacca was hotly discussed in the
Calcutta press towards the middle of 1899 and there was a
regular quarrel over this matter among the press-magnates,
which degenerated into personal recriminations and mutual
fault findings, and the old differences between Moti Lai and
Surendra Nath were revived.
The quarrel began in this way. The Amrita Bazar Patrika
vehemently opposed the disfranchisement of Dacca. As
Babu Surendra Nath was the principal supporter of the dis-
franchisement the criticism of the! Amrita Bazar Patrika affected
him and his followers at once flew into a rage. As the Patrika
says:
"This incensed his followers, two in number, who
began, not to discuss the question, but to abuse us and
call us thieves, liars and what not. While they were
engaged in vilifying us in this way, Babu Surendra
Nath began to pose as the much-injured simple man
who was wronged by us, simply because we did not
love him. Of course, we could not notice the abuse
WHY MOTILAL NEVER WENT TO THE COUNCIL 115
levelled at us by the supporters of Babu Surendra Natft,
for the simple reason that we are not dogs. But we
warned him that such support will not help him, but
injure him much more than it would injure us. The
Indian Nation offered precisely the same advice to him,
and so did the Indian Empire. We further assured
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea that we could have no
personal motive in meddling with this question of dis-
franchisement, because we never aspired to the honour
of a seat in the Council."
As a matter of fact Babu Moti Lai Ghose never attempted
to have the honour of a seat in the Legislative Council. He
always wanted to keep aloof of the Council Chamber. He
explained this attitude by saying that he did not want to go
to the Councils not because he had adopted the life of an
ascetic, but because he felt that the only object of a man to
go to the Council should be to be of service to his country.
He felt that being in charge of a journal it was open to him
to do as much good to his country as he desired to do. "That
being so," said he, "for us to occupy a seat in the Council
is to deprive a worthy man, who has no such opportunity of
being useful to his country."
This was met by some of the friends of Babu Surendra
Nath saying that "if Babu Moti Lai Ghose had stood against
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea he (Moti Lai) would have
been nowhere."
The now defunct Indian Empire edited by Babu Amrita
Krishna Mullick took up the cudgels on behalf of Babu Moti
Lai Ghose and wrote as follows :
"The organs of Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjea want
to know the means of some of the gentlemen who would
have proved formidable rivals to the Government
nominee, we mean Mr. Banerjea if they had competed
the Presidency Division seat with him. Now, if they
had sought this information from some of the Munici-
palities in the Presidency Division they would have got
the right answer immediately. For instance, the most
important Municipality in the Division is the Cossipur-
Chitpur and it commands the largest number of votes.
All these votes were entirely at the disposal of Babu
Moti Lai Ghose, if he had cared to stand for the
8
ii4 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Presidency Division. As a matter of fact the majority
of the Commissioners insisted on his coming forward as
a candidate, but he would not. At the meeting of the
Cossipur-Chitpur Municipality, held to elect a delegate,
a Commissioner openly declared that he had gone to
the Editor of the Patrika to request him to contest the
Presidency Division seat, and, 'he had no doubt if
Mr. Moti Lai Ghose, chose to stand as a candidate he
would have got all the five votes at the disposal of the
Cossipur-Chitpur Board, and he hoped that the Chairman
would agree with him in the view.' We quote these
words from the report of the proceedings of the meeting
submitted to the Magistrate. Nobody contradicted the
statement of the Commissioner and the Chairman would
have never embodied it in his official report, if that were
not the sense of the meeting. Now, backed by the
biggest Municipality in the Division, would it have been
really very difficult for Babu Moti Lai to oust Mr.
Surendra Nath Banerjea from the field in a fair fight.
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea has fallen and Babu Moti
Lai has risen in public estimation ; it is thus reasonable
to suppose that most of the Municipalities in the Division,
like the Cossipur-Chitpur, would have declared for the
latter, if he were early in the field, and if the former
had not demoralised many of the constituencies by
presenting himself to them as Sir John Woodburn's man
Mr. Banerjea extorted pledges from many
Municipalities, weeks before the Election Resolution was
published in the Calcutta Gazette ; yet we think he
would have found it very hard, though backed by the
Government, to secure the seat, if Babu Moti Lai Ghose
and for the matter of that, Mr. A. M. Bose, had made
up their minds to contest the seat."
The newspapers and periodicals of the time were thus
divided mainly into two groups, one supporting Moti Lai and
criticising Surendra Nath and the other supporting Surendra
Nath and criticising Moti Lai. Many of the writings in this
connection were not only personal but scurrilous too and they
showed to what depth of degradation journalism, one of the
noblest of professions, may sometimes descend.
There was a crop of defamation cases against newspapers
in 1898-99 in Calcutta. Other Provinces also had their shares.
The Standard and the Hindu of Madras were in trouble during
this period on account of defamation cases against them and
THREE DEFAMATION CASES 115
there was a case against the Times of India of Bombay in
which Mr. Bal Gangadhar Tilafc was the complainant. Defama-
tion cases seem to be contagious, for, one case often brings
about other cases, either in its trail or unconnected with it.
In Calcutta the curtain had hardly been rung down over
the Brahmo lady defamation case and people had hardly been
fed up with gossips about this unfortunate but interesting
affair when three defamation cases came up in quick succession
in which the proprietors of the Amrita Bazar Patrika and the
Hitabadi, a vernacular weekly were implicated.
The first case was brought by Kali Prasanna Kavya-
Visharad against Moti Lai Ghose and others, the second was
brought by Dina Nath Roy, Assistant Manager, Amrita Bazar
Patrika against Kali Prasanna Kavya- Visharad and others and
the third was brought by Moti Lai Ghose against Kali Prasanna
Kavya- Visharad .
Now, who was this Kali Prasanna Kavya-Visharad who
figured in all the three cases? It is not known how or whence
he got the title Kavya-Visharad. He belonged to the respect-
able Haldar family of Kalighat and was for some years a
proof-reader in the Amrita Bazar Patrika office and Assistant
Secretary to the Indian Relief Society in which Moti Lai took
a leading part. Subsequently he became the editor of the
vernacular paper Hitabadi and became a very powerful writer,
but his writings were often rather scurrilous and he often
indulged in unsavoury personal attacks. He defamed the wife
of a well-known Brahmo Professor of Calcutta in his paper and
had to pay the penalty. He was sentenced to 9 months'
imprisonment. But it seems this did not act as a corrective
and he went on vilifying people in the same manner as before.
He was a close follower of Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea and
Babu Moti Lai Ghose was one of his targets. For 2 or 3 years
Kavya-Visharad vilified Moti Lai through the columns of the
Hitabadi to his heart's content. The matter at last came to
a head and friends and well-wishers of Moti Lai advised him
to sue Kali Prasanna for defamation. Kali Prasanna however
anticipated him and brought a case for defamation against
n6 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Moti Lai in the Alipur Police Court before Moti Lai had taken
any steps for suing him.
As soon as the proprietors of the Patrika came to learn;
that Kali Prasanna had brought a case against them the late
Dina Nath Roy at their instance brought his case against Kali
Prasanna and immediately after that Moti Lai also brought his
case in court. These two cases were like a double-barrelled
gun aimed at Kali Prasanna in order to make a sure shot.
The case brought by Kali Prasanna arose in this way..
Two articles headed "Why Bengali papers are unreadable"
and "A Conference of Bengali-editors" had appeared in the
Ananda Bazar Patrika, a vernacular weekly then owned by
the proprietors of the Amrita Bazar Patrika, criticising the
vernacular papers Basumati and Hitabadi for publishing
scurrilous articles and thus degrading vernacular journalism in
the eyes of the reading public. On the ist September, i.e.,
only two days after the publication of the above Kali Prasanna
Kavya-Visharad, who then edited the Hitabadi, filed a case for
defamation against Babus Shishir Kumar Ghose, Moti Lai
Ghose, Golap Lai Ghose, Mrinal Kanti Ghose and Piyush
Kanti Ghose, alleging that they were editors and proprietors
of the Ananda Bazar Patrika and also against the printer Babu
Keshab Lai Roy. He complained that he had been defamed'
as a journalist by the publication of the aforesaid articles.
Mr. P. L. Roy, Barrister-at-Law, who appeared for the Ghose
family, in applying for their personal exemption from Court
said:
"The first-named petitioner (Babu Shishir Kumar
Ghose) to the knowledge of the complainant (Kali
Prasanna Kavya-Visharad), is in feeble health and is
over 60 years of age and it is common knowledge that
he has retired from all worldly affairs and is leading
the life of a religious recluse at Deoghur. No man is
more respected among all sections of the community for
high character, profound learning and deep piety than
Babu Shishir Kumar Ghose who has perhaps done more
for the country than all our public men put together
have been able to do. The second petitioner (Babu
Moti Lai Ghose) who is well-known from the manner
in which he is conducting the Amrita Bazar Patrika,.
CHARGES AGAINST KAVYA-VISHARAD 117
is also in indifferent health. The fourth petitioner
(Babu Piyush Kanti Ghose) is a student reading for the
B.A., examination in the Metropolitan College and he
has no connection with any paper. "
The Ghose family was of course allowed to appear by
agents. Kali Prasanna Kavya-Visharad then tried to have
search-warrants issued for the original copies and proof-sheets
of the articles, but the Magistrate did not grant his prayer.
In the meantime the defamation case referred to above was
instituted by Babu Dina Nath Roy, Assistant Manager, Amriia
Bazar Patrika against Babus Upendra Nath Sen and Debendra
Nath Sen, Proprietors of Hitabadi, Kali Prasanna Kavya-
Visharad, editor and Aswini Kumar Haldar, printer of the
Hitabadi in the Sealdah Police Court. Dina Babu's grievance
was that the Hitabadi had defamed him by falsely and
maliciously publishing that he had given false evidence in a
case at Saugor.
Moti Lai brought his case against Kali Prasanna, as he
said, not on private ground only, but on public grounds as
well ; for, Kali Prasanna through the columns of the Hitabadi,
according to him, was libelling people right and left.
The first charge against Kavya-Visharad was with regard
to a case at Kalighat known as Golab Roy's temple case.
Hitabadi charged Moti Lai with having taken money from
Golab Roy for supporting him in a quarrel over a temple that
arose between Golab Roy on the one hand and certain people
known as Chetties on the other side. As a matter of fact
Moti Lai and Golab Roy were strangers and he supported
Golab Roy's case not for money, but because he found the
case to be just. The real fact is that in supporting the Chetties
who opposed Golab Roy's constructing a temple of Radha-
Krishna at Kalighat Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea had spoken
about the Hindu gods and goddesses in the Calcutta Corpora-
tion in a manner which was taken exception to by Hindus,
Moti Lai's articles were written more with a view to criticis-
ing Surendra Nath for thus speaking about Hindu gods and
goddesses than with a view to supporting Golab Roy.
n8 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
The second charge against Kavya-Visharad was that with
the pretext of correcting some mistakes appearing in a paper
called Power and Guardian he had through the columns of
the Hitabadi circulated the false and libellous statement that
Babu Moti Lai Ghose had misappropriated the sum of Rs. 500
paid by Raja Jogendra Nath Roy Bahadur of Natore to the
Congress. The fact is that this money was not paid to the
Congress, b\it to some other association for which it was meant.
As Moti Lai said in his evidence before the Magistrate :
"There is a British Committee (of the Congress).
This is in England. The Committee's finances are
raised in this country.
"Messrs. Bradlaugh, Digby, W. C. Bonnerjee and I
started the Indian Political Agency. The British Com-
mittee only countenances or advocates what the Indian
National Congress takes up and nothing more. The
Indian Political Agency aimed at taking up other
questions affecting individuals. The Agency was main-
tained by subscriptions raised here from among private
friends. Rajah Jogendra Nath Roy Bahadur is a friend
of mine. I wrote to him to contribute to the Indian
Political Agency fund and his late Dewan Babu Girish
Chandra Lahiri sent me Rs. 500 in currency notes with
a letter which I have lost. It was given in 1888 or 1889.
Neither the Indian National Congress nor the British
Committee of the Congress had anything to do with this
money. I sent the Rs. 500 to Mr. Digby."
The third charge against Kavya-Visharad was that he had
published in the Hitabadi an article about the election of
Babu Baikuntha Nath Sen, Vakil, of Berhampur to a seat in
the Bengal Legislative Council in which it was falsely and
maliciously stated that Moti Lai had been at first secretly
working against Baikuntha Nath by writing letters and sending
round a protege of his named Satya Charan, but latterly either
through fear of Baikuntha Nath or through affection for him,
Moti Lai did not scruple to cancel his previous letters and
write letters of a different character. It was also stated that
Moti Lai had borrowed Rs. 2,000 from the Kasimbazar Raj
with which Babu Baikuntha Nath was thickly connected, and
Moti Lai supported him only in order to avoid being dragged
into Court for this money.
A LESSON FOR JOURNALISTS
Babus Golab Roy and Baikuntha Nath Sen and some other
witnesses were examined who supported Babu Moti Lai Ghose's
evidence and proved that the allegations against him were
false.
On the 22nd of December, 1899, Mr. T. A. Pearson, Chief
Presidency Magistrate of Calcutta, committed Kali Prasanna
Kavya-Visharad to the Calcutta High Court Sessions to take
his trial there.
In the meantime the other two cases, at Alipur and
Sealdah went on, and some witnesses were examined.
Ultimately, however, through the intervention of common
friends all the three cases were compromised on honourable
terms. Moti Lai was very unwilling to compromise, but he
was forced to do so by his friend Bhupendra Nath Basu, who
wrote to the editor of the Hitabadi in course of a letter asking
him to publish an apology :
"You know how very unwilling Moti Babu was to
settle, we had literally to force it upon him."
Journalists ought to take a lesson from this fight between
AmrUa Bazar Patrika and Hitabadi. Pleaders in court fight
each other, but the moment a case is over and they are out
of court, they are friends again. Parliamentarians also do the
same thing. Why should not the journalists follow a similar
course ? If they have to fight they ought to do so through the
columns of their respective papers. The Press is the Fourth
Estate of the realm, and those in charge of the Press should
remember that by rushing to court they lower the dignity of
the Press. As a rule when criticising each other they ought
to keep within the bounds of law as much as practicable. It
is, however, not always possible to do so and hence minor
transgressions on either side are inevitable and as such they
ought to be overlooked. Unless there is a flagrant defamation,
which is repeated again and again a journalist ought not to
go to court against a brother journalist. Men living in glass
houses should not throw stones at one another.
CHAPTER XX
MORE QUARRELS AMONG JOURNALISTS
Provincial Conference at Bhagalpur (1900) Criticism Leads to Quarrels
A Suit that was never Brought Surendra Nath versus Moti Lai.
The Bengal Provincial Conference was held at Bhagalpur
towards the beginning of the year 1900. It was very severely
criticised by Babu Moti Lai Ghose in the columns of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika. He had all along wanted to make the
provincial conferences more democratic and less confined to
orators and editors. The Bhagalpur Conference, he wrote, was
a failure in this respect. This was followed by a bitter attack
on Moti Lai in the leading columns of the Bengalee and the
Basumati, and for a pretty long time the Amriia Bazar Patrika
and the Bengalee, which had then become a daily paper, were
seen exchanging shots at each other. Much of the criticism
on either side, it must be said with regret, was personal and
has perhaps no interest for posterity. Vigorous attempts were
made at this time by the proprietors of some rival journals to
annihilate the Amrita Bazar Patrika. As a matter of fact they
formed an association for the purpose and began vilifying the
Amrita Bazar Patrika and its editor Babu Moti Lai Ohose right
and left.
Commenting on the situation the Indian Nation, now
defunct, observed:
"There is a regular tug-of-war, for, there is no
doubt that Greek has met Greek. Two mighty patriots,
veterans both in the art of agitation, have been flying
at each other's throat and there is no doubt that they
are terribly in earnest."
Wrote the Indian Empire, also now defunct, in reply :
"An impression has been sought to be created that
there was a free fight between the Patrika and the
papers noted above. We must aver that the idea is
absolutely false. The Patrika has not exchanged hot
words with any or all of them. It is precluded from
JOURNALISTS EXCHANGING SHOTS 121
doing so because of the position it occupies. Personalities
it can never descend to. It has to be on the defensive.
We therefore take exception to the remark of the Indian
Nation Our contemporary must have noticed
with pain and humiliation the libellous attacks of the
Bengalee and its personal abuses of Babu Moti Lai Ghose
for some time past. We ask him to point out a single
instance of an exchange of abuse in the Patrika."
Throughout the year shots were thus exchanged not only
between Moti Lai and Surendra Nath but also between their
lieutenants. I may mention in this connection the name of
Babu Amrita Krishna Mullick, Vakil, Small Causes Court of
Calcutta who then edited the Indian Empire and firmly sup-
ported Babu Moti Lai Ghose in his quarrels with Babu Surendra
Nath Banerjea. Subsequently the relationship between Moti
Lai and Babu Amrita Krishna developed into a very sweet one
and I shall have occasion to refer to this.
In December 1900 the following editorial paragraph
appeared in the Amrita Bazar Patrika:
"We said that the declaration of Lord Curzon,
namely, that he liked to be judged by his works, is an
excellent security for his good behaviour. The Pioneer
has furnished another such security by his attack. We
are glad to see that the Indian papers universally have
accorded their support to the Viceroy It is
true the Bengalee supported the Pioneer in the beginning
but we are glad to see that it corrected its mistake
afterwards. Indeed, an alliance of the Indian journals
with such a paper as the Pioneer is impossible. Babu
Surendra Nath Banerjea in an unguarded moment formed
an alliance with that paper in urging the Government
to pass the Press Message Bill. He was then subscrib-
ing to Renter's telegrams and he no doubt thought that
if the measure was passed he would secure an advantage
for his paper over most other Indian journals. If he
had however succeeded no paper would have suffered
more than his own, if the statement, were true that he
had ceased subscribing to Reuter. Indeed, by joining
with the Pioneer on that occasion he was not only led
to injure the interests of all other Indian papers but also
to lay a knife across his own throat "
On the appearance of the above paragraph in the Amrita
Bazar Patrika, Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea consulted his
132 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
lawyers and sent a Solicitor's letter to Babu Moti Lai Ghose
in which he said that the publication of the above paragraph
harmed his "reputation as a journalist" and he called upon the
editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika to "retract the statements/'
offer him a "suitable apology " and "publish the same" in the
editorial columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
The Solicitor's letter was also published in the columns
of the Bengalee, then edited by Surendra Nath Banerjea, with
the following remarks :
"The Patrika has for some time past been per-
sistently trying to injure us by giving currency to the
false report that we do not subscribe to Renter's
telegrams. It has done so in its correspondence columns,
and the same falsehood now finds place in its editorial
paragraph. But falsehood never pays in the world."
Commenting on the above the 'Indian Nation wrote a
paragraph which will be of great interest to the journalists:
"The Patrika in one of its issues: 'He (Mr.
Surendra Nath Banerjea) was then subscribing to Reuter's
telegrams, and he no doubt thought that if the measure
(the Press Message Bill) were passed he would secure an
advantage for his paper over most other Indian journals.
If he had however suceeded no paper would have suffered
more than his own, if the statement were true that he
had ceased subscribing to Reuter.' Immediately after
this the Hon'ble Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjea instructed
Babu Bhupendra Nath Basu as his Attorney to write a
letter to the Editor of 'the Patrika r demanding an apology
and an withdrawal of the statements made. We always
knew Mr. Banerjea to be the reverse of thin-skinned,
and we are much surprised at this display of sensitive-
ness. Do not all of us including Mr. Banerjea write
like this? 'Mr. X is reported by a correspondent to
have made an unwarrantable assault upon a post office
peon, snatched his letter bag and forced it open. The
charge is a serious one if it is true and ought to be
inquired into.' Mr. X would not, we believe, take any
action for defamation with regard to the statement if
it is false. If it is true it would not be prudent
to take any action. Well now, when the Patrika says,
'if the statement were true,' should the statement be
received in any other light than that against Mr. X
in the hypothetical case? Surely a proposition with
an 'if' is not an affirmation, and if it exposes the news-
TRUCE BETWEEN MOTILAL & SURENDRA NATH 123
paper to all the risks of a categorical statement none
of us will be safe in publishing any sort of a report or
rumour which contains anything in the nature of an
accusation."
The Amrita Bazar PaMka, however, declined to make an
apology to Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea and in doing so
wrote :
"Our paragraph is not susceptible of the construc-
tion put upon it by Babu Surendra Nath. We are used to
virulent attacks, every week, all the year round, by a
vernacular paper, the editor of which is a warm supporter
of Babu Surendra Nath and his paper. But the method
one journal taking legal proceedings against another is
a more serious affair and was unknown in Indian
journalism. It was, however, for the first time inaugu-
rated by the friend of Babu Surendra Nath alluded to
above, in regard to our journal; and on the present
occasion he, Babu Surendra Nath himself, has come for-
ward with an Attorney's letter to us. Such conduct on
the part of a journalist has the effect of demoralising the
the whole press and setting an example which is suicidal.
Surely Babu Surendra Nath cannot blame a journalist
if he, feeling aggrieved by his conduct, should follow
the example set by himself and his friend, and take
legal proceedings against them. And such an incident
is not unlikely. 'People living in a glass house should
not pelt stones at others' is an English proverb. We
have, however, a more expressive one, namely, 'a man
being drowned in a well of his own digging.' "
Fortunately, however, good counsel prevailed and the
matter did not go to court. To quote the Patrika "the Bengalee
announced to the world with a flourish of trumpet that all the
differences between Babu Moti Lai Ghose and Babu Surendra
Nath Banerjea had been made up." But it is well-known
that the truce between Moti Lai and Surendra Nath was only
a temporary one.
CHAPTER XXI
ROAD CESS AND PUBLIC WORKS CESS
Bengal Provincial Conference of 1901 Moti Lai's Speech on Road Cess
and P. W. CessUnequal Distribution of Collection CostsSir Edward
Baker's Reply Moti I^al's Hopes Realised.
The Bengal Provincial Conference was held at Midnapur
in May, 1901. In this session Moti Lai moved the following
resolution:
"That this Conference is of opinion that the
Government should be moved to take steps that the
money realised on account of the Road Cess may not
be spent for any purposes other than those for which
it was originally levied, namely,
(1) the construction and maintenance of village
roads and local paths,
(2) the sinking and improving of wells, tanks and
other works of irrigation affecting comparatively small
areas of land and other similar purposes, so that the
benefits to be derived from the road cess may be brought
home to the cess payers' doors and may be palpable,
direct and immediate.
"That with a view to secure the above objects
the District Boards be directed to keep a separate account
of Road Cess funds showing for what purposes the
same are spent.
"That this Conference specially begs to draw the
attention of the Government to the fact that the charges
for maintaining the joint establishment for realising the
Road and Public Work Cesses should be borne equally
by the Boards and the Government respectively."
In moving the resolution Moti Lai delivered a lengthy
speech in course of which he traced the history of the imposi-
tion of the Road Cess. He said that when the Road Cess was
sought to be imposed there was some difficulty because it was
thought to be a flagrant violation of the pledge given to the
Zemindars of Bengal by the Permanent Settlement of 1793.
But this difficulty was overcome by giving an assurance that
the money realised by the imposition of this Cess would belong
ROAD CESS MONEY BELONGS TO PEOPLE 125
not to the Government but to the people themselves and the
entire proceeds from this cess would be placed at their disposal.
This was clearly mentioned in the Despatch of the Duke of
Argyll as Secretary of State for India and reiterated by Sir
George Campbell who said in his proclamation:
"The Road Cess money shall be distributed and
spent by local men trusted by the inhabitants who shall
be selected or elected for the purpose."
But alas, all these pledges were subsequently violated.
Sir Ashley Eden showed the way by passing a "law" in 1880
enacting that the objects of the Road Cess were other than
those for which it was originally imposed and in 1895 Mr. Risley
Secretary to the Government declared that no such thing as the
Road Cess Fund existed and money raised through the Road
Cess might "legally* be spent on any purpose according to
the sweet will of the Government.
Through the Press and the Platform Moti Lai agitated
for years for the return of the people's money to them and for
the fulfilment of the pledges given by the Duke of Argyll when
the Road Cess was first imposed.
As early as 1889, if not earlier, we find the Amrita Bazar
Patrika taking up the question of the collection of the Road
Cess and the Public Works Cess. At that time both these
cesses were collected by the same establishment. The collec-
tion charges therefore should have been borne equally by both
the departments. But the Government had fixed the ratio at
two-third and one-third between the Road Cess department and
the Public Works Department. This was done apparently
because the Government took the Public Works Cess to be its
own, while the proceeds of the Road Cess, which were in the
hands of the District Boards belonged to the people. At least
that was what the people contended. The Amrita Bazar Patrika
urged that this alleged wrong which began as early as 1879
should be removed by making both the departments share
equally the establishment charges.
The matter was brought to the notice of Sir Edward Baker,
126 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
then Finance Secretary to the Government of Bengal, through
a series of articles in the Amrita Bazar PaMka. Sir Edward
gave a reply during the Budget discussion in the Bengal Council
in April, 1899. He spoke ex tempore, very rapidly, but in
a rather low voice, so that the reporter of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika could not catch all of what he had said and brought
only a summary of the speech to Moti Lai which was so con-
densed as to be almost unintelligible. Moti Lai thereupon
wrote to Sir Edward Baker requesting him to be so good as
to supply him with a copy of his speech. In reply Sir Edward
said that he could not comply with his request as he had
neither a copy nor any notes of his speech. He was however
good enough to revise the report prepared by the reporter
of the Patrika and this was published in the Patrika. Sir
Edward gave the Government view of the question ; he admitted
that the Government had accepted the principle of paying
one- third of the cost, "but it was ordered that in order to
avoid a fresh adjustment every year a fixed lump sum should
be assigned to each district and paid every year." "As regards
the proposal that Government should pay one-half the charges
and not only one-third, " Sir Edward continued to say, "that
is what the Government actually did. It undertook to pay
one-half the gross charges including the cost of the superior
supervising staff, and that is in effect paying one-third of the
direct joint charges plus the cost of the superior staff." Sir
Edward thus did not see his way to accept the contention of
the Amrita Bazar Patrika and act upto it.
Moti Lai now wrote a private letter to Sir Edward Baker
earnestly soliciting his careful attention to the subject. In
reply Sir Edward said that he had kept his mind perfectly open
and if he were convinced of the correctness of the position
taken up by Moti Lai he would do his best to help him in the
matter. After this there was some correspondence between
the two and in course of a year Moti Lai's hopes were realised
in place of the fixed sum of Rs. 46,800 the grant of the year
1900-01 was raised to Rs. 1,04,000 that is by Rs. 57,200.
DEFAMATION CASE AGAINST MOTILAI, 127
Babu Ananda Mohan Bose who was then a Member of the
Council wrote in a letter on the subject :
"I am delighted to see the Government has decided
at length to bear its fair share This means a
gain of about Rs. 60,000 per annum to the District
Boards. Our thanks are due to the Government of Sir
John Woodburn and to the Hon'ble Mr. Baker in parti-
cular but they are also due to the Patrika for the very
effective manner in which it has agitated this important
question and drawn public attention to it."
Like the Road Cess question the question of rural water
supply was another matter for the improvement of which Mod
Lai devoted much of his time and energy. I shall have occa-
sion to refer to his activities in this connection later on.
CHAPTER XXII
DEFAMATION CASE AGAINST MOTILAL
Trial of a "White" Cooly Emigration Agent Incorrect Report in Patrika
and Other Papers Moti Lai Tried for Defamation His Defence Con-
viction by Magistrate Press Comments on the Conviction Observations
of the Maharatta and the Hindu Acquitted By High Court Statesman's
Comments on the Case.
A very sensational criminal case that took place at
Allahabad in the year 1901 was what was then known as the
Hoff case. In this case one B. E. Hoff, a cooly emigration
agent of Cawnpur and two of his men were charged with
having robbed a Marwari woman named Ram Piyari of her
gold ornaments and sent her adrift penniless after having
detained her at the cooly depot for seven or eight days. They
were tried at the sessions at the Allahabad High Court and
after ten days' hearing the jury who were all Englishmen
acquitted them, six being in favour of acquittal and three in
favour of conviction. The Judge Mr. Justice Aikman agreed
with the minority but curiously enough did not order a retrial
on the ground that experience had shown him that a retrial
would have a similar result and would also cause inconvenience
128 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
to witnesses. The case formed the subject matter of comment
in almost all the leading papers, the Amrita Bazar Patrika being
no exception. It commented on the case in its usual sarcastic
style. After analysing the judgment critically the Patrika
observed: "Or, in other words, his Lordship means that a
European jury will never convict a European accused, so it
is useless to order a retrial."
In an issue of the Amrita Bazar Patrika of some date
before the actual hearing of the case a report had appeared
in the telegram columns where it was stated that the woman
had brought three charges against Hoff of wrongful confine-
ment, robbery and outrage. As a matter of fact however there
was no charge of outrage and the Pioneer of Allahabad pub-
lished a paragraph stating that there was no such charge. As
soon as the attention of the conductors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika was drawn to it "they expressed their regret for having
unwillingly done Mr. Hoff any injury by the publication of
the said report." The Bengalee and some other papers had
also published a similar report of outrage by Hoff. Hoff was
not satisfied with the expression of regret and brought a case
against the correspondent of the Amrita Bazar Patrika at
Cawnpur, who settled the case by offering apology to Hoff and
paying him a compensation of Rs. 500. The Panch Bahadur,
a vernacular paper of Bombay, which had also published a
similar news and had been threatened by Hoff with prosecu-
tion compromised the matter by paying him Rs. 500. So the
case instead of being a curse to Hoff became a boon to him.
Naturally temptation grew and Hoff now proceeded
against Moti Lai Ghose as Editor and Ashu Tosh Dey as Printer
of the Amrita Bazar Patrika. He instituted a criminal case
for defamation against them in the Joint Magistrate's Court
at Cawnpur in May 1901 and in course of a fortnight or so
had the following notice served on Moti Lai :
"Sir, my client Mr. B. E. Hoff has just filed a case
against you under* Sections 500-109 I. P. C. for defaming
him in a most scandalous and unjustifiable manner in
the issue of your paper dated 26th April 1901 headed
MOTILAL'S DEFENCE 129,
a 'Shocking Case*. The case is fixed for zgih instant
in the Joint Magistrate's Court.
Besides the above proceedings I may mention that
my client intends suing you for heavy damages which
he assesses at one lakh of rupees. You can take this
as a notice before going to Court. Unless this amount
is paid up by the end of the month the matter will
be forthwith put into Court.
Yours, etc.,
(Sd.) Alfred Harrison,
Advocate, H. C., N. W. P.
Counsel for Mr. B. E. Hoff."
When the criminal case against Moti Lai was taken up
at Cawnpur the redoubtable Kali Prasanna Kavya-Visharad,
whose sole aim in life for some years seemed to have been to
lay Moti Lai low, ran all the way from Calcutta to Cawnpur
with a view to prove Moti Lai's editorship of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika ; but in doing so he got himself entangled in
a case under Section 174 I. P. C. Moti Lai in his written
statement before the Magistrate admitted that "he was the
editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika, that he wrote the leaders
and the leaderettes and that he had nothing to do with the
other portions of the paper such as telegrams, correspondence,
reprints, selections, etc."
Mr. Wallach, Barrister-at-law, who defended Moti Lai,
pointed out that great caution had been taken by the autho-
rities of the Patrika in publishing the news in question which
was done in absolute good faith and with proper care and after
due enquiry. He contended that the London Times could
not be more careful. He also pointed out that it was proved
by evidence that when the matter complained of was published
Moti Lai was not in Calcutta but was in his native village
Magura (Amrita Bazar). This was proved by a post card
written from Magura and bearing the post mark dated 24th
April in which an employee of Moti Lai wrote to another
employee of his at Calcutta "that Moti Lai was to leave
Magura at midday of 25th arriving in Calcutta in the evening
and that his carriage should be sent to the Sealdah station to
9
130 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
receive him." No responsibility could be attached to the editor,
said Mr. Wallach, unless he was the writer and publisher. But
Mr. A. P. Charles, the trying Magistrate, was imbued with the
traditions of the class he belonged to. He did not believe that
Moti Lai was absent from Calcutta at the time of the publication
in question, because all his witnesses were Kayasthas. He
convicted Moti Lai under Section 500 I. P. C. and sentenced
him to pay a fine of Rs. 1,000, the highest fine that the law
empowered the trying Magistrate to inflict, half of which was
to be paid to Hoff for expenses incurred in the case. The
Printer was acquitted.
A similar case was brought by Mr. Hoff against Babu
Surendra Nath Banerjea, Editor of the Bengalee for publish-
ing a similar paragraph. Surendra Babu also pleaded alibi
and counsel for Hoff did not press the case against him so
much. Surendra Nath was more fortunate than Moti Lai. In
his case the Magistrate, the same Magistrate who tried the
case against Moti Lai, believed that at the time the offending
paragraph was published he was at Simultala and not in
Calcutta, and thus let him off.
The conviction of Babu Moti Lai Ghose on such a flimsy
ground made the Indian press furious and many of them
strongly commented on the judgment of the trying Magistrate.
One paper dwelt on the difficulty of conducting daily news-
papers if such bona fide mistakes were to be penalised, another
referred to the ignorance of law on the part of the trying
Magistrate, another went one step further and said that
personal bias could override all evidence in a Mofussil Court
and so forth and so on. I cannot resist the temptation of
quoting in extenso the comment of the Maharatta, which, I
believe, was then edited by Mr. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. Said
the Maharatta:
"Babu Moti Lai Ghose, the famous editor of .the
A. B. PaMka, will have, we have no doubt, the
sympathy of the whole Indian public in the failure he
lately was unfortunate enough to sustain in contesting
the case for defamation instituted against him by
PRESS COMMENTS ON THE CASE 131
Mr. Hoff, a planter's agent who lately passed the ordeal
of a sessions trial on very serious charges and was
acquitted by a majority of jury of his countrymen.
Babu Moti Lai was fined Rs. 1,000 by the trying
Magistrate whose judgment shows that he was prejudiced
against the former. The case is sub judice, waiting
the decision of an Appellate Court ; and so we do not
wish to comment upon the merits of the case. But
we take the opportunity to say that Babu Moti Lai who
has spent his whole life in righting the wrong, befriend-
ing the oppressed, and exposing the frauds, the
humbugs, the snobs in the society as well as in the
political administration of this country, hardly needs to
be told that an adverse judgment of an Anglo-Indian
Magistrate against him, is a thing quite expected by the
world. It is a small reverse which only serves to
heighten the merits of the life of self-sacrifice which he
is leading as a true patriot. The public estimation in
which he is held will be only increased by the recent
event and the whole Indian public share the feelings
and sentiments of his Jubbulpore admirers, for instance,
who the other day gave him splendid ovations when he
had been to that place."
The Hindu of Madras remarked that the way in which
the Magistrate had disposed of the plea of alibi
"did not present the Magistrate as an ideal judicial
officer. This great judicial dignitary has not even the
common courtesy to put 'Mr.' before the name of the
accused gentleman though he mentions it frequently in
his judgment. A Joint Magistrate is not after all such
a superior person that he need dispense with the com-
mon courtesies observed among gentlemen and in his
relation to the Amrita Bazar Patrika his superior air
could only be of momentary duration."
It may be observed in passing that this peculiar habit of
omitting 'Mr.' or 'Babu' from the names of respectable Indian
gentlemen, who may have the misfortune to be in the position
of an accused in a criminal case or may be parties to or
witnesses in a civil suit or criminal case, is not peculiar to
the lower courts only, but the highest judiciary in the land
has sometimes been found to be lacking in this common
courtesy. One has only to search some law-reports to find
cases where any Tom, Dick or Harry has been honoured with
the appellation of 'Mr.', but highly respectable Indian gentle-
MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
men have been deprived of the title of 'Mr.' or the more
unambitious, but certainly not less respectable, 'Babu'.
An appeal was of course preferred against the Magistrate's
judgment to the Court of the Sessions Judge at Cawnpur.
Babu Satya Charan Mukherjee, an eminent Vakil of the
Allahabad High Court, argued the appeal on behalf of Moti
Lai. He spoke eloquently and feelingly for three hours and
his address made a deep impression on those who heard him.
Mr. H. Dupernex the Sessions Judge in acquitting Moti Lai
held that the publication of the alleged libellous matter at
Cawnpur had not been strictly proved. Moreover, he believed
in Moti Lai's plea of alibi which was rejected by the trying
Magistrate on a very flimsy ground. According to the state
of law then in force an editor would not have been liable for
any publication in his paper if it could be shown that at the
time of the publication he was absent from office and had left
the paper in charge of a competent person. Since there has,
however, been a great change in the law and at the time of
writing this (1934), an editor's name has to be printed in every
issue of the paper and I do not think he can escape liability
by proving alibi.
The judgment of the Sessions Judge wais received with
jubilation by the Indian press and Moti Lai's acquittal
afforded one more opportunity to them to make a lashing
criticism of the trying Magistrate. Even the Statesman of
Calcutta said:
"The reasoning of the Joint Magistrate (in disbeliev-
ing the plea of alibi), to say nothing of the impertinence
of the phraseology employed by him, is, indeed, so
palpably perverse, as to cast considerable doubt on his
judicial capacity."
In this connection the Statesman of November 3, 1901
came out with an article forcibly criticising the provision of
law which enabled any one who may feel himself aggrieved
by any publication in a newspaper to choose his forum in
any remotest corner of the country and punish the editor of
STATESMAN ON THE QUESTION OF FORUM 133
the paper extra- judicially by dragging him to that place. The
Statesman concluded by saying that
"justice, commonsense and public policy alike
require that a suit for libel against a newspaper should
lie only in the jurisdiction in which the place of
business of the paper is situated."
We do not know if the Statesman still holds the same
view, but the law has not been changed and justice, common-
sense and public policy seem to have been thrown into the
Ganges water.
CHAPTER XXHI
FROM A WRITER TO A SPEAKER
Reception At Jubbulpur At Madras Entertainments In His Honour.
From Cawnpur where Moti Lai had to go in connection
with the Hoff Case in the year 1901, he went on a casual visit
tp Jubbulpur where his eldest sister Srimati Sthir Saudamini
was living with his son the late Tarit Kanti Buxy, M.A.,
Professor of Chemistry, Robertson College. Sthir Saudamini
was an exceptionally intelligent and highly cultured lady. She
used to spend the summers mostly in Calcutta with her
brothers and now that it was winter and she was at Jubbulpur
Moti Lai thought that he would have some rest there and
recover from the strain of a day to day working life. He
went there incognito with the intention of passing a few days
quietly and aloof from the public gaze. But his presence was
soon discovered by some of the leading members of the local
society headed by Rai Bahadur Ballava Rao, a public-spirited
local millionaire, who at once called on him. Very soon a
public reception in honour of Moti Lai was arranged at the
bungalow of Mr. Ganesh Vasudeo Sane, another patriotic and
public-spirited gentleman. Long before the appointed hour
Mr. Sane's house was packed to the full and Moti Lai was
loudly cheered when he arrived. Moti Lai who had a dread
134 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
of speechifications had agreed to come to the party only on
condition that there would be no speeches. But the enthusiasm
of the assembled gentlemen was so intense that one of them
stood up and delivered an ex tempore address of welcome.
This was more than Moti Lai had anticipated. But he had
no other alternative than to reply. He began by saying that
he was not prepared for the mine of surprise that had been
sprung upon him in the shape of the welcome address that
had been given to him. His friends knew that he did not
like to open his lips before the public, he was only a writer
and not a speaking machine, and so forth and so on. In
spite of his not being an orator he delivered a lengthy speech
mostly dwelling on the financial condition of the people. He
deplored the gradual disappearance of the higher classes of
people and enjoined on them to live a strictly economical life.
"If you earn- Rs. 50 a month," he said, "spend Rs. 40 and
save at least Rs. 10."
The audience were greatly impressed to hear him speak.
He did not assume the theatrical attitude that many speakers
adopt, but he spoke in a perfectly natural way and every
sentence that he uttered went home to the hearts of his
hearers ; indeed, his speech was heard with rapt attention and
the unanimous verdict was that it was "as enthralling as it
was useful and practical."
Prom the place of Mr. Sane Moti Lai was conducted to
the Oriental Club where he was entertained with light refresh-
ment and music and introduced to all the leading men of the
station. It had some how or other oozed out that Moti Lai
could sing very well and he was pressed so hard by his newly-
acquired friends that he had to yield. When he had ceased
singing a gentleman remarked that it was they who had come
to entertain Babu Moti Lai Ghose but instead of their entertain-
ing him it was their guest who had entertained them with
delicious music.
The Bengali gentlemen of Jubbulpur and the local Madrasi
community also arranged parties for him. He could stay at
Jubbulpur for a short time only. He had gone there with the
RECEPTIONS AT MADRAS 135-
object of finding a little rest but he got parties and public
receptions in stead.
Eleven years later when Moti Lai went to Madras he was
given a similar reception. Various sections of the Indian
community of Madras held entertainments in his honour. He
was given a hearty welcome not only as the editor of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika but also as the delegate of the Bengal
Government to the All-India Sanitary Conference, a curious
combination indeed. On the evening of November 16, 1912
a large number of zemindars headed by the Hon'ble the Rajah
of Kuruppam, the Rajah of Ttmi, the Rajah of Jodporle, the
Rajah of Tiruvnr, the Rajah of Bhadrachellam and such
leading members of the Indian community as the Hon'ble Mr.
T. V. Seshagiri Iyer, Mr. S. Kasturiranga lyengar, editor and
proprietor of the Hindu, and Mr. K. V. Rangaswami lyengar
of Trichinopoli held a party in honour of Moti Lai at the
house of the Rajah of Tiruvnr where he was entertained with
music and refreshments were provided for the gentlemen
present. They thanked Moti Lai for his eminent public
services and he in his turn appealed to the zemindars to take
their position as natural leaders of the people and serve their
motherland to the best of their abilities.
On the morning of the igth November the Madras
Cosmopolitan Club entertained him to a social gathering where
many leading members of the Indian society were present.
They had also provided music and refreshments for the
honoured guest. The gentlemen present having expressed
their wish to know something of the late Governor of Madras
Moti Lai told them how popular Lord Carmichael had already
been in Bengal and how His Excellency had assured him that
Lord Pentland would also prove a good and noble-minded
governor. Babu Moti Lai Ghose was then garlanded and
photographed with the members present and the gathering
dispersed.
The same afternoon Babu Moti Lai Ghose was entertained
by the members of the Pachayappas High School Literary
Society where he made a little speech to the young men present
136 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
advising them to lead a good life and also to learn to love
God. Here also there were music, recitation and refreshments
after which the gathering terminated with the ceremony of
garlanding Babu Moti Lai Ghose.
In the evening of the same day the Madras Mahajana
Sabha held a party in honour of Babu Moti Lai Ghose and
Rai Bahadur Ganga Prasad Varma. Mr. T. Rangachariar, a
leading vakil welcomed the guest in a neat speech in which
he enumerated some of the immense services which the Amrita
Bazar Patrika had done to the country. Moti Lai made a
suitable reply in the course of which he said that he had
always sought to work from behind and that he would take
the liberty of giving the advice to the younger generation that
they should always try to serve their country by extinguishing
their self as much as possible ; for, it was then only that God
would bless their efforts with success.
Here I have given at random some instances of receptions
held in honour of Babu Moti Lai. There were numberless
such receptions held from time to time at different places and
if they were described in detail they alone would have filled up
this volume.
CHAPTER XXIV
TWO COMMISSIONS
University and Police Reform*
Recommendations of the University Commission Stress on Secondary
at the Cost of Primary Education Popular Protest Police Commission
Moti I^al Gagged His Written Statement on Police Reforms His
Scheme Wanted Separation of Police and Magistracy How A Magistrate
May Be A Real Blessing To The Country Alternative Schemes Divest
Magistrates of Judicial Powers Opinion of the Bar on Moti LaVs Written
Statement Separation of Judicial and Executive Functions.
In August 1902 the University Commission submitted its
report. The recommendations clearly wanted to take away
the control of the popular element from the Universities and
SECONDARY VERSUS PRIMARY EDUCATION 137
officialise them. Sir Guru Das Bannerji, a Judge of the
Calcutta High Court, who was one of the members of the
Commission was opposed to the recommendations of the
majority and he appended a learned note of dissent to that
effect. The majority of the Commissioners laid special stress
on secondary education at the cost of primary education and
this was considered objectionable by all who had the interest
of the children of the soil at their heart. At the same time
the Commissioners recommended an enhancement of College
fees which meant a closing of the doors of higher education
against poorer boys. It was suggested in Indian circles that
Lord Curzon had supplied the points and the Commission had
only elaborated them. He had succeeded in placing the
Calcutta Municipal Corporation under official control and it
was now his desire to transfer the control of the Calcutta
University from the hands of non-official Indians to official
Englishmen.
Immediately after the report of the University Commission
had been published a public meeting was held at the Town
Hall in Calcutta protesting against its recommendations. The
enthusiasm displayed at the meeting which was attended by
students in large numbers showed that young Bengal was no
longer prepared to take things lying down but was trying to
raise its head.
When the agitation over the reactionary recommendations
of the University Commission were still going on another Com-
mission was holding its sittings the Indian Police Commission.
The Hon'ble Mr. Fraser, I.C.S. (afterwards Lieutenant Governor
of Bengal) presided over the Commission which was composed
of two Indian and six British members.
The Police Commission examined a large number of
witnesses in Calcutta in November, 1902. Most of them,
however, were British members of the services, there being
only a sprinkling of non-official Indian gentlemen. Amongst
the Indian witnesses were Raja Peary Mohan Mukherjee, Raja
Kissori Lai Gossain, Mr. A. Chaudhuri, Barrister, Mr. R. C.
Dutt, I.C.S. and others. Moti Lai who had submitted written
138 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
replies to the questions sent to him by the Commission was
to have been examined. But the public who were anxiously
looking forward to his examination were not a little surprised
when on the last day of the Calcutta session of the Commission
its President declared that Babu Moti Lai Ghose's written
replies were "clear and explicit and it was therefore unneces-
sary to examine him orally."
Commenting on the personnel of the Commission the
Calcutta correspondent of the Hindu had written to that
paper :
"The editor of the Patrika would have been the
right man as Bengal's representative member on the
Police Commission That the Government
feared to appoint a people's man as a member of the
Commission is a circumstance that naturally gives rise
to misgivings."
It may now very well be understood that people were
looking forward to his evidence with some interest. As a
matter of fact on the 22nd November, 1902 Moti Lai got the
following letter from the Police Commission :
"DEAR SIR,
The Police Commission having perused your replies
to the questions desire to examine you orally and I am
to invite you to attend for that purpose at noon on
November 25th at the Council Chamber in Writers
Buildings."
But two days afterwards he got another letter which
countermanded the request contained in the previous letter.
It ran as follows :
"DEAR SIR,
Upon further consideration of your replies to the
questions issued by the Police Commission, the President
and Members are of opinion that your answers are
sufficiently clear and explicit and that it is not necessary
to ask you to appear for oral examination 'in order to
elucidate your views. They will not trouble you there-
fore to attend tomorrow as requested in my letter of
the 22nd instant."
MOTILAL ON POLICE 139
It soon became known to the public that "Babu Moti Lai
was the only witness who would not be orally examined" and
anxious enquiries began to be made of him as to why he was
thus singularly treated. People formed their own conclusions.
Some were of opinion that the object of leaving him out of
cross-examination was simply to spoil the effect of his written
evidence, leaving it to be construed that he preferred discre-
tion to valour and dared not face the cross-examination of the
Commissioners and therefore failed to turn up. Others held
quite a different view. * They were of opinion that the Com-
missioners feared many ugly disclosures and therefore avoided
him. They held that Moti Lai should have pressed his claim
of being cross-examined. The President of the Commission
however declared that Babu Moti Lai Ghose was not orally
examined because it was not necessary as his written state-
ments were "sufficiently clear and explicit." Whatever might
have been the reason Moti Lai was practically gagged and
that at the eleventh hour.
In his written answers to the questions sent to him Moti
Lai had drawn a scheme of Police reform. In the first place
he had suggested a separation of the Police and the Magistracy
the Magistrates might maintain their judicial powers but
they should give up the control of the Police. "The main
defect in the constitution," he had said, "is the union of the
Police and the Magistracy ; and what is needed is a separation
of the two. The District Magistrate is the head of the District
Police and thus there is a very intimate relation between the
two. The result is that the Police supports the Magistrate and
the Magistrate supports the Police." He had then narrated
how Deputy Magistrates were influenced by the Superintendents
of Police through the District Magistrates, on whom depended
the promotion of the Deputy Magistrates. He had also cited
some concrete cases amongst which mention may be made of
the case of Babu (afterwards Rai Bahadur) Atul Chandra
Chatterjee, Deputy Magistrate, who had incurred the displea-
sure of the Government of Sir Charles Elliot for his quarrel
with the Police Superintendent and the Magistrate of Backer-
140 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
gunje for having refused to convict certain men sent up by the
Police an incident which had formed the subject matter of
an interpellation in Parliament.
In his written statement Moti Lai had also described in
his inimitable way how a Magistrate might be a real blessing
to the country if he were relieved of Police duties. He had
written :
"What a world of good the District Officer might
do if he were relieved of his Police duties ! He is the
ma bap of the District ; yet the people rarely see him.
He might travel from village to village and help the
inhabitants in one hundred and one ways. He might
preach peace and good will to them. He might ask
them to give up litigation and live in friendly terms with
one another. He might teach them how they should
improve their agriculture and save their decaying indus-
dustries. The ignorant villagers know not many of the
ordinary sanitary laws. He might instruct them how
they should preserve their health. Malaria and Cholera
are often times produced by the drinking of foul water.
He might make the inhabitants of every village in his
jurisdiction excavate a tank at their own cost and keep
it separate and unsoiled for drinking purposes only. The
ryots often cannot sell the produce of their land at a
profit for want of good markets. He might create these
markets for them. Bag houses ruin themselves by litiga-
tion. The Magistrate might intervene and save many
such houses. Indeed, the Magistrate has enough of good
work in his district. Let him give up the Police and
earn the gratitude of lakhs of people entrusted to his
care by improving their condition material, intellectual
and moral. In this way he will not only earn the
fervent gratitude of his district people but make himself
far happier than he now is, by helping the Police, no
doubt unconsciously, to send both guilty and innocent
men to jail."
Moti Lai had given alternative schemes also. If his first
suggestion as to the complete separation of the Police and the
Magistracy could not be accepted then the Magistrate might
retain the control of the Police but should be divested of his
judicial powers and the Sub-Divisional Magistrates and other
subordinate Magistrates possessing judicial powers should be
placed under the District and the Sessions Judge. As a third
ON POWCE 141
*
alternative he had also suggested the appointment of Magistrates
with first class powers to try "only police cases, " who should
be not under the official control of the District Magistrate but
should be under the control of the District and the Sessions
Judge.
As regards the then existing method of investigation of
cases Moti Lai had suggested that investigation should be con-
ducted, as a rule, by a better class of officers and it should
be impressed upon them that "it is far better that crimes should
remain undetected than that innocent men are harassed."
In his written statement Moti Lai had also dwelt largely
on the duties of the Chowkidars he had described how they
abused their power and position and he had also suggested what
reforms were needed so far as the village police were concerned.
If the separation of the Judicial and the Executive functions
could be introduced in the mofussil as it had been done in the
case of Calcutta much improvement, Moti Lai was of opinion,
might be made in the mofussil Police system.
Space does not permit us to give in full the evidence of
Moti Lai before the Police Commission. Regarding this
evidence "A well-known member of the Calcutta Bar" wrote
as follows to the Indian Daily News :
"With regard to the minutes submitted to the
Police Commission by our worthy townsman and veteran
journalist, Babu Moti Lai Ghose, and published in all
the important newspapers of this city, I have had on
several occasions, conversations with some of the leaders
of the Calcutta Bar, and all of them, specially one
European Barrister who is justly noted for his indepen-
dence, are of opinion that those minutes are the best
ever said or written on the subject of Police Reform, and
deserve the consideration of every body interested in the
matter. I think it is my duty to inform you, and
through you the public, what is thought of those minutes
by those who are impartial and fully competent to pass
an opinion on the subjects dealt with by the minutes."
Moti Lai's scheme of Police Reforms which could be carried
out without any appreciable change, was supported by the
Englishman on the one hand and such stalwarts as Mr. Romesh
Chunder Dutt, I.C.S., Raja Peary Mohan Mukherjee and Rai
142 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Bahadur Atul Chandra Chatterjee (who had formerly been on
the Provincial Service) on the other hand. But things have
not much improved since then. Many of the suggestions that
Moti Lai made in his memorandum to the Police Commission
may with profit be yet carried out.
This was not the only occasion when the question of sepa-
ration of the Executive and the Judicial functions had been
mooted by Moti Lai. Indeed he had long been harping on
this subject and had never lost an opportunity of giving publi-
city through his paper to the numerous injustices done to the
innocent people owing to the union of these two functions in
the Magistracy. Off and on when he got the opportunity
he advocated the separation of these functions from the platform
also.
To take an instance at random. A crowded meeting of
Hindus and Mahomedans was held at the Town Hall of Calcutta
on Friday the i8th April, 1913 to consider the question of the
separation of the Judicial and the Executive functions in India.
The meeting was thoroughly representative, the audience con-
sisting of members of the legal profession, zemindars, teachers,
merchants, etc. A large number of Mahomedans also attended
the meeting and several of them took part in its deliberations.
Among senior European members of the Bar Messrs. Eardly
Norton and St. John Stephens joined the meeting. Dr. Rash
Behari Ghose, the veteran jurist, presided. Amongst the
speakers were Messrs. Byomcase Chuckerbutty, Barrister ; Moti
Lai Ghose ; Abdul Rasul, Barrister ; J. N. Roy, Barrister ;
Pravash Chunder Mitter, Vakil (afterwards Member of the
Executive Council of the Governor of Bengal) ; Fazl-ul-Huq ;
J. Chaudhury, Barrister ; C. R. Das, Barrister ; Surendra Nath
Bannerjea ; Rai Yatindra Nath Chaudhury and others.
The Hon'ble Mr. Byomcase Chuckerbutty moved the first
resolution of the meeting which ran as follows :
"That in view of the urgency of the reforms and the
definite pledge given by Sir Harvey Adamson as Home
Member that the Government of India have decided to
advance cautiously ajnd tentatively towards the separa-
tion of judicial and executive functions in those parts
ON SUBORDINATE MAGISTRATES 143
of India where the local conditions were favourable this
meeting urges the Government speedily to carry out this
much-needed reform."
Moti Lai seconded this resolution. In course of his
rather lengthy speech he quoted the following words of
Rai Atul Chandra Chatterjee Bahadur, a distinguished retired
Deputy Magistrate, who in his evidence before the Police
Commission had said :
"Rightly or wrongly the subordinate Magistracy
labour under the impression, which is largely shared by
the general public and to which, in many instances, colour
is given by injudicious action on the part of the District
Police Superintendents, that they would please the
District Magistrate by convicting and displease him by
acquitting in police cases or where acquittal was impos-
sible by pursuing a 'laissez faire* policy in respect of the
misdeeds or shortcomings of the police as disclosed by
the evidence."
Moti Lai also quoted Mr. R. C. Dutt's observations on
similar lines and then said :
"The impression on the public mind is that, as a
general rule, a subordinate Magistrate cannot hold the
balance of justice even when he has to try a case sent
by the Police; for, he may thereby offend the District
Magistrate, the head of the Police, and injure his future
prospects."
Moti Lai suggested that
"a Magistrate with first class powers should be
specially set apart, both at district and sub-divisional
head-quarters, for the purpose of trying only police cases
and be placed under the District Magistrate having no
official connection whatever with him."
If the series of leading articles that were published in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika from time to time are published in a
book form the case for the separation of the judicial and the
executive functions which unfortunately has not yet been
effected will undoubtedly receive a great impetus.
CHAPTER XXV
MOTI LAL AND THE "SUPERIOR PURZON".
Lord Curzon's Convocation Speech His Lecture on Journalism Patri ka's
reply Curious Interviews With Lord Curzon and Sir Walter Lawrence
The Korean Lie Patrika's Scoop Press Comments Protest Meetings.
Though a life-long opponent of the Government Moti Lai
was on intimate terms with many individual Government
officials. But there was no love lost between him and Lord
Curzon. Lord Curzon's improvements upon the "Calcutta
Municipal Bill, which officialised the Calcutta Corporation, and
his educational policy, by which he tried to officialise the
Calcutta University were severely criticised in the Amrita Bazar
Patrika. Lord Curzon smarted under the criticism and the
Convocation of the Calcutta University in February, 1902 gave
him an opportunity to vent his spleen. To the young graduates
present there he read a lecture on journalism and specially on
the "Native Press* % which he characterised as something which
cannot be depended upon and which made foolish exaggerations.
He asked the would-be journalists amongst the audience not
to impute motives and be sparing in their invectives against
the Government, etc., etc., as if the "Native Press" were
always engaged in doing these.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika at once took up the gauntlet
and wrote:
"Lord Curzon began by stating that he wanted to
teach ; and he based his claims as a teacher, not upon
the fact of his being the Chancellor but that he is past
forty and therefore competent to teach. In India fifty-
five, however, is the age which entitles a man to pose as
a sage."
It may be said in passing that Moti Lai was now exactly
fifty-five years old.
Just as the Viceroy had read a lecture on journalism the
Amrita Bazar Patrika also read a lecture on "What a Viceroy
WHAT A VICEROY SHOULD OR SHOULD NOT DO 145
should or should not do!" In course of a leading article on
the subject it wrote:
"First of all, as the Viceroy of India represents
Emperor Edward, Lord Curzon ought to have four eyes,
two before and two behind.
"Talking of eyes, the Viceroy, whoever he may
be, should never use spectacles. If he has jaundice, he
should try to conquer it, the Viceregal throne is no place
for one with jaundice.
"As hostile criticism, however bitter, or a lampoon
or a satire or sarcasm does not carry murder with it,
Lord Curzon as the ruler of an alien race which has no
votes and no representatives in the Government machi-
nery, should welcome it and not try to suppress it
either by material or moral force."
As was usual with the Amrita Bazar Patrika it wrote article
after article bantering the Viceroy's Convocation speech. For
a pretty long time the readers enjoyed these but the authorities
only smarted.
But Lord Curzon was a shrewd politician. Hence,
though the Amrita Bazar Patrika attacked his policy so very
fiercely, he valued the opinion of Moti Lai. There was,
however, no direct and personal meeting between Moti Lai and
Lord Curzon. Indeed, Moti Lai never came face to face with
His Lordship, who, to quote Moti Lai, was "too superior a
purzon to talk directly with a plebian like him." Lord Curzon
granted interviews only to a few Rajas and Maharajas. He
would not meet even Sir Chunder Madhav Ghose, though a
Judge of the High Court. It is said that the only occasion
when they met they quarrelled and Sir Chunder Madhav never
again crossed the threshold of the Government House so long
it was in the possession of Lord Curzon.
Though Moti Lai and Lord Curzon never met each other
Lord Curzon now and then sent for Moti Lai and conversed
with him from behind a purdah through his Private Secretary.
Moti Lai has left descriptions of such interviews from which
I take the following. His Lordship, says Moti Lai, was in
the audience hall and Moti Lai sat with the Private Secretary
in the letter's room. The Private Secretary carried his
10
146 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
message either spoken or written to His Excellency and His
Excellency in his turn sent back his replies generally in words
to his visitor sitting only a few yards away from him, only
a purdah, more correctly speaking a wall intervening between
them.
Lord Curzon was on the eve of his departure for East
Bengal to discuss the partition question with its people. His
mind, as he said, was still open on the subject and he had
sent for Moti Lai to ascertain his views about the partition.
But let the story be told in Moti Lai's own language :
"Sir Walter Lawrence had then left the Viceroy
and either Colonel Pinheaor or a Civilian was his Private
Secretary. The Private Secretary took down the points
on a slip of paper which he carried to the All-High and
the latter sent back replies to each of them in pencil
writing. Two of these points may be mentioned here.
One was that His Excellency should make no difference
between Hindu and Mussalman leaders of East Bengal,
that if he dined at the place of the Nawab of Dacca,
he should also show the same honour to the Maharajah
of Mymensingh. 'Yes*, was the reply. Another point
was that it would be impossible for Bengal to find
money for the maintenance of two separate Governments
if it were divided. The reply was to the effect, 'Mr.
Ghose need not trouble himself about the cost. My
Government has enough money in its coffer to meet it.' "
But alas, Lord Curzon did not listen to the sane advice
of Babu Moti Lai Ghose, whose prophecy was fulfilled to the
letter. For, one of the main reasons for the annulment of
the Partition of Bengal was the fact that the East Bengal
Government proved a veritable white elephant to the Govern-
ment of India.
Moti Lai was on very intimate terms with Sir, Walter
Lawrence, Private Secretary to Lord Curzon and the two
would often meet at the Government House. In his book
"The India We Served" Sir Walter has left descriptions of
their meetings. He has described Moti Lai as the "frail, fiery,
but most attractive editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika."
Writes Sir Walter:
"I used to have long talks with him when I was
with Lord Curzon, and he once told me how the
WITH SIR WALTER LAWRENCE 147
Bengalis were a brave, manly people, addicted to deeds
of violence. He spoke almost with tears in his voice
of their skill as highway robbers, of the songs which
were written of the Robin Hoods of Bengal. 'And now
you twit us as unmanly and unwarlike, and you say
that there is not a single Bengali in the Indian Army !'
Then he would impress on me the fact that the British
had got into India on the shoulders of the Bengali.
'Who were the right-hand men of Warren Hastings
and the old Governors ? Who did your work of penetra-
tion in the North-West and the Punjab nay, even to
Kabul? And then when you had overrun the North-
West and the Punjab, you threw off your old friends,
the Bengali, and took to your hearts the Northerners.
Look at that map of yours on the wall, showing the
spread of education, and I will point out one simple
fact to you. Bengal shows the greatest spread and
your map grows lighter, and the Punjab is the lightest
of all. Study the colour and you will see this, that
misery, peculation and corruption follow the Provinces
as they are shaded, and you have deserted your old
friends, the honest and honourable Bengalis, whom you
call Babu-s, and gone to Provinces where education is
only beginning and where corruption is rampant.' "
In another place of the same book he writes :
"Once a great Indian publicist, who used to pay
me surreptitious visits in Calcutta (his influence with
his people would be gone if it had been known that he
had been inside the Government House), was talking
to me about the great question of Home Rule of India.
He had a genuine admiration for Lord Curzon, for his
justice, strength and energy ; he dreaded his craving
for efficiency ; for, said this most interesting and
patriotic Hindu, 'Every step in efficiency is another
rivet in the shackles in which we are bound. We do
not ask for Home Rule now, nor in ten years, nor in
twenty : but all we ask is that he will not shut the
door of hope on us. Ask him to say that perhaps in
fifty years India may be self-governing.' I was so
moved by the sincerity and eloquence of his words that
I went into the next room, where Lord Curzon passed
his days and long hours of his nights, and told him of
my friend's plea. He listened with attention, for he
had a high opinion of my visitor, who owned and edited
the best Indian paper of that time. After long thought
the Viceroy said : 'No I will say nothing, for it might
embarrass my successor if I raised any hopes or
148 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
expressed any opinion as to when self-government will
come.' I urged that it must come some day, and that
it seemed cruel to close the door of hope. But Lord
Curzon replied : 'It will not come in my time, and I
cannot say what may happen in the future. 1 So I
returned to my friend and told him that the oracle was
dumb."
The oracle, however, spoke at last but long afterwards
and when feelings had been embittered. A declaration by
Lord Curzon that Home Rule was India's goal and that she
would get it in fifty years might have calmed the Indian unrest
to some extent. Later official declarations have named the
goal, but the time limit is yet to be fixed.
Lord Curzon 's speech as Chancellor of the Calcutta
University delivered on Saturday the nth February, 1905 fell
like a bomb-shell on the elite of Calcutta who had assembled
to hear him at the annual Convocation of the Calcutta
University. It created a sensation among the Indian public.
But a greater sensation was created throughout the whole of
India when, two days afterwards, that is on Monday the
1 3th February the following appeared in the editorial columns
of the Amrita Bazar Patrika:
"LORD CURZON IN VARIOUS CAPACITIES.
As CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA.
Address in Convocation.
February n, 1905.
"Untruthfulness consists in saying or doing any-
thing that gives an erroneous impression either of one's
own character or of other people's conduct or of the
facts and incidents of life
* * * * *
"I say that the highest ideal of truth is to a large
extent a Western conception
* * * * *
"Undoubtedly truth took a high place in the moral
codes of the West before it had been similarly
honoured in the Bast
LORD CURZON'S TRUTHFULNESS? 149
"Flattery may be either honest or dishonest.
Whichever it be, you should avoid it. If it is the
former it is nevertheless false, if it is the latter it is
vile "
'PROBLEMS OF THE EAST.'
BY GEORGE N. CURZON Pp. 155 156.
"Before proceeding to the royal audience, I enjoyed
an interview with the President of the Korean foreign
office I remember some of his questions and
answers. Having been particularly warned not to admit
to him that I was only thirty-three years old, an age
to which no respect attaches in Korea, when he put to
me the straight question (invariably first in an Oriental
dialogue), 'How old are you?' I unhesitatingly
responded 'Forty.' 'Dear me,' he said, 'You look very
young for that. How do you account for it?' 'By the
fact,' I replied, 'that I have been travelling for a month
in the superb climate of His Majesty's dominions.'
Finally ... he said to me, 'I presume you are a near
relative of Her Majesty the Queen of England.' 'No,'
I replied, 'I am not.' But observing the look of disgust
that passed over his countenance, I was fain to add,
'I am, however, as yet an unmarried man,' with which
unscrupulous suggestion I completely regained the old
gentleman's favour."
After quoting the above passages the Patrika said that
this latter passage containing the interview of Lord Curzon
with the President of the Korean Foreign Office had been
discreetly omitted from the then last edition of the "Problems
of the East," a book written by Lord Curzon, though it had
appeared in the first edition.
The above extracts along with the editorial notes thereon
created a sensation among the reading public not only of this
country but of other countries as well.
The Statesman characterised it as "the most delightful
comment upon Lord Curzon 's speech on the occasion of the
Convocation."
In a private letter a distinguished English gentleman
wrote to Moti Lai, "I feel I must congratulate you upon your
magnificent 'scoop' about Lord Curzon and Western sincerity.**
i5o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
A great sensation was caused even in England. Another
gentleman wrote as follows from England:
"The Westminster Gazette observed that the appear-
ance of the 'clever retort* in the Amrita Bazar Patrika
caused an instant change in the public temper. The
whole of India shook with laughter. Something like a
similar result was produced in England. The most
pronounced supporters of the Viceroy had to admit that
Lord Curzon had been fully answered and that by a
native paper. Hundreds of newspapers took notice of
the paragraph and most of them in a spirit of sympathy ;
and, for two days the Viceroy's attack on the Indian
character and the clever retort of the native paper
formed the chief topic of conversation in England."
The then London correspondent of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika (probably Mrs. Annie A. Smith) congratulating Moti
Lai wrote :
"Congratulations, Mr. Editor, on the distinction
ably and smartly won by the Amrita Bazar Patrika in
so completely turning the tables on the Viceroy when
he launched his cruel indictment against the people of
India with regard to truthfulness. No more effective
way could have been devised of exposing the fallacy
that the highest ideal of truth is a western conception
than that which the Patrika so cleverly took up, namely,
to convict the Viceroy himself of the sin he denounced
so strongly in Orientals. It was a happy thought, and
smartly carried out, and has brought the Amrita J}azar
Patrika to the notice of thousands and thousands of
readers of British newspapers. Many of your contem-
poraries here have referred to the convincing way in
which you dealt with the Viceroy's remarks and your
'clever retort' is admitted by all, even by those most
devoted to extolling the wonders of your wonderful
Viceroy."
The Daily News, the Morning Leader, the Daily Mail,
the St. James' Gazette and many other papers quoted the
Korean incident from the Amrita Bazar Patrika and admitted
that it was really a 'clever retort.'
One of the most amusing paragraphs appeared in the
Weekly Times of i2th March, 1905. It quoted the Korean
incident as published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika and remarked
that Lord Curzon's "admiration for truth was perhaps acquired
PROTESTS AGAINST CURZON'S OBSERVATIONS 151
later on in life, under his wife's management. It is pre-
eminently a Yankee quality." The article in the Weekly
Times concluded with the following verse:
"Oh, it sticks in the gorge
Of truthful George,
Likewise Na-than-i-el,
That the nigger beast
Of the wily East
Should taradiddles tell.
"For this 'man without guile*
Went many a mile,
In the days of candid youth ;
And always did well,
Taking care to tell
Naught but the naked truth.
"That is, you all know,
What seemed to him so,
Or likely to pass as such.
If a little white lie
You boggle at, fie!
He was only talking Dutch !"
Lord Curzon's observations created a stir throughout the
country and a monster public meeting was held at the Town
Hall of Calcutta presided over by Dr. Rash Behari Ghose, the
eminent jurist, emphatically protesting against the aspersions
cast upon the character of the people of India and upon their
sacred literature by the Viceroy in his address before the
Calcutta University Convocation. Moti Lai took a leading
part in organising this meeting. The Calcutta correspondent
of the Bombay paper Times of India wrote to that paper that
"the Town Hall protest meeting was organised by Moti Lai
Ghose, Surendra Nath Banerjea and Narendra Nath Sen"
and wanted to minimise the importance of the meeting by
comparing it with the activities of the famous "three tailors
of the Tooley Street." Moti Lai replied by saying that it
did not matter whether the meeting was organised by three
or three hundred men, the pick of the Indian community
responded to the call.
152 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Following in the wake of Calcutta a meeting was held
At the Victoria Town Hall, Madras towards the end of March,
1905. The gathering was very large, perhaps unprecedented
in the town of Madras. Mr. N. Subba Rao took the chair
and amongst others a resolution protesting against Lord
Curzon's "unfounded reflections cast upon Indian characters
and sacred literature" was passed.
Men in high position ought to be very careful about what
they say and write. They ought to remember that their
writings and utterances, unlike those of a man of straw, are
closely watched and followed by the people. Unfortunately,
however, the history of the present administration in India
discloses that highly-placed men have not always been as
cautious as they ought to have been and this has only resulted
in embittering racial feelings.
CHAPTER XXVI
BEARDING THE LION IN HIS DEN
Sir Edward Baker and Moti Lai The Ruler and the Ruled Is the
Patrika Seditious? Sir Edward's Opinion Moti Lai's Protest Deporta-
tion Order against Motilal Cancelled.
Though Moti Lai was one of the popular leaders in Bengal
and always criticised the Government unsparingly, he was
held in esteem by almost all the rulers of the Province who
faiew him personally. He was on friendly terms with many
of them. But he was rather thick and thin with Sir Edward
Baker, even before he had become Lieutenant Governor of
Bengal. It may be said here that from Sir George Campbell
to Sir Richard Temple all the rulers of Bengal, with the
exception of Sir Richard Temple and Sir Stuart Bayley, were
hostile to the Amrita Bazar Patrika. In the beginning of
his term of office Sir Andrew Fraser showed some regard for
Moti Lai, but afterwards he became his sworn enemy on
account of the active and prominent part he took in the
SIR EDWARD BAKER ON PATRIKA 153
Swadeshi movement. To his successor Sir Edward Baker he
left a disagreeable legacy. It was to carry out the deporta-
tion order with regard to some of the leaders of Bengal includ-
ing Moti Lai. When Sir Edward assumed office as Lieutenant
Governor Moti Lai had gone to Deoghur in the Sonthal Parganas
for a change of air, where he used to go almost twice a year.
One morning he was startled to hear the news that Babu
Aswini Kumar Dutt and some other leaders of Bengal had
been arrested and deported. Moti Lai was anxiously waiting
for his turn when instead of a warrant he received a letter
from his friend Sir Rameshwar Singh, the late Maharaja
Bahadur of Durbhanga, asking him to come down to Calcutta
and see the Lieutenant Governor as early as possible.
When Moti Lai came back to Calcutta the Private Secretary
to the Lieutenant Governor wrote to him appointing an inter-
view and he duly saw the Lieutenant Governor. Now, Sir
Edward was in very good humour at this time and by his
quaint way of putting things Moti Lai made him several times
laugh very vociferously. Moti Lai then asked him more in
joke than in earnest if what he wrote in the Amrita Bazar
Patrika was seditious. But let me quote the following from
Moti Lai's private diary :
"When I asked him if the writings in the Patrika
were seditious or what, his face brightened up, and
with a wicked smile in his face, he replied, 'Well, well,
you have done well by broaching this subject. I shall
frankly give you my opinion. No one has been a more
studious reader of your paper for the last two decades
or more than I, and in my opinion, its policy is that
of Lord Randolf Churchil, who when in opposition,
would oppose Government whether it did a bad thing
or a good thing. Oppose, oppose, oppose was the rule
with him. The Patrika would similarly oppose Govern-
ment whether it did a good or a bad thing. And your
writings show that you regard us as so many unwelcome
interlopers and that the sooner we leave the country
the better for you. The Patrika, I fancy, has very little
love for the Government.' And he seemed to be very-
merry over his own remarks.
"I replied, C I strongly protest against what you say.
I shall prove in a few words that Your Honour's
154 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
observation is unwarranted. I freely admit that the
Patrika has several defects, but it is not a donkey.
You say it opposes even when Government confers a
boon. That is the work of a donkey. We can praise
as well as censure. If we censure as a rule it is because
you give us so few opportunities to praise! And, Sir
Edward, are you not on a higher platform than we?
Have you any idea of our sufferings? No, none what-
ever I submit. For you are in the position of a
ruler and we that of the ruled. You are to command
and we are to obey implicitly. And, suppose, we from
a sense of wrong, real or imaginary, say or write some-
thing which we should not, have you not a little bit
of generosity in you to forgive us for the same, con-
sidering our unhappy position? Your opinion is that
what we write in the Patrika is sedition, and my prayer
is that when you find it necessary to hand us up for
this offence give us some time so that we may make
our last will.'
"Sir Edward's face became very small. He
stammered out apologetically that that was the impres-
sion made in him after reading the Patrika for years
together. 'As for making your last will,' he said
smilingly, 'I shall give you ample time for it.' I
pointed out to him that he being an official and we a
severe critic of the Government it is very natural that
he should form that kind of opinion. But if he can
forget his prejudices he will find that the Patrika is
not such a bad paper as he thinks."
It required great strength of mind for a man of Moti Lai's
position against whom a deportation order was pending to
speak to Sir Edward Baker in the way he had done. It is
an open secret that Sir Edward struck off the names of Moti
I^al Ghose and Surendra Nath Banerjea from the list of
deportees which Sir Andrew Fraser had left for him.
CHAPTER XXVII
PARTITION OF BENGAL
Effects of English EducationAwakening of Patriotism Lord Cnrzon's
Partition Scheme Country Thrown into a Conflagration Extremists and
Moderates Patrika Office, the Citadel of Extremists Moti Lai's
Extremist Friends.
From 1906 to 1908 Bengal was passing through a troublous
time. The troubles started with the Partition of Bengal.
English education and the teachings of European history and
particularly British history had opened new vistas to our
educated youngmen. Those who had travelled abroad and had
tasted the sweets of freedom in other countries brought with
them new ideas and ideals and were saturated with a new
life. They felt themselves in India like birds who were
"cribbed, cabined and confined" and wanted to break the bars
of the iron cage of dependence that shut them in. They
were quickened to a new spirit of freedom and patriotism and
their contagion soon spread far and near. The whole of India
and more specially Bengal was surcharged with a deep feeling
of humiliation and resentment at her political subjugation.
She was like a store house of gunpowder and a spark was
only needed to set her on fire. Lord Curzon supplied the
spark to this storehouse of gunpowder. It was his Partition
of Bengal which threw the country into a great conflagration.
A general patriotic ferment was already seething in our
schools and colleges, when the policy, acts and utterances of
the "Superior purzon" drove practically the whole country
into an open defiance of these. The demagogues began to
throw their invectives at the Government of the day from all
sorts of platforms ; and the Press took up their trenchant pen
to prove that their weapon was mightier than the sword.
Students of the schools and the colleges, especially the younger
ones, fell an easy victim to their teachings. Patriotism which
156 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
was hitherto almost limited to the arm-chair politicians began
to be practical and men learned to suffer for their country.
Regardless of consequences they took up the cry of Bande
Mataram or "Mother, I bow to thee," mother being symbolical
for the motherland. The student community learned to impose
upon themselves self-denying ordinances, such as fasting or
going about with bare-foot on special days, attending
political meetings, joining processions and singing national
and patriotic songs in the public streets and meeting places
in violation of official orders. They were persecuted, but
persecution only whetted their appetite for freedom.
The Province of Bengal as it stood during the days of the
earlier Lieutenant Governors consisted of Bengal, Behar,
Orissa, Chota Nagpur and Assam, by far too large a territory
for one administrative head. So, as early as 1874 Assam was
separated from Bengal and placed under a Chief-Commissioner.
Lord Curzon, who has been described and must have con-
sidered himself as a "Superior Purzon" came, to India as
Viceroy and Governor-General in December 1898. It is said
that he had the map of Bengal constantly before his eyes.
He found that a national consciousness was awakening in
Bengal. The writings of Bankim Chandra and Vivekananda
were producing their effect on the literary mind of the Bengali
speaking race, and the newspapers conducted by Indian owners
by their day to day appeals were drawing men away from
other fields to the political one. The solidarity of Bengal at
such a time was certainly not a very desirable thing for those
who wanted to lord it over Bengal. Here were two sections
of the population of Bengal, the Hindus and the Mahomedans
who might with advantage be set against each other. No
doubt the Province of Bengal was big ; but surely there were
other ways of managing it than by dividing it into two halves
in such a way that the two communities would be constantly
fighting with each other. But Lord Curzon did not find any
utility in such ways. The proposal to divide Bengal was at
first confined to the taking away of the Chittagong Division
and the districts of Dacca and Mymensingh from Bengal and
PROTESTS AGAINST PARTITION OF BENGAL 15?
tacking them on to Assam which had been separated long:
ago. The volume of protest against this form of separation
of Bengal was so intense that Government could not ignore
it ; but instead of improving matters Government proposed a
change which only worsened the situation. Lord Curzon
consulted the Mahomedans of East Bengal headed by the
Nawab of Dacca and improved his plan by including the whole
of Dacca Division and the six districts of North Bengal in
the new Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam.
The Partition scheme was disclosed to the public by a
Government Notification in July, 1905. It was to come into
operation on the i4th of October, corresponding to the soth
Aswin. Hence it is that the soth of Aswin was for years
celebrated as the Day of Rakhibandhan, on which date Hindus
and Moslems of West Bengal and East Bengal tied a coloured
chord (called the Rakhi in Bengali) to one another's wrist
thereby signifying that they would not be separated from one
another but would tie themselves with the bond of love and
affection even if the Government wanted to separate them.
There was a storm of protest against the proposed Parti-
tion. The best brains of Bengal regarded the administrative
convenience as a ruse only and they held, rightly or wrongly,
that Lord Curzon's motive behind this Partition was to set
the Hindus and the Mahomedans against each other.
Meetings were held in almost every village protesting*
against this measure. And the agitation by no means kept
itself confined to the four walls of Bengal. It soon became
an all-India question and other provinces sympathised with
Bengal in her trouble. The policy of the powers that be
was condemned from a thousand platforms. The Amrita Bazar
Patrika and other nationalist papers began to write from day
to day exposing what they deemed to be the evils that would
be brought about if the Partition Scheme were adhered to.
People who had never before cared to take interest in politics
lost their sleep and appetite and wanted the Partition to be
annulled. They would find no rest till the Partition which
had been described by Mr. Morley as a "settled fact had
158 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
been made "unsettled." In their eagerness they sought for
an organisation from where they might with one voice express
their resentment and demand an amendment of the Partition.
In the Indian National Congress they found such an organisa-
tion. The Congress which had uptill now been regarded by
many people as being a plaything in the hands of a few holiday-
makers now attracted their attention and they wanted to make
it expressive of the real will of the people. Hitherto the
"Moderate" leaders had been conducting the Congress ; the
"Extremists" now wanted to have it under their control with
a view to making it a weapon for fighting the Partition. In
Bengal Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea, then editor of the
Bengalee was the leader of the Moderates, and Babu Moti Lai
Ghose, editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika was the leader of
the Extremists. It may be remarked in passing that the two
parties led by these gentlemen never called themselves
Moderates or Extremists. As was rightly observed by
Sj. Robindra Nath Tagore in 1908 "the distinction between
Extremist and Moderate is not of our making it is the
Britisher's black mark which draws the line, and we know not
always when and where it is placed, or for what purpose."
But then though the party led by Babu Surendra Nath
Banerjea did not relish the idea of being called "Moderates"
yet it delighted in calling the party led by Babu Moti Lai
Ghose as "Extremist." Similarly though Moti Lai's party
was not willing to be called "Extremist" it had a peculiar
satisfaction in dubbing Surendra Nath's party as "Moderate."
While men like Babus Surendra Nath Banerjea,
Bhupendra Nath Basu, Krishna Kumar Mitter, Ambika Charan
Mazumdar, Kishori Mohan Choudhury, etc., composed the
Moderate Party in Bengal, the Extremist Party was composed
of men like Babu Moti Lai Ghose, Mr. Byomkesh Chucker-
barty, Babu Hirendra Nath Datta, Rai Yatindra Nath
Choudhury and others.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika office at 2, Ananda Chatterji
Lane became die citadel of the Extremist Party. Meetings,
formal or informal, were held here from time to time and not
THE EXTREMIST CAMP 159
to speak of the political leaders of Bengal, the great political
leaders of other provinces did not consider their visit to Calcutta
of any use to them if they did not see Moti Lai in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika office. The great Maharatta leader Bal
Gangadhar Tilak made the Amrita Bazar Patrika office his
Calcutta residence. On many occasions when he came to
Calcutta he used to put up with Moti Lai. In a verandah on
the ground floor of the outer house Tilak cooked his food himself
and slept in the same room with Moti Lai. Some times they
even shared the same bed. Tilak's Maharatti slippers with the
big curl in front and Khaparde's twenty-two yards long turban
were objects of admiration to the little boys of the family
nephews and grandsons of Moti Lai Ghose. Sj. Aurobindo
Ghose's curled hair, Sj. Bipin Chandra Pal's stentorian voice,
Sj. Panchkari Banerji's biting wit and last, but not the least
of all, Lala Lajput Rai's lion-like head did not fail to impress
the urchins of the family including the writer. Rai Yatindra
Nath Choudhury and Babu Hirendra Nath Datta, and last but
not the least Babu Amrita Krishna Mullick were familiar
every day figures at the Patrika office. If at a stated time in
the afternoon a figure loomed large at the corridor of the
Patrika office where Moti Lai generally used to sit and write
for his paper the chances were ten to one that you could say
without seeing the person of the figure that it was no other
than that of Rai Yatindra Nath Chaudhury of Baranagore, a
great personal friend of Moti Lai whom he loved as dearly
as his brother and who in his turn reciprocated it. If it was
late in the night and his near and dear ones were awaiting
Moti LaPs home-coming it was sure that he could be found
closetted with Babu Hirendra Nath Datta in the latter's house
at Cornwallis Street. Babu Amrita Krishna Mullick, Vakil,
Small Cause Court, Calcutta was another of Moti Lai's intimate
friends with whom he would have his constitutionals at the
Ganges' side or at the Hedua (Cornwallis Square). Moti Lai,
Hirendra Nath and Amrita Krishna formed a trio and I, who
have been closely associated with Moti Lai ever since my
childhood, found Moti Lai keeping company with these two
i6o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
gentlemen more than with any other man. I have often
wondered what was the common tie that bound this trio
an Editor of a newspaper, a Solicitor of the Calcutta High
Court and a Vakil of the Small Causes Court of Calcutta t
Perhaps, love of the motherland.
To return to my narrative, Moti Lai was one of the guiding
spirits of the agitation against the Partition of Bengal. Just
as leaders came in streams to the Patrika office to take their
inspiration from him, processionists singing national songs
made it a point to make the Patrika office one of their halting
places. The white-bearded Moulavi Leakut Hossain who cap-
tivated the heart of the student community in those days would
daily attend the Patrika office simply for the sake of attending
it. The series of articles on the Partition of Bengal that were
published in the Patrika from time to time produced an electric
effect on the popular mind. I have been told by a person who
happened to be a hero of several platforms in those days that
he committed these articles to memory and his extempore
speeches in connection with the national movement were
nothing but reproductions of what appeared in the editorial
columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika. This gentleman did
what many other demagogues also did at the time. Thousands
were thus permeated with the ideas preached by Moti Lai
through the columns of his paper, and kept on the agitation
against the Partition of Bengal till it was annulled.
CHAPTER XXVHI
KING GEORGE'S VISIT TO INDIA
INTERVIEW WITH MOTILAL
Sir Henry Cotton's Disclosure Moti lull's Description of the Interview
A Novel Way of Reception Sympathy of the Rulers Wanted.
King Emperor George V, during his visit to India as
Prince of Wales was graciously pleased to grant an interview
to Moti Lai in Calcutta in the beginning of January,
THE PRINCE OF WALES AND THE PREvSS 161
1906. The incident was sought to be kept a secret ; indeed,
except a few intimate friends nobody knew anything about it.
Sir Henry Cotton, however, got the information somehow or
other and in his Bengal Partition speech delivered in Parliament
thus referred to the matter :
"A gentleman whose name would be unknown to
this House, but which was house-hold word in his own
country, who had for forty years been one of the leaders
of the political progress, and who had unsparingly
criticised men and measures and who was in consequence
regarded with suspicion by the administration, that
gentleman was brought into contact with His Royal
Highness, and somewhat to his surprise was introduced
to him. He fell upon his knees and with folded hands
and in faltering accents protested his loyalty and devotion
to the Crown and to this country. That action on the
part of one who was unjustly charged with disloyalty
was a very remarkable one, because it was the strongest
evidence of the goodwill and loyalty which lay at the
heart of the educated Indian people. The Indian people
were loyal and grateful for the education with which
they had been endowed and for the liberty they enjoyed
and they were grateful for their immunity from invasion;
but that gratitude was tempered by the feeling that the
pledges held out to them by the late Queen Victoria
and the various Acts of the Legislature had not been
fulfilled."
At the time when His Royal Highness visited India a report
was circulated to the effect that an official conspiracy had been
formed to protect him from the evil influence of three daily
papers of Calcutta namely the Amrita Bazar Patrika which
was then under the editorship of Moti Lai and the Bengalee
and the Statesman then under the editorial management of
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea and Mr. Ratcliffe respectively.
It was further alleged that some of the Indian authorities had
at first made every attempt to prevent the Prince from coming
out to this country and seeing the situaion for himself. Failing
in that attempt, the report went on, they resolved to keep a
strict watch over the surroundings of the future Sovereign so
that, no appeal from India might reach his ears. Of course
I could not vouch for the correctness of the above report.
But all the same I must say that it was believed to be true
ii
i6a MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
by the general public. Moti Lai also believed it to be true and
it occurred to him to defeat, if possible, the object of this
alleged or supposed conspiracy and thereby confound the
enemies of India, real or imaginary.
It so happened that Sir Walter Lawrence, Private
Secretary to the Prince of Wales, was an old friend of Moti
Lai and it was through his intervention that Moti Lai could
have an interview with the Prince. But let me narrate the
incident in the words of Moti Lai himself. In course of an
article describing the incident Moti Lai writes:
"Sir Walter Lawrence was an old friend of mine, if
I may have the privilege of claiming the friendship of
such a highly-placed Englishman. He treated me as he
would treat a countryman of his in whom he had
absolute confidence and for whom he had friendly
regard. I also found after a short acquaintance with
him that he was by nature a noble-hearted gentleman
and a sincere friend of India. Indeed, like Sir Dunlop
Smith, the Private Secretary of the Viceroy, he enter-
tained the idea that an Anglo-Indian official was much
indebted to India, and, therefore, he was bound, at
least from a sense of gratitude, to serve the interests of
the people of this country to the best of his ability.
"I came to know that not only was Sir Walter a
regular reader of the Amrita Bazar Patrika but he also
placed copies of it regularly before His Royal Highness
which enabled him to acquaint himself with the. views
and aspirations of the educated Indian public as expressed
through this organ of theirs. Information also reached
me from a reliable source that the Prince of Wales was
intelligent, far-seeing and sympathetic and what was
more, he was desirous of knowing the people first-hand
and for that purpose was making the fullest use of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika, perhaps the only Indian paper to
which he had access. Subsequently I heard from Sir
Walter in reply to a letter of mine welcoming him to
this country that he would, inspite of his multifarious
duties, make it a point to see me in Calcutta.
"Sir Walter was able to keep his word. Though
over-whelmed with work and having scarcely any
breathing time he asked me to see him on the day the
Prince of Wales intended to go to Barrackpur. His
Royal Highness and Sir Walter were then staying at the
Government House and when I met the latter he most
A SURPRISE FOR MOTILAL 163-
feelingly and sincerely sympathised with the sorrows of
Indians caused by the Partition of Bengal. I felt at the
time if Sir Walter had remained here as Private Secretary
to Lord Curzon, the latter would not possibly have
thrust the needless measure upon the country and con-
vulsed it in an unprecedented manner ; at least, Sir
Walter would have done his best to deter his chief.
"While in the midst of his conversation, Sir Walter
all on a sudden asked me, 'Would you like to see the
Prince of Wales?' It took some moments for me to
understand what he meant. For a representative of a
paper of forty years' standing which is supposed to be
regarded with unfriendly eye by a considerable section
of the officials, to be brought face to face with the
future Sovereign surely that was a joke ! But it was
no joke ; Sir Walter was quite serious.
"Though I had been taken by surprise and given
no time to think of the situation my mind worked rapidly
and I at once determined what course to follow. I
thought a set speech would not do ; it would not do also,
on coming face to face with the august personage, to
relate to him the grievances of India, neither would it
do to greet His Royal Highness with a few complimen-
tary phrases. I was aware that the Prince had been a
regular reader of the Amrita Bazar Patrika and there-
fore fully acquainted with the burning questions of the
day affecting the Indian people. A speech describing
our needs and wrongs was therefore not felt necessary.
"I also felt that perhaps one of the reasons of grant-
ing me an audience was that by reading the Amrita Bazar
Patrika His Royal Highness had come to feel real
sympathy for the people and therefore wanted to convey '
some assuring words to them through my journal. What
I then did has been described with substantial correct-
ness by Sir Henry Cotton in his speech in Parliament.
"Instead of shaking the hands which the Prince had
graciously extended towards me I humbly submitted b
that that was not the Indian way to show respect for
one who was to be their future Sovereign. I knelt
down and addressed these few words with folded hand
and choking voice :
" 'May it please Your Royal Highness, Humble as I
am, I am greatly honoured by this interview. I shall
ever remember it with gratitude. I am now in the
presence of our future King Emperor. Permit me to
say that poor India is in a bad way. It needs protection
at Your Royal Highness's hands, for you are our future
xfi4 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Sovereign. Pray don't forget the Indians, but remember
that they are as much yours as the forty millions of
England. What they need most is the genuine sympathy
of their rulers.'
"His Royal Highness appeared to be very much
affected, and so was Sir Walter Lawrence who stood
close by. In an earnest manner the Prince asked me to
rise and when he did so he was graciously pleased to
address these words to me in a tone which deeply touched
my heart :
" 'I am very pleased to come across you. You want
an assurance from me that I will not forget the Indians.
Well, I assure you, I shall not and cannot forget the
Indians. I shall ever remember them and make it a
point to tell my father how immensely gratified I have
been with the magnificent reception your people have
given me. It shall also be my pleasant duty to tell my
father that you are in need of a wider sympathy. I carry
with me very happy impressions about India.'
"The Prince of Wales thus left a very hope inspir-
ing message for the people of India, and he also redeemed
this promise by telling his august father and the people
of England in his famous Guild Hall speech that 'the
task of governing India would be made easier were the
rulers to infuse into it a wider element of sympathy'."
In the year 1911-12, when King Emperor George the V
again came to India in connection with his coronation ceremony
and was staying at Belvedere, Moti Lai was lying seriously
ill at his residence at Baghbazar. Being unable to pay his
personal homage to the King Emperor he conveyed his greet-
ings and expression of loyalty to His Imperial Majesty through
a letter. The King Emperor was graciously pleased to send
him the following touching and extremely kind letter through
His Majesty's Private Secretary, Lord Stamfordham :
"4th January, 1912.
"Dear Sir,
The King Emperor was graciously touched in reading
your letter of the third instant and also the newspaper
cutting from your paper the Amrita Bazar Patriha which
accompanied it.
His Imperial Majesty has a wry pleasant recollec-
tion of seeing you here six years ago and much regrets
THE BARISAL CONFERENCE 165
your health does not admit of your giving him the
opportunity of again receiving you. His Imperial
Majesty sincerely trusts that you may soon be restored
to health.
Yours very faithfully,
STAMFORD."
CHAPTER XXIX
THE HISTORIC BARISAL CONFERENCE
Cry of Bande Mataram Prohibited Delegates Assaulted Surendra Nath
Arrested Moti Lai and Others Offer Themselves for Arrest Civil
Disobedience in Embryo.
The reader will certainly feel interested to know that Civil
Disobedience was practised at Barisal in Bengal in 1906 at the
historic Bengal Provincial Conference held in that town and
that Surendra Nath Banerjea and Moti Lai Ghose took the
leading part in it, though the name of Civil Disobedience was
then unknown or not very well-known. It happened in
this way. The Conference was to have been held on the i4th
and the isth April. A large number of educated and influential
gentlemen from all sides of Bengal went to Barisal to attend
the Conference and Moti Lai was one of them. Mr. Abdul
Rasul, a well-known Mahomedan Barrister of the Calcutta
High Court, was to have presided. When the Conference was
about to be held the Government of Sir Bampfylde Fuller, the
first Lieutenant Governor of the newly-created Province of
East Bengal, prohibited the cry of Bande Mataram in pubKc
streets. When the delegates assembled at Barisal on the i4th
of April a public meeting was held there to settle whether they
should cry Bande Mataram in the public streets or obey the
orders of the District authorities. On the morning of that
day some Police officers had gone to the house of Babu Aswini
Kumar Dutt, leader of Barisal and Chairman of the Reception
Committee! and told him on behalf of the Magistrate that the
delegates would be allowed to cry Bande Mataram only from
166 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAI, GHOSE
Brojo Mohan College buildings to the Conference hall, which
were very close to each other. Babu Aswini Kumar replied
that the delegates had already passed a resolution that they
would cry Bande Mataram while escorting the President from
the Raja Bahadur's Haveli to the pavilion of the Conference
and they would do so. The Police officers then said that in
that case the delegates would be arrested and if they resisted
they would be taken by force. Aswini Kumar replied that
they would not resist arrest and if any delegate were arrested
he would readily surrender himself to the Police ; and that
was the decision of the meeting also.
Now, when the question was being discussed at the
meeting as to whether Bande Mataram should be uttered or
not in the public streets some of the foremost leaders of the
time were trying to damp the spirit of the more ardent patriots.
Moti Lai to whom the question was referred for final decision
stood up and said, "I shall utter Bande Mataram in the public
streets even if it were to cost me my head, which, perhaps,
is not a very valuable commodity. But at the same time I
would ask my friends not to resist the Police on any account
if they attempt to arrest us." This decisive declaration
rendered further discussion unnecessary and the meeting
resolved to cry Bande Mataram and undergo any sacrifice
necessary for doing so.
On the day when the Conference was to meet a number
of policemen were found stationed in different parts of the
town with regulation lathis. In the Police lines facing the
Raja Bahadur's Haveli the number of these policemen armed
with deadly lathis was the largest. Besides, dozens of guns
were placed near the Police lines so that the public might
have a clear view of them from the road. Reports were also
circulated throughout the town that the Police would fire and
shoot down those uttering Bande Mataram. To create further
alarm Mr. Kemp, the District Superintendent of Police,
stationed himself near Raja Bahadur's Haveli and the Assistant
Superintendent of Police who was described by the Amrita
Bazar Patrika as "a young lad who had scarcely got over his
"ARREST ME ALSO" 167
kite-flying age and should be at school now if he has any
brain," was on horse back with a 'cris' hanging by his side.
He was majestically riding here and there apparently to over-
awe the delegates and the by-standers.
In the meantime, in order to conduct the President of the
Conference to the pandal where the Conference was to be held,
Babus Moti Lai Ghose, Surendra Nath Banerjea, Bhupendra
Nath Basu and many other delegates assembled in the private
compound of Raja Bahadur's Haveli. From there the President
started in a carriage for the pandal. The Assistant Police
Superintendent now placed his horse at the entrance of the
gate of Raja Bahadur's Haveli and sought to prevent the
delegates from coming out, one-half of whom had already been
in the street. A number of policemen also entered the com-
pound with their big lathis and began to apply them indis-
criminately upon the delegates who attempted to come out.
Some of the members of the Anti-Circular Society who
happened to be there were brutally assaulted by them.
When the news about the assault reached the leaders
Bhupendra Nath Basu went to look for the assaulted persons.
Moti Lai and Surendra Nath were on foot in a row following
the carriage of the President Mr. A. Rasul, who was accom-
panied by Mrs. Rasul, an English lady. Policemen now came
from different directions making high jumps and displaying
their lathis. Surendra Nath and Moti Lai then turned back
to see what was going on, when Mr. Kemp, District Super-
intendent of Police approached the former and gave him to
understand that he had been ordered to arrest him. Surendra
Nath said that he was at his disposal. Moti Lai now came
forward and said, "Arrest me also." But Mr, Kemp's reply
was that he had no orders to arrest him. Subsequently Babus
Aswini Kumar Dutt, Bhupendra Nath Basu, Bipin Chandra
Pal and other leaders also offered themselves for arrest, and
they also got the same reply from the Superintendent of Police.
Not a single policeman met with the slightest resistance or
opposition at the hands of the indignant crowds which but
*68 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
for the sincere desire of the leaders to keep the public peace
at any cost might have gone out of hand any moment.
Surendra Nath was immediately taken to the Magistrate's
house where he was summarily fined Rs. 400, Rs. 200 for
being member of an unlicensed procession and Rs. 200 for
contempt of court. The Conference met as usual and broke
up in the evening. When the delegates were returning home
they again shouted out Bande Mvtaram which had been pro-
hibited by the authorities. This was much more than what
the authorities could bear with impunity and so when the
Conference sat again on the next day an order under the
much-abused Section 144 Criminal Procedure Code was served
on those who were holding the Conference as they were not
willing to give an undertaking that they would not cry Bande
Mataram in the public streets. As soon as the order was
served inside the Conference pandal the delegates peacefully
dispersed shouting all through Bande Mataram, an innocent
slogan which means nothing more than 'Mother, I bow to thee',
mother being taken here to mean the motherland.
I/ong after the above incidents had happened, to be precise
in the year 1921, when Mahatma Gandhi had started his non-
co-operation movement and was preparing the country for
civil disobedience an article appeared in the Statesman of the
xoth November which referred to the part played by Moti Lai
in the Barisal Conference. It said that "the invidious dis-
tinction of inaugurating both non-co-operation and civil dis-
obedience belongs not to Mr. Gandhi but to Babu Moti Lai
Ghose." It quoted from the Amrita Bazar PaMka a descrip-
tion of the incidents leading to Babu Moti Lai Ghose's offering
himself for arrest to the police and continued: x
"It will thus be seen that the civil disobedience was
actually practised first at Barisal in Bengal in 1906 and
that Babu Moti Lai Ghose was the father of the idea.
Not only this. The cult of non-co-operation was also
first preached by Babu Moti Lai Ghose at the very same
time at Barisal.
"The Conference assembled after the incident
mentioned above and the first resolution asking the
NON-CO-OPERATION & CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 169
people to cease to co-operate with the Government was
moved by Babu Moti Lai Ghose. The following is the
translation of the resolution as is embodied in the
Bengali book 'Jajna Bhanga' (now out of print) by
Babu Priya Nath Guha of Barisal:
" 'The free and unrestricted use of lathis by the
Police in broad day light under the orders of the District
and the Assistant District Superintendents of Police on
the delegates assembled to welcome Mr. A. Rasul,
the President-elect, and the arrest of Babu Surendra
Nath Banerjea, one of the leaders, without any reason
"have conclusively proved that lawful administration has
ceased to exist in the District of Barisal. Further, in
view of the repressive measures that are being applied
against the patriotic workers throughout Eastern Bengal
and Assam, this Conference is of opinion that a proper
and legal system of administration is no longer in
existence in this part of the country. Therefore, no
question the final settlement of which depends upon the
workings of the present irresponsible Government will
be discussed in this Conference and only those questions,
the result of which can be obtained by the efforts of
the people themselves, will be discussed.'
"This resolution was seconded by the late Pandit
Brahma Bandhab Upadhyaya, Editor of Sandhya and
supported by Pandit Gispati Kabyatirtha, Editor of
Howrah Hitaishi and carried unanimously. It will,
therefore, be seen that the invidious distinction of
inaugurating both non-co-operation and civil disobedience
belongs not to Mr. Gandhi but to Babu Moti Lai Ghose.
"It has already been stated in these columns that
the idea of reviving the charka also emanated from
Moti Babu in 1906 and he made strenuous efforts both
through his paper and personal influence to give effect
to it. His efforts did not go quite in vain ; for, the
spinning wheel was introduced in a large number of
bhadralok families in Bengal. Unfortunately the leaders
who carried on the Partition agitation attached very
little importance to the subject, mainly because their
speeches on charka would not elicit as much shouts of
applause as their strong criticism of the Government.
We must, however, freely and frankly admit ^ that but
for a grander personality like Mahatma Gandhi neither
the problem of tbe revival of the charka nor the Question
of civil disobedience would have materialised in tke way
they have done and will likely take a more practical
shape in the near future."
CHAPTER XXX
THE CONGRESS SPLIT AT SURAT
Quarrels between Extremists and Moderates Origin of the Split Moti
Lai's Efforts for a United Congress His Failure Conventionists and
Non-conventionists Attempts at Reconciliation Conference at Patrika
Office The Madras Congress (1914).
The split in the session of the All-India National Congress
at Surat in the year 1907 is now a matter of history.
Dr. Rash Behari Ghose, who was the President-elect belonged
to the party which was then popularly known as the Moderate
Party. Lord Minto was then following the policy of repres-
sion laid down by his predecessor Lord Curzon. So that the
Extremists were in no peaceful mood. Somehow or other
they got scent of the fact that the Moderates had decided upon
giving up the fighting programme of the Extremists and
dropping Swadeshism, Boycott, National Education and Self-
Government from the resolutions they wanted to pass at the
Congress at least that was what the Extremists apprehended.
This was too much for them and they made up their mind
to prevent such a scandal. Moreover the Extremists were at
this time smarting under a sense of grievance at certain
observations of the President-elect and were thus not well
disposed towards him. Hence on the eve of the Congress the
leaders formed two groups, one composed of men like Dr. Rash
Behari Ghose, Surendra Nath Banerjea, Gokhale and Pheroze
Shah Mehta ; and the other composed of Aswini Kumar Dutt,
Moti Lai Ghose, Tilak, Aurobindo Ghose and others. Now
each of the parties wanted to elect one of its own men as the
President, and while Tilak was proposing Aswini Kumar Dutt
to the chair, Dr. Rash Behari Ghose who was elected by the
other side began to read aloud his Presidential ^address. Tilak
insisted on his right to be heard, but a group of the audience
who were bent upon breaking the Congress began to shout
and hurl shoes, chairs, etc. at the leaders. The result was
THE SURAT CONGRESS 171
that the Congress ended in a fiasco and the session had to be
abandoned. This is one version of the affair. Different
versions were published in the Press and it is difficult to say
which is exactly the correct one.
Moti Lai, who had gone to the Congress at the special
invitation of his dear friend Bal Gangadhar Tilak, gives a
very interesting account of the incident in the foreward to a
book on the late Mr. Tilak, named A Step in the Steamer.
Writes Moti Lai:
"The blame of the break up of the Congress at
Surat in December, 1907 has been sought to be fastened
on Mr. Tilak by his political opponents. He was nick-
named as the 'Congress-breaker*. But in this matter he
did not take one step without consulting me. He
dragged me to Surat though I was then ill, and he and
I and some other friends settled our plan of work. I
remained in the back-ground and Tilak as the leader
had to come to the front. All that the Nationalists
wanted the Moderate leaders to do was either to with-
draw some offensive expressions which the President-
elect had used towards them in one of his speeches at
a meeting of the Viceregal Council or to permit them
to enter a protest against the same in the Congress.
When this was proposed the Moderate leaders were
furious. Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta was specially intolerant
in his tone and behaviour, when we made an attempt
to compromise the matter ; and later on he refused to
see Mr. Tilak, when by appointment he went over to
his place to have a further talk in this connection. The
only course now left to the Nationalists was to record
a formal protest against the election of a President who
was not friendly to them at the time when he would be
proposed to be elected. And Mr. Tilak gave a notice
to the Chairman of the Reception Committee that he
would move such a resolution.
"If this legitimate request of the Nationalists were
acceded to every thing would have passed peacefully, for
they were in a minority and the motion was bound to
be defeated. But both parties had then lost the balance
* of their minds. Mr. Tilak was not permitted to move
the resolution and he on his part was determined to do
it and refused to leave the platform unless he was
permitted to speak or removed by physical force. A
number of men belonging to the Moderate Camp now
1 72 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
lost all control over themselves, fell upon Mr. Tilak and
began dragging him, when a Marathi shoe, meant, some
say, for Mr. Tilak, while others aver, it was aimed at
his enemies, struck Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta and brushed
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea's face and added confusion
to the scene. The more excited partisans of the rival
parties then commenced to throw chairs at one another
and the sitting of the Congress was suspended. The
disturbance was over in ten or fifteen minutes.
"No Indian can contemplate this deplorable affair
without a sense of shame and humiliation. Both parties
were responsible for the incident, though each party
thought that the other was in the wrong. Tilak was
also in this frame of mind and a feeling of unmerited
wrong was rankling in his breast, when accompanied by
Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhury I approached him with
the following proposal.
"I still remember the very words I addressed him on
this occasion. I was trying my humble best to effect a
reconciliation and have the Congress held on the follow-
ing day though without prospect of success. Tilak knew
it. I told him, 'L/ook here, Tilak, you alone can save
the situation. But it means tremendous sacrifice on your
part self -condemnation. Knowing you as I do, I am
confident you are prepared for it. Now, here is a
glorious work for you. They want your blood. Why
not give it to them for the sake of the Congress? I
know you are not the author of this unpleasant affair.
They, however, want you to be gilletted to infamy by
stigmatising you as such. Will you give me a written
undertaking saying that you are willing to take the whole
odium on your shoulders and make a public declaration
to that effect if thereby the death of the Congress is
averted? It would be a noble sacrifice on your part of
which you might well be proud. Naturally you would
feel that this would be doing violence to your honest con-
viction, as you did not bring about the disturbance. But
rather do this violence than allow this national organisa-
tion to collapse.'
"Mr. Tilak was moved. There was a hot discussion.
Most of his adherents vehemently opposed the proposal.
They would not allow him to be cruelly sacrificed. Tilak
reflected for a while and then arrived at his decision.
There was a sad smile in his face and he said, 'Here is
the undertaking/ And he wrote a few fines to the effect
'I undertake to take the responsibility of this unfor-
tunate incident upon myself if the other party would
SEQUEL TO THE BREAK-UP 173,
agree to continue the Congress/ I do not remember
the exact wording, but this was the purport of what he
wrote. Ponder on the magnitude of the magnanimity
and self-abnegation of the man. He cheerfully consented
to humiliate himself between relentless enemies who
would tear him to pieces if they could, though sincerely
believing himself to be innocent. And fancy also the
grave risk he incurred. Many of his bitter and un-
scrupulous opponents availing themselves of this self-
condemnation might seek to ruin his character and
reputation in the eyes of his countrymen carefully con-
cealing from their knowledge the noblest motive which
had prompted him to resort to this course of self-
condemnation.
"With this written undertaking in our possession
I, Ray Yatindra Nath Ray Chaudhury and a few other
friends ran to the Moderate Camp with a view to bring
about a reconciliation, if possible, but we were simply
howled out by -the Moderate leaders headed by Sir
Pheroze Shah Mehta. They were all in high temper and
it was impossible to reason with them."
The break up of the Surat Congress gave much food to the
Press and the Platform and for a whole year they cavilled at
each other. Next year a meeting was held at the Amrita Bazar
Patrika office in Calcutta where leaders from all the provinces
in India assembled and a manifesto was issued showing the
reasons why they were not willing to join the Congress. The
meeting was attended by Moti Lai Ghose, Aurobindo Ghose,
B. Chakravarti, Shyam Sundar Chakravarti, Kumar Krishna
Dutt, Hirendra Nath Datta and Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhury
from Bengal ; Tilak, Kelker, Khaparde and others from
Bombay and other representatives from other provinces. The
party headed, by these leaders gradually came to be known as
the Extremist party, and Moti Lai, perhaps the oldest of them
all, was regarded with deep veneration. The Amrita Bazar
Patrika office was thus at one time the citadel of Extremists of
India.
After the Surat split Surendra Nath became the leader in
Bengal of the other party which went on holding the Congress
and was known as the Moderate Party. This party wad more
pro-Government than not and supported the Government in
174 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
many matters in which the latter had not popular support. In
Congress language the parties came to be known as Conven-
tionists and Non-Conventionists.
Forgetful of their country's cause these two parties fell
foul of each other for some years and the Government chuckled
in glee. Moti Lai was ever sorry for this division in the
Congress camp and he always tried that the parties might
again present a united front. With reference to this situation
he said that "the split between the so-called Conventionists
and Non-Conventionists has been responsible for a lot of
mischief. The worst mischief it has done is to convert what
was originally a highly useful body, we mean the Indian
National Congress, into a perfectly life-less, soul-less and use-
less body, and also to separate the people by driving an artificial
wedge between them."
Since the split at Surat several attempts were made in
Bengal and some other provinces for a United Congress and
if they failed it was due not a little to the temper displayed
by some of the Conventionist leaders, at least this was the
opinion of Moti Lai who belonged to and in fact was the
leader of the Bengal group of Non-Conventionists.
It was at the Bengal Provincial Conference held at Pabna
in March 1908 that the question of a re-united Congress came
to be first discussed. It was attended by the pick of the
educated community of both East and West Bengals ; in fact,
it was thoroughly representative. Moreover it had one
advantage, it was presided over by the poet Rabindra Nath
Tagore who belonged to neither party.
Surendra Nath on behalf of the Conventionists suggested
that the United Congress should be brought about through the
Committee appointed by the Surat Convention. Moti Lai
observed that if the Conventionists had a Committee, the Non-
Conventionists too had a Committee of their own. He, there-
fore, submitted two alternative propositions before the Subjects
Committee of the Conference. One was that the Convention
Committee and the Congress Continuation Committee should
unite and arrange for a United Congress. The other was that
ATTEMPTS FOR A COMPROMISE 175
the previous all-India Congress Committee or the proposed
amalgamated Committees of the Conventionists and the Non-
Conventionists should arrange for the sitting of the next
Congress on an agreed basis. Moti Lai said that speaking for
himself he preferred the former ; but if it were urged that the
All-India Congress was dead he would say in reply that its
Secretaries and Members were very much alive. Ultimately
the following resolution was passed by the Conference without
a single dissentient voice :
"This Conference requests the Congress Secretaries
and the Members of the All-India Congress Committee
appointed in Calcutta in 1906 to arrange the holding of
the National Congress on the lines settled at the Calcutta
Congress."
The Conventionists, however, ignored the demand of the
Non-Conventionists and held their Congress at Madras.
Further attempts were made from time to time for bring-
ing about a compromise between the Conventionists and the
Non-Conventionists. For this purpose an All-India Conference
of Conventionists and Non-Conventionists was held at the
Amrita Bazar Patrika office in November, 1908. Babu Moti Lai
Ghose, Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhury, Mr. M. R. Bodas,
Mr. A. Rasul, Babu Anath Bandhu Guha and Babu Aswini
Kumar Dutt were the chief conveners of this conference. The
hall on the first floor of 2, Ananda Chatterjee Lane, which,
by the bye, was the bed-room of Babu Moti Lai Ghose was
converted into a meeting room. About sixty chairs were placed
in that hall all of which were occupied. Dr. Sundari Mohan
Das, the well known medical practitioner of Calcutta (since,
Principal of the National Medical College) was voted to the
chair and among those present were Messrs. M. R. Bodas,
Pleader, Bombay ; N. C. Kelker of the Maharatta ; C. V.
Vaidya, LL.B., Bombay (Retired Chief Justice of Gwalior) ;
R. B. Deshpande, LL.B., Pleader, Ahmednagar ; B. S. Moonje,
Nagpur ; Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhury, Moti Lai Ghose,
Shyam Sundar Chakravarti, Bhupendra Nath Basu, Narendra
Nath Set, Amrita Krishna Mullik, Hirendra Nath Datta, Anath
Bandhu Guha, Hemendra Prasad Ghose and others. At the
i;6 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
suggestion of Babu Bhupendra Nath Basu the Conference
agreed that the first article of the Conventionist constitution
in which it was stated that Self-Government within the Empire
was the goal of the Congress and constitutional agitation its
method was to be signed absolutely by the Non-Conventionists,
but at the same time the Conventionists should on their part
agree to get the Constitution and the rules of the Congress
framed by a representative Committee of both parties. Babu
Bhupendra Nath Basu undertook to place the matter before
the Conventionist leaders of other Provinces and use his
influence with them in persuading them to accept it. He did
his best, but Conventionists of other Provinces under the lead
of Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta were not in a mood to compromise.
In November 1914, Babu Bhupendra Nath Basu was
elected as the President of the Congress to be held at Madras
in December next. This gave a new fillip to the movement
for a union of the two groups, Conventionists and Nan-
Conventionists. For, Bhupendra Nath was one of those Con-
ve&tionists who had all along desired a re-union of the parties.
Moreover he and Moti Lai were very closely attached to each
other. A small incident that happened in the presence of the
writer may be re-called in this connection. When the news
came of the election of Babu Bhupendra Nath as President of
the Congress Babus Moti Lai Ghose and Hirendra Nath Datta
were having a friendly talk in the corridor adjoining Moti Lai's
room. I still remember Hirendra Babu in his characteristic
way saying to Moti Lai, "This time you are sure to attend the
Congress ; your friend has been elected President." To this
Moti Lai replied, "Not only will I attend the Congress, but
I will also see that a United Congress is held."
And Mod Lai did his best to bring about a united Congress,
He wrote about a dozen articles in the Amrita Bazar Patrika
advocating the cause of a united Congress. Mrs. Annie Besant >
who was then editing the New India also took up the matter.
She came over to Calcutta and spent hours together with Moti
Lai at the AmritcL BOSUHT Patrika office trying to devise ways
aad means for bringing about such a union between the two
ATTEMPTS FOR A UNITED CONGRESS 177
parties who had separated at Surat. Besides writing in the
Patrika Moti Lai was also personally influencing the members
of his party for a union. At the instance of Mrs. Besant he
also wrote a number of lengthy and spirited appeals for a
united Congress and these were published under his name in
the columns of the New India of Madras and the Leader of
Allahabad in early December, 1914. So the ground for a
united Congress was prepared.
True to his word Moti Lai attended the Madras Congress,
though not as a delegate ; he was precluded from doing so
on account of his allegiance to his party, but he did so as a
visitor. Moti Lai, Bhupendra Nath and Babu Krishna Kumar
Mitter, the first one the leader of the Extremists of Bengal
and the two other gentlemen, leaders of the Moderates started
together from Calcutta for Madras. On their way an address
was presented to Bhupendra Nath at the Rajahmundry Railway
Station and in course of his reply he said :
"As you have said in your address it is true I have
been trying my very best to bring about a reconciliation
between the two parties from the year 1908 ; and it is
equally true, as you have said, that all efforts have so
far failed. This year I shall use all tact and moderation
to bring about the necessary reconciliation. It is with
this object that I persuaded and prevailed upon my
friend Babu Moti Lai Ghose accompanying me. How-
ever, how far I shall succeed in this direction depends
largely upon the attitude the other Provinces take up
in the matter. As for Bengal there are no two parties
and we are all united and one."
Inspite of their efforts Moti Lai and Bhupendra Nath
failed to bring about the desired for rapprochement at Madras.
The fact is that the Moderates (or Conventionists as they were
then called) dreaded that if the split was made up Bal Gangadhar
Tilak might come forward and capture the Congress. Among
the followers of Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta there were men who
would rather have agreed to let the Congress die than make
it over to Tilak.
Referring to the failure of the Madras Congress to bring
about a reconciliation between Extremists and Moderates a
12
178 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
gentleman who had been to the Congress wrote to the Maharatta
of Poona :
"The veteran Congressman, Babu Moti Lai Ghose,
who in his admirable appeal for a united Congress had
said that 'either we must have a united Congress or
none at air had gone to Madras in spite of his bad
health with the 'olive branch of peace* in his hand.
It was freely discussed in the Bengal camp that Babu
Bhupendra Nath had given a definite promise to Babu
Moti Lai Ghose to give all the; weight of his Presidential
authority to pass the amendment (of the rules for the
election of the delegates) with a view to widen the doors
of election and that the veteran Congressman had taken
the trouble to undertake the long journey in his weak
health trusting on the promise of the President-elect,
who all of a sudden changed his mind in deference to
the wishes of the Bombay leaders and gave his
Presidential weight to the side which wished to refer
the matter to a Committee."
CHAPTER XXXI
MOTI LAL AND ANGLO-INDIANS
Differences Between Indians and Anglo-Indians Attempts At Union
Boycott Movement Aggravates Difference Articles on St. Andrews' Day
Dinner.
The fact need not be disguised that Indians and Anglo-
Indians are not generally speaking on the best of terms. Though
there are many things in which their interests are identical an
unreasoning race-feeling divides them and keeps them at arms
length from each other. Through his writings in the Patrika
Moti Lai tried on many occasions to impress on the Anglo-
Indian community that there were many things in common
between them and the children of the soil so that they should
live and move freely among the Indians. Their interests were
more akin to those of the children of the soil than those of their
white masters, the birds of passage who had come to this country
for petty pelf. They should, said Moti Lai, live among the
ATTEMPTS AT UNION 179
Indians as a part and parcel of the Indian population, and their
manners and customs and ways of living should be like those of
the Indians. If they had followed this sane advice it would
have been really advantageous for them.
Moti Lai also suggested on many occasions that Indians
and Englishmen should live in this country like frieods and
not as enemies always trying to cut each others throats. An
attempt, for example, for a union of Indians and Englishmen
was made by the conductors of the Capital, Messrs. Tremearne
and Luke ("Max") with the help of some Missionary gentlemen
like the late Reverend Tomory of the Duff College. Taking
advantage of the threatened partition of Bengal in 1905 which
affected both Indians and non-official Englishmen in India
"Max" through an article in the Capital suggested the possi-
bility of formimg what he called the Bengal Provincial and
Municipal League for the mutual benefit of the two communities.
Wrote "Max" in the Capital:
I have expressed my strong belief that the Partition
scheme is dead, but lest there be any remnant of life left,
let it get a finishing stroke. Let a great public meeting
be called for the purpose of forming a Bengal Provincial
and Municipal League, strongly representative of all
classes in the community, Indian and European alike,
for the purpose of promoting good government both in
the province and in the municipalities of Bengal. The
League can be incorporated for permanent work with a
strong executive vigilant committee capable of watching
over the trend of public affairs and of taking suitable
action as occasion arises. The first and foremost action
would be to ask the Government of India to suspend
everything in connection with the Partition movement
until the question has been threshed in the Imperial
Parliament. And in the meantime the executive com-
mittee could take ways and means in a very authoritative
manner of letting Parliament know the exact state of
feeling throughout the whole of Bengal in reference to
the partition movement and the desire of the people for
a more thoroughly equipped administration of the
undivided Province under a capable Governor and a well-
appointed Council."
The Reverend A. Tomory of the Duff College took up the
suggestion in right earnest and at his instance an association
i8o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
of the nature spoken above was sought to be formed with the
name of The Bengal Citizens' League. Several preliminary
meetings in this connection were held at the Capital office and
they were attended by such men as Raja Peary Mohan Mukherji
of Uttarpara and Babus Moti Lai Ghose, Surendra Nath
Banerjea and Bhupendra Nath Basu and others on behalf of
the Indian community and a number of Anglo-Indian gentlemen
representing their community. The constitution and rules for
the proposed public body were framed and a draft memorial was
prepared for submission to Government praying for a Governor-
ship of Bengal and the suspension of the Partition Scheme.
In the mean time the fateful day arrived the i6th of October,
1906 the memorable day when Bengal was formally parti-
tioned, and the whole Province was thrown into convulsions.
An estrangement sprang up between the Bengali and the Anglo-
Indian leaders owing to the Boycott Movement, and the
proposed Bengal Citizens' League died in its cradle, if not,
before it was born.
Several years later, after the second partition of Bengal,
following the visit of King Emperor George V to India in 1912,
Mr. Dudley B. Myers, an influential Anglo-Indian, wanted to
form an Indo-European Association in Calcutta. This time also
Moti Lai welcomed the idea and the Patrika wrote that the
previous attempt, referred to above, at the formation of a society
of Indians and Anglo-Indians had failed because the circum-
stance viz., the Partition of Bengal which was to cement the
union between the two communities affected the Indians much
more than the Anglo-Indians. "But," continued the Patrika :
"In the transfer of the seat of Government to Delhi
and the separation of Behar from Bengal the Anglo-
Indians and the Indians are equally affected ; so, if serious
efforts are made just now by only half a dozen repre-
sentative Europeans and Bengalis to start a common
society for their mutual benefit they may be attended
with the desired result."
Non-official Englishmen, however, did not see their way
to unite with the Indians even for a common cause. They may
have their excuse for not doing so. But what on earth cm be
ST. ANDREWS* DAY DINNER 181
the excuse of the Anglo-Indians, I mean not the birds of
passage but those who have a real stake in the country and are
as much children of the soil as Indians themselves, for following
a similar course of action? It is strange indeed that they
cannot convince themselves that their interests are more akin
to those of the Indians than the Britishers in India who also
go by the name of Anglo-Indians. One fails to find any
community of interest between them beyond a mere similarity
of names. It is a pity that they look to Britain in the same way
as Mahomedans born and brought up in India look to Mecca
or Medina.
One of Moti Lai's favourite subjects on which he expatiated
almost every year in order to castigate and at the same time
regale Anglo-Indians was the St. Andrews' Day Dinner.
Scotchmen in Calcutta celebrate their national festival every
year on the 3oth of November. On this date they meet and
invite some leading Englishmen and one or two Bengali
gentlemen also with whom the local Scotch people may be in
love. Now, Moti Lai often twitted the Scotch of Calcutta on
inviting their masters the Englishmen to dinner and not the
Bengalees who were their fellow subjects. He argued that the
Bengalees and the Scotchmen were in the same position so far
as the English were concerned ; for, Scotchmen had no separate
existence as a nation and politically they were as much subject
to England as the Bengalees. Sometimes he would comment on
the foolishness of the Scottish people who spent money in giving
dinners to the wise Englishmen who ate them. The haggis and
the whiskey that were used in these dinners formed the other
subjects of comment. Sometimes the speeches delivered on the
St. Andrews' Day Dinner by the Governor or other men of
position formed the text of the article in the Patrika. Indeed,
he viewed this event from various angles of vision in different
years and his writings on this subject in his inimitable humorous
way were only characteristic of him. They evoked the admira-
tion of the readers and they produced great mirth not only
among Us Indian readers but among his English and Scotch
readers as well. The Anglo-Indian newspapers sometimes gave
MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL CHOSE
replies to his writings on this subject but those only acted as
spurs to Moti Lai to give replies to these replies. These replies
showed his power of repartee. Indeed, in matters like these
his inventive brain could find replies to whatever other papers
might write, so that he would always have the last say in the
matter.
CHAPTER XXXII
MOTI LAL ON JURY SYSTEM.
Moti Lai As a Juror A Juror In A Better Position Than A Judge or
Magistrate Plea For Extension of Jury System A Funny Incident.
The following conversation between Babu Moti Lai Ghose
and an Englishman, both of whom were jurors in a certain case
will prove interesting. The story was narrated by him on many
occasions. The conversation took place when the jury had
retired after the charge of the Judge presiding over the Sessions
in the High Court.
The Englishman : I am for conviction.
Moti Lai : Your grounds?
The Englishman : Why , the prisoners have produced no
witnesses.
Moti Lai : What for?
The Englishman : To prove that they had not committed
the assault.
Moti Lai : How could they prove a negative ?
The Englishman: I don't know that. They should have
proved that the murderous assault was not committed by them.
I convict them of culpable homicide.
Moti Lai: But His Lordship charged us practically to
convict the accused of grievous hurt.
The English juror however would not budge an inch from
his position. So he wrote dowa on a piece of paper something:
MOTI LAL AS A JUROR 185:
to the effect that in his opinion the prisoners were guilty of
culpable homicide and asked the other jurors to sign it. They
however reminded him that the verdict of the jury is not taken
down in writing and then he tore the paper into pieces.
Moti Lai had served as a juror on numerous occasions and
even upto a very old age. He claimed exemption from being
called upon as a juror only when he was physically incapacitated
from performing this onerous duty on account of his old age.
His motto in life was, and he often advised others to bear it in
mind, never take a man to be dishonest unless he proves himself
to be so. 'If you suspect others you can never be happy,' he said,
'you should never think any man to be dishonest unless the
conduct of that man is such that it is a conclusive proof of his
dishonesty.' In his capacity as a juror also he strictly followed
this principle. It is but one of the basic principles of civilised
jurisprudence that the guilt of the accused must be unquestion-
ably established, that the evidence must be such that it would
irresistibly lead to the conclusion that the accused is guilty,
that there must not be any reasonable doubt as to the guilt of
the accused before he can be convicted. Another basic principle
is that whenever there is a reasonable doubt as to his guilt the
benefit of that doubt should always be given to the accused.
Moti Lai always kept these principles in view whenever he
acted as a juror. He was a great advocate of the jury system
and through the columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika he not
only advocated the extension of the jury system but also incul-
cated upon the jurors the ordinary fundamental principles of
criminal law.
It was, in his opinion, impossible for Magistrates or Sessions
Judges to dispense criminal justice impartially. They were
human beings after all and had the weaknesses of human beings.
Their promotion in many cases depended upon the way in
which they dealt with criminal cases. In fact it was an open
secret in the nineties of the last century that "No conviction
no promotion" was the rule among the officers trying criminal
cases. A series of leading articles were published in the Amrita
Bazar Patrika under the above headline in which even official
184 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
circulars and reports were quoted to prove the strength of this
slogan. Indeed, in Crown cases sometimes it is too much to
expect that the junior officers (Deputy Magistrates and Sub-
Deputy Magistrates) will deliver a judgment against their
employer. But a juror is in a far better position. He expects
no frown nor favour from the Crown. Moreover, it is not
recorded which juror has given what verdict, so that there is
not the ghost of a chance of an individual juror's verdict being
known either to the Government or to the public. Hence he is
free to act according to his conscience self-interest does not
stand in the way of his giving a verdict according to the funda-
mental principles of civilised criminal jurisprudence. That is
why a juror's verdict has a greater weight than the judgment
of a judge and in many courts, such as the High Court, a Judge
has no alternative but to abide by the unanimous verdict of the
jurors.
Let me quote here two passages from a leading article in
the Amrita Bazar Patrika advocating the extension of the jury
system into the mofussil written by Moti Lai. The Mss. of
this article in his own hand writing still happen to be in my
possession. I have selected it for that reason only.
The first passage it :
"The inhabitants of both the jury and non-jury
districts have a duty in this connection. The latter
should memorialise the Governor in Council direct for
the introduction of the system in their respective districts
under sections 26g Cr. P. C. To each memorial should
be appended the names of individuals competent to sit
as jurors. As to the districts in which the system already
obtains they should also memorialise the Government to
make those offences triable by jury which are now dis-
posed of by the Sessions Judge with the help of
assessors. They would do well to point out that there is
not a single offence in the Penal Code which is not tried
by the Jury in Calcutta where their verdict is final. The
note of Sir Romesh Chunder would strengthen their
hands."
The other passage is as follows :
"The most important argument in favour of the
extension of the jury system in every district of -Bengal
EXTENSION OF JURY SYSTEM 185
is that this boon was conferred on all European residents
in the mofussil in 1883. That was the outcome of the
'White Mutiny* which the famous Ilbert Bill controversy
brought about. The infuriated Anglo-Indian community
seriously proposed to bombard the Government House if
the Government of Lord Ripon would not yield to their
claim and their triumph was complete. Not only did
they extort the privilege of jury trial for themselves,
when residing in the mofussil, unconditionally in the
Sessions Court but also in the Court of the Magistrate.
In their case the sufficient number of Jurors and Judges
was not insisted upon ! Lord Ripon felt himself so
humiliated and aggrieved at this invidious distinction
made between the Indians and the Anglo-Indians that he
gave a pledge in one of his speeches on behalf of the
Government that like the latter the former would also
be allowed to enjoy the privilege of Jury trial more
extensively than they had hitherto done. But though
three decades have passed away since then, with the
exception of three or four districts all the others are in
the same position in regard to this matter as they were
in 1884."
I may mention here that the Jury system has since been
extended to a larger number of Districts in the Province.
I cannot close this chapter without giving a very funny
story often told by Moti Lai in connection with his jurorship.
In a certain case after the jury had retired they were holding
a consultation among themselves as to what verdict to give.
Moti Lai was in favour of acquittal. All agreed. But one
gentleman who was younger than him by a good many number
of years was obdurate he was for conviction and he would not
change his opinion though all were against him and pleaded
with him for acquittal. At last Moti Lai, who almost lost his
temper, shouted out to him, "If you don't give a verdict of
not guilty, I will give a slap on your face." There was a
loud uproar of laughter in the juror's room and it had its effect
the gentleman climbed down and there was a unanimous
verdict of "not guilty."
CHAPTER XXXIII
SECURITY TAKEN FROM THE PATRIKA.
The Press Act of 1910 Jagatshi Asram Affairs Patrika's Comments-
Security of Rs. 5,000 Demanded from Patrika British Press Opinion.
The majority of the non-official members of the Viceroy's
Legislative Council led by the late Mr. Gokhale supported the
Press Bill of 1910 inspite of the extremely wide and arbitrary
nature of its provisions because they thought and wrongly
thought that the anarchist movement was the result of violent
writings in the Indian Press. The two or three papers in Bengal
of the "Yugantar" type which preached the cult of violence
and assassination had ceased to exist or had been already
suppressed by the authorities when the Press Bill was intro-
duced. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and the late Babu
Bhupendra Nath Basu opposed the Bill ; but it was passed into
a law only to aggravate the smouldering bitterness in the
Indian Press by placing it under what may be called a
Martial law.
The real plague-spot of the Press Act of 1910 was Section 4.
It was the operative section of the Act which armed the
Executive Government with absolute powers over the liberty
of the Press. The section provided that the local Government
could hang a mill-stone round the neck of the keeper of a
printing press in the shape of a security of Rs. 5,000, if the
newspaper printed or published
"Any words, signs, etc., which are likely or may
have a tendency, directly or indirectly, whether by
inference, suggestion, allusion, metaphor, implication or
otherwise to bring into hatred or contempt any Govern-
ment established by law or any class or section of His
Majesty's subjects in British India."
Sir Lawrence Jenkins, Chief Justice of the Calcutta High
Court had said in his judgment in the "Comrade" case that
the provisions of this section were "very comprehensive and
the language was as wide as human ingenuity could make it.
They would certainly extend to writings that might even
command approval."
WARNINGS UNDER PRESS ACT 187
Moti Lai had to carry on his paper with this Sword of
Damocles constantly hanging over his head. He received
warning after warning from the Government to remind him
that there was such a thing as the Press Act lest he should
forget it. The first warning came to him within a few weeks
of the passing of the Press Act. Sir Edward Norman Baker
was then the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal. Moti Lai
inquired of him as to the matter and the nature of the offence
for which the warning had been given. His Honour replied
that it was a mere formal warning, which had been sent to some
other papers also and that its object was to remind the Bengal
Press of the existence of the new Press Act.
The Government of Lord Carmichael had also sent some
warnings to Babu Moti Lai Ghose. In one of these warnings
which was in the form of a letter it was pointed out to
Babu Moti Lai Ghose that certain mistakes had crept into an
article on a Madras case and he was asked to correct them in
the light of the facts supplied by the Government of Madras.
This was done with an explanation that the article in question
was based on the reply of the Madras Government to an
interpellation on the subject, which was very vague and so the
writer was not to blame in the matter.
But the wolf at last did come. It was in May, 1913 and
it came without a warning. The keeper of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika printing press was served with a notice by the Govern-
ment of Bengal asking him to deposit Rs. 5,000 the maximum
amount provided by the Act with the Chief Presidency
Magistrate of Calcutta as security under the Press Act. But
why? That was of course not explained. The Government
was good enough to state that it was in connection with an
article on the notorious Jagatshi Police case in Assam that this
action had been taken. No light was however thrown on the
passage or passages or words to which objection had been taken
by the Government. The article in question contained some
comments on the report of a Divisional Commissioner of Assam
on the Jagatshi Ashram affairs. In the opinion of some
eminent lawyers there was nothing in the article which could
i88 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
be construed as preaching "hatred or contempt of any Govern-
ment established by law."
About the middle of 1912 sensation ran high throughout
Bengal on account of certain incidents that happened at the
village of Jagatshi, four miles away from Maulvi Bazar in
.Sylhet. In this village was an abode of some religious people,
named "Arunachal Asram" whose head was a Sannyasi named
Dayananda Swami. Here Sankirtans (mass songs) were held
on a lavish scale by the guru and his disciples in accompani-
ment with khol f9 kartal f mridang and other musical instruments.
Men and women freely took part in these religious perfor-
mances, which was seriously objected to by some people in the
neighbourhood who thought that such mixed dances and
sankirtans were not sanctioned by the Hindu religion and
-society and so if they were allowed to develop they would tell
upon the morals of the local people. With this end in view
they tried to stop these practices and took to various devices
for doing so. On the 23rd March 1912 one of these persons
filed a petition before the Sub-Divisional Officer of Maulvi
Bazar complaining against Dayananda Swami and some other
leading members of the Asram. It was alleged that the
singing of songs, the beating of drums and the playing of
instruments day and night which went on in the Asram were
interfering with the sleep and causing injury to the health of
the local public. Processes were issued against Dayanand
Swami and others who put in a defence. In their written
.statement they said :
"We are trying to substitute liberal principles for the
narrow and illiberal manners and customs of the whole
of the present Hindu society. We are encouraging
women to join Sankirtan in the proper manner and also
trying to uproot the narrowness of caste distinction.
The complainant, owing to prejudice, apprehending that
our such action might bring about a revolution in the
society is trying to oppress us in several ways and for
that purpose has instituted this case."
Dayananda Swami and his disciples were, however, fined
3Rs. 10 each by the Sub-Divisional Officer. But the Sankirtans
"ARUNACHAL ASRAM WAR" 189,
went on as usual and the orthodox oppositionists tried by
petitions to the authorities and by other methods to stop these.
On the aoth June a complaint was filed before the Sub-
Divisional Officer of South Sylhet (Maulvi Bazar) that a minor
boy named Sachindra had been kidnapped by the members of
the "Asram". A warrant was issued for the production of
Sachindra. A constable who went to the Asram to execute
the warrant returned to the higher officers and reported that
he was threatened by the members of the Asram. On the 6th
July a party of Policemen headed by one Mr. Brown, Assistant
Superintendent of Police went to the Asram but failed to
recover Sachindra. On the 8th the aid of the Military was re-
quisitioned and the Asram was attacked and what followed
has been described in many quarters as the "Arunachal Asram
War." On one side was arrayed a force of Police and
Military armed with rifles and bayonets and on the other side
stood the male and female inmates of the Asram known as
Sevaks and Sevikas of the Asram with their drums, musical
instruments and trisuls (tridents). The result can be better
imagined than described. In the Amrita Bazar Patrika and
other newspapers were published accounts of the gross atro-
cities perpetrated. An enquiry was held by the Assam
Government in response to the demand by the Amrita Bazar
Patrika. The report of the enquiry, however, exonerated the
officers concerned and vilified the Asram and its people. The-
Asram was sought to be proved as an "impure, obscene,
immoral and indecent institution, opposed to public policy and
good morals." The incidents of the 8th July, 1912 which
created a sensation throughout the length and breadth of the
Province were described by the authorities as matters of course.
To quote from the Resolution of the Chief Commissioner of
Assam on the Report of the Officiating Commissioner:
"It was impossible without employing force to effect
the arrest of so large a number of people who refused to
submit when called upon to do so. Only a few days
before they had published their declaration of in-
dependence of the British Government and had cir-
culated, it to the newspapers. Their official historian had
MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
chronicled the events of the 6th July as a victory in the
Arunachal war and that evening the drums of the Asram
were heard in Maulavi Bazar four miles away. The
Deputy Commissioner made every attempt to negotiate
with Dayananda for a peaceful surrender, but without
effect. On the morning of the 8th the Deputy Com-
missioner gave the inmates of the Asram a final oppor-
tunity of surrendering. He told them that he had a
strong police force, but that he did not want to use the
police, as, if this had to be done the women whom he
knew to be in the Asram might get hurt. The only
response to this appeal was that, as the small column
drew near a party of naked women and almost naked
men danced out to meet them. When the Deputy
Commissioner and his force entered the Asram, the din
was so over-powering that further parley was out of the
question. No one would surrender and the arrests had
to be forcibly effected. A certain amount of rough-
handling of those who resisted was unavoidable, and
it is unfortunate that two women accidentally sustained
injuries. Those people within the houses who came out
quietly were secured, those who refused to come out
being dragged out. The Military Police used the butts
of their rifles, but, as the Commissioner has found, the
allegation that bayonets were used is absolutely false."
After the publication of the above report the Amrita Bazar
pointed out that "it was already admitted that the
Police fired without orders 1 ' and "it was not denied that the
Police used buckshots and bullets and thereby wounded so
many as seven persons of whom Babu Mahendra Nath Dey,
M.A., B.I,., died from the effect of a bullet wound." As to
the "certain amount of rough handling" mentioned in the
Report the Patrika wrote:
"Why it was only the fracture of a few collar-
bones, infliction of bleeding wounds with butts and
bayonets, dragging by the hair, tying a human being
to a bamboo and carrying him like a pig, et hoc genus
omnel And all this was of course inevitable \"
A series of trenchant articles followed in the editorial
columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika severely criticising the
action of the police in Assam and of the Executive which
tried to shield the conduct of the Police. The result, to quote
the Patrika again was inevitable.
PRESS OPINION ON SECURITY 191
The series of articles on the Jagatsi Asram affairs published
in Amrita Bazar Patrika in 1912-13 was too much for the
authorities to digest. Hence they demanded a security of
Rs. 5,000 from the proprietors of the paper under the Indian
Press Act of 1910. The news about the action of the Govern-
ment and the security demanded from the Patrika was cabled
to England and it created a stir in newspaper circles. Moti
Lai's personality was too well-known to many editors and
writers of English newspapers ; for journalists of that country
on tour in India always made it a point to interview Babu
Moti Lai Ghose and they were all impressed with his charming
personality.
Wrote the Pall Mall Gazette:
"The Government of India is no doubt amply
justified in demanding security from the Amrita Bazar
Patrika, a Calcutta journal printed in English, which
has a wide circulation. It is understood to have been
publishing some rather violent articles lately. At the
same time, we should hardly regard its editor and chief
proprietor, Mr. Moti Lai Ghose, as a danger to the
community. He is a mild old gentleman with a pleasant
smile, who sturdily refuses to adopt European ways or
dress. His pen is vitriolic at times
Moti Lai Ghose is not a revolutionary. He often writes
wildly, but he does not neglect to pay friendly calls at
Government House, and when some years ago he was
presented to the King, then Prince of Wales, he was
overcome with loyal devotion. He publishes his paper
in a huge rambling warren of a house in North Calcutta,
where he lives with a swarm of relatives and dependants
in patriarchal fashion. Babies cling about the editor's
bare legs as, 'clad in a scanty piece of linen, he writes
torrents of fierce abuse with a most benevolent smile."
The Pall Mall Gazette, it may be remembered, was not
sympathetic or friendly to Indian aspirations. That it could
pay such a tribute as the above to Babu Moti Lai Ghose is
only explained by the fact that his personality left a lasting
impression on those who came in contact with him.
The Manchester Guardian which was well-known for its
sympathy towards India wrote as follows:
"There is nothing in India or out of it, like the
193 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Amrita Bazar Patrika, the Calcutta daily which has
earned the distinction of being the first important organ
of opinion to be dealt with under the coercionist Indian
Press Act of 1910. It is emphatically a one-man show,
representing its proprietor and editor, Mr. Moti Lai
Ghose, and no other party or persons whatsoever.
Ever since the Viceroyalty of Lord Lytton the paper
has been recognised as the most characteristic product
of Bengali journalism. It is full of curious knowledge
and still more curious opinion. Its leading articles,
you would say, are all from one hand, and that the
inimitable hand of Moti Babu himself, wielding a whip
of mercilessly stinging cords.
"What has happened now is that the Government
of Bengal demands security, probably of the maximum
amount of Rs. 5,000 (^333), for the future good
behaviour of the paper. In April it published three
articles dealing with a Government enquiry into one of
the most singular events of recent Indian history the
suppression of a small sect in Assam, the members of
which were accused of combining unseemly rites with
seditious propaganda. The military police were accused
of various brutalities in carrying out their task ; a
Government Commissioner inquired into the affairs and
found the local official blameless, and the Amrita Bazar
Patrika thereupon went for the Government of Assam.
The articles, it is said, were a masterpiece of satirical
invective, but whether they justify drastic action under
the Press Act is, of course, another matter. Moti Babu
can quite easily provide the security, though he is
understood not to be a wealthy man. He will, however,
be quite sure to argue that he has not offended, and
that the Government demand is unwarranted."
It may be observed in passing that though the Govern-
ment wanted to punish the proprietors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika by demanding the security they failed to achieve this
end. For it only heightened the popularity of the paper and
raised it higher in the estimation of the public, who thought
the paper had not sinned but had, on the contrary, been
sinned against. So, instead of being a punishment the security
became a boon.
CHAPTER XXXIV
MOTILAL AND LORD CARMICHAEL
Cannichael as a Governor Familiarity with Moti Lai Asked to Wear
the Dhcti and rub Mustard Oil.
The Government of Bengal, it soon transpired, had
absolutely no hand in the matter of demanding the security
of Rs. 5,000 from the Patrika in 1913. The Administration
of Assam had got offended at its publication of some articles
criticising the action of the police in connection with the
Jagatshi Asram and they moved Government of India to take
action against the Amrita Bazar Patrika. The Bengal Govern-
ment was thus quite helpless in the matter. As a matter of
fact, I have it on the authority of Babu Moti Lai himself that
Lord Carmichael, who was then in the best of terms with
Moti Lai, strongly protested. He was very unwilling to carry
out the order of the Government of India and had to do so
against his wish. He spoke to Lord Hardinge on two occasions
to relieve the Patrika of the mill-stone round its neck, but
Sir Reginald Craddock stood in the way. Mr. P. C.
Lyon, Senior Member of the Executive Council of Lord
Carmichael *s Government, sought twice to make the Patrika
forfeit its deposit of Rs. 5,000, but Lord Carmichael over-
ruled him. The Patrika owes a deep debt of gratitude to
Lord Carmichael but for whose protection it would surely
have been crushed by a member of his Council to whom the
Patrika had been an eye-sore. Bengal was at that time under
the special displeasure of the gods at Simla on account of the
so-called anarchist movement of a few Bengali youths. Simla
was bent upon punishing the Bengali press, which, it thought
was responsible for disseminating anarchical ideas among the
youngmen. Lord Carmichael who knew the real situation
took a different view and had much sympathy with the Press
and the people of the country ; but sandwiched as he was
between the Simla gods on the one hand and the lesser gods
13
ig4 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
of his own Province on, the other, he could not make his
existence felt.
The term of office of a Governor is short. Five years, we
think, is too small a period for studying and haying a thorough
grasp of the peculiar problems of a people and prescribing
ways and means for their solution and carrying them into
practice. The difficulty becomes almost insurmountable when
the person who has to do this stupendous job is a foreigner
and new-comer, and, even when he has come to this country,
* 'lives, moves and has his being" mostly among foreigners
who must naturally look to their own interests first and then
to those of the children of the soil. If the Governor be an
Indian we think he has one advantage, he has no time to
lose in studying the situation as an alien Governor must
do. Being born and brought up in India spade work
has to be done by him even before he has ascended the
"gadi." But a Governor coming from a foreign country, the
manners and customs and the peculiar problems of whose
people are quite different from those of ours, has to do much
spade work even after his assumption of office. If he does
not succumb to the surrounding official and secretarial
influence, and can keep the I. C. S. at a safe distance from
him and mix freely with the people of the country instead of
the handful of his own countrymen of the privileged class,
we think, he can then be in a position to understand the real
grievances of the people and do something really beneficial to
them. But then the irony of fate is such that when a good
Governor has fitted himself for the task by his five years'
schooling in this land his term of office expires and a new
Governor is sent to rule in his place and he comes here and
finds himself like a fish out of water. If the post of the
Governor had depended on the suffrage of the people then
surely the Governor would have at first to fit himself for the
post and then have it and the Governorship of a Province in
India would not have been the bed-rock on which many an
intelligent Englishman have foundered.
Now, Lord Cannichael was a Governor whose method of
LORD CARMICHAEL AS A GOVERNOR 195
tackling Indian problems, at least the method followed by
him during the first-half of his rule, is worthy of emulation.
When he came to Bengal he came determined to do such a
good turn to that country that he might be lovingly remem-
bered by her people even long after he had left. With this
end in view from the very beginning of his rule he consulted
non-official Indians, who were known to hold views in opposi-
tion to the Government of the day, whenever any new measure
affecting the people was sought to be taken. He mixed freely
with Indian gentlemen, gave friendly calls at their residences
and sometimes he even put on the dhoti and the chadar to
show that he had become one of them. Any sense of vanity
as to the coat and trousers being his national dress did not
stand in his way. In the midst of his multifarious duties he
learnt the Bengali language and sometimes addressed the
people in Bengali, and, quoted Sanskrit verses in his speeches
instead of Latin and Greek. For instance, he replied in
Bengali to the addresses presented to him by the Dacca
Saraswat Samaj, the Pandits of Navadwip and the Calcutta
Sanskrit Culture Convocation in 1913-14. By his close contact
with the rural people of Bengal he came to realise that scarcity
of drinking water was one of the crying needs of the rural
people and the transfer of the Road Cess funds from the
general coffers of the Government was largely due to his
intervention. He also came to understand that India's economic
salvation lay in her use of her indigenous manufactured goods
and he was so large-hearted and conscientious a man that he
not only attended Swadeshi exhibitions but took a leading
part in their opening ceremonies. One can well imagine the
volume of the official opposition to such conduct on the part
of a Governor of a Province in India, and for Lord Carmichael
the strength of mind of an Odysseus was required to save
himself from the official siren-song. Ultimately, however, he
succumbed to their influence and his subordinates became the
masters of the situation. So that, inspite of his excellent
heart he could do very little for the people. But that is
another story.
196 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
It is widely known that Lord Carmichael had much
regard for Babu Moti Lai Ghose. He did not conceal it from
anyone. At least during the first two years of his Governor-
ship no Bengali gentleman was more in his confidence than
Babu Moti Lai Ghose. As soon as His Lordship arrived in
Calcutta from Madras he sought him out, evidently through
the good offices of his Private Secretary Mr. W. R. Gourlay,
with whom Moti Lai was on very intimate terms. As soon
as they met they were closetted together in the Government
House for nearly two hours, when Moti Lai gave his Lordship
a vivid description of the condition of Bengal and its wants
and grievances, and it made a deep impression on his mind.
Moti Lai said that His Lordship would earn the fervent
gratitude of the people of Bengal if he could do only two
things during his tenure of office (i) improve the sanitation
of the country, and (2) put the Police under check. His
Lordship promised that he would do his best.
When Lord Carmichael went up to Darjeeling Moti Lai
wrote to Mr. Gourlay making some enquiries about the
Governor. It brought the following autograph letter in reply
from His Excellency:
"GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
Darjeeling i8th May, 1912.
"DEAR MR. MOTI LAI, GHOSE,
Mr. Gourlay showed me a letter he had got from
you about a fortnight ago, which interested and pleased
me very much. I did not write to you at the time as
I was very busy, and there was no real need to do so.
But I hope you will forgive my trespassing on your
time for a few minutes now.
I want to tell you that I shall always be more than
grateful to you, if you directly or indirectly let me
know of anything to which you think I ought to attend.
I dare say I shall often learn of such things from the
Amrita Bazar Patrika. I have done so already. I am
sincerely anxious to help any one who is trying to make
Bengal a happier place for its people to live in. I
know that many people must be disappointed with me.
LORD CARMICHABL'S LETTER
for I know I shall never be able to do as much as
many people expect. They may even be angry with
me. I shan't blame them, for people ought to expect
more than is possible from every one put in authority.
It is only by doing so that they are able gradually to
get what is possible. And in the case of a Governor
it is often I fancy only because he is blamed that he
is able to get others whose advice he must often listen
to even when sometimes he least trusts it to agree to
try things he thinks worth-trying. But I do want to
do all I can and that all must be greater or less accord-
ing as those who know where the need lies tell me
what they know. I do not suppose that even if a
Governor came here full of local knowledge instead of
coming here as I do ignorant of even the language of
my neighbours he could do a tenth part of what he
would like to do. There are many things to hamper
one. Possibly it is right that for the present they
should be there. Until they are removed the march
of progress must seem slow ; especially is this the case
in things to do with self-government and even with
education or anything that depends for the most part
on how men think. In every country men who realise
what is good for their fellows have to fret and fret
waiting for those who would benefit the most if they
only knew it to realise the truth, and over and over
again those who know what is best and want to take
it have to take not even the second best or the third
best but something which is hardly good at all, because
their poor short-sighted neighbours can't see clearly.
There are some things I hope which a Governor may
fairly insist on doing when he sees his way, but in
many things the most he can do and probably that is
often better than what he would like to do is to try
and persuade people to look at things from a different
standpoint from what they have done. My great desire
while here is that I may be able to lead all I can to
widen their outlook and to look ahead as far as they
can. But I won't waste your time, only thank you for
your kind message and hope you are still getting
stronger. Gourlay says he does not think you are likely
to come up here, but if you do I hope you will let me
know that we may meet. In any case though I hope
we may meet in Calcutta.
Yours very sincerely,
CARMICHAEI*. M
198 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Moti Lai gradually became very familiar with Lord
Carmichael, he would be summoned by His Excellency every
now and then to the Government House. The following
incident narrated by Moti Lai will be interesting:
"The writer of this (Moti Lai) one day in summer
was summoned to the Government House by the late
Governor of Bengal. It was very hot, and I found
Lord Carmichael rather uncomfortable on account of
the heat wave. I remarked, 'It seems your Excellency
is perspiring. 1 'Yes, it is awfully hot/ said he. I said,
'But why don't you take to our dhoti and shirt? Your
Excellency can see that we are more comfortable in
our light costume.' Lord Carmichael replied in a
petulant tone, 'We don't use your dhoti and shirts
because we are a stupid people.' "
An Englishman, continued Moti Lai, would rather be
roasted like a fowl by the Indian heat than give up his thick
and heavy clothing. He further told His Excellency how the
Indians kept their bodies cool during the hot season by
rubbing them with mustard and other kinds of oil. But this
is a luxury, which, he feared, it is not the lot of an English-
man in India ever to enjoy. For, he will never agree to show
his bare body to his Indian khansama and get it massaged
by him. Indeed the idea is, Moti Lai said, so he was told
by some Englishmen, that their prestige would be gone and
they would be regarded as ordinary human beings by the
"natives" if the latter came to see that their masters, when
divested of their clothes, looked just like themselves!
To Lord Ronaldshay also Moti Lai gave a similar advice-
But of that later.
CHAPTER XXXV
URBAN VERSUS RURAL SANITATION
All-India Sanitary Conference Moti I/al a Delegate Sanitation First,
Education Afterwards Economic Improvement above All.
The first All-India Sanitary Conference was held at
Bombay in 1911. The second session was held at Madras in
1912. Of the more than four scores of delegates who attended
the Madras Conference only a dozen or fourteen were Indians
and the rest were Englishmen. The Indians also were mostly
officials or semi-officials, townspeople having very little or
no experience of village life. The majority of the Englishmen
were officials belonging to the Medical Service and the rest
were Engineers. Babu Moti Lai Ghose who was selected as
delegate through the intervention of Lord Carmichael was the
only non-official member having actual experience of village
life. So, while most of the delegates were anxious for con-
tributing to the comfort and luxury of those living in the
towns and cities, Moti Lai took up the case for the villages.
"The townspeople," he said at the Conference, "can protect
themselves from the inroads of various diseases without out-
side help ; but the millions residing in the interior, must die
like fleas or convert themselves into a nation of invalids unless
they receive substantial assistance from the Government."
It seems Moti Lai's efforts in this matter did not go
in vain. For, in the third session of the Conference which
was held at Lucknow in 1914 a separate section was devoted
to rural sanitation presided over by Sir Harcourt Butler,
Governor of the United Provinces.
At the time when the Sanitary Conference was held in
Madras the prevailing notion among medical and sanitary
officers in India was that it was by spreading popular educa-
tion in public health that the people of India could be saved
from the clutches of the pestilence which was creating such
a terrible havoc among them. It was assumed that they were
utterly ignorant even of the elementary principles of hygiene
200 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
and hence they brought various deadly diseases on themselves.
At the Madras Conference a Medical Officer, Major J. G. N.
Stokes, I.M.S., read a paper on this subject and submitted
a proposal to the effect that school-masters, members of
municipalities, vaccinators and policemen should be given a
training in the rudiments of hygiene and they should be
competent to impart their knowledge to the mass of the
population.
Thereupon Moti lyal observed that the people of India
knew as much as the brilliant gallaxy of medical men present
at the Conference did, that by drinking pure water or keeping
their villages well-drained and free from jungle they could
preserve their health better ; but if they did not do it, it
was not because of their ignorance of simple hygienic laws
but because they were too poor to improve their sanitary
surroundings, and the Government was far from liberal in its
help in this respect. If low class villagers were found to
bathe, now and then, in the same tank with their buffaloes,
as the President of the Conference had observed, it was due
to the fact, remarked Moti Lai, that they had perhaps got
only one tank for drinking, washing and other purposes and
were thus quite helpless in the matter. So Moti I,al said
that the real remedy against the decimation of the people by
pestilential maladies did not lie in popular education in public
health, though no doubt it had its great value, but in practical
measures of sanitation such as supply of pure drinking water,
good drainage, clearing of jungles, and above all, improvement
of the economic condition of the bulk of the population.
Indeed, the first and foremost duty of the powers that be
should be to improve the economic condition of the people.
If the people ^re economically independent, if they are not
in a state of perpetual famine and constantly struggling for
keeping their body and soul together but have enough money
for their food and raiment and to spare, Governments will find
that nine-tenths of their troubles are gone. Governments will
find that such happy and contented people will not only look
after their own sanitation and education but will also carry
RURAL SANITATION 201
out many things which it is the function and the duty of the
Government to do. If on the other hand the people are ever
in want of money, far from being a helping hand to the
Government they are a clog on the wheels of Government.
For a people of a subject country poverty is the worst
imaginable evil. Poverty brings about bad sanitation ; bad
sanitation leads to ill-health ; ill-health stands in the way of
education and leads to ignorance and weakness ; and ignorance
and weakness are followed by poverty there is hardly any
escape from this vicious circle.
Dr. W. G. King, formerly a Sanitary Commissioner with
the Government of Madras and Dr. W. J. Simpson, Professor
of Hygiene, King's College, wrote a joint letter to the Times
of London in January 1913 regarding the question of Indian
sanitation. In that letter they complained that Reuter did
not wire to the London papers Lord Pentland's address at the
Madras Sanitary Conference and the part which Babu Moti
Lai Ghose took in its proceedings. The doctors wrote that
both His Excellency and Babu Moti Lai Ghose, who was a
delegate from Bengal, pleaded that the sanitary condition of
the rural population demanded greater attention than that of
the urban, the latter urging that the people must first be
saved from an appalling death-rate from preventible diseases
and then educated.
Following is an extract from the letter published in the
Times:
"Sir We attempted in your issue of October 14
to show the absurdity of a scheme advanced by the
Government of India which would limit the executive
sanitary service to municipalities, or 7 per cent, of the
population, whilst the rural population, amounting to
93 per cent, (or 227 millions) and admittedly suffering
from an appalling death-rate from preventible disease,
is, with a blind faith in academic methods, left to find
salvation in education.
"In your telegram of December 31, it is now
reported that these opinions have evoked 'adverse
criticism* in India.
303 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
"It is, however, curious that in a telegram pur-
porting to describe the Sanitary Conference at Madras
and making special reference to 'adverse criticism' of
our views, no reference is made to Lord Pentland's
closing address, in which they were fully justified. He
stated : 'In a country like this, where so large a
percentage of the population live under rural conditions,
there may be some danger that the clamant needs of
the towns and centres of industry may over-shadow
interests and wants. The importance of a pure water-
supply and other essentials of health is as vital to the
villages as it is to the large towns and cities.'
"Further Babu Moti Lai Ghose, the editor of a
well-known Indian journal, while stating that he yielded
to none in his desire for spread of education, in assert-
ing the rights of rural areas, twitted the President in
an amusing parable of 'two wives' on his obvious dis-
regard of the interests of practical sanitation, and
appealed to him to 'show more substantial tokens of
his love for his neglected wife Sanitation
For, in one sense Sanitation demands more attention
than Education.' He specially called attention to the
unchecked loss of life as influencing adversely the
economic advance of the country and he challenged that
officer (the President) to show that Indians did not
understand ordinary hygienic laws ; he maintained it
was not academic ignorance of these laws which was
at the root of the great mortality but the absence of
practical sanitation as applied to communities. Such
contentions but illustrate how deeply the Education
Department has blundered in not distinguishing between
personal hygiene and the sanitation of communities, and
has aggravated this by insisting that the latter must
wait for the development of the former at the hands of
the school-master."
It is certainly very gratifying to note that Babu Moti
Lai's efforts in drawing the attention of the authorities to the
sad condition of the rural population did not go in vain.
Indeed all the points that he urged upon the President were
more or less attended to. The necessity of supplying pure
water and other essentials of health in rural areas was officially
acknowledged in the Imperial and Provincial Budgets of the
following year and considerable grants were made for the
purpose. The Cess money was also transferred to the District
Boards.
CHAPTER XXXVI
PUBLIC SERVICES COMMISSION AGAIN
Moti Lai's Note for Indianisation His Memorandum on the Services
Press Opinion.
A Royal Commission on Public Services in India came to
this country in 1912-13. It was composed of Lord Islington,
President ; Earl of Ronaldshay, Sir Murray Hammick, Sir
Theodore Morrison, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, Hon. Mr. W.
C. Madge, Hon. Mr. G. K. Gokhale, Hon. Mr. B. Choubal,
Mr. Justice Abdur Rahim, Mr. H. L. Fisher and Hon. Mr.
P. G. Sly, Members.
It may be remembered that it was the Public Services
Commission of 1889 which had brought Moti Lai into promi-
nence before the public eye. So it was expected that this
time also he would take a prominent part. But in January,
1913 when the Commission came to Calcutta Moti Lai had
been lying ill and this prevented him from accepting the
invitation of the Chairman of the Royal Public Services Com-
mission to appear before the Commission in Calcutta for the
purpose of giving oral evidence on the subject of the Indian
and Provincial services. But in his written note and in the
columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika he emphasised the
fact that in violation of Queen Victoria's famous Proclamation
of 1858 Indians had been all but ostracized from all the higher
appointments. He tried to impress upon the powers that be
that there should be simultaneous examinations in England
as well as in India for admission to the Covenanted Civil
Service, that half the District Magistrateships and three-fourths
of the District Judgeships should be reserved for the children
of the soil, that two of the Secretaries to Government and all
the Under-Secretaries should be Indians, that one of the
Deputy Inspector-Generals of Police should be an Indian and
that half the appointments of District Superintendents of
Police should be reserved for our countrymen.
MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Viewed from the modern political standpoint Moti Lai's
demands appear to be too moderate, but in his time even these
were considered as too much.
Moti Lai submitted a lengthy memorandum on Indian
and Provincial Civil Services to the Public Services Commission
in 1913 when the Commission visited Calcutta. In his memo-
randum he strongly supported simultaneous Civil Service
examinations in England and India. He also suggested that
if this measure could not be introduced the Statutory Civil
Service should be revived on the competitive principle, that
is, the method of recruitment should be open competitive
examination, successful candidates being classified in one list
according to merit and no difference being made between them
and England passed Civilians in respect of pay, powers,
pensions and status.
Moti Lai also recommended a reduction of pay and number
of Civilians. While arguing in favour of the reduction of pay
he said that the highest pay of the members of the Ceylonese
Civil Service was not more than Rs. 2,000 per mensem. He
urged that India should be governed not only efficiently but
also according to her means. He pointed out that the average
annual income per head of the Indians was only between Rs. 24
and Rs. 27 and so they were not fit to maintain such a costly
public service as they were doing. He suggested that the
crushing nature of the cost which the maintenance of the public
services entailed on the people could be minimised by employ-
ment of cheap indigenous talent more largely for carrying on
the administration of the country, and by reducing the pay
and number of foreign Civilians. He protested against the
allegation of Civilian witnesses that the character of the Indian
administration was English. He also said that English
University education was not necessary to make good
administrators in India.
Moti Lai's memorandum created a flutter in official circles
and it was heartily received by the Indian press. The Indian
Daily News, then an influential Anglo-Indian daily paper
published the memorandum in extenso and in course of its
PRESS COMMENTS ON THE MEMORANDUM 205,
comments observed that "it gives the case for simultaneous
examination as ably as we have seen it put." The Modern
Review of Srijut Ramananda Chatterjee observed that "Babu
Moti Lai Ghose's memorandum is a very able and convincing
production." The Indian Patriot of Madras and the Indu
Prokash of Bombay wrote long leaders in appreciation of the
memorandum and Mr. D. E. Wacha of Bombay who was
considered as an authority on most Indian questions wrote:
"Babu Moti Lai has done rightly in going through
the question. Mr. Dadabhoy has, I believe, written
privately on this and pointed out how the drain arises
and how it can be removed. Speaking personally for
myself, I do say that the evidence of Babu Moti Lai
is excellent, reasonable and elaborate."
Moti Lai's memorandum, his answers to the questions and
a long series of articles written by him on the subject and
published as leaders in the Amrita Bazar Patrika, were after
some time reprinted and sold in a book form. Within a few
months of their publication all the copies were sold off.
It seems Moti Lai's memorandum and articles in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika had their desired effect to some extent
at least. For in later years the principle of simultaneous Civil
Service examinations in England and India was accepted by
Government and at present the examinations for the Indian
Civil Service are held both in England and in India. We are
fondly looking forward to the day when the examinations will
be held in India only.
CHAPTER XXXVII
THE AMRITA BAZAR PATRIKA CONTEMPT CASE
Barisal Conspiracy Case Police and C. I D. Criticised by Patrika Case
Against Patrika for Commenting on Pending Proceedings Dismissed
With Costs Anglo-Indian Press Comments.
In May, 1913 appeared some editorial paragraphs and
articles in the Amrita Bazar Patrika commenting on what was
known as the Barisal Conspiracy Case in which as many as
forty-four accused persons were charged under Section 121 A
of the Indian Penal Code the comments were published at a
time when the case was yet pending before the Additional
Magistrate of Barisal.
On the 1 2th May, 1913 Mr. Lionel Hewitt Colson, Special
Superintendent, Intelligence Branch, Criminal Investigation
Department, Indian Police Service, filed a petition of com-
plaint in the Court of the Additional Magistrate of Barisal,
alleging that one Girindra Mohan Das and forty-three others
were guilty of offences under Section 121 A of the Indian Penal
Code. The Magistrate, Mr. Nelson, examined the complainant
on oath, recorded his deposition and directed certain warrants
to be issued. In the meantime some editorial paragraphs and
articles were published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika between
i9th and 3oth May, commenting on the action of the Police
in taking a photograph of one Narendra Mohan Sen, an
accused in that case, while he was in the lock-up, refusal of
the Court to give copies of the petition of complaint, sworn
deposition of complainant and the Government sanction, to
another accused named Sasanka Mohan Ghose, house-searches
and arrests at Barisal and some other connected matters.
Following are some extracts from one of the articles:
"Three weeks ago we first heard of the alleged
Barisal Conspiracy Case from a very high official. Our
informant himself was not quite sure of the correctness
of tis information which was based on rumour, though
ACTION OF THE C. I. D. CRITICISED 207
it seemed to him to be a well-founded one. He enquired
of us if we knew anything about the matter, and we
pleaded ignorance. We, however, told him that such
a thing could not happen so long as Bengal was under
the control of a Governor like Lord Carmichael ; for,
His Excellency would never allow the peace of the
province to be disturbed, which he has established by
his tact, judgment and ardent sympathy. But it is now
clear that we proved a false prophet ; and our deep
disappointment at the institution of the case may better
be imagined than described.
"Fancy the sensational and terror-striking character
of the present movements of the Criminal Intelligence
Department. A number of the alleged accused were
not hiding themselves like criminals but moving in
society as honest people. One of them, we are told,
is a Headmaster of a High School who was proceeding
home to enjoy his summer holidays and was arrested
in a railway train. Another, a school Pundit, was
arrested while attending on his sick relations. A boy
reading in the second class of the Sitakund School is
also under Police custody ; and so is another boy who
is a student of the Campbell Medical School living in
Serpentine Lane, Calcutta. And so on. If these men
and boys were really members of a dangerous conspiracy,
it is reasonable to suppose that the fact would have
oozed out and the school authorities or committees
would have never permitted them to hold responsible
posts or read in any Aided or Government schools.
And why were they arrested clandestinely and put in
hajat, without their or their friends knowing anything
of the nature of the evidence the Police has got against
them ? Such a procedure is bound to unsettle the public
mind.
"Mark then the sense of proportion and propriety
of the C. I. D. officials. The accused consisting of a
few unarmed Bengalees, all under Police custody, were
each of them surrounded by a separate batch of armed
Gurkhas ! Was not this military demonstration perfectly
unnecessary and quite ridiculous? We also learn that
some of the accused were brought from Chittagong,
Noakhali and other places to Barisal handcuffed and
tied with a rope from behind. Why this needless
cruelty? Are the suffragist conspirators being treated
in this fashion in England? The only object it served
was to strike terror among the people, which certainly
MEMOIRS OF MOTlLAL GHOSE
is not calculated to evoke their affection for the
Administration.
"Fancy also the accused, including a school-boy
reading in ther Second Class, charged with waging war
against the King! Did they conspire to attack Fort
William with Maxim Guns and Catlings?
"Ponder, again, on the wide-spread nature of the
alleged conspiracy. It extends from Chittagong to
Calcutta. Houses in various parts of Backergung,
Dacca, Chittagong, Noakhali and Calcutta have been
searched, and we have no doubt other districts will in
due course come in for their share of the trouble. And
one wonders if a large number of people, if not the
whole nation, will gradually be sought to be implicated
in the conspiracy, and the whole country turned upside
down !
"What is most incomprehensible to us is, why
should the accused Bhadraloke dacoits be dealt with in
a different manner from the professional dacoits. A
dacoit is a dacoit whether he belongs to a respectable
or a criminal class. The country is not sought to be
convulsed by the display of military force or house-
searches, when ordinary dacoits are hauled up by the
Police ; nor are they tried by a Special Magistrate.
Why could not this procedure be also adopted in regard
to Bhadralokes, when they are charged with dacoity or
any other serious crime ! And is it not unfair and
unjust that an accused should be treated as a criminal
of the worst type before he is put on his trial and con-
victed? Why should the defendants in the present
case, at least such of them against whom there is no
positive evidence, be handcuffed, or refused bail, and
made to rot in jail before they have been found guilty ?
"We appeal to Lord Carmichael to go through the
Police papers himself and study the matter with that
serious and undivided attention which it deserves.
Indeed, he has a grave responsibility in this connection.
If His Excellency is convinced that a prima facie case
has been made out, the accused must stand their trial.
But in that case, every facility should be given to them
to defend themselves. The odds are heavily against
them. The prosecution will be backed by the unlimited
resources of the Government ; but the poor wretches in
the position of the defendants are not only without
friends or funds, but their personal liberty has been
taken away from them. The fight is thus most uneqttal,
and the Government should give them every reasonable
CASE AGAINST PAT RIKA 209
opportunity to clear their characters, if they are
innocent. If we are correctly informed, in England the
State provides legal help for undefended accused in
important cases. Why should not our Government also
follow the same generous policy by which it would raise
itself in the estimation of the public?"
The depth of feeling with which the above was written
created a great impression. The public were indignant.
Anglo-Indian papers fell foul of the Patrika and charged it
with commenting on a case which was, according to them,
sub judice and thus obstructing the course of justice ; and yet
at the same time they justified the proceedings of the Police
in arresting people and treating them like worst criminals,
though they had not yet been tried and convicted. While the
Amrita Bazar Patrika, in consonance with the principles of
British jurisprudence, assumed the persons arrested as innocent
till their guilt was established in a court of law and criticised
the action of the Police for their treatment of these persons,
Anglo-Indian papers which wanted the head of the Patrika on
a charger defied those salutary principles of British jurispru-
dence, assumed that the arrested persons were guilty and
justified the action of the Police in treating the arrested
persons in the way they had done.
The authorities thought that they could not sleep over
the matter. The Chief Secretary to the Government informed
the editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika that the report published
in the paper alleging that a photograph was taken in the
hajat of one of the arrested persons named Narendra Nath Sen
was not correct. The letter of contradiction was published
in the Patrika on the 24th May.
Within a fortnight, to be more precise, on Friday the
6th June, 1913 the Advocate General of Bengal (the Hon'ble
Mr. G. H. B. Kenrick) with Mr. Buckland appeared before the
Chief Justice (Sir Lawrence Jenkins) and Mr. Justice Asutosh
Mukherjee in the Calcutta High Court and moved an applica-
tion for the appointment of a Bench to hear an application
for a rule to commit certain persons for contempt of court in
14
210 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
respect of articles commenting on pending proceedings
published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
On Wednesday June 18, 1913 a Special Bench of the
Calcutta High Court presided over by the Chief Justice (Sir
Lawrence Jenkins), Mr. Justice Stephen and Mr. Justice
Asutosh Mukherjee sat to hear the case. Babu Moti Lai Ghose
as editor and manager and Babu Tarit Kanti Biswas as printer
and publisher of the Amrita Bazar Patrika were called upon
to show cause why they should not be committed to prison
for contempt of court for publishing a series of articles com-
menting on the case of Emperor v. Girindra Mohan Dass and
others, better known as the Barisal Conspiracy case which was
then pending before Mr. Nelson, Additional District Magistrate
of Barisal.
The Advocate General (the Hon'ble Mr. G. H. B. Kenrick)
with Mr. Buckland represented the Crown. Mr. Jackson with
Mr. St. John Stephen and Mr. K. N. Chaudhuri appeared for
Babu Moti Lai Ghose ; Mr. B, Chakravarti with Mr. B. K.
Lahiri, Mr. C. C. Ghose and Mr. J. C. Ghose represented Tarit
Kanti Biswas.
At the outset Mr. Jackson (popularly known as "Tiger"
Jackson) wanted an adjournment till some day in the next
week. "As a matter of fact," he said, "my client was served
on Sunday in the train at Kurseong and I have not had time
to look at anything. If your Lordships look at the array of
books on the other side your Lordships will see that it is
absolutely necessary that I should have time to look into the
matter and prepare whatever is necessary to meet the
application."
The Advocate-General said that the whole of the proceed-
ings were published in the Press on the 7th June and so Babu
Moti Lai had information of the whole matter. He continued
that on the isth June Babu Moti Lai Ghose was personally
served. Clerks charged with effecting service came to know
from the Calcutta office of the Amrita Bazar Patrika that
Babu Moti Lai had gone to Darjeeling. So they went to
A PASSAGE AT ARMS a"
f
Darjeeling and heard that he had left for Kurseong. They
followed him to Kurseong and effected the service there.
The Chief Justice said: I have had an opportunity of
looking at your affidavits in this case and I cannot see any-
thing which is legal evidence that Babu Moti Lai Ghose is
the editor of the paper.
Advocate-General : In the affidavit of service it appears
that when they went to the office of the paper to enquire for
Babu Moti Lai Ghose, the editor and manager of the paper,
the sub-editor said, 'Yes, the editor and manager is in
Darjeeling.'
Chief Justice: That will not do at all. It is a very
serious matter. I have noticed the petition and it did not
occur to me that you rely on the petition as pledging the
oath of the Legal Remembrancer that to his actual knowledge
Babu Moti Lai Ghose was the editor and manager.
Advocate-General : That is his information as it appears.
Chief Justice: You cannot do that in a criminal matter.
Advocate-General : I have got from the Registrar of
Joint-Stock Companies the original Articles of Association of
the Company which show that Babu Moti Lai Ghose is one
of the Directors.
Chief Justice : You got leave from us on a representation
which was made in good faith that you have proof that Babu
Moti Lai Ghose was the editor and manager. You have not
got that evidence.
Advocate-General : There were similar proceedings in
this Court against Babu Moti Lai Ghose in which he did not
deny that he was the manager.
Chief Justice : You have got your leave on these! materials
(pointing to the affidavits). If we find these materials do not
justify that which is the essential fact in the case you cannot
amplify that now. I am sure you do not want argument for
that. That is elementary.
Advocate-General: If your Lordships look at the affidavit
of service it appears from the sub-editor himself.
2i2 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Chief Justice: Can you in a criminal matter use the
information of a third party against the party impugned?
Advocate-General: No. I agree with Your Lordship.
I put it this way that having it on information that he is the
editor and manager certainly it is for him to disprove that
it is not a fact that he is the editor or manager.
Chief Justice : How can a person be bound to deny that
which is not evidence against him?
Advocate-General: Your Lordships will allow me to put
in a supplementary affidavit from the Registrar of Joint-Stock
Companies with reference to Babu Moti Lai Ghose.
Chief Justice: Nothing of that kind.
Ultimately the motion as against Babu Moti Lai Ghose
was dismissed with costs, the Chief Justice holding that
"materials necessary to fasten responsibility on him were
wholly wanting." The case against the printer and publisher
was heard on its merits. That case also was dismissed with
costs, the Judges holding that "in the present case no con-
tempt justifying summary action on our part has been estab-
lished." Justice Sir Asutosh Mukherjee observed, "In my
opinion these articles plainly do not constitute a contempt of
this Court."
This case led to the introduction of the Contempt of
Court Bill in the Supreme Legislative Council of India, which
laid down that the name of the editor should be published
in each issue of a journal edited by him. But before the Bill
could be passed the Great War broke out and the matter was
deferred till 1926.
Though some of the Anglo-Indian papers had incited the
Government to take action against the editor of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika there were others who resented this. The
Capital, then edited probably by the late Mr. Shearly
Tremearne, wrote as follows on the result of the case :
"Parturiunt monies, nasitur riduculus mus. No
comment could be more appropriate than this old Latin
tag to the failure of the official prosecution of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika f for contempt for its articles
deprecating the trial for conspiracy of certain bhadralogs
INDIAN AND ENGLISH PRESS 213
of Barisal. Those articles were written in a heightened
style, but we have within very recent times read articles
in the London papers far more provocative of the worst
passions of human nature and far more derogatory to
the Government of the day. Of course it will be argued
that India is not England and that what is inoccuous
at Home is dangerous out here. Doubtless, but at the
same time it must be remembered that the Indian Press
is an offspring of the Press of Great Britain, and in
the last degree imitative of the methods of its parents.
Indian papers have learnt much from the way in which
the journalistic opposition to Home Rule for Ireland
has been conducted by Conservative papers in England
and their Anglo-Indian gramophones. When these can
curse and blaspheme with impunity, because they do
not like a certain policy, which has the support of the
majority in the House of Commons, and even go further
and incite to armed rebellion, it is hard to blame an
Indian paper for opposing with heated rhetoric a
measure, which it rightly or wrongly, yet honestly,
thinks will be subversive of the peace of the community.
"We are delighted to accept as sound the law of
the Chief Justice and his learned colleagues. It is a
powerful vindication of the liberty of the Press, of
which the Indian Bureaucracy are so jealous, and strive
so hard to curtail. For all that we pity the journalist
who would have the temerity to run an outspoken
paper in Simla or Delhi as long as Sir Reginald Craddock
remains in charge of the portfolio of the Home Depart-
ment. It were better that he had never been born."
The Indian Daily News, also edited by an Anglo-Indian
commented on the case as follows :
"The contempt case against the Amrita Bazar
Patrika is of considerable importance to all newspapers,
because it represents an oppressive method of procedure
which has only been introduced of recent years
This sort of legal bluff, as one may call it, began about
the year 1903, and since then there has been' an incessant
controversy between the lawyers and the newspapers as
to what the lawyers called 'trial by newspapers.' The
lawyers invented the idea that a twentieth century jury
might be prejudiced by reading something whether
true or not was immaterial about the prisoner. They
proposed to stop all allusions to a current topic in the
interest or supposed interest of justice The
idea that publication in a newspaper of what everyone
is saying is calculated to prejudice the trial or influence
214 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
a jury or deter people from giving evidence is a relic
of a time when the world was more ignorant than it is.
Mr. Justice Phillimore ridiculed the idea
of contempt and said that the world had gone mad about
contempt. ..... We venture to say that the whole
idea of 'trial by newspaper* is a legal fiction and that,
in fact, neither the prisoner nor anyone else is ever
injured by anything that is said. Juries are honest
enough to see to that and the whole idea is based on
improbabilities. "
The Englishman, however, took a very adverse view of
the judgment and wrote a long tirade against the High Court
of Calcutta which according to that paper "had dealt a blow
at the Government which had brought it into existence. " It
considered the decision of the case as "heartening the
Nationalists, and also the Extremists, who profit, naturally,
from every victory won by the former." Wrote the
Englishman, while commenting on this case :
"The Amrita Bazar Patrika is certainly the best
known among Europeans. It is considered both a bane
and a blessing a bane, because, whether consciously
or unconsciously, it seems to be always stirring the
racial prejudice. But it is a blessing for two reasons.
One of them, by no means to be neglected in a country
which is wanting in humour, is its extreme pawkiness.
There may be an appearance of mischief in its attacks
upon the Government and upon official personages but
these are generally delivered with so great a sense of
the ridiculous and such a witty choice of language that
even those who are hurt most cannot avoid laughter.
The other reason why the Patrika is so largely read by
Europeans is because of the violent honesty with which
it is accustomed to reveal the faction fights and intrigues
in the very party which it claims to represent. But for
the Patrika the impression might have got abroad that the
agitators were a united and formidable body under a strict
sense of discipline and owing unquestioned obedience
to a leader. Now we know that there is no discipline and
no leader, and that petty jealousies and ambitions hamper
the path of all the local Garibaldies. The Editor of the
Patrika seemed to be a kind of mischievous sprite
according to the High Court he is also a phantom without
a name never so happy as when shooting arrows and
quite indifferent whether he pierces friend or foe."
CHANGES IN UNIVERSITY ADMINISTRATION
The fact is that at the time when the Barisal Conspiracy
Case and as a corollary to it the Amrita Bazar Patrika contempt
case- were heard there was no law as now prescribing the
name of the editor to be published in every issue of a news-
paper, and as such the name of Babu Moti Lai Ghose did not
appear anywhere in the paper as its editor, though as a matter
of fact the public knew that he was the editor of the paper.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
MOTILAL AS A PUBLIC MAN
Government's Educational Policy Moti Lai's Speech Public Activities
Damodar Floods.
In the middle of 1913 the Government of India wanted
to introduce certain changes in the administration of the
Calcutta University. The University Act of 1904 had set up
the Executive Government above the body corporate of the
Universities and had officialised them both in their inter-
national constitution and external relations. A semblance of
control and authority was left in the hand of the University
under this Act of Lord Curzon. But in 1913 proposals were
made for taking away from the University the little power
that was left in its hand. It was proposed that the power of
giving recognition to Secondary Schools be taken away from
the University and the School Final be substituted for the
Matriculation examination. The proposal raised a storm of
protest in the country and meetings were held far and near
disapproving of the proposed changes.
In the columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika it was
written :
"The new Educational policy means nothing but
tightening the iron grip of officialdom and civiliandom,
stunting of our manhood and disaster to the cause of
the education of our children all along."
On Monday the 28th of July a public meeting of the
people of Bengal was held at the Town Hall of Calcutta to
2i6 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
consider this new educational policy of the Government of
India. Preparations for this meeting had been going on for
long and protest meetings had been held in almost all the
important districts and subdivisions of the presidency at which
delegates were elected. On the motion of Dr. Rash Behari
Ghose, Raja Peary Mohon Mukherjee of Uttarpara took the
chair. Among the speakers there were Srijuts Bhupendra Nath
Basu, Heramba Chandra Maitra, Byomcase Chakravarti,
Ambica Charan Mazumdar, Surendra Nath Banerjea, Moti Lai
Ghose, Hirendra Nath Datta, Dr. Nil Ratan Sircar and others.
Several resolutions were passed protesting against the policy
of thfi Government to exclude persons taking part in political
movements from appointment as University professors, to
interfere unnecessarily with the internal administration of
the University and against other Government measures.
Babu Moti Lai Ghose delivered a very highly interesting
and humorous speech in seconding the resolution moved by
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea urging on the Government to
abandon their scheme of transferring the power of recognition
of Secondary Schools for the purposes of the Matriculation
Examination from the University to the Local Government.
He said :
"The woman who professes greater love for a child
than its mother is regarded as a witch. Is it not a
queer phenomenon that alien officials should claim
greater solicitude and greater tenderness for the welfare
of our children than their own countrymen who are
their natural guardians? We wonder how would the
English people take it if a number of say Japanese
officials were to tell them to place the education of
English students in their hands and not in those of the
English Universities. But everything is possible in
India."
Moti Lai's activities were now varied and multifarious.
In the beginning of his career he was more or less confined to
his desk and was averse to joining public meetings. But
gradually he was dragged out of his editorial sanctum, and
about the time of which I am writing he was associated with
almost every matter in which the public were interested. Not
ATTENDING PUBLIC MEETINGS AND FUNCTIONS 217
only had he to attend public meetings and functions and speak
to large audiences, he had also to serve in many Committees
of public organisations or associations. It is not possible to
describe in detail the functions which he had to attend or over
which he had to preside. He was dragged from one end of
the city to the other and had to visit the four corners of the
city and its suburbs also in order to keep his public engage-
ments. These included prize distributions in schools, anni-
versaries of clubs, farewell or "at home" parties, educative
lectures on social or political or other subjects, religious
demonstrations, like Sankirtans, Puja, etc., demonstrations of
physical feats and what not. The writer remembers to have
attended many such functions with Moti Lai. One such func-
tion which just comes up to my mind was held at Chandernagar
where Moti Lai presided over the final game of the Bangiya
Vel-dig-dig Pratiyogita or the Bengal Vel-dig-dig competition
(V el-dig-dig or Hadu-dudu is an Indian game). And it was
here that the writer who accompanied Moti Lai to Chander-
nagar saw Moti Lai Ghose of the Patrika holding communion
with Moti Lai Roy of the Prabartak (a Bengali periodical).
Another such function (to mention one among a number) to
which the writer accompanied Moti Lai was the demonstration
lecture of Srijut Krishna Chandra Ghose Vedanta-chintamani
on the subject of Sangiter Mukti Banam Sangiter Bandhan
(i.e.,* Emancipation of Music Versus Confinement of Music).
This was a lecture delivered at the pavilion of a Calcutta
theatre by the above-named gentleman under the auspices of a
society named Sangit-Parishad Vidyalaya, whose aim was to
propagate classical Indian music amongst the Indian people.
Moti Lai was a lover of classical music like Dhrupad and
Kheyal, though he liked Kirtan also. And hence he was
requested to preside over the meeting where this lecture was
delivered. But space does not permit me to refer to many
such meetings. I shall only refer to one incident during this
period.
The 8th of August, 1913 was a fateful day in the annals
of Bengal. Owing to a sudden rise in the river Damodar
2i8 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
there was a flood in Burdwan which rendered thousands upon
thousands of men, women and children utterly destitute,
railway lines were broken, cattle were washed away and houses
collapsed in any number. So much so that the flood was
described as an unprecedented one, it formed the topic of
conversation in society, high or low, newspapers devoted
column after column to the descriptions of the floods and
appealed for funds for the relief of the distressed. Meetings
were also held far and near with the object of raising funds.
The floods created such a sensation that Matriculation and
Intermediate examinees of the next term had essays written
by their teachers on the subject and committed them to
memory in expectation that they would be asked to write
essays on the subject at their examinations.
Relief work was undertaken vigorously by patriotic
Bengalis. Babu Moti Lai Ghose wrote a series of articles on
the floods in the Amrita Bazar Patrika appealing both to the
Government and the people for giving succour to the flood-
stricken. Several organisations were started for relief works
and many existing organisations like, say, the Ramkrishna
Mission took up the relief operations. A public meeting was
held at the Town Hall of Bengal presided over by the then
Governor of Bengal, Lord Carmichael. An Executive Com-
mittee with Chief Justice Sir Lawrence Jenkins as President for
raising funds in aid of the sufferers was formed. Moti Lai was
one of the members of the Committee and spoke feelingly on
the occasion appealing to the Governor to come forward to
help the distressed. "May we hope," he asked the Governor,
"that if we can raise one lakh of rupees the Government will
be graciously pleased to add nine lakhs more to it from the
public exchequer? My reply to those who say that the
Government cannot spend the general tax-payers' money for
such a purpose is ask the tax-paying public, take a plebescite
among them, and I can guarantee that 99 per cent, of them
will cheerfully permit the custodian of their money, the
Government, to spend it freely for this good and noble cause.*'
He also impressed upon the Governor the necessity of relax-
THE GREAT WAR 2ig
ing the hard and fast rules of the sunset law in the case of
the landlords affected by the flood.
It may be said in passing that those were days when
Governors and Chief Justices felt for the misery of the people
whose destiny lay in their hands. They could freely mix with
them and their leaders and in this respect Lord Carmichael
and Sir Lawrence Jenkins were exemplary, so much so that
Lord Carmichael opened the Swadeshi Mela at 172, Bowbazar
Street on the 5th September, 1913 and in doing so delivered
a long speech encouraging the use of Swadeshi goods.
CHAPTER XXXIX
THE GREAT WAR
Moti L/al Co-operates with Government Recruiting Bengali Soldiers and
Volunteers Braveries of Bengalis Recalled Disillusioned at the End
of the War A Confirmed Opponent of Government.
The Great War broke out in the middle of 1914. To be
precise on the 4th of August, 1914 it was declared by His
Majesty King George V that England was now at war with
Germany. The whole of India was at once thrown into a state
of excitement. The War became the chief topic of conversa-
tion among all classes of people and the journalists were no
exception to the rule. As a matter of fact it was through the
newspapers that people came to know of the war and to the
newspapers they went for knowing more and more about the
day to day progress of the war.
Within a fortnight after the declaration of the War a
meeting of all sections of Indians, chief among whom were
Hindus, Mahomedans and Parsis, residing in Calcutta and
suburbs was held in the Calcutta Town Hall under the
presidentship of Maharajadhiraj Bejoy Chand Mahatap Bahadur
of Burdwan to give expression to their feeling of loyalty and
offer their services in the defence of the Empire.
<22o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
The Raja of Kakina moved a resolution for co-operation
with the Government in the defence of the Empire and asking
Indians to enlist as Volunteers. Moti Lai, whose motto had
been to oppose and oppose the Government, thought that this
was an occasion when Indians ought to co-operate with the
Government. So he supported the motion of the Raja of
Kakina. He called upon the Government to permit Indians
to be enlisted as volunteers. He said :
"The reason why Indians were not allowed to enlist
themselves as volunteers was not their unfitness but
because they were not trusted. It was the Bengalees
who first invited the present rulers to this country and
it was with their help that the East India Company
conquered Bengal and Behar. The rulers had, there-
fore, no ground to suspect the Indians. Here was an
opportunity for the wise rulers to establish the British
rule permanently on the hearts of the people by con-
ferring on them the privilege of enlisting themselves as
volunteers for the defence of the Empire."
The Government were slow to accept Babu Moti Lai's
advice. They damped the enthusiasm of the people by
refusing to allow them the privilege of being volunteers though
they had wanted to serve as such. They, however, agreed to
utilize the services of 2000 Bengali youths for an ambulance
corps. It was after a good deal of agitation that good counsel
prevailed and the Government consented to form a Bengali
regiment.
Babu Moti Lai Ghose was one of the members of the
Executive Committee formed to invite recruits and take steps
for the organisation of the Bengalee Double Company. Dr. S.
K. Mullick who was the Secretary of this Committee often used
to meet Babu Moti Lai and hold consultations with him
regarding the work of recruitment. Dr. Mullick's indefatig-
able energy resulted in the recruitment of a substantial
number of Bengali bhadraloks who went to the actual war-
front and proved that Bengal could help the Empire not with
money but with men also. Recruitment meetings were held
here, there and everywhere. Moti Lai addressed many of
these meetings or presided over them. To give a hearty send-
BENGALI SOLDIERS 221
off to the first batch of Bengali soldiers and for recruitment
of fresh batches a crowded meeting was held at the Star
Theatre, Calcutta about the middle of September in 1916 under
the presidency of Babu Moti Lai Ghose. The enthusiasm
among the people was so very great that the seats were
occupied long before the advertised hour and a few minutes
before the proceedings commenced the spacious auditorium
was over-crowded, there being not even standing room. Babu
Moti Lai Ghose delivered a long speech. The letter issued
over the signatures of Messrs. B. Chakravarti, C. R. Das and
J. Chaudlmry inviting recruits began thus:
"This is the first time in the history of British rule
in India that the Government has decided to admit
Bengalis into the army."
This statement, said Babu Moti Lai, was not correct. He
quoted Heber's Indian Journal (1824-25) to show that "that
little army with which Lord Clive did such wonders was raised
chiefly from Bengal.*' It was thus the Bengalis, who, he
said, had played such ari important part in securing the Empire
of India to the present rulers of the country. Moti Lai also
quoted Walter Hamilton's Gazetteer of 1815, which said :
"The native Bengalis are generally stigmatised as
pusillanimous and cowardly ; but it should not be
forgotten that at an early period of our military history
in India, they almost formed several of our battalions,
and distinguished themselves as brave and active
soldiers."
If Bengal, continued Babu Moti Lai, could furnish in
1765 "battalions which distinguished themselves as brave and
active soldiers" there was no reason why she would not be
able to do so in 1916. He quoted the instance of three brave
Bengalees the late Babu Peary Mohan Banerjee, known as the
fighting Munsiff, who did immense service to the British cause
during the Sepoy mutiny as the leader of a military force he
had himself raised, the late Babu Suresh Chandra Biswas who
began as a Private in the Brazilian army and rose to the
position of a Colonel for his bravery and heroism and last,
but not the least, the Bengali youth Jogendra Nath Sen of
222 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Chandernagore who entered as a Private in a British regiment
during the then present war and died in France in a trench.
He exhorted the youngmen to follow the teachings of the
Geeta and come forward to join the army in hundreds and
thousands. At the end of his speech he quoted a passage from
Colonel Leslie's address to the Eurasians in which he had cried
shame upon that community for failing to find 240 Anglo-
Indian recruits for His Majesty's forces and he declared that
it were better that the whole Bengali race were drowned in
the high sea than that such humiliating words should be
addressed to them.
Moti Lai was closely associated with Dr. S. K. Mullick
in his activities in connection with raising volunteers from
Bengal for going to the War. In fact he attended and
addressed many recruiting meetings. Bengalees, he had all
along maintained, had been a brave people, and here was, he
said, an opportunity of proving this to the hilt. Like Mahatma
Gandhi and many other Indian leaders he firmly believed in
the assurances given from responsible quarters that if India
helped Britain in her hour of need her services would not go
unrewarded. He could never conceive that as the war would
be over England would resume her own form, as the saying
goes in Bengal, and, thus, he whole-heartedly co-operated
with the Government in their activities in connection with the
War. But, alas ! like many other leaders of India he was also
subsequently disillusioned and his faith in the uttered avoca-
tions of the Government was rudely shaken. He was at heart
a non-co-operator with the Government from the very begin-
ning ; for a time, during their days of distress, he co-operated
with them whole-heartedly ; but when returning prosperity
made them practically withdraw their promises, Moti Lai
became a confirmed non-co-operator. Oppose, oppose and
oppose the Government had been his motto and this he
maintained to the last.
In this connection I remember a very interesting conver-
sation that I had with him. Once I asked him "Why do you
oppose the Government at every step? Don't you think they
WHY GOVERNMENT IS CRITICISED 223
can do any good to us?" "Circumstanced as they are, I
don't think they can and hence I am for criticising all
measures of the Government good, bad or indifferent," said
he. "Criticise the bad measures by all means but why do
you criticise even the good measures? Suppose, the Govern-
ment decide upon opening a new hospital for Indians or a
new bridge on a railway, which are manifestly good measures
how can you criticise them?"
"You have yet to learn," said he. "If the Government
decide upon opening a new hospital we should be careful to
see that it is not made for the purpose of providing employ-
ment to British doctors and Anglo-Indian nurses or pushing
in India medicines manufactured in Great Britain. Again, if
the Government are going to construct new bridges or railways
I can swear orders will be placed for materials to British firms
providing employment for British engineers and contractors.
I can never forget that Britain is governing India not for the
latter's interest but in the interest of the British people. So
measures appearing to be beneficial when viewed superficially,
may be really injurious to our country."
CHAPTER XL
LATTER LIFE IN CALCUTTA
Moti Lai's Routine of Work Regular In Every thing Moti Lai and the
Writer.
Since 1914, young as I was, I had been the constant
companion of Moti Lai. I was born (in 1897) in the house
(2, Ananda Chatterjee Lane, Baghbazar) where he lived from
1874 till his death and I was brought up in that house under
his grand-fatherly care. I had seen him work day to day from
morn till night. He did everything according to strict routine.
In my younger days I had slept in the same bed with him.
Latterly I slept in the same room with him. He used
224 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
to go to bed very late in the night and before sleeping*
would sit up in bed for long, as he suffered from Insomnia
and sometimes from Asthma, and therefore he would get up
from bed very late. But latterly he was not suffering from
Insomnia and hence he went to bed early and would get up
early in the morning and go to the banks of the Ganges and
stroll about there for an hour. On returning home he would
read the daily newspapers and before 9 A.M. he would begin
writing articles for the Patrika. He would write upto
10 or ii A.M. and then bathe and take his meal. He was
a great advocate of walking and bathing. Before the bath
he would carefully rub mustard oil over his body and to every
European with whom he became intimate he recommended
this along with the wearing of dhoti and chudder.
After his morning meal though his home was his office
he did not take any nap but would begin writing at once.
In this way he would write upto 4 or 5 P.M. when he would
go out either for a walk or for attending meetings. Through-
out the day he was pestered with visitors and he was never
"not at home." Though very busy he would give a patient
hearing to everybody, rich and poor alike, who came to him
for advice or assistance. He was never a rich man, but his
wants were few. He had no luxury or hobby over which to
spend money. He was a perfect teetotaler and took one or
two betel-leaves only after taking his meals.
Moti L,al's favourite resort in the evening was the Ganges
side, but latterly it became too much crowded with people.
So he changed his venue and in the evening would go either
to the Cornwallis, College or Dalhousie Square or the Maidan.
He would count the number of times he walked round the
square so that he might know how many miles he had walked.
Latterly, when for ill-health he could not go out to any of
the squares or parks he would walk for hours on the verandah
of his house.
No one, they say, is a hero to his valet. So Moti I^al
Ghose with whom I was associated from my birth in 1897
to his death in 1922, t.e., for a period of 25 years, cannot be
MOTI LAL AND THE WRITER 225
a hero to me. I had the opportunity of looking to his fail-
ings as very few others had and so there were times when
1 thought that he was an ordinary mediocre man. But in
order to understand a man one must be either superior to
him or at least equal to him in greatness and thus it was
that I could not on many occasions understand him. I found
him almost always deeply immersed in his work in connection
with the Amrita Bazar Patrika. So, I was not a little
surprised when on a certain day while I was reading aloud
Spencer's doctrine of subspecie eternie from my text book for
the B.A. examination he heard me for some time and explained
the thing in a way which few Professors of Philosophy could
have done. He was raised in my estimation. Since then
while preparing his biography I had to study many of his
writings and now I have come to realise how vastly learned
he was and what a great thinker he was and it would be no
exaggeration to say that I have come to regard him as a hero.
I was his constant companion for many years : when boys
of my age were playing football or tennis in the afternoons
I was writing articles under his dictation or accompanying
him to political meetings. Often I revolted, he saw through
it and admonished me by saying, "If you are associating with
me you are learning many things which will stand you in
good stead in after life." A large number of his articles and
correspondence were dictated to me. In fact a major portion
of his speech at Krishnagar, of which I shall write afterwards,
was written by me under his dictation. He dictated for a
few hours daily for days together. On one occasion I revolted.
I meekly submitted that I had some home-tasks given by our
Professor of English and so had not much time at any disposal.
"Have you no pity for this old man?" he flared up, "I don't
require your help." I left my pencil and came away. But
soon I was filled with remorse and went to assist him again.
CHAPTER XLI
WHITE VERSUS BROWN
A Railway Incident "A Native Calls Me A Native" Black Swine and
White Swine.
I read with considerable interest and indignation the
account published a few years ago in the Patrika of the way
in which two highly placed respectable Indian officials were
sought to be insulted by a white planter and his Manager at
the Patna Railway Station. Incidents like the above were
things of common occurrence in India and if all of them
were reported newspaper columns would have been daily filled
up only with these. The incident reminded me of a similar
one in the life of my late lamented grandfather Babu Moti Lai
Ghose of revered memory which like many other incidents
of his life, significant or insignificant, had not been published
anywhere. I had it treasured up in my breast as I heard him
often narrate the story to his intimate friends, though he did
not publish it in any paper. I published this incident in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika sometime after his death.
The story is this. It occurred within the last decade of
Moti Lai's life. He was returning to Calcutta from Deoghur
where he had gone for a change of air. At the Jasidih
station (then named as Baidyanath Junction) he got into a
Second Class compartment. He found it occupied by a middle-
aged white man whom he took to be an Englishman and an
old lady, apparently a relation of his. No sooner had he
entered the carriage than the Saheb exclaimed, "Who are
you? Why do you come here?" With his characteristic
good humour Moti Lai replied, "I am a gentleman ; I have
come to travel?" "Why have you come here? This is for
Europeans only. You better go to the Inter Class,"- said
the Saheb. Moti Lai answered, "Well, this compartment is
not reserved for Europeans. Moreover when I have got a
ticket for the Second Class why should I go to the Inter Class?"
"A NATIVE CALLS ME A NATIVE" 227
"Well, you won't go, then I shall chuck you out," said the
Saheb gruffly. "Very well, I take my seat here, try to chuck
me out if you can" with this Babu Moti Lai calmly took
his seat on the bench. Now, imagine the situation. Moti
Lai was a lean old man at that time. But his opponent was
a man in the prime of his youth and white-skinned to boot.
Considering the numberless precedents of poor Indians
"possessing enlarged spleens which were always susceptible to
rupture even from the least powerful stimulus" this throwing
out of a challenge was a rather dangerous act for Babu Moti
Lai. The Saheb however understood that at last he had caught
a Tartar and did not make any more "golmal."
But as ill-luck would have it at this time out came from
the water-closet a young lady, apparently the wife of the
Saheb, and finding Moti Lai in the compartment she looked
askance at him and frowned and said, "Well, what brings
you here?" Moti Lai replied, "Madam, I have come to
travel." She asked, "How far are you going?" "I am going
to Calcutta," was the reply. "To Calcutta! my goodness!"
exclaimed the lady, "such a long distance with a native ! You
better go to some other compartment." With a smile in his
face Moti Lai said, "Madam, why do you hate me so much?
If I am a native you are also a native." "What, what,
a native! I am a native?" she shrieked out as if she had
trodden upon a snake, "Well Jack, see, a native calls me a
native." "Yes, Madam, what I have said is quite true. If
I am a native of India you are also a native of England,"
said Moti Lai. "But, but," screamed out the lady moving
her hand in the air, "but you are a black swine." "That
does not make much difference ; if I am a black swine you
are a white swine!" retorted Moti Lai characteristically.
The train was all this time stopping at the station and a
large number of men had assembled on the platform in front
of the compartment. The European trio now found that it
was difficult to fight with this Bengalee gentleman and they
called aloud for the Station Master. When he came the
European said to him that this Indian had insulted a European
228 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
lady by calling her a "native." Moti Lai also complained
against the European and his wife ; he said that the former had
threatened him by saying that he would chuck him out and
the latter had grossly insulted him by calling him a "black
swine." The train was to have stopped there only for
10 minutes ; but the hue and cry made her wait for some time
more.
By the bye, the Station Master, an Indian gentleman,
knew Babu Moti Lai very well and was not only a constant
reader of the Amrita Bazar Patrika which was then edited by
him, but was one amongst his numerous admirers. He at once
requested Babu Moti Lai to come and occupy a First Class
compartment ; and after hearing the whole story from those
who had assembled there he wired the substance of it to the
Station Master of Madhupur. Before leaving the compartment
Moti Lai asked the European tQ give him his name and address,
but the Saheb had locked up his mouth for ever and did not
utter a single word even when asked by the Station Master
in his official capacity to give his name and address.
Now when the train reached Madhupur, the station next
to Jasidih, the platform was found packed with the Railway
police and as soon as the train stopped the Station Master,
a European, came to Moti Lai in his new compartment and
inquired of him if he had any inconvenience there. "No,
thank you," said Moti Lai, "that European lady's unwilling-
ness to travel with a native has made me much comfortable
here.*' But lo, what did the Station Master do? He at once
went near the compartment in which the European gentleman
and the two ladies were travelling and ushered a good many
Indians into the compartment so that it was packed up and
all were Indians there save and except the European trio.
Many passengers had by this time understood what the matter
was and many came to Moti Lai and requested him to go and
see with his own eyes the plight of the trio, but Moti Lai
politely declined to do so. He, however, requested some
gentlemen to keep an eye on the European and try to get his
WHO WAS THIS EUROPEAN 229
name and address. But the Saheb would never disclose his
identity.
At Burdwan the Saheb and the Memsahebs got down and
were about to go away. On seeing this Moti Lai came out
of his compartment and asked some gentleman to get the
Saheb's name and address ; but the Saheb was silent as ever.
Moti Lai noticed that when going out of the platform the
European showed a pass-ticket to the ticket collector at the
gate. At once he sent a man to the ticket-collector from whom
it was ascertained that the name of the European was Mr.
M D 1 and he was an employee of the East Indian Railway
Company.
After coming to Calcutta Moti Lai wrote a letter in his
characteristic humorous style describing this incident to the
then Agent of the E. I. Railway, who after a sifting enquiry
into the matter wrote in reply that the employee in question had
been punished for his incivility.
How I wish I had kept a copy of Moti Lai's letter to the
Agent, so that I might give the whole story to the readers in
his inimitable style !
CHAPTER XLII
KRISHNAGAR CONFERENCE 1915
Encomiums by Surendra Nath and S. N. Mukherjee Some Points From
Moti Lai's Presidential Address A Programme of WorkAttitude of
Indian Press How Our Ancestors Lived Some Crying Needs Moti
Lai's Scheme And Non-Co-Operation Movement Compared Factory
System Not Good For India The Humble Charka Versus the Magni-
ficent Mill.
In recognition of the services he had done to his country
the people of Bengal elected Babu Moti Lai Ghose President
of the Bengal Provincial Conference in April, 1915. Rai
Prasanna Coomar Bose Bahadur, a leading member of the
Krishnagar Bar and an old friend of Moti Lai, was the Chairman
of the Reception Committee.
When the conference assembled Babu Surendra Nath
Banerjea proposed Babu Moti Lai Ghose to the chair. In doing
so he said :
"You who are now to occupy the presidential chair
are one of the last survivors of the great race who have
made Bengal what she is today. Your name will go
down along with those of Monmohon Ghose, Lai Mohon
Ghose, W. C. Bannerjea and others to remote posterity,
as one of the founders of modern Bengal (cheers). In
inviting you to occupy the presidential chair, we honour
ourselves. The history of this time will place you in
the front rank of our public men.
"Ladies and Gentlemen, Babu Moti Lai Ghose is
a veteran journalist, a greater veteran than myself.
Render unto Caeser the things that are Caeser's. He
is in the forefront of our public life. His grasp of
public questions is phenomenal. His treatment of them
is marked by a fervour of patriotism and keenness of
insight that extorts the admiration of friends and foes
alike. I was having a talk with one of the highest
officials I am precluded from giving you the name but
not the substance of the conversation I was having a
talk with one of the highest officials and he told me
my friend will feel a flush and glow of pride 'I read
the Patrika very carefully ; I read it because the PaMka
Moti Lai Ghose
1915
( To Face pafe 230
BABU S. N. MUKHERJEE ON MOTI LAL 23*
sets forth the views from a standpoint very different from
our own. We want to know exactly what the opposite
side has got to say in matters of administration.' No
greater praise could be bestowed upon a journalist. . . .
In the critical position in which we stand today
we need the wisdom and statesmanlike guidance of men
like Babu Moti Lai Ghose."
Babu Sachindra Nath Mukherjee, Vakil, Calcutta High
Court in supporting the election of Babu Moti Lai Ghose
delivered an eloquent speech, in course of which he said ;
"Gentlemen, Babu Moti Lai Ghose would long ago,
have been acclaimed, or for the matter of that he would
long ago have become the President of the National
Congress by the united suffrage of his countrymen, but
what with his innate modesty, the sweetness and gentle-
ness of his disposition that shrink instinctively from the
dazzling glare of the footlights and his utter unobstru-
siveness, it has been supremely difficult to draw him
away from the cloistered seclusion of his editorial
sanctum. The Council Chamber, the Municipal Board
and other paraphernalia of our public life know him not,
for he has never aspired to radiate in those spheres the
sunshine of his sturdy and vigorous personality. He has
too high a regard for, too lofty a conception of, his duty
as a journalist, for in that capacity he is the every day
counsellor of the Government, and what is more, the
instructor of his people upon whose words hung
thousands of his countrymen in respectful attention. He
has identified himself whole-heartedly, with all the
ardour of his being, the depth and intensity of his soul,
with his paper, the Amrita Bazar Patrika, a name
that is one to conjure with in the field of Indian journal-
ism, which stands in the forefront in the rank of the
accredited organs of Indian public opinion, that jealous
and Argus-eyed guardian of popular privileges, that
faithful exponent of popular views and aspirations, that
stoutest champion of popular rights and liberties
But Moti Lai Ghose is our political sage, whose inspiring
words of advice and guidance keep the nation in the
straight path of duty. He is again our scarred veteran,
the hero of a hundred fights, whose brow is furrowed
with lines of anxious care for his country, in whose head
flow the silvery locks of mature judgment, the veteran
fighter whose pen is, indeed, mightier than the sword
and whose argument is more potent, more invincible in
its effect than the javelin or the spear."
232 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
In the course of his presidential address at the Bengal
Provincial Conference held at Krishnagar in the year 1915
Mod Lai said that in order to improve onr condition, we should
give up internecine quarrels and party feeling which were the
curse of our country. In free countries rivals fight political
battles, but here we had no such necessity and our first duty
was to put our own house in order. In stead of depending
upon Government for the removal of our wants and grievances
we should remove them ourselves. By so doing we would
practically be free if only we gave up litigation and foreign
goods.
He then suggested a plan of work for putting our house
in order, i.e., educating people to have recourse to such means
as would make them free. This was nothing but political
agitation throughout the length and breadth of the country.
As to how the agitation should be carried on he said :
"Let each District carry out the following programme of
works :
(1) The spread of Swadeshi or National feeling ; the
purchase of India-made things even at a sacrifice ;
the encouragement and development of indigenous
home industries and agricultural reforms.
(2) Education of the masses by pamphlets, speeches and
conferences.
(3) The arrest and termination, as far as possible of
internecine quarrels by arbitration courts as well
as by the efforts of missionaries, honorary or paid,
appointed for the purpose of preaching nationalism.
(4) Education, both general and technical on national
lines, as far as that is possible.
(5) Sanitation.
(6) Instructions for economical living.
(7) Possible social reforms.
(8) Promotion of good feelings between Hindus and
Mussalmans."
Our attitude to the Government should be, he said, like
that "inaugurated by such stalwarts as Messrs. Hume, Dadabhai
Naoroji, W. C. Bonnerjee, etc., namely, constitutional opposi-
tion, as a rule, and co-operation only when to the best interests
of the country."
ATTITUDE OF INDIAN PRESS TOWARDS GOVT. 233
As to the attitude of the Indian Press and other Indian
public bodies towards the Government he quoted the following
from the writing (in 1884) of a civilian, Sir C. C. Stevens
(afterwards Lieutenant Governor of Bengal) :
"The position of the Native Press must necessarily
be peculiar. It must, from the nature of things, be
always in oppsition. If we found a Native paper con-
stantly expatiating on the blessings of English rule, on
the unmixed advantages of western civilization, and on
the administrative and private virtues of English officials,
we think we should not respect the editor or his staff the
more for it. We should think him a hypocrite who was
playing what he considered to be a paying game, and we
should look to see what reward he might obtain. Such
a newspaper would neither interest, nor be respected by,
Native or European readers. We must, therefore, look
to Native writers for criticism of Government measures
and of Government servants ; and it must not be a matter
of surprise if we find them advocating Native interests
and seeking fields for Native ambition. This being so,
I think that all we have to expect of the Native Press
is that it shall discharge the duties of an opposition
honestly and with moderation ; that it shall refrain from
malicious attacks ; that it shall not strain facts or argu-
ments in support of foregone conclusions ; that it shall
not throw itself open to be used for purposes of private
revenge, and that care shall be taken to ascertain and to
report the truth."
He then appealed to the audience to return to the life of
our ancestors, give up luxuries and be economical. He said :
"Litigation was unknown among our ancestors ; why
should we not then be able to at least minimise, if not
altogether remove, its disastrous effects? If we are
satisfied with the humble tenour of our life, we can do
away with the necessity of depending upon foreign
articles. Our people once controlled the yarn industry of
the country by the universal use of the charka in
every house, rich or poor. Not many generations ago,
we made our own metallic utensils and vessels ; we made
our own bangles ; we made our own goor and salt : why
should we not be able to do all these and many other
things again?"
As to economical living he said :
"For the regeneration of the country we must live a
simple life and rely mainly on our own resources and
234 MEMOIRS OF MOTItAL GHOSE
exertions, which means that we must nationalise our
mode of life as thoroughly as possible. Why do we use
costly coats, boots and sometimes hats, when our fore-
fathers, though shoeless, coatless and hatless, were far
more healthy and robust than we are ? Luxury does not
suit a poor and starving people. Similarly, we must
nationalise all other important concerns of our domestic
life, educational, industrial, sanitary and social."
He then drew a picture of how prosperous Bengal was 60
or 70 years ago (i.e., about 1845-55) and gave a dismal picture
of our present and future.
He gave a description of the havoc which the scourge of
Malaria was doing in Bengal. "The very existence of the
nation rests on the solution of the malaria problem. The im-
provement of village sanitation, therefore, demands the first
consideration of the people and the authorities." Poverty of
the people and defective drainage, he said, were the main
causes of Malaria.
Rural Drainage, Water Supply and other sanitary improve-
ments formed the next subject matter of his speech. "Sanita-
tion first, education afterwards" he said :
"No one is a more earnest advocate of mass educa-
tion than my humble self ; yet I am compelled to say
sanitation first and education afterwards under existing
circumstances, though I am aware that education
indirectly helps sanitation. For, who would enjoy the
blessings of education if the people were dead or in a
dying state? Education can wait, but not sanitation.
Of course, it goes without saying that if we could have
both together by our communal efforts and State aid,
nothing could be better or more welcome."
Indeed, unless one gets a good health what will one's
education do to one? He thus urged for open-air schools and
sanatoria for students.
Some districts of Bengal were at this time going to be
partitioned by the authorities ; he strongly protested against
this. We were 'over-governed', he said, and the price we had
to pay for the administration was almost crushing. If the
districts were again divided we should have to undergo
additional costs.
SOME POINTS FROM HIS SPEECH 335
He then went on to show how the money derived from
the Road Cess and the Public Works Cess was being misspent
and he suggested that they should be spent only for the purpose
for which they were realised.
He continued that the villagers should be given the right
to use fire-arms to protect themselves from armed dacoits and
wild animals.
He then pointed out that it was high time that the Indians
were given self-government.
Moti Lai concluded his address with a spirited appeal to
the younger generation of his countrymen to shake off their
lethargy and be up and doing for the cause of the country.
In an appendix to the speech he gave a history of the Road
Cess in Bengal and showed that the Cess fund absolutely
belonged to the people, and that the diversion of the fund was
not legitimate. He also showed that the cesses were a violation
of the pledges given by the Permanent Settlement of 1793.
Anyone who peruses Moti Lai's Krishnagar speech will
at once see that Moti Lai was a master of style and he knew
how to appeal to his audience. Though a difficult one his
subject matter was made easy by virtue of the plain language
in which he wrote. His sentences were crisp short, well-
balanced and devoid of involved constructions. Simplicity was
his rhetoric.
From this speech also it is apparent what a practical-
minded man he was. He was not an idealist giving schemes
which though theoretically sound very well are impracticable.
On the contrary his scheme was definite and practicable. He
had a thorough grasp of his subject and thus had not to ramble
about. The main point of his speech was that it was useless
to cry for help from Government. To do so would be to cry
in the wilderness. So in stead of doing that the people should
go on doing their own works. They should try to improve
their conditions. They should not go to the law courts of
the Government, but should settle their affairs out of court
either themselves or through arbitration courts or punchayets.
236 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
They should not drink intoxicants, and should improve their
industries and agriculture.
If we analyse the Non-co-operation Movement which
Mahatma Gandhi inaugurated later on we find that the main
points of this movement were :
1. Boycott of Councils.
2. Boycott of Law Courts and promotion of Arbitration
Courts.
3. Boycott of Government Schools and colleges and
opening of national schools.
4. Boycott of foreign goods, and especially cloth, and
encouragement of indigenous home-spun (Khaddar)
and other Swadeshi articles.
5. Giving up of Honours and Titles, conferred by the
Government.
6. Withdrawal from Police, Military and other Govern-
ment services.
7. Suspension of Taxes.
If these, said Mahatma Gandhi, were strictly adhered to
Swaraj would be near our hands.
Now, what did Motilal say? If we compare the views of
the two point by point we find a strange similarity between
them.
1. As to Boycott of Councils, when Moti Lai delivered
his speech at Krishnagar no such question could arise. It was
before the inauguration of the Montagu Chelmsford Reforms
and strictly speaking there were no Councils at that time where
people's representatives could sit.
Later, however, when Mr. T. Prakasam of Madras and
Mr. V. J. Patel (afterwards President of the Indian Legislative
Assembly) came to see him in his sick bed and sought his
opinion on the point he warned them against the "insidious
poison" of the Council Chamber, which according to him was
a delusion and a snare. Like Mahatma Gandhi he always kept
himself away from the Council Chamber.
2. Boycott of Law Courts time and again Moti Lai had
advocated it. Not in his speeches only but in his paper the
Amrita Bazar Patrika as also in private conversations he had
THE NON-CO-OPERATION MOVEMENT 237
all along been asking his countrymen not to go to the Law
Courts. I quote the following from his Krishnagar speech :
"As a matter of fact, we can secure almost our full
personal liberty only by giving up litigation and foreign
goods. When we are at home, we are as free as English-
men themselves. But the moment we enter the precincts
of a court house, we feel that we are in a different
environment and we are breathing a different atmosphere.
It is then that we are reminded of our utter helplessness
and also of the lordly majesty of the Judge, the Magis-
trate, the Police officers, nay, even of the constable and
the peon, armed as they all are with more or less of
punitive power. Indeed, the paraphernalia of the courts
and offices are bound to produce a most chilling and
emasculating effect even upon the stoutest heart. Why
should we seek these demoralizing influences when we
can avoid many of them by care and prudence?
Similarly, on no occasion should we feel our worthless-
ness more acutely than when we have to use an article
of foreign manufacture. What could be more humiliat-
ing than that we should have to go naked and eat our
food without salt if Manchester were to cease sending
us her cloths and Liverpool her salt?"
Instead of the present Law Courts he suggested the re-
establishment of our old punchayet system.
3 & 4. As regards the next two items of the Non-co-
operation Movement, viz., giving up Government schools and
opening national schools, and boycotting foreign goods and
clothes and encouraging indigenous produce and clothes, Moti
Lai had been advocating these for a long time.
He was also very much against the system of education
which was followed by Government. He advocated the forma-
tion of a non-official Committee to enquire into the conditions
prevailing among the students. He said :
"The first duty of such a Committee, then, should be
to devise a system of examination that will, while effi-
ciently testing the knowledge of the examinees, operate
with the minimum of hardship on their delicate and
debilitated physique. The dreadful system which makes
one single final examination the sole arbiter of their
academic destinies should, by all means, be abolished.
This is the bugbear that robs their tender constitutions
of half their sleep and appetite and almost all the recrea-
238 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
tion necessary to keep the average human being in health.
Even if all the toil and trouble of the anxious and over-
worked examinee be crowned with success, it means a
success purchased with more than its proportiqnate price
of life-blood. If it ends in failure, it means an addition
of disappointment and discontentment to physical exhaus-
tion. Such a system, then, deserves to be replaced by
one which is less dangerous and more rational and it
will not be difficult to devise a suitable scheme, if the
proposed Committee give their whole heart to the work.
"As practical remedies against this dismal state of
things I may suggest the starting of open-air schools as
well as special sanatoria for students."
Moti Lai had long been advocating the handloom and the
Charka. He wrote several articles showing the usefulness of
these and also pointing out how the Americans at one time
made homespun fashionable. Of course Moti Lai did not use
the word "Khaddar", which is not Bengali, but he used the
expressions home-made, home-spun, etc., to express the same
idea.
As to the revival of our indigenous industries he would
often write and speak with feeling about how our cloth indus-
try had been ruined, how heavy duties were imposed on our
fine Dacca Muslins which were imported into Manchester, how
the dealers had to pay heavy export duties when they were
sending these cloths outside India, how even when these failed
to ruin our cloth industry the thumbs of our expert weavers
were cut off. He often wished that our weaving industry were
revived and encouraged.
Seven years earlier at a meeting at Parshibagan on the 7th
August, 1908, to oppose the Partition of Bengal, Moti Lai had
asked his audience to boycott foreign cloth, not to drink
intoxicants and to avoid the law courts. "Follow the example,"
he said, "of the indigo ryots of Bengal and secure your salvation
without hurting a fly." Those who have read the history of
Bengal may remember how the indigo planters gave dddan
(advance money) to the poor cultivators and oppressed them
mercilessly to realise their dues. When matters became
absolutely unbearable these cultivators in a body refused to
ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL INDEPENDENCE 239
cultivate indigo plant. "This hand," they said, "will never
touch indigo again." Thus they proved successful. It was
something like Passive Resistance. Moti Lai advised his
audience to promise, that "This hand will never touch any
foreign goods, so far that is possible."
5. As to titles and honours Moti Lai had all along been
saying that these had a very demoralising effect on the
recepients. By giving titles and honours Government had
bought up many of our promising leaders who from being
unbending critics of the Government had been converted into
ardent lovers of it since they had been dubbed with honours.
Many of our rich men had pledged to the Government their
lives without caring whether the Government was right or
wrong simply in exchange of some paltry titles.
5 & 7. As to the last two points, viz., withdrawal of police
and military and other Government services, and suspension
of taxes, I am not sure, if Moti Lai had said anything about
these before the inauguration of the Non-co-operation Move-
ment. Perhaps, in his time the country was not prepared for
these. But there is no doubt whatsoever that he was preparing
the ground for these by exposing how degenerated some people
became on entering the Police service in India. He also exposed
the cruel nature of some of the taxes and the mis-use of others.
Thus from a perusal of Moti Lai's Krishnagar speech we
find that he was teaching the country to be self-dependent and
not to be dependent on England for the supply of its needs, or
in other words it was economic independence that the country
should strive for in the first instance. That independence does
not require war or blood-shed and can come without disturb-
ing the peace of the country. He also spoke for cultural
independence which means a return to the Indian life of yore.
If India be economically and culturally free, political freedom
is bound to follow.
Like Mahatma Gandhi Moti Lai was also very much against
the introduction of the western conditions of life into India.
He did not like the factory system of Europe to be introduced
into this country. The greater portion of the Indian people were
240 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
agriculturists and they worked mostly in the open fields. Their
necessities were few and there was no luxury amongst them ;
so they had not to produce articles of luxury ; their chief
labours consisted in producing food and cloth. The women
span yarn at home and the men tilled the fields. When they
had no work in the fields those who were skilled artizans be-
took themselves to their tasks, the potter took to his wheels,
the blacksmith came to his furnace, the weaver went to his
loom, and the shoemaker took his lash, and so forth and so on.
Each worked independently and was his own master. This
was the state of affairs in olden times.
But look to the other picture. With the introduction of
the western factories there has grown up a class of Capitalists,
and the poor people no longer follow their independent pro-
fession. They are now slaves, eternal slaves of their masters,
the Capitalists. If they are thrown out of employment they
know not how to earn their livelihood the potter has forgotten
to turn his wheel, the weaver has forgotten to work his loom.
They have learnt to work with a big machine which it is
impossible for them to possess. They have lost their old handi-
craft and have thus sold themselves to the Capitalist. The
Charka has been replaced by the Mill and the free man plying
the Charka has become a day-labourer in the Mills.
Gentle reader, look to this picture. The man is working
in the field, his sons are helping him, at noon-day his wife
comes from home with their food. They stop their work, sit
under a tree and enjoy their frugal repast. After taking rest
for some time they work till evening and return home content
with their day's work and in a prayerful mood.
And look to the other picture. Tens of thousands of
workers, men, women and children are working together in a
big building where the lynx eyes of their superintendents are
constantly watching over them to see if they are doing any
work or not, where no work and no pay is the rule, where they
do not care whether you are ill or disabled, where they are
concerned with your work only, where the rooms are ill-venti-
lated and damp, where they have to work before poisonous
MOTI LAL ON THE CHARKA 241
gases and with poisonous materials and sleep huddled together
like swine, forgetful of the beauties of Nature or thoughts of
God.
Gentle reader, which is better?
Science has led to the discovery of machinery which are
avowedly destructive, such as the maxim guns, the poisonous
gases, etc : Science has also led to the discovery of machinery
which at first sight seem to be beneficial to mankind. But are
they really so? They are beneficial no doubt, but only to the
few and not to the many. In this connection Moti Lai's
observations on the Charka may be interesting :
"No country has suffered so terribly perhaps as a
result of improvements in science and arts during the last
century as India. Let us cite a few instances. It was
the charka or the spinning-wheel which at one time
made this country one of the richest in the world. It
was with this humble contrivance that thread was spun
in every Indian household and cloths of the finest
quality woven out of it by the host of weavers. Even
the ladies of royal houses were bound to have their
Charka and produce a certain quantity of thread. In
this way spinning was nationalised as it were in this
country, and the out-turn of thread was so immense as to
enable the weavers to meet not only the need of the
whole nation, so far as cotton fabric was concerned, but
that of many foreign countries also.
"The Charka is a marvellous machine. It consists
of a few pieces of ordinary wood so cleverly adjusted as
to produce the finest of thread from the coarsest of
cotton. A vast amount of money is being spent annually
both in British India and the Indian States but in vain,
to grow long stapled cotton. But the Charka needs no
such superior cotton to spin out the best kind of thread.
Still it gave employment to millions of poor widows,
even in the early days of British rule. The weavers
enriched themselves and their country immensely by
producing the finest cloths out of them and selling them
to foreigners. But the spinning machine which is a
product of modern science and art, has stilled the hum
of the Charka f and brought starvation to millions of
Indian homes ! The invention has no doubt increased
the wealth of some Western countries, but it has
practically ruined the masses in India."
16
CHAPTER XLIII
LIFE OUTSIDE CALCUTTA
Periodical Changes of Air Some Incidents At Deoghur, Balasore, Puri
and Waltair.
During the latter part of his life Moti Lai used to go
outside Calcutta for a change of air almost every year. In
course of his work as a public man and in connection with his
paper he had travelled throughout India. Chief amongst the
places where he went for change were Deoghur, Simultala,
Madhupur, Balasore, Puri, Waltair, Darjeeling, Moosoorie,
Koilwar and Benares. He also made several tours in East
Bengal. Though he went for a change to these places his
activities did not cease. Almost daily he would send leaders
to the Amrita Bazar Patrika from these places and a large
number of newspapers followed him in his sojourn which he
daily read, re-read and digested. Wherever he went he soon
acquired a host of friends big folk of the locality would come
to him of their own accord. His manners were simple too
simple, some times even provoking. He would make friend-
. ship with little boys by pulling them by the neck from behind
by the handle of his umbrella. His love of music found some
satisfaction when he was outside Calcutta, because, though
working there, he had there more leisure than in Calcutta and
the evenings he would spend in singing Kirtan and Dhrupad
songs along with his daughter, grandsons and other members
of his family. He went to Puri in the year 1911. He was then
about 65 years old. Still he would daily bathe and swim in
the sea. Here, however, he contracted a stomach complaint
which later gave him much trouble.
During the Partition days he was for sometime on a change
at Deoghur. At his instance many Swadeshi meetings and
processions were organised there. In this connection I am
reminded of an incident. A social gathering was convened at
A SOCIAL GATHERING AT DEOGHUR 243
the Deoghur School premises on the occasion of the Vijaya.
Babu Had Nath Ray, Judge of Calcutta Small Causes Court
presided. Moti Lai was invited there to speak something.
Now, a pleader of a District Court opened the proceedings
and in doing so he began to deliver a speech in English. Up
stood Moti Lai and protested against the speech being in
English. He said that in social functions our speeches should
be in Bengali. Moti Lai in his simplicity did not understand
that the pleader had committed to memory a fine speech in
English, and so unconsciously put him to an unenviable
position and caused roars of laughter. With the permission,
however, of Moti Lai and the president the pleader spoke in
English. But all the other speakers including the president
and Mr. S. K. Sen, Barrister-at-Law, then newly returned
from England also spoke in Bengali. Moti Lai in his turn
of course spoke in Bengali. He began by saying, "The
speaker who opened to-day's proceedings seems to be a
master in spoken English. I too have something to do with
English. The only difference is that while that gentleman
finds pleasure in speaking English I do so in writing."
The love which Moti Lai bore for the Amrita Bazar Patrika
was perhaps the greatest of all. He valued it more than his
life. A story may be told in this connection. It was when
he was at Balasore for a change. The members of his family
had gone there in advance and he with his personal servant
an Oriya named Purushottam, briefly called Puria, who
accompanied him in many of his tours, was following them.
But due to heavy rains there was a flood in the river
Rupnarayan and there was every chance of the bridge giving
way under the weight of the Railway train. So the trains
were stopped on one side of the river and the passengers had
to go to the other side over the bridge and get into the train
which waited there. When the train in which Moti Lai was
travelling stopped before the Kolaghat bridge it was night and
only a few coolies could be had to carry the luggages. Moti
Lai could secure no coolies perhaps, they had all been taken
away by more fortunate passengers. So he left his servant
244 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
in charge of his luggage, trunks and beddings, and took the
bound volumes of the old files of the Amrita Bazar Pcttrika of
which there were a good many with him, over his head and
crossed the river. Next morning we found him at Balasore
coming with his files of Amrita Bazar Patrika only. The
servant and the luggages came much later, probably by the
next train.
On other occasions also whenever Moti Lai went out from
Calcutta for a change he would carefully take a number of
files of the Patrika with him. His dress and other things were
taken care of by his family-members. All his attention was
rivetted on these files.
The Raja (Sree Raja Chintalapaty Suryanarayan Raja
Bahadur Garu) of Tuni (Godavery District, Madras) came on
a pleasure trip to Calcutta in September, 1915 accompanied
by his priest Yogi Srinivasa Swami and Private Secretary K. V.
Suryanarayan Chary a Sarma. He was introduced to Babu
Moti Lai Ghose through a common Madrasee friend. Very
soon the Raja became very intimate with Moti Lai, who also
helped him in becoming known to many leading members of
Calcutta society. When returning to Tuni the Raja Bahadur
invited Moti Lai to come to Waltair where he had engaged
a house which was now unoccupied. At his invitation Moti
Lai with his family started for Waltair on May 7, 1916 and
stayed there for about a couple of months with a view to
recoup his health by enjoying the sea-bath and breathing the
bracing sea-breeze. He was now an old man of about 70 years.
His physique was never strong. Yet at this old age he used
to take long walks by the beach and bathe in the sea regularly,
the writer then a young man of 18 summers being his constant
companion during these walks and baths. Five years before
this (i.e., in 1911) Moti Lai had gone to Puri with his
family. There also he used to bathe in the sea regularly. My
humble self was then also with him and an incident is still
fresh in my memory. We had gone to Puri in early Baisakh
(middle of April) when the sea was very calm and a sea-bath
was an easy affair. I was surprised to find that Moti Lai
SEA-BATHING AT PURI AND WALTAIR 245
could swim in the sea even at that age and sometimes he did it
even better than myself. But when the days went on and
the rainy season came the number of sea-bathers was gradually
reduced. On one occasion it rained continually for two days
and we had to bathe at home. On the third day when the
rains had stopped Moti Lai wanted to bathe in the sea. The
water was no longer blue but had become grey or sand-coloured
and the breakers also were very high and making a tremendous
noise. I wanted him to desist from bathing, but he silenced
me by calling me a coward. I had no alternative but to
follow him. A Nulia (local fisherman) caught hold of one of
his hands and I caught hold of the other. It was drizzling
and there were very few bathers on the beach. The breakers
were 10 or n feet high. As soon as we entered into the
water a breaker came with tremendous force. Both the Nulia
and myself had to let go our hands when the breaker lifted
us up into the sky and smashed all of us on to the ground.
I was under water for a few seconds and felt as if I was being
trampled upon by an elephant. We managed to get up on the
shore with some difficulty. Moti Lai remonstrated with us.
He complained that we ought to have let go his hands earlier.
He believed that had we done so he would not have been
smashed to the ground like us. We, however, were not of the
same opinion. Sea-bathing at Waltair was much easier than
at Puri. Though there were some rocky places yet there Were
places between the rocks where the sea was shallow and the
breakers also were low.
From Waltair Moti Lai used to write daily for the PaMka.
The evenings were generally spent in music, in singing
KMans and Hindi songs of Mian Tan Sen, the court musician
of Akbar the Great.
CHAPTER XUV
PRESIDENCY COLLEGE EMBROGLIO
Distribution of Prizes to Hindu and Hare School Students Professor
Oaten and Presidency College Students Leaders in the Partika
Professor Oaten Assaulted Sri jut Subhas Bose and other Students
Expelled Sj. Subhas Bose Meets Moti Lai.
A distribution of prizes to the meritorious students of the
Hindu and Hare Schools was celebrated with great pomp and
grandeur in the maidan between the Presidency College and
Hare School buildings on Monday, the xoth January, 1916.
His Excellency the Governor of Bengal (Lord Carmichael)
presided over the function. A shamiana was specially erected
on the maidan and invited gentlemen assembled under it.
Mr. H. R. James, Principal of the Presidency College, Rai
Rasamay Mitra Bahadur (Head Master of the Hindu School),
Rai Saheb Ishan Chandra Ghose (Head Master of the Hare
School) and a large number of Professors and students attended
the function.
Several students of the Third Year Class of the Presidency
College, who were ex-students of the Hindu and Hare Schools
being invited went out to see the prize distribution ceremony
in the College compound. They were, therefore, a little late
in attending their class, which was to be taken by Professor
Rabindra Narayan Ghose. As they were passing along the
corridor of a room in which Professor E. F. Oaten was lecturing,
he came out, obstructed them, caught one of them by the hand
and ordered them to go away. What exactly happened it is
difficult to say, as different versions appeared in the Press.
According to the students' version they most becomingly went
down with the intention of appealing to the Principal. In
the meantime other students who were waiting in their class
room for Professor Ghose also began coming down through
the corridor as Professor Ghose did not turn up. They were
met by Prof. Oaten on the corridor and he threatened to
WHOLE COLLEGE FINED 247
fine them five rupees each if they left their class room before
the hour struck for doing so and sent them back to their class
room. Then came Professor Ghose to his class and formally
dismissed it and with his permission the students began to pass
through the corridor again. This time also they were prevented
by Mr. Oaten who, it was alleged, also gave some pushes to
some of them. The students applied to Principal James
narrating their grievance but he advised them to patch up the
matter with Mr. Oaten personally. The students were dis-
satisfied and went on a strike. After two days Mr. Oaten made
an apology to the students and the classes were resumed. A
written statement was prepared through the intervention of
some other Professors of the College in which the students
admitted that "some of them were technically wrong in
remaining in the corridor" and Mr. Oaten on his part admitted
that he "used some degree of force in insisting on the students
to go to their class room" and expressed "his sincere regret
for having done so."
The next day, however, Mr. Oaten behaved in a quite
different way. After entering the Third and Fourth Year
(combined) History Honours Class he wanted those who were
absent on the previous day to go away from the class. They
left the class and represented the matter to Principal James,
who, to their great surprise, declared himself quite helpless in
the matter.
To add a pinch of salt to the cut wound, as the Bengali
adage goes, the Principal fined the whole body of the students
of the College Rupees Five each for not attending their classes
for two days.
On the 1 5th of January a long leading editorial appeared
on the subject in the Amrita Bazar Patrika in course of which
it was said :
"And lastly the Presidency College will not elevate
itself, but lower itself in the estimation of the public,
if taking advantage of this deplorable incident, in which
a Professor is more to blame than the students, a sum
of Rs. 5,000 is raised from them by one stroke of the
pen. We trust Mr. James will reconsider the matter
248 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
and refuse to be a party to an act which may cast a
slur on the glorious traditions of an institution whose
honour is now in his keeping. As far as we are aware,
never was the whole college fined on any previous
occasion. A sum of rupees five thousand is no doubt
very tempting, but Mr. James is no doubt above such
petty temptation."
The article created a sensation in the student circle. They
had been insulted by their Professor, they had gone to the
Principal for redress, who far from making amends added
injury to insult by trying to touch their pockets. The students
were naturally hungering for sympathy and the spirit of
sympathy which the above article in the Amrita Bazar Patrika
evinced captured the imagination of the student community.
When hawkers at the junction of College Street and Harrison
Road were selling the issue of the Patrika containing the
above article there was a great rush and after a few copies
had been sold and read by the students the demand for the
paper became so very great that a copy of the paper which
is usually sold for one anna sold at four annas each and when
the copies were almost exhausted the hawkers even demanded
eight annas for a copy.
Next day also the Amrita Bazar Patrika came out with a
leading editorial giving a reply to a letter which Principal
James had written on the subject. The correspondence columns
of the paper also contained several letters giving the views of
students and guardians as also of supporters of Mr. Oaten ;
and for some time these were published from day to day.
On the soth January a paragraph appeared in the Patrika
recalling two other occasions when there were troubles between
students and Professors. One occurred when Professor J. W.
Holme of the Presidency College pulled a student by the ear
because of his inattention to his lectures. The whole class
struck. Mr. Peake, then officiating Principal, compelled Mr.
Holme to apologise and the matter was made up in course
of a few hours. The other incident related to Professor
Harrison of the same College who told the students, "you are
chattering like monkies." At the intervention of Mr. James,
PROFESSOR OATEN ASSAULTED 249
who was then the Principal of the College, Mr. Harrison, who
at first said that he would rather resign than apologise, did
at last apologise to the students and the difference was made up.
The Patrika re-called these incidents and commented: "It is
a remarkable fact that there had never been any serious quarrel
between the Indian Professors and the students in the Presidency
College."
Though the classes were resumed in the Presidency College
and it appeared that normal order had been restored, feeling
ran very high among the students. They were smarting under
a sense of wrong. They thought that the imposition of the
five rupees fine on each and every student of the College was
a great injustice to them and they took it as something like
"a massacre of the innocents" as a justification of the conduct
of Professor Oaten and a censure on the student community.
But Bengali students are submissive by nature, it is hard to
exhaust their patience. Like the dust of the road they would
ever remain under the feet of their masters.
But the dust being kicked may rise to the sky and strike
one's forehead. It exactly happened thus in the case of the
students of the Presidency College. At 3 P.M. on Tuesday
the 1 5th February Professor Oaten was severely assaulted by
a number of students in a corridor of the College.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika thus narrated the incident, so
far as it was able to gather the facts in this connection, on
the day following the assault :
"It seems that after the dismissal of their class the
First Year Chemistry Students were passing along the
corridor by the only path which the students could avail
of and in doing so, they had to proceed by a room in
which Professor Oaten was lecturing. Mr. Oaten felt
annoyed, came out of his room and is said to have caught
hold of one of the students by the neck and called him
a rascal. He then took him to the office room and
fined him Re. i.
"The student in question who is said to be barely
1 6, thereupon lodged a complaint before the Principal
and awaited decision. The Principal, however, instead
of taking immediate action postponed the matter till
250 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
3 P.M. Meanwhile the news spread all over the College
and the students in general felt aggrieved specially as
Mr. Oaten had behaved himself similarly on two former
occasions.
"Now sometime after the above incident when Mr.
Oaten was coming downstairs and passing through a
number of students who had collected in the corridor
in front of the common room, he received a blow from
behind, and as he turned to see his assailant another
student who was standing close by sprang upon him
and threw him on the ground. Thereupon several other
students fell upon the helpless professor and committed
a savage assault upon him.
"After the incident the Principal made an enquiry
into the matter, but the culprits, so far remain yet
undetected."
Two or three days after this the Government issued a long
communique giving the version of Professor Oaten. It stated
that when Mr. Oaten was lecturing in his class some students
were going by the corridor and talking among themselves in
contravention of the college rule. Said the communique :
"Mr. Oaten .... went out of his room .... went
up to the student who had spoken and took him gently
by the arm and led him to the Steward's room which
was close by, and had his name recorded for a fine of
Re. i. Mr. Oaten considered it necessary to put his
hand on the student to pick him out from the crowd of
other students around him, but the youth did not resist
and he employed no force in leading him to the Steward's
room. Mr. Oaten states that he did not call the boy
a 'rascal 1 as alleged by him."
As to the assault on the professor the communique went
on :
"On reaching the bottom of the staircase he
(Mr. Oaten) passed through the group (of students) and
had taken only a few steps from the foot of the stairs
when he was attacked from behind and knocked down
on to his hands and knees. He was then struck and
kicked by some 15 assailants while he was prevented by
blows and pressure from regaining his feet. He was
kicked about his head and all over the body. Then the
assault suddenly stopped, his assailants ran away, and
he found that Mr. Gilchrist, a fellow Professor, was
COLLEGE CLOSED, SOME STUDENTS RUSTICATED 251
standing by his side. He believes that the whole assault
must have occupied about 40 seconds."
By the bye, this was described in the Times of London as
"a murderous assault" which was "symptomatic of a wides-
spread evil." !
As a sequel to the assault on Professor Oaten, under the
orders of the Government of Bengal the Presidency College was
closed from Friday, the i8th February pending enquiry into
the assault, and a Committee was appointed by the Government
to enquire into the general condition of discipline in the Presi-
dency College.
On the aist of February Babu Ananga Mohan Dam, B.A.,
a brilliant student of the sixth year M. A. class in Philosophy
of the Presidency College was expelled "for taking a leading
part in the assault on Mr. Oaten."
The following copy of a letter written to the Superinten-
dent of the Eden Hindu Hostel by Mr. H. R. James was dis-
played on the Notice Board of the Hostel :
"Babu Ananga Mohan Dam who has been expelled
from the College by the Governing Body is expressly for-
bidden to re-enter the gates of the Eden Hindu Hostel.
Boarders are forbidden to hold any communication or to
speak with him except what is necessary (with the per-
mission of the Superintendent) for forwarding his books,
clothes and other property ; for the removal of these pro-
perties every reasonable help is to be given to him. If
money is required Principal will supply it. He is advised
to start for home (Sylhet) this evening.
(Sd.) H. R. JAMBS."
In course of two or three days the Eden Hindu Hostel was
also closed to all but 2nd and 4th year students. The residents
were directed to return home. Sri jut Subhas Chandra Bose,
then a student of the Third Year Class of the Presidency
College, the idol of the students who knew him personally,
was also expelled. In his case also the Governing Body of
the College "resolved that Subhas Chandra Bose be expelled
from the College for taking a leading part in the assault on
Professor Oaten."
252 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Later on another student named Satish Chandra De was
also rusticated for a year for giving his name as "X. Y. Z."
when asked by Professor Gilchrist to give his name.
The Committee appointed by the Government of Bengal
to enquire into the Presidency College affair commenced its
sitting on Monday, February 2ist, 1916 in Justice Sir Asutosh
Mukherjee's Chambers in the Calcutta High Court. But the
work of the Committee did not progress much. After three or
four days a Communique was issued on the subject by the
Government. It stated that as soon as Mr. James, Principal
of the Presidency College, received information of the appoint-
ment of a Committee to inquire into the affairs of the Presi-
dency College, with a request that he would serve on the
Committee, he paid a visit to the Hon'ble Mr. Lyon, Member
of the Governor's Executive Council in charge of Education,
and subjected him to gross personal insult. Mr. James had also
sent to the Secretary of the Committee, with the request that
it should be placed before the Committee, a copy of a letter
which he had written to the Government accusing Sir Asutosh
Mukherjee and Mr. Hornell, two members of the Enquiry
Committee of bias against himself. From all these facts the
Governor in Council considered that Mr. James had shown
himself to be unfit to retain the post of Principal of the Presi-
dency College. Accordingly Mr. James was transferred from
that post and placed under suspension pending further orders,
and Mr. W. C. Wordsworth, Inspector of Schools, Presidency
Division (since, of the Statesman) was appointed Principal of
the Presidency College in his place.
It may be re-called in passing that previous to these
incidents there had been a tussle between Mr. James and Mr.
Hornell for the post of Director of Public Instruction. The
Statesman wrote 571 columns of print (i) in favour of Mr.
James, and (2) in derogation of Mr. Hornell ; and all these
writings were believed in well-informed circles to have been
the handiwork of Mr. James. Yet, Mr. James was a very
successful Principal. Students had held him in great esteem
and felt for him on account of his degradation.
STUDENTS AND PRESS AT FAULT! 253
In due course the report of the Committee of Enquiry was
published. As could be expected it exonerated Messrs. James
and Oaten and laid the blame at the door of the students who
were considered to have become very touchy. The funniest
thing, however, was that the Press was dragged in and severely
castigated. It was contended that the writings in the Press
had been rather indiscreet and but for them there would not
have most probably been any strike. No doubt by the Press
here the Amrita Bazar Patrika was meant, for it had been most
sympathetic to the students. A series of articles, humorous
and argumentative, appeared in the leading columns of the
Patrika criticising the observations of the Enquiry Committee
which wanted to make the Press a scapegoat. The honour of
the Press was vindicated and it was shown that the students
did not deserve the hostile official and Anglo-Indian criticism
which was frequently levelled against them.
The incidents in connection with the Presidency College
imbroglio have been narrated here at some length for more
reasons than one. First of all, it created a sensation among
the student circle which was perhaps unprecedented. The
matter became the talk of the day in almost every circle.
Students of other colleges in Calcutta and inofussil closely
followed the developments of the Presidency College affairs.
They were united with a view to vindicate the honour of the
student community and were ready to help each other. It may
be said that the seeds of the youth movement were now imper-
ceptibly sown. Another reason why I have included this affair
in these pages is that I happened to be a student of the Presi-
dency College at that time reading in the Second Year Class ;
and as no man can tread beyond his shadow, I must also do the
same.
But the last, and perhaps the most important reason, why
I have included this matter in these pages is the fact that it
was the Presidency College affairs which brought two great
luminaries of the political firmament of Bengal together and
into very close contact with each other, I mean, Moti Lai
254 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Ghose, the hero of a hundred battles in the past and Subhas
Chandra Bose who had not yet taken his command but was
destined to be a glorious fighter in the future. Moti Lai who
had all along been a champion of the weak and the oppressed
had almost always taken the side of the boys in a contest
between the teachers and the students. He condemned the
present system of education, he pitied the young hopefuls of
the nation who, he said, were breaking down under the weight
of books. The hours of study, according to him, were most
inconvenient ; and he cursed the examinations, as being soul-
killing, as so many nightmares constantly sitting on the chests
of the student community. Even when he was passed sixty
he used to say that "I still dream of examinations and they
sit like a nightmare on my chest. " In fact, he had an
unbounded sympathy for the student community.
So when Sri juts Subhas Chandra Bose, Ananga Mohan Dam
and Bepin Bihari De came to see Babu Moti Lai in connection
with the Presidency College affairs, they had no difficulty.
They were received by Motilal with open arms, and in fact
much of what was written in the Amrita Bazar Patrika in con-
nection with the Presidency College was done in consultation
with them. There were some original contributions by them
also.
I remember an incident in this connection. Moti Lai asked
B^pin Babu and Subhas Babu to give him in writing some-
thing which they had just described to him. Subhas Babu
(who was a student of the Third Year Class) looked at Bepin
Babu (who was a student of the Sixth Year Class) and asked
him to write it down. He seemed to say with his eyes, "Well,
you are my senior, so you should write it." Bepin Babu said,
"No, no, you must write ; when you are here I am not writing
it." At last Subhas Babu agreed and with a pencil in hand
he wrote out a number of pages with such great speed that
we looked on agape. Since then Subhas Babu, Bepin Babu
and Ananga Babu used to oome to Babu Moti Lai off and on.
A SONG BY SJ. SUBHAS BOSE 255
One day Moti Lai in course of conversation asked Subhas
Babu,
"Well, Subhas, can you sing?"
"So, so," replied Subhas Babu.
"Very well, then sing a song."
Without much ado Subhas Babu at once began singing
in a bass voice without even the aid of a harmonium,
"Chintaya mama manasa Hari Chidghana Niranjana, etc."
After finishing the song, Subhas Babu said, "This song was
sung by the late Vivekananda Swami before Sri Sri Ramkrishna
Paramhansa Dev."
Moti Lai said, "You can sing very well. Do keep up the
practice."
CHAPTER XLV
HOME RULE MOVEMENT
Mrs. Besant Home Rule League Moti Lai joins the League Lucknow
Congress Mrs. Besant Interned Its After-effect Moti Lai and Internees
Carmichael's Departure Advice to Ronaldshay.
A unique personality that came into prominence in the
political firmanent of India in 1916 was Mrs. Annie Besant.
Hitherto she had been known as a theologist and social
reformer. "Irish by birth, English by marriage and Indian
by adoption", she had been in her younger days a co-worker
of the late Charles Bradlaugh, M.P., and had suffered with him
at the hands of the ruling authorities. Later she made
India the land of adoption and devoted the rest of her life
to the service of that country. She joined the Congress in
1914 and gave a new life to it. Her efforts to bring about
a union between Moderates and Extremists ought to be re-
membered with gratitude. Srijut Hirendranath Datta, Attorney-
at-law, of Calcutta, a theosophist to the very core of his heart,
256 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE^
had a great admiration for Mrs. Besant. It was through his
intervention that Mrs. Besant, who belonged to no political
party but soon rose to the position of a leader among poli-
ticians, came in close touch with Moti Lai who was leading the
Extremist camp in Bengal.
She paid several visits to Moti Lai at the time to negotiate
a rapprochement between the two sections of the politicians.
Sometimes crowds gathered in front of the Patrika office to have
a look at her hoary head and silvery white silken habiliments
when men of the locality came to learn that Mrs. Besant had been
conferring with Moti Lai for a re-united Congress. At this time
her popularity had risen to such a height that on one occasion
when she was to deliver a lecture on the political situation at
the Beadon Square at 5 p.m., the square was overcrowded at
i p.m., in spite of the hot sun of Calcutta.
About this time Mrs. Besant started her "Home Rule
League" at Madras. The object of this League was to win
Home Rule for India by constitutional means. The rules of
the League were very simple. A group of persons in any place
in India who agreed with the object of this League might form
a league or society and choose one of their number as repre-
sentative, through whom they might communicate with the
General Secretary of the League at Madras. The members
would have to pay Re. i (one) only as entrance fee and life
subscription and copies of Home Rule literature were dis-
tributed among them to educate them as to how to establish
Home Rule or Self-Government.
In December, 1915 when Mrs. Besant was organising her
League, an informal meeting of a number of leading men
was held at the house of the late Hon'ble Mr. Abdul Rasul
under the presidency of Babu Moti Lai Ghose to consider the
question. The result was the establishment of a Home Rule
Association with the Hon'ble Mr. Fazlul Huq as Secretary,
on the lines indicated by Mrs. Besant. A Committee was
appointed to draw up a scheme for self-government and select
men for preaching Home Rule in Calcutta and the Mofussil
and some money was also raised for the purpose. Many
HOME RULE MOVEMENT 257
members of the Indian Association who were present in the
meeting also expressed their desire to act in concert with this
Association.
Very soon Mrs. Besant started her Home Rule League
with a great furore. "This League proposes to inform the
British people of the real condition of things in India, that
she may receive justice when the war is over .... To prepare
the way quietly and peacefully, the League undertakes an
educative propaganda, for, Britain only needs to understand
in order to do right" : Thus said "Leaflet No. I What India
thinks" published by the Home Rule League.
When Mrs. Besant started her Home Rule League Moti
Lai joined it at once. As a matter of fact Moti Lai had been
long crying for Home Rule or Self-Government in India.
There was, therefore, no difference between the ideals of Moti
Lai and Mrs. Beasant. Moreover Babu Hirendra Nath Datta
was a common friend and he did not a little in persuading
Moti Lai to join the Bengal branch of the Home Rule League
at College Square and accept its presidentship. The object
of this League was to hold public meetings with a view to
educate the people in political matters. To carry on agitation
for reforms was no part of the business of this League. Moti
Lai addressed many such meetings from time to time. In
one of these meetings held at the College Square towards the
end of 1916 Moti Lai concluded his speech thus:
"Grand-children the weight of my years gives me
the right to address you as such I advise you to do
three things, love your motherland, love God and pray
to God daily for the improvement of your country.
Prayers from a hundred throats a thousand throats a
million throats will reach the feet of the Almighty.
The God of the weak will give you moral strength and
bring you fulfilment of your hopes."
There was keen competition between Mrs. Besant and
Babu Ambica Charan Mazumdar for the Presidentship of the
Congress which was held at Lucknow in 1916 ; the latter was
elected.
The Lucknow Congress (1916) was a fruitful one. It was
here that the so-called Moderates and Extremists closed their
258 MEMOIRS OF MOT1LAL GHOSE
ranks and Hindus and Mahomedans agreed upon a common
plan of political propaganda. Tilak attended the Congress with
200 followers. They came in a special train bearing Home
Rule flags and slogans. Sir Rash Behari Ghose and Mr. Bal
Gangadhar Tilak who had a veritable tug of war at Surat in
1908 shook hands with each other on the Congress platform.
Babu Ambica Charan Mazumdar, who presided over the
Congress and Mr. Jinnah, President of the Moslem League
both demanded Home Rule or Self -Government for India. It
appeared that the persecution of Mrs. Besant had not gone in
vain. A scheme of Reforms was prepared by the Congress
and the League. The Home Rule League also accepted this
scheme and wanted to achieve the end by constitutional means.
When the Lucknow Congress was in session Moti Lai was
unwell and so he could not attend it. But he had been holding
correspondence with Mr. Tilak, Mrs. Besant and other leaders
about the policy to be followed at the Congress. Tilak wrote
to Moti Lai that the Congress should send some leaders to
England for carrying on political propaganda. Moti Lai
approved of the plan. Immediately the Congress was over
Mr. Tilak with his friends Messrs. G. S. Khaparde and V. G.
Joshi came to Calcutta and put up with Moti Lai at the Amrita
Bazar Patrika office. When Tilak came to Calcutta he
generally put up with Moti Lai. They shared the same room
and sometimes even the same bed. Tilak was very particular
about his food. He did not take his food with Moti Lai nor
did he take any food cooked in the family kitchen. In this
matter he was very orthodox and would himself cook his food
in a verandah on the outer appartments of the building in a
very neat and clean way. For his fuel he did not use coal
or coke but used wood instead. He was a vegetarian of the
orthodox type. But that is another story.
After the Lucknow Congress the agitation for Home rule
became more keen than before. Besant, Tilak and Moti Lai
Ghose put their heads together and meetings were held in
quick succession to arouse the people from their slumber.
MRS. BESANT INTERNED 359
They called themselves Home Rulers. And commenting on
their activities the Statesman said:
"Though the Extremists now masquerade under the
name of Home Rulers, they are the same men, as violent,
mischievous and impracticable as ever. They ousted the
Moderates from the Subjects Committee of the Congress
and the result is to be seen in the amazing resolution
asking for self-government by return of post. The goats
have returned to the fold, and the sheep are likely to
suffer until they can be rescued."
The Englishman, which breathed its last only recently,
also began to fall foul of these leaders. This showed that
they had been able to do some solid work for their country.
In the meantime Mrs. Besant, whose activities in con-
nection with the Home Rule League were gradually bringing
her to the forefront of Indian politics, suffered great persecution.
She was not allowed to proceed to Bombay by the local govern-
ment. She had to deposit a security under the Press Act for her
New India and tHe security was forfeited as she continued to
write in her paper fearlessly even after deposit of security. The
New India, had to suspend publication. And at last Mrs. Besant
was interned in June 1917 along with his secretaries Mr. C. S.
Arundale and Mr. B. P. Wadia. A wave of indignation
passed over the whole of India and Mrs. Besant who was
already worshipped as a guru by the Theosophists became
apotheosised in political circles as well. The Home Rule
Movement got an impetus and meetings protesting against the
interment of Mrs. Besant were held in important places. Even
Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and Dr. Tej Bahadur Sapru
who were well-known on account of their Moderate mentality
came out with two-column long letters in the Press criticising
the Government's repressive policy. "Mrs. Besant/' wrote
the Patrika, "is no longer a personality ; but a principle. The
blow dealt at her is a blow to the cause of Home Rule or
Self -Government." A sword of Damocles was hanging over
Babu Moti Lai Ghose's head at this time. A case for contempt
of court against him was heard in the High Court and judg-
ment was reserved. It was being freely talked about that he
*6o MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
would be imprisoned. In spite of that he attended the public
meeting held at the Indian Association Hall at Bowbazar.
In protesting against the action of the Government of Madras
in interning Mrs. Besant and Messrs. Arundale and Wadia
he said that:
"The only effective reply that they could give to
the policy adopted by the Madras Government was that
all of them should become Home Rulers. The leaders
of other Provinces who had hitherto kept themselves
aloof from the Home Rule movement had publicly and
openly joined that movement and they should follow
their lead. He thought that they in Bengal and
especially their esteemed friend the President (Babu
Surendra Nath Banerjea), he should say their leader
should lead them in that matter. If hundreds and
thousands of them declared themselves to be Home
Rulers it would have a very great effect upon the
Government. In that way and that way alone they
could retard the policy of Government, a policy which
Government had started to stop the progress of Self-
Government.' '
It seems Moti Lai's appeal did not go in vain. For,
immediately after the meeting was over a large number of
people including Mr. C. R. Das, the Hon'ble Babu Bhabendra
Chandra Roy, Babus Bijoy Krishna Bose, Basanta Kumar Bose,
Gunada Charan Sen and others joined the Home Rule League.
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea and some of his followers
however did not join the League. Mischief-makers wanted to
show that there was difference between the Congress-League
scheme of Reforms and the scheme of the Home-Rulers, but
the latter maintained that there was no fundamental difference
between the two schemes. In a speech at Gaya, Surendra
Nath said that the Congress-Moslem League Scheme and the
Home Rule League Scheme were identical.
Mrs. Besant's internment made her so very popular that
a movement was set on foot to make her the President of the
ensuing Congress session and install her portrait on the
Presidential chair in her absence. The climax was reached
when the authorities prohibited the Calcutta Town Hall meeting
-protesting against the internment of Mrs. Besant.
SEQUEL TO MRS. BESANT'S INTERNMENT 261
A joint meeting of the All-India Congress Committee and
the Moslem League was held at Bombay in July, 1917.
Amongst others who attended from Bengal were Babu Mod
Lai Ghose, Rai Yatindra Nath Chaudhuiy, Mr. I. B. Sen,
Babu Bijoy Krishna Bose, who were all Home Rulers and
Babus Surendra Nath Banerjea, Satyananda Bose, Provash
Chandra Mitter, Krishna Kumar Mitter and Dr. Nil
Ratan Sarkar. As soon as the order prohibiting the meeting
to protest against Mrs. Besant's internment reached their ears
they hurried back to Bengal. A conference of leaders was
held in which powers were delegated to six gentlemen, viz.,
Sir Rash Behari Ghose, Babu Moti Lai Ghose, Babu Surendra
Nath Banerjea, Mr. Byomkesh Chakravarti, Mr. C. R. Das
and Mr. Fazlul Huq to chalk out a line of action. Some of
them waited in deputation upon Lord Ronaldshay who was
now at Dacca, explained the situation to him and appealed
to him for cancellation of the order prohibiting the Town Hall
meeting. In the meantime a meeting was held at the College
Square in Calcutta under the auspices of the Home Rule
League. Babus Bepin Chandra Pal and some other speakers
addressed the meeting. Babu Moti Lai Ghose moved and
Babu Hirendra Nath Datta seconded the following resolution :
"That this meeting is of opinion that the detention
of Mrs. Annie Besant and her colleagues under the
orders of internment passed on the i6th June, 1917 is
unjust and detrimental to the interests of India and the
Empire ; and that they should forthwith be set at
liberty/'
The Government showed a conciliatory attitude towards
the deputation, probably because they wanted the famous
announcement of aoth August, 1917 made by the then Secretary
of State Mr. Edwin Samuel Montagu to have a warm recep-
tion in the country, and permitted the meeting to be held
at the Town Hall of Calcutta.
Surendra Nath Bannerjea presided over the meeting <md
delivered a lengthy speech protesting against the internment
of Mrs. Besant and her colleagues.
262 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Moti Lai rising to propose a vote of thanks to Surendra
Nath said that the idea of thanking the chair was foreign to
the Indians, who did not thank but embraced and kissed to
show their approbation. So Moti Lai wanted to embrace and
kiss Surendra Nath. Surendra Nath at once stood up and
Moti Lai embraced and kissed him amid loud applause. Next
day the vernacular paper Nayak came out with a cartoon
representing Surendra Nath as "Surendra" or Krishna and
Moti Lai as "Srimati" or Radha, hugging each other.
By the end of August, 1917 seven Provincial Congress
Committees voted for Mrs. Besant for the Presidentship of the
next Congress, though she was still interned at Ootacamond.
But when the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee met under
the presidentship of Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea, the Hon'ble
Mr. Provash Chandra Mitter proposed that the Raja Saheb of
Mahmudabad be recommended for the Presidentship. Mr. B.
Chakravarti proposed that Mrs. Besant be recommended for
the Presidentship. Mr. C. R. Das seconded him. The Raja
Saheb obtained 34 votes and Mrs. Besant 30 votes.
Then followed a momentous event, the Reception Com-
mittee Meeting which brought Mr. C. R. Das to the forefront
of public life in Bengal. The non-election of Mrs. Besant by
the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee, which to all intents
and purposes was a packed body, gave dire offence to the
educated community of Calcutta. They took it as an insult
and humiliation to the patriotism and intelligence of Bengal.
"Bengal would be outcasted and held in contempt by the whole
of India," said Babu Gaganendra Nath Tagore who belonged
to no party. That was the uppermost feeling in the hearts of
the intelligentsia of the town. Sir Rabindra Nath Tagore
characterised the vote of the Bengal Provincial Congress
Committee as "insolent." The result was that hundreds of
them joined the Reception Committee in the course of a single
day by paying the usual subscription of Rs. 25 and signing the
Congress creed in order to set aside the decision of the Bengal
Provincial Congress Committee and vindicate the honour of
Bengal. Never before in the annals of the Congress was a
SEQUEL TO MRS. BESANT'S INTERNMENT 263
meeting of the Reception Committee so numerously attended
and such enthusiasm shown. The meeting was held in the
Indian Association rooms. Rai Baikuntha Nath Sen Bahadur
took the chair. When the report of the last meeting was being
read by the Secretary, Rai Yatindra Nath Chaudhury pointed
out certain inaccuracies and appealed to Babu Surendra Nath
Banerjea, who was the Chairman of the previous meeting to
say if what he was saying was correct or not. Surendra Nath
got up and said he did not remember and could not bear out
Rai Yatindra Nath. Thereupon Babu Hirendra Nath Datta
stood up and was describing what had happened at the last
meeting when Surendra Nath interrupted him. Some un-
pleasant words were exchanged, after which Surendra Nath,
Rai Baikuntha Nath Sen Bahadur and about thirty other
gentlemen left the meeting. About 275 members remained.
Moti Lai who was one of the Vice-Presidents of the Reception
Committee was voted to the chair and the meeting unanimously
elected Mrs. Besant as the President of the next session of the
All-India Congress to be held in Calcutta.
A keen controversy went on in the press as to whether the
election of Mrs. Besant was constitutional or not and Moti Lai
and Surendra Nath who were in a kissing embrace at the Town
Hall only a week ago began to fight with each other like
Kilkenny cats through the columns of their journals.
The incidents that happened at the Reception Committee
led some people to think that there had been a repetition of
the Surat split. But split or no split the pulse of the country
could be felt ; the "Moderates* ' were found wanting and the
"Extremists" captured the Congress. Moti Lai who now led
the "Extremists" got congratulatory letters from far and near
on being able to get Mrs. Besant elected, thus vindicating the
honour of Bengal. ,
The two parties in Bengal, one led by Moti Lai and the
other led by Surendra Nath went on alternately quarrelling and
making peace overtures. In the meantime the agitation against
the internment of Mrs. Besant and her colleagues bore fruit.
They were released towards the end of September, making it
264 MEMOIRS OF MOTTLAL GHOSE
possible for Mrs. Besant to preside over the deliberations of
the Congress at Calcutta.
Mrs. Besant had been interned under an act which was
named the Defence of India Act.
The one important matter in regard to which public opinion
in Bengal had gone constantly against Lord Carmichael's
government had been the administration of the so-called
Defence of India Act by His Excellency's Government. Lord
Carmichael was ever anxious to take the responsibility of this
matter upon himself. He had evidently been convinced that
though the men interned in Bengal under this Act, as in other
parts of the country, did not come before any regular court of
justice and were not judicially tried, there could be no reason-
able doubt in the mind of any one who had access to the
secret dossiers which were prepared against them by the police
regarding their direct or indirect complicity with the revo-
lutionary propaganda in the Province. The general public
however felt otherwise ; they thought that the cases prepared
by the police could not be proved in a court of law.
The avowed object of these internments was to suppress
the so-called anarchical activities in the Province. But far from
achieving this object the internments produced only a -contrary
result. First of all, it was very doubtful if there were any
anarchists in the real sense of the term. Then again even
if they existed they were only a handful. The police were
not able to touch even a hair of their body. On the contrary
they interned a large number of innocent and sometimes even
brilliant college students. The result was that not only were
these youngmen irritated, but the sympathy of every member
of their families was alienated from the Government. These
internments directly or indirectly affected a very large number
of families belonging to the upper and middle classes of
Bengali society. Mothers and wives were deprived of their
sons and husbands, who were mostly kept in places where their
health was undermined. Sometimes earning members of
families were taken away, leaving the dependants to look for
MOTILAL AND THE INTERNEES 265
themselves. The careers of many brilliant students were cut
short and many of them became nervous or physical wrecks
on account of the hardships that they had to bear at the places
of their internment.
The relations of these internees came in numbers to
Babu Mod Lai Ghose for ventilating their pitiful tales through
the columns of his journal. There were wives and sisters,
brothers, parents and even minor boys who beseiged Moti Lai
in his office. No time was fixed for them. They came in the
morning, in the noon and at night. And whenever they came
he gave them patient hearing and did what he could for them.
He would speak about individual cases to Lord Carmichael or
Mr. (afterwards Sir) H. L. Stephenson, the then Member of
His Executive Council and if no good results could be got he
would critically examine the cases point by point in his paper.
The cause of the interned was very dear to his heart, for he
believed that they were mostly innocent but had been im-
plicated by the police or the C. I. D., anxious to justify their
existence. His intervention proved successful in many cases
and many were set free either owing to his private interviews
or owing to his writings in the Amrita Bazar PaMka. Yet
when Lord Carmichaers term was over and Lord Ronaldshay
came in there were over eight hundred of internees in Bengal.
Wrote the Amrita Bazar Patrika on the 26th March 1917
commenting on Lord Carmichael's departure :
"Bengal has made very little moral or material
progress during the rule of the departing Governor. In
some matters it is in a worse condition. It was at least
free from the operation of the Defence of India Act when
Lord Carmichael took charge of it. How disastrous are
its effects ! Over eight hundred of our youngmen, some
of them possessing brilliant talents, are either rotting in
jail under Regulation III of 1818 or are interned in
different parts of the country. We do not deny that
a number of them were revolutionaries in their ideas or
connected with some bhadralok dacoities ; hut it is
equally true that the vast majority of them are mere
police suspects. The general public regard them as
innocent and they are justified in doing it, so long as
their guilt is not established by a judicial trial. They
266 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
are undergoing terrible punishments, uncharged, un-
tried, undefended."
It was at such a time that Lord Ronaldshay came as
Governor. So, it can be well imagined in what a frame of
mind Lord Ronaldshay found the people of Bengal. It could
not be expected that he would be given a hearty reception.
Moti Lai had a hearty welcome for Lord Carmichael when
he was appointed Governor of Bengal. But when Lord
Ronaldshay was appointed he viewed the appointment from a
different angle. The fact that Lord Ronaldshay had been an
A-D-C to Lord Curzon went very much against him. To add
to this he had travelled in the East and had expressed his views
on many topics of interest in this country. Like Lord Curzon
he had also charged the Asiatic races with no regard for truth.
He had also shown his special contempt for the Bengalees by
calling them "sleek Babus". In his opinion Indian students
were not fit to study the philosophy of Herbert Spencer or
the ideals of John Stuart Mill. He had proclaimed that the
Congress and the Indian Press were responsible for anarchy in
the land. Moti Lai culled Lord Ronaldshay's opinions, pub-
lished them in the Patrika and warned him through the leading
columns of the Patrika that if he wished to prove himself a
good Governor he would have to banish from his mind the
unjust and unfounded prejudices that he had been cherishing
against Indians.
When Lord CarmichaePs term of office was about to be
over Moti Lai and others, who had come to realise that he
possessed a heart full of sympathy for India, organised a
meeting at the Town Hall praying for an extension of his term.
But before the date of the meeting the appointment of Lord
Ronaldshay was announced and Lord Carmichael consequently
asked the organisers of the meeting to abandon it, which had
to be done. This was also responsible to some extent for the
cold reception given to Lord Ronaldshay on his appointment.
At this time Mr. Francis H. Skrine a retired Civilian wrote
to Moti Lai from England that "it is not fair to exhume
obiter dicta thrown off many years ago, in order to prove that
FRANCIS H. SKRINE 267
the Governor elect was hostile to Bengalees. " Moti Lai replied
that "it was a tragedy of errors on both sides". If Lord
Ronaldshay had announced that he did not stick to his earlier
views the Indian Press might not have commented adversely
on his appointment.
Francis H. Skrine was an I. C. S. of a rare type he was
a class by himself. When he was in Bengal he mixed very
freely with the people. He was very fond of Indian music
and joined and encouraged the Indian jatra in the towns where
he was posted and in the neighbouring villages. He had to
pay the price of his long residence in unhealthy Bengal
villages, he was attacked with Malaria which compelled him
to return to England and retire from the service before his
term. In later life he opened correspondence with Moti LaL
His letters breathed deep sympathy for the people of Bengal,
which is so rare among foreigners who have eaten her salt.
Some of his articles on Malaria, the Great War and kindred
subjects were published by Moti Lai in the columns of the
Patrika. He wrote some beautiful letters describing the
activities of the Bengali regiment in the field of war.
It came to be known through some letters of Mr. Skrine
and Lord Ronaldshay 's lecture at the East Indian Association
that he no longer stuck to his former immature views regarding
Bengal and her people. And wrote Moti Lai :
"We have one request to submit to his Lordship.
We hope he will find it possible, like his great prede-
cessor, to throw off all official reserve, when conversing
with his Indian visitors, and permit them in their turn
to speak out their minds freely to him. We would also
take the liberty of drawing his attention to another
matter. No Governor should forget that his first duty
is to exercise his independent judgment and not to be
a blind or unconscious tool in the hands of his sub*
ordinates, when the question of the 'liberty of the
subject is concerned. "
Lord Ronaldshay's handling of the Home Rule Movement
though it was a perfectly constitutional one, did not show that
he remembered or paid any attention at all to this advice. The
Home Rulers were co-operators in this sense that they wanted
968 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
to achieve Home Rule for India by constitutional methods.
But the way in which this movement was sought to be
repressed made the leaders give up all hope of co-operation
and the more spectacular movement of Non-violent Non-co-
operation (to be followed by Civil Disobedience of laws, if and
when necessary) launched by Mahatma Gandhi caught the
imagination of the people as soon as it saw the light of day.
Under this movement the goal remained the same, Swaraj or
Home Rule for India, but the methods for attaining that goal
were different. Latterly, however, owing to causes which are
well-known Swaraj has come to mean complete Independence
for India.
CHAPTER XLVI
CONTEMPT OF COURT AGAIN
A Paragraph in the Potri feck-Comments on the Constitution of a High
Court Bench Moti Lai and "Tiger" Jackson Hearing of Case before
Full Bench Moti Lai Acquitted Press Comments.
At about 10 o'clock on the night of the 2ist May, 1917
when Moti Lai and my humble self were taking our meals
together in a verandah near the one where he used to sit and
work for the Amrita Bazar Patrika he was informed that a
gentleman (whose name I do not mention for obvious reasons
and who is now dead and gone), had come to see him in
connection with certain matters regarding the Calcutta Improve-
ment Trust. After finishing our meals we came out on the
verandah. Moti Lai had a conversation with the gentleman,
who told him something about the constitution of a bench of
the Calcutta High Court to hear appeals from awards of the
Improvement Tribunal. It is needless to say that the gentleman
was a man of position in Calcutta he was not only a
Rai Bahadur, but was also a Member of the Legislative
Council, a Commissioner of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation
A PARAGRAPH IN THE PATRIKA 369
and associated with a large number of public bodies in Calcutta.
Moti Lai had great faith in him and he had on many previous
occasions written paragraphs and articles in the Patrika. Oa
this occasion he wrote out the following paragraph which
appeared in the next morning's Patrika :
"Something like consternation prevails on account
of the proposed new constitution of the Appellate Bench
of the Calcutta High Court before which appeals against
the awards of the Improvement Trust are to be heard.
It is known to the reader how this Bench was originally
composed of Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee and the Hon'ble
Mr. Justice Cuming ; and how latterly it has come to
be presided over by the Hon'ble the Chief Justice and
Mr. Justice Woodroffe. Rumour has it that for purposes
of hearing Improvement Trust appeals the Bench is
going to be strengthened by the appointment of Mr.
Justice Chitty. Now, what neither the public, nor
ourselves can understand is this special arrangement for
such a special Bench Why should there
be a special Bench of three and not a Pull Bench of
five, on which at least two Indian judges could find
seats? The withdrawal of Sir Ashutosh
has given rise to rather unsavoury impressions in the
public mind, since this proposed arrangement is to follow
close upon the heels of his judgment in the case of
Chandra Kanta Ghosh vs. The Improvement Trust . . ."
In the above case Sir Asutosh had given his judgment
against the Improvement Trust and the insinuation in the
above paragraph was that he was removed from the Appellate
Bench because of this.
Little did it occur to the writer or Moti Lai that the above
paragraph could be construed to show a contempt of the Court.
There had been another article on the subject also and
this paragraph and that article formed the subject matter of a
contempt of court proceeding against Babus Moti Lai Ghose,
Golap Lai Ghose, Mrinal Kanti Ghose, Piyush Kanti Ghose
as Directors of the Amrita Bazar Patrika Ltd., Company and
Babu Tarit Kanti Biswas as Printer.
A Pull Bench comprising the Chief Justice (Sir Lancelot
Sanderson), and Justices Woodroffe, Mookerjee, Chitty and
Fletcher heard the case, which created a great sensation.
MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Now Babu Moti Lai Ghose and Mr. Jackson, Barrister-at-
Law were on the best of terms. Mr. Jackson delighted in
defending accused in criminal cases and Moti Lai delighted in
exposing the vagaries of the judiciary and magistracy. The
protection of the weak and the poor was the common tie which
bound them together, and so they regarded each other with
love and affection. They were rather familiar with each other.
I may narrate a small incident, which happened a few years
before this case. Moti Lai and myself were walking on the
Mall at Mussoorie on a very foggy day. Suddenly Mr. Jackson
and Mr. M. Chatterjee, the then Master of the High Court
appeared on the scene. After mutual greetings Jackson said,
"It is quite a bit of London to-day. I had almost tumbled
against you." "That shows," replied Moti Lai, "you are
growing in years." "Really?" said Jackson, "but I thought
I was growing younger. Perhaps you do not know that I have
married lately." Moti Lai said, "But why did you marry so
late?" Jackson replied, "Better late than never. Moreover,
you know I was so busy with my briefs in Court that I could
hardly find time for courtship." And they laughed a hearty
laugh in which I also joined.
So when the contempt proceedings were drawn up against
Moti Lai he sought the help of Jackson. He was going to
the Bar Library of the Calcutta High Court and met Jackson
on the corridor.
"Well... Moti Lai,... what brings you here?" exclaimed
Jackson.
"I am in trouble," replied Moti Lai.
Jackson exclaimed "There can be no trouble to my Moti
Lai so long as I am alive," and he rounded his arm about
Moti Lai's waist as one would do with one's brother.
Jackson was briefed, of course without any fee, and he
conducted the case in such a manner that it amply justified
his popular name "Tiger Jackson." Space does not permit me
to give a full description of the case. It is reported in the
Calcutta Weekly Notes, Volume No. XVII. A detailed report
was published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika and other papers.
A PASSAGE AT ARMS 271
As soon as their Lordships took the seat said Mr. Jackson :
I would ask your Lordships in what jurisdiction this Court
is sitting?
Chief Justice: I suppose sitting here we have every
jurisdiction.
Mr^ Jackson : No, I submit you cannot sit in five jurisdic-
tions at the same moment I want to know where I am.
Chief Justice : You will know where you are in time.
Mr. Jackson : Unless I know that I cannot put my points.
Two of my next points depend on that. If you do not tell
me in what jurisdiction it is the best thing I can do is to
sit down.
Chief Justice : You may assume this is a matter of a
criminal nature.
Mr. Jackson : Then I am entitled to know who is prosecut-
ing I want to know who my opponent is, and what
the charge is? Is it the whole Court or one Judge or two
Judges or three Judges or some one wholly irrespective of the
Court ?
Chief Justice : Anything more on that point ?
Mr. Jackson: No. In the absence of an answer to that
point I cannot possibly proceed.
Chief Justice: Why not?
Mr. Jackson: Without knowing what the charge is how
am I to meet it ? Is not this significant of cases of this descrip-
tion? The fact is I hope the end of the War will see the
whole of this sham disappear.
Chief Justice: What sham?
Mr. Jackson: The Court dealing with cases itself in
which it is personally interested. I protest against going on
further in this matter.
Chief Justice: We don't think you are entitled to ask
questions of the Bench in the way you have been doing on
these points. But inasmuch as you assure us you will be
hampered in your argument if you do not get certain informa-
tion we think it only right to give it to you although we do
not think you are entitled to it. With regard to the question
272 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
of the Rule it was issued by me as Chief Justice of this Court
after consultation with the learned Judges of the Court
The articles contained a reflection on the Court in its adminis-
tration. Among other things it contained a suggestion that
the Court was constituted for the purpose of hearing certain
appeals with the object of counteracting a decision which has
been given on a similar point by two other learned Judges of
the Court, namely, Justices Mookerjee and Cuming.
Mr. Jackson contended that there was no legal evidence to
connect Moti Lai Ghose with this publication.
Mr. Justice Mookerjee: Do you deny that you are a
Director ?
Mr. Jackson: I am an accused person. Your Lordship
will pardon me if I refuse to make any reply.
Mr. Justice Fletcher : The statutory return shows he is a
Director.
Mr. Jackson : That does not prove his connection with
this publication.
Chief Justice : What was the date of the return ?
Mr. Jackson: March. This is June. It is no presump-
tion that because you are married once you are married always.
Is every Director supposed to be cognisant of everything that
goes out of his office ? If you think that is legal evidence well
and good, and I don't wish to address you further in the
matter.
Mr. Jackson then addressed the Court on law points and
merits of the case and submitted that there was no contempt
in the two articles in question.
Mr. Eardley Norton argued the case for the Printer, Mr.
Byomkesh Chakravarti for Babus Mrinal Kanti Ghose and
Kyush Kanti Ghose ; and Mr. C. R. Das for Babu Golap Lai
.Ghose.
This time also Babu Moti Lai Ghose narrowly escaped on
technical grounds, as it could not be proved that he was
responsible for the publication. He and the other directors
were discharged. The Printer, however, was fined Rs. 300.
COMMENTS ON THE CASE 273
The Chief Justice observed in his judgment that "the
Legislature should provide for the registration of the Editor,
or the person really responsible for the contents of a newspaper,
so that the responsibility might be placed in the proper quarter
without any difficulty or delay."
The Amrita Bazar Patrika retorted :
"If the Government approve the recommendation of
the five wise Judges of the High Court who tried the
recent Patrika contempt case and pass a law making it
incumbent on every newspaper to register its editor,
then, we are afraid, we may be obliged to entertain the
services of a prison-going editor."
It may be recalled here that at the time when this case
was heard the law requiring the name of the Editor to be
published in each and every issue of a journal had not yet
been passed.
The Statesman made biting comments on the case, in
course of which it wrote :
"According to the numerous counsel engaged for
the respondents this newspaper (The Amrita Bazar
Patrika) is a fortuitous concourse of articles and para-
graphs which assemble from the void and present them-
selves to a guileless printer who does not read them.
It is a pretty conception which is not unworthy of the
quaint fancy of Babu Moti Lai Ghose."
The Patrika replied :
"The Statesman, if it has at all followed the recent
proceedings in the High Court, should know that the
above paragraph is a travesty of the arguments of the
eminent counsel who appeared for the respondents on
the occasion. Mr. Jackson, than whom there is no more
fair or conscientious advocate at the Bar, following the
traditions of the English criminal jurisprudence enshrined
in the reported judgments of very eminent English
Judges, which our High Courts have followed in India,
when questioned as to whether he admitted that his
client was a Director, said that he was not bound to
answer that question inasmuch as an accused person
owed no duty except the duty of defending himself.
The persons before the Court were only the
Directors of the Limited Company which owns the
Amrita Bazar Patrika, and they, under legal advice and
in accordance with journalistic etiquette, were unable to
Tft
374 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
give out the names of the writers of the articles in
question which, it is common knowledge, were outside
contributions."
I have it on the authority of persons who were intimately
connected with the case that during consultation among lawyers
Moti Lai more than once wanted to take the responsibility of
the articles on himself, but that the iron will of "Tiger"
Jackson prevailed. "You must fight out the case," he said,
and Moti Lai had to do so. Commenting on the case the
Bengalee said :
"Babu Moti Lai Ghose has rendered a great public
service in fighting out the case against very heavy odds,
for, after all, the ends of justice are dearer to all public
men than mere private considerations."
CHAPTER XLVII
AS A BENGAU WRITER.
Early Bengali Writings On Vaishnava Religion, Literature and Saints
A Jatra Party Views on Literature An Interesting Episode.
Moti Lai was widely known as a journalist writing in the
English language only. That he could, and as a matter of
fact did, write in the Bengali language also, was, perhaps, not
so very widely known. This is because of the fact that in
latter days he scarcely wrote in Bengali. So much so that he
thought that he* had almost forgotten to write the Bengali
alphabet. One day, while he was writing an article he had
to write a few lines in Bengali. When he came across a
certain letter he suddenly called me and after having written
the letter on the top of his paper he asked me if it had been
correctly written. On my answering in the affirmative he said
with a smile, "I have not written in Bengali for such a long
time that I thought that I had forgotten to write it."
And yet it was this Moti Lai who had been one of the
writers of the Amrita Bazar PaMka when the paper was first
started in Bengali in the year 1868. When with the passing
COMMENTS ON THE CASE 275
of the Vernacular Press Act of 1878 the Amrita Bazar Patrika
was converted into a wholly English paper, the Bengali portion
of the paper was continued to be published separately with
the name of the Ananda Bazar Patrika with the idea of catering
to the Bengali-reading public. "At that time," to quote from
an article written by Babu Ranjan Vilas Ray Chaudhuri, a
nephew of Moti Lai, in the columns of the Ananda Bazar
Patrika, "Shishir Kumar became the editor of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika and Hemanta Kumar became the editor of the
Ananda Bazar Patrika. Moti Lai, who was the right hand of
both the brothers, became a writer in both the papers.'*
Subsequently Moti Lai became the editor of the Ananda Bazar
Patrika also, which position he held for a considerable time.
The Ananda Bazar Patrika had to be closed down in 1886.
But after a few years it was revived as Sri Sri Vishnupriya O
Ananda Bazar Patrika. It became a religious and political
paper combined in one. In this paper Moti Lai wrote articles
not only on political subjects but also on Vaishnava religion
and literature and lives of saints. He wrote several articles
on the life of Thakur Narahari Sarkar, a devout Vaishnava,
in which he gave a detailed and critical account of the "sweet
form" of the worship of Sri Gauranga. These articles were
remembered by Vaishnavas even after his death. He also
wrote some articles on the life of Srila Ramtanu Bhagabat-
bhushan which revealed their writer as a worshipper of Sri
Gauranga in his duality, i.e., as combining Radha and Krishna
in himself. Besides these he wrote a large xfumber of articles
explaining the esoteric meaning of the Vaishnava religion
and giving expositions of the subjects of Braja-leela, Man-
bhanjan, Mdthurer paid, etc., which showed what keen interest
he took in Vaishnava songs. These articles were highly
appreciated by the Vaishnava public. After Moti Lai's death
Srijut Hari Das Goswami of Navadwip referred to these articles
and wrote in the columns of the Ananda Bazar Pdtrika that
"Moti Lai was not simply a political leader. His heart was
softer than a flower. Such religious-mindedness and modesty
and sweetness befitting a Vaishnava as Moti Lai had, in spite
276 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
of his being engaged in dry politics, could be found only
among great men devoted to the Prophet of Nadia." It was
only the other day (September 5, 1934) that Srijut Hirendra
Nath Datta in a speech at a public meeting held in honour of
Moti Lai at the Albert Hall in Calcutta said that "a prince
among journalists Moti Lai detested politics which he called
a dirty game. Yet he played a distinct role in Indian politics.
But playing this role did not satisfy the heart of this Bhakta.
Whenever, therefore, Moti Lai would find a Bhakta he would
cry out, 'Bless me, so that I may be a recipient of the grace
of Lord Sri Krishna.' "
While on this subject I may be permitted to indulge in
a little digression. Those who have read Vaishnava literature
are well-acquainted with the fact that Sri Gauranga, the
Prophet of Nadia whom the Vaishnavas worship as God
Incarnate, was very fond of Jatra performances and as a matter
of fact Himself held many such performances at Navadwip
in his youthful days. Moti Lai and his brothers who were
devoted followers of Sri Gauranga also held Jatra performances
in their native village Amrita Bazar in imitation of their Lord
in their youthful days. When they had removed to Calcutta
and had settled there they revived their Jatra party, with
several young boys of their native village. I have been able
to gather information regarding this Jatra from my mother Sajal
Nayana (Moti Lai's daughter) who still remembers all its songs.
The performances were mainly on Sri Krishna and Radha,
on Abhishar which dealt with the subject of Radha bedecking
herself with all the ornaments that she could have and going
out to meet her beloved Sri Krishna, on Man, which dealt
with the subject of Radha's anger on account of Sri Krishna
passing his night in the floral bower of Chandravali, another
Devotee of his, and on Mathur, which described the lamenta-
tions of the dwellers of Brindaban on Sri Krishna's leaving
that place for the throne of Mathura. Almost all the actors
came from the village of Amrita Bazar, and they were lodged
in a house close to No. 2, Ananda Chatterji Lane. The idea
of starting this Jatra party most probably originated from
teOTlLAL'S JATRA PARTY 277
Shishir fcttoar, who w*$ very fond of sports, games, music
aid other t-fccreations. Rehearsals were held almost daily at
the hall of No. 2, Ananda Chatter ji Lane. The musical
instruments consisted of the Harmonium, the Behala (violin),
the Dhol (dmmlet), the Khanjani, the Khartal, etc. The songs
were mostly of Govinda Adhikari, Joydev or other Mahajans ;
many of these were adaptations from old Vaishnava composi-
tions by Shishir Kumar. A youngman who played on the
violin was the most intelligent among the group. Moti Lai
taught him the songs and he in his turn coached the boys.
Moti Lai also taught the boys as to how to dance and sing
and play their respective parts. Sometimes he used to play
on the violin also. The ladies of the family took great interest
in the jatras and they dressed up the boys as Radha, Krishna,
cow-boys, Gopinis, etc. The jatra party received some outside
calls, amongst which mention may be made of their perform-
ances at the houses of the late Raja Jotindra Mohan Tagore
at Pathuriaghata, the late Raja Peary Mohan Mukherji of
Uttarpara and the late Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhuri of
Barnagar. The party, however, was a losing concern to the
Chose brothers who had ultimately to give it up. But they
had a great love for the histrionic art and hence failing to set
up a party on a permanent basis they not only encouraged
others to set up some public theatrical parties but also attended
their performances regularly. But the plays which they liked
were mostly religious plays or social plays having a moral,
i.e., those plays which aimed at the uplift of humanity.
Moti Lai belonged to the old school of Bengali writers.
His studies in Bengali were also confined to old writings, such
as Vidyapati, Chandidas, Chaitanya Charitamrita, etc. I have
never found him reading a Bengali novel, old or new. He
was much averse to novel-reading. An incident comes up to
my mind in this connection. Whatever might have been Moti
Lai's views on the poems and writings of Rabindranath Tagore,
as expressed in the columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika, in
private conversations he would never appreciate these. I had
just passed the Matriculation examination when the poet got
278 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
the Nobel Prize. I purchased a copy of the Gitanjali in
Bengali, an English version of which had won the prize for
him, learnt many of its songs and committed others to memory.
I tried to convince Moti Lai as to the beauty of the poems,
their fine sentiment and devotional spirit. I argued with him
and wished him to read a few poems. He would not read
them. On the contrary, he asked me to read the book of poems
entitled KaLachand Gita, written by his illustrious elder brother,
Shishir Kumar Ghose, which I did. At that time I was an
ardent admirer of Rabindra Nath Tagore's poems. So, one
day, while Moti Lai was preparing for his bath and a servant
was rubbing oil over his body, I came to him and said, "Now
that you are not busy may I read out a few poems of the
Gitanjali'?" On his agreeing I read a few poems. I had a
mind to read some more, but he threw cold water over me
by saying, "Stop, stop, all this is nothing compared with the
writings of Vaishnava poets they are far superior to these.
Read the poems of Vidyapati and Chandidas and you will
appreciate my remarks." I thought that he was biased or
had some pre-conceived notions.
After a few days Moti Lai brought two big volumes of
the poems of Vidyapati and Chandidas, published by the
Bangiya Sahitya Parishat and began to read them off and on.
I also read them to find put if they contained even finer things
than the Gitanjali.
At this time appeared Rabindra Nath's Gharey Bahirey
(At Home and Abroad), a novel in Bengali, which became the
talk of the day. I had read it when it was appearing in the
monthly Sabujpatra.
Now, one day it happened that a gentleman connected
with the Calcutta University and having something to do with
Bengali literature came to pay a visit to Moti Lai. I was
present all the time when they were talking with each other.
The gentleman asked in course of conversation whether Moti
Lai had read Rabi Babu's Gharey Bahirey. On his answering
in the negative, he said, "O, Sir, what shall I say of the book I
If books like this are read by our young boys and girls surely
HUMOROUS ARTICLES 279
our society is doomed." "Is that so?" inquired Moti Lai.
"Well, Sir, the book is such that it cannot be real aloud by
father and son sitting together." I could keep my silence no
longer and entered my protest against what the gentleman had
said. Moti Lai inquired of me if I had read it. His face became
grave when I answered in the affirmative. Apparently he was
thinking as to what to say to me. But before giving him
any opportunity to speak I said, pointing to the big volumes
of Vidyapati and Chandidas lying on his table, "If father and
son cannot read together Rabi Babu's Gharey-Bahirey then
they cannot read together these volumes of Vidyapati and
Chandidas also, and especially the volume of Vidyapati."
Moti Lai flared up, "Why do you read these books? You have
no adhikar to read these books." This silenced me. Then
the other gentleman, who dabbled in Vaishnava literature also
and Moti Lai went on discussing among themselves Adhikar,
Brajalila and other esoteric topics of Vaisnavism and I was
made to feel that though I was reading Shakespeare and Milton
in College I was not able to understand the poetry of Vidyapati
and Chandidas in spite of their being written in my mother
tongue.
CHAPTER XLVIII
HUMOROUS ARTICLES.
Jam v. Sandesh Ali Brothers' Appreciation Secret of Moti Lai's Style
Plain and Simple Language Sentiments Indian.
In the middle of 1917 Babu Moti Lai Ghose wrote a
leading article in the Amrita Bazar Patrika with the title of
"Jam vs. Sandesh." The article was a very humorous one
and was written in his characteristic style. This article was
one among the innumerable articles which were dictated to
me. In this article he regretted that Indians were gradually
giving up indigenous sweets like Sandesh, which was a celestial
s8o MEMOI&S OF MOTltAL GftOSE
food, and had been taking to ham, jam and jelly, etc., which
Were foreign to the soil. After its publication he received
Several letters from friends and acquaintances congratulating
him on the article. But the most remarkable letter was the
one that came from Maulanas Shaukat AH and Mahomed Ali,
who were now lodged in the Chhindwara jail. It was a joint
espistle, written on an "Exercise Book" running up to 32 pages
or more. From beginning to end it was full of humour and
one reading it could scarcely feel that it was written from inside
a jail. "Stone walls do not a prison make, nor iron bars a
cage." The Ali brothers were not personally acquinted with
Moti Lai, but in their letter they opened their heart to him.
With regard to the article they said that they relished it very
much but they complained that Moti Lai had shown a bit of
partiality towards the sandesh ; he should have mentioned the
qualifications of the rasogollah as well.
Moti Lai wrote a very charming letter in reply. He com-
pared the affectionate relationship between the Ali brothers
with the relationship that existed between himself and his late
lamented illustrious brother Shishir Kumar and compared
the love of Bi Amma, mother of the Ali brothers to the love
of their own mother Amrita Moyee. He also wrote that he
and his brother named their bazar and the paper according
to their mother's name Amrita Bazar. My humble self was
the amanuensis of Babu Moti Lai Ghose. I preserved the
Ali brothers' letter for long, but it has been mislaid along
with many other papers and letters of Moti Lai which I had
preserved for a long time.
There was some reason why I was preserving these letters.
I often asked Moti Lai to make some publication in a book
form of some of his important and interesting writings, espe-
cially the humorous ones. As a matter of fact he had a
personal diary in which the head-lines and dates of many such
articles were noted down. On many occasions he referred to
this diary with a view to finding out old articles for reference
or with a view to refreshing his memory as to what he had
written on a particular subject. He had also made a selection
MOTILAt'S HUMOUR 281
of articles. But somehow or other the publication never came
out. First of all, he was not very keen on it, and then, I was
at that time not grown up enough to take charge of the
publication independently of him.
The article Jam vs. Sandesh is but one of the innumerable
humorous articles that were published from time to time in
the leading columns of the Amriia Bazar Patrika. They were
on a wide variety of subjects, such as Horse's Egg, Makar
Dhokar Law, Hobu Chandar and Gobu Chandar, St. Andrews'
Day Dinner, Bhagwan Bhut, My Dear Konstam, God-deposed
Europe, Molists and No Molists, Gopal Bhanr Counting Stars,
The Indian Hookka, "John You Cut Me", Animals Tried by
Court Martials, Drink and Be Great, John Bull and Rama the
Farmer, Heat As It Affects the Europeans, Moustache or No
Moustache, Lady of Irritable Temper, The Story of a Man who
Could Bark Better than a Dog, etc., etc., to mention a few
among hundreds of articles. They showed what an inex-
haustible fund of humour the writer possessed. But these
were not simply entertaining articles written only for the sake
of fun. They were highly instructive and in some cases they
contained bitter criticisms of social evils or political tyranny.
Moti Lai was an excellent humorist and in his time the
Amriia Bazar Patrika was famous for its humour. Even the
driest possible subject grew interesting at his touch. For
example, his articles on such a dry subject as the Government
Budget were captivating in all conscience as they were always
illustrated with popular and interesting stories and written in
a very interesting manner. Not only that ; he wrote them
in such a Incid and simple style that even those who had only
a smattering of the English language could understand what
he wrote. I have seen letters written to him in appreciation
of his articles by persons who could scarcely write two lines
in English or failing even that wrote to him in Bengali.
The reason for this popularity of Moti Lai's writings was
the fact that he scarcely indulged in heavy articles ; and never
did he write in an ornate style. He had very little acquaintance
with English literature, and even if he had any acquaintance
282 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
with it he was not fond of it, neither was he disposed to show
his learning. So, his writings were not full of allusions
or quotations like those of many others, who want to make
a vain display of their learning ; and his thoughts and senti-
ments were not coloured with Anglicism. Many Indians who
have got their education in England or who have been educated
in India on modern lines consider themselves fortunate if they
can think more like Englishmen than like Indians. They
write in English, they speak in English, they dress in the
English fashion, and sometimes they even dream in English.
But Moti Lai's education was mostly in the Indian style. In
the village schools in those days students were still taught on
the older lines and not on the present English-imitating
method. So, though in later life Moti Lai wrote in English,
his thoughts were those of a Bengalee. The language was
English, and very good English too, but the ideas, the senti-
ments, the thoughts these were purely Bengalee. His
metaphors or similes were not taken from the mountains of
Scotland or Switzerland, nor were his parables and anecdotes
taken from the Bible or ^Esop's Fables. The unlimited
resources of his own country supplied him with his materials.
Above all, his humour was not borrowed from western litera-
ture. He showed scant courtesy for Addison or Steele. They
were not his masters. But it was the unwritten stories of his
own motherland coming to the present day from generation to
generation, from mouth to mouth, that taught him his lessons
in humour. His quaint manner of illustrating his points with
these stories and also others from our ancient literature, such
as the Hitopodesha or the Panchatantra, was original. His
stories of Hobu Chunder and Gobu Chunder were appreciated
by all classes of readers, young and old. The Anglo-Indians
also did not fail to appreciate him and on numerous occasions
when he wrote a humorous article the Anglo-Indian dailies of
Calcutta (especially, the Indian Daily News) used to reprint
it with the head-line "The Amrita in Merry Mood."
But a generation has passed away since these articles were
printed and perhaps I am talking to persons who have read
HEMANTA KUMAR'S DEATH 283
none of them. How I wish that some at least of these
innumerable articles could be printed in book form for the
benefit of the present generation and, perhaps, of generations
to come !
CHAPTER XLIX
THE AMRITA BAZAR PATRIKA A FAMILY PAPER,
YET AN INSTITUTION
The Ghose Brothers and Their Descendants Amrita Bazar Patrika con-
verted into a Limited Company Outside Helpers Gradual Evolution
of Machinery.
It has already been said that Basanta Kumar, the eldest
of the Ghose brothers died a few months before the Amrita
Bazar Patrika was started in 1868. His next brother Hemanta
Kumar, "the eldest of the brothers who founded the Amrita
Bazar Patrika passed away to a better world" (to quote the
Patrika) in March, 1892, just a year after the Amrita Bazar
Patrika had been converted into a daily. Needless to say that
it was a great shock to the Ghose family, the grief which the
surviving brothers felt can only be imagined by those who
knew the nature and extent of the affection in which the
Ghose brothers held each other. The part which Hemanta
Kumar played in the foundation and development of the
Patrika was not an insignificant one, and I believe that if any
of the three brothers who founded the Amrita Bazar Patrika
did not exist or do his part, it would have been difficult, if
not impossible for the other two to do theirs. The part which
Shishir Kumar played is well known (Vide His biography in
Bengali by Sj. Anath Nath Basu). The part played by
Hemanta Kumar is not so well known to the public of the
present day. His chief merits, I have been told by persons
who were in the know, lay in acquiring friends and well-wishers
for the Patrika. He was a devout Vaishnava and had a very
484 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Captivating heart, so that whoevfer came in touch with him
soon became his friend and through him the friend of his
fctothers and the Patrika. His literary contributions to the
paper might not have been so extensive as those of his brothers
but he rendered inestimable service to the Patrika by going
about the town and sometimes into the moffussils also and
paying visits to the subscribers and contributors and men of
Kght and leading and gauging their feelings. On many
occasions he would move about in the villages among the ryots,
holding meetings and explaining matters relating to the welfare
of the villages.
Those were days of what might be called "Personal
Journalism." The personalities of the editor and other con-
ductors of the paper had much to do with its growth and
popularity. The number of subscribers as well as the reading
pfcblic was very small and unlike the present day the editor
tad a very easy way of ascertaining what effect his writings
had produced in the reader's mind. Mejadada, for so was
Hemanta Kumar called, would on many occasions act as a
Connecting link between the paper and the public. He was
thus one of the main props of the paper and his loss was
irreparable.
The death of such a brother was disheartening in all
conscience. But the Ghose brothers were believers in
Spiritualism they believed in the life after death. So death
to them was not total annihilation it meant the passing away
of the soul to a better world. Those who did good deeds in
this life, they believed, had nothing to fear from death, but
those who were addicted to bad deeds must suffer the conse-
quence after death. "We are like caterpillars," Moti Lai
often used to say, "and when we shall leave this dirty carcase
of ours we shall soar higher and higher and fly about like
butterflies in a garden of flowers." He referred to the human
body as the dirty carcase in which the soul was enthralled.
When such was the case it can be well imagined that however
great the shock might have been the Ghose brothers bore it
calmly and set about doing their daily work.
SHISHIR KUMAR'S DEATH 285
Another great shock, perhaps the greatest shock, in the
life of Moti Lai was the death of his elder brother in January,
1911. "Babu Shishir Kumar Ghose, the chief founder of this
journal," to quote the Amrita Bazar PaMka of the nth
January, 1911, "left this for the other world yesterday (n-i-n)
at the age of 71 his chief merit lay in the high
spiritual life that he led during his later years. He was the
chief editor of this journal for a quarter of a century : indeed
it was he who gave shape, life and soul to it. The lingering
and serious illness that led to the retirement of Babu Shishir
Kumar Ghose from public life at the latter end of the eighties
of the last century formed the subject of comment in all the
leading papers of the day."
Though in the latter part of their lives their activities lay
through different channels, one wielding his pen in the field
of religion and the other doing the same in the political arena
of the day, Shishir Kumar and Moti Lai were very closely
associated in their earlier days. To those who came to pay
their condolence to Moti Lai on the former's death he said that
he and his brother were like two flowers in the same stalk
and now that one of the flowers had fallen the other would
also wither away day by day. But let me quote what he
wrote in the Amrita Bazar PaMka of i2th January, 1911 :
"We haye no right to thrust our private grief upon
others, specially when it is too deep, too sacred for
utterance. All the same we are but human, and we
cannot speak of him from whom we were separated on
Tuesday (loth January) without being overwhelmed with
sorrow. They talk of conjugal love ; parental love ;
filial love ; to us a brother's love is the supremest gift
of God the Fountain of all love. To lose a brother is
to feel as if the heart were crushed out of shape. Babu
Shishir Kumar Ghose, however, was not only a brother
to us born of the same parents, but a life companion a
constant, almost a daily companion of over sixty years
to whom we owe every little good thing that we possess
at whose feet we learnt the A. B. C. of politics and a
higher life who taught us, not by precepts alone but
by examples also that the highest destiny of man was
to love God and love man. He was our temporal and
286 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
spiritual guru ; how helpless, small and miserable we
feel in his absence. The void caused in our heart by
his translation to the other world will and can never be
filled up so long we are here ; yet he lives and lives in
a better and happier world, and the conviction, rather
the knowledge that we shall meet him again in due
course, will, we trust, God willing, enable us to sustain
the heavy blow which it has been our unfortunate fate
to receive."
Since its very inception the Amrita Bazar Patrika had been
a family concern. With the death of the eldest of the brothers
Basanta Kumar who had founded the vernacular fortnightly
Amrita Prabahini Patrika, his mantle had fallen upon his
brothers Hemanta Kumar, Shishir Kumar and Moti Lai.
Moti Lai and his brothers were eight in number, of whom
Hiralal, who was next to Moti Lai died very young and two
others Ram Lai and Benode Lai died almost as soon as they
had completed their education. The youngest of the Ghose
brothers Golap Lai joined the Amrita Bazar Patrika about ten
years before the death of Hemanta Kumar. The gap created
by the death of Hemanta Kumar in the management of the
Patrika was filled up by Golap Lai though in another way
and the trio, Shishir Kumar, Moti Lai and Golap Lai, after
the death of Hemanta Kumar, went on conducting the paper
as vigorously as before, Shishir Kumar contributing his
superior intellect and advice, Moti Lai his industry and per-
severance and Golap Lai his willing hand always extended to
help his brothers whenever there was need.
The part which Golap Lai played in the history and
development of the Patrika is still too fresh in the mind of
the reader to require any mention. The unique tribute paid
to him by the Indian newspapers after his death in 1932
reveals the nature of the work he had done in connection with
the Patrika. He did the work of managing editor from the
time he joined the Patrika, though the name of Managing
Editor was, perhaps, then not in vogue and as such he was
recorded in official papers as the Financial Manager. Through-
out he rendered Moti Lai substantial help in the discharge of
THE MANAGEMENT OF THE PATRIKA 287
his editorial duties by assisting him in selecting subjects for his
writing. Golap Lai's terse and illuminating paragraphs were
quite in keeping with the traditions of the Patrika. Some time
after Moti Lai's death he became the editor of the Patrika.
Moti Lai (who avowedly had poor knowledge of mathe-
matics) had to look to the financial side of the paper during its
very early stages ; subsequently Hemanta Kumar did it for a
time. After the death of Hemanta Kumar, Babu Mrinal Kanti
Ghose and others looked to the management of the financial side
of the paper, so that Moti Lai had since then very little to do
with financial matters relating to the paper beyond being con-
sulted as and when important occasions arose. Speaking about
the management of the Patrika, I think I shall be accused of a
glaring omission if I do not mention the name of the late Dina
Nath Roy, who, though not a member of the family had none the
less a great hand in the management of the paper. He joined
the Patrika about the time when Hemanta Kumar died and soon
established his usefulness, so much so that the proprietors of
the paper left the financial matters to a great extent, if not
entirely, to his hands. In this connection I must also mention
the name of my father the late Nritya Gopal Dutt
(Moti Lai's son-in-law), who was like a son to him and for years
assisted him greatly by looking after his financial matters, both
in connection with the Patrika as well as his zemindari estates
in his native place in Jessore. Indeed I make bold to say that
but for this relief it would have been very difficult, if not
impossible, for Moti Lai to keep himself absolutely aloof from
financial matters and devote himself entirely to the editorial
work of the Patrika and other public works. While on this
subject I cannot help stating (though it is a digression) that
Moti Lai kept himself so much out of touch with monetary
matters that he had not touched or seen a coin for several years,
he had no personal financial account ; his income from the
zemindari and his allowance from the Patrika office were taken
and spent by my father during his life time and after his death
in 1919 by myself and my brothers. As a matter of fact Moti Lai
did not know what was his income and what was his ex-
288 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
penditure. How detached he was from the monetary world will
appear from the following incident. Long after the old silver
2 anna bits had given place to the new nickel ones, one day
Moti Lai suddenly called me and holding up a new nickel coin
in his hand asked me, "What is this?" "Strange," said I,
"You do not know what it is. It is a new 2 anna bit." Moti
Lai replied, "Yes, yes, I had read of it, but had not seen it
before".
But to return to the subject of this chapter. Piyush Kanti
Ghose, eldest son of Shishir Kumar, was connected with the
Amrita Bazar Pdtrika in various capacities from his college days
till his death in 1928. He rendered great help to Moti Lai in
discharging his public duties, in fact in such matters he was
said to be Moti Lai's right hand man. His bright and fasci-
nating narrative and descriptive writings in the Patrika were a
treat for the readers. The late Parimal Kanti Ghose, son of
Hemanta Kumar, and the late Nihar Kanti Ghose, soil of
Shishir Kumar, played their parts in the Patrika and were
called into eternity rather early. Babu Mrinal Kanti Ghose, son
of Hemanta Kumar is almost contemporaneous with Golap Lai.
He joined the management side of the paper about the time
when Golap Lai joined it, and inspite of his old age and weak
health is still looking after the paper with the energy of a
young man. At present he is the oldest member of the Ghose
family and may he live for years serving as a connecting link
between those who are and those who are no more.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika was started in the year 1868
as a family paper. Sixty-six years have since gone by. None
of the original founders are living, but the proprietorship of
the paper is still confined to the heirs of the original founders,
all of whom without a single exception are now in the manage-
ment of the paper.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika was incorporated as a company
in the year 1908. Before that it had been a joint family
property owned and managed by the Ghose family. In that
year the business of the printers and publishers along with all
the. assets $ad liabilities was transferred by the then proprietors
THE MANAGEMENT OF THE PAT RIKA 289
to the Amrita Bazar Patrika Limited Company, which was in
reality a family business converted into a limited company, the
shareholders being the members of the family themselves.
Shishir Kumar Ghose, Moti Lai Ghose and Golap Lai Ghose
were the first directors of the company and all the present
shareholders and directors at the time of writing this (1934) are
heirs and descendants of the original founders and their family.
Deshabandhu C. R. Das at one time wanted to purchase
the Amrita Bazar Patrika and as a matter of fact negotiated the
matter with Moti Lai through a common friend and offered a
very decent sum, but Moti Lai and other proprietors of the
paper could not part with an institution which they had built
up with their life-blood. The proprietorship of the Amrita
Bazar Patrika is thus still confined to the heirs in the male or
female line of the four brothers, Hemanta Kumar Ghose,
Shishir Kumar Ghose, Moti Lai Ghose and Golap Lai Ghose,
all of whom have been called into eternity.
There was a time when Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak
also wanted to convert the Amrita Bazar Patrika into a trust
property for the country. Wrote the late Sri jut Shy am Sundar
Chakravarti, editor of the now defunct Servant newspaper and
formerly a colleague and helping hand of Moti Lai :
"Men like Bal Gangadhar Tilak almost worshipped
the Patrika and its patriotic traditions. We shall be com-
mitting a treason to the memory of this great man if we
do not give wide publicity to the feelings which he
entertained for the Amrita Bazar Patrika. When we saw
him last a little before his death at Poona, his first and
foremost request to us was to approach Babu Moti Lai
Ghose with the object of making the Patrika a trust
property for the nation. He even offered to come to
Calcutta and join us in putting pressure upon Moti Babu
for the purpose if we felt the necessity."
The matter however did not proceed far.
By trying to convert the Amrita Bazar Patrika into a trust
property for the country Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak was
only trying to change its legal status. For, it is a de facia
trust property, though not a de jure one. All, who have come
19
2QO MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
in contact with the management of the paper or know some-
thing of its inner circle, have seen that the paper is run more
in the interest of the public than in the interest of the
proprietors. The proprietors are intelligent enough to under-
stand that the very existence of the paper depends upon its
capacity to do service to the country. The country, they know,
will love the paper only so long as it will be useful to the
country. Hence they must look to the interest of the country-
first, and then to their own interest. It is thus that the Amrita
Bazar Patrika in a sense has ceased to be a private property.
It has become an institution for the benefit of the general
public.
Among the men who assisted Babu Moti Lai Ghose from
time to time in the discharge of his editorial duties in the latter
part of his life, apart from the members of his family, I may
mention the names of Babu Hem Chunder Dutt, Kali Prasanna
Chatterji, Shyam Sunder Chakravarti, Manmatha Nath Mukherji
and Bipin Chandra Pal (the list is by no means exhaustive), all
of whom have left the land of the living. Hem Chunder Dutt
mainly did the duties of a sub-editor, but occasionally wrote
editorial paragraphs also. He had worked long in the Patrika
office. We saw him working during the Partition of Bengal
agitation days and even later. He was a lover of fineries. His
elegant dress, well-combed hair, scented handkerchiefs and
chudders and his gargara (hubble bubble) with a long and
circuitous pipe attached to it were in striking contrast with the
simple and plain, and verging sometimes on being niggardly,
dress and teetootaller habit of his employers. He used to take
his tea in the office room, which was considered a luxury. Tea-
shops were not running rampant in those days and so a servant
of his brought a kettle-ful of tea every day at about 4 o'clock
in the afternoon. Hem Babu minus tea and tobacco is un-
thinkable. But he did great service to the Patrika. Like tea-
shops writers were also not as plenty as black-berries in those
days. Hem Babu was a writer and hence his khatir can be
well-imagined.
SOME OUTSIDE HELPERS 291
Kali Prasanna Chatterji, a Bengali gentleman hailing from
the Punjab, had not unfortunately a long connection with the
Patrika. But his position in the office was very high. He was
a writer of leaders and paragraphs and his (as well as Hem
Babu's) name appeared in many official returns as the editor
of the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
The Partition agitation brought about the internment of
Sri jut Shy am Sundar Chakravarti. Moti Lai tried hard to get
the internment order cancelled and after long correspondence
on the subject he succeeded in doing so through the inter-
vention of Dr. Graham (I write from memory and subject to
correction) of Kalimpong and Lord Cannichael. After his
release Shyam Sundar joined the editorial staff of the Patrika.
His flowing beard, deep deliberation and his Mss. with in-
ordinately big letters covering page after page impressed us
very much. But unfortunately we were not in a position then
to assess the real merit or value of his work. His connection
with the Patrika was not also very long.
Babu Mamnatha Nath Mukherji, M.A., B.L., a pleader of
Bhagalpur came after Sj. Shyam Sundar Chakravarti. I have
heard Moti Lai saying that Manmatha Babu had given him
substantial relief. He was happy to find that at last he had
got a writer on whom he could fully depend. Manmatha
Babu had been a regular reader of the Patrika since his school
days. Hence his thoughts and ideas, nay, even his language
also, were saturated with those of the Patrika. So, when on
account of his ill health he left his legal practice at Bhagalpur
and joined the Patrika staff, they gave him a hearty welcome.
Manmatha Babu had a fine sense of humour {and a great
command over the English language. Many of the humorous
articles written by him under Moti Lai's direction created
great fun among the readers. He excelled in entertaining
articles. Generally he got his points from Moti Lai or had
a discussion with him and then wrote down the articles in his
own language. Moti Lai often said that he could now safely
leave the paper in his charge. But as ill luck would have it
Manmatha Babu who had all along been in indifferent health,
292 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
breathed his last in the prime of his life in June, 1915, leaving
Moti Lai once more to carry on the heavy responsibilities of
the editor of a daily paper. Babu Bipin Chandra Pal's help
was now requisitioned. For a time he wielded his pen un-
grudgingly for the Patrika. He was a man of versatile genius
and was an unspeakably rapid writer. He wrote for several
newspapers almost at a time. Immediately after writing a
leading article for the Patrika he would write a criticism of
it for a rival paper with different views. But he could not
pull on with the proprietors of the Patrika for long. There
was difference of opinion between them over the Montagu-
Chelmsford Reform Scheme and he considered it a "prostitution
of his intellect" (to use the exact terms he used) to serve the
Patrika any more. Then came Srijut Jitendra Lai Bannerjea,
M.A., B.L. But the wide corridors of the Calcutta High Court
and afterwards the spacious lecture halls of the Vidyasagar
College had greater attraction for him than the then dingy
little editorial room of the Patrika office. For a time
Dr. Sasanka Jiban Roy, M.A., D.I,., came to the rescue. But
he also did not feel tempted to leave the High Court. Babu
Hemendra Prasad Ghose who had a long connection with the
Patrika also contributed his bit from time to time. Several
other gentlemen were tried but with no success. At last came
Babu Mrinal Kanti Bose, M.A., B.I,., some time in 1918 and
he found the Patrika office more attractive than the Jessore
District Court where he had been practising before. He stuck
to his gun and on May 25, 1922 when Moti Lai was ill he
became the declared editor of the Patrika f so that at the
time of Moti Lai's death a few months later he was the
declared editor of the paper, which post he held till the i7th
Sept., 1922 when Golap Lai Ghose was declared editor.
In this connection I may mention that a large number
of prominent public men often rendered voluntary assistance
to the Patrika by contributing articles from time to time on
various subjects. The names of some of them which just now
come up before my mind (I am conscious that I am making
glaring omissions, but I cannot help it) are Byomcase
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE PAT RIKA PRESS 293
Chuckerbutty, C. R. Das, Bhupendra Nath Basu, I. B. Sen,
K. N. Chaudhuri, Kamini Kumar Chanda, Kishori Lai Sarkar,
Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhury, Babu Bejoy Krishna Bose (of
Alipur Bar), Mr. A. K. Ghose, Bar-at-law, Sri juts Hirendra
Nath Datta, Amrita Krishna Mallik, Dr. Sundari Mohan Das,
and Mr. Sukumar Haldar.
A connected history of the gradual evolution of the
printing presses, I mean the machinery for printing, of the
Amrita Bazar Patrika from the starting of the paper in 1868
down to the present time (1934) will certainly be interesting.
But the preparation of such a history is beset with many
difficulties, and it is almost impossible at this distant date to
find out which machine was bought and set up on which date
and how and when the older machinery were from time to
time disposed of and machinery of the latest models gradually
set up in their place. It has already been said that the first
printing press which the proprietors of the Amrita Bazar
Patrika set up was at their native village Amrita Bazar, also
called Palua-Magura. It was purchased at Calcutta and taken
to their native village. The Press was a wooden one, called
the Balein Press, and it was operated by man-power. It cost
them only Rs. 32 at the outset. This Press along with all the
printing materials had to be sold off when the proprietors of
the Patrika left Magura and came to Calcutta. Immediately
on coming to Calcutta they purchased another small hand press
for printing. It was set up at a house in Hidaram Banerjee
Lane, Bow Bazar in 1871, and when in 1874 they removed to
Bagh Bazar the press was shifted there, and located on the
court yard of premises No. 2, Ananda Chatter jee Lane, where
it was kept for a considerable time. Originally the paper was
in Bengali ; then it became a bilingual paper, partly Bengali
and partly English. But in 1878, with the passing of the
Vernacular Press Act the Bengali portion was abandoned and
the Amrita Bazar Patrika appeared wholly in English. It was
still a weekly paper and remained as such up to 1891, when
owing to importunities of friends and admirers engaged in the
agitation over the Age of Consent Bill it was transformed into
294 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
a daily paper. The Bengali portion was after some time revived
as a weekly with the name of the Ananda Bazar Patrika.
For a time the Bengali types were removed to a house at
Haro Lai Mitter Street in the vicinity and separate sets of
compositors were maintained for printing the Bengali paper.
Afterwards they were removed again to a tiled hut in the
garden of No. 2, Ananda Chatterjee Lane.
A large plot of land in front of No. 2, Ananda Chatterjee
Lane was acquired in course of time it was then numbered
13, Ananda Chatterjee Lane. It is now numbered 12. The
press and printing outfits were in course of time removed from
2, Ananda Chatterjee Lane to a house built on this plot of
land. The printing machine was originally run by man-power
and compositors set up types with their hand to make up a
format. In course of time Linotype machines were brought
to replace the hand compositors and at first the Vacuum oil
engine replaced the men moving the printing machine and
then the Vaccum oil engine was also replaced by Electric
motors. During Moti Lai's life time newer and newer models
of printing machinery were one after another purchased, and
their number also was increased. At the time when
Mrs. Besant was presiding over the Calcutta Congress in the
year 1917 the Patrika had attained the height of its
popularity. Two Double Feeder machines in which the paper
was then printed were unable to cope with the demand ; the
town edition of the paper would sometimes be printed even
up to the noon. To meet the situation orders for a semi-Rotary
printing machine were placed during the life-time of Moti Lai.
Unfortunately, however, he did not live to see this machine
implanted. This machine also grew out of date ; and since,
most up to date Rotary machine and a sufficient number of
Linotype and Intertype machinery have been installed.
CHAPTER L
MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD REFORMS
Self-Govemment, the Goal of India Montagu's Declaration His Visit
to India Moti Lai's Scheme of Reforms Press Comment Interview
with Montagu Montagu's Diary Moti Lai, a Whole-hogger Story of
a Rich Sudra and a Poor Brahmin Condition of the Villages of Bengal
Government's Internment Policy.
The history of the world shows that it is gradually
throwing off the old or mediaeval form of Government, viz.,
Monarchy, and is step by step establishing what is known as
the Democratic form of Government. But how far a real
democracy, where the people are really governed by themselves
and for themselves, has been established is still a question
of doubt. And whether the change for the so-called democracy
has been for the better or for the worse is also an open
question. But many great thinkers and politicians agree on
the point that self-government, which is another name for
democracy, is better than good government and the terms self-
government, autonomy, self-rule, home rule, sivaraj, etc., have
become almost synonymous in the language of modern
politicians.
Now, within the last sixty years many minor powers of
the world, who were either under some other stronger power or
under a monarchical or autocratic form of government, have
been able to secure democracy, either by dint of popular risings
from within the country or by virtue of the intervention of
some power or powers from outside. Great politicians have
said that, in order that the world may be made safe for
democracy, the subject nations in the world must be made
independent and self-governing. Just as when a portion of
space is rendered void of air, air comes from all sides and tries
to occupy it, so if a weak power is to be found in the world
the stronger powers from all sides are eager to overcome that
power and occupy its place. India is one such weak spot in
296 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
the world and she must be made independent and self-
governing and must not be allowed to rot in her weak and
imbecile condition, in order that the world may be made safer
for democracy.
For long years India had been claiming Dominion Status,
Home Rule, Self-Government, Swaraj or by whatever name
you call it meaning thereby that she wanted her children to
be governed by themselves. There were several parties in
India too some wanted severance of British connection,
while others wanted to keep it. Their methods might be
different from each other, they might differ also from each
other in points of details, but fundamentally there was no
difference amongst the parties. All, all of them, wanted self-
government for India. But Great Britain had all along been
turning a deaf ear to India's just demands. She was rather un-
willing to forego her imperialistic policy and all along she
wanted to keep India as a subject nation and exploit her.
But when the Great War of 1914 18 broke out between
England and Germany, the former found it absolutely
necessary to take the help of India. Though many representa-
tive Indians, including even Mahatma Gandhi, were for helping
the British people at that time there were many on the other
hand, who were not forgetful of the wrong done to them by
their white masters and wanted an opportunity for severing
their connection with the British Empire. Mr. Lloyd George,
the British Premier, saw this and wanted to do something to
allay this discontent. Thus on the 2oth August, 1917, the
British Cabinet, through Mr. Edwin Samuel Montagu, who
was Secretary of State for India from 1917 to 1922, made the
famous declaration in Parliament that certain reforms would
soon be introduced in the constitution of India with a view
to taking her nearer to her goal which was Progressive
Responsible Government.
The next step of the Cabinet was to send Mr. Montagu
to India to consult Indian politicians and prepare a scheme
of reforms in the administration, in order to give effect to the
above-mentioned declaration. Mr. Montagu invited schemes
HOW FILIPINOS GOT SELF-GOVERNMENT 297
from Indian gentlemen as to the future constitution of India
and like many other persons Moti Lai also gave his own
scheme of reforms. At this time he also wrote a series of
articles in the Amrita Bazar Patrika, advising Britishers, if
they sincerely wanted to give self-government to India, to
follow the method which the Americans had recourse to in
order to give self-rule to the Philippine Islands.
Under the Spanish rule the Philippine islands were
horribly misgoverned. The United States conquered the
islands from Spain in 1898. The islands were then under
military government for two years only. The Americans,
however, took upon themselves the task of educating the
Filipinos and training them in the art of self-government.
Within the short period of 15 years the Filipinos were
given almost complete self-government. In these articles
Moti Lai gave a history of the Filipinos from the time when
they came under the control of the Americans to the time of
his writing. Very soon he reprinted these articles and
published them in the form of a booklet.
The articles and the book were very timely publications.
Whole India was now thinking of a scheme of reforms.
Moti Lai drew the attention of the politicians to things and
events in a country which was the mother of democracy. The
scheme of reforms submitted by Moti Lai to Montagu and
Chelmsford was published in full in an appendix to the
Philippine booklet.
The Englishman sarcastically commented on Babu Moti
Lai's scheme. In course of a long editorial it wrote:
"There is nothing restrained about Mr. Moti Lai
Ghose's proposals. The new scheme is a whole-
hogger responsible self-government straight away and
the devil take the hindermost."
But in this respect Moti Lai was not singular. Almost
all the prominent Congressmen, who had interviews with the
Viceroy and the Secretary of State, whether belonging to the
so-called Moderate or Extremist party, expresed the same
views they demanded the whole hog, the whole of the reforms
298 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
at a time, and not reforms bit by bit, and that, at the sweet
will or discretion of the British Parliament.
Like many other gentlemen, Moti Lai had an interview
with Mr. Montagu when he came to India in 1917 after his
appointment as Secretary of State for India. The subject of
the interview was mainly the Reform Scheme which Govern-
ment was about to introduce. Moti Lai got hold of this
opportunity and tried to impress upon Mr. Montagu the futility
of Government's internment policy which was then running
rampant. He also brought to his notice some other crying
needs of the day.
With regard to this interview Mr. Montagu writes in his
book, An Indian Diary, under date Tuesday, December 4,
1917:
"We had a long interview with Moti Lai Ghose,
the charming old editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
He is a fine old boy, gentle in his manner, with a
strong sense of humour, a devout Brahman, a fierce
politician, thoroughly bitter, with a profound disbelief
in public of our good intentions, though accepting them
in private. He reminded me that five years ago he had
told me that our Indian Empire was slipping away from
us. He spoke fiercely of malaria, and expressed the
belief that it is only the people themselves that can
prevent the appalling death-rate, the frightful enlarged
spleen condition, the decimation of the Bengal villages.
Moti Lai Ghose has abandoned the Congress League
Scheme, and goes for complete responsible government
in the Provinces, with the Congress League Scheme for
the Government of India. He is in a great hurry, and
I begged him to be a little more patient ten years was
a long stretch in the life of a man, but very little in
the life of a country."
There are certain inaccuracies in the above note. For
example, it was never Moti Lai's view that only the people
themselves could prevent the appalling death-rate from malaria.
On the contrary, he had times without number expressed the
view that the Government who raised taxes from the people
should give up their laissez faire policy in regard to the sanita-
tion of the country and spend more money for improving the
STORY OF A POOR BRAHMIN AND A RICH SUDRA 299
economic condition of the people with a view to enable them
to have sufficient food and strength to fight disease.
Moti Lai has been described by Montagu as a devout
Brahmin. But, as everyone knows, Moti Lai was a Kayastha,
though he had latterly declared himself a Kshatriya according
to the reforms inaugurated by the Bangadeshiya Kayastha
Samaj and had allowed the young members of his family to
take the sacred thread. No doubt he was a devout Vaishnava
and had all the merits of a good Brahmin. But then there is
some explanation as to why he was described as a Brahmin.
In course of the interview with Montagu, Moti Lai illustrated
India's demand for self-government by a story current in this
country in which there was a reference to a Brahmin and this
must have misled Montagu.
Mr. Montagu sought to satisfy Babu Moti Lai by offering
to India two such departments as Education and Local Self-
Government. Moti Lai's reply was that India would not be
satisfied till at least the Police Department was placed under
the control of her representatives. For, said he, unless this
department were made over to the people it would like the
Military Department of the Government of India go on devour-
ing the bulk of the Provincial revenues. Montagu was not
willing to agree to place the Police Department in the hands
of the people. He said, "No, Mr. Ghose, you can't get it
just now. You must wait a few years more." Moti Lai's
rejoinder was that this reminded him of the story of the hungry
Brahmin and the rich Sudra, and he narrated it to Montagu.
The story in a nutshell is as follows :
There were once upon a time in a village a poor Brahmin
and a rich Sudra. Now, everyday the Sudra would take dainty
dishes and the Brahmin would take only some rice which he
could procure by begging. But it is not possible for a beggar
to get his food everyday and it happened that for some days
together the Brahmin had no food and he was terribly hungry.
But all this time the Sudra had been taking his usual hearty
meals, which the Brahmin could see. At last the Brahmin
thought he was dying of hunger and told the Sudra, "Well,
300 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
brother, I am dying of hunger. Will you kindly give me some
rice?" "Yes," said the Sudra, "I will. Open your mouth. I
am giving you some rice." And he took a spoonful of rice-
gruel and poured it into his mouth. "Ah !" said the Brahmin,
"You have saved me ; but will you kindly give me some more?"
"No, not today, but I may give you some more later on," was
the reply. Poor Brahmin ! He exclaimed in the anguish of
his heart that he had done a most foolish thing, for the spoonful
of rice instead of appeasing his hunger had only increased it
and at the same time he had lost his caste by taking a Sudra 's
rice!
Moti Lai told Montagu that like the Brahmin he was not
going to lose his caste by taking a spoonful of reforms only.
India, he said, very badly needed Self -Government, and she
would be wiped away from the face of the earth if she could
not march along with the other nations of the world. England
was prepared to give India only a spoonful of Reforms. How
could she agree to accept it? "But", said Mr. Montagu,
"This is the first instalment of Reforms, and rest assured you
will get more hereafter." "Yes," said Moti Lai, "that is
exactly what the Sudra said."
No wonder Montagu should describe Moti Lai as a devout
Brahmin and forget the moral of the story.
Though Moti Lai had left his native village early in his
life he never ceased to love village life and whenever he got
any opportunity he pleaded for the improvement of the condi-
tion of the villages. So, when he had an interview with
Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford in connection with
Constitutional Reforms he availed himself of the opportunity
of putting in a few words in favour of the villages. He actually
suggested their visiting some Indian villages in the interior.
He told them that it was their duty to do so as custodians of
India's destiny, in order to see for themselves and realise the
glorious results of bureaucratic rule during the last one
hundred years and more. He said that only 70 years ago
remember the interview took place in 1917 Bengal was one of
the healthiest provinces in India. The pick of the nation then
STORY OF A POOR BRAHMIN AND A RICH SUDRA 301
lived in rural areas and suffered very little from the effects of
disease. And why? Because they had a sufficient quantity of
healthy food and wholesome drinking water to nourish their
bodies. There was then scarcely a family, however poor, who
had not one or more milch cows to supply them with milk.
Fish and fruits were plentiful. Rice and cereals sold at an
incredibly low price. There was scarcely a village or hamlet
which did not possess one or more tanks of pure water for
drinking purposes. And now? It is desolation from one end
of the province to the other.
"Can you, sir, name one country in the world," Moti Lai
inquired of Montagu, "where millions of people do not get a
drop of pure water to drink during the hottest season in the
year March, April and May? And what they drink is some-
thing like diluted sewage ! And this has been going on for
the last thirty or forty years."
Montagu seemed to be very much struck by the descrip-
tion of village life in Bengal and asked for the cause of such
a state of things. Moti Lai then explained the situation in a
few words. It is Malaria, which, he said, had already carried
off more than half the population of Bengal and was yet
decimating its fairest districts ruthlessly. When this deadly
Malaria broke out in the sixties of the last century in a most
virulent form and committed a terrible havoc among the people
the then Government of Bengal appointed a Commission to
enquire into its causes and suggest remedies. They found that
the main cause of the outbreak was obstruction to natural
drainage caused by railway and other embankments. If the
Government had taken immediate steps to give effect to the
recommendations of the Commission, Bengal would have been
possibly free from this dread scourge within ten years, but
nothing was done, and it has now taken such a firm hold of
the country that it cannot be expelled without spending crores
of rupees. But there is no money in the country to remove
Malaria or even the annual water famine or scarcity. And
people are dying! like rats or fleas from fever, cholera and other
deadly diseases.
302 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Moti Lai sought to impress the fact on Mr. Montagu that
the increase of Malaria and other diseases was an economic
calamity which would rob a country of its most precious
sources of wealth. If these fell diseases were to go on
decimating the people or impairing their physical system in
the way they were doing, where would the huge amount of
money be coming from to maintain the costliest government in
the world? He further pointed out that when such was the
deplorable result of the last hundred years' bureaucratic system
of administration, it was only fair that it should be replaced
by Home Rule and the people given an opportunity to manage
their affairs through their own representatives.
To another thing also Moti Lai drew the attention of the
Government, the Viceroy and the Secretary of State. It was
the policy of interning political suspects, which he said, was
a potential danger to the country. I have already said that
when the War broke out some people in India who were deeply
dissatisfied with the British rule thought of becoming completely
independent and severing British connection altogether. But
this was only a dream. They had neither the means nor the
opportunity for realising their ideal. Thinkers of this class
became the eye-sore of the Government, who passed a very
severe measure, the Defence of India Act of 1915, and began to
indiscriminately gag and intern nationalists in various places.
Thus many old veterans and young hopefuls were cut off from
society. Many of these had to undergo untold and unheard of
sufferings. And instead of reforming them this repressive
policy converted some of the youngmen into the worst
enemies of the Government. Through articles in the Amrita
Bazar Patrika Moti Lai drew the attention of the Government
to the fact that instead of allaying the discontent this policy
of repression would only aggravate it, the feelings of the Indian
people would burn like fire under ashes and at the first
opportunity a conflagration would spread which would be
beneficial neither to the rulers nor to the ruled. In many of
his articles Moti Lai exposed particular cases of torture of these
internees and in some cases they produced good results, the
LORD WILLINGDON ON HOME RULERS 303
internees being released before their time or their comforts
partially looked to and grievances redressed.
CHAPTER LI
HOME RULERS AND LORD WILLINGDON
Tussle At Bombay
Bombay Provincial War Conference Fling at Home Rulers Tilak
Interrupted Home Rulers' Determination Fatrika's Caustic Comments
on the Conference Home Rule League versus National Liberal League
Tussle over Reforms.
In June, 1918 a meeting of several prominent men of
Bombay was held at the Bombay Town Hall under the auspices
of the Government. It had the high sounding name the
Bombay Provincial War Conference. Lord Willingdon who
was at that time the Governor of Bombay presided. The
Government of Bombay took special care to invite almost all
shades of opinion and among the representatives present were
Messrs. Tilak, Gandhi, Horniman, Kelker, Jinnah and others,
who were either active members of the Home Rule League
or had sympathy with the Home Rule movement. The
gathering was representative.
At the very outset Lord Willingdon explained the object
of inviting representatives of the province which was to assist
him in mobilising men and materials for securing victory to
the British Empire in the Great War which was then going on.
Referring to the attitude of the Home Rulers he said :
"There are a certain number of gentlemen some of
whom have considerable influence with the public.
Many of them are members of the political organisation
called the Home Rule League whose activities have been
such of late years that I cannot honestly feel sure of
the sincerity of their support until I have come to a
clear understanding with them and have frankly
expressed to them all that is in my mind. I do not wish
in any detail to criticise their action or their methods
304 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
in the past beyond saying that they have not given the
help to the Government that I think I was fairly
entitled to expect from them in these critical days.
Indeed I must frankly say that their object seems to
have been at every available opportunity to increase the
difficulty and the embarrassment of Government wherever
and whenever they could. I can claim that my Govern-
ment have always felt that in every country where there
is any public feeling, any political instinct, there must
always be an advanced party, the extreme left of our
political life which is generally opposed to Government
but which must be like any other party given full
freedom of speech, action and opinion provided it keeps
within constitutional limits."
Though Lord Willingdon accepted the disclaimer of the
Home Rulers when they said that they did not want Home
Rule at this juncture in a bargaining spirit, yet he did not think
that their help would be of an active character.
After Lord Willingdon had finished his address a resolution
expressing loyal and dutiful response from the Bombay
Presidency to His Majesty the King Emperor was moved.
Mr. Tilak being called upon to speak on the resolution
expressed deep loyalty of himself and all Home-Rulers to the
King-Emperor. He said that they were all agreed to the first
part of the resolution which was an expression of loyalty to
the King-Emperor. But as regards the second part which
contained an expression of the presidency's determination
to do her duty to her utmost capacity Tilak wanted to explain
how this was not possible under the existing conditions. This,
he said, was a large appeal to make, but he was sorry to say
that the Government had not proceeded on the right fashion
to evoke enthusiastic response from the people. They were
asking the people to give men and money, but Home Rule and
Home Defence, he said, must go together.
At this stage of his speech Lord Willingdon as Chairman
of the meeting interrupted Mr. Tilak and reminded him that
political matters could not be introduced into observations on
the resolution before the meeting. After some discussion Tilak
remarked that if he was not allowed to make observations he
deemed it appropriate that he must stop his speech. Lord
LORD WILLINGDON ON HOME RULERS 305
Willingdon adhered to the view expressed by him. Tilak did
not finish his speech ; but immediately afterwards left the
Conference.
Mr. N. C. Kelker of Poona was then called upon to speak
on the resolution. As soon as he began to make observations
on the same line as Mr. Tilak he was called to order by the
Chairman (Lord Willingdon). Thereupon Messrs. Kelker,
Bomanji, Horniman and Jamnadas Dwarkadas left the hall.
The original resolution was put to the meeting and carried.
In connection with the second resolution there was a sharp
passage at arms between Mr. Jinnah and Lord Willingdon and
the former reproached the latter for saying that the Home
Rule leaders were disloyal.
As a sequel to these incidents Messrs. Jamnadas
Dwarkadas, S. R. Bomanji, B. G. Horniman, Umar Sobhani
and some other members of the Home Rule League who were
signatories to a requisition for a public meeting to be held at
the Bombay Town Hall to support the War Loan withdrew
their names from the list of signatories. In doing so they wrote
to the Sheriff of Bombay that though they sympathised with
the object of the meeting they must decline to attend any
meeting presided over by H. E. Lord Willingdon in view of
the insulting remarks made in the Provincial War Conference
by Lord Willingdon regarding the Home Rule League, of
which they were members, unless and until His Excellency
withdrew his observations and expressed regret for his
unwarranted aspersions on the Home Rule leaders.
The echo of Bombay was heard in Bengal. In course of a
long editorial on the subject the Amrita Bazar Patrika
observed :
"Lord Willingdon himself first introduced political
matters in his speech. Not only that ; he also charged
the Home Rulers with thwarting him in every way in
the matter of recruitment. And when Mr. Tilak sought
to explain the true position of himself and his party,
His Excellency would not allow him to proceed on the
ground of his talking politics. What a nice position for
the Governor of Bombay! He would pelt stones all
20
306 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
others and when the latter rose to protest he would gag*
their mouth !"
In about a week's time the anniversary of the foundation
of the Home Rule League was celebrated in Calcutta by
processions passing through some streets carrying Home Rule
flags and singing national songs. A meeting was held under
the presidency of Mr. B. Chakravarti at Beadon Square. At
this meeting Babu Moti Lai Ghose moved the following resolu-
tion which was carried unanimously :
"That this meeting of the citizens of Calcutta enters
its emphatic protest against the uncalled for remarks of
H. E. the Governor of Bombay at the recent War
Conference, challenging the loyalty of the Home Rule
Movement to the Empire and doubting the sincerity of
the support of the members of the Home Rule Leagues
in general to the various measures devised for its
defence ; and it strongly condemns the treatment meted
out by His Excellency to the Home Rule leaders of
Bombay in refusing them an opportunity for explaining
their policy and attitude after having openly and
wantonly attacked these in his speech."
In moving the above resolution Moti Lai said that it was
not dignified on the part of a gentleman like Lord Willingdon
to invite a number of respectable gentlemen and then to insult
them under his own roof.
Meetings were held in many places, such as Bombay,
Lahore, Madras, Amraoti, protesting against the action of Lord
Willingdon. It was at this time that Dr. Subramania Iyer, late
officiating Chief Justice of the Madras High Court and Honorary
President of the Home Rule League electrified the country by
renouncing his title of K. c. I. E.
In the middle of 1918 when the Montagu-Chelmsford
Reforms were still on the anvil, Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea
formed the National Liberal League of which he became the
President. The Home Rulers saw through the game at once.
Babu Moti Lai Ghose, Messrs. B. Chakravarty, C. R. Das,
Huq, Ray Yatindra Nath Chaudhury and Babu
HOME RULE VS. LIBERAL LEAGUE 307
Hirendra Nath Datta, who were all Home Rulers, issued a
manifesto in course of which they said that
"We have reasons to believe that efforts are being
made in certain quarters to secure public support for
the new reforms even if they should fall short of the
popular demands."
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea and others of the newly
formed National Liberal League also issued a manifesto saying
that
"If this scheme will take us a long way towards
the goal of responsible government we should give it
our approval and support so far as it is satisfactory."
In the meantime the Montagu-Chelmsford Reform Scheme
was published. Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea blessed it by
saying that "he was for accepting the scheme and pressing for
more." According to him "a good deal of modification and
expansion ought to be made in the scheme, but he had no
doubt that it was the first definite stage in the road to
responsible government."
Babu Bipin Chandra Pal who was now assisting Babu
Moti Lai Ghose in editing the Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote a
series of leaders in that paper exposing the utter hollowness
of the reforms. Babu Hirendra Nath Datta also lent his pen,
more accustomed to draft plaints and written statements, to
the editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika for crushing the so^
called reform-edifice to pieces.
The special session of the Bengal Provincial Conference
soon met in the Indian Association Hall, Calcutta to discuss
the scheme as framed by Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford
and on the motion of Babu Bipin Chandra Pal (as amended by
Moulavi Abul Kasem) the Conference almost unanimously
passed the resolution :
"That this Conference is of opinion that the
scheme of the Viceroy and the Secretary of State is
disappointing, unsatisfactory and does not present any
real steps towards responsible government."
A good many of the members of the newly-formed National
Liberal League attended the Conference and made a good fight
308 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
for the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme, but their leader Babu
Surendra Nath Banerjea did not attend the Conference at all.
Three days after this the National Liberal League met in
the same place under the presidentship of Babu Surendra Nath
Banerjea and on the motion of Sir K. G. Gupta (as amended
by Sir Deva Prasad Sarvadhikari and Raja Kishori Lall
Gossain) passed the resolution,
"That while reserving our opinion at present re-
garding the details of the scheme this Conference is of
opinion that the Report on the Reform Scheme presented
by His Excellency the Viceroy and the Right Hon'ble
the Secretary of State presents a real and definite stage
towards the progressive realisation of a responsible
government in India and the Conference welcomes it as
a first genuine effort towards the creation of a sisterhood
of self-governing states with a Central Federal Govern-
ment responsible to the people and representing the
interests of India on equal terms with the self-governing
units of the British Empire."
For months together the "Moderates'* and the "Extremists' 1
went on throwing mud at each other, either through the Press
or through the platform. A special session of the All-India
Congress under the presidentship of Mr. Hasan Imam was
called at Bombay in the end of August, 1918 to consider the
Reform Scheme. Babu Moti Lai Ghose attended with the full
strength of his party, but Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea and
his followers did not go and issued a manifesto declaring their
intention not to do so. The Englishman wrote a leader on
"Surrender Not" and the Patrika considered him a "Lost
Leader". The Congress passed a resolution to the effect that
the Reform proposals were "disappointing and unsatisfactory"
and suggested some modifications. So, the Bengal Provincial
Conference, which was the first to consider the Montagu-
Chelmsford Report, was fully justified by the united and
unanimous verdict of articulate Indian opinion on these
proposals. The All-India Moslem League presided over by the
Raja Saheb of Mahmudabad also passed the same verdict on
the scheme of reforms.
THE REFORM PROPOSALS 309
On their way back from Bombay, Babus Moti Lai Ghose,
Bipin Chandra Pal, Mr. B. Chakravarty and Mr. C. R. Das
were given a, grand ovation at the Nagpur Railway Station. A
large crowd of Nationalists of Nagpur headed by Dr. B. S.
Moonje requested them to break their journey, but they could
not comply with their request owing to pressure of business
in Calcutta. Babus Moti Lai Ghose, Bipin Chandra Pal and
Mr. C. R. Das addressed the people assembled at the railway
station from the train. Bipin Chandra Pal said that he would
stand by the Indian Empire and would never support the
bureaucracy. Moti Lai in a few words advised the people to
prove worthy citizens by deeds and not by words and learn to
make sacrifices for the mother country like Narayan Rao Vaidya
and others.
As a counter-blast to the Congress League resolution Babu
Surendra Nath Banerjea moved the following resolution in the
Indian Legislative Council, which was accepted, only two
members Mr. V. J. Patel and Mr. Rangaswami lyengar voting
against it :
"This Council while thanking His Excellency the
Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India for the
Reform Proposals, recognise them as a genuine effort
and a definite advance towards the realisation of
responsible government in India."
So, the views of Moti Lai and Surendra Nath on the
Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were as poles as under. Later
history shows who was correct.
CHAPTER LII
MOTI LAL, TILAK AND GOKHALE
Tilak's Conviction and Release Exchange of Letters Between Moti Lai
and Tilak Meeting at Tilak's House Moti Lai and Gokhale.
On the 23rd of July, 1908, Mr. Bal Gangadhar Tilak was
sentenced to six years' imprisonment on a charge of publishing
some seditious articles in his journal the Kesari. Eleven years
earlier, in 1897 he had been sentenced to eighteen months*
imprisonment on a similar charge. It may be mentioned that
Tilak did not write the poem for which he was punished. It
was written by another gentleman and Tilak showed unusual
magnanimity by taking the responsibility of its authorship on
himself.
When in 1908, Tilak was convicted once more at a time
when! he was fifty-one years old and was rather weak in health,
people gave him up for lost. So, there was great jubilation in
the country when he was released from the Mandalay Jail after
serving six years of imprisonment on Tuesday, the i6th of
June, 1914. He was recalled to life, so to say. All the
journals wrote on his release and the Amrita Bazar Patrika
published several leading articles on Tilak and his activities.
Moti Lai soon opened communication with Tilak and I flatter
myself to recall that I acted as his amanuensis. The letters
were long, sqpnetimes running up to 14 or 1 6 pages. In these
letters they generally exchanged their views on current political
topics. Now and then they wrote about extra-mundane affairs
also. Portions of these letters were also utilised by Moti Lai
in the articles and paragraphs of the Amrita Bazar Patrika word
for word.
In one of these letters, I still remember, Moti Lai compared
human beings to caterpillars. We are in this world, he wrote,
like caterpillars moving among leaves of grass or plants ; but
when we shall leave this world and go over to the next we
MOTI LAL AT POONA 311
shall be like butterflies flying about from flower to flower and
sucking honey from them. He was, he wrote, anxiously
looking forward to the other world where there were no misery
or pain or want or tyranny.
Towards the beginning of September, 1918 at the request
of Lokamanya Tilak, Babus Moti Lai Ghose, Bipin Chandra
Pal, Basanta Kumar Bose and Messrs. B. Chakravarty, C. R.
Das and I. B. Sen went to Poona with a view to hold a Home
Rule meeting. They all put up in Lokamanya Tilak's house.
A big meeting was held in the spacious quadrangle of
Tilak's house. He was now under a gagging order ; so, though
he presided over the meeting he was a silent president. His
forced 1 silence seemed to be more eloquent than his speech. On
the first day Moti Lai was ill and was confined to bed. The
meeting was addressed by Messrs. C. R. Das, Bipin Chandra
Pal and others.
On the second day when the meeting assembled Moti Lai
was feeling better and he came to the meeting leaning on
Lokamanya Tilak. He was at that time more than seventy
years old and the strain due to the railway journey and the
days of Congress session at Bombay was too much for him.
He was received with defeaning shouts of Bande Mataram when
he rose to speak. But he could speak only a few words. He
said that he looked upon Tilak as his younger brother and
the way in which people honoured Tilak was extremely gratify-
ing to him. They were, he said, passing through great
difficulties, but just as a particular worm, after a time, turns
into a beautiful butterfly they had a great and glorious future
before them.
Mr. Chidambaram Pillay who had been imprisoned for
seven years on a charge of sedition in connection with the
Tuticorin affairs had just come out of jail. He also addressed
the meeting. Moti Lai had more than once written in his
paper about the severity of the sentence on Chidambaram Pillay.
Learning that Mr. Pillay was present in the meeting Moti Lai
desired to see him and when he came up he gave him a warm
embrace.
3i2 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
In the evening of the same day Moti Lai unveiled the
portrait of Tilak at the local Sarbajanik Sabha and in doing so
lie said that none had suffered more for the country than Tilak
and he prayed for a long life and greater service to the mother-
land for Lokamanya Tilak.
Tilak and Moti Lai met on several occasions. Their
political views were almost identical and none of them took
any important step without consulting the other. I have
referred to Tilak in many places of this book and I do not
think I should increase its bulk by a repetition.
For long years Messrs. Tilak and Gokhale had been sturdy
political opponents. Moti Lai and Tilak were life-long friends.
Naturally therefore in, the field of politics though Moti Lai and
Gokhale agreed in many matters, there was great difference
between them in others. Gokhale was for co-operation with
the Government, while Moti Lai was generally in opposition
with the Government. But the divergence of the political
methods to be followed did not take away a bit from their
personal friendship. So, in private life Moti Lai and Gokhale
were great friends though in public life they would often
stand on different platforms or lead different political camps.
The last time that Moti Lai and Gokhale met was in Calcutta
when the latter came there as a member of the Public Services
Commission. Gokhale, who was then suffering from fever, said,
"I have absolutely no rest ; the only thought uppermost in my
xnind is how to meet our opponents in the Commission. They
are many, I am single-handed. The result is I am killing
myself, but I must do my duty even if I have to die in the
attempt." He continued in a mournful tone and said to the
.effect, "I have no wife that is a blessing. But my two little
daughters and the family of my deceased elder brother whom
I looked upon as my father sit like a nightmare on my breast,
for I have made no provision for them." How noble, how
touching! Gokhale devoted his talents for the service of the
^motherland and not in acquiring money for his family.
During the unfortunate controversy over the Congress at
Madras in 1914, about twelve days before his death Gokhale
MOTI LAL ON GOKHALE 313
wrote a long letter to Moti Lai regarding a united Congress.
On his death in February 1915, Moti Lai wrote, "There is no
doubt he is now in a better and happier world this fact should
console his sorrowing relations, friends and countrymen who
are bitterly weeping for him."
In a meeting of the residents of Calcutta held at the Town
Hall on Tuesday, the 2nd March 1915 to express sorrow at the
death of Gokhale, Moti Lai said in, course of his speech :
"Twenty years ago, the great Ranade, who made
Gokhale what he was, brought him one morning to our
place and presented him to us as a young man of great
promise who, he said, was destined to be one of the
foremost men of India. Mr. Ranade's prophecy was
fulfilled to the letter, but alas, our evil star was in the
ascendant and so we lost a jewel of a man and that at a
time when we needed his services most."
CHAPTER LIII
MOTI LAL AND LORD RONALDSHAY
Meeting With Ronaldshay Deferred Sir C. M. Ghose Memorial Meeting
Moti Lai's Speech Governor Advised to Wear Dhoti Ronaldshay '
Reply.
Though Moti Lai was on very intimate terms with Lord
Carmichael and his Private Secretary Mr. W. R. Gourlay and
though the latter became the Private Secretary of Lord
Ronaldshay when he came as Governor of Bengal, Moti Lai
had no interview with Lord Ronaldshay for a pretty long time.
This was partly due to Moti Lai's adverse criticism of the
appointment of Lord Ronaldshay and partly due to Moti Lai's
not signing the "Visitor's Book" kept for the purpose in the
Government House. There might have been other causes also.
I make no secret of the fact that Moti Lai was very anxious
to meet Lord Ronaldshay and in private conversation often
expressed his disappointment for Lord Ronaldshay not inviting
him. "And why does he not invite you?" enquired I.
314 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
"Because, I have not signed the Visitor's Book. Those who
do not sign the Visitor's Book are not generally invited."
Moti Lai had given up all hope of meeting Lord Ronaldshay
when an opportunity came unsought for. It happened in this
way.
Sir Chandra Madhab Ghose, whom Moti Lai looked upon
as his elder brother and with whom he had spent many a
pleasant day at Deoghur and at Darjeeling died in Calcutta on
the 20th of January, 1918. A very largely attended public
meeting of the citizens of Calcutta was held at the Dalhousie
Institute in April, 1918 to do honour to the memory of the
departed great. Lord Ronaldshay presided. After Lord
Ronaldshay, Sir Gurudas Banerjee, Babu Surendra Nath
Banerjea and others had spoken, Babu Moti Lai Ghose rose to
thank His Excellency on behalf of the organisers of the
meeting. In doing so he spoke in such a manner that Lord
Ronaldshay was at once attracted to his peculiar personality.
At this meeting Moti Lai asked Lord Ronaldshay to wear
the dhoti like a Bengalee.
Mr. R. D. Mehta proposed a vote of thanks to His
Excellency. In seconding the motion for a vote of thanks
Babu Moti Lai said :
"I have much pleasure in seconding this resolution
and can say frankly and unreservedly that His Excellency
has conferred on us a great obligation by not only
associating himself with this evening's function, but
taking the principal part in its proceedings. The late
Sir Chandra Madhab Ghose was a great man of whom
we are all proud. It is but fit that the Governor of the
Province should preside over his memorial meeting. If
His Excellency could see his way to mix with us more
frequently in such social functions, we might gradually
forget that we were living under an alien rule. Why,
in due course, who knows that His Excellency might not
take a fancy for some of our national costumes and
adopt the same to show his affection for his land of
temporary adoption? Take for instance, the matter of
wearing dhooti in this grilling summer heat. His
Excellency might put it on and be more comfortable
than he is under his heavy clothing and at the same time
GOVERNORS ASKED TO WEAR DHOOTI 315
gratify our national pride. I proposed this very question
to our late Governor Lord Carmichael. I found him
one day in April almost perspiring in the Government
House. I was in my dhooti and shirt. I asked, 'why
does not Your Excellency take to our dhootit* 'Because,
we are a stupid people', said he. I replied, 'No my
Lord. If you don't take to our dhooti, it is not because
you are stupid, but because you love your national
costume so passionately that you would rather be roasted
like a fowl by the summer and autumn heat than agree
to give it up 1 . But the conduct of some of our eminent
countrymen is really inexplicable. Born and brought up
as Indians, why should they abandon their national
dress and bring misery on themselves by adopting the
costume of another people? And then, my Lord, we
have another comfort in this hot season which I am
afraid it is not the lot of Englishmen ever to enjoy. I
mean the rubbing of our bodies with mustard oil. It
keeps off the heat and cools the body and produces a
peculiar sensation of pleasure during the process of the
massage. I am sure if Your Excellency could associate
with us more frequently, you would discover several
things in our mode of living and social system which
you might be tempted to utilise for your own pleasure
and win the affection of the people. I will not dwell
on the merits of the great man to commemorate whose
memory we have assembled here this night. This has
been done fully and ably by previous speakers. I will
repeat once more that Your Excellency has done us
great honour by presiding over this night's meeting.
And may God enable Your Excellency to fulfil your
great mission to this country, which is to make the tens
of millions of people entrusted to your care happy and
contented by your beneficient rule."
The speech was delivered in such a serio-comic vein that
the whole house was taken by surprise and there was a sound
of muffled laughter coming from every corner of the hall.
The usual practice in public meetings is that it is dissolved as
soon as the vote of thanks is given to the Chairman. On this
occasion Moti Lai's speech was so very impressive that Lord
Ronaldshay had to speak a few words by way of reply. Said
Lord Ronaldshay :
"I cannot close this meeting without expressing my
gratitude for the kindly words which you have used with
3i6 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
regard to myself. Babu Moti Lai Ghose was good
enough to say that if I attended meetings of this kind
sufficiently often he might forget that he was living
under an alien rule. Well, gentlemen, no man is
responsible for his own birth ; it is not his fault that he
is born in one country or in another country, but I can
assure Babu Moti Lai Ghose that a man can have the
best interest of the country of adoption for the time-
being at heart and he can put himself into the position
of a son of the soil. Babu Moti Lai Ghose twitted me
about my heavy broad cloth. Well, there is something
to be said for his point of view, but then again I can
assure* him that one's heart may be true whether it beats
under this broad cloth of my own country or within the
more airy habiliments of Babu Moti Lai Ghose.
Gentlemen, I thank you for the cordiality with which
you have been good enough to receive this vote of
thanks, and my last word should be that it is not I who
should be thanked but it is you who deserve my thanks
for giving me this opportunity of presiding at a gathering
of this kind to commemorate the memory of so great a
man."
When the meeting was over Mr. W. R. Gourlay, Private
Secretary to the Governor, met Babu Moti Lai in a corner of
the meeting hall and told him that the Governor was very
much impressed with his remarks and had asked him to enquire
if he would agree to see His Excellency at the Government
House. Moti Lai replied that the matter rested entirely with
the Governor, for, if His Excellency summoned him to come,
he was bound to go, but then he must have the liberty of going
in his dhooti.
Next morning Moti Lai received a letter from Mr. Gourlay
informing him that His Excellency would be glad to receive
him at the Government House and a date and time were fixed.
The interview at last did take place. Besides current political
topics they talked on Spiritualism and Indian Philosophy, in
which subjects His Excellency showed keen interest.
Since then Moti Lai and Lord Ronaldshay had several
interviews with each other. But then Moti Lai could never
become familiar with Lord Ronaldshay as he was with Lord
Carmichael, apparently because Lord Ronaldshay had a touch
<of the "superior purzon" like Lord Curzon.
A TIT FOR TAT 31?
Moti Lai's remarks on the Governor's dress elicited the
following comments from the writer of the "Here and There"
column of the Statesman :
"A correspondent writes : The exhortation given by
Babu Moti Lai Ghose to Lord Ronaldshay to wear a dhoti
and chadar moves me to break a silence which I have
hitherto preserved out of respect for my esteemed friend
the reputed editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika. I meant
to have spoken my mind to him when we last embraced,
but my heart was too full. I then decided to await an
invitation to his hospitable office to eat jellabies. But
the invitation never came. I must, therefore, resort to
the public press, not, I fear, a fit place to discuss purely
personal matters.
"Now, I yield to no one in my admiration for Moti
Babu, for his wit, his rich and varied spiritual
experiences, or his profound speculations on the defects
of the British character. But, I say it with pain, he has
one weak point. He is not fit to wear a dhoti and
chadar. He does discredit to these garments. I appeal
to all Bengali aesthetes on the subject. The dhoti and
chadar if they are to be worn properly require a certain
build, a swelling port, a touch of the swagger of a
Roman Senator. If I want to see them carried majesti-
cally I hang round some college whither Sir Ashutosh
Mookerjee is to lead the University Commission. Ah!
what a figure is that, what dignity ! But as for Moti
Babu well, plain living and high thinking are doubtless
good things in their way. All I say is they are not the
regimen for a man who wishes to do justice to our
national costume. Let me be frank. What my friend
Moti Babu needs is a cassock or ulster something which
will help him to cast a shadow."
This was certainly a very good tit for tat. I have not been
able to make out who the writer of the above was. Perhaps,
it was Mr. A. J. F. Blair, a journalist who was a great friend
of Moti Lai and who had no mean repute for humour.
CHAPTER LIV
AFTER THE WAR.
India's War Service Rowlatt Bills Town Hall Meeting Mr. Gandhi
Disillusioned Martial Law in the Punjab Moti L/aFs Condemnation
The Question of Turkey Patrika's Security Forfeited Fresh Security
of Rs. 10,000 Demanded.
The end of 1918 saw the end of the Great War in England.
The beginning of 1919 saw the beginning of a new era of
repression in India. The Montagu-Chelmsford reform scheme
had succeeded in rallying the Moderates round the Government.
But the Extremists were too wily or intelligent to be caught in
the net. They carried on their agitation for Home Rule or
self-government with greater vigour. Since the outbreak of
the War they had suspended to some degree their demand for
a better system of administration in India. The Home Rule
League which was started during the War did not carry its
agitation beyond educating the people. They allowed India to
be bled white during the War and all the time expected that
after the War was over their grievances would be redressed.
India spared neither men nor money for helping Great Britain
in the War and her services had been publicly recognised by
the Premier, the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy.
All these had induced India to conjure up a bright future before
her as soon as the War was over.
But by a strange irony of fate things took an exactly
opposite turn. The end of the War strengthened the British
Government to flout public opinion in India. And hence in
pursuance of the Rowlatt Committee's Report, which saw a
spook in every bush, the Government of India which was only
a handmaid of the Government of Britain brought two bills
before the Indian Legislative Council, which made great inroads
upon the freedom of the people. The public christened them
as Rowlatt Bills, Black Bills etc. Under these Bills the
' I
t .
Moti Lai Ghose
1919
( To Face page 319
TOWN HALL MEETING 319
Executive were given the power to suppress any movement,
political or otherwise, by imposing penalties upon whomsoever
they pleased without any proper judicial trial ; the Executive
were given additional powers to arrest a person without
warrant and to imprison him for two years without any judicial
trial ; and the detenues were placed entirely at the mercy of
the Executive and might be punished by them without any
judicial trial. And all this was to be done in the name of law
and order !
The Rowlatt Bills were too bitter to be swallowed by India
without protest. As soon as the public came to know of these
bills they started an agitation against them comparable only to
the agitation against the Partition of Bengal in 1905-06. The
whole of India was convulsed and public meetings condemning
and protesting against the bills were held in almost every
important place in India.
On the 3rd February one such monster meeting was held
at the Town Hall of Calcutta under the presidentship of
Mr. B. Chakravarti. Every intelligent Indian thought that the
Bills if passed would mean a calamity to them while they were
wanting greate'r freedom of speech and action for the people
the Bills if passed would tighten the grip of the Execu-
tive over them. So, Extremists and Moderates sunk their
differences for a time and rubbed their shoulders on a common
platform. The gathering was so very great that an overflow
meeting had to be held outside the Town Hall presided over
by Mr. C. R. Das. In spite of his old age and weak health
Moti Lai attended this meeting. He felt it like a call of duty
to be present at the meeting. Accompanied by his friend Ray
Yatindra Nath Chaudhuri he arrived at the meeting a little
after 5 P.M. The audience according to the lowest computation
numbered 5,000. So it was an uphill task for him, a frail old
man of over 70, to pass through the over-crowded stair case.
But he was literally carried aloft over the heads of the people
amidst cheers and placed on a chair where the other speakers
320 MEMOIRS OF MOTELAL GHOSE
were seated. Moti Lai moved the first and main resolution
of the meeting which recorded an
"emphatic protest against Bill no. i of 1919 which if
passed into law would seriously interfere with the liberty
of the subject and the fair trial of persons accused of
sedition and other political offences, and against Bill
no. 2 of 1919 which by permanently enacting the provi-
sions of the Defence of India Act and by its other provi-
sions will place in the hands of the Indian Executive
and the Police such arbitrary and irresponsible powers as
are inconsistent with the fundamental rights and liberties
of the British subject and repugnant to all civilised ideas
about the administration of law and justice.
"This meeting is of opinion that having regard to
India's whole hearted co-operation in the War and the
peace and quiet now prevailing in the country and the
absence of even erratic and sporadic political offences
since some time past it is unnecessary, unjust, unwise and
inexpedient to introduce such reactionary and repressive
measures of legislation into the Imperial Legislative
Council at the present moment ; and the meeting further
urges that in view of the early introduction of responsible
Government into India, the Government should refrain
from' introducing the proposed Bills, or at any rate,
should postpone them until the Legislature in India is
reconstituted on a popular basis."
Moti Lai was unwell and too weak to deliver a speech.
He, therefore, asked Babu Bipin Chandra Pal, who was gifted
with a stentorian voice, to read the Resolution for him. He
was seconded by Babu Satyananda Basu. Babu Bipin Chandra
Pal and Maulavi Fazlul Huq also spoke on the resolution and
electrified the audienc^ with their eloquence. Sir P. C. Roy,
who also spoke, said that this was an occasion which compelled
him to leave his test-tube to attend to the call of the country.
But the Government was obdurate and would not listen
to words of good counsel. Mr. Gandhi who had helped the
Government in recruiting soldiers for the War and hoped that
Government would certainly be more humane to the Indians
after the War was over, was disillusioned and became ready
to fight the Black Bills with his non-violent weapon of
Satyagraha or Passive Resistance. But inspite of all popular
agitation and protest from every nook and! corner of India the
THE BLACK BILLS 321
Black Bills were passed into law as the Anarchical and Revolu-
tionary Crimes Act on the i8th of March, 1919 to show to the
Indians their utter helplessness and complete powerlessness to
influence the Government of the country. The only Indian
who voted for the Bill was Sir Sankaran Nair ; otherwise the
Indians voted en bloc against the Bill. Mr. Jinnah resigned
his membership of the Imperial Council and in doing so he
wrote to the Viceroy a strongly-worded letter in course of
which he said :
"In my opinion a Government that passes or
sanctions such law in times of peace forfeits its claim
to be called a civilised Government."
Mr. Gandhi called upon his countrymen to observe Sunday
the 6th April as a day of prayer and fasting. Moti Lai Ghose,
B. Chakravarti and other Bengal leaders issued an appeal to
their countrymen to join Mr. Gandhi in his fasting and praying.
Matters culminated in the arrest of Mr. Gandhi, serious dis-
turbances in Calcutta consequent on the hartal following in
the wake of his arrest and the declaration of Martial Law in
the Punjab.
The Martial law atrocities, the Jallianwalabagh massacres,
the heavy sentences on respected popular leaders and the
thousand and one indignities that the people of the Punjab
suffered in the year 1919 under the regime of Dyer and O'Dwyer
echoed and re-echoed from one end of the country to the
other. When the people wanted a Royal or Parliamentary
Commission of Enquiry, the Viceroy (Lord Chelmsford), in his
speech in the Council on 3rd September, proposed a Committee
(the Hunter Committee) with Lord Hunter as Chairman and
five members of which three were Europeans and in the service
of the Government of India. The Viceroy also proposed to
introduce a Bill to indemnify the officers who might be
responsible for excesses in the administration of the martial
law in the Punjab. These proposed measures at once aroused
the indignation of the people the one added insult to injury
and the other gave a stone to the people when they asked for
bread. The Nationalist Press and leaders all over the country
raised a unanimous voice of protest.
21
322 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
The great meeting that was held in this connection at the
Town Hall of Calcutta was presided over by Babu Moti Lai
Ghose. The enthusiasm of the people that was seen on this
occasion recalled the meeting which took place at this very
Town Hall for protesting against the Rowlatt Act. Long
before the appointed hour the Town Hall was crowded to
suffocation and an overflow meeting presided over by Mr. C. R.
Das as the deputy of Babu Moti Lai Ghose had to be held
at the steps of the Town Hall. Moti Lai was now old and
infirm, but he had to respond to the call of the country. It
was not possible for him to address the vast gathering. So,
on taking the chair he said that as he was in feeble health
he would request his young friend Srijut Jitendra Lai Bannerji
to read the speech for him. In the overflow meeting Mr. I. B.
Sen, Bar-at-Law, read the same speech.
The speech was a strong condemnation of the policy of
administration of Lord Chelmsford. With regard to the
Viceroy's speech in the Imperial Legislative Council, Babu
Moti Lai said :
"It is admitted that hundreds of people, mostly
innocent of all guilt, lost their lives during the recent
events ; it is admitted also that hundreds of innocent
and respectable people were put to all sorts of indignity
and harrassment during the same disturbances ; but in
the whole of His Excellency's speech there is not one
single word of sympathetic reference to the fate of any
of these people."
He criticised the Hunter Committee as consisting of
persons who were "in a position of utter dependence upon
the Government of India." With regard to the proposed
Indemnity Bill he said :
"Evidently there is some perturbation in the official
.mind some dim and hazy sense that things have been
carried too far and with too high a hand and that
perhaps the Privy Council may have some nasty things
to say about the way in which the Military and other
officials of the Punjab services have ridden rough shod
over laws, regulations and recognised methods of legal
procedure. Otherwise, why should there be this pre-
mature talk about the Indemnity Bill? Would it not
PATRIKA'S SECURITY FORFEITED 323
have been more seemly and decent to have waited till
after the Committee of Enquiry had finished its investiga-
tion and submitted its report?"
At this time Turkey was going to be dismembered on the
plea of territorial readjustment consequent upon the end of
the Great War. She was considered to be an Asiatic power
and as such it was thought fit that her possessions in the
European continent which had been in her possession for more
than 400 years should be converted into a separate and indepen-
dent territory. But this was not the whole measure of injustice
against Turkey. She was to be deprived of her Asiatic
possessions also. Syria was to be handed over to France,
Armenia was to be entrusted to America and Mesopotamia
was to be appropriated to the British Government, Turkey
being left confined to the high and arid plateau of Anatolia.
Moti Lai entered a strong protest against this dismember-
ment of Turkey in his presidential address at the Town Hall.
He said :
"While the world war was going on we heard much
about the pious Christian and very virtuous motives
with which it was waged. We heard that it was a war
to end war and that there was no motive of territorial
or military aggrandisement behind it. It seems to me
that these cries have grown somewhat faint since the
conclusion of peace."
Amongst the other speakers in the meeting were Messrs.
B. Chakravarti, C. R. Das, J. Chaudhuri, Jitendralal Bannerjee
and Maulavi Akram Khan all of whom spoke in a similar
strain.
In the mean time an article entitled "To Whom Does
India Belong?" and another entitled "Arrest of Mr. Gandhi
More Outrages" appeared in the Amrita Bazar Patrika in the
second week of April, 1919. The articles contained nothing
new or uncommon ; they spoke of things which had been said
scores of times before in that paper and stronger language had
been used both in the Supreme and Local Councils by Indian
Councillors. And yet no action had been taken. But the
Government were now in a mood and so they forfeited the
sum of Rs. 5000 which the proprietors of the Amrita Bazar
324 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
Patrika had deposited with them under the Indian Press Act
of 1910. The Government thought that the articles were
"likely and had a tendency directly or indirectly by inference,
suggestion, implication or otherwise to bring into hatred the
Government established by law in British India and excite
disaffection towards the same Government."
The next morning the Amrita Bazar PaMka made a great
stunt in the field of Indian journalism by keeping its editorial
column blank. It, however, gave a note to say that "under
the present Press Act we find it impossible to avoid directly
or indirectly wounding bureaucratic susceptibilities and at the
same time offer honest comments on public events or policies."
So, it wrote on "Potatoes" and "Plantains" and thought that
this would now be a Model Newspaper in India. The Indian
newspaper reading public were taken by surprise and could
not resist a laughter even if in the midst of the gloomiest of
days.
As a sequel to the forfeiture of the deposit of Rs. 5000,
the sum of Rs. 10,000 was demanded as security and deposited
with the Government. The subscribers and well-wishers of
the PaMka contributed this sum in no time thus showing that
the paper had been able to earn a corner in their heart by
its life-long service.
CHAPTER LV
IN FAILING HEALTH
Dumraon Raj Case Moti Lai a Witness Life at Koilwar At Benares
Attacked with Paralysis Return to CalcuttaTwo Sides of His Character
Mr. Ramsay MacDonald's Impressions A Consulting Politician
Failing in Health.
About the middle of 1917 the Maharaja Bahadur of
Dumraon filed a suit in the Court of the Subordinate Judge of
Shahabad against Rai Bahadur Harihar Prasad Singh of
Dumraon for the recovery of possession of about 15,000 acres
of land situate in Lower Burma and the Dewan House and
the gardens and houses in front of the Dewan House at
Dumraon. The suit was valued at 30 lacs of rupees. The
Maharaja's case was that Rai Bahadur Jai Prakash Lai, father
of Rai Bahadur Hari Har Prasad Singh was deputed by
Maharaja Sir Radha Prasad Singh, predecessor in interest of
the Maharaja to acquire lands in Lower Burma for him
(Maharaja Radha Prasad), that the then Dewan Rai Bahadur
Jai Prakash Lai took settlement of the lands in Lower Burma
in his name, but for the Raj, and similarly the Dewan House
and the gardens with houses were acquired, built and furnished
with the Raj money. The case created a sensation throughout
the district of Shahabad and many other districts in the
Provinces of Behar and Bengal. Counsels were taken from the
Calcutta High Court by both parties for conducting their cases.
The case dragged on for years. Ultimately it went to the
Privy Council and was decided there.
In this case Moti Lai was cited by Rai Bahadur Harihar
Prasad, commonly known as Hariji, as a witness. Since his
taking charge of the editorship of the Patrika matters appeared
from time to time regarding these properties in that paper.
He was required to prove some of these and was examined
on commission at his residence at Baghbazar. For about a
month he was examined and cross-examined. All this time
326 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAI, GHOSE
he had to do his work in connection with the Patrika as usual.
Though an old man of over 70 years and not keeping a very
good health yet he managed to go through his cross-examina-
tion without giving way, and so long he was being examined
he kept himself up through sheer strength of mind.
When the case was over he began to feel its after effects
and so went for a change of air to Koilwar, a small village
on the river Sone in the Shahabad District. He left for
Koilwar on the 7th October, 1919, with his family members
including the writer of this. There he lived the life of a
recluse, as it were, far from the madding crowd's ignoble strife.
He took a good many religious and spiritual books with him
which he now devoured to his heart's content. But that does
not mean that he stopped writing in the Pdtrika. All the
important newspapers would be daily read by him and almost
daily he would despatch articles or paragraphs for the paper
along with his instructions. But at Koilwar life soon became
very monotonous for him. For a man who had spent the
greater portion of his life in the hurly burly of the political
arena of the country it was difficult to live in a place where
not even an educated intelligent man could be found to talk
with.
After spending a few months at Koilwar Moti Lai along
with his family went to Benares and used to live at a house
on the bank of the Ganges. From here also he used to write
for the Patrika and also wrote long letters to those who were
then conducting the paper in Calcutta. Though he was now
aging yet his spirits were like those of a young man and he
still persisted in doing a considerable amount of brain work.
The result was that he got an attack of paralysis in the left
side of his body. But still he was indefatigable in his energy
and would not cease writing. He would regularly send
editorial paragraphs and leaders to the Patrika office from
Benares and these were duly published in the Amrita Bazar
Patrika. There was no competition amongst newspapers in
those days for making the earliest comment and hence there
was no difficulty.
LETTER TO CHAIRMAN OF B. P. CONFERENCE 327
While Moti Lai was at Benares the Bengal Provincial
Conference sat at Midnapur in April, 1920. As he could not
attend it he wrote a letter to Babu Upendra Nath Maiti,
Chairman of the Reception Committee explaining his inability
to join the Conference.
Mr. B. K. Lahiri who described Babu Moti Lai Ghose as
"the great people's leader and worker" read out the letter in
the open conference. It ran thus:
"Tahirpur Raj House,
Kedarghat, Benares City,
Dated, ^ist March, 1920.
"My dear Upendra Babu,
I deeply regret my inability to attend the Conference
as I am lying badly ill at Benares. It is one of the
most important sessions of the Bengal Provincial Con-
ference and I would have made it a point to attend if
I could. I have, however, no doubt that my friends
who will assemble in large numbers will not feel my
absence as I am now in the retired list, and more an
old fossil than anything else.
Wishing every success to the Conference and God's
blessings upon its noble work.
Yours sincerely,
Mon LAI. GHOSE."
After a few months' stay at Benares Moti Lai returned
to Calcutta in the middle of 1920, but unfortunately he could
not attend the Session of the All-India Congress which was
held in Calcutta in the month of October, 1920 on account
of his ill health. But just on the eve of the Congress session
Lala Lajput Rai, the President-elect of the Congress paid a
visit to him and discussed the political situation with him.
It will not in the least be an exaggeration to say that leaders
of other provinces in India whenever they came to Bengal did
not think their mission complete until and unless they had
paid a visit to Moti Lai and ascertained his views on the matter
which they had taken up. When Mrs. Besant was elected
328 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
President of the Congress in Calcutta she also came to Mod
Lai and consulted him as to the topics of the day. Lokamanya
Tilak's coming to Calcutta was synonymous with his visit to
Mod Lai. Every time the late Maharaja of Durbhanga (Sir
Rameswar Singh) came to Calcutta he would invite Moti Lai
to see him. I had once to accompany Moti Lai in his old
age to the palace of the Maharaja of Durbhanga in Calcutta
and was present all through the interview. I expected that
they would talk on this or that political subject, but to my
utter surprise I found Moti Lai and the Maharaja talking of
things of the spirit, of the Geeta and the Mahabharata and
of Sri Krishna. Moti Lai also spoke to the Maharaja about
the devotion with which his wife tended him and I could
perceive tears of gratitude in his eye.
I was led to think that Moti Lai had two personalities
one his political self through which he was known to the
public, and the other his spiritual self, through which he was
known only to a few. His love for his country made him
a politician, of the earth earthy, constantly criticising the
action of the bureaucracy and racking his brain to devise ways
and means to foil bureaucratic projects such as the partition
of Bengal, partition of Midnapur, opening of a new university
at Dacca, attempt to take over the control of the secondary
education, imposing cruel taxes on the zemindars and the
raiyats, extending railways for military purposes, increasing
military expenditure, maintenance of a C. I. D., oppression
by the Police, neglect of rural water supply and sanitation,
passing of repressive laws like the Press Act or the Seditious
Meetings Act, increasing the pay of the highly-paid officials,
imposing prohibitive duties, carrying on a ruinous excise policy
and so forth and so on. The life of a politician is extremely
gross and unpoetical. Moti Lai had to live such a life.
But there is, as I have said, another side of his character.
It was his spiritual side, where he was actuated by his love of
God. When he was prompted by his love of his country he
saw that the Bureaucracy was doing a wrong to his country,
but from his innermost heart his love of God would prompt
RAMSAY MACDONALD ON MOTI LAL 329
him not to bear ill-will or hatred against the Bureaucracy but
to reform it as best as he could. That is the reason why so
many officials, from the Viceroy downwards, who ever came
in touch with Moti Lai the man, and not Moti Lai the
politician, became enamoured of him. Chief Justice Sir
Lawrence Jenkins and Lady Jenkins were fast friends of Moti
Lai, and I heard from him after they had an interview that
they had a talk not on matters political but on spiritual seances.
With Lord Ronaldshay also he talked of Hindu philosophy.
People who knew him as a politician from a distance were
startled when they came in contact with the man. When Mr.
Ramsay MacDonald came to pay a visit to Moti Lai in the year
1906 he talked of the "things of the spirit".
Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, the present Prime Minister of
England, was the London correspondent of the Amrita Bazar
PaMka in his earlier days. He was then an ordinary member
of the growing Labour Party and had not yet attained his
superior position in the British Cabinet. When he came to
India in 1905 1906 he paid several visits to Babu Moti Lai
Ghose and in his book Awakening of India he has left an
impression of these visits. Writes Mr. Ramsay MacDonald :
"Another whom I visited in an old crumbling place
of many rooms where a joint family dwelt in ancient
style began by blessing me in the name of his gods, by
telling me about his brother who had withdrawn from
the world and who is in sorrow because the plaintive
voice of India will intrude upon his meditations, and
by informing me about their common family worship.
I asked for books and pamphlets published by him, and
he brought me the lives of saints and meditations on
the Infinite. He told me that he longed to leave the
things that are seen and distract, and plunge into that
ocean of contemplation where men here seek to find
oblivion. He edits one of the most detested Bengal
papers."
Again writes Mr. MacDonald :
"He (Moti Lai) embarked upon an extraordinary
account of the worship of Shri Krishna, of whom his
family were devotees. His brother had ceased to trouble
about the things of life, and this one too longed for the
time when he could lay down his pen, hand the paper
330 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
over to another, and retire to be alone with his own
being. He often took me by the hand as a father does
a child and patted me as he told me of the tribulations
which beset a man's feet through life, and of the sorrow
that waited upon men. As I now write I can hardly
resist the belief that in some way he saw the shadow
that was then hanging over me. There were tears in
his eyes as he spoke of India. Sitting thus at the long
table, darkness fell upon us. Yellowish red patches
appeared on the walls from the lights outside, and
strains of music came in at the windows. We went out
together. " Awakening of India."
Many eminent persons who came in touch with Moti Lai
have left their impressions about him to the public ; not all
of them have been able to see his inner self as Mr. MacDonald
has done. But people did not come to Moti Lai to hear a
religious sermon. They came to him for facts and figures,
for his help in removing their distress due to oppression or
negligence of Government officers, for his views regarding the
burning questions of the day.
When due to his old age and infirmity he could not attend
any meetings or participate in their deliberations the leaders
would often come to his place and he became a "consulting"
politician as it were. Mahatma Gandhi, Lala Lajput Rai,
Pandit Madan Mohon Malaviya all, all the leaders would come
and see him when he had ceased attending public functions.
Since his return from Benares he had all this time been
suffering from partial paralysis of the left side of his body.
But though his frame was weak his mind was very strong and
he would daily go to the Ganges side morning and evening
in his carriage and walk there or sit there in an easy chair
for hours together. In the noon he would read books and
papers. He took particular interest at this period in Irish
affairs and scrutinisingly read the pages of the Daily Herald.
The books were mostly Vaishnava religious books and books
on spiritualism. Gradually, however, his strength began to
fail and he was confined to the four corners of his house. His
contributions also became few and far between. About the
middle of 1921 for a time his health became very bad. He
STATESMAN ON MOTI LAL 331
was ill for some days and in July 1921 commenting on his
illness the Statesman wrote :
"The admirers of the Amrita Bazar Patrika, among
whom are many Europeans, will learn with great satis-
faction that the condition of health of Babu Moti Lai
Ghose is gradually improving, though it cannot be said
with certainty that he has completely recovered from the
attack of paralysis that he recently had. Moti Babu is
nearly 75 years of age."
The Bengalee on the loth July wrote as follows:
"We are exceedingly relieved to learn that Babu
Moti Lai Ghose, who has been lying very seriously ill of
late, is now out of danger. Babu Moti Lai Ghose is
one of the most enterprising and brilliant journalist we
have in Bengal, and his achievements and services would
fill up a golden page in the history of Young Bengal.
A man like Moti Babu would do honour to the journalism
of any country, and Bengal can hardly afford to lose
at the present moment the services of such a distinguished
representative of the Press. We wish Babu Moti Lai
Ghose a complete and speedy recovery and still many
years of patriotic service."
Moti Lai was again progressing favourably after being
confined to bed for some time.
In August, 192 1 at his instance some extracts from his
private diary in connection with the case of the Maharaja of
Kashmir and his interview with the late Charles Bradlaugh
were published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika. His Reminiscences
regarding the advent of Malaria in Bengal during the sixties
and seventies of the last century had also appeared in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika a few months back. These were very
much appreciated by those who read them. Even the Statesman
between whom and the Patrika no love was lost remarked :
"The Amrita Bazar Patrika often publishes powerful
passages from the diary of Babu Moti Lai Ghose. Some
of these are very interesting reading both to Europeans
and Indians. Moti Babu is now old and often very ilL
Systematic publication of the reminiscences of a journalist
and public man like Moti Babu would be both profitable
and interesting reading to many. Cannot this be done ?"
Latterly he made up his mind to contribute two signed
articles every week in the columns of the Amrita Bazar Patrika,
332 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
but was not able to carry out his plan. He had contributed
only two articles when he fell seriously ill. The first article
was on How Shankaracharyya Learnt Wisdom and the second
was on Indian and European Yoga, published on the nth and
i5th June, 1922 respectively. The article on Yoga was
practically his last article in the Amrita Bazar PaMka though
by no means his last contribution. But of that later.
CHAPTER LVI
RIVALS IN A GOOD CAUSE
Moti I/al and Surendra Nath Their Views Compared An Interview at
Simultala Their Personal Relations Comments in Their Papers.
The name of Surendra Nath Banerjea is often associated
with that of Moti Lai Ghose. Surendra Nath was perhaps the
only man in Bengal who could at one time share equal
popularity with Moti Lai. Both were journalists and at one
time the papers which they edited the Amrita Bazar Patrika
and the Bengalee vied with each oth|ir in doing service to
their country, each in its own way. Though in later life they
went towards diametrically opposite directions they were fast
friends and co-workers in their younger days. It is not known
at what time they first came in touch with each other. We
find that when Surendra Nath was forced to resign from the
Indian Civil Service in the year 1873 several paragraphs
were written from day to day in the Patrika championing his
cause. They must have come in touch with each other at that
time. But later when Surendra ,Nath entered the field of
politics differences grew up between these two stalwarts
probably due to a feeling of rivalry. There gradually grew
up a sharp difference of opinion between them, which later
became as poles asunder. Often they fell foul of each other
in their papers, but often again they complimented each other
through their papers as well as in public meetings. Their
MOTI LAL AND SURENDRA NATH 333
alternate fightings and peace-makings were a source of great
amusement to young and old alike being leaders of Bengal
they were the cynosure of all eyes and their utterances and
writings about each other were carefully watched by the people.
While Moti Lai excelled in the press, Surendra Nath's forte
was the platform. So, when the press and the platform were
wrestling and embracing each other by turns it was a sight for
the gods to see.
Surendra Nath had early associated himself with the
Congress. But the policy which gradually came to be advocated
by the Congress, viz., a policy of representation, petition and
deputation, was not always approved by Moti Lai who was a
very strong and unsparing critic of the Government as well as
of the leaders who managed the Congress at that time in the
name of the people of India and who declared that their views
were the views of the people. Hence, though a hearty
supporter of the Congress in its infancy Moti Lai was during
its period of adoloscence strongly opposed to it, and that is
one of the reasons why he as well as Tilak were never selected
as President of the Congress. Like many other politicians he
did not lend his support to the party in power, but he always
stuck to his own gun though by doing so he found himself
in the minority amongst the then conductors of the Congress.
His views were always in advance of the Congress of those
days and the Englishman of Sept. 6, 1922, rightly observes
that it is not an exaggeration to say that "modern Indian
nationalism, except in so far as it has quite recently been over-
laid by ideas originating *from Ahmedabad, has been entirely
moulded by Mr. Ghose." Moti Lai had a very wide political
outlook and he had attained the high water mark of his genius
and was the supreme leader of political ideas in Bengal at a
time when it was remarked that "what Bengal thinks to-day,
the whole of India thinks to-morrow. "
In this connection the Englishman also wrote that the
spirit which pervaded Moti Lai was "of course hostile to the
British Government and indirectly hostile to all Europeans."
334 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
But this is giving a wrong interpretation to Moti Lai's
character. If whatever is good for India is bad for the British
then certainly Moti Lai's policy was hostile to the British, for
Moti Lai aimed at nothing but the good of India. But if there
could be any good to India without its necessarily being bad
to Britain then certainly Moti Lai was not hostile to Britain ;
for, as I have already said, Moti Lai aimed at the good of
India and nothing but the good of India. He dedicated himself
to his country ; and the country's cause was the dearest to
him. If his country's cause was hostile to British interests he
was hostile to British interests and if his country's cause was
not hostile to British interests he too was not hostile to British
interests. And there he differed from the Congress of the
middle period. Its conductors were too punctilious to offend
the sentiments of the Government. But Moti Lai did not care
for that. In this respect he and Lokamanya Tilak sailed in
the same boat. If they thought that something said or done
by them would be of some good to their country but might
displease the powers that be they never refrained from saying
or doing that.
Surendra Nath was not above his comrades in the Congress
camp in this respect and the susceptibility towards offending
Government which the advanced section of Indian politicians
latterly found in him was in an embryonic state in him even
when he was an out and out Congressman. However, Moti
Lai and Surendra Nath would often meet and discuss political
situations. I remember an incident in this connection.
Surendra Nath and Moti Lai, both were on a change of air
at Simultala some time after the historical Barisal conference
of 1906 which was unhappily broken off by the Magistrate.
They were discussing what attitude they would take at the
Indian National Congress to be held at Surat and in course of
conversation Surendra Nath said, "Well Moti Babu, believe
me. I promise to you I will ever stand by you in case of
difference amongst the leaders." Later history, however,
shows that unfortunately Surendra Nath did not speak like a
prophet on this occasion.
MOTI LAL AND SURENDRA NATH 335
When the above incident took place I was a boy of ten
summers only and though nearly three decades have since
gone by I vividly remember the interview between Moti Lai
and Surendra Nath at Simultala. I had heard of Surendra
Nath before. Moti Lai would very often talk about Surendra
Nath and criticise his actions. Even while talking to the ladies
and other members of the family he would cut jokes about
Surendra Nath and both the ladies and he would enjoy these
very much. I was anxious to see Surendra Nath. So, when
he came to the place where Moti Lai was living with his
family, his tall and stalwart figure, his semi-European dress,
his flowing beard, his smart appearance, his thick walking
stick and above all his resonant voice and his loud and hearty
laughter deeply impressed us. I still find his words ringing
in my ears. Every now and then he spoke in English ; but
his words in Bengali which, I think, I can still remember
were: "Well, Moti Babu, let anybody say or do anything,
I shall never quarrel with you I shall always stand by you."
Subsequently Moti Lai narrated this incident to many of his
friends and felt very much delighted when doing so.
Moti Lai, I am constrained to say, had all along a feeling
of rivalry for Surendra Nath. He was a great admirer of
Surendra Nath's memory and power of public speaking. On
numerous occasions he narrated with genuine admiration how
Surendra Nath as President of the Congress at Poona had
delivered his long address ex tempore without looking into the
printed copy of the speech. Though Moti Lai possessed a
very good memory yet I have often heard him saying : "Oh,
if I could only have a memory like Surendra Nath." Again,
he would some times say, "If I had only the sonorous voice
of Surendra Nath and could speak like him in public." Moti
Lai admitted Surendra Nath's superiority as a public speaker,
"but it is all foam and froth," he said. But he did not admit
that Surendra Nath was superior or even equal to him so far
as writing was concerned. He believed that his editorials in
the Pdtrika were far superior to those of Surendra Nath's in
the Bengalee.
336 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Many men would often come to Moti Lai and make
derogatory remarks against Surendra Nath. I cannot say that
this did not please him. Regarding the relationship between
them the late poet Nabin Chandra Sen has told a nice story
in his "Autobiography." In order to curry favour with
Surendra Nath the very same men who came to Moti Lai and
spoke ill of Surendra Nath would go to the latter and speak
ill of Moti Lai. Here also I cannot say that this did not
please Surendra Nath. I have heard from a venerable old
gentleman who was closely associated with Surendra Nath for
many years that he used to say that "Moti Babu is a good
man, but it is his chelas and chamundas (followers and
adherents) who are spoiling him." Great men have their little
weaknesses ; Moti Lai and Surendra Nath were weaknesses to
each other.
Though Moti Lai and Surendra Nath criticised each other
in their respective papers they would behave very friendly
when they met either in public or privately. In the year 1908
the Bengal Provincial Conference was held at Pabna. In the
'Subjects Committee meeting it was proposed to form a Com-
mittee composed of Babus Rabindra Nath Tagore, Surendra
Nath Banerjea, Moti Lai Ghose, Jogesh Chaudhury and
Hirendra Nath Datta to give effect to a resolution for raising
money for the improvement of sanitation, agriculture, etc.
Surendra Nath declined to serve on the Committee. Though
he did not express his reasons, Moti Lai understood them and
declared that he would not work in any Committee without
Surendra Nath. He made a strong appeal to him that they
should sink all private differences and act in concert. On
hearing this appeal Surendra Nath heartily reciprocated and
this happy result was received with loud and prolonged cheers.
Though in private life they did not speak very highly of
each other in numerous public meetings they paid great com-
pliments to each other. For example on one occasion while
proposing Surendra Nath as the Chairman of a certain meeting
Moti Lai said that Surendra Nath was self-luminous like the
sun and did not require to be introduced. On another occasion
MOTI LAL AND SURENDRA NATH 337
when Surendra Nath presided over a meeting at the Town Hall
in Calcutta, during the Home Rule agitation days, protesting
against the arrest and detention of Mrs. Besant and Messrs.
Arundale and Wadia, Moti Lai proposed a vote of thanks to
the Chair and in doing so he said that thanking a gentleman
for his services to the country was a formalism introduced
into this country by the West ; the Orientals showed their
gratitude by embracing and kissing and he wanted to do the
same with regard to Surendra Nath. As a matter of fact
Surendra Nath stood up from his chair and Moti Lai hugged
him and kissed him on the dais of the Town Hall before a
packed house. Next morning the vernacular daily Nayak,
then edited by the famous humourist Panch Cowrie Banerjee
came out with a cartoon, representing Surendra Nath as Sri
Krishna and Moti Lai as Srimati Radha going to embrace each
other. For days together this incident became the talk of the
day among the elite of Calcutta.
The wit-sallies and repartees that passed between Babu
Moti Lai Ghose, editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika and
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea, editor of the Bengalee in the
columns of their respective papers are ever-memorable. The
following is taken at random from the Amrita Bazar Patrika
of January 13, 1914:
"The reader is aware that we had the misfortune
to object to the Press Act Resolution of the Hon'ble
Babu Surendra Nath Banerjea. Our brother thus seeks to
take his revenge on us through his paper the Bengalee :
'We find that a note of protest has been raised by
the Patrika with regard to Babu Surendra Nath
Banerjea's resolution on the Press Act. The Resolution
has been declared useless and mischievous, and even the
Resolution on the educational policy of the Government
has been characterised as being more useful to the
Government than to the people. We are informed Babu
Surendra Nath Banerjea did not consult Babu Moti Lai
Ghose in framing either of the Resolutions. If that be
the head and front of his offence, we do not think the
public will seriously trouble themselves about the
matter. 1
"That is the old mamoolee grievance of the Bengalee.
Because Babu Moti Lai does not love Babu Surendra
22
338 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Nath, therefore the Patrika abuses the latter ! Is that
a fact? Does Babu Surendra Nath believe it? It is
unworthy of him if he nourishes such a petty idea in
his mind. Our 4>rother says that the reason why the
Patrika has come down on him is that he did not consult
Babu Moti Lai about his two Resolutions. But he also
did not take him into confidence when he moved his
Resolution on Bengal dacoities in the Bengal Council.
And yet the Patrika paid him high compliments for the
splendid speech he made on that occasion. So, you see,
consulting or no consulting Babu Moti Lai has nothing
to do with the Patrika' s protest against Babu Surendra
Nath's public acts. And may we inquire what was the
harm if Babu Surendra Nath had consulted Babu Moti
Lai in the matter of his Press Act Resolution? Surely,
his hard-won Honourable now added to his name, would
not have in that case dropped down."
Throughout their lives Moti Lai and Surendra Nath thus
wrote about each other in their respective papers.
I cannot conclude this chapter without narrating a very
funny incident. One of the persons who often came to Moti
Lai and spoke to him about Surendra Nath was the editor of
a number of volumes giving the histories of well-known
families in Bengal. One day a few years before the death of
Moti Lai when he was severely criticising Surendra Nath for
accepting a Ministry with Rs. 64,000 a year in place of a life
of self-sacrifice and service to the country this gentleman waA
talking with him and in course of conversation he said,
"Surendra Babu has asked me to carry a message to you
he has said, what are you writing in the Patrikal You have
got dotage (apanake bahattare dharechey Bengali)." Moti
Lai was very much pleased and said with a smile, "Good,
good, carry my message back to him. Tell him that as regards
dotage, he has also got it. But there is this difference I can
understand and admit that I have got it, whereas he cannot
understand and so does not admit that he has got it." I was
present when this conversation took place. Needless to say
we laughed a hearty laugh. I do not know if the message was
at all carried to Surendra Nath or what reply he gave.
CHAPTER LVTI
MOTI LAL AND GANDHI
Moti Lai on Gandhi Meetings Between Moti Lai and Gandhi--Some
Topics of Conversation The Last Interview.
Moti Lai and Mahatma Gandhi were not very familiar
with each other. The reason for this is that during the major
portion of their lives they belonged to two different schools
of politics. Mr. Gandhi belonged to the school of "Moderates"
and was with Pheroze Shah Mehta and Gokhale, whereas
Moti Lai belonged to the "Extremist* 1 school and was with
Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. But Mr. Gandhi was
seldom, if ever, criticised in the columns of the Patrika ; on
the contrary, his great services in South Africa were highly
appreciated by the Patrika.
On their way to Rangoon while on a tour in March, 1915
Mr. and Mrs. Gandhi stopped for a few days at the house of
Babu Bhupendra Nath Basu. They were given a magnificent
reception by the Calcutta public. On Saturday the i3th March,
a public demonstration was held on the grounds of the palace
of Maharaja Manindra Chandra Nandy of Cossimbazar. Almost
all the elite of the different sections of the Indian community
were present to accord a hearty reception to the honoured guests.
A spacious shamiana was erected for the purpose and the place
was packed to its utmost capacity. On the motion of Babu
Bhupendra Nath Basu, Babu Moti Lai Ghose was voted to
the chair. Moti Lai in welcoming the honoured guest of the
evening said :
"My dear and beloved friend, I accord you, not on
my own behalf alone, but on behalf of the whole of
Bengal our heartiest welcome. The greeting comes from
the very bottom of my heart. You are not aware how
dear, how loved, how esteemed and how respected you
are. Why so? Do you know my friend? Because,
your sacrifice is of a unique kind. We people talk of
sacrifice. But you have not preached self-sacrifice
340 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL CHOSE
in mere words, but have shown it by your example, by
your noble deeds There are people who call
you a political sanyasi. These two terms do not agree.
They differ as mongoose and serpent. There is not much
of sublime spiritualism in politics. Spiritualise yourself.
You have done it to a certain extent. But spiritualise
yourself more and spiritualise humanity. Let that be
your real mission. You are the fittest person for that.
You know we are proud of our Avatar Sri Gouranga.
His was the spirit of love to mankind. May you be
saturated with that celestial spirit which filled the heart
of Gouranga. May you preach that love. May you live
long and end your days by working for the people so
as to be able to turn them to the fountain of all blessings.
May you be blessed both in earth and in heaven. May
God's choicest blessings be showered upon you. May
you long perform your mission, the mission to serve
God and man."
The Hon'ble Mr. Byomkesh Chakravarti who followed
Moti Lai humorously referred to the frail and fragile figures of
Moti Lai and Gandhi. "In their President (Moti Lai)/ 1 he
said, "he did not see a hero physically. In their honoured
guest (Mr. Gandhi) also he did not see a great hero physically.
But there was such a thing as heroism free from bloodshed,
heroism that did not inflict death on others."
After the speech of Mr. D. P. Khaitan and the Hon'ble
Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjea, Mr. Gandhi gave a reply. He
said :
"Mr. Chairman and friends, I do not know in what
terms to return my thanks to you for giving me such a
hearty welcome. You President, Sir, have blessed me
and have entrusted a charge to me also. I hope I shall
have deserved your blessing and I shall have power
enough and willingness enough to carry out the charge
you have entrusted. 1 '
There were several meetings between Mahatma Gandhi and
Babu Moti. Lai. I give below accounts of some of them.
Some time after the death of Mr. Gokhale, Mr. Gandhi
paid a visit to Babu Moti Lai Ghose. Mr. Gandhi was then
observing mourning on account of the death of Mr. Gokhale,
whom he considered as his political 'guru'. He had come to
the Patrika office before this ; but this was the first time that
INDIGO CULTIVATORS 341
I saw him there. I still remember the figure of Mr. Gandhi,
bare-footed, with a small coarse cloth to cover the lower part
of his body and a most ordinary blanket to cover the upper
part. His head was almost bald and his moustache was clean
shaved. It was early in the morning and he talked with Moti
Lai for more than half an hour. They talked mostly about the
late Mr. Gokhale. I came to learn from their conversation
that Mr. Gandhi was now living only upon fruits and milk.
An interview took place between Moti Lai and Mahatma
Gandhi at the Amrita Bazar Patrika office on the loth
September, 1920. Mahatma Gandhi was accompanied by
Srijuts Jawahar Lai Nehru, Giridhari Lai and Srimati Sarala
Devi. When Mahatma Gandhi asked him as to his views on
Council entry Moti Lai said:
"I have been a non-co-operationist, for the last fifty
years. As regards the Councils I have always regarded
them as a farce, a delusion and a snare. I myself have
never sought to enter any of them and have always
counselled our public men not to enter them."
Moti Lai then said that it mattered little whether a handful
of title-holders gave up their titles or not, it was similarly of
little importance whether some men joined the Councils or not.
The question of questions was how to rouse the masse*. A
combination like that of the Indian indigo cultivators in the
sixties of the last century, he said, was now necessary. Moti
Lai then narrated how the raiyats brought about their own
deliverance. Said he:
"It happened in this wise, the raiyats were groan*
ing under the oppression of the planters. They came
to see that their deliverance lay in not sowing indigo.
So, a few intelligent people among them took a vow in
some sacred temple that they would not sow indigo any
more. Then they persuaded others to take the same
vow. The cry was 'no raiyat should touch the indigo
even if he was tortured to death.' And though they
were tortured in a most brutal way by the planters they
did not yield. When the planters failed the authorities
interfered and coerced them both by threats and
entreaties. They remained firm and said, 'Shaheb, you
say you will put us in jail. Do it, but this hand shall
never again *touch indigo.* 'Sow it/ they said, 'for this
342 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
season only and you will be free to do what you like
afterwards.' 'Shaheb, we have taken the vow in the
name of God. We can never break it.' that was the
bold and spirited reply of the down-trodden and illiterate
ruyats. In this way six millions of people were united
in course of six months and they achieved success in a
way which has no parallel in history."
Moti Lai then referred to the cry of "land" raised by
Parnell which brought about unity among Irishmen and then
said :
"Dear friend, you should think of a common cry
for the masses which will appeal to their heart directly.
It seems to me there are two things which sit like a
dread night-mare on the breast of both the masses and
the educated class. One is the Police Zooloom and the
other is the pitiless character of the criminal administra-
tion. Can't these go to make a common cry?"
Mahatma Gandhi said that he would think over the matter.
They then exchanged their views regarding boycott of law
courts, schools and colleges, etc.
Since, Mahatma Gandhi has tried with the cry of "Salt
Tax" and has now been experimenting with the cry of
"Harijan". Time will show the result achieved. So far, our
country, I am afraid, has not been able to find out a common
cry on the basis of which all our countrymen may unite.
Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Mahomed Ali while on
their tour through important places in India arrived at Calcutta
from Patna on Wednesday the i;th August, 1921. They were
on their way to Assam. They put up at the house of Srijut
C. R. Das who was unfortunaely away at Arrah in connec-
tion with the Dumraon Raj Case. The Mahatma and the
Maulana paid a visit to Babu Moti Lai Ghose at the Amrita
Bazar Patrika office. Moti Lai was now ailing. His left hand
had been partially paralysed and though not confined to bed
he could walk only wkh a stick. So they had a short con-
versation with Moti Lai, who addressed them like his sons and
invoked the blessings of God upon them and wished success to
the great work of nation-building which they had taken in
hand. He expresed his regret that he might not live till the
completion of their great work as he might pass away any
MOTI LAL, GANDHI AND MAHOMED AU 343
moment owing to his living under the grip of a dangerous and
treacherous disease. All the same he hoped that if he were
really taken to the other side of the world he would not forget
India and her liberators and be happy at the freedom of his
dear and beloved Motherland.
Moti Lai took this opportunity to warn them that they must
prevent all dissensions among the Nationalist party. He said
that already there was a rumour of a threatened schism among
the Nationalists in consequence of the alleged autocracy of some
of the leaders. The Mahatma, he said, was the only person
who could prevent such a rupture by nipping it in the bud by
the sheer force of his personality, his intense patriotism and his
wonderful tact.
When Moti Lai said that it would not matter much if he
were to depart from this world now, but that it was essential
that Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Mahomed Ali should have
a long life to fulfil the great task which had been imposed upon
them by Providence they said in reply that they could not
afford to lose Moti Babu at such a critical moment when Swaraj
was within sight. The Maulana further said that his mother
was as old and weak as Moti Babu, but she always said that
she would not die till Swaraj was attained. The same senti-
ment, said he, should infuse Babu Moti Lai who should, like
his mother, ask the angel of death not to approach him so long
as India's freedom was not achieved.
The ladies of Moti Lai's house greeted the illustrious
visitors by blowing conch shells when they arrived. Scores of
people who had assembled on the ground flour of the house
cried "Mahatma Gandhi Ki Jai," "Maulana Mahomed Ali Ki
Jai," when they left the Amrita Bazar Patrika Office.
On his way back from Assam Mahatma Gandhi came to
the Patrika Office again on Sunday the nth September 1921.
I was present on this occasion also. I quote the following from
my private diary written at that time and also published in the
Amrita Bazar Patrika on a subsequent date.
On Sunday the nth September, 1921, at about 3 P.M.
Mahatma Gandhi and Moulana Mahomed Ali paid a visit to
344 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Babu Moti Lai Ghose, the editor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika,
at the residence of the latter at Baghbazar. A cinema photo-
grapher had somehow or other got scent of the fact that the
Mahatma was coming and was seen adjusting his camera before
the building at about 2-30 P.M.
As soon as the motor car carrying the great personages
stopped before the house some young members of the family
who had been eagerly awaiting their arrival ran towards it
and took the dust of their feet on their head as they were getting
down. They then conducted their honoured guests to a
verandah on the first floor of the building where Babu Moti Lai
was reclining on his arm chair. Some members of the staff and
some outsiders who had by this time assembled there now cried
aloud, "Mahatma Gandhi Ki Jai," "Maulana Mahomed Ali
Ki Jai."
The Patrika Office is a place where you will always find
perfect democracy there is little distinction here between the
employer and the employee and sometimes you will find great
difficulty in making out who is who.* Throughout the day all
sorts of persons are coming to the Office and a hearty reception
is given to all of them irrespective of caste or creed. Internees,
as well as those who have interned them (that is the Police or the
C.I.D.) find equal access to Babu Moti Lai and he always lends
a hearing to all of them. Had not a gentleman belonging to
the party of Mahatma Gandhi given instructions to a member
of the staff not to allow outsiders to enter the editorial room,
they would have most probably flocked there. Fortunately the
enthusiastic crowd listened to the request not to go upstairs and
waited patiently at the spacious courtyard of the building to
have a darshan of the Mahatma.
Though Moti Lai had lately been suffering from an attack
of vertigo he was keeping sound health at the time. Besides
whenever one talked politics with him he would at once become
as energetic as a youngman of twenty. He would speak with
a positive tone and if you did not agree with him he would not
* This was written in 1921. Things have changed since then.
THE LAST MEETING 345
rest satisfied till you were convinced. A man had to be coura-
geous enough to contradict him before his face, for he was
master of his facts and had a keen logical head. No amount
of falacies would appeal to him. So I was surprised to hear
Moti Lai admit when there was some difference between
Mahatma Gandhi and himself that the argument was in favour
of the Mahatma.
Moti Lai had some questions to put to the Mahatma and
these he had jotted down on a piece of paper. He talked with
the Mahatma on these points for about an hour.
The Mahatma had come, it appeared to me, to convince
Babu Moti Lai of the necessity of the non-co-operation and
Swaraj movement. He requested Moti Lai to write some
articles in his paper supporting the movement and not
opposing it. The Mahatma said that he was not sure that he
would get Swaraj within a particular date, but he was sure
that if they failed to get Swaraj within that date they must
not stop, they must still be continuing the agitation. He said
that he was sure that the actions which had been taken in
connection with the movement by himself and his party were
always justified and that had they not done so they would not
probably have achieved the amount of success they had already
got.
The Mahatma requested Babu Moti Lai to write some
articles in his inimitable way, eulogising the Charka, which,
insisted the Mahatma, was an absolute necessity for the attain-
ment of Swaraj. "I want you," he said, "to raise a sharp
shrill cry in your paper that will go deep down into the hearts
of the people."
After their conversation was over they were garlanded by
two little boys of the family and the ladies blew conch-shells.
By this time the crowd in the courtyard had grown bigger
and when the Mahatma and the Maulana came down there was
a great rush among the people to take the dust of their feet.
They were photographed when getting into the motor car.
This was the last meeting between Mahatma Gandhi and
Babu Moti Lai.
346 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
In a conference of Bengal delegates held at Ahmedabad
on the 2Qth December, 1921 during the session of the CVngress
there Mahatma Gandhi addressed the Bengal delegates on the
political situation and the task before them. He explained his
doctrine of Non-co-operation. While speaking about the duty
of the lawyers he referred to his interview with Babu Moti Lai
and said :
"I wish I could reproduce the conversation I had
with Moti Babu. Of course I cannot describe to you in
detail the conversation I had with him when I visited
him in Calcutta last about lawyers and how he urged
with me not to be harsh upon them. I know I have said
many unpleasant things that could be proved and that
were proper, and that too in no uncharitable spirit and
certainly not with a view to estrange them from us.
I was anxious that they should be dislodged from their
leadership or sole leadership which they possessed. But
there never was the slightest intention that they should
be branded out of public service. On the contrary I
endeavoured to harness every lawyer even practising
lawyer with national service, because if he cannot fulfil
the conditions, he cannot very well work officially in
Non-co-operation Committees, etc., etc."
CHAPTER LVIII
BOYCOTT AND NON-CO-OPERATION
Prince of Wales' Visit to IndiaMeetings For and Against Reception
Moti Lai's Interview With King George V Recalled Moti Lai on
Council Entry.
In a previous chapter I have described the interview that
Moti Lai had with King George V when the latter came
to India as the Prince of Wales in 1906. When the present
Prince of Wales (Prince Albert) visited India in 1921 a Recep-
tion Committee was formed to give him a hearty welcome. A
meeting of the citizens of Calcutta was held in the Dalhousie
Institute on Wednesday the 24th August with a view to arrange
the preliminaries in connection with the reception to be accorded
to the Prince of Wales. The meeting was called in the name
TWO MEETINGS 347
of the public and the Governor of Bengal (Lord Ronaldshay)
was to have presided.
Those were the days of Non-co-operation and Boycott. The
Jallianwalla Bagh outrages were still fresh in the minds of the
people, the sore due to the Khilafat wrong had not yet healed
up, the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms had failed to satisfy even
the most moderate-minded men among the advanced section
of the politicians ; and the Congress and the Khilafat Committees
had been advocating the boycott of schools, colleges, foreign
goods and even social relations with the rulers. Naturally,
therefore, the Congress and the Khilafat Committees decided
that the Indian public should have nothing to do with the
Prince of Wales' visit to India. All functions in that connec-
tion were thus to be boycotted.
So when the Dalhousie Institute meeting was called in the
name of the public Congress and Khilafat leaders thought it
their duty to oppose it and they mustered strong at the meeting
with their followers under the lead of Mr. C. R. Das. Dr.
Sasanka Jiban Ray, M.A., D.L., Advocate, Calcutta High
Court moved the following resolution which was carried
unanimously :
"That in view of the resolution passed by the All-
India Congress Committee this meeting of the citizens
of Calcutta as convened by the Sheriff of Calcutta
resolves that no reception should be accorded to the
Prince of Wales on the occasion of his visit here."
The original organisers of the meeting did not at all turn
up at the Dalhousie Institute, but suddenly and secretly changed
their venue at the eleventh hour and met at the Town Hall
under the chairmanship of the Governor (Lord Ronaldshay)
with a strong police guard. In that meeting Sir Lancelot
Sanderson, Chief Justice of Bengal, than whom a better repre-
sentative of the people of Bengal could not be found, moved
the following resolution :
"That an enthusiastic and loyal reception be accorded
to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales by all sections
of the community both European and Indian on the
occasion of his approaching visit to Calcutta."
348 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Sir Surendra Nath Banerjea, newly-appointed Minister of
the Bengal Legislative Council was one of the speakers and
when he rose to speak he was greeted with thunderous cries of
"shame, shame." With his fist aimed at the audience Sir
Surendra Nath thundered forth in return :
"It is a matter of unutterable shame on the part of
the howling crowd to call out 'shame* when we are
organising a demonstration of welcome in honour of our
Royal guest."
A General Committee and an Executive Committee were
formed with a view to arrange for a reception of the Prince and
the meeting broke up before the fixed time.
Now Moti Lai's name was inadvertently included in one
of these Committees. This made several gentlemen inquire of
him as to whether he had joined the Reception Committee, and
if so, then why.
The following reply was published in the Amrita Bazar
Patrika:
"We have received a number of letters inquiring
if Babu Moti Lai Ghose has joined the Prince of Wales
Reception Committee. In reply we have to say that he
was nominated a member without his knowledge or
permission. He has written to the Secretaries to the
Committee expressing his inability to serve on it."
A. B. Patrika, 8/9/21.
Now, like all mortal beings even Moti Lai had his detrac-
tors and this explanation offered a weapon to their hands. At
feast two of the Moderate papers of Calcutta, viz., the Bengalee
and the Sanjibani adversely commented on this conduct of
Moti Lai and said that he behaved otherwise when King
George V came to India as Prince of Wales in January, 1906.
The Bengalee wrote that on that occasion he "measured his
full length on the ground." The Sanjibani said that he went
to the length of licking the feet of His Royal Highness. Now
this was a vile exaggeration. To meet the charge brought
against Moti Lai an article was published in the Amrita Bazar
Patrika giving the correct version of the interview between Moti
MOTI LAL'S INTERVIEW WITH KING GEORGE V 349
Lai and King George V as Prince of Wales and the following
editorial note was published :
"We would not have noticed these utterly false and
malicious statements (of the Bengalee and the Sanji-
banee), which presumably were manufactured by the
editors of the two Moderate papers, evidently with the
object of lowering Babu Moti Lai in the estimation of the
public, if the writers of some of the letters to us had not
been men of light and leading. As we have said above
the statements are absolutely false. What happened at the
interview was described by Babu Moti Lai himself in
the Patrika in an article, which is republished in another
column. We have no doubt it will be read with interest
at this distance of time by a large number of our country-
men. One will see that what Moti Babu did was this ;
instead of shaking the hand of the Prince of Wales when
he offered it to him, he went on his knees in the oriental
fashion and requested His Royal Highness to remove a
plague spot from the British Administration of India,
which was a fruitful source of seething discontent in
this country. The Prince far from being embarrassed
by the attitude of Babu Moti Lai Ghose as the Bengalee
says, seemed to be deeply impressed and gave Babu Moti
Lai the promise that he would speak the matter to his
father and he did redeem his promise. As a matter of
fact as soon as he returned to England, he in his Guild
Hall speech, pleaded strongly for wider sympathy on the
part of the Indian officials towards the people of India.
Lord Morley communicated the message of the Prince of
Wales to the Government of India, but as usual it was
shelved in the Secretariat, though it came practically
from the late King Emperor himself. If B'abu Moti Lai
knelt before the future Emperor of India, did he do it
to serve himself or the country? Surely he did not do
it to secure for himself a Knighthood or a Ministership
carrying Rs. 64,000 per annum, like some of our public
men, after casting all his life-long principles to the dogs
and stabbing the country in its vital part."
I think this reply also stabbed his critics in the vital part.
One of the foremost questions that agitated the minds of
the Indian leaders after the imprisonment of Mahatma Gandhi,
Deshbandhu C. R. Das and other leaders of the Non-co-opera-
tion movement in the last decade was the question whether
Nationalists should go into the Legislative Councils or boycott
them altogether. While Mahatma Gandhi was of opinion that
350 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
the Indian Assembly and the Provincial Councils should be
altogether boycotted there were others, chief among whom were
Deshabandhu C. R. Das and Pandit Mod Lai Nehru, who were
of opinion that the Assembly and the Councils should be
entered, not with a view to co-operating with the Government
but with a view to opposing and obstructing the Government
at every step. Deshabandhu was now in jail and as a matter
of fact Mrs. Das who echoed his views suggested the capturing
of the Councils in her speech as President of the Bengal
Provincial Conference at Chittagong. A split was threatened
every moment between the followers of Mahatma Gandhi and
Deshabandhu C. R. Das. It was at this time that Srijuts V. J.
Patel, then General Secretary to the Indian National Congress
and T. Prakasam saw Babu Moti Lai Ghose at the Amrita Bazar
Patrika office. In this connection the following account from
the Swarjya of Madras will prove interesting :
A correspondent wired to that paper under date 24th April,
1922 :
"Sjts. V. J. Patel and T. Prakasam visited Babu
Moti Lai Ghose, Proprietor of the Amrita Bazar Patrika
at 3 P.M. yesterday in his house in Calcutta. Moti Babu
has been lying in bed for over six months in a very weak
state. Sjt. Patel told Moti Babu that they had come
merely for darshan and that he should not attempt to
speak in that weak condition.
"Moti Babu answered : 'There is only one point on
which I wish to talk. I have always been against
entering the new Councils. When Mahatma Gandhi
saw me last year (you were present then) I told him that
anyone who goes to the Council is likely to be affected
with the insidious poison that is there. There are
unfortunately some in our own camp who favour the
entry. There should be no split in the camp. 1
"Sjt. Patel answered : 'It is no use talking about
this matter now when we have sent twenty five thousand
patriots including women to jail. We shall do our best
to see that there is no split. The question if raised will
be settled at the next Congress in December.'
"Moti Babu was considerably touched when refer-
ence was made to the sacrifice of leaders and other
patriots. With tears in his eyes he looked up and said :
'I never thought I would live to see such sacrifice and
unity in our country. I am glad I am alive to see this.'
THE LAST PHASE 351
"Sjt. Patel answered that Srijut Prakasam had said
the same thing in his speech the day before.
"Thinking that they might have already tired him
Sjts. Patel and Prakasam got up to take leave, but
Babu Moti Lai said : 'Sit, sit. You may not see me
again. I am anxious to go to the other side. I am
dying. I don't know if I could be of any service to
you from there. God will bless you and our country
if all this sacrifice means anything in His eyes.'
"After a short conversation about the progress of
the Swarajya, about the starting of which his valuable
advice had been taken by Sjt. Prakasam six months ago,
they both took leave of the grand old leader of the
country.
"Throughout the conversation he refused to recline
on his bed though repeatedly requested to do so. Sitting
tight on his bed and talking in a low and feeble voice
he spoke like one inspired."
CHAPTER LIX
THE LAST PHASE
Attacked by Paralysis Gradual Decline in Health Last Articles on
Mohamudgara Stokas and Yoga Moti Lai's Last Letter to the Press
His Faith in God and Spiritualism.
When Sjts. V. J. Patel and T. Prakasam met Moti Lai in
April, 1922, at his residence in Calcutta, he was ill, very ill,
but not actually laid up in bed for any length of time. Since
his partial paralysis of the left side he had never been com-
pletely cured of it, but there had been some improvement due
partly to the application of some oils supplied by Kaviraj
Ram Chandra Mallik, who treated him for long, and partly to
his own strength of mind.
In spite of his left side being partly paralysed he used to
go to the Ganges side on his horse and carriage and walk on
the bank of the Ganges between Cossipur Steamer Ghat and
the Hanging Bridge on the Maharatta Ditch almost every*
morning and evening. He would walk on his stick and would
352 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
resent any assistance given to him. If we wanted to catch
hold of his arm when he was walking he would resist it and
would not allow us to do so. I slept in the same room with
him in a separate cot. I noticed that when he wanted to go
to the verandah at night he got down from the cot and would
crawl a distance of ten or eleven cubits. If I wanted to assist
him he would chide me and ask me to go to bed.
In spite of his ill health he kept himself in touch with
current affairs. We accompanied him in his morning walk.
A deck-chair used to be carried along with us in the carriage
and when he had finished walking the deck-chair was placed
on the road-side or on a jetty where he used to sit for hours
together and we had to read aloud the Amrita Bazar Patrika
from cover to cover. At noon also he would sometimes write
articles or paragraphs for the Amrita Bazar Patrika whenever
he liked to do so or would read books on spiritualism, dealing
with the other world and the life beyond.
When he could not go to the Ganges side he would walk
on the verandah of his house for hours together with his stick
in his hand. He had his second attack of paralysis when
enjoying one such walk. He suddenly fell on the ground with
a quivering immediately behind the chair where he used to
sit, and became unconscious. Doctor Bepin Bihari Ghose, a
renowned medical practitioner of the locality, was called in.
He was still lying unconscious. The doctor cried aloud in his
ear "Moti Babu, Moti Babu," for some time. At first he did
not speak, but after some time he spoke something indistinctly.
The doctor thought he was saying "^ ^?TC5 : I am feeling
afraid" and said : "15* *FTO? ? ^*fr f You are feeling afraid
there is no cause of fear." At this Moti Babu smiled a
little and said without opening his eyes and in a very low
and feeble voice
I did not say that I was afraid ; I said I have
got Vertigo." He snapped his fingers and added,
f wfft TOTfr ** *ft ^Tl Why should I be afraid?
Afraid of Death? I am not afraid of death." And he snapped
his fingers again as if at Death.
HIS LAST ARTICLES 353
He was laid up in bed for some days after this, but he
came round again and showed a decided improvement and
took to work whenever he liked it. Of course he could not
write the articles or paragraphs himself, but had to dictate
them to an amanuensis.
In the month of June, 1922, there was much improve-
ment in the condition of the health of Babu Moti Lai Ghose.
As a matter of fact not only we, laymen, but even doctors
were surprised to find that he could now partially move the
fingers of his left hand and partially close the palm, which
were stiffened before due to paralysis. He had not written
for the Patrika for some time. But writing for the paper was
a passion with him, it was his life's main or sole occupation ;
he could give up everything else, but writing for his paper
he could not. So, though seriously ill and almost confined
to bed he expressed his desire to contribute articles on diverse
subjects to the Amrita Bazar Patrika every week. The
first of these proposed articles, "How Sankaracharyya Learnt
Wisdom" appeared in the Amrita Bazar Patrika on June n,
1922. In this article which was published over his name
Babu Moti Lai described how the soul of Sankaracharyya
entered the corpse of a King with a view to learning and
tasting the sweets of the world, how he forgot everything about
his being an ascetic and how he was reminded of it only when
the Mohamudgara Slokas, the first couplet of which means,
"Life is as unsteady as a drop of water on a lotus leaf/' were
repeated to him.
His next article "Indian and European Yoga" appeared
in the Patrika on the i5th of June. In this article he con-
trasted the European practice of Yoga or concentration which
enabled them "to make discoveries in arts and science, the
improvements of society and other matters relating to this
world" with that of Indian or rather Hindu Yoga the "object
of which was the union of the mind with the Great Principle
which gives life to the Universe."
But who knew from before that the article on "Yoga"
was to be Babu Moti Lai's last article in the Amrita Bazar
23
354 MEMOIRS OF MOTII.AI, GHOSE
Patrika with which he was connected throughout his life, ever
since it was started in 1868 till his death in 1922, first as a
joint-founder, then as a joint-editor and joint-writer, then as
chief editor and lastly as a contributor? Kalidas described
the Kings of the Raghu family of old as
The Raghus were persons who in their childhood devoted
themselves to studies, in their youth enjoyed the things of the
world, in their old age adopted an ascetic life and in the end
left their body through "Yoga." It pleases our fancy to
imagine that having seen glorious days in his time and spending
some days as a recluse, Moti Lai ended his brilliant journalistic
and literary career with his article on "Yoga."
The improvement in his health was like the sudden
brightness of the flickering lamp that is about to be burnt
down. He dictated these two articles and they must have
caused him some strain. Any way, he was attacked with
dysentery brought on probably by mental strain and had to
give up the idea of contributing any more articles to the
Patrika.
By the middle of the next month he was cured of dysentery
under the treatment of Dr. Madan Mohan Datta and Kavirajes
Jogindra Nath Sen and Gananath Sen, but he developed
symptoms of dropsy and became very week. He also seemed
to suffer from asthma which had at one time been chronic
with him, but the physicians diagnosed the case to be an
aggravation of dyspepsia. On Sunday the gth July he passed
a very restless day and his breathing became so very difficult
that the physicians considered his condition to very critical.
At about midnight on Sunday Dr. P. Nandy was called in
and he found him somewhat quiet and apparently asleep.
On Monday morning his condition had improved to some
extent and the improvement was maintained throughout the
day.
HIS LAST LETTER 355
A note had appeared in the Amrita Bazar Patrika, the
Englishman and some other papers on the condition of Babu
Moti Lai's health on the nth July, 1922. Inspite of his weak
health he would still insist on newspapers being read out to
him and when he found the note concerning his health he
dictated the following letter which was published in the Press
on the i4th July, 1922.
To THE EDITOR,
SIR,
In noticing the state of my health in your issue of
the nth July you have omitted one fact which I think
it my duty to mention. I was not only under the treat-
ment of the Doctors and Kavirajes mentioned by you
but also under such distinguished medical men of the
town as Sir Nil Ratan Sarkar, Dr. Bidhan Chandra Ray,
Rai Bahadur Harinath Ghose and Dr. Prandhone Bose.
I am specially obliged to Dr. Bidhan Chandra Ray who
like others treated me several weeks not for money but
for genuine love.
I had apparently a foretaste of the death agony,
from which no one, prince or peasant, saint or sinner,
can ever escape. It was terrible indeed, having to
6uffer from wind spasm, swelling in the body and want
of sufficient breath and excruciating pain in the buttock
and the back. The attending doctors with their best
efforts could give me no relief. One matter was very
vividly brought to my mind. It is how considerate and
loving our good Father is. Howsoever the intensity of
the grief may be it is accompanied by an amount of
endurance which is inconceivable. As a matter of fact
God had endowed man with a heart which is so elastic
that it has the power of resisting any degree of misery
which it may please Him to inflict. I could never
dream that it would be possible for me to bear up the
suffering which I sustained on the 9th instant and yet
I did pass through the ordeal somehow or other. I may
remark here that these sufferings are purely of typical
character and last only for a short time. It has been
scientifically established that there is absolutely no pain
but positive pleasure when the real death takes place,
that is to say when the soul separates from the body
and goes up onward to its permanent home. I expect
to have the experience of this new condition very shortly
356 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
and what a pity I shall not be able to relate it for the
benefit of humanity.
MOTI LAI, GHOSE."
About this time the writer's father-in-law Babu Lalit
Mohan Ghose, Advocate, of Bhagalpur came to see Moti Lai,
who loved him very much. Moti Lai had great confidence in
him and asked him ta prepare his last Will, which he did. By
virtue of this Will, Moti Lai bequeathed all hife properties to
his three grandsons Satya Gopal Dutt, Paramananda Dutt (the
writer of this volume) and Atulananda Dutt, subject to a
substantial monthly allowance for his wife Srimati Nistarini
and his only daughter Srimati Sajal Nayana.
Up till now he had not been confined to bed. But
gradually he grew very weak and by the middle of August
the wind trouble in his stomach became very painful and made
him prostrate and completely bed-ridden. On or about the
i6th August his condition became decidedly worse. He got a
sudden pneumonic attack and his heart became weak, though
his brain was perfectly clear. From this time onwards he
oould not rise from his bed and almost daily a note regarding
his condition was published in the Patrika and some other
papers. For days together he was worse some day and better
some day, till on August 28 his condition seemed to have
greatly improved after his attack of Broncho Pneumonia ; his
heart and lungs showed a decided improvement, though he
was still extremely weak and prostrate. The daily bulletins
regarding his health were stopped and everybody thought that
he would be spared to the country for some time more. But on
Monday the 4th September he began to sink from the noon
and breathed his last on Tuesday the 5th September, 1922, at
11-35 A - M - surrounded by his near and dear ones singing the
name of Hari.
From Moti Lai's letter published above it becomes clear
that he had no fear of death, and as a matter of fact he was
longing for it. He had no fear of death, because he had a
firm faith in God. Such faith in God as Moti Lai had is
*>
CO
m
NRITYA GOPAL DUTT 357
scarcely to be found among men. When my father (Babu
Nritya Gopal Dutt) died on the 8th March, 1919 after suffering
from a protracted illness my mother, grand-mother and brothers
and sisters and myself were crying in sorrow, but Moti Lai
who was in an adjoining room came to us and said calmly
and in a dignified tone: "Why do you weep? Is this an
occasion for weeping? No, certainly not. Rather rejoice, for
he has gone to the abode of bliss. ( <^5T*RTl ^M* ^R, ^HFl Cf
^fn^ffal f*tft(fl5[ )* His ideas seemed rather queer to me at
that time ; but since then with the growth of years and after
mature deliberation I have come to realise that it was possible
for him to say such a thing at such a time only because he
had firm faith in God and His goodness.
Moti Lai had got only one daughter, my mother Sajal
Nayana, and no son, and my father was thus more than a
son to him. They were deeply attached to each other and
when my father lived in Calcutta he lived mostly with Moti
Lai. "He was a well-educated man, but what endeared him
to all who came in contact with him was his sweet and pure
character. As a husband and father he was dutiful and loving,
and he was highly esteemed by his neighbours, friends and
relations for his honourable dealings with them, so rare in
these days," remarked Moti Lai on my father's death.
His contact with Babu Moti Lai had made him a firm believer
in modern spiritualism. He believed that there was life after
death and men would soar higher and higher and approach
God as they will be doing good deeds, but would have a
downfall or remain stationary according as they did bad or
indifferent deeds. He was a voracious reader and was very
fond of History and English literature, but latterly he kept
himself immersed in spiritual literature and spent his time
mostly in reading, re-reading and digesting books on
spiritualism. I need hardly say that this outlook on life was
brought about by his association with Babu Moti Lai.
Although he was confined to bed for a pretty long time
before his death he rarely uttered a word of complaint. A
few days before he passed away when he was visited by a
358 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
relation of his, Dr. Sarasi Lai Sarkar, then Civil Surgeon of
Khulna, and the latter remarked on his remarkable cheerful-
ness in spite of his visibly wasting away he thus unburthened
his heart:
"You sec I have nothing to complain. I know I am
dying by inches but I have attained to a tolerably good
age. I have tasted the sweets of this world to the full.
I have not consciously committed any sin. The place
where I am going is full of bliss. Why should I not
be happy?"
He had profound faith in the goodness of God and in the
existence of a better world beyond. No wonder therefore that
had no terror for him.
When we were weeping on account of his death Moti Lai
in his characteristic way said : "Don't weep for him. Rather
rejoice, for, he has gone to a better world." Moti Lai could
say such a thing because death to Moti Lai did not mean total
annihilation, but a change of environments for the soul, which
is immortal. He believed in the doctrine of the Geeta:
Men, he believed, lived even after death though it was
not in this world. When a man dies in this world he is born
in another world. Re-birth, he held, did not mean re-birth in
this world but in another world. In this respect he was at
one with the views of Dr. J. M. Peebles, a great Spiritualist
and author of "Five Journeys Round the World," and his
illustrious brother Shishir Kumar, one of the pioneers of
Spiritualism in this country. Re-birth according to this view
means nothing but to be born in another world. Progress is
the law in this world. A man who has got the experience of
this world has no need to come back again. One who has not
may come but why should one who has? The theory of
re-birth in the sense of man being born over and over again
in this world, according to the Hindu Spiritual Magazine,
which was edited by Shishir Kumar and after his death by
Moti Lai, was a relic of Buddhism.
IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL 359
The Vedas say that after death men grow in the spiritual
world. There is not a word in the Vedas about re-birth in
this world. And, therefore, the conductors of the Spiritual
Magazine thought that subsequent mention of re-birth in many
Hindu scriptures were interpolations in the light of Buddha's
revelations.
During the latter days of his life Moti Lai came in touch
with several spiritualists and became a great believer in
spiritualism. The chief tenet of the spiritualists is that there
is no such thing as death the soul is immortal and it can
never die but only undergoes certain changes of environment.
The "I" of yesterday is the "I" of to-day and it will also be
the "I" of to-morrow. This "I" will never die. I am
immortal. What is ordinarily known as death is nothing but
leaving this dirty carcase of ours for a world that is much
more beautiful than this. We are like so many caterpillars
feeding on leaves of trees, but, sooner or later we shall leave
our dirty frame and shall be transformed into butterflies
sucking honey from flower to flower. We are marching towards
something which is better. Such optimism was Moti Lai's
faith. Evil there is none, he used to say, we call it evil but
viewed from the standpoint of God it is not evil. We possess
a limited vision and therefore, we call it evil. We shall reach
a position whence we shall find no evil but all good. This
was his firm conviction. ., ^
, --..f
With the younger generation coming in to help him in
conducting the Patrika Moti Lai got some time and opportunity
of reading books. Though he used to read almost all the daily
papers yet the greater portion of his time was now spent in
reading the books of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, Sir Oliver Lodge
and other great spiritualists. He devoured their books and as
days passed his conviction in spiritualism became firmer than
before. Other books he read during this time were the
poems of Vidyapati, Chandidas and other Vaishnava poets.
"Chaitanya Charitamrita" and "Chaitanya-Mangal" were his
favourites.
360 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Babu Golap Chandra Sarkar Shastri, an eminent Vakil of
the Calcutta High Court and author of a well-known book on
Hindu Law, was one of those whom Moti Lai could claim as
an intimate friend. But with Golap Babu he did not talk of
politics or things of this world. They talked of religious and
spiritual matters. Some time before Golap Shastri's death
when they were talking about things of the other world and
discussing the theory of spiritualism as propounded by Sir
Oliver Lodge, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, W. L. Stead and others,
Moti Lai said to Golap Shastri, "Well, Golap Babu, you or
I must die soon, for, both of us have grown old and infirm.
So let there be a pact between us that whichever of us will
die earlier will appear before the other after his death and
communicate the things of the other world." Golap Babu
readily agreed and since then whenever they met they reminded
each other of the promise. Golap Shastri died in August,
1915. Since then I had enquired of Moti Lai as to whether
he had got any communication from Golap Shastri after his
death. On his answering in the negative I tried to dispute
the modern Western theory of Spiritualism and the existence
of spirit after death or their capability of holding communion
with the living beings in the manner in which they have been
reported to be doing by Oliver Lodge, Conan Doyle and others.
But his faith in spiritualism was unshaken. He said that it
was not that each and every spirit could materialise himself
and appear before living human beings and speak with them.
It was only those spirits who had cultured this art that could
materialise themselves, no matter whether they were good or
evil spirits. Great efforts are necessary on the part of a spirit,
he said, to materialise himself or herself, and it was not all
spirits who could succeed.
Though Moti Lai had been a life-long critic of the British
administration in India he never entertained any ill feeling
against any European in his personal capacity. I have more
than once impressed this point on the reader. He did criticise
Englishmen in their official capacity, but his writings never
were against their persons. He criticised their opinions and
NOT GOD-FEARING BUT GOD-LOVING 361
particular actions, but he never spoke ill of them in their
private life. In this respect he did not spare the Indians also
who did anything or spoke or wrote anything which he thought
would go against his country. Thus his paper was a constant
dread to the official tyrant, be he an Indian or an Englishman.
And no Englishman can complain that he was criticised by
Moti Lai simply by reason of his being an Englishman he
had no hatred for them.
On the contrary, he loved many, a good many of them with
whom he had very friendly relations. Aye, even with strangers,
irrespective of colour, caste or creed he behaved in such a
loving way that it sometimes puzzled them. Once in course
of conversation my brother Atulananda, his youngest grandson,
who was then reading in the St. Xavier's College, told Moti
Lai that one of his professors, named, Father C would
often speak to them as to how to improve the political con-
dition of their country. Moti Lai was very glad to hear it
and though quite a stranger he wrote to Father C a letter
concerning the education of his grandson. Amongst other
things he wrote, "Above all teach my grandson to become not
God-fearing but God-loving." The significance of writing this
was that there was one class of religious teachers who incul-
cated into the minds of their disciples that God was a very
terrible person before whom every man would be brought on
the Dooms-day and who would like a severe Magistrate ask
Christ if He knew them and accordingly dispense justice.
But, no, said Moti Lai, God was not a severe magistrate.
The relation that existed between God and Man was according
to Moti Lai not like that between the Magistrate and the
accused, but like that between the father and the son, or the
husband and the wife. He has written:
"God is of a very sweet nature, a very close relation
of ours. His whole being is permeated with Love and
He is jovial, fond of fun and flitting ( *Pre, C^Vjj^feft *
5$9T ). He is always near us, yet outside the range of
our sight. But with a little effort we can catch him.
If any one is able to paint this picture of our Lord in
362 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
his mind all his sorrow will vanish and he will float in
a sea of joy."
"God is very kind He is karuna mahasagar, an ocean
of love, the dearest one to his devotee. He is sweet, very
sweet and is like you or me." So said Mod Lai every now
and then when he talked about God and the other world. He
was a believer in a personal God. And though in his younger
days he had been drawn by the glamourous tenets of
Brahmoism as he grew in years the Nirakar Brahma (formless
Infinite) lost all appeal for him. To him the Nirakar (formless)
was a thing which it was not possible for any human being
to grasp. According to him man is a limited being and it is,
therefore, impossible for a man to understand the Infinite.
We must take him as finite like ourselves if we are to under-
stand him. In fact we must take him as an Ideal Man. Such
was Krishna, such was Gouranga God as well as Man.
Moti Lai believed that:
"God is man plus something which marks Him
out from the latter. This something is beyond the reach
of man, for man can only conceive of one like himself
and can never go beyond that. He may be described as
the all-pervading Being, but the expression will convey
no definite meaning to a man. This all-pervading God
will still be a man to him. If, therefore, man tries to
commune with God, he must commune with a God whom
he can conceive with a God who is minus that some-
thing which marks him out from men. So, if God appears
before man or talks to him, He must be such as the
latter can conceive a God who can be described as only
a Grand Man. But has God ever spoken to man face
to face ? The followers of Sri Gouranga contend that He
has, in the person of Sri Gouranga."
And Moti Lai was a strong believer in the divinity of
Sri Gouranga. There had been, he maintained, other incarna-
tions of God, but they were only partial. Sri Krishna in the
olden times and Sri Gouranga only a four hundred years ago
were the full incarnations of God. In fact, Sri Gouranga, he
said, was the Purna Brahma Sanatan (the complete and eternal
Brahma) and why should we go back to the prehistoric ages
when we can find Sri Gouranga within our easy reach.
GOD IS AND IS AI^MERCIFUL 363
I believe I am not disparaging Moti Lai when I say that his
religion was not of the old orthodox type. As to image-
worship he was quite indifferent he was neither reverent nor
irreverent towards the images, he viewed them with a spirit
of toleration. But his love and admiration for Sri Gouranga
verged on fanaticism and I have heard him discuss with a
priest at Puri and saying, "Who would have worshipped your
Jagannath had not our Sri Gouranga come here and worshipped
him?" At Benares also he was rather indifferent to the
numerous temples there and spent his time mostly in reading
and writing and walking by the river Ganges.
I still remember a few words of advice that he gave ne
on one occasion. It was at Waltair in the year 1916. We were
living in a house named Kendulavari bungalow just on the
beach. It was past evening, rather early hours of night fall
the full moon had just shown its face above the sea and a
mild and pleasant breeze was blowing. Moti Lai asked me
to sing some of his favourite songs. I sang with my whole
heart and with all the skill that I could command. The night
was still and the place was lonely. I was then a young man
of eighteen summers only and my voice reverberated on the
verandah facing the sea where I was singing. When I stopped
Moti Lai said "I am very much pleased to hear you sing. I
feel a great remorse that I have not been able to give you any
religious or spiritual training because of my time being mostly
devoted to writing editorials for the Amrita Bazar Patrika.
However I wjll tell you something in as few words as possible
which you will do well to remember throughout your life. You
may not appreciate them now, but you will do so as you
advance in years. Always remember and believe that God
exists and that He is all-merciful. If you simply have this
faith you will never feel miserable in your life."
The words are simple and have been said by other men
on many other occasions. But I do not know why often,
especially when I am in some difficulty, my mind recalls the
picture of my old grand father Moti Lai Ghose reclining on
the deck-chair in the verandah of a house at Waltair speaking
364 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
to me solemnly and in an encouraging tone that "God exists
and He is merciful." On many an occasion have those
simple words instilled courage into my failing heart and given
me strength to bear calamities with a placid* mind.
There is a tone of pessimism in many of the articles of
Babu Moti Lai and the charge has often been brought against
him that he was very pessimistic, aye, sometimes even cynical.
This is true in some respects. Numerous passages can be
quoted from his writings to show that he was in the habit of
seeing the dark side of things where if he had the eye of the
youth he could easily have seen the brighter side. But this
pessimistic nature is perhaps inherent in every critic. You can
appreciate a thing, and also you can criticise it. A poisonous
cobra ! how beautiful it is ! You may be charmed to see its
hood swinging to the tune of the juggler, and you may also
be terrified to think of the poison that is in its bite. The high
sea it is so very charming on account of its possessing jewels
and stones without any price, and yet it is so terrible on account
of holding so many dangerous animals in its womb. Now, the
optimist, whose business it is to appreciate, does not look to the
dark side. He thinks whatever is is for the good. But the
pessimist, the man whose business it is to criticise, is always
quarrelling with his environments, he is never satisfied, he will
always find some fault. Bring before him a beautiful picture
he will say, "No, there are some defects in it." Sing before
him a charming song, "No," says he, "the tune is wrong,"
and so forth and so on. It is true when the Government was
concerned Moti Lai was not very hopeful about it and perhaps,
I am right when I say that he did not believe in the least in
the officials who were dipped in diplomacy, which is only
another name for duplicity. Whatever an official said or did
Moti Lai viewed it with suspicion.
Just as materialists pay scant courtesy to spirit or after-
life, Moti Lai, a spiritualist to the very bone was also some-
what pessimistic about matter or earthly things. He did not
see that earthly things had also their value and was thus very
careless about them. Though the scriptures have described the
HIS PESSIMISM AND OPTIMISM 365
human body as the temple of God he would refer to his body
as "this dirty carcase", and would often show an eagerness to
leave this for a better world. This may be due to his possessing
a weak body on account of ill health or it may be due to his
other-worldliness. As to the future the next life, the life
after death, not in this world as the doctrine of re-incarnation
would hold, but in some other world which was decidedly better
than this he was very very optimistic. We are here grovelling
in the mud, but after our death we shall soar higher and higher,
according to our actions in this world. Those who love this
world and worldly things will stay near about, those who do bad
deeds will find it difficult to fly high ; those who love the other
world and live in this world with their eyes constantly fixed
on the other world and do noble works will find it easy to
soar higher and higher. We shall find our dear relatives after
our death and if we be good, along with our friends
and relations who are good we shall march towards our Maker,
our dearest of the dear, till at last we shall reach Him and
spend our time in His presence in eternal bliss and beatitude.
Such was his optimism such was his faith in the future.
Though his body was in this world his mind was on the other
world and during the latter part of his days the major portion
of his time was spent in the contemplation of his coming ar,rihi-
lation which would give him a new life. It was perhaps in
one of these moments that he wrote a letter to the Press on the
eve of his death, which is published in this chapter, in which
he dwelt on the loving nature of God even when he was
conscious that his death was drawing near.
CHAPTER LX.
AS OTHERS SAW HIM
His Death, a Euthanasia References by Public Bodies Press opinion
on his career Observations by friends and admirers Honoured by
Public Associations.
Moti Lai Ghose breathed his last on Tuesday, the 5th
September, 1922, at 11-35 A.M. at 2, Ananda Chatterji Lane,
Calcutta, where he had spent about fifty years of his life.
One of his desires which he had expressed on more than one
occasion was that his near and dear ones should sing the name
of God when he would be dying. His end was now apprehended
every moment and hence his near and dear ones surrounded him
and went on singing the name of Hari. In this state he died
very peacefully. He closed his eyes and all who were present
were struck at the smile that seemed to linger on his lips even
after his soul had left his body. It was a euthanasia in the true
sense of the term.
The news of his death soon spread throughout Calcutta and
men, young and old, assembled at the Patrika office. His bier
was covered with flowers and garlands from relatives, friends
and admirers. The local Congress Committee sent a beautiful
flowery present which was laid on his breast. The name of
"Hari" (God) was written on his forehead with sandal paste
and the bier was carried in procession to the Kashi Mitter
Burning Ghat on the bank of the Ganges. The elite of Calcutta
as well as men in the street assembled there to pay their last
homage to the departed great. The obsequial ceremonies were
performed by his eldest grandson Satya Gopal Dutt and in
course of a couple of hours the mortal remains of Moti Lai
Ghose were burnt to ashes, leaving a void in the country which
can hardly be filled up.
Reference was made to the death of Babu Moti Lai Ghose
at the meeting of the Calcutta Corporation on Wednesday, the
At The Burning Ghat
5th Sept, 1922
(To Face page 366
PATRIKA ON MOTILAL #7
6th September, and as a mark of respect to his memory the
meeting of the Calcutta Corporation was unanimously adjourned.
Sj. Bijoy Krishna Bose, Councillor, who moved the adjourn-
ment resolution paid a glowing tribute to Moti Lai. He was,
he said, one of those who subscribed to Babu Moti Lai's politics-
Mr. Rustomjee seconded the resolution. Rev. B. A. Nag, in
supporting the resolution said that though he did not agree
with Babu Moti Lai's political views, he held him in the highest
esteem and he thought that it was only right that their meeting
should be adjourned.
The next day all the newspapers came out with their
remarks on the person and personality of the departed great.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika observed :
"The Nestor of Indian journalism has passed away. He was
the heart and soul of the Patrika and the sense of personal loss
with which we are overwhelmed to-day will not allow us to do
justice to his memory.
"Babu Moti Lai Ghose occupied a unique position among
political leaders and journalists in India. The most mature in
years among them he was looked upon as the maturest in judg-
ment also. The most respected among the present day leaders,
Mahatma Gandhi included, rendered unto him a degree of venera-
tion which we doubt if it has been the lot of any political leader
to enjoy. The foremost among Indian journalists looked upon
him as their father and rendered unto him the homage of devoted
sons. His position among his countrymen was that of the vener-
able patriarch of olden days. There are many among his country-
men who differed from him in political, religions and social ques-
tions. But there is none among them, we are sure, who did
not hold him in high regard. His admirers are not confined
to his countrymen only. There are and were many Europeans
even among high officials who delighted in honouring him and
were proud of his friendship. Yet Babu Moti Lai did not win
their friendship by deserting his countrymen or injuring the
interests of his country. He was always in opposition to the
Government as Lord Carmichael once said. And it is a unique
tribute to the personality of an Indian that he was held in high
esteem even by those of whose policy he was a most uncompro-
mising and persistent opponent.
"Sj. Moti Lai leaves behind him perhaps the longest and
most brilliant record of public service. Yet, such service, great
and unsurpassed as it is, does not wholly explain the unique
position he held in the estimation of his countrymen and
368 MEMOIRS OF MOTn,AL GHOSE
Europeans. There was something in him beyond his achieve-
ments which attracted people towards him like a magnet and
this was his heart It may be truly said of him, as it
can be said of very few men, that he received strangers and left
them friends
The New Empire, an Anglo-Indian evening paper, now
defunct, observed:
"The death of Babu Moti Lai Ghose deprives India of one
of her foremost political leaders and one of her veteran journalists.
He was also one of those Indian leaders who are loved and
respected by their countrymen irrespective of their political
opinion. One need not agree to his political views but one could
not fail to appreciate Moti Babu's unswerving loyalty and staunch
devotion to the cause of his country according to his light and
promoting it in the way in which he thought he could do it best.
He was always firm and unostentatious and never forsook a cause
which he regarded as just until he fought it to the finish.
"The economic and sanitary condition of his countrymen were
the chief concern of his life. How he felt for his impoverished
countrymen is well demonstrated by only one remark which he
made from the depth of his heart in his interview with
Mr. Nevinson. Mr. Nevinson asked Moti Babn if it was true that
he wanted to drive the English out of India. Moti Babn replied,
'The English will be driven out of India in 20 years' time by
the stench of the rotten corpses of my countrymen* In
spite of our sharp differences of opinion, we pay our homage to
the memory of this great Bengalee."
The Bengalee wrote as follows :
"We deeply regret to announce the death of Mr. Moti Lai
Ghose undoubtedly the most veteran journalist of Bengal of this
century. Moti Lai had all the instincts and equipment, the spirit
of enterprise and native shrewdness of a great journalist, and
was remarkably well posted with knowledge of public affairs and
official secrets of all kinds. His fight with Sir Lepel Griffin was
a memorable chapter in the history of Bengali journalism. He
also fought equally strenuously with Lord Dufferin and Lord
Lansdowne over many matters of momentous public interest "
The Indian Daily News in course of a long editorial
remarked :
"Shishir Kumar, Moti Lai and the Amrita Bazar Patrika were
inseparably mixed up. They grew together, prospered together
and suffered together. With the aid of the Patrika they fought
many a political battle. The fighters are now gone leaving the
instrument behind. And everybody will closely watch how it it
wielded by those who have stepped in. Moti Lai was a great
SERVANT ON MOTI LAI, 369
Indian journalist and political leader and his countrymen owe it
to themselves to go into mourning when his death has been
announced."
The now defunct nationalist daily of Calcutta, the Servant,
wrote a long leader on Moti Lai in course of which it observed :
"The passing away of Deshamanya Moti Lai Ghose from the
scene of his early labours removes out of sight one of the most
interesting and stalwart figures of the Indian National
Renascence. He was the last link connecting the old and the
new in the National Evolution Movement. In fact he epitomised
in his personality half a century's record of the fight for freedom
and what was more he represented a spirit of ever-moving pro-
gression. He never went back; he was not of those who hummed
and hawed and recanted. He was always in the vanguard of the
free man, sounding the trumpet blast and keeping the lights
burning with a shining, clear transparency The
life history of our Moti Babu is therefore really the history of
the Patrika. The history of the Patrika is again the life history
for half a century of a down-trodden nation struggling for freedom.
Even to touch upon the salient features of it in an ordinary
notice is an impossible task and we should rather not attempt
it To think of Moti Lai apart from the
Patrika is a very difficult task. Yet what an infinitesimal portion
of the Divine in him has found expression in the Patrika. No
one who has not heard from his lips the exposition of the
Divine Love, which is knocking at the heart of every one to find
a lodging, will be able to realise it. He who had not seen hi
glowing face when talking of his country would not be able to
appreciate what real patriotism means and stands for. Living the
simple life of a true Vaishnava as the Karta of a large joint
family he has vindicated the culture and traditions of his race
alas I lately at a discount.
"lie who has not heard him sing the Vaishnava Paddbalis has
missed an education uplifting in itself. A great spiritualist him-
self, he never believed in death. With his indomitable faith we
pray that though his mortal frame is no more, his spirit may
abide with us for ever.
"May the face smiling through death when his last remain*
were being carried away in the bier with thousands of his mourn-
ing countrymen following him be proof positive that his blessings
will be with us in the hour of our supreme struggle and a
happy augury for the success of the cause which he held so dear
and which he lived and died fighting for."
24
370 MEMOIRS OP MOTILAL GHOSE
The Englishman, an Anglo-Indian daily of Calcutta, since
Sflefunct, wrote:
"As a consequence of the death of Mr. Moti Lai Ghose a
unique personality disappears from the Indian political world.
During the greater part of his life Mr. Ghose
was considered a very dangerous and sinister person by the
European community, but the present is not the time in which
one can enlarge on that side of his activities which so frequently
brought him into collision with authority. What his worst
enemies have to admit is that he was a man strangely gifted.
One cannot achieve the tremendous reputation he obtained by
merely sitting down to write scathing articles against the Govern-
ment. Several thousands of people are doing it at the present
moment and they are only numbered with the multitude.
Perhaps the secret of Mr. Ghose's success is to be found in the
courage he displayed not as against the Government, but against
the other Indian political leaders when he believed they were
going wrong. The rule amongst Indian leaders is always to
support and encourage each other so that even when a man
makes a bad break or conies forward with some preposterous
proposal attempts are made to excuse and explain and modify.
Moti Babu would not have this. If a leader were wrong in his
opinion he wrote against him just as he would write against the
Government and because he was the master of a very sarcastic
style his criticisms were feared greatly by his own countrymen.
We believe that it was chiefly due to Mr. Ghose's honesty of
habit in this particular that he came in his later years to earn
the respect of that very European community which he attacked
so often and so bitterly "
The Statesman wrote :
"The death of Babu Moti Lai Ghose removes perhaps the most
remarkable personality in Bengal. For more than half a century
he carried on, through his paper the Amrita Bazar Patrika,
what was neither more nor less than a journalistic vendetta
against the British Government and against the English race.
No incident was too trivial to be pressed into the service of his
propaganda or to be twisted into some real or fancied grievance.
Yet Moti Lai Ghose had a warm corner in his heart for individual
Britons even while he insisted on regarding the majority of their
countrymen as vampires. He was in many ways a genial soul
which if it had not been warped by a fanatical hatred of every-
thing British might have done a great deal to promote a mutual
understanding between the two races."
The Young India of Mahatma Gandhi wrote as follows :
"A great spirit has thrown off its worn-out casement. Moti
Babu brought truth, courage and love into our political thought
BOMBAY CHRONICLE ON MOTI I/AL 3?i
and democratised it. He will bold an honoured place in the
history of Indian freedom. He was one of those great men whose
ability is equalled by the beauty of soul, and who extorted not
only the admiration but the affection of the people. It is this
touch of the Krishna spirit that distinguishes men like Mahatmaji
and Moti Babn from other great men "
The Bombay Chronicle wrote :
"A valued friend who had the privilege of personally
knowing the deceased patriot, related to us a memorable con-
versation he had with Moti Lai during the special Congress
Session of 1918. That was the last Congress Moti Lai attended
and he had made up his mind on the subject. He was then
in failing health and felt that the end was drawing near. But
he attended the Congress, because it was meeting at a momentous
juncture, and he cordially blessed the decision of the majority.
He felt that for India to be self respecting and to possess a
national status which would be beyond cavil, it was absolutely
necessary that she should have self-government free from all
humbug about it. He adhered to that view till the very last. It
was a rainy evening when our friend drove with Moti Lai in his
Taxi along Queen's Road in Bombay, and in the course of a rapid
conversation asked Moti Lai the reason for Babu (now Sir)
Surendra Nath Banerjea's sudden defection. Moti Lai's reply was
prompt and unhesitating. "We (referring to himself and his
brother of the Bengalee) are," he said, "both in our dotage, but
my brother does not know it and thinks that he is still reflecting
the true opinion of the country and presenting its true interests.
I realise that dotage has already come on me and I have decided
to retire from public life." On reaching his temporary residence,
an inviting repast of fruit Moti Lai had then ceased taking any
solid food at right lay on the table and while doing justice to it
the conversation turned upon various matters, including the
doings in the Subject Committee of the Congress and Moti Lai
said that the reforms were a mere sop intended to 'deceive and
divide* Indians and thus weaken their hands. His policy has
come true "
The Behar Herald observed:
" Mr. Ghose was an unbending critic of the adminis-
tration, but if it is true that the strongest critic is the best friend
it must be acknowledged that the administration in India has lost
its most valued well-wisher. Mr. Ghose 's pen was always ready
on behalf of the oppressed and Bihar has particular reason to be
grateful to the Patrika for never having failed to take up any
cause that needed encouragement or to expose any wrong or
oppression that was telling upon her people."
373 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAI, GHOSE
In course of a long leading article the Maharastra of Poona
wrote:
"In his death Nationalist Maharashtra has lost a sincere and
never failing friend in Bengal. Few other Bengalee leaders could
understand and appreciate the Maharashtra mind and Maharashtra
character so accurately as Babu Moti Lai did. This appreciation
on his part was the result of his close and continued friendship
with Lokamanya Tilak extending over 20 long years. Every
Maharashtra Nationalist who visited Calcutta was bound to call
at the Patrika office and pay his respects to Babu Moti Lai and
was sure to meet with kindly treatment and help. This unique
connecting link between Maharashtra and Bengal is now lost
and will be missed for a long time to come."
The Leader of Allahabad wrote as follows:
"As a journalist he was for long a terror to the official hierarchy
in Bengal and was the author of many journalistic coups, the
most notable of which was the publication of certain official
documents relating to Kashmir in Lord Curzon's time which
created a great sensation. All the same he was respected by
some of the highest officials in the land. Lord Curzon valued
his opinions in spite of the Patrika's vigorous attacks on his
policy. Lord Minto is said to have been so impressed by him
that he had agreed to forward his scheme for the reversal of the
partition of Bengal which was based on the Sindh system. Of
the two men whom Lord Hardinge consulted when releasing the
accused in the Khulna dacoity case Babu Moti Lai Ghose is said
to 'have been one. It was at his instance that Lord Carmichael
took up the sanitary and rural water supply question in Bengal
and acknowledged the fact publicly at a conference held at
Darjeeling in 1912. An orthodox Hindu Babu Moti Lai was a
man of simple habits and closely stuck to Indian manners and
customs. He was a devout Vaishnava and a follower of Shri
Chaitanya. "
Messages of sympathy poured in to the Amrita Bazar
Pairika from far and near. I can mention but a few of them.
Professor T. L. Vaswani wrote:
"India loses a veteran knight of freedom. Moti Lai Ghose
dies bravely in honour's field and bequeaths to us a struggle, a
f faith, a hope. A soil impregnated with the martyred tears and
ashes of men like Lokamanya Tilak and Babu Moti Lai Ghose
is rich in promise of freedom's growth." (By wire).
Babu Hirendra Nath Datta, M.A., B.I,., Solicitor, Calcutta
High Court, who knew Moti Lai for more than thirty years,
wrote:
"I can truly say that the sordid business of politics was the
BENGALI LEADERS ON MOTI LAI, 373
least part of him. This was only the surface current ; but deep
down in his nature there was the perennial flow of the under-
current of a deep spirituality which greatly appealed to me. ..."
Dr P. C* Roy wrote in the Young India :
"The death of Moti Lai Ghose has left a void in the public
life of Bengal which it will be difficult to fill up for a long time
to come."
Sir Surendra Nath Banerjea at a meeting of the Indian
Association observed :
"His was a life of prolonged devotion to the interests of the
country, and in the discharge of what he deemed to be his public
duties he often incurred great personal risks and sacrifices. His
courage, independence and ardent zeal to serve the country arc
qualities which he has left as a legacy to his countrymen and they
must always inspire respect and admiration There were
strong differences of opinion between him and myself. But all
the same now that he is dead and gone and removed from the
sphere of his activities we must render to hie memory the homage
which is due."
Babu Amvica Charan Mazumdar who was then known as
the Grand Old Man of Faridpur, wrote as follows :
"Lying in my sick-bed I have received the sad news of the
death of Babn Moti Lai Ghose as a great shock The most
prominent characteristic in his whole public career was his intense
patriotic impulse which may have sometimes carried him to
excess. But for all that he was a genuine and sincere patriot.
His uncompromising attitude towards a bureaucratic rule and the
piercing search light which he invariably brought to bear upon
all dark spots in bureaucratic methods of administration made
the Patrika at one time the terror of the Indian Civil Service.
His quaint and caustic criticism of official high-handedness and
the humorous vein in which he hurled his invectives against his
opponents no doubt made him many enemies, particularly in the
official circle but he never swerved an inch from what he con-
sidered to be his paramount duty to the country in exposing the
vagaries of the administration. He may have sometimes gone
beyond his mark, but he seldom missed his aim. Babu Moti Lai
Ghose belonged to a generation which is fast vanishing in the
void; but the void which has been created by his death is not
likely to be soon filled up in the public life of Bengal. May his
soul after d life's hard struggle for half a century in the cause of
the country now rest in peace."
Sri jut Aswini Kumar Dutt of Barisal wrote:
"I have been feeling as one left without shelter since I heard
the heart-rending news. This country holds not another like him.
374 MEMOIRS OF MOTHjAI, GHOSE
Personally I can never forget the indication of his
unceasing affection for me. He has been blessed in this world
and the next by dint of his devotion to God and the Motherland;
we pray that we may be privileged to follow in his footsteps. It
will always remain a source of intense grief to me that confined
to bed through illness I could not touch his feet with my head
even for once at the last hour. 1 '
At a public meeting held at the Halliday Park, Calcutta
Professor Nripendra Chandra Banerjee, then editor of the
Servant, who presided, said:
"The whole country from Cape Comorin to the Himalayas is
in mourning at the death of the great Moti Lai Ghose. He was
great both in heart and action. Undaunted at the frown of the
powers that be, quite unconcerned at personal gain or loss Babu
Moti Lai Ghose wielded his great pen with one object in view
for the good of his countrymen, for the amelioration of the miseries
of the country "
Pandit Lakshmi Prasad Garde, editor of Bharat Mitra
said :
"Babu Moti I/al Ghose did yeoman's service for his country
at a time when the people knew nothing but to worship their rulers
and the ruling race. He knew not what fear was. Selfishness
was a thing foreign to his nature. Personal gain was an undreamt
of thing in Babu Moti Lai. He always took up the cause of the
oppressed, no matter whether he pleased or displeased the
oppressors. He always sided with those that suffered and was
always a friend of the poor . . . ."
A public meeting was held under the joint auspices of
the Dacca People's Association, the Eastern Bengal Land-
holders' Association, the Dacca Municipality, the District Board,
the District Moslem Association and the District Congress Com-
mittee in the Bar Library Hall of Dacca to express sorrow at the
death of Babu Moti Lai Ghose. Babu Ananda Chandra Roy
presided and Babu Priya Nath Sen moved a resolution placing
on record the sense of the loss the country had suffered by
Moti Lai's death.
Mr. N. Gupta, himself a journalist of no mean repute pre-
sided over a meeting of Bombay residents to express sorrow at
Moti Lai's death. Mr. Gupta said:
"Moti Lai believed his life to be a mission and his sadhana
made him successful in life Moti Lai served his country
RATCIJFFE ON MOTI LAI, 375
with a sincerity of purpose and he became a leader of men. He
was the prophet of Indian unity. He it was who made the
perturbed feelings in Hindusthan among different communities
better and urged them to rightly feel that India was their mother-
land and that they were bound by fraternal bonds with each
other "
Mr- S. K. Ratcliffe, at one time the editor of the Statesman
of Calcutta wrote a long article on Moti Lai in the columns
of the New Statesman of London. Amongst other things he
wrote :
"Of how many writing men in the world, I wonder can it
be said that they are known, by record and personality, to the
entire body of their educated countrymen and to millions beyond
the range of 'education* ? In England, certainly, (since the
recent removal of a certain notorious editor) not one ; and perhaps
not one in any western country. But in India this phenomenon
is possible and it has been realised in the person of the most
singular editor it has ever been my fortune to know in the East
or West : Babu (no one ever called him Mister) Moti Lai Ghose
of the Amrita Bazar Patrika, Calcutta. The mail of last week
brought news of his death at the age of seventy seven. An epoch
in Indian journalism comes to a close with him He had
made for himself a unique position. The whole of India knew
his name His editorial office was in a large Hindu
family house in the Northern quarter of the City. There, a dozen
years ago, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald found him in 'a place that
might have been an Italian palace,' but with decay speaking from
every stone. What Mr. MacDonald did not remark was that in
the printing house adjoining, the linotype machines were at
work. This queer Bengali had installed them years before they
were adopted by his English contemporaries in Calcutta.* 1
A large number of associations and public bodies in every
part of India held meetings, passed condolence resolutions,
closed their institutions for a day or otherwise showed their
respect to the memory of the illustrious departed soul.
Amongst them mention may be made of the following :
Astanga Ayurveda College, Behala High School, Boys' Training
Cottage, Bangiya Kayastha Samaj, Boys' Own Library and
Youngmen's Institute, Bangiya Sahitya Parishat, Bangabani
Sanmilani, Bengal Humanitarian Association, Chitta Ran j an
National School, Calcutta University, Calcutta University Law
College and Post Graduate Classes, Calcutta Literary Society,
Calcutta Psychical Society, Darjipara Rashtriya Samiti, East
Indian Railway Indian Labour Union, Employees' Association,
376 MEMOIRS OF MOTILAL GHOSE
Hatkhola Arat Samiti, Indian Orphanage and Rescue Home,
Kalikata Vidyapith, Kapali Bandhab Library, Khelat Chandra
Institution, Mahakali Pathsala for Girls, Maharaja Cassimbazar
Polytechnic Institute, Moslem Youngmen's Association, National
Educational Institute, Noakhali Sanmilani, Oriental Seminary,
Presidency College Students, Postal Club, Ram Mohan Library,
Ram Krishna Library, Saraswati Institute, Shahnagar Institute,
South Suburban College, Town School, Viswabharati Sanmilani,
Vaidyasastra Pith, etc. of Calcutta;
The Bar Associations of 24-Parganas (Alipur), Sealdah, Bagerhat,
Bogra, Bhola, Bhanga, Bongaon, Barisal, Berhampur, Burdwan,
Dinajpur, Dacca, Feni, Jessore, Jamalpur, Knrigram, Karimganj,
Krishnagar, Manikganj, Munshiganj, Meherpur, Mymensingh,
Madaripur, Narail, Nilphamari, Purnea, Pirojpnr, Pingna, Purulia,
Sylhet, Tipperah, Bhagalpur, etc. ;
The Congress Committees of Andanallur (Trichinopoly) , Bom-
bay Province, Bengal Province, Barabazar (Calcutta), Dera Ismail
Khan (North West Frontier Province), Jhelum City (Punjab),
Khagmaon Taluk (Berar). Utkal Province (Bihar and Orissa),
Vizagapatam Town (Madras), etc.;
The public associations, viz., Bansberia Public Library
(Hooghly), Bangiya Puran Parishat (Santipur), Bon-Hughly Library
(Alambazar), Gobardhan Sangit and Sahitya Samaj (Salkia),
Murshidabad Association (Berhampur), Midnapur Sahitya Parishat,
National School (Midnapur), New Hindu Hostel Union (Sylhet),
National Institution (Karimganj), Peoples' Association (Bhatpara),
Rajshahi Association (Rajshahi), Vidyamandir (Hooghly), Victoria
Club (Serampur), Youngmen's Association (Baidyabati), etc. of
Bengal; the Bengalee Settlers' Association (Moradpur), National
School (Darbhanga), Maharani Lakshinivati Saraswati Academy
(Laheria Serai), etc. in Bihar and Orissa; the Town Club (Mandla),
Central Provinces; Gandharba Vidyalaya, Maharashtria Mofat
Vachanalaya (Poona), National Union, Rashtriya Vidyalaya, Tilak
Swarajya Sangha etc. in Bombay; the Kalibari Sahitya Mandir
(Ambala Cantt.), the Indian Association (Basein) in Rangoon.
It will thus be seen that people of all shades of opinion
throughout India had a soft corner in their heart for Babu
Moti Lai Ghose. And why ? Because they knew that Moti Lai
Ghose lived not for himself but for the sake of his country ;
he had nothing to enjoy in this life but his life was wholly
dedicated to the service of his Motherland.
INDEX
(The names of books, periodicals, etc., are in italics).
Acharyya, Suryya Kanta, 74.
Adam, John, 65, 66.
Albert, Prince, 346.
Ali, Mahomed, 280, 342-345.
Shaukat, 280.
Amma, Bai, 280, 343.
Amrita Bazar Patrika,
Its founders, 1, 2; Started in a
village (1868), 10; Early
History (1868-71), 10-12, 22-27;
Cases Against, 12, 26, 100, 115-
119, 127-132, 206-215, 268-274;
Removal to Calcutta (1871),
27-29; Removal to No. 2,
Ananda Chatter ji Lane (pre-
sent office) (1874), 29, 32-35;
Early Appreciations (1872-
1881), 30, 31; Patrika office,
32-34, 344; Gradual rise, 36;
Early characteristics, 37-39 ;
Converted into English (1878),
45-49; Converted into a Daily
(1891), 72-77; Quarrels with
Bengalee, 120-123; Is the
Patrika seditious?, 153, 154;
Incorporated as a company
(1908), 288; Security taken by
Govt. (1913), 187, 191, 192;
Security forfeited (1919), 323,
324.
Further security, 324.
A family concern, 286.
Some writers, 290-293.
Machinery, 293- 294.
Amrita Bazar Patrika, The, on:
Arunachal Asram affairs, 190.
Barisal Conspiracy Case, 206-
209.
Calcutta Municipal Bill (1898),
105, 106.
(its) Conversion from Bengali
to English, 48, 49.
Elections, 80.
Extension of Jury System, 184,
185.
(its) First Publication in Cal-
cutta, 27.
Floods in Jessore, 25, 26.
Lord Carmichael's regime, 265.
Lord Curzon's Convocation
Speech, 144, 145, 148, 149.
Lord Curzon's Educational
Policy, 215.
Lord Willingdon's remarks
against Home Rulers, 305.
Malarial Fever in Jessore, 24,
25.
Moti Lai's Death, 366.
Mrs. Besant, 259.
Natu Brothers' Detention, 103,
104.
"No Conviction, No Promo-
tion," 183.
Postal Department Appoint-
ments, 61.
Presidency College affairs, 247-
249.
Prison-going Editor, 273.
Sir John Woodburn's Sacrifice,
109.
Surendra Nath and Bengalee,
121, 123.
Surendra Nath and His Fol-
lowers, 112, 113.
Transfer of Capital from Cal-
cutta to Delhi, 130.
Union Between Indians and
Anglo-Indians, 180.
Amrita Bazar Patrika Ltd., 288, 289.
Amrita Prabahini Patrika, 10, 286.
Ananda Bazar Patrika, 116, 275, 294,
Ananda Chatter ji Lane, No. 2,
(A. B. Patrika office & residence
of Moti Lai Ghose), 29, 32-37,
158-160, 175, 176, 223, 276, 277,
293, 294.
A Nation In Making, 45.
An Indian Diary, 298.
Apte, Ram Dikhit, 75.
Arunachal Asram, 187 & foil.
Arundale, C. S., 259, 260, 337.
A Step In The Steamer, 47, 171.
Awakening of India, 34, 329, 330.
Bai, Pandita Rama, 96.
Baker, Edward Norman, 125, 126,
152-154.
378
INDEX
Banerjee, Durga Gati, 81.
Guru Das, 137, 314.
Jitendra Lai, 292, 322,
323.
K. M,, 43.
Kali Charan, 44, 96, 101.
Panchkari, 22, 159, 337.
Peary Mohan, 221.
Ram Taran, 110.
Surendra Nath, 44, 45,
64, 82-88, 99, 101, 110,
112-115, 117, 121-123,
130, 158, 161, 165-174,
216, 230, 260-263, 306-309.
314, 332-338, 340, 348.
Tarapada, 9, 97.
W. C., 43, 64, 73, 75, 90,
92, 93, 101, 118, 230, 232.
Bangabasi, 97, 99.
Bangiya V el-dig-dig Pratiyogita, 217.
Banon, Captain, 66.
Barisal Conspiracy Case, 206, 210,
216.
Basumati, 116, 120.
Bay ley, Stuart, 152.
Beams, 72.
Bengal Administration Report
(1872), 30.
Bengal Citizens* League, 180.
Behar Herald, 60, 81.
Bengalee, 79, 84, 128, 130, 161, 274,
331, 337, 348.
*s quarrel with Patrika, 120-
123.
on Moti Lai, 79, 368.
Bengal Provincial Conference, 88,
89, 92.
at Barisal, 165.
at Bhagalpur, 120.
at Calcutta, 307.
at Krishnagar, 4, 230-239.
at Midnapur, 124.
at Nator, 92.
at Pabna (1908), 174, 336.
at Midnapur (1920), 327.
Besant, Mrs. Annie, 176, 177, 255-
264, 337.
Bhadra, Jagabandhu, 10.
Bidyabhushan, Dwarka Nath, 49.
Bidyaratna, Bhuban Mohan, 75.
Biswas, Suresh Chandra, 221.
Tarit Kanti, 210, 269.
Blair, A. J. F., 317.
Bodas, M. R., 175.
Bomanji, S. R., 305.
Bose, Ananda Mohan, 10, 43, 86, 92,
96, 114, 127.
Anath Nath, 11, 283.
Basanta Kumar, 260, 311.
Bose, Bhupendra Nath, 79, 82, 93,
97, 99, 110, 119, 158, 167,
175, 176, 177, 180, 216, 293,
339.
Bijoy Krishna, 260, 261, 292,
367.
Mrinal Kanti, 292.
Pasupati Nath, 79, 82.
Pran Dhone, 355.
Prasanna Coomar, 230.
Satis Chandra, 82.
Satyananda, 261, 320
Subhas Chandra, 251, 254,
255.
Bradlaugh, Charles, 56, 67-71, 118,
255, 331.
Branson, J. H. A., 51.
Brown, 189.
Buckland, 209, 210.
Butler, Harcourt, 199.
Buxy, Tarit Kanti, 133.
Caine, W. S., 68, 87.
Calcutta Municipal Bill (1898), 106,
107.
Calcutta Municipal Bill (1916), 111.
Campbell, George, 88, 125, 152.
Capital, 179, 212.
i Carmichael, Lord, 135, 187, 193-198,
199, 246, 264-266, 313, 315, 317.
as a Governor, 195.
his letter to Mott Lai, 196, 197.
presides over public meeting,
218, 219.
Cesses, Road and P. W., 235.
Chakravarti, Byomkesh, 142, 158,
173, 210, 216, 221, 261,
262, 272, 292, 306, 309,
311, 319, 321, 323, 340.
Syam Sundar, 173,
175, 289, 290, 291.
Chalmers, 100, 102.
Chanda, Kamini Kumar, 293.
Chandidas, 277-279, 359.
Chapekar, Damodar, 104.
Charka, The, 233, 238, 240, 241.
Charlu, P. Ananda, 32, 108.
Chatterjee, Atul Chandra, 139, 142.
Bankim Chandra, 156.
Hari Prasad, 93.
Kali Prasanna, 290, 291.
Nirode Chandra, 83.
Ramananda, 205.
Chaudhuri, Ashu Tosh, 137.
Jogesh, 99, 101, 142,
221, 323, 336.
Kishori Mohan, 158.
INDEX
37*
Chaudhuri, K. N. 210, 293.
Parbati Sankar, 96.
Yatindra Nath, 96, 99,
142, 158, 159, 172, 173,
175, 261, 263, 277, 293,
306 319
Chelmsford, Lord, 300, 307, 321, 322.
Choubal, B., 203.
Chunder, Bhola Nath, 41.
Raj Chunder, 110.
Churchill, Randolf, 153.
Civil Disobedience, 165.
Clive, Lord, 221.
Colson, Lionel Hewitt, 206.
Comrade case, 186.
Contempt of Court case against
Moti Lai, 206-215, 268-273.
Conventionists and Non-conven-
tionists, 174-177.
Cotton, Henry, 161, 163.
Craddock, Reginald, 193.
Cross, Lord, 72.
Curzon, Lord, 137, 144-152, 155-157,
163, 170, 266, 317.
*s Convocation address, 144,
148.
on truthfulness, 148-152.
Dey, Bepin Bihari, 254.
Mahendra Nath, 190.
Satish Chandra, 252.
Dhoti, 37, 53, 195, 198, 224, 314, 317,
Digby, William, 68, 118.
Dominion Status,
Doyle, Arthur Conan. 359, 360.
Dumraon Case, 325.
Dutt, Aswini Kumar, 153, 165-167.
Atulananda, 92, 356, 361.
Hem Chunder, 290.
Hirendra Nath, 93, 96, 97, 99,
158, 159, 173, 175, 176, 216,
255-257, 261, 263, 276, 293.
307, 336.
Jogesh Chandra, 44.
Kumar Krishna, 173.
Madan Mohan, 354.
Nritya Gopal, 287, 357, 358.
Paramananda, 356, 363.
Romesh Chander, 137, 141.
Satya Gopal, 356, 367.
Sri Nath, 110.
Dwarkadas, Jamnadas, 305.
Dyer, Gen., 321.
Dacca Muslins, 238.
Dacca Saraswat Samaj, 195.
Daily Chronicle, 100.
Daily Herald, 330.
Daily Mail, 100, 150.
Daily News, 150.
Dam, Ananga Mohan, 251, 254.
Damodar Floods, 217-218.
Das, Chitta Ranjan, 63, 96, 142, 221,
260-262, 272, 289, 293, 306,
309, 311, 319, 322, 323, 342,
347, 349, 350.
Mrs. C. R., 350.
Durga Mohan, 23.
Girindra Mohan, 206.
Kali Mohan, 44.
Sundari Mohan, 175, 293.
Defamation Case,
Defence of India Act, 1915264,
265, 302, 320.
Deshpande, R. B., 175.
Dev, Benoy Krishna, 74, 96, 106.
Kamal Krishna, 74.
Nil Krishna, 75.
Rajendra Narayana, 74, 77.
Devi, Amrita Moyee, 1, 14, 90, 280,
Nistarini, 20-22, 328, 356, 357.
Sajal Nayana, 22, 276, 356,
Sarala, 341
Sthir Saudamini, 133.
Eden, Ashley, 46-48, 51, 88, 105, 125.
Eden Hindu Hostel, 251.
Elgin, Lord, 87.
Elliot, Charles, 139.
Englishman, The, 214, 259, 297, 308.
on Moti Lai, 333, 370.
Extremists, 158, 159, 170, 259, 308,
318, 319, 339.
Five Journeys Round the World*
358.
Fisher, H. L., 203.
Flood-relief, 218.
Fraser, Andrew, 137, 152, 154.
Fuller, Bampfylde, 165.
Gandhi, Mahatma, 168, 169, 222,
236, 239, 303, 320, 321, 330, 339-
346, 349, 350.
Garth, 86.
Geeta, The, 222, 328.
George V, King, 160, 164, 219, 346,
348.
Moti Lai's interview with*
160-165, 346, 348, 349.
Ghosal, J., 99.
38o
INDEX
Ghose, Akshoy Kumar, 293.
Aurpbindo, 63, 159, 170, 173.
Barindra Kumar, 63.
Basanta Kumar, 2, 283, 286.
Benode Lai, 2, 286.
Bepin Bihari, 352.
Charu Chandra, 100, 210.
Chunder Madhav, 145, 314.
Devendra Chandra, 23.
Golap Lai, 2, 116, 269 f 272,
286, 288, 289, 292.
Hari Narayan 1, 9, 14.
Hari Nath, 355.
x Hemanta Kumar, 2, 8-11,
15, 17, 19, 27-29, 31, 35, 36.
275, 277, 283, 284, 286, 287.
Hemendra Prasad, 175.
Hira Lai, 2, 14, 17, 286..
Ishan Chandra, 246.
J. C., 210.
Kali Prasanna, 49.
Krishna Chandra. 217,
Lalit Mohan, 356.
Lai Mohan, 43, 230.
Mon Mohan, 13, 43,64, 230.
Moti Lai,
See Moti Lai Ghose.
Mrinal Kanti, 16, 116, 269,
272, 287, 288.
Nabo Kumar, 83.
Nihar Kanti, 288.
Padma Lochan, 1.
Parimal Kanti, 288.
Piyush Kanti, 116, 117. 269,
272, 288.
Rabindra Narayan, 246-248.
Ram Lai, 2, 286.
Rama Nath, 77.
Rash Bihari, 142, 151, 170,
216, 258, 261.
Sasanka Mohan, 206.
Shishir Kumar, 8-20, 26-
32, 35-37, 41, 44-48, 56, 83,
116, 275, 283, 285, 358.
Umesh Chandra, 23.
Gilchrist, R. N., 250, 251.
Gitanjali, 278.
Gladstone, 49.
Globe, The, 100.
Gnyan Prakash, 98.
Gokhale, Gopal Krishna, 98, 170,
186, 203, 312, 313, 339-341.
Gossain, Kishori Lai, 137, 308.
Goswami, Hari Das, 275.
Gourlay, W. R., 196, 197, 313, 316.
Graham, Dr., 291.
Grey, C. E. f 101.
Gnha Anath Bandhu, 175.
Priya Nath, 169.
Gupta, B. L., 51.
K. G., 308.
Guardian, The, 79.
Haldar, Aswini Kumar, 117.
Sukumar, 293.
Hamilton, George, 103.
Hamilton's Gazetteer, 221.
Hammick, Murray, 203.
Harrison, Prof., 248.
Heber's Indian Journal, 221.
Hindu, 30, 31, 115, 131, 138.
Hindu Spiritual Magazine, 15, 18,
19, 358, 359.
Hindu Patriot, 41, 42, 44, 47, 76.
Hitabadi, 84-87, 115-118.
Hornell, W. W., 252.
Horniman, B. G., 303, 305.
Hoff, B. P., 127-130.
Holme, J. W., 248.
Home Rule League, 256-261, 303-
307, 318.
Hossain, Leakut, 160.
Howrah Hitaishi, 169.
Hume, A. O. 66, 232.
Hunter Committee, 321, 322.
Huq, Fazl-ul, 142, 256, 261, 306,
320.
Hynes, G. J., 62.
Ilbert Bill, 50, 185.
Ilbert C. P., 5.
Imam, Hasan, 308.
Income Tax, 41, 42.
Indian Association, 44.
Indian Association for the Cultiva-
tion of Science, 92.
Indian Civil Service, 203-205.
Indian Daily News, 15, 57, 99, 141,
213.
Indian Empire, 113, 120, 121.
Indian League, 44, 45.
Indian Mirror, 76, 84.
Indian Nation, 113, 120, 121.
Indian National Congrest, 63, 153.
at Allahabad (1888), 63-66.
at Bombay (1889), 66, 68.
at Calcutta (1890), 72.
at Calcutta (1896), 87.
at Surat (1907), 170.
at Madras (1914), 176.
at Lucknow (1916), 257, 258.
at Bombay (1918), 308.
at Calcutta (1920), 327.
at Ahmedabad (1921), 345.
Indian Penal Code, sec. 124A, 99.
INDEX
381
Indian Political Agency, 118.
Indian Press,
Stevens C. C. on, 233.
Indian Relief Society, 96, 115.
India We Served, 146.
Indigo Ryots, 238.
Internments, 264, 302.
lyengar, K. V. Rangaswamy, 135,
309.
S. Kasturiranga, 135.
Iyer, Subramania, 306.
T. V. Seshagiri, 135.
Jackson, "Tiger," 210, 270-272, 274.
Jagatsi Asram
(see Amnachal Asram).
Jajna Bhanga, 169.
James, H. R., 246-248, 251-253.
Jam v. Sandesh, 279, 280, 281.
Jenkins, Lawrence, 186, 209-213,
218, 219, 329.
Lady, 329.
Jinnah, M. A., 258, 303, 305, 321.
Joshi, V. G., 258.
Journalism, 119.
Fitz James Stephen on, 102.
Jubbar, Abdul, 56, 57.
Judicial and Executive Functions
Separation of, 142.
Jury system, 182.
Kalachand Gita, 278.
Kavya-tirtha, Gispati, 169.
Kavya-Visharad, Kali Prasanna, 84,
115-119, 129.
Kakina, Raja of, 220.
Kasem, Abdul, 307.
Kelker, N. C., 173, 175, 303, 305.
Kemp, 166.
Kenrick, G. H. B., 209-212.
Keshari, 97, 102, 310.
Keswick, J. J. J., 51.
Khaitan, D. P., 340.
Khan, Akram, 323.
Hussain, 42.
,, Mahammad Nazimuddin, 75.
Khaparde, G. S., 159, 173, 258.
King, W. G., 201.
Kisch, 56, 60.
Krishnagar Conference, 4, 225, 230-
239.
Lahiri, B. K., 210, 327.
Lala, Raja Rajendra, 73.
Lai, Giridhari, 341.
Jai Prakash, 325.
Lansdowne, Lord, 75, 77.
Law, Reshee Case, 111.
Lawrence, Walter, 146, 147, 182-
164.
Leader, 177.
Lee, 82.
Leslie, Colonel, 222.
Lethbridge, 49.
Lodge, Oliver, 359, 360.
Looker-on, 64.
Lyall, 87.
Lyon, P. C., 193, 252.
Lytton, Lord, 45, 88.
MacDonald, Ramsay, 34, 203, 329,
330.
Mackenzie, Alexander, 102, 105-
108.
Madge, W. C., 101, 203.
Magistracy, 140, 183.
Maharatta, 130, 178.
Mahatab, Bijay Chand, 111, 219.
Mahmudabad, Raja of, 262.
Maiti, Upendra Nath, 327.
Maitra, Akshoy Kumar, 93.
Heramba Chandra, 216.
Malaria, 234, 267, 298, 301, 302.
Malaviya, Madan Mohan, 186, 259.
330.
Mallik, Amrita Krishna, 96, 113.
121, 159, 175, 293.
Ram Chandra, 351.
S. K., 220, 222.
Manchester Guardian, 191.
Martial Law, 321.
Mazumdar, Ambica Charan. 158.
216, 258.
Mehta, Pheroze Shah, 64, 170-173.
176, 177, 339.
R. D., 314.
Minto, Lord, 170.
Mitter, Amrita Nath, 101.
Digambar, 40-42.
Dinabandhu, 19.
Kali Nath, 75.
Krishna Kumar, 84, 85, 87,
158, 177, 261.
Manmatha Nath, 110.
Peary Chand, 14, 15.
Provash Chunder, 142, 261,
262.
Raj Krishna, 13, 26.
Raj Kumar, 34.
Rasamoy, 246.
Romesh Chandra, 73, 74,
Moderates,' 158. 308, 318, 319, 339.
INDEX
Montagu-Chelmsford Reform, 307-
309, 346.
Montagu, Edwin Samuel, 261, 295-
302, 318.
on Moti Lai, 298.
Moonje, B. S., 175, 309.
Morley, 157.
Morning Leader, 150.
Morning Post, 99.
Morrison, Theodore, 203.
Moslem League, 261.
Moti Lai Ghose,
Early Life & Education :
Birth and parentage, 1 ; as a
boy, 1 ; his brothers, 2 ; Early
education, 2; his "Remini-
scences," 6, 7; influence of
Brahmoism, 8; as a school-
master, 9; starts Patrika, 10;
first public appearance, 12,
13; as a spiritualist and
medium, 14-18; his marriage,
20; his wife and daughter, 22.
Removal to Calcutta, 27; as a
writer, 33, 34; his concentra-
tion of mind, 35; as a Vaish-
naya, 36, 275, foil. ; his plain
living and high thinking, 37;
his dress, 37; acquisition of
friends, 39-44; his food, 91;
routine, 224.
Evidence before Royal Commis-
sion, 54-62; early Congress
activities, 63-67 ; as a candidate
for election, 78-83; rivalry
with Surendra Nath, 85, 87,
112-114, 120-123; at Nator
Conference, 93 & foil; at
Barisal Conference, 165 & foil.
Defamation Cases against, 115-
119, 127-133; contempt of
Court case against, 206-215,
269-272.
As Extremist leader, 158; in the
Partition agitation, 160; offers
himself for arrest, 167; in-
auguration of N. C. O. and
C. D. movements, 169; at
Surat Congress, 170 & foil.,
attempts for a United Con-
gress, 176, 177.
With the Officials:
With Lord Curzon, 145-148; with
Sir Edward Baker, 153; with
King George V, 160-165, 348,
349; with Lord Cartnichael,
196-198; with Mr. Montagu,
298-302; with Lord Ronald-
shay, 313 & foil.
In Various capacities :
As a juror, 183; as a recruiter
during war, 220; as a humor-
ous writer, 281 ; as a speaker,
134; as a journalist, 282; as a
Bengali writer, 274; as a
music-master, 276-277; as a
Home Ruler, 256-266; presid-
ing over Krishnagar Con-
ference (1915), 230-240; as a
spiritualist, 365 & foil.
Moti Lai Ghose, on:
Advantages of Jurors, 184.
Anglo-Indian Life, 52, 53, 179,
180.
Braveries of Bengalees, 147, 221.
British Committee of Congress,
118.
Calcutta Municipal Bill (1898),
107.
Calcutta Municipal Bill (1916),
111, 112.
Charka, 238, 241.
Congress split at Surat, 171-173,
Council Entry, 236.
Cry of Bandemataram, 166.
Damodar Floods, 218.
Death, 95, 235 et seq.
Dhoti and Englishmen, 198,
315.
Duties of Chaukidars, 141.
Early History of Patrika, 11, 12.
Economical Living, 134, 233.
Enlistment of Indian Volun-
teers, 220.
Eructation Incident, 57.
Extension of Jury System, 184,
185.
Financial Condition of Indian
people ,134.
Fourth National Congress, 65.
God, 356, 357, 361-365, 366.
Gokhale, 313.
Governor's First Duty, 267.
Heterodox Food, 90, 91.
His Candidature, 78.
His Chairmanship of a Meet-
ing, 106, 107.
His Interview with King
George V, 162-164.
His Interview with Lord
Curzon and his Secretary,
146.
How a Magistrate may be a
real blessing, 140.
nbert Bill Agitation, 52.
Indian Political Agency, 118.
Industrialism of the West, 240.
Internments, 260, 261, 302.
INDEX
Moti Lai Chose, on (Ccrntd.}:
Jallianwallabagh affairs, 322.
Jobberies in Postal Department,
56.
Jury System, 182 & foil.
Kashmir affairs, 59, 70.
Life after Death, 357-360, 365.
Lord Curzon's Educational
Policy, 216.
Lord Cnrzon's superior attitude,
145.
Lord Ronaldshay, 266, 314.
Lord Willingdon's remarks
against Home Rulers, 306.
Magistrates and Sessions
Judges, 183.
Maharaja Jotindra Mohan
Tagore, 43.
Malarial Havoc, 7, 234.
Method of Investigation of
Crimes, 141.
Mrs. Besant's Internment, 260,
261.
Nator Conference and Earth-
quake, 93, 94.
Opposing Government, 222, 223,
232, 233.
Origin of Vernacular Press Act,
47, 48.
Peary Chand Mitter as a spiri-
tualist, 15.
Philippine Islands, 297.
Police Reform, 139 & foil.
Policy of the Patrika, 153, 154.
Prayer for motherland, 257.
Present System of Education,
237.
Public Services, 203-205.
Reform Scheme, 299 et seq.
Revival of Indigenous Indus-
tries, 238.
Road and P. W. Cesses, 124-
126, 235.
Rowlatt Bills, 320.
Rural Sanitation, 199 & foil, 234.
Sandesh, 279, 280.
Sanitation Versus Education,
202, 234.
Separation of Judicial and
Executive Functions, 141-143,
Separation of Police and Magis-
tracy, 139, 140.
Shishir Kumar's Death, 285,
286.
Simultaneous I. C. S. Examina-
tions, 64-67, 203.
St. Andrew's Day Dinner, 181.
Surendra Nath's Congress
Speech, 87, 88.
Moti Lai Ghoae, on
Tilak's Magnanimity, 171-173.
Titles and Honours, 239.
Turkey, dismemberment of,
323.
United Congress, 176, 177.
Vaishnavism, 275.
Village sanitation, 199.
Villages in olden days, 4-6, 234.
Working from behind, 136.
Moti Lai Ghose,
Amrita Bazar Patrika on, 367.
Banerjea, Nripendra Ch., on ,
367.
Surendra N., on ,
230, 373.
Behar Herald on, 60, 81, 371.
Bengalee on, 79, 368.
Bombay Chronicle on, 371.
Dutt, Aswini K., on, 374.
Hirendra N., on, 276,
372.
Englishman on, 333, 370.
Garde, Lakshmi P., on , 374.
Gupta, N., on, 375.
Indian Daily News on , 368.
Indian Patriot on, 62.
Lawrence, Walter, on , 146,
147.
Leader on , 372.
MacDonald, Ramsay, on , 34,
329, 330.
Maharatta on, 130, 178.
Maharashtra on , 372.
Manchester Guardian on, 191,
192.
Mazumdar, Ambica Ch., on ,
373.
Mitter, Kumar Krishna, on ,
85.
Montagu, E. S., on , 298.
Mukherjee, Sachindra N., on .
231.
New Empire on , 368.
Norton, Eardley, on , 64.
Pall Mall Gazette on ,-34; -191.
Ratcliffe, S. K., on, 375.
Ray, Dr. P. C., on, 373..
Sen, Nabin, on, 33, 85/336.
Servant on, 369.
Shorn Prakash on, 78, 370,
Vaswani, T. L., on, 372.
Wacha, D. E., on, 205. ,
Young India on , 370.
Mukherjee, Ashutosh, 209, 210.' 252.
269, 272. ^
Manmatha Nath, 290,
291.
Peary Mohan, 74, 101,
137, 141, 180, 216, 277.
384
INDEX
Mnkherjee, Sachindra Nath, 231.
Sambhu Chandra, 44,
45.
Satya Charan, 132.
Music, 9, 19, 22, 35, 41, 134-136, 156,
188, 242, 245, 255, 276, 277.
Nag, B. A., 367.
Nair, Sankaran, 331.
Nandy Manindra Chandra, 339.
P., 354.
Naoroji, Dadabhoy, 205, 232.
National Liberal League, 3(4-308.
National Paper, The, 78.
Natu Brothers, 97, 102-104.
Nayak, 22, 260.
Nehru, Jawahar Lai, 341.
Moti Lai, 350.
Nelson, 206, 210.
New India, 176, 177.
Nil Darpan, 19.
Non-co-Operation Movement, 236-
237.
Norton, Eardley, 63-67, 272.
's Reminiscences, 64.
Oaten, E. F., 246-253.
O'Dwyer, 321.
Osborne, Colonel, 30.
Palashir Juddha, 32.
Pal, Bipin Chandra, 159, 167, 261,
' 290, 292, 307, 309, 311, 320.
Kristo Das, 42, 47.
Radha Charan, 110.
Palit, Tarak Nath, 99.
Pall Mall ~
Panch
Para* 'im&tJli&frW J3IL Ram-
Piifcy, 'C*^ 1 * -. ' fill.
Pioneer, 121, 128.
Police Commission, 137-142.
Moti Lai's replies to, 138-142.
Police Reforms
Moti Lai's Scheme of, 139-142.
Power and Guardian, 118.
Prakasam, T., 236, 350, 351.
Presidency College, 246 et seq.
Presidential Address of Moti Lai
Ghose, 4, 232 et seq.
Press Act, 1910, 186, 187, 337.
Press, Indian, 233.
Prosperous British India, 68.
Protada, 97.
Public Services Commission (1889),
203.
Moti Lai's Memorandum to,
204.
Purushottam (Puria), 243.
Rahim, Abdur, 203.
Railway Incident, A, 226-229.
Ram Krishna Mission, 218.
Ranade, 64, 313.
Rand, 104.
Rangachariar, T., 136.
Rao, Ballav, 133.
., K. Subba, 30, 31.
N. Subba, 152.
Rasul, Abdul, 142, 165-169, 175, 256.
Ratcliffe, 161.
Ray, Ananda Chandra, 49.
Bhabendra Chandra, 260.
Bidhan Chandra, 355.
Dina Nath, 115-117, 287.
Girija Nath, 74.
Golab, 119.
Gyanada Kanta, 75.
Hara Lai, 23.
Hara Nath, 74.
Hari Nath, 243.
Jagadindra Nath, 74, 92, 94.
Janoki Nath, 43.
Jogendra Nath, 94, 118.
J. N., 142.
Keshab Lai, 116.
Krishna Gopal, 23.
Lala La j pat, 159, 327, 330.
Moti Lai, 217.
Nirmal Kanto, 630.
P. C., 320.
P. L., 116.
Sasanka Jiban, 292, 347.
Sashi Sekhareswar, 93.
Sita Nath, 43, 76, 96.
Surendra Nath, 110.
Ray Chaudhury, Ranjan Vilas, 275.
Recruitment Meeting, 220-222.
INDEX
385
Redmond W., 103.
Regulation III of 1818, 103, 265.
"Reminiscences" of Moti Lai, 6, 7,
331.
4 'Reminiscences" of Norton, E., 64.
Representative Govt. in India, 30.
Revived Memories, 30.
Riddel, 54.
Ripon, Lord, 49, 51, 88.
Ronaldshay, Lord, 193, 203, 261,
266, 267, 313-317, 329, 346, 347.
Routine, Moti Lai's 223-224.
Rowlatt Bills, 318-322.
Sanderson, Lancelot, 269, 347.
Sandhya, 169.
Sane, Ganes Vasudeo, 133.
Sanitary Conference, All-India, 199.
Sanitation and Education, 234.
Sanjibani, 84, 348.
Sapru, Tej Bahadur, 259.
Sarkar, Akshay Chandra, 23.
Ashu Tosh, 21.
Haran Chandra, 20.
Kishori Lai, 10, 23, 96, 101,
293.
Mahendra Lai, 92.
Nil Ratan, 261, 355.
N. N., 91.
Sarashi Lai, 358.
Sarda, Har Bilas, 77.
Sarma, Suryya Narayan Charyya,
244.
Sarvadhikari, Deva Prasad, 110,
308.
Sastri, Golap Chandra, 360.
Scientific Improvement, 241.
Scoble, Alexander, 102.
Sea-bathing, 242, 244, 245.
Security from A. B. Patrika, for-
feited, 323, 324.
Sedition, Definition of, 99-102.
Sen, Baikuntha Nath, 92, 93, 101,
118, 119, 263.
Devendra Nath, 117.
Dinabandhu, 23;
Gana Nath, 354.
Girija Sankar, 30.
Gunada Charan, 260.
Guru Prasad, 96, 99.
I. B., 261, 293, 311, 322.
Jogendra Nath, 221.
ogindra Nath, 354.
Keshab Chandra, 8.
Nabin Chandra, 32, 40, 85, 86,
336.
Sen, Narendra Mohan, 206.
Narendra Nath, 84, 101, 110,
151.
,, S. K., 243.
,. Upendra Nath, 117.
Servant, The, 289.
on Moti Lai, 369.
Set, Narendra Nath, 175.
Sewprasad, Raja, 64.
Shorn Prakash, 49.
Singh, Hari Har Prasad, 325.
Pratap, 68-71.
Radha Prasad, 325.
Rameswar, 153, 328.
Skrine, Francis H., 266, 267.
Sly, F. G., 203.
Smith, Dunlop, 162.
Sobhani, Umar, 305.
Sobhan, Syed Abdul, 75.
Standard, 115.
St. Andrew's Day Dinner, 52, 180,
181.
St. James' Gazette, 100, 150.
Stead, W. T., 360.
Statesman, 78, 99, 132, 133, 149,
161, 168, 252, 317, 331.
-on Home Rulers, 259.
on Moti Lai, 78, 370.
on Patrika contempt case, 273.
Stephen, Fitz James, 102.
Justice, 210.
St. John, 210.
Stephenson, H. L., 265.
Stevens, C. C., 233.
Stokes, J. G. N., 200.
Strachey, John, 52.
Justice, 99, 100.
Swadeshi Movement, 155-160.
Swami, Dayananda, 188, 189.
Srinivasa, 244.
Swaraj, 268.
Swarajya, 350, 351.
Swarnamoyee, Maharani, 74.
Tagore, Debendra Nath, 8. .'
Gaganendra Nath, 99, 262.
Jatindra Mohan, 42, 43, 57,
66, 73, 74, 101, 277.
Rabindra Nath, 99, "lOl,
158, 174, 262, 277, 336.
Satyendra Nath, 92.
Telang, Justice, 64.
Temple, Richard, 152.
Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, 47, U5 J 130,
177, 258, 289, 303-305, 310-
312, 328, 334, 339.'
386
INDEX
*s Conviction, 97, 98, 102, 104.
at Patrika office, 159.
and Surat Congress Split, 170-
173.
Times, 251.
Times of India, 115, 151.
Titles and Honours, 239.
Tomory, Reverend, 179.
Tremearne, Shirley, 179, 212.
Trevelyan, Justice, 82.
Tulzaparkar, 47.
Tuni, Raja of, 244.
Turner, Charles, 56-58.
University Act, 1904, 215.
Commission, 136, 137.
Upadhyaya, Brahmabandhab, 169.
Vaidya, C. V., 175.
Narayan Rao, 309.
Varma, Ganga Prasad, 136.
Vernacular Press Act, 10, 47-50^
Vidyapati, 277-279, 359.
Villages, 4-7, 199, 300, 301.
Vivekananda, Swami, 156.
Volunteers, 220.
Wacha, D. E., 205.
Wadia, B. P., 259, 260, 337.
War, The Great, 219.
Wedderburn, William, 66.
Weekly Times, 150.
Westminister Gazette, 150.
Willingdon, Lord, 303-306.
on Home Rulers, 303, 304.
Woodburn, John, 108, 110, 127.
Woodroffe, Justice, 269.
Wordsworth, W. C., 252.
Wright, 12.
Yugantar, 186.
Yule, George, 64.