The Mughal Empire From Babar To Aurangzeb

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THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

FROM

BABAR TO AURANGZEB

BY

S. M. JAFFAR, B.A., M.R.A.S. (LONDON)

AUTHOR OF: "Education in Muslim India", " Mediaeval India

and
"Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim r.ule in India' 1

WITH AN INTRODUCTION

BY

Ihe Hon'ble Sir ABDUL QADIR, Kt.

PUBLISHER

S. MUHAMMAD SADIQ KHAN

KISSA KHANI. PESHAWAR

1936
First Edit*',n Price Rs, 5-net

Cvtivrixht Reserved I, the Author

Published by
S. MUHAMMAD SADIQ KHAN,

/Cissa Khani,
Peshawar City (N.-W. F. P.)

Printed by Mirza Mullmfaad Sadiq
at the Ripon Printing Press, Bull Road, L "hore

DEDICATED

TO

MY FELLOW WORKERS
I N THE SAME FIELD

PREFACE

ONE should not raise one's pen to write history
unless one is equipped with a thorough knowledge of
the original sources and a clear conscience. In order
to obtain correct information, it is absolutely essen-
tial to approach history with an unprejudiced mind
and without preconceived notions. The evidence
thus collected from the huge mass of historical litera-
ture that has come down to posterity from the pen of
the contemporary chroniclers must be carefully sifted
and pieced together in such a way as to present an
accurate account of the past. History must not be
used as an instrument of propaganda even in the best
of causes ; if used in a wrong cause, it may result in
filling streets with human blood. Volumes written
on the Muslim Period of Indian history have volumi-
nously added to the volumes of communal hatred
and bigotry. Whatever the aims of their authors,
the text -books on Indian history, particularly on the
Muslim Period, teem with exaggerations, distortions
and timid suppression of facts, so much so that they
tend to set one community at the throat of the other.
False history has done more than a mere wrong to the
cause of national unity and inter-communal amity in
India. A retrospective glance at the present state of
affairs will not fail io ~eveal to the reader the fact
that the teaching of wrong history, more than any-
thing else, is responsible for the recurring riots among

viii PREPACK

the different communities of India. The sooner,
therefore, such books are dispensed with, the better
for the peace and prosperity of India. Born and
brought up in communal atmosphere, we, Indians,
see everything with communal glasses and therefore
get a gloomy view. The obvious result is that the
best of Muslim monarchs, statesmen and scholars have
been painted in the darkest of colours and condemned
as bigots and intolerants, nay, as blood-thirsty tyrants.
As things stand at present, communal harmony with-
out correct history is a dream which cannot be
realized. The whole of Indian history, therefore,
requires to be re-written in the right spirit, ' not so
much from the point of view of occurrences at the
capitals of various states as in order to delineate the
spread of culture a,nd to demonstrate the value of its
present composite form, so that our people may not
be led away by the false notion that whatever para-
phernalia of civilization we posset does not go back
to more than a century and a half '. Some time ago
the Punjab Government appointed a Special Com-
mittee to see into the subject. The Committee
investigated the matter and made some useful recom-
mendations. The same point regarding the re-writing
of the whole of Indian history, particularly the Muslim
Period, was stressed at Poona at the All-India Histo-
rical Conference in 1934 by Dr. (now Sir) Shafaat
Ahmad Khan who presided over its deliberations and
suggested the appointment of a Mss. Commission for
the purpose. How far the objects aimed at have been
achieved, I do not know. Some six years'ago, while

PREFAJE IX

I was a student, I too felt the same necessity after
making an independent study of the Muslim Period
and set myself to the task in right earnest. Remotely
removed as I was from big educational centres, I was
consequently deprived of all facilities for research. It
was my love for my subject (history) that drove me
from place to place in search of books drawn upon for
material and the result is The Mughal Empire which
I now submit to the judgment of the public.

The Mughals are no more. Posterity may
pause and pronounce judgment o~i their actions and
administrations ; but to be fair and free from fallacy,
it is necessary to bear five things in mind : viz., (1) the
background, (2) the spirit of the age (3) the condi-
tions of the country (4) the tendencies of the times,
and (5) the time that has elapsed since the fall of the
Mughal Empire. The background in the case of
Mughal Emperors was Islam on the one hand and
Persian traditions on the other. In the case of Shah
Jahan and Aurangzeb, Islam had a great influence on
their actions, whereas Persian traditions played a
prominent part in determining the acts and adminis-
trations of the rest of the Great Mughals. The spirit
of the age, the conditions of the country and the
tendencies of the times too had a great share in
shaping their policies. While taking these four factors
into consideration, allowance must also be made for
the fifth the time that has scanned the interval
between the fall of the Mughal Empire and the
establishment of British Dominions in India time that
has made marvellous improvements in and additions

X PREFACE

to the existing knowledge of man and changed his
conception of things.

Since the book has been intended chiefly for
students in schools and colleges as well as for the
general reader, I have constantly kept their needs in
view and therefore avoided burdening it with numerous
footnotes, though I have fully tapped the sources of my
information, both original and secondary, catalogued
at the end of the book, and referred to my authorities
on controversial topics, such as the alleged apostasy of
Akbar and the so-called bigotry of Aurangzeb, topics
on which I have differed from modern historians and
suggested a new line of thought.

Last, but not the least, my unreserved thanks
are due to all those writers, mediaeval and modern,
whose monumental works Lhave consulted for construct-
ing this narrative ; to the Hon'ble Sir Abdul Qadir
for writing the Introduction ; to my brother S. M. Raza,
B. A., for preparing the Index and^to my learned
officer, the Judicial Commissioner, N.-W. F. P., for
permitting me to publish this book.

Peshawar City : S. M. JAFFAR.

1st October, 1936.

ORTHOGRAPHY

IN spelling Oriental names and words, I
have followed the system of transliteration
adopted and recommended by the Royal Asiatic
Society of Great Britain and Ireland, except
that I have adhered to the popular and well-
established spelling of certain well-known places
like Lucknow and Cawnpore, and have not tried
to distinguish between the letters of almost, if
not exactly, the same sounds, such as & and ^ ;
&, ^r and ^; j, j, ^, and ^; ^ and f which,
though useful for purposes of translation into
Arabic and allied languages, is, nevertheless,
bewildering to the student and the general
reader, not acquainted with Arabic. Each
letter in the aoove categories has its own sound,
different from that of any other of its own
category ; but the difference cannot be perceived
by the reader, unless he be an Arabic scholar.
To him, if he is not acquainted with Arabic ;
the letters of each separate category are
identical in sound and he pronounces them all
alike. Again, I have not attempted to differ-
entiate the letters O (soft *), ^ (soft d) and J
(hard r), which have no equivalents in English
but are represented by t, d and r with dots or
commas on or under them. For the rest, r%* is

Ml ORTHOGRAPHY

represented by bh ; rfc> by ph ; & by th ; r $ by th ;
1*5- by /*; ^ by ch\ r&$bychh;f>bykh; rt^by
dh\ r$J by rh ; ^ by sh\ by g& ; r g^by M ; and
rS^ by gh. The system employs the vowels with
the following uniform sounds:

(1) Ordinarily

a, as in Roman ; e, as in prey ; i, as in
t;n ; o, as in bold ; and u, as in full.

(2) When lengthened

a, as in last ; i, as in fatigue ; and u, as
in plwrai.

ABBREVIATIONS

Ain ... Ain-i-Akbari by Allama Abul Fazl.

B. I. S. ... Bibliotheca Indica Series.

H. U. L. S. ... Home University Library Series.

J. R. A. S. B. ... Journal 'of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Bengal.

J. R. A. S. ... Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London).

J. R. S. A. ... Journal of the Royal Society of Arts (London).

M. R. A. S. B. ... Memoirs of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Bengal.

M. U. J. ... Muslim University Journal (Aligarh).

N. K. T. ... Newal Kishor Text.

P. R. A. S. B. ... Proceedings of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Bengal.

Trans. ... Translation (English).

CORRIGENDA

Page 33, line 4 (from top), for Humaun read Humayun.
Page 37, last line, /c r souhgt read sought.
Page 206, line 2 (from bottom), for over read near.
Page 384, line 19 (from top), insert a after for.
Page 399, line 2 (from bottom) for force read forces.

CONTENTS

Pages.
PREFACE ... ... ... ... vii x

ORTHOGRAPHY ... ... ... ... xi-xii

ABBREVIATIONS ... ... ... ... xii

INTRODUCTION ... ... ... ...xxm-xxvi

CHAPTER 1 PRELIMINARY
Sources of Information and the Forct,* that produced Modern India.

Sources of Information Their authenticity Distortion and
wrong juxtaposition of facts Modern India and the forces
that produced it Religious Revival Discovery of the
Sea-route to IndiaAdvent of the Great Mughals Import-
ance of the three forces ... ... ... pp. 1-8

CHAPTER II ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR

Introductory Why is the Mughal Dynasty so called ? Babar's
early career Conquest of Kabul His early attempts to
conquer India- -Political condition of India on the eve of
his invasion First Battle of Panipat Babar's difficulties
after the battle His war with the Rajputs Battle of
KhSn wan Babar's address to his noble-men and soldiers
Defeat of Rana Sangha and rout of Rajput Confederacy-
Importance of the Battle of KhSnwah Battle of Chanderi
Battle of the Gogra Extent of Babar's Indian Empire
Story of his death His policy and administration His
account of India His Memoirs Fine Arts Architecture
Poetry Painting Music The art of illustrating books-
Gardening Literary Celebrities Babar's achievements
His estimate ... ... ... ... pp. 9-32

CHAPTER III NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HUMAYON

Introductory Division of the Empire Political condition of
India and Humayun's position KSmrSn's occupation of the
Punjab War with Bahadur Shah of Gujarat War with

XIV CONTENTS

Sher Khan Afghan Humay On in exile In Persia He
conquers Kabul and Qandhaa from Kamran His Restora-
tion His accomplishments His ingenious Works Ad-
ministrationDrum of Justice Classification of the people
Fixture for audience Twelve sub-divisions Court-
Scholars Humayun's love of libraries Progress of Educa-
tion - Gardens Humayun's religious beliefs His character
and estimate ... ... ... ... pp. 33-49.

CHAPTER IVTHE AFGHAN REVIVAL

Sher Shah and His Successors

Introductory Sher Shah's early life His early activities
Occupation of Bengal Recovery of Bengal by Humayun
Battle of Chausa Bat'le of Kanauj Conquests of Sher
Shah : Punjab and Gakhar land Conquest of Maiwa.
Conquests in Rajputana Administration Division of the
Empire The Land Revenue System Administration of
Justice Organization of Police Force Secret Service-
Tariff System Means of Communication Postal Service
Military Reforms Currency Reform Works of Public
Welfare Architecture Sher Shah's ideal of kingship
His estimate Salim Shah: Reduction of Malwa and
the Punjab Shaikh Alai Government. Muhammad Shaft
'Adil ... ... ... j ... pp. 50-70.

CHAPTER V JALAL-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AKBAR- 1

Reconquest and Reconstruction

Introductory Akbar's early life His accession Political
condition of India in 1556 Second Battle gf Panipat
Results of the Battle Submission of Sur claimants and end
of the Sur Dynasty Bairam Khan His fall 1 Petticoat
Government ' Akbar's position in 1564 A. C. Rebellion of
Khan Zaman Of Adham Khan Of Abdullah Khan-
Revolts of Uzbeg Chiefs Monstrous act of Khwajah Mu'az-
zam Akbar and the Rajputs Matrimonial alliances-
Careers opened to Rajputs and other Hindus Freedom of
worship and liberty of conscience Social reforms Effects
of above measures Akbar and^thfe Portuguese First
P. Mission Second P. Mission Third P. Mission Akbar's
object ... ... ... * . jSp. 71-91.

CONTENDS XV

CHAPTER VI-JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKEAR 2

Territorial Annexations

Introductory Early Conquests Gondwana Mewar Gujarat-
Bengal -The Qaqshal rebellion in Bengal Kabul- Akbar's
North-West Frontier Policy The Roshanite Movement-
Conquest of Kashmir Of Sind and Balochistan Of Qan-
dhar The Deccan Campaign Ahmadnagar Khandesh
Extent of the Mughal Empire under Akbar Last days of
Akbar ..7" ... ... ... pp. 92-113

CHAPTER VII JALAL-UD DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 3
The Din-i-Ilahi

Introductory Reference to the history of t s .e Saracens To the
history of Muslim Rule in India Akbar's orthodoxy-
Change into liberalism Erection of .he Ibadat Khanah--
The Document Its importance Its effects Preliminaries
to the promulgation of the Divine Faith T ts promulgation
Its principles Its philosophic review Anti-Islamic ordi-
nancesTheir criticism Von Noer's appraisal of Badaoni,
the author of the ordinances -Si; dah or prostration Fire-
worship and sun-worship Why were boars kept in the
Imperial Palace? Women in the I mperial Harem Hindu
customs and practices -Why was slaughter of cows
forbidden ? Why were Mullahs and Shaikhs exiled?
Criticism of Smith's views on Akbar's religious thoughts-
Conclusion ... ... ... ...pp. 114-140

CHAPTER VIII JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 4

Administration

Introductory Central Government Provincial Government-
District Administration Imperial Service Secret Service
Administration of law and justice Promotion of educa-
tionPostal Service Means of communication and
transportation Imperial Mints and their administration
Police Force Land Revenue System Its broad basis
Its importance Military Reforms -Infantry Artillery-
Cavalry Navy Eleohant Corps Mansabdarl System-
System of Payment System of branding horses and keep-
ing dsscrip the rolls . ... ... pp. 141-61

xvi CONTENTS

CHAPIER IX JALAL-UD DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 5

Literature ancfFine Arts

Introductory Literature: Akbarnamah Its historical import-
ance Ain-i-Akbarl Tarikh-i-Alfi Other books Trans-
lated versions Hindu literature Illustrated versions
Muslim Court-Scholars Abdul Fazl Abul Faiz-Shaikh
Mubarak Abdur Rahim Abul Path Other Muslim Court-
ScholarsSome Hindu Court-Scholars Todar Mai Blr
Bal Other Hindu Scholars Tulsi Das Sur Das Painting
Mughal School of Painting Progress of Painting Pro-
minent Painters Art of Music Some musical instruments
Hindu-Muslim intercourse through music Calligraphy
Architecture (Jardenr Estimate of Akbar ... pp. 162-79

CHAPTER X NOR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 1

Accession of Jahanglr Dastur-ul-Amal First Nauroz Khus-
rau's revolt Execution of Guru Arjan Loss of Qandhar
Conquest of Kangra Subjugation of Mewar The Deccan
Campaign Malik An.bar Ahmadnagar Subsequent
career of Prince Khusrau His character Rebellion of
Usman in Bengal Outbreak of the bubonic plague Nur
JahSn Mehr-un-Nisa married to AH Quiz Istajlu or Suer
Afgan Murder of Sher Afgan Mas the murder pre-
meditated and whether Jahanglr had a hand in it ? Jahan-
glr marries Mehr-un-Nisa Nur Jahan's accomplishments
Her valour 4 Power behind the throne 'Her influence on
the State Her character Rebellion of Shah Jahan Of
Mahabat Khan Shah Jahan's subsequent % movements
War of Succession Close of Nur Jahan's career, pp. 179-206

CHAPTER XI NOR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR-2

Introductory Jahangir's relations with the Portuguese With
the English William Hawkins and William Bdwardes
Sir Thomas Roe Foreign accounts of Jahangir's reign and
their veracity Roe's description of Mughal Court and its
customs His description of Jahangir's personal -character
State of Fine Arts Hawkins's account Administration
under Jahanglr His love of letters Literary Jems of his
Court Promotion of Education Fine Arts: Painting

CONTENTS XV it

Painters under the Imperial patronage Architecture-
Music -Gardens Chancter of Jahangir His love for Nur
Jah5n and his affection for his relatives -His refined tastes
His religious beliefs- His estimate ... pp. 207-22.

CHAPTER XII SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH
JAHAN-1

Accession of Shah Jahan His early acts - Rebellion of Bundelas
under Johar Singh Revolt of Khan Jahan Lodhi -Cele-
bration of Nauroz Famine of 1630-32 Shah Jahan and the
Portuguese The Portuguese War- Career of MumtSz
Mahal- Her character Shah Jahan's Deccan Policy War
against Ahmadnagar Further operations in the Deccan
War against Bijapur Subjugation of Colconda and BijSpur
Shah Jahan's Central Asian Policy and his attempts to
acquire his ancestral possessions -Recovery of QandhSr
Conquest of Balkh and BadakhshSn-Loss of Qandhar and
failure to recover it Failure of Shah Jah&ii's Central Asian
Policy and its results Early career of Aurangzeb His
resignation and renunciation of the world His appoint-
ment to the governorships of different provinces His
second viceroyalty of the Deccan and administrative
achievements His forward policy against the Deccan
War against Golconda War against Ahmadnagar.

pp. 222-53.

CHAPTER XIIl-SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH

JAHAN -2

Fratricidal War and its genesis Sons of ShSh Jahan and their
character-sketchesDivision of the Empire -Mughal tradi-
tion of ' kingship recognises no kinship 'Illness of the
Emperor and nomination of Daraas his successor Absence
of the law of succession Da ra's behaviour during the
illness of his father Weakness of Shah Jahan- Triple
Alliance Movements of the three Princes*- Bat tie of
BahSdurgarh- Battle of Dharmat- Battle of SSmGgarh
Fate of Shah JahSn Fate of Murad Fate of Shuja'
Dara's last stand and his tragic end Fate of Sulaiman
Shikoh and of other Poyal Princes Motives which actuated
Aurangzeb to enter the Fratricidal War Causes of his
success in it Ali Mardan KhSn Asaf KhSn Allama

XV111 CONTENTS

Saadullah KhanShah Jahan's administration Progress
of Fine Arts under his patronage -Architecture -Painting
Music - Gardens - Shah Janan's philomathy - Literary
Gems of his Court Promotion of learning -Character and
estimate of Shah Jahan ... ... ...pp.25480.

CHAPTER XtV-MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB
ALAMGIR-1

haily Acts Afghans Hindus Rajputs

Accession of Aurangzeb-His early acts -Appointments and
transfejs of provincial governors -Career of Mir Jumla
Expedition against Assam and his death Conquest of
Chittagong Illness of Auraggzeb- North- West Frontier-
Suppression of*Yusafz;fiis-Afridi Rising Khattak Rising
and arrest of Khush-hal Khan Khattak -Close of the
Afghan War 'Alamgir and the HindQs -Re-imposition of the
Jizia Dismissal of Hindu officials Destruction of temples
Firman issued to the Governor of Benares for the protec-
tion of temples Two more similar Fir mans Which temples
were destroyed and why? -Whether Hindu schools were
destroyed ?- If so, which and why ? Toleration under
'Alamgir Some inferences drawn from the above discussion
'Alamgir justified -Jat rebellion -The Satnaims' Insurrec-
tion-War with the Rajputs -Invasion of Marwar and
Mewar Rebellion of Prince Muhammad Akbar -Treaty of
Udaipur- Results of the Rajput Revolt ...pp. 281-314.

CHAPTER XV MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB
'ALAMGIR-2

Rise of the Marhattas

Introductory -Description of Maharashtra Character and
qualities of Marhattas Their religion Their early training
Rise of the Bhonsla Family Sljahj.1 Bhonsla-; Early life
of Shivajt His robberies -Seizure and release of his father
Massacre at Javli -Renewal of hostilities Afzal Kha n ' s
meeting with Shivajl Rout of Afzal Khan's army -Treach-
ery of SJjivajl- Rapid Progress pf Marhatta arms-Shivaji
attacked from three sides Shivajl as an independent ruler
Shivajl and Shaista Khan Sack of SQraU-Shivaji's

CONTENTS xix

assumption of independent sovereignty His submission
to the Emperor -Treaty of Purandhar-His visit to the
Imperial Capital Was the honour conferred upon him by
'Alamglr below his dignity? His escape from captivity
with the connivance of Rajah Ram Singh -Recall of Jai
Singh and his death Shivajl styles himself Rajah -He
exacts Chauth and Suredeskmukhi from Bijapur and Gol-
conda Renewal of hostilities and sack of Sffrat for the
second time Coronation of Shiva jl His further conquests
Erttent of his Kingdom His Civil Administration Ad-
ministrative Divisions of his Kingdom Administration of
Justice The Land Revenue System -Military organization
Shiv&ji's Fleet An estimate of his character and achieve-
ments ... ... ... ... pp. 315-47.

CHAPTER XVI-MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB
ALAMGIR-3

Conquest of Bijcipur and GolcondaEnd of Marhatta Menace

Suppression of the Sikhs Anglo-Mughal War

Administration under ^Alamgir

Introductory Fall of Bijapur Fall of Golconda Abdur-Raz-
zSq Impolicy of the Deccan Conquest - Renewal of
activities against the Marhattas- Rajah Ram as regent and
as Rajah - Expedition against him Tara Bai as regent of
her son, Shivajl III -End of 'Alamglr- Mughal Empire aftei
his death-Rise of the Sikhs-Guru Nanak Dev-Guru
Angad Dev GurQ Amar Das -GurG Ram Das-Guru Arjan
Dev Guru Har Govind Guru Har RaiGuru Har Kishan
Guru Tegh Bahadur -Guru Govind Singh His reforms
Suppression of the Sikhs 'Alamglr and the English
Early English settlements in India Anglo-Moghal War
Extent of 'Alamgir's Empire Administration under
* Alamglr -Re-arrangement of the Subahs -Theocratic Cha-
racter of the Government Suppression of Public Immoral-
ity -Bait-ul-Mal -Policy of Over-centralizationjustice
Progress of Education -Architecture -Music and Painting
Gardens -Character of 'Alamglr -Views of some Euro-
pears about his character and achievements ... pp. 347-78.

XX CONTENTS

CHAPTER XVII-RETROSPECT
Mughal Culture and. Civilization

Introductory -Political Features: Law of Succession Mughal
Monarchy and its nature Functions of the Mughal Govern-
mentMethods of Administration Administrative Divisions
Administration of Justice Taxation Police Organi-
zationSecret Service Postal Service Art and Architec-
tureEducationWas Muslim Rule in India a Rule of
Foreigners ? Are Muslims Foreigners ? Socia/ Features:
Cultural Unity of India during the Muslim Rule -Muslim
Society and the Sources of its Strength -Splendour of the
Mughal Court Male Dress Female Dress Personal De-
corationAmusements -Status of Women Slavery Reli-
gious Features : Extraordinary Increase in Muslim Popula-
tion, its causes Islam vs. Hinduism Spirit of Freedom-
Intrinsic Worth of Muslim Faith, Examples of Muslim
Saints Economic Advantages Virility of Muslim Races -
'No Compulsion in Religion' Forces that brought about a
modus vivendi between Islam and Hinduism Rise of the
Bhakti Movement Influence of Islam on Indian Religious
Life and Thought Two Royal Houses of Islam in India-
Economic Features: Agriculture Land Revenue System
and its Working Was the land Avenue exorbitant?
Farmer of Akbar's time and his brother of to-day com-
paredFamine Relief Textile Industries Foreign Trade
Ship-building- Currency System Means of Communica-
tion and Transportation Condition of the People -Rela-
tions between Hindus and Muslims - Conclusion pp, 379-412.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ... ... ... pp. 413-18,

Addendum on Babar's Death ... ... .,. 419-20.

INDEX ... ... ... ... PR- 421 ff.

INTRODUCTION

The period of the Moghal rule in India is the
most interesting period in the history of our country
and furnishes a highly fascinating subject of study.
Students of Indian history owe a debt of gratitude to
Mr. S. M. Jaffar of Peshawar for his book, which
gives a very readable account of * The Moghal Empire 1 ,
opening with the reign 01* Babar and coming down to
Aurangzeb. Mr. Jaffar has taken great pains to
study the numerous books on the subject that are
available in English, Persian and Urdu, and has
beautifully summarised the material contained in
them. The long list of books used or consulted by
him, given at the end of his valuable work, will show
the range of his wide study and research. The result
is a book considerably different from and decidedly
superior in treatment and style to the existing text-
books on Indian history. The author, as an enlighten-
ed Muslim, is naturally in sympathy with the Great
Moghal Rulers who professed the faith of Islam and
Succeeded in establishing a vast and wonderful
Empire in a country to which the Founder of the
dynasty originally came as an invader from his
Central* Asian home. Mr. Jaffar does not conceal
his admiration for the Moghals, yet he is not forgetful
of his duty as an historian and comes out with frank
criticisms of the -policies and administrations of the
Emperors whose reigns are described by him.

XXli INTRODUCTION

It is refreshing to note that the author has not
confined his attention to the events of the period
with which he is concerned, or to the dates of those
events. These details may be important in them-
selves, but they are, after all, rightly called the dry
bones of history. He has clothed the dry bones with
flesh and blood and colour by dealing with the many
aspects of the social life of the people, their progress
in arts and letters and the effect of each reign on
these vital things. I am sure that this part of his
effort will be very much appreciated by his readers. I
think it is time *hat this line of study in history be
developed to the fullest extent possible. I know that
the materials for it are comparatively meagre and
have to be sifted and collected with great research
out of the heaps of rubbish, in which they are lying
scattered. The work, however, is worth doing, and
Mr. Jaffar is one of those who recognize its value and
have tried to accomplish it. He has already contri-
buted very substanthlly to this neglected field of
Indian history by writing two other well-documented
books, one on 'Education in Muslim India 9 and
another on * Some Cultural Aspects of Must im Rule in
India 9 .

While dealing with the Muslim point of view and
trying to explain the actions of Moghal Emperors,
which have been adversely criticised by sorrie modern
historians, Mr. Jaffar does not ignore the general
Indian point of view, and he brings out the contribu-
tion made by Moghal Rulers of India to Indian
culture and to the fusion of Hindu and Muslim

INTRODUCTION

cultures into one common heritage. For instance, the
following remarks of his about the Emperor Jahftngir
are very interesting :

" Like his father, he loved to hear Hindi songs
and took delight in patronising Hindi poets. He loved
fine arts and encouraged their cultivation. Born in
India and of Indian parents, Jahangir loved things
Indian and felt delighted in Indian environments."

In another place, the author, while describing
the progress made by education during the Moghal
Period, makes the following observat : ons :

14 It may be mentioned here that in the schools and
colleges founded by the Moghal Emperors and others,
Hindu students studied side by side with their
Muslim class-fellows and there was no restriction in
this or in any other respect."

Another passage that may be cited to illustrate the
importance attached by Mr. Jaffar to the efforts of the
Moghals to develop a common nationality in India,
runs as follows :

" Aibak, the first King of the Sultanate of Delhi,
and Bsbar, the first King of the Moghal Empire, came
from foreign lands, no doubt, but they settled down
ih this country, made it their permanent home,
identified themselves with the interests of the country,
and ruled it rather as Indians than as foreigners.
Their successors were born in India, lived in India
and died in India. Thus they were Indian every
inch. They came as foreigners indeed, but like the
Aryans, who too wre foreigners, they engrafted
themselves on the Indian soil, sucked into their veins

XXIV INTRODUCTION

the Indian sap, nurtured themselves under the warmth
of the Indian sun and conditioned their growth,
multiplication and expansion under the Indian climate.
So with the march of time they became with each
succeeding generation, ' of the earth earthy V

Besides the special features of Mr. Jaffar's
excellent book, briefly referred to above, there are
many other features, equally attractive, which need
not be dilated upon here and will be better appreciated
by the reader when perusing the book itself. I think it
can be safely s&A thaj the 'author has succeeded in
giving to the students of Indian history an accurate as
well as an instructive account of the Moghal rule in
India in its palmy days. The book is a most useful
contribution to Indian historical literature and should
interest not only the general reader, but also students
of Indian history in schools and colleges.

London, ABDUL QADIR.

20th December, 1935.

CHAPTER I

PRELIMINARY

Sources of Information and the Forces that produced
Modern India.

The main sources of our information about the
Mughal Period may conveniently be

classed as follows : ~^ contemporary
records, such as imperial firmans,
official reports, despatches and diaries (whether military
or diplomatic) sent to and received from the provincial
governors and others by the Central Government
through the agency of news-writers and secret reporters ;
(2) narratives reduced to writing by the participators in
the acts arid events from memory after their termination,
or set down by others who learnt about them from
their lips ; (3) imperial autobiographies Malfilznt-i-
Taimuri, Tuzk-i-Bdbari and Tuzk-i-Jahanglri
written either by the Mughal Emperors themselves, or
by their court-scholars under their own direction ;

(4) court journals, such as Akbarndmdh, Bddsliah-
ndmdh and 'Alamglrndmah, written, respectively, by
Abul Fazl, Abdul Hamld Lahori and Munshi
Muhammad Kazim, the best writers of Persian prose,
to whom the otherwise inaccessible archives of the
State were thrown open for inspection and information ;

(5) accounts of foreign travellers, i. e. t Von Noer,
De Laet, Coryat, Niccolao Manucci, Bernier and
Taverniei, who visited India during that period ;

2 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

(6) impressions of English ambassadors, viz., Roe, Terry
and Hawkins, who represented England at the Mughal
Court in the reign of Emperor Jahanglr ; (7) accounts
of Portuguese missionaries, i.e., Monserrat, Xavier
and others, who resided at the Mughal Court;
(8) tazkirds and tdrilchs of later Muslim chroniclers,
such as Muhammad Qasim's Tdri}&-i-Ferishtii, Khafi
Khan's MuntaKhib-iil-Lubab, Kamwar Khan's Tazkirat-
us-Saldtin-i-Chaghtdid and Sayyad Gbularn Hussain's
Siyar-ul-Mutd'akhMiirln.

Documents of the first kind are by far the most
. important and reliable raw materials

authenticity. for constructing a comprehensive

history of the Mughal Period. Un-
fortunately, however, very few of them have come
down to us, most of them having perished during
the Mutiny of 1857. Of the surviving few, some are
to be seen in the libraries of Europe, whither they
travelled after having escaped, and ^ome in possession
of Indian States and ancient families, so that they
are not easily accessible to a modern historian who
concerns himself with the elucidation of any topic
relating to the Mughal Period, and he is, consequently,
constrained to draw almost exclusively upon the
remaining sources of information. Those of the second
type also contain some rich stores of information, but
they must be subjected to the correction of errors
and the elimination of the mere hearsay. Whereas the
information we derive from the imperial autobiographies,
court journals and other works written by the proteges
of the ruling princes may be regarded as one-sided,

PRELIMINARY 3

giving only the bright side of the picture; that we
receive from the accounts of foreign travellers, English
ambassadors and Portuguese missionaries paints mostly
the dark side. The tazkiras and t&rilchs were written
by writers who did not keep regular diaries and had
little access to official records and State papers.
Therefore, the accuracy of their contents must needs be
called in question should they come into conflict with
the other sources of information, though they were often
unbiased and free from flattery, distortion and timid
suppression of facts. And, it is not seldom that the
accounts of contemporary chroniclers come into conflict.
This is because, on the one hand, they were written by
flattering friends for the eyes and ears of their imperial
patrons who raised them above want, even to affluence,
and on the other hand, by hostile critics whom the
Court did not actively patronize, nor took into
confidence.

Thus, though there is ample material for writing
Distortion and a comprehensive history of the period

wrong juxta- in question, it is the duty of the

position of facts. historian to sift evidence, separate
facts from fiction, brush aside the cobwebs of history
with patience and industry, and piece the material
together in such a way as to give an unsophisticated
recount, for history ceases to be history if facts are
distorted for ulterior aims and are juxtaposed in
such a way as to present a melancholy picture ; and
an historian ceases to be historian if he writes history
for the sordid love of money. A glaring instance of
distortion and wrong juxtaposition of facts is found

4 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

in the case of Akbar who has Jbeen branded as apostate
from Islam. Chapter VII (The Divine Faith) is devoted
to a discussion on the subject and it will be evident that
the charge of apostasy is a mere calumny concocted
to create an aversion against the greatest ruler of India.
Another such instance is found in the case of Aurangzeb
who is alleged to have alienated the loyalty of his
Hindu subjects by destroying their temples, by re-
imposing the Jizid and by introducing a number of
repressive measures. Chapter XIV will show that
the case was quite the contrary that it was the Hindus
who alienated tiie sympathies of their sovereign by
destroying mosques, by marrying Muslim women
by force and by defying the authority of the Emperor
in league with his enemies. It was after the Hindus
had destroyed mosques, outraged the modesty
of Muslim women and created disturbances in
the Empire that the Emperor ordered the destruction
of those temples that had been built on the sites of
mosques, those that had been newly built and those that
had become centres of sedition and political intrigue.

Before entering upon the history of the Great
Modern India Mughals it seems necessary to give a

and the forces brief account of the forces that laid

that produced it. the f oun dation of Modern India, for
the interest of Indian history from the beginning of the
sixteenth century to the dawn of the present day will
be found in the development of these forces. Referring
to the fifteenth century in India, Professor Rushbrook-
Williams remarks that ' beneath all the apparent chaos,
the elements from which, in future, modern political

PRELIMINARY 5

society will be constructed, are slowly taking shape,
until the moment comes when they rise in view,
dominant and incontrovertible/ The first of these forces
was the Religious Revival ; the second was the
Discovery of the Sea-route to India by Vasco da Gama
in 1498 A. C. and the appearance of European nations
on the stage of Indian history; and the third was the
Advent of the Great Mughals and the foundation of
the Mughal Empire in India.

With the establishment of the Muslim Empire in

India, Islam became supreme and it
Religious ,

Revival launched upon a new career of con-

version. As a result, Hinduism was
adversely affected. Some attracted by the teachings of the
Muslim Faith, others actuated by economic advantages,
went over to the religion of their rulers. For full five
centuries this state of affairs continued uninterrupted,
bvt when conversions were accelerated into mass
movements, there arose in this country a host of Hindu
religious reformers who made earnest efforts to recover
their lost sheep. The method they adopted to achieve
their object was reconciliation with Islam and the
result was the Bhakti Movement, which preached the
unity of God and propagated the principles of liberty^
equality and fraternity. Thus, while the Reformation
was revolutionizing the religious life of Europe, the
Bhakti Movement analogous to the Reformation Move-
ment was on foot in India. Maharashtra and the
Punjab were immensely influenced by it : In the former
it gave rise to the Marhatta Power, which reached its
climax under the leadership of Shivajl; in the latter it

6 THE MRJGHAL EMPIRE

established the sovereignty of the Sikhs who subsequently
became supreme under the sTv&y of Ranjit Singh.

The second, in the scheme of chronology, was the

Discovery of the Sea-route to India
Discovery of the
Sea-rouie to India. and the appearance of the Portuguese,

the Dutch, the French and the
English on the stage of Indian history. To the
Portuguese, India seemed a second Peru, where diadems
might be torn from the brows of the Princes nay
another new world for conquest and conversion ; to the
Dutch, she looked like a large market, which afforded
a favourable field for ambitious enterprise; to the
French, she was a big theatre for lucrative intrigue,
where they could reap a rich harvest of gains and fame ;
to the English, she was an emporium, which offered
untold trade facilities. In the scramble that followed
among these four European rivals, the English, whose
methods were less showy but more sure and successful,
proved to be the fittest and, therefore, survived the
remaining three. It is the second force, therefore, that
changed the course of India's future history and made
her what she is to-day -an integral part of the British
Empire. .

To the student of Muslim history, however, it is

neither the first nor the second but the
Advent of the . . . . . f .

Great Mughals. third that stnkes as the most important
force. Babar defeated Ibrahim Lodhi
at the historic plain of Panipat in 1526 A. C. and laid
the foundation of the Mughal Empire in India. His
grandson, Akbar the Great, nut only enlarged and
consolidated his heritage but constructed that

PRELIMINARY 7

administrative and fiscal system which gave a definite
form and cohesion to the Mughal Sovereignty. By peace-
ful methods and beneficial legislation, by reconciliation
and universal toleration, he won over the discontented
natives to his side and reconciled them to the ideas of
the Mughal Rule. His peaceful policy, pursued by his
successors, proved the corner-stone of the Mughal
Empire and contributed incalculably to its strength and
stability

The importance of these forces cannot be overstat-

. - ed. Though none of them attracted

Importance of ...

the three forces. an y notice in the beginning, they
heralded the dawn of a new era which
ushered in the Mughals, the Marhattas. the Sikhs and
the Europeans, who abandoned their respective vocations
and entered upon a struggle for the throne of India.
The Mughals were the first, in order of time, to establish
their sway in India. During the reign of Shah Jahan
and his successors the Marhattas and the Sikhs were
transformed into warlike races and they tried their
utmost to extirpate Islam from India root and branch.
They ate into the vitality of the Mughal Empire, so
much so that it was easily supplanted by the English
towards the end of the eighteenth century. The
Marhattas became the masters of Maharashtra and the
Sikhs established their supremacy in the Punjab. The
former were farmers and the latter were deists. The
teachings of their leaders, coupled with the conditions
of the country and the circumstances of the age, turned
them into warrior:; end drove them into the vortex of
politics. The obvious result was that the tables were

8 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

turned : men of farms became men of arms, monks and
mendicants became soldiers *&nd statesmen, and the
traders became the rulers of India under the East India
Company.

CHAPTER II

ZAHlR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR

(1526-1530 A. C.)
The most brilliant period in the annals of Indian

history begins with the advent of
Introductory. ^-, , . , , ,.

Babar who invaded Indii on the

solicitation of Ala-ud-DIn, the uncle of the ruling
prince Ibrahim Lodhi, and Drulat Khan Lodhi, the
Governor of the Punjab, and laid the foundation of the
Mughal Empire. The first battle of Panlpat, in which
Babar defeated Ibrahim Lodhi, marked the beginning
of a new era in the history of India. It paved the way
for the Great Mughals to uome and settle in this
country and make it their permanent abode. The
victory at Panipat meant the establishment of the
Mughal Dynasty, which furnished a line of those
illustrious sovereigns under whom India reached the
pinnacle of her greatness and the apex of her fortunes.
Rich in useful institutions and fruitful ideas, the
Mughal Imperialism was extremely favourable for the
efflorescence of fine arts and the development of
learning and literature. It will be seen that during the
two centuries of the Mughal Rule the Imperial Court
was a bee- hive of poets and painters, historians and
philosophers, musicians and dancers, engineers and
architects nay a hot-house where nothing died of
rhilly indifference. What gave such a ?pur to their
successful cultivation was the Imperial patronage, which

10 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

was no longer the monopoly of the favoured few, but
extended to all and sundry wkhout stint.

We may now return to Babar whom we left
Why is the victorious at the plain of Panipat,

Mughal Dynasty where Sultan Ibrahim Lodhi had
so called ? fallen fighting for his throne. The

victor claimed descent from Taimur on his father's side
and from Chingiz Khan on his mother's side. He
thus united in his veins the blood of two great warriors
of Central Asia and combined in his person, in com-
mensurate propo'tion, the courage of a nomad Tartar
and the urbanity of a cultured Persian. Babar was not
a Mughal. In his Memoirs he speaks contemptuously
of the Mughals and calls himself a Turk. Therefore, it
seems strange that the dynasty he founded should have
been known as the Mughal Dynasty. An explanation
for this may be found in the fact that the people
of India used to call all Musalmfm invaders, excepting
Afghans, Mugjhals, and hence the name of the dynasty.

Zahlr-ud-Din Muhammad, surnamed Babar

'the Brave', was born on Friday, the
BSbar's early 24th day of February> 1 483 A . C .

career ' His father, Umar Shaikh Mirza, was

the ruler of Farghana, a fragment of Taimur's Central
Asian Empire. At the age of eleven his father passed
away and he was called upon to succeed him to his
small kingdom. His succession was an eyesore to his
uncles and cousins, one of whom attacked him soon
after he was enthroned, and others continued -to plot
against him to the last day of tbeif life. Fortunately,
Ahmad Mirza, who contested his supcessioq in the

ZAHIR-UD-D1N MU7 T AMMAD BABAR 11

first year of his reign, died a year afterwards, leaving
anarchy and confusion to rule in Samarqand. Availing
himself of this opportune moment, Babar advanced
from his native Farghana, occupied Samarqand and
seated himself on the throne of his great ancestor,
Taimur, at the early age of fifteen. He, however, fell
ill in his new possession. Taking advantage of his
absence and illness, his ambitious minister set up on the
throne of Farghana Babar's younger brother Jahangir,
giving out that Babar was dead. Post-haste he
marched from Samarqand on his recovery to take back
Farghana. Soon after his departure, Samarqand was
occupied by his cousin, Ali. In 1498 A. C. he was no
king. His only possession was Khojend, a small town
between Farghana and Samarqand. He recovered
Farghana in 1499 A. C. and Samarqand the following
year. But the Uzbegs would not allow him to rule in
peace. Defeated in a highly contested battle at Archian
in 1501 A. C., he succeeded in saving his life with the
greatest difficulty. Samarqand was lost and Farghana
followed its suit soon after.

All prospects being thus extinguished, Babar bid a

sad farewell to his beloved Farghana

Conquest and set out to try ^{3 i uc k beyond

of Kabul. , __. - . . . icno A r

the Hindukush m 1502 A. C.
While he was on his way to Kabul, he was given to
understand that his uncle's kingdom was in an anarchi-
cal state and that a strong party of the nobles was
willing to restore the throne to a prince of the royal
blood. The year 1504 A. C. may appropriately be
called the ami us mirablis of Babar's career: It was

12 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

in this year that he overthrew the Afghans and
occupied Kabul. The conquest of Kabul enabled him
to conquer Qandhar, Herat and Badakhshan. All this
emboldened him to make a bid for Samarqand, the
capital of his ancestor, Taimur. In 1513 A. C. he
made an alliance with the Shah of Persia and conquered
Bokhara and Samarqand. Notwithstanding all these
successes, his position was as precarious as ever. The
Uzbegs would not allow him to rule in rest. His
conformity to the Athna-i-AIiarya (SMa Faith) in
his treaty with the Persian Monarch annoyed his
Sunni subjects and alienated them from him. The
Uzbegs fully exploited the feelings of the people and
successfully fished in the troubled waters. Within a
short time they ousted him from his dominions one
after the other, drove him, from post to pillar and pillar
to post, and reduced him to such straits that he decided
at last to seek his fortune in the east rather than in th?
west.

The battle of Panipat was preceded by some
His early preliminary attempts at the conquest

attempts to of India. The first of these attempts

conquer India. was made in 150 5 A. C. V hen Babar

occupied Qbaznin and raided as far as the Indus. The
second attempt was made in 1519 A. C. It was,
however, confined to the borders of India. The follow-
ing year our trans-border hero crossed the Indus and
marched into the interior of India; but he was soon
called back to Kabul to meet a combined attack of
his old enemies, the Uzbegs. L These preliminary
attempts convinced him that he could not conquer

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 13

India without strengthening his base at Qandhar. So
he seized Qandhar from the Arghuns and organised
it in a state of defence. Next he established his
authority over the territory between Ghaznin and
Khurasan in order to facilitate the conquest of India.

The political condition of India on the eve of
Political Babar's invasion was terribly deplorable,

condition of Northern India was seething with

India on the eve discontent and dissensions. Sikandar
of his invasion. Lodhi> ft capable ru l er , had died

in 1517 A. C. and his stupid s^n, Ibiahim Lodhi, had
mounted the throne of Delhi. His misgovernment and
arrogant behaviour had estranged his own kith and kin.
His ill-treatment had disgusted the Afgtpn nobles who
formed secret conspiracies against him. Bengal
Jaunpur, Malwa, Gujarat, and other outlying provinces
had all become independent. The eastern districts of
Cudh and Bihar had taken up arms against him.
Daulat Khan Lodhi, the governor of the Punjab and
Ala-ud-DIn, uncle of Ibrahim, revolted against the
ruling prince and invited Babar to relieve India of the
tyrant. Rana Sanghram, or Rana Sangha, as he is
known in history, also made overtures to the King of
Kabul and asked him to intervene.

No more opportune moment could be desired.

Babar's invasion of India was well-
First Battle of ,
. ,. ^M* timed. India was weak and divided.
Panipat: 1526.

Babar was strong, determined and
prepared. In 1524 A. C. he set out on his final
expedition. He followed his previous route and reached
Lahore. Finding Daulat Khan in the train of Ibrahim

14 THE MLGHAL EMPIRE

Lodhi, he returned to Kabul in order to reinforce his
army there and then to attack India. Towards the end
of 1525 A. C. he attacked Daulat Khan, over-ran the
Punjab and thence advanced towards Delhi via
Sarhind. Ibrahim Lodhi gathered together his forces
and came out of Agra to oppose the advance of the
invader. The two armies met each other on the plain
of Panipat in the month of April, 1526 A. C. Babar
protected his army of 12,000 strong against the assaults
of his enemy by surrounding it with wagons chained
together, and a hedge ard a ditch around it. Ibrahim's
army, consisting of 100,000 strong, far outnumbered that
of the invader ; but the latter had the decided advantage
of possessing a well-trained set of troops and a good park
of artillery. In the battle that followed, Ibrahim Lodhi
fell fighting on the field* and his army was routed.
Delhi and Agra fell into the hands of the invader, who
was hailed as the 'Emperor of India' by the people of
the capital cities. On Friday, Aprilt 22, 1526 A. C.
the public prayer was said in the capital mosque at
Delhi in the name of the new emperor. The first
battle of Panipat put an end to the Afghan rule and
introduced the Mughal rule instead. It clowned the
career of Babar and gave India a series of capable
rulers.

The victory at. Panlpat made Babar the King of

Delhi, not yet of Hindustan, much
Babar's difficulties , f T i- 1.1 TT^J

after the battle. less of Indla as a wh le * ^ e had

several difficulties to surmount. His

Afghan rivals, though defeated, were by no means
subjugated ; though crippled they were 'not cofnpletely

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 15

crushed. Some of them still held out in their provincial
strongholds and defied the authority of the Emperor.
The people were opposed to the change of the dynasty.
They hated the Mughal Emperor and regarded him as
a usurper. They preferred a tyrant to an outsider.
Babar's position was, therefore, critical, more so when
his own followers deserted him and retreated to their
original homes. The trying heat of the country had
considerably told upon their health and they requested
their leader to return. Babfir had not, however, invaded
India with the ideas of Taimu^: he had come to stay
there. He made a soul-stirring speech and revived the
spirits of his soldiers. He toid them plainly that 'a
kingdom which had cost so much should not be
wrested from him except by death'. Accordingly, he
issued a proclamation, expressing his determination to
stay in India. He granted leave to such of his soldiers
as preferred safety to glory, telling them that he would
keep in his service only those who would reflect honour
upon themselves their Padsfaah and their country*.
The proclamation had the desired effect : All murmurs
ceased and his officers took oaths of allegiance to him.
When the Afghans were assured of his intention to stay
in India, they also sided with him and placed them-
selves at his service.

Babar's decision to stay in India was momentous

in another way : it opened the eyes
His war with - . ~ . _, , . - ^1^.1

the Rajputs. of the Rji JP uts to the danger that lay

at; their door. His own chiefs, whom
he had satisfied with grants oijdgirs, reduced a large
part of the country for him. They conquered Bianah,

16 THE MdGHAL EMPIRE

Gwalior, and Dholpur. His son, Humayun, took
possession of Jaunpur, Gbzlpur and Kalpi and annexed
them to his kingdom. He himself remained at Agra,
thinking out ways and means of conquering the whole
of India. It was at that time that the mother of
Ibrahim Lodhi made an attempt to put an end to his
life by means of a poison. Had she succeeded in her
nefarious plan, India would have had a different history.
Rana. Sangha or Rana Sanghram, who had invited

Babar to attack India, was wrong to
Battle of , , , i-i i i

Khamvah 1527 think that, like his ancestor, the new

invader too would plunder and retire
with as much of booty as he could collect. When he
learnt of the intention of Babar, he made preparations
to resist the invader who was now encroaching upon
Rajputana and had rediiced some parts of it. The
Rana was indeed a worthy member of his famous
house. As a prince of great wisdom, valour and virtue,
he occupied a high position among the Rajput princes of
India. The Rajahs of Arnber and Marwar acknowledged
his supremacy. The princes of Ajmer, Slkri, Raisin,
Bundi, Chanderl, Gargaon and Rampura all paid him
homage as his feudatories. His idea in inviting Babar
was to clear his own way to the throne of India. He
had sufficiently strengthened his military resources and
was at that time the most powerful prince and his was
the premier state. Before his encounter with Babar, he
had already been the hero of a hundred fights and had
on his person as many as eighty scars. He had lost
a hand, a leg and an eye in actions. On the llth of
February, 1527 A. C. Babar advanced out^of Agra

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 17

against the Ran& who nad encamped at Sikri, a village
near Fathpur. His first attack was repelled by the
Rajputs. The defeated detachments took to flight
and caused great consternation among the Mughal
armies. At this critical juncture Babar broke his wine
vessels and renounced the use of wine for ever. When
he called a council of war, he was advised to leave a
strong garrison at Agra and retire to the Punjab. " What
will all the Muhammadan kings of the world say of
a monarch whom the fear of death obliged to abandon
such a kingdom ? " was the answer he gave to his
officers and advisors. His address to his followers,
delivered by him at that time, is as lull of interest as
of enthusiasm. He called together his companions
and said:

" Noblemen and soldiers ! Every man that comes
Babar's address in ^ the world is subject to dissolu-
to his noblemen tion. When we are passed away and
and soldiers. gone> God only survives, unchange-

able. Whoever comes to the feast of life must, before
it is over, drink from the cup of death. He who
arrives at the inn of mortality must one day inevitably
take his departure from that house of sorrow the
world. How much better is it to die with honour than
to live with infamy !

With fame, even if I die, I am contented ;
Let fame be mine, since my body is death's.
The Most High God has been propitious to us, and
has now placed us in such a crisis, that if we fall in the
field, we die the death of martyrs ; if we survive, we
rise victorious, the avengers of the cause of God. Let

18 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

us, then, with one accord, swear on God's holy word,
that none of us will even think of turning his face from
this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter
that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body."
The melo-dramatic eloquence of Babar embodied

Defeat of Rana in the above a PP eal Was wholl y

Sangha and the successful in that it produced the
rout of Rajput intended effect on his soldiers and

followers, who now swore by the
Holy Qur'an to stand by their leader in weal and
woe. On the 16th of March, 1527 A. C. at 9 or 9-30
A. M. the battle began and raged hotly till evening.
The powerful Rajput confederacy, under the leadership
of the redoubtable Rana Sangha, and the remnants
of the Turkish soldiers, under the command of Babar,

came face to face with each other at Khanwah.

~~~ ~

Towards the end of a well-fought day, the Rajputs
gave way. The Rana had a narrow escape. His
accomplices were, however, captured and slain. Here
it should be remembered that the looses of the Rajputs
in this battle were almost unprecedented. Among the
slain were Hasan Khan MewatI, Rawal Udai Singh
Dungarpur and a host of lesser chieftains, who had
entered into the Rajput confederacy against Babar.

The battle of Khanwah is indeed one of the decisive
Importance of battles that have been fought in India,

the Battle of Its importance has been beautifully

Khanwah. summed up by Professor Rushbrook-

Williams in the following passage: '.'In the
first place, the menace of Rajput supremacy which had
loomed large before the eyes of Muhammadans in India

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 19

for the last few years was removed once for aU. The
powerful confederacy, v r hich depended so largely for
its unity upon the strength and reputation of Mewar,
was shattered by a single great defeat, and ceased
henceforth to be a dominant factor in the politics of
Hindustan. Secondly, the Mughal Empire of India was
soon firmly established. Babar had definitely seated
himself upon the throne of Sultan Ibrahim, and the sign
and seal of his achievement had been the annihilation of
Sultan Ibrahim's most formidable antagonists. Hitherto,
the occupation of Hindustan might have been looked
upon as a mere episode in Babar's career of adventure;
but from henceforth it becomes the keynote of his activi-
ties for the remainder of his life. His days of wandering
in search of a fortune are now passed away: the
fortune is his, and he has but to show himself worthy
of it. And it is significant of the new stage in his
career which this battle marks that never afterwards
does he have to stake his throne and life upon the
issue of a stricken field. Fighting there is, and fighting
in plenty, to be done : but it is fighting for the extension
of his power, for the reduction of rebels, for the ordering
of his kingdom. It is never fighting for his throne. And
it is also significant of Babar's grasp of vital issues that
from henceforth the centre of gravity of his power is
shifted from Kabul to Hindustan."

The Rajput opposition was crippled but not yet
crushed. The remnants of the
Rajputs gathered together under

Ma dim Rao of Chanderi and aspired
for the sovereignty of Hindustan. At first Babar tried

20 THE MyGHAL EMPIRE

peaceful methods : He offered a jdglr to MedinI Rao
in lieu of Chanderl ; but wfcen the latter refused to
enter into the proposed treaty, the former took the
field against him in person. Just at this time Babar
received intelligence that his army was defeated by the
Afghans, who had taken advantage of his absence and
had compelled the Imperial army to evacuate Lakhnau
(Lucknow) and to fall back on Kanauj. Such a
staggering news would have upset the balance of a mere
mediocre, but Babar kept his head cool and pushed
on the siege of Chanderl witn great care and courage,
so much so that the garrison was reduced to the
traditional forlorn hope accompanied by a heroic and
yet terrible practice of Jauhar. These events took
place in ' 1528 A. C. The defeat of Medini Rao and
the capture of Chanderl completed the collapse of the
Rajput confederacy. A little afterwards Rana Sangha,
the last hope of the Rajputs, died. The rebellions
Afghans were subdued and Babar enjoyed an interim
of peace till the end of 1528 A. C.

The Afghans were defeated, but they were still

strong enough to resist the ' usurper '.
Battle of the ,, . j j ,, ,

Gogra 1529 They considered themselves superior

to Babar and his followers, and
entertained hopes of reviving their own supremacy.
They created disturbance in Bihar and Jaunpur by
espousing the cause of Ibrahim Lodhi's brother,
Mahmud Lodhi. Babar sent his son, Askari, against
the eastern provinces and himself joined him a little
later. At his approach, 'the enemy melted away',
and as he advanced through Allahabad to Buxar, on his

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 21

way he received the unqualified submission of the
Afghan chiefs. Nusrat Sh^h, the ruler of Bengal, had
entered into a kind of convention with Babar to the
effect that neither would attack the territories of the
other, but he not only set aside the convention by
seizing upon the province of Sasram but also by giving
shelter to the fugitive Afghan prince, Mahmud Lodhi.
Bengal, the centre of the rebellious Afghans, was
attacked and occupied.

The net result of Babar's victories in India was

r _ , , that the Afghans were crushed, the
hxtent of Babar's . .

Indian Empire. Rajput supremacy "/as shattered, the

Mughal Empire was founded, and
Babar was the master of almost the whole of Northern
India. He ruled over Kabul, the Punjab, Bengal,
Bihar, Oudh, Gwalior and a large part of Rajputana,
including Mewar. His empire extended from the
Himalayas in the north to Gwalior in the south and
from the Punjab ir the west to the frontiers of Bengal
in the east. He would have increased the extent of
his empire if spared ; but as fate would have it, he died
a year after the battle of the Gogra.

When in the hot weather of the year 1530 A. C.

, * , . . , Humayun fell seriously ill, his father,
Story of his death. J ^

Babar, was so much upset by his

illness that he resolved to sacrifice his own life in order
to save that of his son. His friends requested him not
to take such a step and proposed that the precious
diamond, known in history as Koh-i-Noor, might be
given away instead ; but the fond father regarded that
as too poor a price for the life of his most beloved

22 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

son. Walking three times round the bed of his son,
he prayed to God to transfef the disease of his son to
him. So strong was his will-power that he is reported
to have said " I have borne it away ! I have borne it
away ! ! " From that time, we have it from the Muslim
historians, Babar declined in health and succumbed to
death and his son, Humayun, began to recover, till at
last he was perfectly well.

As ., Padshah, or sovereign-ruler of Hindustan,

Babar reigned for less than five
His policy and b t hjs administration during

administration. y ' &

this period was characterised by the

same energy, decision and promptness as he had always
displayed in his military exploits. He restored the
Grand Trunk Road, laid out his capital at Agra as a
beautiful garden-city with superb palaces, baths, tanks,
wells and water-courses ; ordered the reparation of
mosques and other buildings and established guard-
houses and post-stations at regular intervals and
maintained an express letter-mail between Agra and
Kabul. Following the traditions of a personal, as
distinguished from a bureaucratic administration, he
toured throughout his Indian dominions td study their
internal state. This eventually appealed to the
idiosyncrasies of his Indian subjects and consequently
reconciled them to the ideas of the Mughal Rule. The
huhrat-i-'Am (Public Works Department) was
entrusted, in addition to other duties, with 'the
publication of a gazette and the building of schools
and colleges '. In many respects Babar accepted the
system of government as he found in vogue in those

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUH/.MMAD BABAR 23

times, and divided his kingdom into fiefs and assigned
them to his officers. The country was still unsettled
and the financial deficits were untold. So Professor
Rushbrook- Williams seems to be just in his remark
that Babar ' bequeathed to his son a monarchy which
could be held together only by the continuance of war
conditions, which in times of peace was weak, structure-
less and invertebrate'. But it must be remembered
that Babar had no time to introduce new Jaws and
institutions in the newly-conquered country. From
what he did during his short reign It is amply clear
that if he had lived longer, he would have proved
himself an excellent administrator. His Wasiyyat
namd-i-majchfi (secret testament) to his son and successor,
Humayun, embodies in it his administrative policy,
which was scrupulously adopted by Humayun and
carried to its logical conclusion by Akbar and his
successors. It preaches peace and enjoins tolerance as
the motto of Mughal Rule in India, and contains the
essence of its author's administrative genius. As a
monument of enlightened statesmanship and a document
of unique historical interest and importance, it deserves
to be reproduced here. It reads :

"GOD BE PRAISED

Secret testament of Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad
Babar Badshah Gba-zi to Prince Nasir-ud-Dm
Muhammad Humayun. May God prolong his life!

For the stability of the Empire this is written.
O my son ! The realm of Hindustan is full of diverse
creeds. Praise be to God, the Righteous, the Glorious,
the Highest, that He hath granted unto thee the

24 THE MU3HAL EMPIRE

Empire "of it. It is but proper that thou, with heart
cleansed of all religious bigotry, should dispense justice
according to the tenets of each community. And in
particular refrain from the sacrifice of cow, for that
way lies the conquest of the hearts of the people of
Hindustan; and the subjects of the realm will, through
royal favour, be devoted to thee. And the temples and
abodes of worship of every community under Imperial
sway, you should not damage. Dispense justice so
that the sovereign may be happy with the subjects and
likewise the subjects wi*h their sovereign. The progress
of Islam is better by the sword of kindness, not by the
sword of oppression

Ignore the disputations of Shias and Sunnls ; for
therein is the weakness of Islam. And bring together
the subjects with differenl beliefs in the manner of the
Four Elements, so that the body-politic may be
immune from the various ailments. And remember
the deeds of Hazrat Taimur Sdhib-qirdni (Lord of the
conjuction) so that you may become mature in matters
of Government

And on us is but the duty to advise.

First Jamadi-ul-Awwal 935 H llth January,
1529." *

*The original document is in Persian and is treasured in
the Hamida Library at Bhopal as one of its heirlooms. Some-
time ago it was first published in the ' Twentieth Century ' oi
Allahabad by Mr. N. C. Mehta, I. C. S. with its English transla-
tion with the courtesy of H. H. the Nawab Sahib of Bhopal.
It may be pointed out here that Ba bar's message is only one of
the numerous Imperial Firmans which were issued from time to
time by the Mughal Emperors according to the requirements

of the time. Some similar rescripts were issued by Emperor
* Alamgir, for which, vide Chapter XIV.

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 25

Babar briefly surveys the political condition of

India on the eve of his invasion and
His account dwe ,, s - ^ and ^

of India. r

and also refers to its geographical

features. He, however, forms a poor opinion of the
people, as is evident from the following passage :

" Hindustan is a country that has few pleasures
to recommend it. The people are not handsome. They
have no idea of the charms of friendly society, of
frankly mixing together, or of familiar intercourse. They
have no genius, no comprehension of mind, no politeness
of manner, no kindness or fellow-feeling no ingenuity or
mechanical invention in planning or executing their
handicraft works, no skill or knowledge in design or
architecture ; they have no horses, no good flesh, no
grapes or musk-melons, no good fruits, no ice or cold
water, no good food or bread in their bazars, no baths or
colleges, no candles, no torches, not a candlestick Instead
of a candle or torch, you have a gang of dirty fellows,
whom they call divatis, who hold in their left hand
a kind of small tripod, to the side of one leg of which,
it being wooden, they stick a piece of iron like the top
of the candlestick; they fasten a pliant wick, of the
size of the middle finger, by an iron pin, to another
of the legs. In their right hand they hold a gourd,
in which they have made a hole for the purpose of
pouring out oil, in a small stream, and whenever the
wick requires oil, they supply it from this gourd.
Their great men kept a hundred or two hundred of
these divatis."

He continues to add that there were neither

26 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

aqueducts nor canals, neither elegance nor regularity ;
that the peasants and the proletariat moved about naked,
wearing only a langoti to cover their private parts.
He, however, speaks favourably of India's wealth in

silver and gold and says that there was no dearth of
work ; that there was abundance of occupations ; that
there was flourishing trade ; and that the climate was
pleasant during the rainy season. It must be remem-
bered that Babar's stay in India was much too short
to allow him to acquaint himself with the character
of Indians, their customs and traditions, their ideas
and habits. Therefore, his account of India, particularly
in regard to her people, is bound to be superficial.

The Mei.wirs referred to are the autobiography of

TT . _, . Babar, which has earned for him the

His Memoirs.

title df ' prince of autobiographers .
It contains the best account that we have of its author
in a most lucid style and manly expression. It ranks
among the most precious treasures 9f Indian historical
literature. It has jusHy extorted universal admiration
for the simplicity of its language, the sublimity of its

style, and the authenticity of its contents ; but the
greatest charm of this work is the revelation of its
author's personality. It reveals Babar in his true
colours, with all his virtues and vices. Fit to rank with
the best biographies of the world, it stands unique in
Asia and will long retain its fascination to capture our
fancy. It presents Babar, his country-men and con-
temporaries in their dress, appearance, tastes, pursuits,
manners, habits and hobbies as clearly as in a mirror.
It gives an exact description of the countries hp visited,

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAFMAD BABAR 27

their physical features, productions, works of krt and
industry. All this, and above all the shrewd comments
and lively impressions of its author, breaking in upon
the narrative at intervals, give his reminiscences a
permanent and penetrating flavour of a rare order.

Babar was a great lover of fine arts.

Architecture, poetry, painting, music,

gardening and the art of illustrating

books with beautiful pictures made considerable progress

under his patronage. He himself cultivated these arts

and encouraged those given to similar pursuits. So

strong were his aesthetic tastes that even during his

stormy career he could find time to devote to these

arts and to satiate his thirst for them.

He had a keen interest in architecture. He did

not like the edifices he came across
Architecture. ^ ,, . , 7 , , ,

at Delhi and Agra, though he was

impressed by the architecture at Gwalior. He formed
a poor opinion of native art and skill and therefore
imported the talented pupils of Sinan, the celebrated
architect, from Constantinople to design his buildings
according to his own aesthetic tastes. He writes in his
Memoirs :

" In Agra alone, and of the stone-cutters belonging
to that place only, I every day employed on my palaces
680 persons; and in Agra, SikrI, Bianah, Dholpur,
Gwalior and Koil, there were every day employed on
my works 1,491 stone-cutters."

Unfortunately, almost all his beautiful buildings
have perished. The two that have survived are the
great mosque in the Kabul Bagh at Panlpat and the

28 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Jdmi' Masjid at Sambhal.

Babar was a born poet. 3 ' He cultivated the art of
poetry from his early days and is the
reputed author of a diwan (collection)
of Turki poems, many of which figure in the
Tuzk-i-Babari. Abul Fazl informs us that a collection
of Persian masnawis (romances) of his composition,
called Mubin, had a very large circulation in his days.
Besides, Babar wrote a number of other works, which
include an interesting book on prosody, called Mufassil.
The celebrated Smthor of the Tarilth-i-Rashidi records
to his credit : ,

" In the composition of Turki poetry he was second

only to Amir All Shir He invented a style of

verse, called Mubdiydn, and was the author of a most
useful treatise on Jurisprudence, which has been adopted
generally. He also wrote a tract on Turkish prosody,
superior in elegance to any other, and put into veise
the Risald-i-Wdlidiydh of his Holiness."

As a man of cheerful disposition, he used to
convene Mushderds (poetical contests) in which
extempore versification and recitation in Persian and
Turkish were indulged in. The Memoirs describe a,
gathering of literary men even in a boat wherein Babar
and his associates composed verses in order to beguile
their weary hours. So supreme was the sway of the
Muse over his mind that even amidst the clash of
arms he snatched a brief interval to listen to the
creations of poets and the conversations of erudite
scholars. At times he himself Cropped in a verse or
two to add to the amusement of the assemblage.

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABAR 29

Babar displayed a remarkable taste for painting.

He is said to have brought to India
Painting. .

with him all the choicest specimens

of painting he could collect from the library of his
forefathers the Timurides. Some of these were taken
to Persia by Nadir Shah after his invasion of India
and the conquest of Delhi; but as long as they
remained in India, they exerted a great influence
on and gave a new impetus to the art of painting in
India.

The sister art of music also receivjd the attention

_, . of the Emperor who himself was a

Music. . TT- t ..i

connoisseur. His skill and proficiency

in it is borne out by a treatise of his own composition
in which he has written all about it. This book is
of a very high order and is as interesting as it is
informative. It bears eloquent testimony to its author's
love of music and his knowledge of its technicalities.
The practice of illustrating books with beautiful
paintings and pictures and thereby
mistm'ting books, making them more lucid and interest-
ing was, for the first time, introduced
in India by Babar. His Memoirs afford a crowning
evidence in this respect also. Profusely coloured
illustrations, with which this book is embellished, form
an essentially attractive feature of it, and the coloured
^presentations of animals described therein are
particularly charming.

Babar was a great gardener. There are repeated

_ . references to flowers and gardens in

Gardening.

his Memoirs. Among the gardens

30 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

that h^ laid out, Bagh-i-Wafa and Bagh-i-Kilan near
Kabul and Ram Bagh an4 *Zohra Bagh at Agra may
be regarded as the most fascinating. It will be
interesting to remark here that the idea underlying the
gardens of the Great Mughals was Iram, the garden
held out to the Muslims for their entertainment as
a reward for their good deeds in this world.
Unfortunately, many of such gardens * have been given
over to cultivation ', yet there remains enough to show
the artistic tastes of their founders. Beautiful flowers,
bright birds, gontle beasts 1 and a vast multitude of
earthly houries and ghilmans (fair boys) constituted
the splendour that was Mughal.

Babar ioved literacy and used to associate himself
with men whose memory we will

celebrities. l n g cherish. His court had a

brilliant set of eminent scholars.

Some of them were Gfaiyas-ud-Dm Muhammad

Kbudamir, the celebrated Persian historian and author

i ^

of the Hablb-us-Siyar, the Khuldsat-ul-Akbar and
many other works ; Maulana Shahab-ud-DIn, the
famous enigmatist, poet and punster ; and Mir Ibrahim,
a native of Herat and a skilled performer on Kanun.
Apart from these, those who came into close contact
with him were Shaikh Mazi, his own tutor ; Shaikh
Zain Khafi, translator of the Wdqiyat-i-Bdbari; and
Maulana BaqT, one of the most learned men of ths
day. It may also be mentioned that Babar was greatly
assisted in his literary undertakings by the erudite
minister of the King of Herat/ who had 'collected
a valuable library of the most esteejmed works of the

ZAHIR-UD-DIlSi MUHAMMAD BABAR 31

time and placed him in charge of it '.

S. Lane-Poole has beautifully summed up Babar's
achievements in the following
words: " His permanent place in
history rests upon his Indian
conquests, which opened the way for an imperial line ;
but his place in biography and literature is determined
rather by his daring adventures and persevering efforts
in his earlier days, and by the delightful Memoirs in
which he related them. Soldier of fortune as he was,
Babar was not the less a man of fine literary taste and
fastidious critical perception. In Persian, the language
of culture, the Latin of Central Asia, as it is of India,
he was an accomplished poet, and in his native Turki
he was master of a pure and unaffected style alike in
prose and verse. The Turkish princes of his time
prided themselves upon their literary polish, and to
turn an elegant ghazal, or even to write a beautiful
manuscript, was their peculiar ambition, no less worthy
or stimulating than to be master of sword or mace.
Wit and learning, the art of improvising a quatrain
on the spot, quoting the Persian classics, writing a
good hand, or singing a good song, were highly
appreciated in Babar's world, as much perhaps as
valour, and infinitely more than virtue. Babar himself
will break off in the middle of a story to quote a verse,
and he found leisure in the thick of his difficulties and
dangers to compose an ode on his misfortunes. His
battles as well as his orgies were humanised by a
breath of poetry."

32 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Another long quotation on the heels of one which

has already occupied considerable
His Estimate. ' v , _. _

space may appear to be a little too

much, but, as it gives a correct estimate of Babar, it
may appropriately be cited :

" Upon the whole if we review with impartiality
the history of Asia, we shall find few princes who
are entitled to rank higher than Babar in genius
and accomplishments. His grandson, Akbar, may
perhaps be placed above him for profound and
benevolent polify. The crooked artifice of Aurangzib
is not entitled to the same distinction. The merit
of Chingiz I^han, and of Tamerlane, terminates
in their splendid conquests, which far excelled the
achievements of Babar; but in activity of mind, in
the gay equanimity and unbroken spirit with which
he bore the extremes of good and bad fortune, and in
the possession of the manly and social virtues, so
seldom the portion of princes, in his love of letters and
his success in the cultivation of th<*m, we shall probably
find no other Asiatfc prince who can justly be placed
beside him."

CHAPTER III

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HUMAYfiN

(1530- 39 and 1556)
Babar was succeeded by his beloved son, Humayun,

Introductory. who ascended the throne amidst

great festivities under the title of
NasIr-ud-Dln Muhammad Humyaun two day: before
the end of the year 1530 A. C. The new king was
not destined to enjoy a peaceful reign, partly because
he himself created his own difficuHies and partly
because he was outmatched by his rival, Sher Shah, in
diplomacy and statecraft.

Acting in accordance with the advice of his father,

r _ . . Humayun bestowed upon his brothers

Division of ., , . , ..

the empire. the governorships of different pro-

vinces : Kabul and Qandhar were
given to Kamran, Alwar and Mewat were allotted
to Mirzfi Hindal, Sambhal was, assigned to Mirza
Askarl, and the government of Badakhshan was entrust-
ed to his cousin, Mirza Sulaiman. This division of
the empire \vas responsible for the ambitious intrigues
and treasonable designs of his brothers and the early
overthrow of the Mughal Empire.

Babar did not live long to consolidate what he had

i . . . conquered. Humayun was not so

Political situation . , .

of India and strong and sagacious as to accomplish

?o U sS Qn >S what his father could not What

mure, he added to his own

difficulties. His leniency was his mistake and his

34 THE MTIfmAT EMPIRE

inconsistency was nis blunder. The political
condition of India at thgtime of his accession
was miserable. Sher Khan Afghan in the east
and Bahadur Shah in the west the former in Bengal
and Bihar and the latter in Gujarat were maturing
plans for the overthrow of the Mughals. His own
brothers were now sufficiently strong to support their
own claims to the throne and there was nothing to
prevent them from doing that. The leading nobles and
military' leaders, whom he himself had granted large
estates in order to increase bis popularity, were now in
possession of the sinews of war, which they freely
employed in mutual warfare and even against their
Emperor. They ceaselessly intrigued and plotted
against him in order to push forward their own men.
A conspiracy was formed by one Muhammad Zaman
against Humayun. Had it succeeded, the history of
India would have been differently written. The secret
was out and Muhammad Zaman took refuge in Gujarat,
where he made common cause wfth Bahadur Shah.
Another aspirant to the throne was Ala-ud-Dln, brother
of Sultan Ibrahim Lodhi, who sent an army of 40,000
men against Humayun under the command of his son,
Tatar Khan. In the engagement that was fought at
Bianah, Tatar was defeated and slain.

Entrusting the government of Kabul and Qandhar

,- - , to his brother, Askari, Kamran se f

Kamran s

occupation of out at the head of a huge army

the Punjab. against HumayQn) giving out that he

was going to congratulate him on bis assumption of the
royal insignia. Humayun was not so.simple^as to be

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HUMAYUN 35

deceived by such a trick. Forthwith he sent in advance

j \

an envoy to inform his brother that he had already
decided to add Lamghan and Peshawar to the fief of
Kabul. But Kamran was not content with this conces-
sion. He crossed the Indus and conquered the Punjab
and annexed it to his kingdom of Kabul and Qandhar.
Humayun remained passive; rather, he quietly
acquiesced in the forcible occupation and avoided war
with his brother. This was a grave mistake on his
part. The cession of the Punjab in general and of
Hissar Firoza in particular was a blunder of the first
magnitude. The former not only deprived him of a
most productive province but created a barrier between
him and the Mughal military base in the North- West,
so rich in military resources. The latter gave Kamran
command of the new military road running from Delhi
to Qandhar and made it possible for him to cut down
the tap-root of Humayun's military power ' by merely
stopping where he was*.

Humayun was soon called upon to deal with
War with Bahadur ShaH, one of the most

Bahadur Shah formidable of his adversaries. Guja-

of Gujarat. rftt wag then Qne Q the ^^ and

most powerful provinces of India. Its ruler was a man
of towering ambition. He had immense resources at
his command. Before trying conclusions with Humayun,
he had already increased his army and artillery. He
had conquered Malwa with the help of the Rana of
Mewar; and the kings of Ahmadnagar, Khandegh and
Berar paid him homage. The Portuguese also acknow-
ledged his supremacy. He had warred against the

36 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Rana of Chittor and forced aim to agree to terms
'ruinous alike to his pride and his pocket'. He now
made preparations for a more ambitious venture the
conquest of Hindustan as a whole. He enlisted in his
service the Afghan chiefs and the Mughal nobles, who
had fled to his kingdom and taken refuge there, and
planned the conquest of the country under the Mughal
Emperor. Humayun at once marched against him to
chastise him for giving shelter to his enemies. Bahadur
Shah underestimated the military capacity of his
opponent and tried to imitate the tactics employed by
Babar at the battle of I'anipat. He entrenched himself
very strongly anu expected his adversary to repeat the
blunder of Ibrahim Lodhi by hurling his troops against
his batteries. But Humayun, who had seen enough
of war tactics as a lieutenant of his father, instead of
falling into the trap prepared for him, sent strong
bodies of cavalry to scour the country in the rear of
Bahadur Shah's camp and cut off his supplies. The
beleaguered Gujaratis were reduced to a state of famine
and the Sultan, after blowing up his guns, escaped with a
few of his faithful followers. He was hunted by Humayun
from place to place and compelled to take refuge with
the Portuguese at Diu. Humayun, in the meantime,
reduced a great part of Gujarat and Malwa, but he and
his officers were so elated by their successes that they
did nothing to effect a permanent settlement of the
conquered territory. They gave themselves up to feast-
ing and merry-making. Bahadur Sfya.h availed himself of
their negligence and immediately despatched his trusty
officer, Imad-ul-Mulk, who at once occupied Ahmadabad

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HUMAYUN 37

and gathered together a large army for his master, who
was also promised aid by the Portuguese Governor. This
alarmed Humayun and awoke him to the gravity of the
situation. At once he advanced against Imad and
inflicted a defeat on him. Feeling that his occupation
of Gujarat was secure, he entrusted his brother, Askari,
with its government and himself proceeded apace
against Sher Khan Afghan, who had headed a formid-
able revolt in Bihar. In his absence, Askari proved
totally tactless and incapable. His own officers dis-
liked him for his arrogance and unmannerliness.
There was no love lost between the master and his
servants. Bahadur Shah, who was waiting for an
opportunity, at once attacked Ahmadabad and
took possession of it. Gradually he recovered his lost
kingdom, but he was not destined to enjoy the fruits
of his victories. He died in 1537 A. C. by falling into
the sea. Malwa was also lost as soon as Humayun
left Mandu.

At the approach of the Imperial army near the
borders of Bengal, the crafty Afghan
w^hdrew towards Bihar. In his
absence, the Mughals occupied Gaur,
the provincial capital, and renamed it Jannatabad.
Again, when Sher Khan seized upon the Mughal posses-
sions in Bihar and Jaunpur and overran the territory as
far as Kanauj, Humayun mobilized his forces against
him. Crossing the Ganges at Munghlr, he marched
towards Bihar at the head of his army. At Chausa he
was defeated by his enemy, the rebellious Afghan, and
put to flight. At this critical juncture he souhgt the

38 THE MJGHAL EMPIRE

i

aid of his brothers whom he had so magnanimously
treated; but they not only 'offered a flat refusal but
substantially contributed to the success of his enemy by
hampering his preparations. Sher Khan, who, after his
victory at Chausa, had crowned himself king under the
title of Sher Shah, crossed the Ganges and inflicted a
sharp defeat on Humayun at Kanauj, whither he had
retired after his defeat, and expelled him from India.
A novelist and not an historian can better portray

the picture of his flight from India
e3e, Un and * he misfortunes that befell him

thereafter. After his defeat at the

battle of Kanauj, he crossed the Ganges and reached
Agra. Thence he started towards Delhi with his
treasure and family. Finding, however, that his cause
was lost, he left for Sarhind. His brothers, whom he
had so kindly treated, gave him no protection ; rather,
they added to his difficulties and increased his anxiety.
Proceeding towards Sind, he besieged Bhakkar, but
could not conquer it. It was at this time that he
married Hamida Bano Bagum, daughter of Shaikh All
Akbar Jaml. Driven to despair, he turned to Maldeva,
the Rajah of Jodhpur, who had promised him a con-
tingent of twenty thousand Rajputs. But when he
reached the Rajah's territory, he discovered that the
Rajah meant mischief. At last he sought shelter at
Amarkot, and there he and his party were given a
rousing reception by Rana Prasad, who also agreed to
assist him in attacking Thatta and Bhakkar. It was at
this haven of refuge that the future empress of India
gave birth to the greatest emperor of Indi&. After

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HUMAYUN 39

performing the necessary ceremonies on the happy
occasion of the birth of his son, Akbar, Humayiin
attacked Bhakkar with the aid of Rana Prasad. Un-
fortunately, a picque having arisen between the Muslims
and the Rajputs, the latter deserted the Imperial army ;
but fortunately, the Chief of Bhakkar got tired of war
and sued for peace. According to the terms of the
treaty, Humayiin received thirty boats, ten thousand
Misbkdls, two thousand loads of grain and three hundred
camels. Thus equipped, he advanced towards Qandhar,
but it was too dangerous a place foi him to stay in.
His brother, Kamran, was the sole master of the entire
Afghan territory ; his brothers, Askari and Hindal, were
his vassals. After a careful consideration he decided
to set out in search of support. Leaving his little son,
Akbar, who was at that tim^ twelve months old, at
Qandhar, he proceeded towards Persia and informed the
Shah of his proposed visit.

Hearing of Fumayun's intention, Tahmasp, the
of Persia, issued instructions to

In Persia. , . ^ ^ j . - i A

his officers to accord him a right

royal welcome on his arrival. The Shah was a Shia by
faith and it is said that he received the royal fugitive
so warmly simply because he intended to convert him
to his own creed. In spite of his endeavours and im-
portunities, it is stated, he could not shake the belief of
his guest in the Sunni doctrine. In accordance with the
advice of his well-wishers, Humayun agreed to accept
the religion of his host after a great reluctance. The
Shah promised to help him with a contingent to
conquer Kabul, Qandhar and Bokhara.

40 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

With an army of 14,000, Humayun attacked the

kingdom of Kamran. Having ac-

Klb C uTa q nd rS q uired Qandhar, he advanced upon

Qandhar from Kabul and defeated his brother. Here

Kamran. , . . t , , , , , ,

his son, Akbar, whom he had left at

the mercy of Kamran who had once exposed the boy
to a fusillade of shots, was restored to him after a long
separation. Kamran, though beaten, was still ready
to recover his lost possessions. Again he was defeated
and put to flight In an engagement at night, Mirza
Hindal was slab. Kamran, the fugitive king of Kabul,
found shelter at the Court of Sultan Salim Shah who,
however, treated him so badly that he took himself to the
Gakhar country in disgust and disappointment. But the
Chief of the Gakhars too treated him ruthlessly. He was
handed over to Humayun, who remembered the words of
his father and so did not put an end to his life. He was
blinded and thus rendered incapable of creating mis-
chief against his brother. At his request, he was sent
to Mecca along with his wife, who served him faithfully
to the last day of tiis life. Mirza Askari was also
caught and permitted to proceed to Mecca. Having
disposed of his rivals, Humayun turned his attention to
the reconquest of Hindustan.

In response to the requests of influential Indians,
Humayun, who was eagerly watching

the events ot India and was lon S in g
for an opportunity, advanced towards

India early in the year 1555 at the head of an efficient
army, and occupied Lahore. Sulian Sikandar Sur, who
had played ducks and drakes with the Imperial treasury,

NAS1R-UD-D N MUHAMMAD HUMAYUN 41

advanced against him, but was totally defeated in
a battle at Sarhind and put to flight. Humayun
entered his old capital in a triumphant procession and
ruled his Indian Empire for a brief span of about twelve
months. He died of a fatal fall from the terraced-roof
of his library on the 24th of January, 1556 A. C.

Endowed as he was with a retentive memory,
Humayun had acquired proficiency in
Kmpfehments. several arts and sciences in his early
years. He was very fond of poetry
and had great skill in this art. He was an excellent
poet, whose verses were elegant and full of meaning. In
astronomy he was an adept and in geography a perfect
master. He indited some dissertations on the nature
of the elements and ordered the construction of celestial
and terrestrial globes as soon as he became Emperor
of India. Ferishta says that he fitted up seven halls of
reception and dedicated them to seven planets in the
following order : Judges, ambassadors, poets and travel-
lers were received in the Hall of the Moon ; commanders
and other military officers in the Hall of the Mars ; qvil
officers in the Palace of the Mercury ; gens de lettres in
the palaces of the Saturn and the Jupiter; musicians
and bards in the Hall of the Venus. In short
Humayun was gifted with those accomplishments and
graces which are highly prized in good and fashionable
societies. ' I have seen,' says the author of the Taril$h,-
i-Rashidi, ' few princes possessed of so much natural
talents and excellence as he.' 'His noble nature,'
writes the author of the A in, 'was marked by the
combination of the energy of Alexander and the

42 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

learning of Aristotle.' Under him the Mughal Court
became famous for its splendour and magnificence.

Humayun has to his credit some curious contri-
vances. Under his instructions his
workT US Najjdrs (carpenters) constructed for

him four boats and set them afloat on
the Jumna. Each of these boats had an arch, of
which two storeys were very high. When these boats
were put together in such a way that the four arches
remained opposite to one another, an octagonal fountain
was formed witnin the~n, which presented a picturesque
view. The boats were provided with bazars and
shops. Often the Emperor sailed in them from Firoz-
Sbad Delhi to Agra with his courtiers. There was such
a bazar afloat on the Jumna that 'one could have what-
ever one liked.' Likewise, the royal gardeners made a
moving-garden for their Imperial patron on the surface
of the Jumna. But, the most marvellous of his
ingenious works was the moving-palace which had three
storeys. The various parts of this wooden structure
were so skilfully joined that it looked like one having no
joint, but when required, it could be split into parts of
which it was made. The stairs leading* to the upper
storey were so dexterously designed that they could be
easily folded and unfolded. It was a wonderful per-
formance. This sovereign also made a moving-bridge,
which too was no less curious.

For purposes of administration, Humayun divided his

A - . . . . government into four parts according

Administration. & ~ * r - . &

to the four elements: Attsb (Fire),
Bad (Air), Ab (Water), and gh&k (Land), and placed

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMB'AD HUMAYUtt 4?

each one of them in charge of a separate minister. The-
affairs of the artillery, together with the arrangement 06
armours and weapons and all those affairs which were
connected with Fire, were formed into a separate de-
partment, called Sarkdr-i-Atishi, the portfolio of which
was held by Khwajah Abdul Malik; the affairs o
Karqirdq Kh>cun^ (godown), stable, Bdwarcfri Khdnd
(kitchen), Shukar Kh,dnd (camel stable), etc., constituted
what was known as Sarkdr-i-Hawdi, which was under
Khwajah Lutf-Ullah; the management of Sharbafc
Khdnd -('house for sweet drinks) and AlastuchA Khdnd
(store-hcwase) as well as the construction of canals and
all other affairs -connected with Water were grouped into-
a separate department, called Sarkdr-i-Abt , which was
placed inchatge of Khwajah Hassan; and agriculture,
buildings, the management of Crown-lands and house-
hold affaks fell to the fourth department, called Sarkar-
i-Khdki, of which the ministry was vested in Khwajfthi
Jalal-ud-Dki Mirza Beg.

Humayun displayed a remarkable interest in andi

solicitude for the widespread
Drum of Justace. . ... T , .

nation of justice. He intioducedi

the famous Drum of Justice, called Tabl-i-Adl r whichi
the importunate suppliant used to beat once in. case ofc
a charge of enmity, twice if the wrong done was not
righted, tbuee times if a theft or a robbery took place,.
and four times if a murder was committed.. The:
drum might not have been frequently beaten, but
the Emperor's sense of justice and! his care and!
concern for its impartial .and effective; administration
jully borne out by it

44 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

He made an elaborate classification of the people
of his empire, created gradations of
ranks constructed palaces for their
entertainment and fixed days for
giving them audience. The first class, significantly
styled as Ahl-i-S'adat, or the blessed, consisted
of the learned and the pious, the law-officers and the
scientists of the kingdom ; the second class, known as
Ahl-i-Daulat, or the wealthy, were the Emperor's
kinsfolk, his ministers and nobles as well as military
officers; the tLird class, called Ahl-i-Murdd, or the
people of hope, were musicians, singers and story-tellers
as well as those who were favoured by nature with
beauty and refinement. As this class depended upon
the charity of His Majesty for maintenance, it should
have been named Ahl-i-Tarab, or the party of amuse-
ment, inasmuch as they pleased the Emperor with their
songs, beauty and music.

To each of the heads of thesg classes was given
a Sahm, or arrow, a a mark of distinction. Khudamlr,
a contemporary chronicler, informs us that during
the days he was employed, the Sahm-us-S'adat was in
charge of Maulana Muhammad FarghaH, who was
entrusted with the specific performance of the affairs
of the Ahl-i-S'adat. He fixed the stipends and
scholarships of the Sayyads, Shaikhs, scholars,
religious recluses, professors, teachers and research-
scholars, and with him rested their appointment as
well as dismissal. The Sahm-ud-Dauldh was held by
Amir Hindu Beg, who was* responsible for the
management of the affairs of the Akl-i-Daulat, and

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HCJMAYUN 45

it was one of his duties to fix the grades ol pay
and ranks of soldiers and servants of the State.
The Sahm-ul-Murad was assigned to Amir Desai whose
principal duty consisted in controlling the affairs of
the Ahl-i-Murdd and supplying the necessary
requirements of splendour at the Mughal Court.

The Padshah also divided the days of the week

and fixed two days for each of the

audience. above-named classes of inhabitants

as follows : Thursdays and Saturdays

for the Ahl-i-S'adat, Sundays ~nd Tuesdays for the

Ahl-i~Daulat, Mondays and Wednesdays for the

Ahl-i-Murad; and Friday was reserved for Namdz-i-

Juma 9 , or congregational prayers.

The three classes enumerated above were

sub-divided into twelve smaller ones,
Twelve Sub- i ,1 -,1

divisions. and arrows of gold, with varying

proportions of alloy mixed with them,
were distributed among them in order of importance
as follows : The first of the purest gold was given to
the Emperor, indicating his royal prerogative the
highest rank ; the second to the royal family, provincials
and other high officials ; the third to the literati and
religious men ; the fourth to the Maliks, Amirs and
nobles; the fifth to the courtiers and His Majesty's
personal servants ; the sixth to the general employees ;
tiie seventh to the harems and well-behaved female-
servants of the royal household ; the eighth to the
young maid-servants of the Imperial Harem\ the
ninth to the treasurers and stewards of the State;
the tenth to the fighting class the officers of the

46 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

rank and file of the Imperial armies ; the eleventh to
the mentals ; and the twelfth to the palace-guards,
camel-drivers and the like.

The preceding account leaves an impression upon

_ .. the mind that Humayun was a

Court-Scholars. . J

magnificent prince, profoundly in-
terested in the well-being of his subjects. Apart from
this, it clearly reveals the importance he attached and
the place he assigned to the learned and the pious,
the musicians and the story-tellers. Khudamlr, the
well-known author of the Habib-us-Siyar, was one
of his literary associates ; Jauhar, the celebrated
author of the Tazkirat-ul-Waqiydt-i-Humayun, or
Private Memoirs of Humayun, was his personal
attendant, who, as such, had ample chances of
personally observing a 1 ! that he embodied in his book ;
Abdul Latif, the learned author of the Lub-ut-TwariJch,
was also invited by him to adorn his Court, but he
arrived at the Imperial Capital after the death of
the Emperor; Shahab-ud-Din KhafI, the unequalled
enigmatist and chronogramatist of the time, enjoyed
his patronage; and Shaikh Husain, the honoured
professor of a gorgeous madrasah at Delhi, was
another recipient of his favours. All this bears
eloquent testimony to the fact that Humayun was a
sympathetic patron of letters.

Humayun was a great bibliophile. He had
collected a large number of books in
the Imperial Library. .Under his
special firm^n^ Sher Mandal, the
pleasure-house of Sher Shah Sun, was turned into a

NASIR-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD HUMAYUN 47

library during his second reign. So intense was his
love for the best books of the day that even in his
military undertakings he used to take with him a
select library for his own use. In spite of the fact
that he was constantly occupied in a fatal contest with
a host of enemies, he managed to spare time to spend
in studies. Count Noer informs us that even at the
time of his flight from India he took with him his
favourite books along with his faithful librarian , Lala
Beg, officially known as Baz Bahadur.

Such a scholarly sovereign cannot be said to
have neglected the education of his
subjects. At this distant date there
is at least one instance of a college
founded by him at Delhi. One of the most competent
professors of this institution was Shaikh Husain. It
also appears that the beautiful tomb of Humayun one
of the finest Mughal monuments still seen in the
neighbourhood of Delhi was, at one time, used as
a place of instruction, for which eminent scholars and
influential men were appointed as guardians.

Humayiin loved beautiful gardens quite as much
as his father. Unfortunately, how-
ever, his long drawn-out struggle
with Sher Shah Suri did not allow him sufficient time
*o turn his artistic fancy to this peaceful occupation.
Nevertheless, his reign was marked by the plantation
of at least one noble garden at Delhi the one attached
to his tomb, which ij still a thing of beauty and a
joy for ever.

48 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE'

Humayun was deeply religious. He carefully

observed the dogmas of his faith

religious beliefs. an( * always tried to live like a true

Muslim. All thought that he was

a staunch Sunni, but his profound love and respect

for the Ahl-i-Bait (Family of the Prophet) shows that

he was favourably inclined towards the Shia Faith,

and his leaning in favour of that faith is borne out

by the *act that the entire machinery of his government

was in the hands of the Stu&s.

In private life, Hnmayfm was a delightful friend.

In the camp, he was a bon comrade
andestlmaS r of his soldiers and State officers.

He was a faithful friend, an obedient
son, an affectionate brother. As a man of letters, he
passed most of his leisure hours in social intercourse
and literary discussions. According to Ferishta, he
was a prince as remarkable for his wit and humour as
for the urbanity of his manners. In the opinion of
Stanley Lane-Poole 'his virtues were Christian, and
his whole life was that of a gentleman '. At times
he was capable of immense energy and often rose to
the height of important occasions and controlled
serious situations with the singleness of purpose ; but
some of his best qualities were marred by the excessive
use of opium, to which he was badly addicted. The
heroic fortitude with which he bore the misfortune*
which befell him during his fugitive life, the buoyancy
of his temper and the cheerfulness of his disposition
exact universal sympathy and admiration. His
unqualified indolence and generosity spoiled his career

NASIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD HUMAYUN 49

and often deprived him of the fruits of his victories.
But for the fact that he vvas eclipsed by the extra-
ordinary genius of Sher Shah, who was undoubtedly
superior to him in military skill and administrative
acumen, his talents would have found full scope and he
would have ranked with the great, though not with the
greatest kings of India. While making an estimate of
his abilities, we must take into consideration the
difficulties in which he found himself at the time of
his accession: the treachery of his brothers, the
opposition of the Afghans who regarded the Mughals
as foreigners, and the precarious condition of the
Mughal Empire, which his father had founded but
had not consolidated. So, if Humayun failed to retain
what he had received as patrimony, viz., the Mughal
Empire, it was due more to the baffling political
situation, which he had before him, than to his
personal faults and failures.

CHAPTER IV

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL
Sher Shah and his Successors

(15401556)
A period of fifteen years elapsed between the over-

f . , . throw and the re-establishment of the

Introductory. .

Mughal pmpire m India. The House

of Sur, founded by Sher Sh&h Suri, bridged over the
interval. The l : fe of the founder of the new dynasty
affords an excellent instance of how the early days of
great men aVe often, if not always, crowded with mis-
fortunes, to which, to a certain extent, they owe their
future greatness.

Sher Shah's original name was Farld. He was
born in the year 1486 A. C. at Hi^sar
Firozz, where tys grandfather held a
joglr. His father, Hasan, was a
jdgirddr of Sasram and Khwaspur in Bihar. His early
boyhood was neglected by his father owing to the
ill- treatment of his step-mother, i Disgusted with
his step-mother and the step-motherly treatment of his
father, who was devoted to the youngest of his four
wives and who treated her sons with preference, Farld
left his home and joined the service of his father's
benefactor, Jamal Khan, at Jaunpur. There he applied
himself sedulously to the study of Arabic and Persian.
His receptive mind imbibed and 'assimilated all that was
imparted to him. Impressed by his industry and

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 51

activity of mind, Jamal Khan, the governor of Bihar,
sent a message to Hasan, asking him to treat his son
kindly. < Farid returned home and his father entrusted
him with the management of his jagirs, Sasram and
Khwaspur. He managed his father's estate admirably
and introduced the principle of direct settlement with
the cultivators, which may be described as the Raiyat-
wdrl System in modern terminology. After protecting
the husbandmen from oppression and placing the revenue
administration of the estate on a sound basis, he set
himself to the task of reducing the refractory Zamlndars
to obedience. Between 1511 A. C. and 1518 A. C.,
when he was in charge of his father's jagirs, he gained
considerable experience. During this time, as his
biographer observes, ' he was unconsciously serving his
period of apprenticeship for administering the empire of
Hindustan.' In 1519 A. C. he was again compelled to
qait his home owing to the hostile influence of his
step-mother. He went to Bihar and entered the service
of its governor, Bahar Khan, son of Darya Khan Lohani.
It was under Bahar Khan that he acquired influence and
importance.

From 1522 A. C. to 1526 A. C. Farid was in the

service of Bahar Khan, who greatly

activities, appreciated his services in the civil

and revenue departments. In one

of the hunting expeditions of his master he killed a tiger

and received from him the title of Sher Khan in

appreciation of that heroic deed. But differences having

arisen between him and his master, he resigned his

service and entered that of Babar. In recognition of

52 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

his meritorious services Babar bestowed upon him the
governorship of several parganas, including those of his
father. On the death of Bahar Khan his son, Jalal Khan,
became king under the regency of Sher Khan, who
gained considerable power and influence during the
minority of Jalal. When Jalal came of age, he refused
to play the second fiddle. Smarting under the galling
tutelage of an ambitious Afghan, he invited the assistance
of the r"ler of Bengal, but the allies were defeated at
Surajgarh and Sher Khan became the ruler of Bihar.
Sher Khan'b spirit -vas restless from the beginning.
After the acquisition of Bihar, he

turned his attention towards Bengal,
whose anarchical state offered a
favourable field for his ambitious enterprise. Early in
the year 1536 A. C. he set out from Bihar and appeared
before the walls of Gaur. Mahmud Shah, the ruler of
Bengal, instead of repelling the invader, bought him off
with a heavy bribe. The following year he repeated his
expedition of Bengal. He captured Gaur after a pro-
tracted siege and then attacked the stronghold of
Rohtas, which soon capitulated. Thus ended, for a
while, the independence of Bengal.

When Humayun heard of Sher Khan's successes in

the east, he lost no time in advancing

Recovery of towards Bengal with a large Mughal

Humtyun. army. At his approach, the 'wily

Afghan' retired to Bihar and evaded

his enemy. The Mughals occupied Gaur and rechristen-

ed it Jannatabad. The Afghans, however, compensated

themselves in another quarter for their losses : They

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 53

seized upon the imperial territories in Bihar and jaunpur
and overran the country as far as Kanauj.

Again, when Humayun heard about Sher Khan's

activities in Bihar and Jaunpur,
Battle of Chausa. a( .

ordered his army to march against him under his own
command. He crossed the Ganges near Munghir, but
soon found himself in a serious situation. He tried to
make peace with the Afghan war-lord, but in v?in. At
Chausa, an engagement was fought between the Afghans
and the Mughals, in which f he latter were defeated
and their Emperor plunged into the river flowing by and
would have drowned had not Nizam, a water-carrier,
saved his life. Nizam was allowed to rub as king for
two days and all the officers were ordered to carry out
his wishes.

After his victory in the battle of Chausa, Sher
aSSUmed the title f ^ eT Sh fih '

Battle of Kanauj,

The coins were struck and the Khutba

was read in his name. In short, all the formalities of
kingship were gone through and there remained not the
least semblance of allegiance to the Mughal Emperor.
Humayun was now assured of the superiority of Sher
Shah. He now realised how shaky his position was.
He tried to enlist the assistance of his brothers, but
failed. The latter not only refused to co-operate with
him against the Afghan danger, but hampered his
preparations as much as they could Sher Shah
availed himself of the dissensions among the surviving
sons of Babar. He crossed the Ganges at the head of
his army and took his position near Kanauj. Humayun

54 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

advanced from his capital and encamped opposite to
Sher Shah. In the battle that ensued, Humayun was
defeated and put to flight.

Sher Shah was now the undisputed ruler of

r* * r 01. Bengal. Bihar, Jaunpur, Delhi and

Conquests of Sher r TT . , . .

Shah : the Punjab Agra. Hitherto his energies were

concentrated on the expulsion of the

Mughals from India ; now that he
was successful in achieving his object, he launched
upon a career of new conquests. The Punjab was the
first to fall into his hands. It was willingly handed
over to him by Kamran. After occupying the Punjab,
Sher Shah reduced the Gakhar territory between the
upper courses of the Indus and the Jhelum in order
to guard against the danger from the North- West; for
Kamran, the ruler of Kabul, and Mirza Haider, the
ruler of Kashmir, might combine together at any time
and attack him. Constructing a strong fort (Rohtas)
in Jhelum, he left 50,000 men under the command of
his trusted generals and returned to Bengal to re-organise
its administration.

After quelling rebellions and disturbances and

establishing peace in the province of
of Malwa Bengal, Sher Shah turned his attention

to Malwa. During the weak rule
of Mahmud II, Mallu Khan, one of the local chiefs,
taking advantage of the disorganised state of things,
took possession of Mandu, Ujjain, Sarangpur and a few
other districts, and set up an independent kingdom
under his own control. Besides Mallu Khan, two
othej independent chiefs had established tiieir sway

75 80 85 90

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 55

over vast tracts of thu country. MalwS and Delhi
being so closely situated, Sher Shah's fears were well-
founded. Therefore, he set out to conquer that kingdom
lest some ambitious and powerful neighbour should
successfully fish in the troubled waters* He reduced
Gwalior, Sarangpur, Ujjain and completed the conquest
of Malwa by the end of the year 1542 A. C.

The conquest of Malwa was followed by a series

of conquests in Rajputana. Raisin
Conquests in , . . c

Rajputana. was attacked and occupied in 1543

A. C. Sind was conquered and then
Jodhpur, the capital of Marwar, was besieged. Here
the Rajputs offered such a stout resistance that Sher
Shah was compelled to have recourse to a ruse. He caused
letters, containing the following request of the nobles
of Maldeva of Marwar, to be forged and thrown near
the camp of the Rajah :

" Let not the King permit any anxiety or doubt to
find its way to his heart. During the battle we will seize
Maldeva and bring him to you."

The trick succeeded, for when Maldeva came to
know the text of the letters, he suspected treachery
and decided to retreat without resistance. The Rajputs
gave him all assurances of fidelity, but he would not
believe. In the battle that was fought, the Rajputs
displayed extreme valour, but victory sided with the
Afghans. Encouraged by this victory, Sher Shah occupied
Mount Abu and then advanced to Chittor, which was
taken and entrusted to an Afghan officer. Having
secured his hold en Rajputana, Sher Shah undertook
an expedition against the Rajah of Kalanjar. The

56 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Rajputs again displayed their \ alour, but the Afghans
were successful. During the siege, when Sber Shah
himself was superintending the batteries, a bomb
exploded and injured him fatally. He was removed
to his tent, only to die there. This took place on May
22, 1545 A. C. Thus ended the eventful career of
Sher Shah, the founder of the Sur Dynasty and the
retriever of the fallen fortunes of the Afghan Monarchy,
Born in India, Sher Shah had acquired an intimate
knowledge of Indian life and character.
**e had had enough of experience in the
worK of administration while he was
in charge of his lather's estate. As a king, he proved
himself a very capable statesman and administrator.
In many respects he anticipated the work of Akbar the
Great. "The whole of his brief administration," says
Mr. Keen "was based on the principle of union." His
methods of dealing with the peoples of India, so
different in character and culture, religion and language,
affords a culminating proof of his sagacious statesman-
ship. By his administrative reforms and humanitarian
measures he rendered his reign so very illustrious in
spite of its short duration. He laboured day and night
for reforming the social and intellectual condition of
his subjects and advancing their material interests.
The principal features of his administration are outlined
in the account that follows.

For purposes of efficient administration, the whole

Empire was partitioned into 47 Divi-

fheEmpire. sions, the commands of which were

distributed among the chieftains of

tHE AFGHAN REVIVAL 57

>
hostile clans, whose intern jcine feuds and mutual jealousies

were a sufficient guarantee against their ambitions. A
Division had several Sarkdrs t each having a Shiqdar-i-
Shiqdaran, or Shiqdar-in-Chief, and a Munsif-i-
Munsifan, or Munsif-in-Chief . A Sarkdr comprised a
number of Parganas, each having a Shiqdar, an Amln,
a Khazanchl, a Munsif, a Hindi writer and a Persian
clerk to write accounts. A Pargana embraced many
villages, each having a Muqaddam, a Chaudhrl and a
Patwdrl, who served as intermediary officers between
the State and the subjects. The Shiqdar was a soldier,
whose chief duty consisted in enforcing the Imperial
firmans and furnishing military aid to the Amln when-
ever he required it. The Amln was a civil officer, who
was responsible to the Central Government for his
actions. The Shiqdar-in-Chief and the Munsif-in-Chief
were the principal civil officers who looked after the
work of the officers of the Parganas under their charge.
Their chief duty was to watch the conduct of the people
and to administer justice. The Subahddr, now known
as provincial governor, was in charge of a Division
and was responsible only to the Crown for his actions,
civil as well as military. The Crown Sher Shah was
the fountain-head of all authority. He was the shadow
of God on earth, answerable to no human authority.
As an astute manager of the estate of his father,
Sher Shah had realised at an early date

Revenue d System. that the stabilit y \ his em P ire de P end '
ed upon the happiness of the agricul-
turists. He had ahc understood that the traditional
methods of the hereditary revenue officers deprived the

58 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

State of a large amount of its dues. He, therefore,
caused the whole land under the plough to be measured
and portioned into bighds. The holding of every tenant
was measured at harvest time and ^th of the gross
produce was fixed as the share of the State. The agri-
culturists were allowed the option of paying the land
revenue in cash or in kind according to their conveni-
ence. The industrious ryots were protected from
obnoxious taxation and their interests were carefully
looked after. No injury to cultivation was tolerated :
Special guards were stationed to see that no damage
was done to the growing crops. Agriculture was
encouraged, forests were cleared and opened for culti-
vation. Granaries were erected and corn stored for the
times of need. The instructions to the collectors of
land revenue were couched in humanitarian terms and
were worked with great lenity. Advances were made to
the cultivators to relieve their distress in bad davs.
This efficient system of revenue settlement, based on the
actual measurement of the land untier cultivation, was
subsequently developed by Akbar the Great and has, in
all its essential features, survived in British India under
the name of 'Raiyatwari Settlement'. %

Even-handed justice was administered throughout
the length and breadth of the empire.
06*58 and Mir-i-Adls (judges) tried
civil suits and criminal cases in the
Dar-ul-'Adalat, or Courts of Justice. They dealt out
inflexible justice, so much so that no one could evade law
and escape punishment by reason of his high birth or rank.
Punishments awarded were very severe, so severe as 'to

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 59

set an example'. The Fanchdyat System also was in
vogue. The Hindus had their disputes decided in the
Panchdyats. The jurisdiction of these courts of
arbitration was restricted to civil disputes relating to
inheritance, succession and the like.

Sher Shah organised a most modern police force. He
did not make any punitive police out
PoUc^lSrce. f of gentlemen, but converted the
robbers and the rebels, the
malcontents and the miscreants into custodians of
peace. He repressed crimes in his kingdom by intro-
ducing the principle of local responsibility and enforcing
it throughout his dominions. The Muqaddams were
responsible for the detection of cases of theft and
highway robbery. If they failed to find out the thieves
and the robbers, they were forced to make good the
losses. Likewise, if a murder occurred within their
jurisdiction and they failed to produce the murderer,
they were arrested and put to death. This system of
local responsibility ' resulted in the complete security of
life and property. The travellers and wayfarers slept
without the least anxiety even in a desert, and the
Zamlnddrs themselves kept watch over them for fear
of the king*. The Police Department was greatly
assisted by a body of censors of public morals, called
Muhtasibs, who put down such crimes as adultery and
drinking and enforced the observance of religious laws.
There also existed a regular department of secret
service, because espionage was ab-
Secret Service. so i ute ly indispensable in that despotic

age. An efficient army of diligent spies was employed

60 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

in order to keep the Emperor in touch with all that
occurred in his empire.

Sher Shah abolished many oppressive taxes and

_ _ _ took only those which he thought

Tariff System. J &

were legal and less burdensome. So

he made a clean sweep of all internal customs and
allowed the imposition of excise duties on the frontier
and at the places of sale within the empire. This re-
construction of the tariff system revived trade and
commerce, reduced the burden of taxation and removed
discontent to a considerable extent. The Jizid was
also abolished.

Sher Shah paid great attention to the development
of the means of communication and
Communication. transportation. His name is inti-
mately associated with the construc-
tion of roads and highways on a large scale. The
longest of his roads was the one running from
Sunargaon to the Indus. Besides this, there were
many other important roads which were so dexterously
planted that they linked almost all the strategic cities
of the empire to the Imperial Capital. Of them, three
deserve specific mention at this place: (1) from Agra
to Burhanpur, (2) from Agra via Bianah to the borders
of Marwar, and (3) from Lahore to Multan. On both
sides of these roads shady trees were planted and at
intervals serais were constructed for the comfort and
convenience of travellers. Each of the serais had
a well, a mosque and a garden in it. It waS looked
after by a set of officers, viz., r *a,h Imam, a Mu'azzin
and some watermen, appointed by the State* Inside

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 61

the serais, separate accommodation was allotted to
Hindus and Muslims. Brahmans were employed for
the convenience of the former and Muslims for the
service of the latter. Dwelling upon the importance
of these serais, Mr. Qanungo remarks that they became
'the veritable arteries of the empire, diffusing a new
life among its hitherto benumbed limbs '. There sprang
up around them busy market towns and a brisk trade
was the natural consequence.

Sher Shah was equally interested in the maintenance

, . of a highly organised postal service.

Postal Service. * B r

The serais, referred to, served as

dak chowkis, and through them the news of the
remotest parts of the empire were dispatched to the
Emperor. In every serai two horses were kept to
provide postal service; and foot-runners and horsemen
were posted along the highways and they carried the
imperial firmans^ or dispatches, from place to place.
If there existed an excellent postal system under Sher
Shah, it was because he had sufficiently developed the
means of communication.

Sher Shah introduced several reforms in the army.

In the first place, he tried to put an
Military Reforms. end to ^ feudal system ^

endeavoured to bring his soldiers in close contact with
himself. Therefore, he combined in his person the
functions of the Commander-in-Chief and the Pay-
Master General. He himself paid the soldiers and
their officers and told them to obey their immediate
officers not as their personal chiefs but as servants of
the Emperor. Previously, whenever a provincial

62 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

gove-nor rebelled against the Sultan, his soldiery sided
with him and not with the latter. Sher Shah at once
abolished this system and ordered his soldiers to obey
the imperial firmans first and those of their immediate
officers after. Thus, with one stroke of wisdom the
main cause of rebellions and revolts was removed. Second-
ly, Sher Shah checked fraudulent musters by reviving
Ala-ud-DIn Khilji's system of branding the horses in
the service of the State, and drew up descriptive rolls
of the troopers. The marks on the persons of the
soldiers and Oil the hodies of their horses were entered
in their descriptive rolls and compared at the time of
inspection. Soldiers were recruited by the Emperor
himself and their salaries were fixed after personal
inspection. The system of assigning jaglrs in lieu of
service was abolished and cash salaries were paid to
the rank and file from the State Treasury. Military
officers were not allowed to stay in one place for more
than two years. During their f marches they were
ordered to behave properly and were strictly warned
against damaging the growing crops. Finally, Sher
Shah established fortified posts in many parts of his
kingdom in order to prevent the possibility of external
invasion. As a result, India enjoyed complete
immunity from foreign attacks, and the recalcitrant
population was kept in check.

At his accession Sher Shah found the currency

Currency Reform. SyStem . f the COuntr y under his
control in confusion. He knew that

the financial stability of a government depended upon
its credit and credit upon its currency. He, therefore,

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 63

undertook the task of reforming the coinage, and
establishing the financial stability of his government.
He issued gold, silver and copper coins in abundance
and gave them a fixed standard of weight, fineness
and execution. The twofold advantage of the reform
in the current coins of the country was that prices
were low and trade was brisk.

Sher Shah was a remarkable promoter of public
welfare. He encouraged agriculture,

Welfa S re f UC systematically constructed roads and
bridges, laid out beautiful gardens
and terraced-walks, erected aim-houses, hospitals and
caravan-serais, patronised art and literature, founded
maktabs and madrasahs, established mosques and
monasteries, granted stipends and scholarships to the
teachers and the taught, maintained a large number
of free kitchens in short, he tried to do all that he
could for the betterment of his subjects. His guiding
principle was that no one should be deprived of
his due share of State benefactions and that no one
should have a superfluity of the same.

Sher Shah was a good builder also. He made

A . . a magnificent city at Delhi and

Architecture. J

erected the famous fort of Rohtas
in the Punjab. The mausoleum, which he built while
he was living and in which he was buried after his
\ieath, is one of the splendid monuments in India.
The palace he constructed in the Fort of Agra has
exacted the encomiums of Fergusson, the historian
of Indian Architecture? who writes :

" Ini the citadel of Agra there stands or at least

64 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

stood when I was there a fragment of a palace built
by Sher Shah, or his son Salim, which was as exquisite
a piece of decorative art as anything of its class in India.
Being one of the first to occupy the ground, this palace
was erected on the highest spot within the fort ; hence
the present Government, fancying this a favourable site
for the erection of a barrack, pulled it down, and
replaced it by a more than usually hideous brick erec-
tion of their own. This is now a warehouse, in white-
washed ugliness, over the marble palaces of the Moghals
a fit standard of comparison of the tastes of the
two races.

"Judging from the fragment that remains, and the
accounts received on the spot, this palace must have
gone far to justify the eulogium more than once passed
on the works of these Pathans that ' they built like
giants and finished like goldsmiths ' : for the stones seem
to have been of enormous size, and the details of
most exquisite finish. It has passed away, however,
like many another noble building of its class,

under our rule. Mosques we have

generally spared, and sometimes tombs, because they
were unsuited to our economic purposes, and it would
not answer to offend the religious feelings of the
natives. But when we deposed the kings and appro-
priated their revenues, there was no one to claim their
now useless abodes of splendour. It was consequently
found cheaper either to pull them down, or use them
as residences or arsenals than to keep them up, so that
very few now remain for the adrrfiration of posterity."*

* Ferguson's Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 572-73.

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 65

Sher Shah's ideal of kingship was very high ^nd be

it said to his credit that he fell little

vShcr Shah's ideal ^ *. t *. u j j. i T^

of kingship. s " ort * !t - He use d to sa y : "

behoves the great king to be always

active." He himself looked into the minutest details of
his government and kept a vigilant watch on his civil
and military officers. He spared no pains in advancing
the interests of his subjects. In his own words :

"The essence of royal protection consists in pro-
tecting the life and property of the subjects. They
(kings) should use the principles of justice and equality
in all their dealings with all classes of people, and
should instruct powerful officials so that they may try
their best to refrain from cruelty and oppression in their
jurisdiction."

Suffice it to say that he lived up to this ideal and
secured the sincere homage and acquiescent good-will
of his subjects, Hindus and Muslims alike.

Sher Shah is a most interesting figure in the history

TT . oi Muslim India. Commencing career

His estimate. .

as a private soldier, he raised himself

gradually to the sovereignty of India and ruled success-
fully for about five years. He was a self-made man,
one who never hesitated to handle a spade even in
the capacity of an emperor. He never indulged in unne-
cessary bloodshed and was all averse to cruelty. He was
3, staunch SunnI, but was not intolerant of other
creeds. He was a bigot without intolerance. He was
kindly disposed towards his Hindu subjects. He exempt-
ed them from the JiziZ and other taxes imposed upon
the Zimtnls (non-Muslims). He encouraged education

66 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

among them and took them in his service without restric-
tion. As a general, he occupies a high place in history.
His military operations against Humayun were directed
with wonderful skill and strategy. In the space of a
decade he overthrew the Mughal Empire and revived
the Afghan Rule by founding the Sur Dynasty. His
successful campaigns against Malwa, Bundelkhand and
Rajputana speak much for his military genius and
show that he was a great military commander. But
he will go deep down in history more for his adminis-
tration which vvas ju^t, wise and vigorous, than for
anything else. If he knew how to conquer, he also
knew how to consolidate his conquests by his indefatig-
able industry and sleepless vigilance. By his adminis-
trative reforms, by the land revenue system which he
introduced, and by tho policy of religious toleration
which he always adhered to, he prepared the ground
for the greatness of Akbar the Great. In view of his
civil and military achievements, one is inclined to agree
with one who says that 'if he had b'een spared he would
have established his dynasty, and the great Mughals
would not have appeared on the stage of history'. Un-
fortunately, like Babar, he enjoyed a brief ^eign of about
five years ; but all that he accomplished during this
short period, entitles him to rank with the greatest
sovereigns of India.

Sher Shah was succeeded by his young son, Jalal
Khan, who was proclaimed king
because of his arrival in the camp in
time on the death of his father.
Becoming king, he assumed the title of Sallm'Shah, but

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 67

soon he discovered the truth of the maxim : " Uneasy lies
the head that wears a crown". The turbulence of the
unruly Afghans compelled him to have recourse to drastic
measures. He issued several regulations and strove
hard to strengthen his position. He arrested the
Amirs, who were against him, and imprisoned them,
or put them to death, as he thought fit. Although he
fell far short of his father's standard, he proved himself
quite a capable king. Barring out a few disturbances, he
enjoyed a peaceful reign of about eight years.

The first to feel the force of his arn*s was Shuja'at
Khan, the governor of Malwa, who had
M^wa^and^ accumulated enormous wealth and had
the Punjab. effectively established hfc authority

over the country under his rule.
Receiving intelligence of the indentions of the Emperor,
he sent submissive and reverential representations and
so secured his safety. Azim Humayun, governor of
the Punjab, was less prudent but more arrogant.
When Salim Shah summoned him to his court, he did
not go personally but sent a substitute to act as his
representative. The King took this as an insult and
an act of insubordination. He issued peremptory
orders to his army and set out at its head against the
Punjab. Azim anticipated drastic action on the part
of the Emperor and therefore broke into open
lebellion. He was defeated at Ambala and put to
flight. Again he gathered strength and fought an
engagement and again he was defeated and put to flight.
In Kashmir he was shot dead by certain tribesmen.
The Punjab was occupied.

68 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Another important event of Salim Shah's reign was
the rise of a religious movement.
r ~ * Under the influence of Shaikh Alai's

pursuasive eloquence it roused the religious zeal of the
masses and created disturbances in the Punjab. But,
when it assumed threatening dimensions and its
adherents began to defy the State authorities in the
open, the Sultan was compelled to order the immedi-
ate arrest and execution of the Shaikh. The orders
were carried out and Alai was put to death. With the
death of its author died the movement when it
was quite in its inception, its followers gradually dwindl-
ing into insignificance.

Salim Shah adopted a policy of repression in order

to establish his authority in his king- *
Government . . , .. . .

ot Sriliin Shah. dom. He maintained a well-organised

standing army and through it he
enforced his authority. He curbed the power 01 his
Amirs and took away from them all the instruments
of war they had in their possession. He deprived
them of their elephants and put an end to the practice of
granting money for a certain quota of horses supplied
to the State. He held the strings of tne State coffers
tight in his own hand and effected economies wherever
it was possible. He maintained an efficient spying
system and kept himself informed about all the events
of his reign through it. A new code of regulations was
formulated and justice was administered in accordance
with it. Neither the Qazls nor the Muftis, only
the Munsifs, were empowered to interpret these
regulations. In order to enforce the new code 'throughout

THE AFGHAN REVIVAL 69

the kingdom special troops were stationed and the King
himself endeavoured to see that the machinery of his
government worked well.

Salmi Shah died in 1553 A. C. He was followed
by his son, Firoz Khun, to the throne.

Muhammad 'Achl The latter was, however, killed by
Shah : 1553-5o. hjs und ^ Mubariz K^ who became

king and assumed the title of
Muhammad Shah 'Adil. The new king proved himself
a profligate debauchee. He soon earned for himself
the nickname of 'Adali, ' the fooMsh ' ; Tor immediately
after his enthronement, he began to dissipate the
resources of the Imperial Treasury in senseless prodigality.
Himself a chartered libertine, he allowed t^e adminis-
tration of his empire to be controlled by his clever and
capable minister, Hemu, who managed the affairs of
the State with great vigour and wisdom. But even
then it was impossible to bring under control the
jarring elements that had escaped at the death of
Salim Shah. Rebellions broke out everywhere and
the entire machinery of administration collapsed.
The King's own cousin, Ibrahim Khun, seized upon Agra
and Delhi, but he was soon beaten by his brother,
Sikandar Sur, who succeeded in securing for himself the
whole of the territory between the Indus and the
Ganges. Such was the chaotic condition of Hindustan
when messengers were sent to the ex- Emperor
Humayun, inviting him to occupy the throne of his
ancestors.

This brings us to tne main theme of our history.
Humayur, our homeless hero, was not idling away his

70 THE MTTGHAL EMPIRE

time. Though defeated, deposed and driven out of
India, he was not altogether deserted by fortune ; the
stars in their courses were fighting for him. With
the help of the Persian King, he attacked India,
defeated Sultan Sikandar Sur and took possession
of his lost empire. After a brief reign of twelve
months he fell from the stairs of his library and died
on January 24, 1556 A.C.

CHAPTER V

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR

(1556-1605 A. C.)
Reconquest and Reconstruction

Humayun was succeeded by his illustrious son,
j t Akbar, who stands as a splendid and

unrivalled figure in the annals of
Indian history. He successfully ruled in this country
for about fifty years, and during this period he made
mighty and enduring contributions to the cause of
human happiness. His versatile activity, embracing
almost every sphere of human endeavour, and many-
sided achievements assign him a place second to none
in the history of India. No other Mughal Emperor
is extolled so much by historians as he for his sagacious
statesmanship, dexterous diplomacy and military skill.
In this short space it is impossible to do justice to his
reign, which most unmistakably comprises the brightest
epoch of Indian history. The present account is,
therefore, bound to be imperfect. It does not, however,
omit anything important. For the sake of clarity and
convenience the subject is divided into five parts:
(1) Reconquest and Reconstruction, (2) Territorial
Annexations, (3) Din-i-Ilahl, (4) Administration, and
(3) Literature and Fine Arts.

Akbar was born at Amarkot on the 23rd of

Akbar's early life. November, 1542 A. C. His father,

Humayun, was out on an expedition

against Sind with the Rajah of that place (Amarkot)

72 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

when he received the news of the birth of his
son. He searched the saddle bags of his escort and
found only a bag of musk which he distributed among
his friends and prayed that the fame of his son might
spread in the world like the smell of that substance.
The boy was brought up in the camp by his mother,
Hamida Bano Begum. At the tender age of twelve
months his father left him in Qandhar at the mercy of
his uncle, Kamran. There his education was sadly
neglected. At the age of five years his vindictive uncle
exposed him f o a volley of shots fired by his father
when the latter was besieging Kabul. Fortunately,
however, he had a narrow escape. By the time he
attained the age of twelve, he had acquired considerable
skill in the control of camels, horses and elephants.
He had had enough of experience in the use of arms
and had seen much of warfare as a companion of his
father in his fugitive life. At the age of thirteen he was
called upon to occupy the throne of Hindustan on the
death of his father.

While Akbar was on his way back from the

u . . Punjab, where he had gone with his

His accession. J

father's faithful friend, Bairam Khan,
to put an end to the misgovernment of its governor,
Abdul Mali, he received at Kalanaur the news of the
death of his father. After performing the customary
rites of mourning, the coronation ceremony was gone
through in a garden on the 14th of February, 1556
A. C. As the new king was only a boy of thirteen,
Bairam Khan began to act as 1 regent and formally
took charge of the Imperial Government.* Akbar's

JALAL-UP-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 73

younger brother, Muhammad Hakim, was confirmed
in his government of Kabul, which, though a dependen-
cy of Hindustan, was none the less an independent
kingdom.

After his restoration, Humfiyun did not live long to
establish his authority in Hindustan.

The political He died only a year after, and his

condition of , , i r

India in 1556. son, Akbar, therefore, succeeded

to a troublous inheritance. In 1556
A. C. anarchy and confusion reigned supreme in India
and famine and pestilence were rampant in the rank
and file. The fairest provinces of Northern India,
including Delhi and Agra, were visited by plague,
which carried away a large number of f he people.
Politically, the throne of Delhi had become a bone of
contention between the Afghans and the Mughals, and
the country had been reduced to a mere geographical
expression, or a congeries of small states. The
sovereignty of North-West India was contested by
Sikandar Sur on the one hand, and Muhammad Shah
'Adil on the other. The former had collected a large
arrny in the Punjab and was aspiring for the sovereignty
of the whole of Hindustan ; the latter had retired to the
eastern provinces and uas increasing the area of his
influence there ; but his indomitable commander-in-
chief, Hemu, who had earned for himself a unique
military distinction by successfully fighting as many
as twenty-two pitched battles, was advancing from
Chunar, the capital of his master, towards Agra
with a large army, gathering strength on his march
from the enemies of the Mughal cause. Before Bairam

74 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Khan came to the rescue, Agru had fallen and TardI
Beg, the Governor of r Delhi, had been defeated
and put to flight After the fall of Agra,
Hemu occupied Delhi, ascended the Mughal Throne,
struck coins in his own name, raised the Imperial
Canopy over his head and assumed the title of
Vikramaditya. Consumed as he was with the ambition
of conquests, he was equally aflamed with the idea of
acquiring the empire of India. The fact that Humayun
was dead and that a boy of thirteen was on the throne
broadened the v horizon of his ambitions. Kabul, under
Muhammad Hakim, was an independent kingdom to
all intents and purposes. Its existence as such was
threatened by Sulaiman of Badakhshan. Bengal
enjoyed its independence under its Afghan Chiefs.
The Rajputs of Rajasthan had recovered from the
shock inflicted on them by Babar ; they were now in
unchallenged possession of their castles. Malwa ?nd
Gujarat had renounced their allegiance to the Central
Government during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq,
Gondwana was ruled by its own local chieftains.
Orissa was independent. Kashmir, Sind and Balochistan
were free from external control. The Deccan Sultanates
of Ahmednagar, Bijapur, Golconda, Khandesh and
Berar were ruled by their own Sultans, who were at
daggers drawn with one another. The Hindu Empire
of Vijayanagar then towered supreme in wealth,
strength and civilization. The Portuguese were power-
ful in the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf ; they
held the sway of the western sea-coast and possessed
some good sea-ports, including Goa and Diu.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 75

Such was the situation of India when Akbar
ascended the throne. It was fortunate

ISt!lSk eof for * he Mughal Dynasty that the
young Emperor had a powerful sup-
porter and an excellent general and statesman in Bairam
Khan, who served his master and secured his position
till he attained the age of discretion. The first
important thing that he was required to do as regent
was to fight against Hemu, who was advancing against
the Mughal Emperor at the head of a huge army. Almost
all the officers of the Mughal armv advised the Emperor
to retreat to Kabul, but Bairam Khan successfully
resisted such a pusillanimous step as would have spoiled
the prospects of the Mughal Dynasty. Forthwith he
ordered the immediate arrest and execution of TardI
Beg on a charge of misconduct in the face of the
enemy, and himself marched out to oppose Hemu.
Fo-tune favoured the resolute Mughal general from the
outset. An advance-guard had already handicapped
Hemu by capturing the whole park of his artillery. The
two armies, each commanded by a military genius of no
mean merit, came to severe blows at the memorable
plain of Panipat. Hemu made a furious charge of his
elephants and soon threw the left wing of the Mughal
army into confusion, and there was considerable con-
sternation in the Mughal Camp. The tide of victory
turned at once in favour of the Mughals when, in the
thick of fight, Hemu was hit in his eye with an arrow
and rendered unconscious. The fall of the leader from
his elephant decided the fate of the battle. The
Mughals won the day. Hemfl, the hero and the hope

76 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

of the Hindus, was taken prisoner and brought
before the Emperor. Bairam was anxious to see the
young emperor slaying a most formidable enemy, but
the chivalrous Shahinsktih refused to do so, saying
that it was unchivalrous to slay a fallen foe. There-
upon Bairam Khzln took out his own sword and slew
Hemu.

The victory at Panlpat removed the most powerful
opponent of Akbar. Hemu was
the'eatul defeated and slain. His army was

ruthlessly routed. A large booty,
including a big treasure and 1,500 elephants, fell into the
hands of the victorious army. Delhi and Agra and the
neighbouring districts were occupied. The way was
prepared for further conquests. The hopes of the
Hindus to establish theu own rule in India were dashed
to the ground. The prestige of the Mughal arms was
established and Akbar was hailed as the Emperor of
Hindustan. The Afghan Rule came to an end and the
Mughals began to rule in India. These were the net
results of the Second Battle of PanTpat.

A month after the Battle of Panlpat, Bairam Khan

and Akbar turned their attention

Submission of Sur towards the Sur claimants to the

thr n6 f ^^ Bef re ^'^ CO "'
elusions with Hemu, Bairam had sent

an army against Sikandar Sur, who had retired to
the Siwalik Hills and had taken shelter in the
stronghold of Mankot, from where he could easily
defy the authority of the Emperor. The fort was
beleaguered and Sikandar was reduced to su^.h straits

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 77

that he was compelled to sue for peace. He consented
to surrender himself if he was decently provided for.
The stronghold was occupied and Sikandar was assigned
an estate in the east, where he died in 1569 A, C. In
1557 A. C Muhammad Shah Adall met his death in a
conflict with the king of Bengal. Thus, within a brief
span of time, the three acknowledged adversaries of
Akbar were got rid of, and he was now securely seated
on the throne of Delhi. Next year (1558) Ajmer,
Gwalior and Jaunpur were annexed to the Mughal
Empire. After these conquests, Bairam Khan turned
his serious attention to the internal administration of the
country. But ere long he carne into conflict with his
ambitious and impatient royal ward. The story of his
rise and fall is an interesting episode in the early history
of the present reign.

A Turkman by birth and a Shia Muslim by faith,
Bairam Khan was one of the most

Bairam Khan, devoted and faithful followers of

or Khan Bba.

Humayun. He had suffered with his

master all the privations of a fugitive life and had stood
by him in some of his most trying situations. But for
his advice and assistance, Humayun would not have
been able to reconquer India. His loyalty towards
Akbar was equally unmixed and his services to the
Mughal cause were invaluable. It was at his instance
chat the Second Battle of Panlpat was fought and a
decisive victory won. At his accession Akbar cannot be
said to have possessed any definite kingdom. It was
during his regency that Delhi, Agra and the surrounding
districts were occupied, and Ajmer, Gwalior and

78 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Jaunpur were conquered. It was he, again, who
removed the rivals of his young master and securely
seated him on the throne of India. His ability, age and
experience enabled him to acquire an inestimable
influence in the Mughal Empire. He was a shrewd
politician and a rigid disciplinarian. He was jealous of
his master's youthful friendships and would not tolerate
any favours which the latter might bestow upon his
servants without his consultation.

Unfortunately enongh, Bairam Khan had made

TT , ,, many enemies at the Court by his

His fall. , . J

haughty demeanour and arrogant

behaviour. Hamlda Bano Bagum, the Queen-mother ;
Maham Ankah, the foster-mother ; Adham Khan, a
foster-brother ; and Shahab-ud-Dln, the Governor of
Delhi all these disliked him for reasons of their own.
They availed themselves of every occasion to foment
the feelings of irritation between the Emperor and the
Protector. At last a trifling incident brought about a
serious quarrel between the two. Once, when Akbar
was amusing himself with an elephant-fight, the two
contesting animals got out of control. They broke
through the enclosure, stampeded Bairam, Kuan's camp
close by, and put his life in danger. In spite of Akbar's
strong protestations that the occurrence was purely
accidental, the Khan lost his temper and immediately
ordered the execution of an innocent personal servant
of His Majesty. At this Akbar's indignation knew no
bounds. For some time there was a feeling of coldness
between the Emperor and his Atallq (tutor), but a
reconciliation was effected when the former soothed the

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 79

ruffled feelings of the htter by giving him the hand
of Salima Sultana, the niece of Humayun. But before
long Bairam executed another courtier, Pir Muhammad,
for an alleged offence. By such actions as these he not
only strained his relations with the Emperor but also
earned for himself a host of enemies at the Court. The
appointment of his own kith and kin and co-religionists
(Shias) to high offices in the State grossly offended the
Sunnl Orthodoxy. His punishment of the Emperor's
servants and courtiers for the most trivial misconduct
had already estranged him to the Emperor ; but when
the latter learnt that his regent was harbouring
plans of placing Kamran's son, Abul yasim, on the
throne, the tension took a serious turn. The breaking-
point had already reached. Now a conspiracy was
organised against him and at the instance of Hamida
Bano Begum, Maham Ankah, Adham Khan and
Shahab-ud-DIn, the Emperor went to Bianah, on the
pretext of hunting, in order to discuss the matter.
There it was arranged that he should go to Delhi to see
his mother, who was given out to be ill. While he was
with his mother, Maham Ankah employed all arts of
intrigue against Bairam Khan. She fomented the
feelings of the Emperor, who was already smarting
under the galling tutelage of his rather domineering
regent. Soon after his return from Delhi, Akbar issued
the following declaration : ' It being our intention
henceforth to govern our people by our judgment, let
our well-wisher withdraw from all worldly attachments
and retire to Mecca to pass the rest of his life in prayer,
far-removed from the toils of public life. 1 Bairam

80 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Khan soon discerned what - was passing behind the
screen. Realising that he had gone too far, he sent
two trusty officers to the Court with * assurances of
unabated loyalty towards the throne ', and offered
* supplication and humility.' Akbar imprisoned the
messengers and sent a certain Pir Muhammad Khan,
once a subordinate of the Khan, at the instigation of the
Court Party, in order to hasten his departure to Mecca.
Bairam Khan's pride was touched to the quick, and in
the outburst of his wrath, he broke into open
rebellion. He was, however, defeated, taken prisoner
and brought before the Emperor, who graciously
pardoned him in view of his past services. When he
reached Lahore, where the Emperor was holding his
Court, he was greatly impressed by the reception
accorded to him. He threw himself at his sovereign's
feet and burst into tears. The forgiving King at once
raised him up and made him take his former place on the
right hand side at the head of the grandees of the
Empire. Then His Majesty invested him with a
magnificent robe of honour and offered him three
alternatives : (1) If he preferred to remain at Court, he
would be treated with profound honour as the benefactor
of the Royal House ; (2) If he chose to remain in
office, he would be given the governorship of one of the
Imperial provinces, and (3) If he wished to retire to a
religious life, he would be honourably provided for and
comfortably escorted to on his pilgrimage to Mecca
He replied that, having once lost his master's confidence,
he was not willing to continue in his service any more
and added that the clemency of the Padshah was

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 81

enough, and his forgiveness was more than a regard
for his former services. " Let me, therefore, turn my
thoughts from this world," he said, " to another and be
permitted to proceed to the Holy Shrine." The
Padshah approved of his decision, provided him with a
suitable escort and assigned him a liberal pension for
his maintenance. But he was not destined to reach
the ' Holy Shrine*. He was murdered on his way by a
private enemy at Patan. This took place in January
1561 A. C.

Bairam Khan's dismissal cleared the way for the
'Petticoat Court Party, the most prominent

Government': member of which was Mahr.m Ankah,

1560-64 A. C. , u- * u j v ,

whom historians have described as

the 'prime confidante ' of the Ring in all the affairs of
the State. While dwelling upon the dismissal of Bairam
Khan, Dr. Smith remarks that the Emperor shook off
the tutelage of the Khan-i-Khanan only to bring himself
under the ' monstrous regiment of unscrupulous women ',
and further observes that the most unscrupulous of them
was Maham Ankah, who conferred high offices upon her
worthless favourites. The Doctor is not at all justified
in his remarks. His views are contradicted by facts.
Akbar was not at all dominated by Maham Ankah.
Had that been the case, the fate of Bairam Khan, after
his fall, would have been terrible ; for he had no greater
enemy at the Court than that women. It was quite
contrary to her wishes that the Khan was so honourably
treated after his rebellion. Again, if Akbar had really
been undei the thumb of Maham Ankah, as he is alleged

82 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

to have been, Adham Khan, her son, would have been
the first man to receive a high title or a big jagir. But
we know for certain that he was not entrusted with any
responsible post in the State. Doubtless, he was once
sent against Malwa at the head of an army, but when
he misappropriated the spoils of war after success,
the Emperor marched against him in person and chastis-
ed him for his brazen insolence. Afterwards, when he
murdsred Shams-ud-Dln Atka Khan, on whom the
Emperor wished to bestow the office of Vakil, quite
against the will of his foster-mother, he was twice
thrown down from the ramparts of his fort, with the
result that his brains were knocked out and his life
came to an end. If, therefore, the Emperor had been
under the influence of Maham Ankah, the punishment
awarded to Adham Khan must have been much milder.
That was, however, not so. Akbar acted independently
according to his own judgment, though he sought the
advice of the Court Party in certain affairs of the
kingdom and held his foster-mother in high esteem.

By the year 1564 A.C. Akbar had fully establish-
ed his authority; he had taken the
A. S c! n reins of administration in his own
hands, had overcome his rivals and had
firmly seated himself on the throne of Delhi. He had
shaken off the tutelage of Bairam Khan and the influence
of the Court Party and had entered upon his personal
government. As a man of strong imperial instinct,
he aspired to become the spyereign-ruler of India.
Before he entered upon a career of conquest, he was
called upon to suppress a series of rebellions and revolts.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 83

One of the Uzbeg officers of Akbar had xisen
to the position of Kban Zaman in
KhanZamln. appreciation of his valuable services

~ at the Battle of Panlpat U556 A. C.).

In 1560 A. C. the Afghans of Bengal, headed by Sher
Shah II, son of Muhammad Shah 'Adali, made an
attempt to recover Delhi. They were utterly defeated
by Khan Zaman, who, however, refused to send to His
Majesty the elephants, included in the spoils of war.
The Emperor took the field against him in person and
advanced towards Jaunpur. When the Kh?n heard of the
Emperor's advance, he marched out to pay homage
to His Majesty, taking with him not only the elephants
but the rest of the booty as well as other propitiatory
offerings. With his usual generosity, the Emperor
passed over his act of insubordination and confirmed
him in the government of Jaunpur shortly afterwards.

Adham Khan was employed by Akbar against Baz
Bahadur of Malwa. He won a decisive
AdhamKha f n. victory near Sarangpur over his enemy,

but followed the example of Khan
Zaman by rebelling and retaining the spoils of the con-
quest. As if this was not enough, he went a step further :
Elated by his success, he made a lavish distribution of
the booty in order to increase his popularity, retaining,
however, for himself the royal ensigns and a major part
of the treasure, which ought to have been sent to the
Emperor as a matter of course. Akbar instantly
marched into Malwa at the head of the Imperial army,
took Adham Khan by surprise before he could break into
open rebellion, captured the booty and removed him

84 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

from the government of Malwa After his misconduct
in the expedition against Malwa, Adham Khan was kept
at the Imperial Court, where he grew jealous of the
promotion of Shams-ud-Dln to the position of Vakil, i.e.,
Prime Minister. Smarting under the loss of his
government of Malwa, he entered, one night, in the
Diwan-i-KJ}as with some of his retainers and stabbed
the Vakil to death. The noise that followed the
mi 1 Her, aroused the Emperor from his sleep, brought
him out of his private apartment and attracted him to
the scene of the occurrence. Finding his minister dead,
the Emperor dealt such a blow to the traitor that he fell
senseless to the ground. He was twice thrown down
from the terraced-roof of the royal palace inside the fort
and killed. This took place in 1562 A. C.

Adham Khan was superseded by Pir Muhammad
in the government of Malwa. But

Abdullah Khan. ^ r was more a man f letters than
of war. His barbarous treatment of
the people of the province strengthened the cause of
Baz Bahadur, who was thus enabled to expel the
Mughals out of his dominions with the help of the
Sultan of Kbandesh. Pir Muhammad .was drowned
while his defeated troops were crossing the river
Narbada. Akbar dispatched another army under the
command of one Abdullah Khan who inflicted a severe
defeat on Baz Bahadur and recaptured Malwa. After
some futile efforts to recover his kingdom, Baz Bahadur
took service under the Mughal Emperor. The
government of the province wa made over to Abdullah
Khan, who soon followed the example of his predecessor

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 85

by an attempt at rebellion. Akbar marched against
him and, after some fighting, compelled him to take
refuge in Gujarat.

Hotly chased into Gujarat, the rebellious chief

(Abdullah) ultimately made his way
Revolts of Uzbeg . , T , , . . , , ,

Chiefs- 1565-1567 in * Jaunpur, where he joined hands

with the traitor, Khan Zaman, and
Asaf Khan, and made common cause with them against
the Mughal Emperor. An insurrection of threatc:;In &
dimensions broke out in Jaunpur in 1565 A. C. and
lasted till 1567 A. C. It was somjthing like a general
rising of the Uzbeg Chiefs, the hereditary enemies of the
family of Babar, who did not like the Persianised ways
of Akbar and his sympathetic attitude towards his
Persian officers, so much so that they now intrigued
against him in favour of Kamran's son, Abul Qasim. The
Imperial army sent against Khan Zaman was defeated in
156j A. C. Thereupon the Emperor himself advanced
towards the insurgent chiefs, who at once made a show
of submission, but never submitted. A little afterwards
they were joined by the disaffected Afghans and the
discontented Musalmans of the eastern provinces.
Before Akbar could find time to suppress the rebellion
of the Uzbegs, he was called upon to protect the
Punjab, which was simultaneously invaded by Mirza
Muhammad Hakim of Kabul. At this critical juncture
he displayed marvellous courage, resourcefulness and
presence of mind. He lost no time in marching to the
Punjab, dispersing the allies of his brother and putting
them to flight. The Mirza returned to Kabul
discomfited After restoring internal tranquillity in the

86 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Punjab, the Emperor again turned his attention to the
insubordinate Uzbegs. Post-haste he marched into the
east and took them by surprise at Mankuwal (ten miles
from Allahabad). Khan Zaman was killed in the battle
which ended disastrously for the Uzbegs. His
accomplices were severely punished while Abul Qasim
was executed in the fort of Gwalior. Thus, the back of
the Uzbeg rising was broken, though it was not finally
"nnressed till 1573 A. C.

Another instance of insubordinate and head-strong
of^cers, who tried to take law in their

Monstrous act own hands and escape punishment

of Khwajah . . , .

Mu'azzam. for their misconduct owing to their

friendship with or influence over the
Emperor, was that of Khwajah Mu'azzam, a half-brother
of the dowager-queen, Hamida Bano Begum. This
1 half insane monster ' took his wife to his country-seat
and stabbed her to death. This tragic accident took
place in 1564 A. C. At the request of the deceased's
mother, Emperor Akbar hurried to the scene of the
occurrence, seized the murderer, Mu'azzam, and his
accomplices, and threw them into the State Prison of
Gwalior.

Akbar did not take long to realize that there was

something grievously wrong with the
Akbar and P . i TT

the Rajputs. policy of his predecessors. He soon

discovered that if he wanted to
establish his empire he must broad-base his rule on the
acquiescent good- will of his subjects, irrespective of their
caste or creed. * Of all the dynasties that had yet
ruled m India, that of Tamerlane was the most insecure

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 87

in its foundation. ' This sense of insecurity led him to
secure the sympathies of the Hindus in general and
the Rajputs in particular. The latter constituted the
military class of the Hindu community. They were
the born war-lords of India and their support was
indispensable to the cause of the new dynasty.
Accordingly, Akbarset himself to the task of reconciling
the Rajputs to the ideas of the Mughal Rule. The
following were the methods he adopted :

(1) With the true acumen and insight of a statesman

he entered into matrimonial alliances
Matrimonial ... .,_ -- -a. TU c. *. -o-- -.

alliances. Wlt " t" e Rajputs. The first Rajput

Rajah to give him his daughter in
marriage was Bharmal Kachhwaha of Amber. This
marriage secured the powerful support of a brave
Rajput family. ' It symbolised, ' says Dr. Beni Prasad,
' the dawn of a new era in Indian politics, it gave the
country a line of remarkable sovereigns ; it secured to
four generations of Mughal emperor the services of some
of the greatest cap f ains and diplomats that mediaeval
India produced'. This marriage was solemnised in
1562 A. C. In 1570 the Emperor married princesses
from the Rajput States of Jaisalmir and Bikaner. In
1584 A. C, Prince Salim (Jahanglr) was married to the
daughter of Rajah Bhagwan Das.

(2) Towering above the trammels of religion and the

petty prejudices of the Age, Akbar
appreciated and rewarded the services

and other Hindus, of his Hindu subjects, particularly the
Rajputs. He granted them high

posts of power and responsibility, both in the civil and

88 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

military departments. He took them into his confi-
dence and admitted them to every degree of power.
Rajah Todar Mai, Rajah Bharmal, Rajah Bhagwan
Das and Rajah Man Singh were some of those who
enjoyed high commands in the army. Nearly half of
Akbar's soldiers and many of his generals were Hindus.

(3) The basic principle of Akbar's policy was toleration.
To all his subjects he granted the
freedom of worship and the liberty of

liberty of conscience. He abolished the Jizia,

conscience. . ,

levied upon the Ziwwts (non-Mus-

lims), and all the taxes imposed upon Hindu pilgrims.
He treated his Hindu subjects as well as his Muslim
subjects ; rather, ' with a leaning in favour of the
former '. To please his Hindu subjects, he often
adopted their customs and practices, mixed freely with
them, and seemingly shared their beliefs.

(4) Akbar took a lively interest in the welfare of his

Hindu subjects. He tried to eradi-

Reforms. cate the ev ^ s that had honeycombed

Hindu society. While following the

policy of toleration and reconciliation, he did not

hesitate to remove the abuses of Hindu* society. He

forbade child-marriage, discouraged Sati* and encourag-

ed widow-remarriage. Besides, he practically preached

against caste-restrictions and inculcated love of

humanity. He encouraged fellow-feeling among all his

* The rite of burning widows alive with the dead bodies of
their husbands, in vogue among t : he Hindus in ancient and
madiaeval India.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 89

subjects and imparted education to all and sundry.
During his reign the Hindus studied side by side with
the Muslims without any restrictions of rank, race or
religion.

By such methods as enumerated above, Akbar
won over the Rajput element to his

Effects of the side Three benefits accrued from

above methods.

the policy of toleration and reconcilia-
tion adopted by him: (1) The Rajput danger was
over ; (2) when the Rajputs were reconciled, their
support was used as a counterpoise against the
Uzbegs and insubordinate officers ; and (3) their
loyalty served as a strong safeguard against the opposi-
tion of the Afghans who had been freshly dethroned.
For the Emperor it was wise to enlist the active co-
operation of the Rajputs whoi.e martial qualities were
universally admired. For the Rajpilts, on the other
hand, it was equally wise to submit to a sovereign who
appreciated their merits, rewarded their services, res-
pected their feelings and tolerated their faith.

After erecting the famous Ibadat-Khana at Fathpur
Slkrl for the meetings of the intel-
e lectuals of his reign, Akbar sent a

formal letter of invitation to the
Portuguese authorities at Goa, requesting them to send to
bis court some of their most learned and well-qualified
Christian theologians to enlighten him on the philoso-
phical basis of Christianity. The hopes of the Portu-
guese ran high at the prospect of winning so desirable a
convert as the Emperor of India.

90 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

In 1580 A. C., a year after the invitation, they

_. . ... . complied with the Imperial request

First Mission. r t . r ^

and sent a mission under Father
Rudolf Acquaviva and Father Monserrat, both of
whom were renowned for their devotion to the
Christian faith. Akbar accorded the missionaries a most
hearty welcome. He treated them with great respect
and permitted them to build a chapel at Agra. He
evinced a keen interest in the sacred pictures of Christ
ana Mary. He even placed his son, Sallm, under
their tuition in order tc try the effect of Christian
teachings on the unbiassed mind of the young ; but
nothing could shake his belief in his own faith. The
Fathers were grievously disappointed in their expecta-
tions ; for indeed the Emperor was a hard nut to crack.
After a stay of three years at the Mughal Court,
the first mission returned in 1583 A. C., without
achieving its object, i.e., without converting Akbar to
Christianity.

The second mission, sent from Goa, arrived at the

***. . Mughal Court in 1 590 A. C. It too did

Second Mission. ~T .

not fare better than its predecessor ;

for it failed to convert Akbar to Christianity. The
failure of this mission convinced the Jesuits that Akbar's
mind was most inscrutable, though he still remained
most favourably disposed towards them and loved to have
some of them with him. It remained at the Mughal
Court for three years (1590-1593 A.C.) and then
returned, as unsuccessful as the first.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 91

The third mission arrived at Lahore, where the
Third Mission. Imperial Court then resided, and it

was extended a rousing reception. It
fared better than the first two inasmuch as it was
allowed to build its chapels in Lahore and Agra and to
make converts if it could. Besides, it secured many
valuable trading facilities and became, more or less, a
permanent institution in the Mughal Empire.

To the Portuguese Akbar was at first an encourage-
Akbar's object. ment, then an enigma, and finally a
bitter disappointment. Why ? be-
cause his object in inviting the Portuguese missionaries
to his Court and showing profound veneration for the
Gospel was political rather than religious. He wished
to befriend the Portuguese at Goa, who possessed a
large park of artillery, and to secure their assistance
against the stronghold of Aslrgarh as well as against his
own son, Salim, who had rebelled against him. Akbar
was more a politician and a statesman than a religious
propagandist or a missionary. Behind all his acts there
were always some ulterior political motives

CHAPTER VI

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR

(CONTINUED)

Territorial Annexations

(Conquests)

The experience of the past and the events daily

T J coming to his notice alike awoke

Introductory. .

Akbar to the dangers and difficulties

that he would have had to face if India had continued
to be a congeries of small states or a geographical ex-
pression. He felt the necessity for a paramount power
at the centre to control the outlying provinces if India
was to enjoy the blessings of eternal peace. The
unification of India, therefore, presupposed the conquest
of all those parts of India over which the Mughals had
no control.

After the Battle of Panlpat U556 A.C.) Akbar

occupied Delhi and Agra. During
Early conquests. V> / ^ TT-I_ t

the Protectorate of Bairam Khan he

conquered Ajmer, Gwalior, Jaunpur, Chunar and
Mirtha By the year 1 564 A. C. he had firmly seated
himself on the throne of Delhi. As a man of imperial
instinct, he now aspired to make himself the ruler of
the whole of Hindustan. Accordingly, he buckled
himself to the task of reducing the whole of India to his
own sway. He embarked upon a career of conquest,
which was crowned in 1601 A. C. by the capture of
Aslrgarh.

JALAL-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AKBAK 93

(1) In 1564 A. C. ht dispatched an army against

the Rajput State of Gondwana in the
Oondwaiia. ^

Central Provinces under the command

of Asaf K]]an, the governor of Kara-Manikpur. Durga-
vati, who acted as regent for her young son, gallantly
defended her small kingdom and offered a stout resis-
tance to the Imperial army. Finding, however, that
further resistance was futile, she stabbed herself to death
on the battle-field. Gondwana was overrun and sub-
dued. The royal treasure was plundered and immense
booty was obtained by the invaders. Bir Narayan, the
minor Rajah, resumed the fight and perished on the
field of battle after a desperate defence of the reputation
of his house which was at stake.

(2) By the end of the year 1566 A. C. Akbar had

broken the back of almost all his
formidable foes. He now found him-
self free to renew his campaign against Rajputana, which
had been postponed owing to the Uzbeg Revolt and
other rebellions. An ambitious king like Akbar, who
wanted to rule over a united and peaceful India, could
not brook the existence of such strong forts on the
borders of frs empire as Chittor and Ranthambhor.
Rana Sangha, the flower of Rajput chivalry was dead.
His son, Udai Singh, was now the premier prince of
Rajasthan. Udai utterly lacked the qualities that had
characterised his father. He proved to be the most
unworthy scion of the famous house of Bapa Rawal.
Colonel James Tod justly remarks : ' Well had it been
for Mewar had the poniard fulfilled his intention ; and
had the annals never recorded the name of Udai Singh

94 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

in the catalogue of her princes ' It was, therefore, high
time for the Mughal Emperor to resume his campaign
against Rajputana. He did not, perhaps, forget that
the Rana had given shelter and even pecuniary help to
Baz Bahadur of Malwa after his defeat at the hands of
the imperialists. The Ranas of Chittor were very proud
of their noble ancestry. They had refused to enter into
matrimonial alliances with the Emperor and had all
along defied his authority. An attack on Chittor was,
therefore, a foregone conclusion. In 1566 A. C. Akbar
took the field in person against Udai Singh at the head
of an efficient army. At his approach, the Rana retired
to the inaccessiole mountainous country in order to save
his person, leaving a garrison of eight thousand brave
Rajput soldiers in charge of the stronghold under the
command of Jayamal and Patta. In October, 1567
A. C. the famous fortress was invested with the help of
five thousand craftsmen skilled in engineering operations
by which the walls were to be undermined. The
Rajputs, who had the decided advantage of position,
defended themselves with great courage, but they could
not check the progress of the siege which was conducted
in the most scientific manner then known. Two sabats,
or covered approaches, were made and it was
planned to blow up the stronghold with the aid of
gunpowder. During the operations the powder exploded
too soon and killed no less than five hundred of the
besiegers and many more of the besieged, crowded on the
bastion. The Emperor ordered the construction of new
mines and continued the siege with renewed energy.
By February, 1568 A. C. everything was ready and a

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 95

/

furious attack was made- on the Rajputs. One night
the Emperor chanced to se^ Jayamal while the latter
was directing the repair of one of the breaches made by
the besiegers and shot him through his head. As usual,
the fall of the commander decided the fate of the
garrison. As Akbar advanced to the breaches, he found
them undefended. The Rajputs had retired to perform
the rite of Jauhar.* Wishing to spare their lives,
Akbar summoned them to surrender. Committing their
wives and children to the flames, they came out "ana
fought and fell on the field of battle. Some of them
cut their way through and others saved themselves and
their families ' by binding their own women and
children as prisoners, and, seizing a favourable opportu-
nity, marched quietly through the cordon of besiegers
as if they were a detachment of Akbar's Rajput allies
conducting their captives to the rear '. It appears that
the Rajputs resorted to this ruse to save their families
from death, availing themselves of the knowledge that
the Emperor had abolished the practice of enslaving the
prisoners of war, otherwise they* would not have
tolerated the humiliation of allowing their wives and
daughters to fall into the hands of the Mughals. Akbar
returned to his capital, bringing with him this time as
trophy a pair of wooden gates instead of a beautiful bride.

* When defeated and driven to despair, the Rajputs mas-
sacred their women in order to prevent their falling into the
hands of their victors and plunged themselves in the field with
swords in their hands, fought their foes without fear and fell
fighting on the field and dhd to a man. Sometimes their women
willingly perished in the flames kindled by their own hands. This
was known as Jauhar.

96 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The fall of Chittor was folio we J by the capture of the two
famous fortresses of Ranthambhor and Kalinjar. A little
after the conquest of Chittor, Akbar sent an army under
efficient generals for the reduction of Ranthambhor in
Rajasthan and himself appeared at the scene of action
in February, 1569 A. C Taking his position on the top
of a hill close to the almost impregnable fortress, he
commenced bombardment and reduced the Rajput
Rajah, Surjana Hara, to such straits that he was forced
to sue for peace. He sent his sons, Bhoja and Duda, to
the Emperor who conferred robes of honour on them
and sent them back to their father. The Rajah
was so much impressed by this act of magnanimity
that he expressed his willingness to serve His Majesty,
the Emperor Akbar. His wish was complied with.
At first he was made a Qildddr at Garhkantak,
and a little later he was appointed governor of
Benares and Chunar. Before advancing against Ran-
thambhor, Akbar had detailed an army under the
command of Majnun Khan Kakshak against Kalinjar.
Rajah Ram Chandra had already received the news
of the fall of the two famous fortresses of Rajasthan.
He submitted in 1569 A. C. and surrendered his
stronghold to the imperial army without resistance. He
was granted zjagir near Allahabad, and Kalinjar was
placed in charge of Majnun Khan, the valiant com-
mander of the Mughal army. Ram Chandra's example
was followed by many other Rajput princes, who
surrendered their states to the Emperor and joined his
service. But Udai Singh was ^ecure in his mountain
fortresses, whither he had retired at the approach of

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 97

Akbar at Chittor. There he had built a new city and
named it Udaipur after his own name. He died in
1572 A. C. and was succeeded by his son, Rana
Pratap Singh, who was destined to be a most deter-
mined enemy of Islam and an avowed champion of
Hinduism. He is said to have taken a vow to vindicate
the honour of his house and to expel the Musalmans
from India. Although his resources, as compared to
those of the Mughal Emperor, were absolutely insignifi-
cant and his chances of success were few and rar
between, yet he * was fighting for his principles and
those who fight for a principle do not stop to measure
the chances of success or failure '. This bravest of the
brave Rajputs plunged himself into a life-long struggle
to retrieve the sinking fortunes of his famous house and
continued an unbalanced war till he recovered a
considerable part of the lost territory of Mewar. No
excuse for a war against him was needed. Since he
refused to submit to Akbar, his destruction was, there-
fore, determined upon. Rajah Man Singh, assisted by
Asaf Khan II, undertook an expedition against the
Rana at the head of a large army. He attacked the
fortress of Gogunda in the Iravallies, but Pratab Singh
was guarding the pass of Haldlghat leading to Gogunda.
At the approach of the imperial army, a fierce hand to
hand fight began and ended in victory for Akbar. The
Rana received a serious wound and retired to the
mountains. For some time he was hardpressed by the
Mughals and was compelled to live in the distant
hilly fortresses. But in 1578 A. C. he was again in the
field though only to lose Gondwana and Udaipur.

98 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Afterwards he was able to recover almost all of Mewar,
except, Chittor, Ajmer and Mandalgarh, in the absence
of the Emperor whose presence at Lahore was highly
necessary till the danger from Turan was over. Rana
Pratap died in 1597 A. C. after filling the whole of
India with his undying fame. The danger from the
North-West Frontier being over, the Emperor sent his
son, Salim, against Amar Singh, the son and successor
of Rana Pratap. Realising the impossibility of success
in a mountain warfare against an indomitable race, the
Prince retreated to Fathpur and thence to Allahabad,
leaving Amar Singh secure in his possessions to the end
of his father's reign. The net result of the protracted
campaign against Mewar was that the pride of the
Rana was humbled and the famous fortresses of Chittor
and Ranthambhor were taken, Kalinjar and Ajmer were
occupied and Rajputana was constituted into a separate
province of the Mughal Empire. With most of the
Rajputs on his side, Akbar could now freely indulge in
his ambitious projects in other regions,

(3) It will be Remembered that Gujarat was conquer-
. ed and occupied by Emperor Humayun

though only temporarily. Akbar
therefore wished to reclaim it as a lost province of
the Mughal Empire. Even in his own reign it had
become a place of retreat for insurgent officers and
refractory chiefs. The Mirzas, the Uzbegs and the
royal cousins had taken refuge there. It was there that
a serious insurrection had occurred. Above all, the
wealth and plenty of the place, its flourishing trade and
thriving maritime commerce had a lure that was

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 99

irresistible. The time was highly favourable for the
Mughal Emperor to recover what was once a province of
his father's empire. For anarchy and confusion reigned
supreme in Gujarat owing to the struggle between
Muzaffar Shah II and the Mirzas who had established
themselves there in the reign of Humayun. The nominal
king, Muzaffar Shah, was a mere puppet in the hands of
this faction or that. Moreover, Akbar received an invita-
tion from Itimad Khan, the minister of Muzaffar Shah,
requesting him to relieve the fair province of the chaos
it was in. Forthwith, he marched against Muzaffar
Shah, who concealed himself in a corn field when he
heard of the arrival of the Emperor In his capital,
Ahmadabad. After receiving the submission of the
chiefs of Gujarat and putting its capital under his
foster-brother, Kban-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Koka, Akbar
laid siege to Surat which surrendered soon afterwards.
The Emperor, who had never seen a sea, made an
excursion to Cambay and enjoyed a short sail on the
ocean. He also made acquaintance with the Portuguese
there. After introducing necessary administrative reforms,
Akbar returned to Fathpur Slkrl. As soon as he turned
his back, the Mirzas broke into a serious revolt. Post-
haste he marched again against Gujarat and, covering
six hundred miles in nine days, he reached Ahmadabad
'a marvellous feat of physical endurance*. Taking
the rebels by surprise, he inflicted a crushing defeat
upon them. The Mirzas, who had headed so many
rebellions against the Emperor, were finally crushed
(1573 A. C.). Order was soon restored and fortune
again began to smile over Gujarat. Rajah Todar Mai

100 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

played a conspicuous part in restoring peace and plenty
to this province by his indefatigable efforts and industry.
The conquest of Gujarat marks a new epoch in the
history of Akbar's reign. After its annexation to the
Mughal Empire, it began to prosper by leaps and
bounds. It brought to the Imperial Exchequer
a vastly increased income, roughly estimated at
Rs. 50,00,000 annually. The Emperor was for the
first time brought into personal contact with the Portu-
guese, whose dealings with him had important political
effects on the history of the period. Finally, the con-
quest of Gujarat prepared the way for further conquests.
It was used as a jumping-off point for the invasion of
the southern kingdoms. It opened the way into the
Deccan and also accelerated the conquest of Bengal.
(4) Sulaiman Kara-am, who had founded an indepen-
dent kingdom of Bengal in 1564 A.C.,
6nga ' was wise enough to acknowledge

Akbar as his suzerain. On his death in 1572 A. C.,
he was succeeded by his headstroiig son, Daud. At his
accession, the new king reversed the policy of his pre-
decessor. He read the Khutbd and struck coins in his
own name and openly defied the authority of the Emperor.
The conquest of Gujarat had extended the Empire of
Akbar in the west right up to the sea. It was but
natural that the ambitious Emperor would desire to
acquire a similar frontier in the east. Only a pretext
was enough to enable him to achieve his object. He
found one when Daud attacked and occupied the fort
of Zamania. Akbar himsejr marched against him
and drove him from Patna and Hajipur. He was

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 101

defeated at Tukarai in Orissa and was compelled to
submit to the Emperor and pay him tribute. Bengal
was annexed to the Mughal Empire and Munim Khan
was made its governor. Munim died in 1575 A. C. and
his death enabled Daud to recover his lost territory.
Akbar could not bear such an audacity. At once he
ordered his army to march against him under the
command of a capable general. Again he was defeated
and taken prisoner at Rajmahal (1576 A. C.)

In connection with the conquest of Bengal a

T*. ~ u _i reference must bt made to the rebellion

The Qaqshal

Rebellion in which broke out in tha* province after

Bengal. Q{ its governor> Kh

Jahan. Its causes were : (1) Muzaffar Khan Turbati,
who was appointed governor after Khan-i-Jahan,
was 'harsh in his measures and offensive in his speech*.
He was disliked by the people, specially the Qaqshals,
for the new methods of assessment and the new regula-
tions regarding the confiscation of unauthorised hold-
ings. His harsh policy and its rigid enforcement earned
him enmity from all quarters. (2) Owing to the bad
climate of Bengal, the Emperor had increased the
allowances of his soldiers serving in that province.
When Mansur, the Imperial Diwan, reduced these
allowances by half, the soldiers suffered and agitated.
To allow discontent to enter the army was a blunder of
the first magnitude. So rigorous was the inquest that
even the Sayurghal lands were not exempt from it. This
offended the Ulama, who preached and propagated against
the Emperor. (3) Akbar's Sulh-i-Kul policy also pre-
cipitated the crisis. The bigoted Udlmd declared him

102 THF MUGHAL EMPIRE

an apostate from Islam and called upon the people to
carry a crescentade against the ' impious emperor '.
The first to revolt were the Chughtai Qaqsfadls who
refused to pay the ddgh tax and advanced upon the
capital with arms in their hands under their leader,
Baba Khan. They were soon joined by other malcon-
tents who aggravated the trouble. Rajah Todar Mai
was sent by the Emperor to suppress disorder in Bengal,
uui the rebels had gained strength and the situation had
taken a serious turn. Muzaffar was murdered and the
whole of Bihar and Bengal lay at the feet of the
Qaqsbdls. Al;bar then sent Aziz Koka to the aid of
Todar Mai, and the two generals combined to crush the
Qaqshdls. Their efforts were crowned with success ;
but soon after the suppression of the Qaqsbdl rebellion,
there appeared another danger on the horizon. A
Jdglrddr of Jaunpur, called Masum Farankhudi, rebelled
against the established government. Shah Baz Khan
defeated him and compelled him to flee into the
Siwalik hills to find refuge there. Aziz Koka put in
a word in his favour and the Emperor was reconciled
to him. But he did not live long to enjoy the
Imperial favours ; his career was cut short by his
private enemy a little later. Though fighting continued
in Bengal for some time, the fury of the recalcitrant
movement had considerably abated and the danger was
practically over.

(5) Many of the orthodox Musalmans, particularly of
the eastern provinces, intrigued against
the Emperor and wished to depose
him iu favour of his younger brother, Mirza Muhammad

JALAL-UD-DiN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 103

>

Hakim. Encouraged by this and emboldened by, the
rebellions and revolts that followed one another in
rapid succession, the Mirza sent an army under one of
his officers to attack the Punjab. When this expedition
failed, he launched another under his general, Shadman,
who was defeated and slain by Rajah Man Singh. In
1581 A. C. Hakim himself invaded the Punjab at the
head of fifteen thousand horse. In vain he tried to
induce the inhabitants of India to join him. Akbar not
only repelled him, but pursued him to Kabul and com-
pelled him to surrender his territory anJ to submit to
the sovereign-ruler of Hindustan. With his charac-
teristic clemency, he allowed his brother to retain Kabul
till his death. Mirza Hakim died in 1585 A. C. and
Kabul was converted into a province of the Mughal
Empire. It was placed in charge of Rajah Man Singh,
who was soon called back because he could not keep
the unruly Afghans under control. He was relieved by
Rajah BIr Bal, who was, however, killed in a campaign
against the Yusafzals. The results of the conquest of
Kabul may be enumerated here : In the first place,
it dealt a death-blow to the orthodox rebels who wanted
to make Mirza Muhammad Hakim the ruler of India,
inasmuch as he was regarded as a strict Sunm. Second-
ly, it cowed down the conspirators and the personal
awe, inspired by Akbar's character, courage and capa-
city, held the waverers to duty. Thirdly, it gave him
a free hand for the rest of his life ; he could now
indulge in his religious innovations with absolute
impunity. Fourthly, it removed the barrier which

104 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

had hitherto prevented the inhux of hardy soldiers from
Afghanistan and immensely increased the military
resources of the Emperor. Finally, it removed the
possibility of invasion from beyond the North-West
Frontier and kept India in immunity from external
aggression.

The problem of the North- West Frontier has always
engaged the attention and influenced

Chat's North- t h e internal as well as the external
West Frontier

Policy. policy of almost all Indian govern-

ments. During the early Muslim period
the Emperor-Sultans adopted effective measures against
the Mongol invasions. They safeguarded their kingdom
by constructing a series of military outposts at vulnerable
points in the North- West Frontier and by stationing
experienced officers and strong garrisons there. Balban,
Gbazi Malik and Ala-ud-Din Khilji made redoubtable
efforts to fortify the frontier outposts. With Akbar as
the emperor of India, it was but natural to establish a
firm hold on the North-West Frontier. After the
conquest of Kabul, he tried to reduce the tribal terri-
tory. He shifted his court to Lahore, where it remain-
ed from 1585 A. C. to 1598 A. C. During this period
he was busy in reducing the Uzbegs and the Afghans.
The Uzbegs, under their leader, Abdullah, had ousted
Mirza Sulaiman out of Badakhshan and had now fixed
their eyes on Kabul. Abdullah, an ambitious and
experienced general as he was, was likely to receive
support from the orthodox Afghans against the 'heretical
Emperor '. Akbar's fears were not ill-founded and he
was ful'y alive to the gravity of the situation.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 105

But, before dealing \.ith his formidable enemy, he

turned his attention to the suppres-
Roshanite . , , ,

Movement. sion of disaffection caused by the

Roshnai Movement. The Roshanites*
were defeated and their leader, Jalal, who had intended
an invasion of India, was killed at Gbaznln and his
accomplices were captured and sent to the Imperial
Court. This occurred in 1600 A. C. After effectively
suppressing the Roshanites, Akbar undertook to put an
end to the agitation of the Yusafzai Pathans, who migni,
make common cause against him with Abdullah Uzbeg.
Zain Khan was sent against them. He defeated them
in twenty-three fights and established fortified posts to
hold them in check. But the Imperial troops were soon
exhausted owing to the ceaseless activity of the wily
foe, so much so that Zain Khan was compelled to apply
for reinforcements. The Emperor realized the serious-
ness of the situation and soon sent an army under the
command of Rajah Bir Bal and Hakim Abdul Path,
none of whom had any experience in the use of arms.
As soon as they joined Zain Khan, the three generals
began to quarrel among themselves and thus gave their
enemy the advantage of divided counsels. The result
of the campaign was that as many as 8,000 Imperial
soldiers were slain with stones and arrows. Bir Bal
was also killed and Zain Khan had a narrow escape.
In order to retrieve the disasters of this campaign, the
Emperor sent Rajah Todar Mai and his own son,

* The Roshanites wre the followers of one Bayazid, who
claimed to be a prophet himself and attached little importance
to the teachings of the Holy Qur'an.

106 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Prince Murad, at the head of a large army. This time
a better luck was in store for the imperialists. They
completely crushed the rebels, and according to Abul
Fazl, ' A large number (of the enemy) were killed, and
many were sold into Turan and Persia. The country
of Sawad (Swat), Bajaur and Bunir, which has few
equals for climate, fruits and cheapness of food, was
cleansed of the evil doers/ The result of this campaign
was that the Yusafzals were subdued and Abdullah was
convinced of the imperial resources, so that he gave up
the idea of Indian conquest.

(6) The conquest of Kashmir was accomplished in

1586 A. C. without any serious
Kashmir. /

opposition or difficulty. The Muslim

rulers of Kashmir were reported to have committed
cruelties on their subjects who were mostly Hindus.
This afforded a favourable opportunity to interfere with
the independence of that kingdom. The excellent
climate of the valley and its natural scenery must have
equally attracted the attention of tHe Emperor. During
his stay at Lahore, Akbar availed himself of the
anarchical state of Kashmir and made an attempt to
annex it to his empire. He sent Mirza SLah Rukh and
Rajah Bhagwan Das against Yusaf Shah, its ruler. A
peace was patched up between the imperialists and the
Sultan when the latter agreed to send his two sons to
the Emperor as hostages. Akbar disapproved of this
and dispatched another army under the command of
Qasim Khan to wrest Kashmir from its ruler who
had evaded the humiliation of paying personal homage
to His Majesty. The imperialists pressed Yusa* so hard

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAK , 107

that he offered his submission. But his son, Yiaqub,
who had managed to escape, continued to struggfe till
he too was defeated and forced to submit. Both Yusaf
and his son, Yaqub, were enlisted as tnansabddrs and
Kashmir was constituted into a part of the province of
Kabul. In 1589 A. C. Akbar paid a visit to Kashmir
and entrusted its administration to efficient officers of
ability and experience. Henceforth Kashmir became
the summer-seat of the Mughal Emperors.

(7) Multan had been under the Mughal EmperoiS

since 1574 A. C. Its governor, Khan-
Smd and . T ,,, . , . _

Balochistan. i-ivnanan Abdur Kahim, was entrusted

with the task of conquering Sind and
Balochistan which were still outside the ambit of the
Indian Empire. Mirza Jam Beg, the Tarkhan ruler
of Sind, was defeated in two engagements and
compelled to surrender both the stronghold of Sehwan
and the small state of Thatta. This took place in 1592
A. C. Through the good offices of the governor of
Multan, Mirza Jam Beg was allowed to retain the
principality of Thatta and was made a commander of
5,000. He gave a good proof of his loyalty and
distinguished himself in the Deccan campaign. The
year 1595 A. C. saw the annexation of Balochistan.
In February the Mughals attacked and occupied the
fort of Sibi under Mir Masum. As a result, the
whole of Balochistan succumbed to the Mughal arms.

(8) The conquest of Sind and Balochistan supplied

^ .. x Akbar with an excellent point d*

QandhSr. . ^

appui for the conquest of Qandhar,
the scene of his ancestors' activities and exploits. In fact

108 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

it was a necessary prelude tu that premeditated idea.
Mirza Muzaffar Husain, the King of Qandhar, was
harassed by the Turks and theUzbegs. A kbar benefited
from this weakness of the Shah. He sent an expedition
to Qandhar at the invitation of the Shah, who was
entangled in a conflict with the Uzbegs. In May, 1595
A. C. the imperialists took charge of the province
without bloodshed. It was indeed a master-stroke of
diplomacy. Without straining his relations with the
dian, Akbar annexed Qandhar to his empire. The
conquest of Qandhar completed the conquest of Northern
India. It secured Akbar's position in the countries of
the North-West. It brought home to Abdullah Uzbeg
the military strength of Emperor Akbar and henceforth
he tried to maintain friendly relations with him. The
Uzbeg invasion of India was now a thing of the past.

The acquisition of Kabul, Kashmir, Sind, Balochis-
tan and Qandhar completed the
conquest of Northern India and
rounded off the Mughal Empire which
was steadily extended and consolidated. The turn of
the South came next. It was Akbar's long-cherished
desire to bring the Shia Sultanates of the Deccan under
his own sway. Now that he was successful in establish-
ing his authority in the North, he found himself at
leisure to turn his attention towards the Deccan. The
distracted state of the Sultanates induced him to fish in
the troubled waters. With the destruction of the
Hindu Empire of Vijayanagar, the motives of co-opera-
tion amongst the Sultanates had died, giving place to
disunion and disorder : Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, Golconda,

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 109

Berar and Bidar had renewed their hostilities against
one another. Akbar could not tolerate this. First he
tried diplomatic methods and sent embassies to the
Shia Sultans, inducing them to acknowledge his
suzerainty and to pay him regular tributes. As only
the king of Khandesh agreed to the imperial proposals
and the remaining four gave a flat refusal, war was
declared against them.

(9) Owing to its geographical position, the state of

Ahmadnagar was first to be attacked.
Ahmadnagar. . .

Moreover, its throne was at that time

a bone of contention between two rival claimants, one of

whom had sought theassistance of the Mughal Emperor.

Akbar sent a large force under the joint command of

his son, Prince Murad, and Khan-i-Khanan Abclur Rahim,

who laid siege to the city early in the year 1595 A. C.

But, owing to the heroic defence and stout resistance

offered by Chand Sultana, the imperialists failed

to make any serious breach in the ramparts except one

when the lady herself appeared on the scene with a

sword in her hand and a veil on her face, and had the

breach repaired. In the end the Mughal generals, who

did not co-operate with each other in perfect harmony,

were obliged to abandon the siege. A treaty was made

with the Sultana who agreed to cede Berar to the

Mughal Emperor. In return for this, Bahadur Shah,

the minor prince, for whom Chand Sultana acted as

regent, was acknowledged as the king of Ahmadnagar.

Owing to the internal dissensions which resulted in the

assassination of Chard Sultana and the attempts of the

intriguers to violate the terms of the treaty by recovering

110 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Berar from the Mughals, war was again declared
against Ahmadnagar. In February, 1597 A. C, an
indecisive battle was fought, in which both the parties
claimed victory. Desultory warfare followed and
continued till Akbar sent his intimate friend and
counsellor, Abul Fazl, to restore discipline in the
imperial army despatched against Ahmadnagar. Abul
Fazl reached the Mughal camp after Murad had died
of drinking. In 1600 A. C. the Emperor himself
advanced against Ahmadnagar and took the field in
person. Burhanpur was easily occupied Prince Daniyal
and Khan-i-'vhanan Abdur Rahim attacked Ahmad-
nagar. Chand Sultana, the life and soul of heroic
defence and a singular instance of self-sacrifice, was no
longer alhe. The fortress of Ahmadnagar was stormed
and about 1,500 of the garrison were slain during the
siege. Ahmadnagar was then annexed to the Mughal
Empire.

(10) The campaign against the Deccan was brought

to a termination -in 1601 A. C., when

Khanclesh. '

the famous fortress of Asirgarh (in
Khandesh) was stormed and the entire kingdom of
Khandesh annexed to the Mughal Empire. Before the
siege of Ahmadnagar, Khandesh was submissive and
its ruler, Raja 'All, was a friend of the Mughal Emperor.
But the new Sultan, Miran Bahadur (also known
as Bahadur Shah) was a headstrong youth, who threw
off the imperial yoke and refused to recognise Akbar as
his overlord, relying for his safety on the strength of
Asirgarh, which was undoubtedly one of the most
impregnable fortresses in the South. Akbar himself

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 111

t

undertook an expedition against Bahadur Shah and* laid
siege to Aslrgarh early in the year 1561 A. C. .The
siege lasted for full seven months and the beleaguered
held out most heroically till they were bribed by the
Emperor to surrender.* Asirgarh fell and with its fall
fell the whole kingdom of Khandesh. The southern
conquests were organised into three siibdhs, or provinces,
viz., Ahtnadnagar, Khandesh and Berar ; and their
government was made over to Prince Daniyal.

At his accession in 1556 A. C., Akbar inherited an
India divided and ruled by different

Mh ,. f the lers, Hindus as well as Muslims.

Mughal Lmpire

under Akbar. On his death, he beqreathed a solid

and compact empire to his successor.

By the year 1605 A. C. he was the sole monarch of the

* There are three different accounts of the siege of Aslrgarh
as given by 'Allama AbulFazl, Faizi Sarhmdl and the Jesuits.
My account of the siege is based on a careful study of these three
sources. Dr. Smith calls in question the evidence of the first
two and accepts the accounts of the Jesuits as entirely correct.
1 find no reason why the accounts of the foreigners be preferred
to those of the natives, especially when there are other sources
of evidence, too reliable to be refuted. FenshtS, than whom
there can be no more trustworthy historian of the Deccan,
supports the accounts of Abul Fazl and Faizi in important
details When the Dr. charges Akbar of perfidy and says that
he had recourse to treachery in order to capture the strong-
hold, he is not at all justified; his condemnation is wholly
unfounded. It is true that Akbar bribed the garrison against
Bahadur Shah and there is ample justification for this In the
first place, ' the prestige of the empire demanded that Aslrgarh
should be captured by any means.' Secondly, Prince Salim had
revolted in Northern India and the Emperor's presence was
urgently needed there. ' Considerations such as these urged the
emperor to employ bribery to g;un his ends, and in apportioning

112 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

whole of Northern India and his sway extended as far
in the Deccan as the Godavari. In the North the
Himalayan range formed the boundary of his empire.
Within these limits the Mughal Empire extended from
sea to sea. It had as many as 18 important provinces :

(I) Delhi, (2) Agra, (3) Oudh, (4) Allahabad, (5) Ajmer,
(6) Gujarat, (7) Bengal, (8) Bihar, (9) Orissa, (10) Malwa,

(II) Sind, (12) Multan, (13) Lahore, (14) Kabul,
(15) Kashmir, (16) Kbandesh, (17) Ahmadnagar, and
(18) Berar. Akbar died soon after the capture of Aslrgarh.
Had he lived a little longer, he would have conquered the
remaining parts of InJia and annexed them to his empire.

The closing years of Akbar's reign were embittered

r by a series of sorrows and disappoint-

Last days J vv

of Akbar. ments. His sons were a great source

of anxiety to him. Murad and
Daniyal had already gone down into the drunkard's
graves in 1599 A. C. and 1604 A. C., respectively, and
Salim (Jahanglr), the surviving son of prayers and
pilgrimages, was no less inveterate and intemperate in
the use of intoxicating liquors. He survived probably
because of his stronger constitution. He became the
chief cause of annoyance to his father in his old age. In
1600 A. C., while the Emperor was conducting his
campaign in the Deccan, his son, Salim, revolted and set
up an independent kingdom at Allahabad. In 1602
A. C. he gave another terrible shock to the old Emperor
by engaging a robber-chief, Bir Singh Bundela, for the

blame, we ought to bear in mind the difficulties and anxieties
of a statesman, whose reputation w.;s staked on the success or
failure of a single siege.' Smith should be studied with caution.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAK 113

assassination of Abul Fazl. However, before his cteath,
Akbar was reconciled to his over-ambitious and rsbel-
lious son through the good olfices of some of his trusted
servants. He nominated him as his successor in a
formal manner with due ceremonies. But the Prince
was far from being popular with the people. A party of
the Rajputs at the Imperial Court, headed by Rajah
Man Singh, attempted to secure the succession for
Prince Khusrau (Sallm's son). Though the intrigue
failed in the end, it had none the less disturbed the peace
of the aged Emperor on the eve of his departure from
this world. In 1605 A. C., Akbar 'became ill with
severe diarrhoea or dysentery which the physicians failed
to cure * and he died of it. He was buried at
Sikandara in the tomb which he had begun to build
during his lifetime and which was subsequently com-
pleted by his son, Jahanglr. In the reign of Emperor
'Alamglr the Jats plundered the tomb, dug out the
bones of the deceased and burnt them to ashes.

CHAPTER VII

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR

(CONTINUED)
Din-i-llahi

Ab ovo usque ad mala Akbar's life was an enigma ;
more enigmatic was his religious life,
ntroc uctory. which has ever since remained wrap-

ped in mystery. In trying to reveal it, historians have
hit either above or below the mark : Whereas some
have extolled h ; m as a prophet, others have branded him
as an apostate. The present is an attempt to clear the
controversy to a close. In order to understand the sub-
ject and to appreciate the spirit that lay behind it, it is
necessary to revert to the history of the Saracens on the
one hand, and to the history of Hindustan on the other.
The Prophet of Islam, to begin with, united in his
person the headship of the Muslim

Reference to the Church and of the Commonwealth of
history of the TT . .

Saracens. Islam. He was the lord spiritual as

well as temporal of his subjects. So
also were the four Caliphs who succeeded him ope
after the other. Under them the Crescent was carried
far and wide. The motive force underlying their
expansion was their religion. The Commonwealth was
ruled in accordance with the commandments of the
Qur'an, the precepts of the Prophet and the discretion
of the ruler. The State, in brief, served the interests of
the Church. But with the rise of the Ommeyades

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 115

events took a different turn. Under them the Chvarch
was harnessed to the State ; its interests were subordi-
nated to those of worldly well-being. And, gradually as
the globe was girdled by the followers of Muhammad,
there sprang up a world-wide empire of Islam, which
attained its widest dimensions under Walid I. After
him, when the Caliphate sank into insignificance, the
governors of the far-flung provinces renounced their
allegiance to the supreme authority at the Centre,
except in matters religious. Thus was the State separat-
ed from the Church for the first time. This separation
was the inevitable outcome of the unwieluy growth of
the Commonwealth and the collapse of the Caliphate.
With the appearance of the Abbassides on the stage,
there opens a new chapter in the annals of Islamic
history. Under them the Church was once more
united with the State in the person of the ruler, who
became the spiritual as well as the temporal head of the
Faithful. Baghdad became the Capital (Dar-us-Saldm)
of the Abbassides and there the rules regulating the
Caliphate were systematised by the jurisconsults, and the
conception of the Caliph-Imam (Pope-Emperor) took
its birth and developed into a doctrine.

While the rest of the Muslim World was passing
through such metamorphoses, Muslim

Reference to the India was following an independent
history of Muslim .

Rule in India. policy of its own, not different in aim

and character from that followed
by the Muslim World in general, but almost parallel
to it. Here, as elsewhere, the king based his powers
not on Islamic law but on Persian tradition. Kingship

116 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

had been a secular institution ever since the advent of
Islam in India. The Skariyat was seldom allowed to
interfere with the Stat2. When Akbar came to the
throne, he did not take long to realise that it was
impossible for him to rule successfully a country, signi-
ficantly called 'an ethnological museum', on account of
the diversity of its races and religions, customs and
traditions, cultures and conceptions of morality. To
cap this, the priestly class the powerful, the selfish
and the self-centred Mullahs - would not allow him to
rule as a liberal king. Necessity has been the mother
of inventions, and A 1r >bar's ingenuity did not fail him in
the hour of need. Ere long he hit upon the idea of
uniting in his own person the double duty of a King
and a Mnjtahid ; and in doing this he did not go much
beyond the Muslim Kings outside India. The condi-
tions of the country, moreover, justified the r61e he
played. The Divine Faith was only a phase of the
same movement. It crowned its author with success.
It aimed at Hindu-Muslim Unity ever a gordian knot.
Through it Akbar endeavoured to bring about a general
concordance among all the existing creeds in India and
succeeded to a considerable extent. Here it may be
pointed out that in all his undertakings and experiments
he was guided by bis confidential friend and advisor,
Abul Fazl, who has left an ineffaceable impress on the
history of the Akbarian era.

From the date of his accession (1556 A. C.) to the
Akbar's year 1578 A. C. Akbar lived the life

orthodoxy. of a staunch SunnI, strictly observing

the dogmas of his faith and swerving not an inch from

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 117

the path of the Shariyat (Muslim Law). He offered
his prayers regularly in the mosque along with the
congregation and often acted as Mu'azzin. He paid
due respect to the time-honoured Ultima and did
homage to the pious and the holy. So supreme was
the sway of the sages on his simple mind that he used
to keep their company for hours together and never
hesitated to do them the meanest service ; rather, he felt
pride in carrying out their smallest wishes. Every year
he made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikh Sallm
Chishti at Ajmer, and, circumambulating the sacred
sepulchre several times, he sat there for a considerable
time. He believed in miracles and had named his son,
Sallm (Jahangir), after the name of the celebrated Saint
of Ajmer, who had promised him three sons. 'Yd Hddi
and Yd Mu'in' (O Guide ! and O Helper !) were always
at the tip of his tongue. They exercised a mesmeric
influence on his mind and fired his followers with
immense enthusiasm. As soon as he uttered them, the
whole of his army, Hindus as well as Musalmans, res-
ponded sonorously to his calls and fell fearlessly on the
foe. He believed in Pirs and Faqlrs and visited their
shrines often bare-footed. His inquisitive nature inspir-
ed him with the ambition of studying the Qur'dn and
the Hadith ; his marvellous memory enabled him to
imbibe and assimilate all that was imparted to him by
his teachers. He did not stop short at this ; he appoint-
ed Qdzis and Muftis in every part of his kingdom in
order to administer justice in accordance with the Code
of Islam and went so far as to persecute 'the heretic ' in
obedience to the dictates of the Uldtna. Besides, Bairam

118 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Khan, the victor of Panlpat and a servant of proved
merit and tried fidelity, Abdullah MaWidum-ul-Mulk
and Shaikh Abdun-NabI were his religious guides. The
young king was so fond of the Shaikh that after the fall
of Bairam Khan he appointed him Sadr-us-Sudur and
himself used to call on him daily to learn lessons of
the Hadith at his feet. By deeds such as these, he
completely won over the SunnI orthodoxy to his side.

So far so well. Now a change sets in to the shock
of the SunnI sect. The Emperor,
hSfsm t0 hitherto an orthodox SunnI, becomes

a liberal Musalman. Once, on the
anniversary of his birthday, so runs the story, Akbar
coloured his clothes, presumably under Hindu influence,
with saffron and appeared before his preceptor, the
Shaikh, who was so highly exasperated at this
unexpected sight that he instantly raised his cane in
such a way that it almost touched His Majesty. The
youthful king could not brook this insult and the
fate of the Shaikh would have been sealed had not the
queen-mother appeased her son's anger by telling him
that the incident would be the cause of his salvation.
Singularly enough, the prognostication proved only too
true, as will be evident from the ensuing account.
The Ulamd were not only narrow-minded, but their
influence in the State was wholly schismatic. The
implicit obedience, which they exacted from the Boy-
Badshah, intoxicated them, and the unbounded
reverence they received from the orthodox sect
blinded them to the interests of the State. They
could not tolerate the honest difference of opinion in

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 119

matters religious. Pow^r, pride and prejudice alike
governed their passions. Under the charge of heresy
a number of Musalmans suffered death at their hands,
many died in dungeons, and a good many more escaped
with their lives and lived as exiles. Apropos of this may
be cited an instance: Both Makhdum-ul-Mulk and
his colleague, Abdun-Nabi, demanded the summary
execution of Shaikh Mubarak, the most erudite man
of the day, on the ground that he subscribed to the
Mahdi Movement. They even succeeded in securing a*.
Imperial firman, ordering his immediate arrest and
imprisonment. But for the timely information,
which Mubarak received from a friendly quarter,
his enemies would have spared him no insult bound
in chains they would have dragged him to the court
of the most formidable of his foes. However, having
lived the life of an exile for some time, he returned
to Agra only when Mirza Aziz Koka had put in a
word in his favour. Though allowed to return, he
was never in immunity from the hostility of the
Ulama, who frequently hurled charges of heresy
and blasphemy against him and never allowed him
to rest in peace. So much did the Ulama dislike
a liberal Muslim ; their hatred against the Zimrnis,
(non-Muslims), particularly against the Hindus, knew
no bounds. They could not tolerate any concession
accorded to them by the Emperor. Akbar was fully
alive to this state of affairs and would not allow it to
persist. Once for all he decided to curb the power of
the priestly class. With one stroke he broke loose
from MaWidum-ul-Mulk and Abdun-Nabi and felt

120 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

sorry for the acts of injustice committed under their
commands (fatwds).

Early in the year 1575 A. C., when the Emperor
returned from his military undertak-
in g s after winning decisive victories
over his enemies, he was full of love
for God and adoration for Islam. He now devoted his
time and attention to the interests of his subjects.
Accordingly, he ordered the erection of a debating
hall (Ibddat Khdnah) at Fathpur Sikri and invited the
Doctors of Islam to discuss the controversial points and
to arrive at a definite conclusion in order to
facilitate the unification of Islam. None but the
Sayyads, the Shaikhs, the Doctors and the Ulamd of
high rank was admitted to the Ibddat Kljandh. Since
all these classes were mangled promiscuously, disputes
did not take long to arise as to the seats and the order
of precedence. His Majesty did not like this and was
soon constrained to assign a separate quarter to each
of the classes, himself gracing the four apartments, into
which the House ,vas divided, on every Thursday
night. But the Ulamd, the most clamorous class, who
had hitherto dominated the State and had so jealously
guarded their supremacy, had, in fact, become too
self-centred to have a stomach for defeat in arguments.
Calumnies, contumelies and vilifications replaced
common-sense, reasons and arguments. Charges of
apostasy, heresy and blasphemy were hurled by one
against the other. Fatwds were ceaselessly issued
against the accused. Thus, instead of fusing the
different sects of Islam into a common brotherhood,

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 121

these dogged discussions rekindled their animosities
and divided them asunder. It may be said that the
foundations of the Debating Hall were laid with a view
to reform the Ulamd, but as they proved incorrigible,
it was thought expedient to render them politically
impotent. In 1578 A. C. the discussions took a more
serious turn with a tendency to defeat the purpose of
the Emperor. Even in the presence of His Majesty
the Ulamd lost their temper and called one another
Kafirs. Unity had already disappeared, now even the
ordinary rules of etiquette were cast to the winds. One
Thursday night, when a polemical discussion was
raging hot, in the bebel of several conflicting voices,
the question was raised as to what was the final seat
of authority in matters religious when, at a certain
point, the Doctors were at variance. Shaikh Mubarak
set the ball rolling by acknowledging the Emperor as
such. In conjunction with his sons, Abul Fazl and
Faizi, he drew up a document, in which Akbar was
recognised as Imdm-i-'Adil and therefore higher in rank
than a Mujtahid. The document reuds as follows:
" Whereas Hindustan has now become the centre

_. T ^ of security and peace, and the land

The Document. . . J , , _ .

of justice and beneficence, a large

number of people, especially learned men and lawyers,
have immigrated and chosen this country for their
home. Now we, the principal Ulamd, who are not only
well-versed in the several departments of the Law and in
the principles of Jurisprudence, and well-acquainted with
the edicts which rest on reason or testimony, but are
also known for our piety and honest intentions, have

122 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

duly considered the deep meaning, first, of the verse
of the Qoran (Sur. IV, 62) ' Obey God, and obey the
Prophet, and those who have authority among you ',
and secondly, of the genuine tradition, 'Surely, the man
who is dearest to God on the day of judgment, is the
Imdm-i-'Adil : whosoever obeys the Amir, obeys Thee,
and whosoever rebels against him, rebels against Thee ',
and thirdly, of several other proofs based on reasoning
or testimony ; and we have agreed that the rank of
Sultdn-i-'Adil (a just ruler) is higher in the eyes of God
than the rank of a Mujlahid. Further we declare that
the King of Islam, Amlroi the Faithful, Shadow of God
in the world, Abul Fath Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar
Padshah-i-GbazI, whose kingdom God perpetuate, is a
most just, a most wise, and a most God-fearing king.
Should, therefore, in future a religious question come
up, regarding which the opinions of the Mujtahids are
at variance, and His Majesty, in his penetrating under-
standing and clear wisdom be inclined to adopt, for the
benefit of the nation and as a political expedient any of
the conflicting opinions which exist on that point, and
should issue a decree to that effect, we do hereby agree
that such a decree shall be binding on us and on the
whole nation.

"Further, we declare that should His Majesty
think fit to issue a new order, we and the nation
shall likewise be bound by it, provided always that such
order be not only in accordance with some verse of
the Qoran, but also of real benefit to the nation ; and
further, that any opposition on the part of his subjects
to such an order passed by His Majetsy shall

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 123

involve damnation in the world to come and loss of
property and religious privileges in this.

11 This document has been written with honest
intentions, for the glory of God, and the propagation of
Islam, and is signed by us, the principal Ulamd and
lawyers, in the month of Rajab of the year 987 of the
Hijrah."*

This document, we had better call it the Act

of Supremacy of Akbar's reign,
Importance of the
Infallible Decree. stands unique in the history ot Islam.

Historians are astonished at its
worldly character. Here it is reproduced in full for
some special reasons : In the first place, it reveals most
unmistakably the statesmanship of Akbar, \vho caught
the ferocious lions in their own dens. Prepared by the
Emperor, it was written and signed by the principal
Ulamd. It bore the signatures and seals of men like
Makhdum-ul-Mulk and Abdun-Nabi, and was presented
to His Majesty for rpproval. Like King John's Magna
Charta it was a petition to the king from the most
influential Ulama, but unlike it, it increased rather than
diminished the royal prerogative. In the second
place, it declared the authority of the Imam-i-'Adil
to be higher than that of a Mujtahid and based it
on the threefold sources : the Qur'an, the Hadlth and
the Reason. In addition to his being a temporal head,
he was recognised as the most supreme spiritual guide
of his subjects. It was thus that the Ulama were
reduced to the state of a cipher in state-politics. In the

* Ta.'ihh-i-Badaom, vol. ii, p. 279.

124 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

third place, it authorised the Emperor to pass orders of
all kinds as political expedients, provided always that
they were beneficial to the whole nation and were
supported by a verse from the Qur'an.

The signature of this document was fraught with
far-reaching consequences. It freed

the Em P eror from the bigoted Ulama
and enabled him to give currency to
his catholic ideas. One Friday, 1580 A. C M he ascended
the pulpit of a masjid and played the part of a Mullah.
In keeping wi;h Arab and Persian traditions, he himself
delivered the Khutba, which is contained in the
following verse :

"The Lord to me the Kingdom gave,
He made me prudent, wise and brave,
He guided me with right and ruth
Filling my heart with love of truth ;
No tongue of man can sum His state
Allaho Akbar. God is great."*
This sent a thrill of horror through the whole
body of Islam in India. For the bigoted it was a bolt
from the blue. It stirred up a storm of opposition
which soon assumed a threatening character. In 1589
A.C. afatwd was issued against the ' impious emperor*
by Mullah Muhammad Yazdi and a conspiracy was
hatched up with a view to depose him in favour of his
brother, Mirza Muhammad Hakim, who posed to be an
orthodox Muslim. At the same time a rebellion broke
out in Bengal and Bihar. Considering this to be an

* This is Mr. Green's translation of Faizi's verse in Persian.

JALAL-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AKBAR 125

opportune moment, the Mirza in /aded the Punjab at
this critical juncture. Akoar had anticipated such a
storm and was fully prepared to nip it in the bud.
The invasion was repelled, the eastern disturbances
were quelled, and normal conditions were restored.
Now that he had established his supremacy, he could
take larger liberties with his subjects without courting
opposition ; he could now defy all hostile criticism with
absolute impunity. All this was rendered possible by
the success of the Kabul Expedition. Had that failed,
the history of India would have taken a different course.
In this way, threading his way through a series of

commotions, the Emperor proceeded
Preliminaries to .,, , , i r r i , !

the promulgation a P ace Wlth the task of fusing hostile

of the Divine elements into a homogeneous whole.

Faith,

Favourably impressed by the unmixed

devotion of his Hindu subjects, while sitting in his
pensive moods on the solitary stone at Fathpur Sikri,
he had resolved to utilize their services by allowing
them co-equal status with the ruling race. But this
alone could not bring about Hindu-Muslim Unity.
Something more than this was required to unite the
two different peoples, possessing not only different but
also mutually antagonistic religions, cultures and con-
ceptions of morality. Before long, Akbar felt the
necessity for finding or founding something com-
mon to both the communities a common platform,
where they could meet and greet each other in perfect
harmony. But what was that common platform to be
a Masjid or a Mandir ? Neither, but a new religion,
which could command sincere devotion. Carefully

126 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

considering the pros znd cons of the experiment, Akbar
decided definitely to establish a religion, embodying in it
the principal features of all the religions of India. He
knew that Hinduism was nothing more than a set of
ceremonies, to which the Hindus clung so tenaciously;
that other religions had little political importance; and that
Islam alone, being superior to all others, could best serve
his purpose. Having gradually gained the sympathies of
the Rajputs and other important sects by seemingly
sharing their beliefs and adopting their practices, by
appreciating their merits and rewarding their services,
he proceeded to prepare the way for the introduction
of that common religion. It will be remembered that
formerly the Musalmans alone could have free access
to the Ibadat Khanah ; now the learned professors of
all other religions were invited and asked to make a
case for their respective creeds. The idea underlying
the whole experiment was indeed to establish a com-
mon religion acceptable to everyone of his subjects.
Now what was that common religion to be ? Islam ?
Would the Zimmls accept it ? The answer is self-
evident. There was, however, one way out of this fix :
to fuse the rituals of Hinduism and of other religions
into Islam, or to unite the fundamentals of Islam and
other religions with Hinduism.

The ground having been prepared, a coup de etat

tA , . was required to carry the experiment to

Its promulgation. .,..?. , . A , ,

its logical conclusion. Armed at all

points and feeling secure in his position, the Emperor
convened a meeting, to which all religious experts,
military commanders and masters of learning were

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 127

invited and the evils of the existence of so many
religions were exposed in their presence. The Emperor
addressed them in these wordo :

" We ought to bring the different religions of
India into one, but in such a fashion that they should
be one and all : with the greatest advantage of taking
what is good in every creed and discarding the
remainder. In this way, honour would be done to
God, peace and prosperity would be restored to the
people and security to the empire."

The resolution was carried almost unopposed.

The salient features of tha new faith
Its principles. , - , ,. , i

having been discussed, its principles

and practices were read aloud. It bore the name of
Din-i-Ilahi, or Divine Faith, also Tauhid-i-Ilahi, or
Divine Monotheism. Its basis was the Unity of God,
the corner-stone of Islam. Its ritual was eclectic,
borrowed chiefly from Hinduism and Zoroastrianism.
A perfect disciple of the Divine Faith was bound to
believe in the Unity of God and to acknowledge Akbar
as His Caliph He had to make a four-fold dedication
of wealth, life, honour and religion to His Majesty.
He was expected to abstain from eating meat of all
kinds. Prostration, or Sijdah, was allowed to be done
to the Emperor. Reverence for the sun and veneration
for fire became a prominent part of the ritual. Sunday
was fixed as the day of performing the ceremony of
conversion, when the convert received from His Majesty
1 the Great Name 1 and the symbolical motto : ' Allaho
Akbar.' Instead of the usual Muslim salutation
As-Saldm-Alaikum and Wd-Alaikum-As-Salam, which

128 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the brethren in faith observed on seeing each other
the members of the Divine ]?aith saluted one another
by saying 'Allaho Akbar* and ' J all-a-J alalohu\ From
time to time disciplinary rules and regulations were
passed by the Emperor for the members of his creed
according to his need.

A careful consideration of the principles and
practices of the Divine Faith, as
summarised above, will not fail to
reveal to the reader the statesman-
ship of its author. It embraced almost all the important
religions of T ndia. It was so cleverly manipulated as to
attract the entire population. Its soul was the cardinal
principle of Islam, its body the Hindu and Zoroastrian
ritual. The monotheistic principle of Islam was
retained and the rites of all other religions were adopted
in proportion to their importance in the political history
of Hindustan. To a liberal Muslim, it was Islam pre-
sented in a different form. To a Hindu, whose
prominent ceremonies were incorporated, it was nothing
short of Hinduism. To a Zoroastrian, whose articles
of sun-worship and fire-worship were included, it was
nothing but their religion. Sunday was fixed as the day
of initiation only to please the Christians. Thus, almost
every shade of Indian religious opinion was represented
in the Divine Faith. It was, in a sense, a universal
religion of India, having enough in it to attract anyone
to its originator. Historians, whose knowledge of
Indian history, particularly of pre-Islamic times, is
superficial and whose acquaintance with the history of
the Saracens, particularly with that of the Ommeyades

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 129

and the Abbassides, is deficient, ha,e failed to understand
the real meaning of the Divine Faith and the sole aim
of its author. Branding Akbar as an apostate, they
have condemned his creed in the bitterest of words.
"The Divine Faith," says Dr. Smith, "was a monument
of Akbar's folly and not of his wisdom." Elsewhere he
calls it " a silly invention". Similarly, Blochmann and
others have been deceived by it. They have mistaken
appearance for actuality. Following Badaoni, a bigoted
and over-strict Muslim, with whom the omission of a
single ceremony of Islam amounted to apostasy, and
adopting the same line of argument as hs, they have
inevitably come to the same conclusion. As a pro-
found student of Indian as well as Islamic history,
Akbar made a direct appeal to the innermost sentiments
of his subjects by giving his Sdngha a religious charac-
ter. Neither the aim of the order nor the object of its
author can be duly appreciated unless it is regarded as
an instrument with which the master-mind endeavoured
to consolidate the Mughal Empire by eradicating from
the minds of the ruled their sense of subordination to
Muslim rulers. The chief motive underlying the pro-
mulgation of the Divine Faith was the unification of
India. To achieve this, it was necessary first to
conquer and then to command sincere devotion from
all and sundry by granting them the freedom of wor-
ship and the liberty of conscience. Therefore, he drew
up such a religious code in essence a political docu-
mentas would commend itself to the whole population.
Momentous as the proclamation of the Divine Faith
was, equally far-reaching were its consequences. It

130 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

completely changed the character of Muslim Rule
in India. The Mughal Emperor was no longer regarded
as a foreigner trampling upon the lives and liberties of
the sons of the soil and depriving them of their
birth-rights. The members of the Divine Faith had
bound themselves by an oath to stand by the Emperor in
weal and woe, to sacrifice their religion, honour, wealth,
life, liberty and all for him. The vow was faithfully
kept and His Majesty could always rely upon them.
The fact that he was able to induce the proudest of the
Rajputs, who prided upon the nobility of their birth
and the purity of their blood above everything else, to
give him and his sons their daughters in marriage,
speaks volumes. Dealing a coup de grace to Rajput
supremacy, the Divine Faith kept up the integrity of
the Mughal Empire for a century and a half.

Thus, there can be no doubt that the Divine Faith
(Din-i-Ildhi) was not a religious cult or creed, but
a political code, prepared by a politician and not
a prophet, in accordance with the conditions of the
country, the tendencies of the times and the sentiments
of his subjects. As long as Akbar lived, he enjoyed
the unmixed loyalty of his subjects. After his death,
he bequeathed to his successors a legacy of loyalty to
his dynasty immeasurably richer than any other Muslim
king before him had left to his heirs. No one can
appreciate the real importance of the Divine Faith and
its exact place in Indian history except in connection
with the history of the Saracens on the one hand, and
the'history of India on the other. The Divine Religion
was the child of the Age ; its founder was the true son of

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 131

*

the Renaissance and the Reforn.ation. There can be
no shutting ones eye to the fact that Akbar was a
statesman, splendid and unsurpassed in the annals of
Indian history. He was an empire-builder rather than
a religious propagandist or a missionary. He was
indeed the Apostle of Indian Unity, and his was the
Message of Peace. He established and consolidated
his empire through the instrumentality of religion, not
in reality but in formality.

The promulgation of the Divine Faith was followed
by a series of anti-Islamic ordinances

alle g ed to have heen iss ~ ed b Y Akbar
with the sole aim of destroying Islam,

Badaoni has recorded them in his book and repeated
them more than once. The following will suffice to
serve our purpose: (1) Sijdah was allowed to be done
to the Emperor, (2) fire-worship and sun-worship were
enjoined, (3) boars were kept in the Imperial Palace and
looking at them every morning was regarded as
meritorious, (4) the use of beef, garlic and onion, and
the wearing of beards were forbidden, (5) Mullahs and
Sfaaifahs were exiled, (6) circumcision of children before
the age of twelve and the marriage of girls before the
age of puberty were prohibited, (7) the study of Arabic
was discouraged, (8) public prayers and the Azdn were
abolished, (9) Muslim names, such as Muhammad,
Ahmad and Mustafa, were changed to other names
because they had become offensive to His Majesty,
(10) pilgrimage to Mecca and fasting in the month of
Ramzan were discontinued, (11) the Qur'an and the
Hadith were tabooed, (12) mosques and prayer-rooms

132 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

were turned into s' ore-houses and guard-rooms ; so
much so, says BadaonI, that :< the straight wall of clear
law and of firm religion was cast down, so that after
five or six years not a trace of Islam was left in him
(Akbar) and everything was turned topsy turvy,' and
concludes that " Akbar showed bitter hostility to the
faith of his ancestors and his own youth and actually
perpetrated a persecution of Islam." Blochmann and
Smith follow Badaoni and maintain that by the year
1582 A. C., which saw the proclamation of the Divine
Faith, Akbar had ceased to be a Muslim. According
to them, he died without the benefit of the prayers of
any church or sect.

Before examining these ordinances, it is essential

n to enquire into their origin. This

1 heir criticism. . ... ." ,.

necessitates a criticism of Badaoni,

their author. Born in an age, when party-politics ruled
supreme even in Islam and when sectarianism swayed
the hearts and the minds of even Muslims, Badaoni
was the product of his environment. Educated in the
orthodox school under the influence of the most bigoted
of the Ulama, his views had been moulded accordingly.
He was a Muslim with whom, in common with his
class, ritual weighed more than religion. He regarded
the omission of a single ceremony as amounting
almost to apostasy. Naturally, therefore, he did not
like the Emperor on account of his liberal ways and
catholic views. As a necessary sequel, he was hated by
His Majesty, who always kept him at arm's length on
account of his inflexible orthodoxy. 'Allama Abul
Fazl was, on the other hand, "a man capable of teaching

JALAL-UD-DJN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 133

the Mullahs a lesson." Aiid, when he was taken into
confidence by the Emperor, Badaom's anger knew no
bounds. Thus exasperated, he began to pour out the
venom of his wrath on the Emperor and his confidential
friend. His diatribe is couched in a language that
teems with anathemas and exaggerations. He holds
the 'Allama responsible for the acts of the Emperor.
"The 'Allama was the man," he said, "who set the
world on flames."

All this creates doubts in the mind of the historian,
Von Noer's anc ^ ^ e cannot accept Badaoni's

appraisal of account at its face value. A bigoted

Badaoni. , . _ . . ,

and narrow-minded sectarian as he

was, he could not help misconstruing Akbar's catholicity.
He saw everything with jaundiced eyes and so painted
a melancholy picture. Von Noer's criticism of his
character is significant : " Badaoni certainly takes every
opportunity of raking up the notion of Akbar's apotheosis
for the purpose of renewing attacks upon the great
emperor. He, however, was never in intimate relation
to the Din-i-Ilahi, he repeats tlie misconceptions
current among the populace, marred and alloyed by
popular modes of perception. Akbar might justly have
contemplated the acts of his reign with legitimate pride,
but many incidents of his life prove him to have been
among the most modest of men. It was the people
who made a God of the man who was the founder and
head of an order at once political, philosophic and
religious. One of his creations will assure to him for
all time a pre-eminent place among the benefactors of
humanity greatness and universal tolerance in matters

134 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

of religious belief. If in very deed he had contemplated
the deification of himself, a design certainly foreign to
his character, these words of Voltaire would serve as
his vindication : " C4st le privilege du vrai genie et
surtout du gbnie qui ouvre tine carriere, de faire
impundment de grandes f antes. 19

Sufficient has been said about the origin of the

ordinances ; it now behoves us to
prostration. examine their character and to

ascertain their veracity. Sijdah, or
prostration, i? one of the positions at the Muslim prayer,
and no one except God is entitled to it. It was allowed
to be done to the Emperor, not as an article of faith
but as an act of salutation. In the first place, it was a
concession to Hindu sentiment : With the Hindu kings
of old it was a recognised institution inasmuch as it
indicated the depth of devotion shown to the sovereign
by his subjects. Secondly, it was quite in keeping with
Persian traditions : At the court of Persian autocrats
prostration had been the popular mode of greeting.
Thirdly, the Abbassides had also adopted this ritual :
They made their subjects kiss the ground before them.
Sometimes a concession was accorded to high officials
who were required to kiss the Caliph's hand or foot or
the edge of his robe. Finally, when Akbar was treated
by his flattering friends as the representative of God on
earth, he had to permit this practice, else ' the people at
large would never have submitted ',

Fire-worship and sun-worship were adopted only

Fire-worship and to enlist the sympathies of those with
sun-worship. whom these constituted the ; r creed>

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 135

In a land, where the v^ry word 'Muslim ' was an
eyesore to the natives, Akbar thought it expedient
to subscribe to the beliefs of his Hindu subjects in spite
of their hollowness. In this respect, he went even so
far that the professors of various religions had good
reasons to claim him as a convert to their cults.
Whereas, in fact, he always concealed his religious
identity in byways and corners.

" The Hindus who believe in incarnations said that
Why were boars ^he bar belonged to the ten forms

kept in the which God Almighty had once

Imperial Palace ? -

assumed. So a certain number of

these animals were kept in the Imperial Palace to
please the Rani-Queens, whose smallest wishes the
Emperor took care to carry out to their entire
satisfaction.

To the ignorant of Indian history the presence of
Women in the a large number of women in the
Imperial Hprem. i mper ial Harem may appear as another
sacrilege ; but to one acquainted with it, it is a monu-
ment of his wisdom. Among the number, there were the
daughters of Rajput Princes who owed allegiance to the
Emperor. To cement this allegiance, matrimonial
alliances were formed. From every Rajput Prince,
whom he reduced to obedience, Akbar took his daughter
in marriage and granted him independence, subject
to his control. Thus were the most formidable
antagonists of Islam reduced to vassalage. For once
they entered into matrimonial alliances with the Emperor,
there was then no escape: They could not withdraw
their allegiance, for that would have meant an attack on

136 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

their own daughters.

Exactly in the same spirit Akbar introduced some
Hindu customs Hindu customs and practices. For
and practices. i nstance> His Majesty himself used
to wear the Hindu mark, called tttak, on his
forehead to please the Ranis. The use of garlic and
onion and the wearing of beards were forbidden partly
because they were inconvenient in kissing and partly
because they were repugnant to his Hindu wives.

Cow has prevented the possibility of Hindu-
Muslim unity more than anything
Why was f TTT1 TT . , /.

slaugter of cows else. Whereas Hindus regard it as
forbidden? thejr M&f& (mot her), and hold it

sacred, Muslims kill it, eat its flesh and regard it their
favourite food. Akbar understood the philosophy of
Gau Ralthshd and Gau-Bhakhsk<*> and knew that it was
impossible to unite the cow-caring and the cow-killing
classes in view of the teachings of contemporary Hindu
religious leaders. As he wanted to unite and rule, the
slaughter of cows was prohibited.

Some of the Mullahs and Shaikhs were doubtless
Why were banished from the Mughal Empire

Mullahs and g ut t h e ir banishment was due not to

Shaikhs exiled ?

their religious beliefs but to the

enmity they cherished against the established regime,
which was characterised by the freedom of worship and
the liberty of conscience. They were exiled because
they had become a source of trouble to the State.

The remaining regulations were passed, as is also
admitted by Badaoni himself, to please the infidels outside
and the Ranis inside the Palace. They, however, were

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 137

never strictly en forced, as is indicated by the trend ol his
narrative. They were issued time and again under presrure
from Hindu friends and wives. Some of them were such
that they were cancelled soon after they were passed.
Others remained confined to the Palace and were never
ventilated outside. Most of them were based on
hearsay, for there is no evidence to show that he
had personal knowledge of all that he recorded in
his narrative or that he ever attempted to ascertain its
veracity. He is supported only by the Jesuits, who
took their cue either from BadaonI himself or from
others of his class, i.e., the orthodox, who nad declared
war against Akbar, ' the impious empenr'. Under the
circumstances it is not fair to attach any importance to
the allegations made by BadaonI.

Dr. Smith has exhausted his eloquence in trying to

- . . prove that these regulations were

Criticism of \ _ . _ , < , r

Smith's views on many acts of fierce intolerance . If

the British Government attempted
such measures, "says he, " it would not
last a week." Does he mean to point out that the Mughal
Emperor was successful in enforcing them because his
government was stronger than the British Government ?
To be sure if the British Government, with its incom-
parably vast resources, incalculable weapons in its
armoury and its matchless organization, is unable to stem
the tide of opposition once excited by religious intoler-
ance, how could Akbar, who did not possess even a
single standing army, succeed in systematically outraging
the sentiments of his n ubjects, specially the Muslims?
Elsewhere he remarks that * on occasions he performed

138 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

acts of conformity from motives of policy/ Now, if it is
permissible that the Emperor after 1582 A.C. conformed
to the faith of his forefathers from motives of policy,
there is every reason to believe that similar motives
prompted him to discard its ceremonies sometimes.
And, when he did this, theZiwwJs, specially the Hindus,
were quite satisfied. Underlying his disagreement
with the Muslims was his agreement to disagree with
the Hindus without offending their susceptibilities.
This enabled him to introduce his beneficial legislation
which would have been impossible otherwise.

While declaring him as an apostate from Islam,

~ . . Dr. Smith says that Akbar ' died as he

Conclusion. J

had lived a man whose religion
nobody could name and he passed away without the
benefit of the prayers of any church or sect '.* In the
same breath he strikes the following note: "Akbar,
whatever may have been his failings in practice, was
a sincerely religious man, constitutionally devout.
Jahangir declares that his father ' never for one moment
forgot God '. He performed his prayers fourf times a

day spending a considerable time over them

Apart from formal religious exercises, his whole course
of life testified to the extreme interest taken by him in
the problem of the relations between God and man,
and many of his sayings express his views on the

* Akbar the Great Mogul, by V. A. Smith, p. 323.

fAs a rule, Muslim canonical prayers are offered five times
a day, but in certain circumstances t vo afternoon prayers can
be offered together and the number of times is thus reduced to
four from five.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 139

subject."* Such a man cannot be said to have 'died With-
out the benefit of the prayers of any church or sect '.
The Ain-i-Akbarl and the Akbarndmah, written under
his orders by 'Allama Abul Fazl, who held the highest
place in the innermost circle of his intimate friends, and
the Tttzk-i-Jahangiri, written by his son, Jahanglr, do
not betray the slightest sign of his renouncing the
religion of his forefathers. On the other hand, they
fully confirm the fact that he remained a Muslim
throughout his life. The assertion of some scholars
that he made formal profession of his faith in Islam by
repeating the Raima and declaring himself a Musalman
on his death-bed, consistent as it is with his career,
carries conviction when corroborated by foreign con-
temporaries and when viewed in the light of the above
discussion. According to Father Antony Botelho, a
contemporary Portuguese missionary, ' he (Akbar) died
as he was born, a Muhammedan f .f Sir Thomas Roe
supports the statement of Father Botelho when he says
that ' he (Akbar) died in the formal profession of his
sect '.{ Major Price's translation of the Tuzk-i-Jahdngirl
contains the following passages apropos of the topic :
"He (Akbar) had .... desired me (Jahanglr) to
send for Mlran Sadr Jahan in order to repeat with him

the Kalmd Shahadat On his arrival, I placed Sadr

Jahan on both knees by my father's side and he

*Akbar the Great Mogul, by V. A. Smith, pp. 349-50.

1[The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar, J, A. S. B, part 1,
Vol. Ixv, 1896, by E. D. Mac.agan.

%The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, ed. by Foster, Halkuyt
Society, 1899.

140 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

commenced reciting the creed of the faithful

After expressing himself as above, he directed Sadr

Jahan once more to repeat the Kalmd, and he recited
the solemn text himself with a voice equally loud and
distinct. He then desired the Sadr to continue repeating
by his pillow the Surd Neish, and another chapter of the
Koran, together with the Adeildh prayer, in order that
he might be enabled to render up his soul with as little
struggle as possible. Accordingly, the Sadr Jahan had
finished the Sara Neish and had last words of the
prayer on his lips when with no other symptom than a
tear drop in the corner of his eye, my father resigned
his soul into the hands of his Creator."*

The discussion then boils down to this that Akbar
was a Muslim : Born as a Muslim, he lived as a
Muslim, died as a Muslim and was succeeded by a
Muslim. To say that he 'passed away without the
benefit of the prayers of any church or sect' is a gross
misrepresentation of facts.

* Tuzk-i'Jahangiri, trans., Major David Price, pp. 75-76.
Also see A. Yusuf Ah in /. of E. I. Assoc., July, 1915, p. 309 ;
Darbar-i-Akbari, by M. Muhammad Hussain Azad, p. 36 ff.; and
Tarikh-i-Hindustan, M. ZakSullah, vol. v. pp. 808 ff. I may
appropriately point out at this place that recently some
doubts have been cast on the genuineness of the Memoirs o/
Jahangir, which Major David Price translated in 1829 A. C. and
from which I have reproduced the above extracts. They are
regarded as spurious by some and as genuine by others. It is
not easy to ascertain the truth. However, on the question
whether Akbar died as a * Muhammadan ' or ' passed away
without the benefit of the prayers < t any church or sect \ the
evidence of the two contemporary Christians quoted above is
conclusive, unless their accounts too are called in question.

CHAPTER VIII

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR

(CONTINUED)
A dministration
Akbar did not take long to realize that the existing

system of government, based on the
Introductory. . ,

strength of standing armies, each

commanded by a general who occupied a central
position in his province and cared uiore foi his personal
aggrandisement than for the interests of the empire as a
whole, was absolutely unfounded. It was woefully
wanting in the principle of unity and cohesion. It
secured no attachment, conciliated no prejudices and
cared little for the faith and feelings, customs and
traditions, ideals and aspirations of the sons of the soil
and, therefore, remained without root, exposed to all
storms oi misfortune. Considering carefully the pros and
jons of the old system, he evolved an entirely new system
quite in consistence with the spirit ot the age and the
sentiments of his subjects. He built up an empire and
a nation not oil the foundation of swords and military
terrorism but on the acquiescent good- will of his
subjects. In Indo-Islamic history he has always figured
as a champion not of any particular section but of all
his subjects and, as such, he is recognised to the
present day. There was not a single person who was
cut off from active sympathy with him. It will be
hard to find a parallel, either in ancient or in modern

142 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

history, to the far-sighted statesmanship and construc-
tive administrative genius with which he fashioned and
set in motion the wheels of his government

The Emperor himself was at the helm of civil as well

as military administration. . He was
Government. the fountain-head of authority, both

religious and secular. His powers
were unlimited and his will was irresistible. He had a
number of ministers, but he was their teacher rather
than their pupil, as is suggested by Smith. The
marvellous organization, which he effected in his
government, was mostly the outcome of his own
extraordinary genius. He was, no doubt, an autocrat,
but his autocracy fell little short of Banthamite demo-
cracy : He secured ' the greatest happiness of the
greatest number.' He was indeed the beau ideal of a
statesman. His methods of administration were
couched in humanity and fellow-feelings. He employed
the services of a set of brilliant officers in the various
departments of his administration. The Vakil was
the highest officer, next only to the Emperor. He was,
so to say, the Vice-regent, Chancellor, or Prime Minister.
He did not hold any definite portfolio but, like the Vazlr
of the Abbassides, acted as the alter ego of His Majesty
in important administrative affairs. His counsel was
sought in serious situations. Below him was the
Diwdn, the Chief Revenue Officer, or the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, who controlled the finances of the
Empire, superintended the state treasuries and audited
all accounts. He regulated the fiscal policy and decided
revenue matters in concurrence with the Emperor.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 143

He had a separate office where all revenue papers,
returns and dispatches were received from the various
parts of the Mughal Empire and disposed of under his
personal supervision. The BaJchshl was, so to say, the
Paymaster-General of the Imperial Army, and the
Secretary of War rolled into one. As such, the salary-
bills of all civil and military officers were examined and
passed by him. Besides his own duty, he performed a
number of odd jobs : he assigned positions to military
commanders before the battle, laid the muster-roll
before the Emperor and looked after the recruitment of
new soldiers, though it did not fall to his duty to
take command himself in the battle-field. The Khdn-i-
Sdmdn was, as the word implies, the Superintendent of
Stores. He was in charge of the Imperial household
establishment and had the entire control of the Royal
Mess and other supplies. He accompanied the Emperor
in all his out-door undertakings and managed his food,
tents and stores. He was also the head of His
Majesty's personal stiff. The Sadr-i-Sudur was the
highest judicial officer in the Empire. He might be
called the Lord Chief Justice of India at the time of
Akbar. The Mohtasib was the censor of public morals.
His first and foremost duty consisted in seeing that the
Sfiariyat was properly observed and the Muslim Law
was obeyed in its entirety. He suppressed public
immorality by punishing those who drank, those who
gambled and those who paid court to dancing-girls.
Besides these, there were some other officers who held
different portfolios of the Mughal Government. Their
duties cannot be detailed here but their names will give

144 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

a sufficient idea of the naturp thereof. They were : the
Mustaufi, or Auditor-General ; the Awdrajah Nawis, or
Superintendent of daily expenditure at the Imperial
Court; the Nazir-i-Buyvtat, or Superintendent of the
Imperial Workshop ; the Mushrif, or Revenue Secretary,
the Mir-i-Bahri, or Admiral and Officer of the
Harbours ; the Mlr-i-Barr, or Superintendent of Forests ;
the Qur Begi, or Superintendent of the Royal Stud ;
the Kiiawdn Salar, or Superintendent of the Royal
Kitchen; the Wdqd 9 Nawls, or the News- Writer, and
the Mtr-i-Arz, one who -presented all petitions to His
Majesty brought b'y those who wished to lay them
before the Euiperor, i.e., Secretary.

For purposes of efficient and effective administra-
tion, Akbar abolished the system of
Gowranfent. assigning jagirs and parcelled out the

Mughal Empire into provinces or
Subahs, as they were then called. Each Subdh was a
replica of the Empire in all respects, and each Subdhddr
was a sovereign on a small scale. $ The Subdhddr was
officially known as Sipdhsdldr. As a representative of tiie
Emperor, he exercised unlimited powers as long as he
enjoyed that office. His jurisdiction embraced civil as
well as military department. He was the Commander-
in-Chief of the provincial forces and the head of the
judiciary. He could appoint and dismiss officers at his
own sweet will. But he was not authorised to declare
war, or make treaty, inflict capital punishment, or
interfere in religious matters. These were imperial
questions and were referred* to the Emperor for his
sanction. Next in order of importance was the Diwan,

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 145

who acted independently of the Subahdar and was
responsible to the Central Government He was in
charge of the revenue and finance departments and all
new appointments and dismissals therein rested with
him. 'He possessed the power of the purse, and all
bills of payment were signed by him/ Besides, he
looked after such judicial functions as the revenue
officers and collectors were entrusted with and tried
almost all revenue cases. When at a certain point he
came into conflict with the Subahdar, the point was
referred to the Central Government for decision. The
provincial BaJchshl had the same status ,and performed
similar functions as his Imperial prototype. Each
province had a Sadr, who was deputed by thfe Sadr-i-
Sudur of the Central Government to administer the
provincial Sayurghals. He was quite independent of
the Subahdar and the Diwdn and had a separate
office of his own. He looked after the welfare of the
rent-free Jdglrddrs and regulated public charity. He
commanded great influence and respect in the province.
The Amil was the revenue collector. He was entrusted
with the task* of maintaining general law and order by
suppressing highway robbery and other similar crimes,
ascertaining the extent of the area of land under the
plough, reclaiming waste lands, promoting cultivation,
punishing illegal exactions in the collection of land
revenue, and submitting monthly reports regarding the
rates of tenements, market prices and the economic
condition of the people to the Central Government,

146 , THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

To control and systematise the machinery of govern-
ment more minutely, each Subah was
Administration. sub-divided into several Sarkdrs
and each Sarkar into a multitude
of Pargands or Mahals. The Sarkdr corresponded
to our modern District and was administered by the
Faujddr. The duties of the Faufddr were civil as well
as military. As a civil officer, he assisted the Sipdhsdldr
in maintaining law and order. According to Professor
Sarkar, "he was the only commander of a military
force stationed in the country to put down smaller
rebellions, disperse or arrest robber gangs, take cogniz-
ance of all violent crimes, and make demonstration of
force to overawe opposition to the revenue authorities
or the criminal judge or the censor." Though his
appointment as well as dismissal rested with the
Subdhdar, he was required to keep himself in direct
communication with the Central as much as with the
Provincial Government. The Kotwdl was the custodian
of public peace. His duties were multifarious. As a
Policeman-in-chief, his first and foremost duty was to
detect, punish and prevent crime, to trace the where-
abouts of all offenders and evil-doers, and to protect
the life and property of the people. He kept watch
over the movements of strangers, patrolled the city at
night to prevent theft and robbery, examined weights
and measures, kept a register of houses and roads, and
took care of the property of the heirless deceased and
missing persons. He also exercised magisterial powers
in certain cases. The Bitikch* held the same status
as the A mil. He was expected to have a thorough

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 147

knowledge of the customs in vogue and the regulation?
in force in the Sarkdr in hi* charge. He must be a
good accountant and a facile writer. His chief duties
consisted in supervising the work of the Qdnungos,
preparing revenue abstracts and submitting a report to
the Court every year. The Khizdnddr, also known as
Potddr, was the treasury officer. He received payments
from the cultivators, issued a receipt for every payment
made and kept a ledger in order to keep his accounts
absolutely accurate. He could not make payment
unless he received a voucher signed by the Dlwan.
The Waqa 1 Nawis was the recorder of events and
occurrences. When the Sipdhsdldr held his court, the
Waqa Nawis took his seat near him and penned
down the proceedings on the spot and submitted them
to the Central Government. There was a regular
army of these officers and it was through them that the
Emperor acquainted himself with the events that took
place in his various provinces. Other important
officers, who loomed large in the subordinate services,
were the Karkuns, the Qdnungos, the Muqaddams
and the Patwdrls. All these were revenue officers,
but in addition to this, the Qdnungo was the head
of a Pargand and the Muqaddam was the head of
a village.

Akbar appreciated and rewarded merit from what-
Imperial ever sources it was evinced, irrespective

of caste or creed. The Imperial
Service was not the monopoly of the ruling class. It was
open to all men of merits, rulers or ruled. No ban was
put on the Hindus. Those among them, who deserved,

148 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

were entrusted with the highest of civil as well as
military posts. As appointment to every post rested
with the Emperor, he used his judgment independently
in the selection of the pick for the Imperial Service.
By opening careers to talents he secured the services
of the best brains of India and outside. If the different
departments of the Mughal Government worked
efficiently in the time of Akbar, it was because the
Imperial Service was maintained in a high state of
efficiency.

While the conduct of all civil and military

. officers was subject to the scrutiny

Secret Service. J ...

of the sovereign, there was still a

separate department of secret intelligence. There
were several scouts who watched the movements of
State officials and kept the Emperor informed of their
actions. The Subahdars also employed spies in order
to acquire information about the working of the
administrative machinery and to prevent corruption.
The system worked so well that almost all Government
officials tried to be honest in their dealings with the
people and the Emperor.

Akbar himself was the fountain of justice. His
Administration of was the highest court of appeal, and
law and justice. everyone could have free access to
him. The Sadr-i-Sudur tried all important civil suits,
especially of religious character. The Qazi-ul-Quzat,
assisted by a set of Qazis and Muftis and Mir-i-Adls,
disseminated justice in accordance with the Code of
Islam. The Qazl investigated the case and sifted
the evidence, the Mufti expounded the law and the

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 149

Mir-i-Adl delivered the judgment. The proceedings
were usually verbal and there were no professional lawyers
as we have in these days. The usual punishment
awarded for minor crimes was detention in prison
or whipping. Fines were not unknown, but were rare.
The sentence of death was awarded for treason, rebellion
and wilful murder, by the Emperor himself. All
serious cases were referred to him and he could annul
or reverse the decisions of the lower courts. The punish-
ments inflicted were certainly severe, very severe if
judged by modern notions of criminal law and procedure,
but they served as excellent deterrents.

Akbar was deeply interested in the promotion of
Promotion of education. Schools and colleges were

education. founded and richly endowed. Not

only were the educational institutions provided with
renowned professors, but the entire system of education
was reformed. In the first place, the curriculum
was so modified as to enable the students to equip
themselves intellectually according to their aims and
ambitions. Secondly, the modus operandi of teaching
was so improved that it took comparatively very little
time to acquire a fairly decent education. Stipends and
scholarships were granted to deserving students and
arrangements were made for the free education of poor
students. Provisions were also made for the education
of Hindu students in Muslim schools and Persian was
made a compulsory subject for all. Women's education
was not neglected. The Emperor himself maintained a
girls' school in his own palace at Fathpur SikrI.
Technical education was diffused by the system of

150 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

apprenticeship.

' There existed a welUorganized system of postal

service in India at the time of Akbar.

Postal Service. . . . .

In all the serais along the imperial

routes horses were kept to provide a regular mail-service
in order to acquaint the Emperor of the important events
that took place in the far-flung provinces of his empire
The Waqa Nawis sent daily dispatches to the Central
Government through the horsemen or mail-servants
employed especially for the purpose. Swifter, perhaps,
than the horse-post was the foot-post. On every
imperial highway there was, at an interval of six miles,
a post-office, called Chowkl. Every runner, who brought
the imperial dispatches, placed them on its floor and the
runner appointed to go to the next Chowkl picked them
up and set off at full speed without delay. Thus were
the news transmitted. At night time the runners were
guided and protected by the avenues of trees planted on
either side of the roads. Where there were no trees,
heaps of stones were set up at a distance of every five
hundred paces and ,kept white- washed by the residents
of the neighbouring village. Thus it was that the
runner was often swifter than the horseman ; for at night
in the dark the former ran on undeterred by darkness
or storm, but the latter was compelled to ride slowly.
This system worked so well that it secured the
stability of the empire by keeping the Emperor in
close contact with the provincial governments. It
served as a connecting link ^between him and his
subjects.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 151

The principal means of communication and trans-
Means of portation were roads and highways,
communication Tfaey were , ooked after fay the p ubHc

transportation. Works Department. Great arterial
roads linked the remotest parts of the Mughal Empire
over myriads of miles. Special care was taken to
secure the life and property of the travellers. At
convenient stages along important roads public
hostels, with fruit-gardens, water-tanks and provision-
shops, were built and separate arrangements were made
for the lodging and messing of Hindus and Muslims.
Rivers were also availed of for popular traffic and trade
purposes, but chiefly where the nature of the country
did not permit of proper road-making.

Previously, the various mints had been under the

Imperial Mints char e of minor officials, called

and their Chaudharis, who did not possess

administration. .

sufficient rank and personal weight to

secure satisfactory administration. Abolishing all local
coinages, Akbar established five imperial mints in
Bengal, Lahore, Jaunpur, Gujarat and Ahmadabad and
entrusted them to Todar Mai, Muzaffar Khan,
Khwajah Shah Mansur, Khwajah Imam-ud-Din Hussain
and Asaf Khan, respectively. A responsible Master of
of the Mint was appointed at the Capital to exercise
general administrative control over the provincial mints
and the person selected was Abd-us-Samad. Subse-
quently, several modifications were introduced in the
mint regulations. The result was an extremely varied
coinage, excellent as regards the purity of metal, the
fullness of weight and artistic execution.

152 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The Police Department was maintained in a most

... F satisfactory state. The principal police

officer was the Kotwdl whose duties

have been described at some length. He was assisted

by a number of subordinate officers in discharging his

manifold duties. He was authorised to employ spies

in order to obtain information about the actual state of

affairs in the cities. The Kotwdls worked so efficiently

that 'order and security prevailed in cities, business was

safe, and foreign merchants were well protected '.

The crowning achievement of Akbar as an

, T , administrator was the reorganization

1 he Land

Revenue System. of the land revenue system. It was

indeed the greatest boon that he
conferred on the people of India. But it presented no
new invention. Strictly speaking, neither Akbar nor his
revenue ministers are exclusively entitled to the tribute
they have exacted for having evolved so elaborate a
system. Sher Shah Suri must have his due share, for
it was he who made a systematic survey of the land
under cultivation and laid the foundations on which
Akbar raised the superstructure. As he died too soon,
much of his excellent work was destroyed by the
anarchy that followed his death. At his restoration,
Humayun found the empire divided into two parts,
Crown land, or Kb.dlsd and Jdglr land ; and the time-
honoured practice of crop division was in vogue. When
Akbar ascended the throne, he resumed the work of
Sher Shah and accomplished what the latter had only
attempted. His principal revenue officers were Itirnad
Khan, Muzaffar Khan TurbatI and Rajah Todar Mai.

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 153

The one last named had served under Sher Shah duwng
his short-lived regime and had acquired considerable
experience in revenue affairs.

In order to elaborate the existing land revenue

J L . system four things were found

Its broad basis. '

necessary : (1) to make a correct

paimdish (measurement) of the whole land under
cultivation, (2) to ascertain the average produce of each
bighd of land, (3) to fix the share of the State per bigha,
and (4) to fix the equivalent for the share of the State so
fixed in terms of money. In order to survey correctly
the entire area under cultivation, the instruments of
mensuration were improved. The Jarlb, joined together
with iron rings, was adopted as the standard land-
measure and the land survey was carefully done on its
basis. To ascertain the average produce per bigha, all
the cultivable land was divided into four classes, viz.,
(i) Polaj, which was constantly cultivated and was
never allowed to remain fallow, (ii) Parautl, which was
left fallow for some time after continuous cultivation,
(M) Chachar, which was allowed to remain fallow for
about four years in order to recuperate, (iv) Banjar,
which remained out of cultivation for more than five
years. All these four classes were dealt with differently.
The first two were further divided into three grades :
good, middling and bad, according to fertility. The
average of these three grades was to be the estimated
produce per bigha and this was to serve as the basis of
the assessment. For example, suppose the yield from
the good grade of land is 60 maunds of wheat per bigha,
from the middling it is 45 maunds per bigha and

154 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

from the bad grade it is 30 maunds per bighd. Now
the total produce from the three grades together is
135 maunds. The average produce per bigha, therefore,
is 45 maunds of wheat. The remaining two classes
were treated separately, inasmuch as they were not
equal to the first two classes in point of fertility and the
produce raised. Their revenue was to be increased only
progressively. In the assessment of the land revenue,
other circumstances were also taken into consideration,
e.g., access to water, situation, etc. Great care was
taken to apportion the different descriptions among the
peasantry in such a way as to give benefit to all. The
average produce per bigha having been ascertained, the
share of the State was fixed at one-third of the aggregate
produce for good. To revert for a while to the example
cited above, the average produce per bigha, as worked
out, is 45 maunds. One-third of this is 15 maunds,
which is the share of the State, i.e., mahsiil. Having
fixed the State demand in kind, it was necessary to
commute it into cash payment. To do this, statements
of prices current for ten years preceding the survey were
sent for from each town and every village, and the
produce due to the Government as its legitimate share
was commuted for cash payment according to the
average of the rates shown in those statements. At
times the commutation was reconsidered at the request
of the peasant and he was allowed to pay in the produce
if he thought that the cash rate was fixed too high.
The commutation business was done by Government
officers and the cash rates were fixed by them.
Different rates were fixed for different crops. The rates

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 155

for barley and wheat were different from those of indigo
and sugarcane. This was the first or tentative
settlement made by Rajah Todar Mai and Muzaffar
Khan Turbati in Gujarat during 1573-75 A. C. It
served as a model for the rest of the Mughal Empire
in subsequent years. It was known as the Zabti system
of assessment as against the Nasaq and Ghalldbhdsha.
The system of farming was abolished and the collectors
were instructed to deal directly with the agriculturists.
At first, the settlements were made annually. But since
regularly recurring measurements, valuations and
assessments of individual holdings were found to be
vexatious and cumbersome, the settlement was soon
made decennial on the basis of the average payments
of the preceding decade (1571-80 A. C.) This
prolongation of the term alleviated another evil inherent
in the existing system : since the assessment varied
with the kind of crop cultivated, it had the effect of a
tithe inasmuch as it indisposed the cultivator to obtain
a richer description of produce, which, though it might
yield a greater benefit, would have a higher tax to pay
at the succeeding settlement. Arrangements were
made to record with great assiduity the measurements
and classifications detailed above. The distribution of
land and increase or decrease in the land revenue were
entered regularly in the village registers. The
husbandmen were allowed the option of paying the State
share in cash or kind as they pleased, but the latter
method of payment was preferred, because it was
beneficial both to the payer and the payee. They were
encouraged to bring their rents personally to the State

156 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

at definite periods so that the malpractices of the low
intermediaries might be prevented. If they thought
that the amount claimed by the State was too high or
were in any way dissatisfied with the average fixed,
they could insist on the actual measurement, division
and valuation of their crops. They were exempted
from a number of obnoxious taxes and ensured easy
means of access to the Emperor in case exorbitant
rents were collected from them. In many cases
rebates on the full demand were allowed to them,
especially when the land suffered from droughts, floods,
inundations or famines, or remained out of cultivation
for certain reasons. Besides liberal allowances, Taqqavl
loans were granted to them from the State treasury to
enable them to purchase seeds, cattle and agricultural
implements, and were recovered in easy instalments.
When famine was rampant, remissions were common in
the case of the poor and public works were constructed
to afford relief to the famine-stricken. Akbar stationed
a Dlwan in each Subah and entrusted him with the
task of collecting the State revenues and remitting them
to the Chief Dlwan of the Central Government. In
each Sarkdr an Amil, in each Pargana a Qunungo and
in each Dastur a Muqaddam, assisted by other revenue
officers, collected the State demand and remitted the
same to the Imperial Treasury. These officers were
instructed to deal kindly with the cultivators and ' not
to extend the hand of demand out of season '. To
facilitate the collection of the State revenues, the empire
was parcelled out in parts, each yielding a Crore
( = 10,000,000) of dams (=Rs. 250,000 or 25,000) and

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 157

having a collector, called Qrori. Formerly, the revenue
accounts were kept in HindL Henceforth they w~re
kept in Persian.

The importance of the revenue system as organized
Importance of and perfected by Akbar merits

the ^System. a careful consideration. In the realm

of administration it is the most enduring glory of the
Akbarian Age. It was twice-blessed : It benefited the
State as well as the peasantry. The share of the State
being fixed for ever, fluctuations in the land revenue
and frauds on the part of the revenue officers were
prevented. Consequently, the Imperial Treasury was
enriched and the prosperity of the peasani. increased by
leaps and bounds.

We have seen how Akbar commenced career with-
out any definite territory. To recover
Military Reforms. J ' .

his patrimony, to establish his autho-
rity and to restore law and order the need for a well-
organized army can be better imagined than described.
The Imperial Army had four important divisions :
(i) Infantry, (ii) Artillery, (Hi) Cavalry, and (iv) Navy.
The infantry consisted of Banduqchls or riflemen,
Shamsherbaz or swordsmen, Darbdns,
or porters, Khidmatyds or guards of
the environs of the Imperial Palace, Pehalwans, or
wrestlers and Kahdrs or doli-bearers. The Emperor
himself acted as the Commander-in-Chief and had a
number of commanders under him, called Sipdhsdlars.
The artillery was in charge of the Mir-i-Atash or
Ddroghd-i-Topjckdnd (Superintendent
of Ordnance Department), who was

158 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

assisted by another officer of importance called
"The Mir-Atask laid before the Emperor all demands
made on his department ; all orders to it passed through
him. He checked the pay-bills and inspected the
diaries of the Arsenal before sending them on to the
Khan-i^Saman or Lord Steward. He saw to the post-
ings of the artillery force and received reports as to
losses and deficiencies. The agent at the head of the
artillery pay-office was nominated by him. The des-
criptive rolls of artillery recruits passed through his
hands ; all new appointments and promotions were
made on his initiative.

The cavahy constituted the most important part

Cavalry * t ^ ie I m P er i a ' Army. The Mansab-

ddri System, a short description of
which will presently follow, was nothing but an
excellent organization of the cavalry.

Akbar maintained a well-organized fleet in order to
defend the coasts against the Maghs
of Arakan and the Portuguese from
Mundalgarh. The Naval Department was placed in
charge of an officer called Amir-ul-Bahr, or Admiral,
whose fourfold duty was to provide vessels capable of
carrying elephants ; to appoint expert seamen skilled in
diagnosing the temper of the sea ; to guard the rivers,
and to superintend the imposition, the realization and
remission of tolls and duties. The Emperor gave a
large number of Pargands to the Amir-ul-Bakr to
meet the requirements of his department. The fleet
was maintained at an annual cost of Rs. 8,40,000. The
ship-building industry received a considerable attention

JALAL-UD-DJN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 159

of the Emperor. The important ^hip-building centres
were Lahore, Allahabad, Kashmir, Bengal and That f a
(on the banks of the Indus) The vessels were
variously classified according to their kind, size and
strength. Naval batteries were installed and sailors
were recruited from the sea-faring tribes.

There was also an elephant corps. It was main-

. , i tained in a high state of efficiency.

Llephant corps. . , .

The elephants were organized into

groups of ten, twenty or thirty, commonly called Halqds,
or circles. Some of the Marsabddrs were asked to
maintain a certain number of elepnants in addition to
a fixed number of horses. All elephants had their
names.

Literally, the word Mansab means place, rank,
Mansabdari dignity, or office. The Mansabddrs,

System. (rank-holders) were administrative offi-

cers, normally engaged in civil work, but each of them
had to furnish the number of troopers of which he held
the Mansab. The Mansabdari System, therefore, im-
plies that civil officers were bound to render military
service whenever they were called upon to do so. On
paper there were as many as sixty-six grades of Mansab-
ddrs, but in actual practice only half the number
(thirty-three). Of these, the first three grades, ranging
from 7,000 to 10,000, were reserved for the members of
the Royal family. Sometimes exceptions were made to
this rule and men of extraordinary merits were admitted
to the rank of 7,000. Rajah Todar Mai, Rajah Man
Singh, Mirza Shah Rukh and Qulich Khan, for instance,
held the Mansab of 7,000 each. The Mansabddrs were

160 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

paid regular salaries from the State treasury and were re-
q^ired to pay the cost of their quota of horses, elephants,
beasts of burden and carts. Their appointments,
promotions, suspensions and dismissals rested with the
Emperor, who enforced his regulations in respect of the
Mansabddrl System with great strictness. The Mansab
was granted for personal ability and military merits.
It was not hereditary. The sons of the Mansabddrs
had to start anew, independent of their fathers' services
or status. In connection with the Mansabddrl System
there are two important terms, viz., Zdt and Sdwdr,
which have baffled the ingenuity of scholars in distin-
guishing betwsen. Dr. Ishwari Prasad only approximates
the truth when he says, ' The Zdt was the personal rank
of Man*abddr, but to this was added a number of extra
horsemen for which an officer was allowed to draw extra
allowance, and this was called his Sawar rank.' Besides
the Mansabddrs, there were some other soldiers, gener-
ally foot, known as the Dalzhlis and Ahddis. The
former formed a fixed number of soldiers in charge of
the Mansabddrs. They were paid by the State. The
latter constituted a class by themselves. They were
gentlemen soldiers, enlisted by the Emperor himself for
his personal service.

The system of assigning jdglrs to the officers of the

State was abolished by Sher Shah
System of __ , , , . f

payment. Suri only to set in after his short-

lived regime. Akbar did not like a
system which put so much power in the hands of the
Jdglrddrs and diminished the revenues of the State. He
resumed the/d&tfs, which were, so to say, states within

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 161

states, and converted their, into the Khdlsa, or Crown
lands, fixing cash salaries for his officers. There were,
however, a few exceptions : Officers claiming kindred
with the Emperor or enjoying his favours and such
charitable institutions as schools and seminaries were
granted jagirs since no danger accrued to the Govern-
ment from them.

If the Mansabddri System worked well it was

because the Emperor took care to

brandmgTo^es safeguard against the abuses it was

and keeping O p en to. False muster was an evil

descriptive rolls. r .

from which the Mughal army must

have suffered. To check this he revived the system
of branding the horses in the service of the State and of
keeping descriptive rolls of the troopers and their horses,
first introduced by Ala-ud-DIn Khiljl, continued by
Gbiyas-ud-Din and reintroduced by Sher Shah Sun. A
separate department of branding was created and placed
under a separate Btf&hs&i and a Darogha. Descriptive
rolls of officers were prepared and their names, parentage,
caste, residence and personal description were entered.
Likewise Chirahs (descriptive rolls) of horses were
prepared and the details of their descriptions were
entered. At the time of inspection the marks on the
body of every soldier and his horse were compared with
those detailed in the descriptive rolls. It can be
gathered from the Am that elaborate rules were made
in respect of admission, inspection, muster and the like,
of horses. The Emperc* himself inspected the horses
and ordered his officers to look after them and to
maintain their military efficiency.

CHAPTER IX

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR

(CONCLUDED)
Literature and Fine Arts

Akbar was a great patron of art and literature.
Introductory. The contemporary chroniclers have

preserved for posterity the names of
some of the most renowned artists and scholars whom
the Imperial Court took under its warm wings. As one
reads through their accounts one comes across a large
number of those who sought and secured the patronage
of the Court without fail. The artistic as well as the
literary productions of that period are still admired for
their excellence. Here it is intended to give a short
account of literature and fine arts, without which no
account of Akbar can be called complete.

Great as was Akbar's love ol learning, no less was

his fondness for fostering literature,
Literature. . / j i ij j/j

which feeds on knowledge and feeds

knowledge again, and becomes a valuable asset to the
cause of civilization. His reign was remarkable for its
literary activities. Numerous books on various subjects
were written, compiled and translated under his auspices,
and historical literature of a very high order was the
result.

'AlUmah Abul Fazl's hook of Akbar, called
Akbarnamah. Akbarnamah, will always retain its

fascination and charm as a minute account of the

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 163

>

customs and traditions ol the people of India. Thp
historical importance of this work has been excellently
set forth by one of its translators in the following
words :

' It crystallizes and records in brief for all time the

Its historical state of Hindu learning, and, besides

importance. itg statistica i utility> serves as an

admirable treatise of reference on numerous branches of
Brahmanical science and on the manners, beliefs, tradi-
tions, and indigenous lore, which for the most part still
retain and will long continue their hold or\ the popular
mind. Above all, as a register of the fiscal areas, the
revenue settlements, and changes introduced at various
periods, the harvest returns, valuations and imports
throughout the provinces of the empire, its originality is
indisputable as its surpassing historical importance/

More valuable than the Akbarndmah is the Ain-i-
ii which is by far the finest fruit

partly a history of the Emperor and partly a minute
record of the revenue, royal household, treasury, military
regulations and other important matters, with a gazetteer
of India and -a collection of His Majesty's sayings and
teachings. No other work gives a better and more
elaborate pen-picture of contemporary India its lore,
customs, traditions, etiquette, cookery recipes, and
religious innovations under the pompous style of Court
Journal, than this book. Apparently a fiscal manual
of all the departments of the State and its industries, it
is much more than that ; it is a history, a gazetteer, nay
an encyclopaedia. It must form the foundation of every

164 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

book written about Akbar the Great and his reign.

The Tdrilch-i-Alfi, a history of the millennium

from the dawn of Islam to the days of
Tankh-i-Alfi. j j * u -iju

~" Akbar, was ordered to be compiled by

a company of distinguished scholars singled out by the
Emperor, including the reluctant Badaoni. The impor-
tant events of a thousand years of Islam were accord-
ingly related from the Athnd-i-Ashariyah point of view
and the chronology was reckoned from the date of the
Prophet's demise and not from the date of his
emigration, *&, Hijra.

Apart from these books, many more were written

at this time. The Tdr%l$h-i-Baddom,
Other books. , . , A , , . - ,.

secretly written by Abdul Qadir ; a

commentary on the Ayat-ul-Kursl, by Abul Fazl and
and his letters ; the T&bqdt-i-Akbari by Nizam-iid-Din
Ahmad and the Mun&iat of Abul Path are some of the
other literary monuments produced at this time.
Historically, they constitute a great asset to this reign.

Akbar extended every possible encouragement to
Translated those engaged in the work of transla-

versions. t j on> ^ t ^j s dj rec tion several copious

works were translated into Persian from other languages.
Khan-i-KhanSn Abdur-Rahlm put into Persian the
Wdqiydt-i-Bdbari (Memoirs of Babar) from the original
Turkish for the first time and presented the Persian
version to his Imperial patron, who was not slow in
rewarding him handsomely for his labours. The Jamd-i-
Rashidi was translated into Eersian from Arabic by
Abdul Qadir and the Mu'ajam-ul-Buldan, a geographical
work of singular charm, by Mullah Ahmad Qasim

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 165

Beg, Shaikh Munawwar, Abdul Oadir and many other
scholars. The celebrated Shahndmah was turned into
prose and the Hayat-ul-Haiwan was rendered into
Persian.

Akbar patronized Hindu literature just as much as

... ...... , Muslim. In order to encourage it and

Hindu Literature. < , r

also to promote a free exchange of

religious and social ideas and ideals between the Hindus
and the Musalmans, he ordered the translation of many
an important Sanskrit and Hindi book. Here are a few
instances : Faiz! and a number of learned Brahmans
put their heads together and turned into Persian from
Sanskrit an episode of the Mahabhdratd, called Nail and
Damyanti, after the manner of Laild and Majnun. In
1582 A. C. Akbar ordered the whole of the epir to be
translated into Persian. Having invited some erudite
Pandits, he gave them directions to indite an explanation
of the copious epic and for several nights, says Dr. Law,
* he himself devoted his attention to explaining the mean-
ing to Naqib Khan.' Mullah Sben, Abdul Qadir,
Sultan Haji Thanes war! and Shaikh Faizi were constant-
ly engaged in its translation. When the arduous task
was accomplished, the Great Shaikh wrote its epilogue
and the book was rechristened as Razmndntah, or the
Book of War. When the Imperial Court was at Kanauj,
(then known as Shergarh), Akbar commissioned
BadSoni to translate the Singdsan Battisl into
Persian with the help of a Brahman scholar, called
Parshotam, When the rendering was complete, it
received the appellation of Khirad-afza-ndtnah, or the
Book of Increasing Intelligence. Above all, the Rdmdyana

166 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

was put into Persian by BadaonI in 1589 A, C. After
*our years' strenuous labour che Lilavatl (a treatise on
arithmetic), the Bhagvatagita and the Atharvavedd
were rendered into the language of the Court by Faizi ;
the history of Kashmir, called Rnjtarangini, written by
Kalhana, was translated by Maulana Shaikh Muhammad
Shahabadi; the translation of the Panchatdntra, or
Kaliladamnah, was also done at this time by N asm 11 ah
Mustafa and Maulana Husain Waiz. The translation of
the book last-named being difficult, an easier adapta-
tion was also made under the name of Ayarddnish. A
portion of f he Astronomical Tables of Ulugh Beg was
also translated into Persian under the supervision of
Amir Fathullah SbJrazI. The Sanskrit works of Kishu
Josh!, Gangadhar and Mahesh Mahananda were turned
into Persian under the guidance of Abul Fazl. The
latter was also responsible for the Persian version of the
Holy Bible. The Haribansd was also put into Persian.
The translation of the books mentioned above being
Illustrated complete, they were profusely embel-

versions. Hshed with charming illustrations and

supplied with beautiful bindings. They were then placed
in the Imperial Library. The elaborately illustrated
versions of the Mahabh&ratd, now called Razmndmah,
were given gratis to the nobles of the Court. Among
the Persian works, the story of Amir Hamzah, Zafar-
ndmah, Akbarndmah, etc., were also decked with
illustrations.

The Imperial Court was a 'iterary focus because the
Muslim Court- Emperor was a prominent patron of
Scholars. letters. By means of his extensive

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 167

generosity he had drawn around him a galaxy of famous
scholars, historians, philosophers and poets. The author
of the A In has given a list of as many as one hundred
and forty learned men and about sixty poets whom the
Emperor raised above want, even to affluence. Here is
a brief account of some of the most brilliant luminaries
of His Majesty's Court :

The ablest and the most renowned among the
literary magnates was Akbar's intimate
friend and confidential adviser, Abul
Fazl, the celebrated author of the Ain-i-Akbari and the
Akbarndmah. He ranks among the greatest Persian
scholars that India has ever produced. He was a ' man
of wide culture and pure spiritual ideals '. Dr. Smith
has compared him with his 'junior contemporary/
Francis Bacon, for combining in his person 'the parts of
scholar, author, courtier and man of affairs '. His
was a magnatic personality, permeated with an almost
mesmeric force. The judgment of posterity on his
penmanship is admirably summed up by the author of
the Ma'sir-ul-Umara in the following words :

" The Sheikh (Abul Fazl) had an enchanting
literary style. He was free from secretarial pomposity
and epistolary tricks of style ; and the force of his words,
the collagation of the expressions, the application of
single words, the beautiful compounds and wonderful
power of diction, were such as would be hard for
another to imitate. As he strove to make special use of
Persian words, it has been said of him that he put into
prose the qualities of Nizaml."

The talented Shaikh was indeed the greatest

168 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

writer of the day. His unique literary achievements
assign him a place splendid in the literary history of
India. The reason why some of the Westerners have
failed to appreciate the linguistic beauty of his works is
to be found in the fact that Persian books, with all
their captivating style, enchanting metaphors and pure
vigorous diction, cannot stand the ordeal of translation,
and as Prof. Blochmann justly remarks, 'a great
familiarity not only with the Persian language but with
Abul Fazl's style is required to make the reading of any
of his works a pleasure '.

Abul Faiz, known in history as FaizI, the elder

A . , ~ . brother of Abul Fazl, comes next in

Abul Faiz.

order of merit. He was the Imperial
Librarian and the Persian Poet-Laureate of the India
of his time. His inquiries into Hindu arts and sciences
form a most conspicuous part of the literature of that
age. He translated a number of Sanskrit and Hindi
books on mathematics and other sciences into Persian.
Truly, he was an intellectual giant whose literary
activity was prodigous. He was d great book-lover and,
like all other bibliophiles, he took immense pleasure in
the collection of useful books in a library of his own.
On his death about forty-six thousand ^volumes were
obtained from his private collection and removed to the
Imperial Library.

Shaikh Mubarak, the learned father of Abul Faiz
Shaikh and Abul Fazl, was a man of no

Mubarak. ordinary learning. He was well-

versed in Persian prosody ariJ the art of composing
riddles. In mystic philosophy he was an adept. He

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 169

was one of the most delightful companions, being full of
curious anecdotes. " I have known ", says Badaoni, his
enemy, " no man of more comprehensive learning tfcart
Mubarak."

Khan-i-Khanan Abdur-Rahim, son of Bairam Khan,

A , , n . was an accomplished scholar in many

Abdur Rahim. r J

languages. He was thoroughly con-
versant with Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit, Turkish and
Brij Bhasha. The Kabits and the Dohas of his
composition in vernacular are simply bewitching and
display a good deal of originality of thought and style.
He was an excellent writer of nrose and verse alike.
He wrote under the pen-name of Rahiml. The best of
his works was the Persian translation of the Waqiydt-i-
Bdbari. The Khan was an energetic promoter of
learning and an eminent patron of letters. The
Maslr-i-Rahimi records that 'ninety-five literary per-
sonalities enjoyed his patronage in various ways, and
many more came to him to become his pupils.

Masih-ud-DIn Abul Path was another litterateur of
Abul Path Akbar's Court, about whom both Abul

Fazl and Badaoni supply us with a
favourable information. He was considered among the
best writers bf the day. A rare copy of his Mun&iat
has been carefully treasured in the library of the
Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal. Urfi, the renowned
poet of Shiraz, was his encomiast; Faizi composed a
heart-rending elegy on his death ; and the Emperor
himself offered a prayer at his tomb not without
reasons. It is a sufficient proof, if proof is required, of
his literary genius.

170 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Over and above those mentioned above, there were

Other Muslim numerous other gens de lettres at

Court-Scholars. the Ilpperial Court They were

Abdul Qadir, Bairam Khan, Pir Muhammad, Amir Mir
TaqI Sharif I, Maulana Kher-ud-Dm Ruml, Shaikh
Abun-Nabi Dehlawi, Mirza Muflis, Hafiz Tashqandl
and Mullah Sadiq Halwi, all endowed with varied
accomplishments.

Akbar, who always appreciated and rewarded merit

and made no distinction of creed or
Some Hindu , . , . ,. ^

Court-Scholars. colour in choosing his officers, cannot

be said to have left Hindu men of
genius unremunerated for their achievements in arts and
literature. He selected his friends and advisers from
among both Hindus and Musalmans, and as Smith
justly remarks, ' with a leaning in favour of the former '.
His Court exhibited a* greater assemblage of Hindu
scholars than any other Muslim Monarch in India had
ever been able to produce. Here is a list of some of
them :

With the exception of Sufi Brothers (Abul Fazl

-, . ., , and Abul Faiz) Rajah Todar Mai

1 odar Mai. , , f J .

was the ablest man in the Imperial

Service. He was unquestionably* the most 'distinguished
among the Hindus, wielding his pen as well as his
sword with equal skill. He was a consummate scholar
of Persian and is credited with the Persian translation
of the Bhagvatapurdna. Hitherto, the Hindus had not
evinced any real interest in learning Persian, the
language of the Court. This * meant their practical
exclusion from the loaves and fishes of the State

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 171

Service. By means of an extensive and persuasive pro-
paganda he succeeded in inducing his co-religionists to
take seriously to the study of the Imperial language.
The Hindus, accordingly, began to shine in the domain
of literature and not a few works have come down to
us the authorship of which is ascribed to them.

Blr Bal was another learned Hindu attached to

_ _ , the Imperial Court. His intellectual

BirBal. r

gifts, uncommon as they were, soon

won him a place in the innermost circle of Akbar's
friends. He was a past-master of witty-sayings and in
that capacity he is remembered to this day. He was a
musician, a poet, a conversationalist, a > story-teller and
a clown, all rolled in one. His Majesty had conferred
upon him the title of Kabrdi, i.e., Hindu Poet-laure-
ate. He was a man of extraordinary eloquence and rare
intelligence.

Other Hindus of literary repute, who were the
Other Hindu recipients of Imperial favours in the

Scholars and form of jagirs, mansabs and posts,

Tulsi Das. were R j ah BKagwfin Das, Rajah

Man Singh, Rajah Bihar! Mai, Han Nath, etc.
" But the greatest author of the time," says
Dr. Smith, " Tulsi Das, the Hindu poet, does not seem
to have been known to Akbar personally." The
Ramcharltamanas, or the Hindi Rdmayana, adapted
from the Sanskrit epic, is an enduring glory in the
field of Hindi literature. It is regarded as 'the
great national work of the Hindi-speaking population
of India '.

172 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Another distinguished poet of this time was Sur
Das, the blind bard of Agra. The
simple and pathetic figure of this
remarkable poet next continued the line of Hindu poets
in Muslim India. Devotion to Krishna in its entirety
is the keynote of his poetry. Be it said to the credit of
the Emperor whose friendly attitude towards Hindu
learning afforded a favourable opportunity for the
development of Hindi literature. Tulsi Das and his
contemporary, Sur Das, passed their days undisturbed
under the Mughal Rule, the former in the celestial
Benares, and the latter in Agra, plying their occupations
in peace.

Akbar was endowed with an exquisite aesthetic

n . . genius, He had developed a strong

Painting. b . . f , . , ,

artistic taste from his very early days.

His views on the art of painting are characteristically
expressed in his own words by Abul Fazl as follows :

41 There are many that hate painting, but such
men I do not like. It seems to me that a painter has,
as it were, peculiar means of recognising God ; for he,
in painting anything that has life and in devising its
limbs, one after the other, is ultimately convinced that
he cannot bestow individuality on his cieation and is
thus forced to think of God, the giver of life."

He gave the first definite spur to what came to be

., . . . . known later on as the Mughal School
Mughal School . . *-

of Painting. * Painting. He founded and en-

dowed a State Gallery under his own
personal care and control. The celebrated Persian fore-
runners and inspirers of the new art soon coalesced

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAK 173

under the influence of the Indian native talent, with the
result that the Indian Mughal School Proper was born,
which has continued to our own days.

As the might and means of the Emperor increased,
his visions of Imperial palaces began

Painting ' tO take sha P e and ver y SOOn the need

was felt to ornament them with

paintings and pictures of unparalleled splendour. The
architectural monuments of the Town of Fathpur Slkrl
were accordingly decked with pictures in which ele-
gance was wedded to beauty. He encouraged the
painters with bonuses and increase of their salaries in
proportion to their progress in their pursuit of painting.
In the Painting Gallery which he constructed, painters
assembled from far and near to emulate one another in
their art so as to become more proficient in it The
Mughal magnificence is now a thing of the past, but
the remains of the mural decorations of the Town
of Victory, among many others, stand as splendid
memorials of that glorious age.

Among the most prominent painters, patronized by
Prominent the Emperor, may be mentioned Mir

painters. Sayyad AH Tabrez, who illuminated

the Dastan-i-Amir Hamzah ; Daswant, who could paint
figures even on walls ; and Barwan, a rival of Daswant
in his art. Khwajah Abdul Samad and Kesu were other
famous painters attached to the Imperial Court. The
victories achieved in the field of this art have been
strikingly set forth in an exacting passage in the Ain-i-
Akbarl, which reads as follows :

11 Most excellent painters are now to be found and

174 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

masterpieces worthy of a Eihzad may be placed at
the side of the wonderful works of the European

painters who have attained world- wide fame More

than hundred painters have become famous masters of
the art, while the number of those who reach perfection,
or of those who are mediocre, is very great. This is
particularly true of the Hindus, their pictures surpass
our conception of things,"

The art of music reached the summit of its splen-

. A f dour under the Imperial patronage. It

Art of music. . r r o

received considerable encouragement
from the Emperor, who himself was highly accomplish-
ed in this art and had an adequate knowledge of its
technicalities. " His Majesty," says Abul Fazl, " pays
much attention to music and patronizes those who
practise this art." Hearing of his bounty, numerous
musicians hailed from Persia, Turan, Kashmir and other
places to the Mughal Court. They belonged to both the
sexes. Some of them were Subhan Khan, Sarud Khan,
Sri GiSn Khan, Mian Chand, Mian Lai, Daud Dhari,
Muhammad Khan Dhgri, Mullah Is'haq Dhari, Nanak
Jarju, Bites Khan, Tantarang Khan, Rang Sen, Rahmat-
ullah and Pir Zadah all experts in this art. But the
most skilled and proficient of them all was Mian Tansen,
the matchless musical gem of Akbar's Court and the
greatest musician that India has ever produced. By the
bewitching sweetness of his voice he is said (metaphori-
cally speaking) to have set the Jumna on fire. His
tomb in Gwalior has become a place of pilgrimage for
the later-day musicians of India. Besides Tansen, there
flourished in his time two other famous singers, Ram

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 175

Das and Hari Das, the bi:lbuls ot the Mughal Darbar.
Instrumentation of a very high kind and bewilder-
ing variety has been a most disting-

uishin g feature of Indian music ' The
principal musical instruments were :

6tn, flute, ghlchakj karana, qabuz, sarmandal, surna,
tamburah, rabab, and qdnun. The best instrumental
performers were: Shaikh Dawan Dhari, Shihab Khan.
Purbin Khan, Ustad Dost of Meshed, Mir Sayyad AH of
Meshed, Bahram Quli of Gujarat, TSsh Beg of Kipchak,
Bir Mandal Khan of Gwalior, Ustad Yusaf of Herat,
Sultan Hashim of Meshed, Ustad Muhammad Husain,
Ustad Muhammad Amin, Ustad Shah Muhammad, Mir
Abdullah and Qasim. As to the use to which the
instruments were put, nothing can be definitely said, but
their high and complex kind certainly points to a
developed state of music. It is just possible that some
of them were invented in this very reign, e.g., Qasim is
reputed to have invented an instrument intermediate
between rabdb and qabuz. The vocal music with its
divers rags and ragnls, some of which are now out of
fashion and many of which have long been forgotten
for want of cultivation, were popular in those days ;
whereas instrumental music was equally indulged in.
The Darbarl music, which became so popular after-
wards, was introduced at this time.

The Indian music, like other fine arts, proved a

Hindu-Muslim new channel of intercourse between

social intercourse the Hindus and the Musalmans.

through music. , - ^. ,

The process of co-operation and

intermutation was not a new thing in the time of

I/O IHfc, MUUHAL,

Akbar. It had begun centuries before. In the domain
of music it became distinctly perceptible how the two
communities were borrowing from each other the
precious stores they possessed in this art, and thereby
enriched each other. Khiyal, for example, which was
invented by Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, has
become an important limb of Hindu music. Dhrupad,
on the other hand, has engrafted itself on Muslim
music.

Calligraphy as a separate branch of the fine arts had

- . , been cultivated by the Musalmans in

Calligraphy. . / .

India ever since their advent in this
country. Akbar encouraged the art of fine writing,
particularly the ' nastallq ' hand, the obvious reason
being the fact that before the invention of the printing
press and its introduction into India, clear, legible, and
beautiful hand was an absolute necessity. It is idle to
linger long over this art as it has long ceased to be recog-
nised as a fine art. It is equally futile to enter into its
various forms. Suffice it to say that it received its due
share of encouragement from the Emperor.

Akbar loved buildings and, like a cultured prince,

A . A he possessed a unique taste for

Architecture. ; . ,1

architecture. His Majesty, says

Abul Fazl, " plans splendid edifices and dresses the works
of his mind and heart in the garment of stone
and clay." Smith informs us that this imposing phrase
is not merely a courtly complement that the historian is
paying here. It is sober truth and is endorsed by Fergus-
son, who describes Fathpur Slkri as ' a reflex of the great
mind of the man who built it.' Even architecture speaks

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 177

for Akbar's statesmanship, aiming at Hindu-Muslim Unity.
His buildings were characterised by a happy blending cf
Hindu-Muslim styles. They combined both Hindu
and Muslim features, of which sometimes the one and
sometimes the other predominated. The style of
architecture, if there was any, was eclectic. The existing
monuments of his execution are fewer than might
be expected, the reason being the fact that several
of his superb edifices were subsequently pulled down by
his grandson, Shah Jahan, whose canons of tastes
differed from those of his grandfather. The best that
have survived are : the tomb of Ilumayun, the most
Persian in style and renowned for the simplicity and
purity of its design ; the magnificent Masjid with
its classic Buland Darwaza or the Lofty Portal,
in appearance " noble beyond that of any portal attached
to any mosque in India, perhaps in the whole world " ;
the Jahangm Mahal at the Agra Fort ; the Tomb
of Shaikh Salim Chishtl ; the handsome mosque erected
at Fathpur Sikri ; the Palace of Jodhabai ; the Central
Hall of Akbar's original Palace ; the Liwdn, or Service-
portion of the Great Mosque at the Town of Victory ;
the beautiful Masjid built at Mirths in RajputanS ; the
Tomb of Saint Muhammad Gbaus at Gwalior ; the
Sati-burj, immortalizing the self-immolation of a wife of
Rajah Bihar! Mai ; the Hall of Forty Pillars at Allahabad ;
the House of Bir Bal ; the four temples of Gobind Dev,
Madan Mohan, Gopi Nath and Jugal Kishor, doing
honour to the deified KrighnS ; and above all, his own
tomb at SikandarS, ' quite unlike any other tomb built in
India either before or since/ are considered as the

178 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

moist admirable specimens of the architecture of that
period.

Most of the monuments enumerated above had

_ , beautiful gardens within their premises.

Gardens. , ^ _

The gardens at the town of Fathpur

Sikri and those at Sikandara and the Naslm Bagh at
Kashmir may be mentioned among those fortunate places
on which the popular remark, ' if there is a paradise on
earth, it is here, it is here/ has repeatedly been passed.

Thus flits the pageant of a reign, the panorama

of Akbar, his achievements in the arts
Estimate r n r j u-

of Akbar. * war as well as of peace and his

contributions to the cause of Indian

culture and civilization. His was a systematic and

deliberate policy of promoting literature, architecture,

painting, music, dancing, calligraphy, poetry and other

fine arts, which made considerable progress under

his patronage. What gave a tremendous impetus to

these fine arts was his catholicity of mind which, soaring

above the snares of sectarian psychology, appreciated

and encouraged true worth without making invidious

distinctions. The widespread diffusion of education, the

extensive promotion of fine arts, the maintenance of

perfect religious freedom and liberty of conscience, the

abolition of the hated Jizia and other obnoxious taxes,

the prohibition of Sail and female infanticide, the

encouragement of widow-remarriage, the extinction of

the evil practice of enslaving the prisoners of war

and that of trial by ordeal, the introduction of an

elaborate system of land revenue, and above all, the

restoration of law and order and the establishment of

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR 179

peace and prosperity throuchout tlie length and breadth
of the Mughal Empire by the introduction of such wise
innovations as issued not from a Parliament, a Cortes
or a States-General, but from the head of one man
whose era was that of Queen Elizabeth, Philip II and
Louis XIV, whose age was that of religious intolerance,
rigid Inquisition and ruthless persecution, and whose
evironments were those of malice, tyranny and oppres-
sion are the index of a genius unsurpassed in the
annals of the world. From whatever side we approach
him, whether as a man, a soldier and a statesman, or
as a philosopher, a military commander and a political
administrator ; or as a reformer, a legislator and a peace-
maker, the conviction is forced home on us that he was
really one of those few inspired personalities of bupreme
powers and singular endowments who have, as it were,
revealed the future to their present age. In view of his
contributions to the wisdom of the world and the
science of humanity, he has been called the 'guardian
of mankind '. As a protector of Hindu learning, as a
promoter of Hindu civilization, as a patron of Hindu
genius and, above all, as a social reformer of Hinduism,
the Hindus have recognised him a hero after their own
hearts.

CHAPTER X

NtJR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGlR

(16051628 A.C.)
Having put down all political intrigues, Salim

ascended the throne of his father at
Accession of Agra on the 24th day of October,

Agra; 1606. 1605 A.C. under the proud title of

Jahangir, or ' World Grasper '. At
that time he was thirty-six years old. His addiction to
wine and indulgence in luxuries afforded little prospect
of a happy reign ; but his natural abilities, combined
with his liberal education and strong common-sense,
amply qualified him to carry on the administration of
the Mughal Empire to the entire satisfaction of his
subjects. In order to secure the sympathies of his
co-religionists, he promised to protect the Muslim
religion ; to alleviate the suspicions and fears of his
father's faithful friends and trusty officers, he confirmsd
them in their appointments ; and to gain the goodwill
of his Hindu subjects, he extended his pardon to men
like Rajah Man Singh, who had espoused the cause of
Prince Khusrau, He abolished a number of obnoxious
taxes, granted a general amnesty and instituted a gold
chain, connected with a cluster of bells, in his chamber
in order to receive the petitions of aggrieved persons
with a view to redress their grievances. The chain of
justice might not have been frequently pulled by the
importunate suppliants, but the Emperor's interest in the

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 181

dissemination of justice is sufficiently borne out by it.
These acts were accompanied by twelve ordinances,

. - , . popularly called the rules of conduct,
Dastur-ul-Amal. ,/ J , , ^ , . , , ^

(dastur-ul-d mdl), which the Emperor

ordered to be strictly observed by his officers throughout
his extensive empire. According to them (1) Jahangir
forbade the levy of several customs and transit duties of
vexatious nature and of the oppressive tolls and cesses
which the landlords of every province had imposed for
their own benefit and increased at their own sweet will.
(2) He ordered the Jdglrddrs to encourage in every
possible way a residential population along solitary
roads by erecting rest-houses, mosques rnd wells, and
providing other facilities for the purpose. (3) He
strictly prohibited the bales of merchandise to be opened
during the transit without the consent of their owners.
(4) He abolished the existing practice whereby the pro-
perty of the deceased was appropriated by the State and
ordered that henceforth it should go to the rightful
heirs. If anyone died without heir, his property was
used for the repair and reconstruction of mosques and
madrasahs. (5) He forbade the manufacture, sale and
consumption of such spirits and intoxicants as opium
and wine throughout the kingdom. (6) He prevented
his officers and Jdgirddrs from misappropriating the lands
of the ryots and cultivating them on their own account.
(7) He ordered the construction of State hospitals in all
the cities of the Mughal Empire ; a number of Govern-
ment dispensaries werp established and provided with
paid physicians. (8) He prohibited billeting ; henceforth
soldiers were not to be stationed in private houses.

182 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

(9) He abolished the barbarous punishments of mutila-
tion by which the limbs of offenders were amputated
and their eyes were put out. (10) For a certain number
of days in the year he forbade the slaughter of certain
animals. (11) He put a ban on inter-marriage by
ordering that officers of the same pargana should not
marry within their own pargana. (12) By a regular
firman he forbade, on pain of capital punishment, the
horrid practice of making and selling eunuchs,
which was prevalent at Sylhet in Bengal. Finally, he
confirmed the jaglrs and offices of his father's faithful
servants and increased them by 20 per cent and in
certain cases b*> 300 and 400 per cent.

Having secured his succession and planted his

_. Ar popularity in the hearts and the minds

First Nauroz. f , . .

of his subjects, Hindus as well as

Muslims, Jahangir celebrated the first Nauroz of his reign
with great pomp and show amidst ecstatic rejoicings at
Agra in the month of March, 1606 A.C. The festivities
lasted for over a fortnight and were finally crowned with
a lavish bestowal of gifts and presents on the grandees
of the Empire by tne Emperor. *

It will be recalled that in 1605 A.C. a party ot

, _ nobles, consisting of Rajah Ram Das,

Khusraus Revolt. ... * J T ., .

Murtaza Khan, Sayyad KjQan, Qulich

Muhammad and Mirza Aziz Koka, and headed by Rajah
Man Singh, had intrigued against the accession of Sallm
in favour of his son, Khusrau, but had failed. Though
the father and the son were reconciled after the death of
Akbar, there was no love lost between them. The former
thought that he was irreparably wronged by his son

NUR-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 183

the latter's fiery spirit and impetuous youth would not
allow him to rest on his* oars. He could not forget
that he had once contested the claims of his father.
Moreover, his engaging manners and attractive carriage
had made him extremely popular and the cynosure of
not a few officers of importance. As a nephew of
Rajah Man Singh and the son-in-law of Mirza Aziz
Koka, as a son of the Emperor, and ' the amor et
delicice of the people,' he was the centre of sedition and
the pivot of political intrigue. Actuated by ambition,
or driven by despair, or goaded by both, he escaped
from Agra in 1606 A.C. and marched towards Lahore
at the head of as many as three hundred and fifty
horsemen, gathering strength on his way. At Mathura

he was joined by not less than three thousand horsemen

< *k

under their leader, Husain Beg Badakhshani. At
Panlpat he was joined by the Diwdn of Lahore, name-
ly, Abdur Rahim, who was on his way towards Agra.
At Taran Taran he received the good wishes of Guru
Arjan, the editor of the Granth Sahib, and also some
pecuniary help. At Lahore he encountered a serious
opposition. When Dilawar Khan,, the governor of
juahore, refused to open the gates of the city, he laid
siege to the city and burnt one of its gates. Dilawar
was reinforced by Said Khan and the siege lasted for a
week. After that, when the Prince learnt of the arrival
of his father, he fled towards the North-West in order
to stir up opposition in that quarter. His flight was a
serious matter for the Emperor who feared the Uzbegs
and the Persians there. Negotiations having failed, the
father and the son came to grips at the battle of

184 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Bahjowal. The rebels were routed and put to flight,
and the Prince had a narrow escape. His jewellery-box
and other valuable things formed a considerable part of
the booty obtained. After a hot pursuit, the imperial-
ists succeeded in capturing and producing him
before the Emperor hand-cuffed and chained heavily.
The eyes of the royal captive were sewn, and he was
thrown in prison. His accomplices were ruthlessly
treated.

Guru Arjan, who had helped Khusrau in his dire

distress, was called to the Imperial
Execution of ^ . , i u- j j. TT-

Guru Arjan. Court to explain his conduct. His

property was confiscated and he was
fined at the instigation of Chandu Shah, whom he had
annoyed by refusing to marry his son to his daughter.
The Guru declined to pay a single cowrl and was at
last executed for his ' suspicious proceedings '. It must
be remembered that his execution was not the outcome
of religious bigtory but was due to political reasons.
Dr. Beni Prasad has justly stated that the Guru would
have ended his days in peace, if he had not espoused
the cause of a rebel. But the murder was a mistake
of the first magnitude. It stirred up the Sikhs against
the Mughal Empire and had no mean share in mould-
ing the subsequent history of the Punjab.

Qandhar was conquered by Akbar in 1595 A.C.
Its loss was deeply resented by the
Persians. Under their King, Shah
Abbas, who was one of the greatest
Asiatic rulers of his time, they made an attempt to

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 185

recover it, but failed, because it was ably defended by
Shah Beg Khan, When force failed, diplomacy was
resorted to. In order to gam his end, the ShSh made
overtures and exchanged sugar-coated compliments with
the Mughal Emperor, who was thrown off his guard;
and as a necessary sequel, the defences of Qandhar
were neglected. In 1622 A. C. the Shah again attacked
Qandhar and took possession of it without encountering
opposition. Jahangir ordered his son, Khurram, to
accompany the expedition against that far off province.
The Prince thought that hi? absence would ensure his
exclusion from the throne and therefore refused to obey
the Imperial orders. His refusal was fully availed of
by Niir Jahan who wished to secure the succession for
her son-in-law, Shahryar, the rival and opponent of the
Prince. She poisoned the ears of her husband against
him and convinced him that his son meditated treason.
The Emperor at once issued an order to the effect that
the Prince should send back to the Capital all the
forces he had with him in the Deccan. Khurram hesi-
tated and again Niir Jahan found a chance to inflame
her husband's mind against him. iTiis time she suc-
ceeded in securing for Shahryar the fief of Dholpur which
Khurram had long desired to obtain. She also persuaded
her husband to promote her son-in-law to the mansab
of twelve thousand Zdt and eight thousand Sawdr, and
to put him at the head of the campaign against Qandhar.
All these circumstances combined to horrify the Prince
who now found safety in submitting to the will of his
father. He tried to allay the anger of the Emperor by
making apologies for his past conduct, but the backstair

186 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

intrigues of Nur Jahan drove him to break into open
rebellion. As a result, Qandhar was lost and no attempt
was made to recover it.

The crowning exploit of the reign of Jahangir was

^ indeed the conquest of Kangra in the

Conquest ^ b

of Kangra. Punjab, which commanded an excel-

lent situation and enjoyed a wide
reputation as an important centre of Hindu worship.
Murtaza Khan, who was in charge of the Punjab, was
entrusted with the reduction of Kangra ; but owing to the
opposition of the Rajputs, he could not make headway
against the liill-chie's in possession of the strongholds
that surrounded the famous fortress of Kangra. After
Murtaza's death, which took place a little later, Prince
Khurrani was appointed to the command of the Kangra
campaign. The hill-chiefs of the surrounding strong-
holds were defeated and the formidable fortress inside
was besieged. The supplies of the beleaguered garrison
were cut off, so much so that they were compelled to
feed themselves on boiled dry grass. After a protracted
siege, which lasted for over a year, the inmates of the
garrison were reduced to such straits that they found
safety in submission. The conquest of Kangra wab
accomplished in November, 1620 A. C.

In Mewar, the Premier State of Rajputana, the
heroic Rana Pratab was succeeded

Subjugation v u- A O-U^TTJ-

of Mewar. by his son, Amar Singh, at Udaipur

in the year 1597 A. C. The new
Rana was as patriotic as his father. While he would not
submit to the Muslim yoke, Jahangir could not tolerate
the existence of an independent and rather hostile State

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 187

on the border of his empire. Reruming the ambitious
policy of his predecessor, he ordered an attack on the
principality, putting his son, Prince Parvez, in com-
mand of the Mughal army and providing him with
ample war material. The Rajputs offered a stout
resistance, and after an indecisive battle a truce was
concluded , between the belligerents. After a lull of
about two years war was again declared against Mewar.
This time the supreme command was entrusted to
Mahabat Khan who defeated the Rajputs but failed to
accomplish anything substantial owing to the moun-
tainous nature of the country. The ill-success of the
Mewar campaign was due, to a considerable extent, to the
frequent changes in the command of the Imperial army
also. In 1614 A.C. Prince Khurram received oHers to
lead an expedition against Mewar. He opened the
campaign with renewed energy and fresh vigour. Aided
by able military officers, he established strong military
posts round Mewar and cut off the supplies of the Rana
in order to starve the State into submission. His
military tactics took the Rajputs by surprise and reduced
the Rana to such a state that he expressed his desire to
put an end to the war in which victories were as costly
as defeats. Negotiations were opened for peace. The Rana
agreed to acknowledge the overlordship of the Mughal
Emperor and sent his son, Prince Karan, to the Mughal
Capital to wait upon the Emperor. He also agreed to
contribute a contingent of one thousand horse to the
Mughal army. In return for this, the fortress of Chittor
was restored to the Rana and his son was enrolled as a
commander of five thousand. He was not forced to

188 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

enter, into a matrimonial alliance with the Emperor ;
rather, he was exempted from personal attendance at the
Mughal Court on account of his old age. Not only
this, the Emperor treated him in a most chivalrous
manner. In order to remove the humiliation of defeat
and to do special honour to his vanquished foe, he
caused two full-sized portraits of the Rana and his son
to be carved in marble and set up in a garden at Agra
below the Jarukhd (audience window). " Jahangir's
conduct in this affair," observes Dr. Ishwari Prasad, " is
wholly worthy of praise. Mewar had given the Mughals
no small amount of trouble, but the emperor forgot the
past and adopted a conciliatory policy in dealing with
the R&na. " By such acts of chivalry, Jahangir
honoured his antagonists as well as himself. In appre-
ciation of his success against Mewar, Prince Khurram
was honoured with the appellation of h.ah Khurram
and a mansab of thirty thousand. Quite in consistence
with the condescension of his father, the Prince received
the son of the Rana with all respect and treated him
with marked generosity. He bestowed upon him * a
superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger,
and a horse with a gold saddle and a special elephant '.
It will be remembered that Akbar had conquered

Ahmadnagar, Berar and KhSndesh.

Deccan campaign.

His ambition was to advance further

South, but immediately after the capture of Asirgarh,
he was obliged to go back to the North, where his son,
Salim, had rebelled against him. His absence from the
Deccan adversely affected the Mughal position there.
The imperialists failed to follow their successes with

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 189

vigour. When Jahanglr came to t>"e throne, he resumed
the forward policy of his father against the Deccan.
Ahmadnagar was first to be attacked ; but in Malik
Ambar the imperialists found a tough foe and a military
leader of the first water, one whom it was not easy to
overcome.

A word might be said here about the abilities of

_ , , A Malik Ambar, the Abyssinian minister

Malik Ambar. .,- j

and military commander of the

Nizamshahl Kingdom of Ahmadnagar. Age and ex-
perience had enabled him to acquire a deep insight into
matters of importance, civil as well as military His
activities embraced almost every department of adminis-
tration. He was a great financier. His multifarious
reforms have earned him fame that cannot be tarnished.
His most remarkable achievement was the re-organiza-
tion of the revenue system in his master's kingdom. It
was modelled after that of Akbar the Great. His
political acumen and sagacious statesmanship have
elicited admiration e TT en from his enemies. But he was
no mere administrator. He was also endowed with a
rr ; !itary genius of a rare order. He enlisted the
Marhattas in the army and organized them into a
fighting force. He trained them in the guerilla mode
of fighting and revolutionized the entire military system
of the State by introducing reforms where necessary.
No wonder, therefore, if he succeeded in retrieving the
fallen fortunes of the Nizamshahl dynasty of Ahmad-
nagar. He was speedily recovering the lost territory
of his king when JahangTr ordered an expedition
against him.

190 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

- Khan-i-Khanan /bdur Rahim was entrusted with

the supreme command of the Imperial
Ahmadnagar. __

army. He was totally defeated by

Malik Ambar owing to the rebellion of Prince Khusrau.
Jahangir replaced him by Khan Jahan Lodhi, who
assumed the offensive with fresh vigour in 1611 A. C.
A combined attack was to be delivered on Ahmad-
nagar : Prince Parvez and Khan Jahan were to march
from Khandesh, and Abdullah, the governor of Gujarat,
was to proceed from his own province. The plan
matured a little too soon ; for the latter advanced before
the fixed time and vvas defeated by Malik Ambar. The
imperialists were compelled to beat a disgraceful retreat.
Abdur Rahim, who had been recalled from the scene
of operations, was reappointed to the command. The
veteran Khan forgot the past and earnestly undertook
to retrieve the prestige of the Mughal arms in the
Deccan. He defeated the enemy in a hotly contested
battle, but again he was ordered to withdraw ; for not-
withstanding his brilliant success, he was accused by
his enemy of having accepted the Deccani gold in bribe.
In 1617 A.C. Jahangir detailed another army under
the command of Prince Khurram who had become
Shah Khurram after his success in the Mewar campaign.
Assisted by able imperial generals, he compelled All
'Adil Shah to accept the terms of peace dictated by
the Emperor The Shah waited in person upon the
Prince and offered him presents of the value of fifteen
lakhs and promised to cede all the territory which
Malik Ambar had seized from the Mughal Empire,
The Mughal Emperor bestowed upon him the title of

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 191

Farzand (son) and treated him with great love. The
services of Prince Khurram were duly appreciated and
the title of Shah Jahdn was conferred upon him. To
do him special honour, Jahangir poured over his head a
small tray of jewels and a tray of gold (coins) from the
Jhartikha. The Empress held a special feast in his
honour and showered upon him some valuable presents.
Other officers were, likewise, rewarded without stint for
their services. 'Behind all these profuse gifts and
rewards,' to quote Dr. Ishwari Prasad, ' lay the hard
fact, that the Deccan was not conquered, and that the
spirit of Malik Ambar was as unbroken as ever.'
The campaign terminated in 1629 A. C. after the death
of Jahangir and Ahmadnagar was lost to the Mughal
Empire.

After his revolt, Prince Khusrau had been thrown

_ , into prison. Not long afterwards he

Subsequent career . . f

of Prince Khusrau. succeeded in winning the hearts of his

captors and organizing a plot against
his father. The plot miscarried. The Prince was
blinded and his accomplices were ^arrested. Of the
tatter, only four were executed. With the lapse of time,
the memory of his rebellion wore off and the fatherly
affection having again revived, the eyesight of the
Prince was partially restored through the skill of an
efficient physician, and he was permitted to pay his
respects to his father every day. He was regarded as
the heir-apparent and the future sovereign of Hindustan.
Shah Jahan resented this very bitterly. But he had neither
the power to dissuade his father from his intentions, nor

192 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the attractiveness to dislodge his brother from the place
he had found in the hearts of the people. Nur Jahan, who
wished to push the claims of her son-in-law, Shahryar,
hated Khusrau from the very nature of the case. She
succeeded in supplanting her husband's affection for his
own son with hatred, and Khusrau was forbidden to pay
his respects on the pretext that he ' showed no signs of
openness and happiness and he was always mournful
and dejected in mind '. In 1616 A.C. he was made
over to the custody of his most relentless enemy, Asaf
Khan, and in 1620 A.C. he was transferred to his hostile
brother, Shah Jahan, who had him murdered in 1622
A.C. at Burhtinpur, giving out, however, that he had
died of colic pain (Qulanj). He was accorded a second
burial when his father, Jahanglr, relented and felt
compassion for him. His remains were removed to
Allahabad and interred in a garden, since known as
Khusrau Bagh.

Khusrau was indeed one of the most captivating

. , figures of the present reign. Terry's

His character. r J

tribute to his character is well-
deserved. Says he : ' For that prince, he was a
gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage,
so exceedingly beloved of the common people that as
Saetonius writes of Titus, he was amor et delicice, etc.,
the very love and delight of them, aged then about
thirty-five years. He was a man who contented him-
self with one wife who with all love and care accom-
panied him in all his straits, and therefore he would
never take any wife but herself, though the liberty of
his religion did admit of his plurality.'

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANG1R 193

Usman, who had rebelled in 1599 A. C. in the
Rebellion of reign of Akbar in the remotely removed

P rovince of ^g* 1 but had b ^n
suppressed by Rajah Man Singh,
owed outward allegiance to the Mughal Emperor,
but secretly cherished the desire of reviving the
Afghan rule in India. He harboured bitter hostilities
against the Mughal Empire and aimed to destroy it root
and branch. He rallied round himself the rebellious
Afghans and Zamlndars of Bengal. The rapid
change of governors in that province enabled him
to fortify his position without fear. In 1612 A. C.
again he made an attempt to overthrow the Mughal
dynasty. In the engagement that was fought, the
Mughals were victorious over the Afghans. Usman was
fatally wounded, but ' so great was his composure that
even in this condition he continued to direct the
movements of his men for six hours ', On being
defeated, the enemy retired to their entrenchments
where their gallant leader died of exhaustion, leaving
them in a state of confusion. This was the last Afghan
rising against the Mughal Rule. Jahangir was so much
pleased with Islam Khan, the governor of Bengal, and
his officers who had suppressed it that he raised their
ranks and rewarded their services without stint. He
treated the Afghans with kindness and conciliation.
They were taken in the service of the State without
restrictions. As a result of this policy, the Afghans
were completely won over and the security of the
Mughal throne was ensured.

194 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The Memoirs of Jahang^r and the Iqbdlnamah

Outbreak of the concur in recording that the bubonic
bubonic plague. p j ague broke Qut j n India for the firgt

time in 1616 A. C. As usual, the epidemic first affected
the rats and mice and then the people. It began in
the Punjab and soon spread over almost the whole of
Northern India. Its * ravages were so great ', says a
contemporary chronicler, ' that in one house ten or
twenty persons would die, and their surviving neighbours,
annoyed by the stench, would be compelled to desert
their houses full of habitations. Mortality was extremely
heavy in Lahore and Kashmir. The disease broke out
again in Agra and took away a large number of the
people.

The most romantic event of the reign of Jahanglr

was his marriage with Mehr-un-Nisa,

the most beautiful daughter of Mirza

Qbiyas Beg, a native of Tehran. Almost every Indian

student is acquainted with the story of her birth,

marriage and character. Her father, Mirza Ghiyas, was

reduced to such straits that he proposed to leave his

native-land for good and to try his luck elsewhere.

Accordingly, he set out towards India in search of

employment. When he reached Qandhar, his wife, who

was then in a state of expectancy, was delivered of a

daughter, who was destined to be the empress of India.

Qbiyas was so poor that he could not take care of the

newly-born baby and her mother. Luckily, a certain

kind-hearted merchant, named Malik Masaud, under

whose protection he was travelling towards India, felt

compassion for the woe- begone family and offered his

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANG1K 195

assistance, but for which Ghiyas, v horn fate had fouied
so much, would have found his lot intolerable. The
merchant commanded some influence at the Mughal
Court. He introduced him to Akbar who at once took
him into his service. By sheer force of character and
capacity, Gbiyas soon made his mark in the service of
his master, who raised him to the rank of three hundred
in appreciation of his excellent work. Little Mehr-un-
Nisa and her mother were allowed access to the
Imperial Harem where they were shown great favours
by the Royal household.

When Mehr-un-Nisa attained the age of seventeen,

she was married to All Quli Istajlu,
Mehr-un-Nisa j <-t A t * *r*-

married to Ali surnamed Sher Afgan, or Tiger

SherAf a an r Thrower'. Originally a Saj^rchl
~ (table servant) of Shah Ismail II of

Persia, AH Quli had distinguished himself in the service
of Emperor Akbar. He was appointed to the staff of
Prince Salim when the latter was ordered to march
against Mewar. He acquitted himself so admirably that
the Prince was pleased to reward him for his courage
and cleverness, and bestowed upon him the title of Sfaer
Afgan for slaying a tiger. When the Prince broke into
rebellion against his father, he was deserted by many of
his followers, and Sher Afgan was one of them. After
his accession, however, Jahangir extended him his
pardon and placed him in charge of the government of
Burdwan in Bengal.

When reports came from Bengal, the most troublous
Murder of Sher province, that Sher Afgan was
Afgan * ' insubordinate and disposed to be

196 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

rebellious/ Jahanglr summoned him to his Court to
explain his conduct. On refusal to obey the Imperial
firmans, Qutb-ud-Din Koka, the governor of that
province, was commanded to send the refractory officer
to the Capital. Qutb-ud-DIn made a foolish attempt to
arrest him. Finding a large number of men surrounding
him, Sher Afgan portended treachery. In a fit of rage
he exclaimed ' what proceeding is this of thine ? '
addressing the governor and his retainers. As soon as
the governor approached him to convey the Imperial
message, he attacked him with his sword and inflicted
serious injuries on his person. This unexpected incident
enraged the retainers who fell upon Sher Afgan and cut
him to pieces. After the murder of her husband, Mehr-
un-N ; *a and her little daughter were sent to the
Imperial Harem where they were entrusted to the
custody of Sallma Sultana, the do wager- queen. In
May, 1611 A. C. Jahangir married her.

Sher Afgan's death was purely incidental and
Jahangir had nothing to do with it.

Was Sher Afgan's The report from Bengal that he was

murder premedi- < . ,

tated and whether insubordinate and disposed to be

hand n fn if? d " rebellious ; ' the Imperial firmans, sum-
moning him to the Court to explain his
conduct; his refusal to obey the Imperial commands;
the appointment of Qutb-ud-DIn Koka, the governor of
Bengal, to bring the rebel to book if he ' showed any
futile, seditious ideas ' ; the foolish attempt of the
governor to arrest him without ascertaining his offence ;
Sher Afgan's apprehension of treachery and his attack
on the governor in self-defence all these are important

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 197

links in the chain of the crsis whrh culminated in the
murder of 3her Afgan. They cumulatively contribute
to the theory of Jahanglr's innocence. What subsequently
gave rise to the story that the murder was manipulated
by Jahanglr, or that he had a hand in it, was that soon
after the occurrence Imperial orders were issued to
remove Mehr-un-Nisa to the Royal Harem, where she
was entrusted to the custody of Sallma Sultana and
then married to the Emperor. But this does not
militate against the theory of innocence. It does not
show that the death of Sher Afgan was brought about
by Jahangir, It only gives birth to a suspicion that
the Emperor was in love with the kdy, but the
suspicion does not stand in the face of other facts and
vanishes like a phantom. De Laet, the Dutch witer,
says that Jahanglr had been in love with her when
she was still a maiden. ' If this were true ' says
Dr. Ishwari Prasad, 4 the motive for the murder is
clear/ Granted that Mehr-un-Nisa's beauty had attracted
the attention of Jahangir during his father's lifetime and
that he had been madly in love with her ; granted also
that the murder was premeditated, now was it that
after her betrothal to Sher Afgan when the latter was
appointed to the staff of Salim (Jahangir) in the Me war
campaign, the Prince treated him so kindly and
conferred upon him the title of Sfaer Afgan in
appreciation of his courage ? why was it that Jahanglr,
at his accession, did not punish him for his desertion
when the Prince Jahangir had rebelled against his
father, but extended him his pardon and even placed
him in charge of Burdwan in BeogSl ? why was it that

198 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Jahangir, an impetuous lover as he was, waited for such
a long time when the object of his desire was well
within his reach ? To be sure, if Jahangir had wished
to remove Sber Afgan from his way to Mehr-un-Nisa,
he could have found one hundred and one pretexts and
achieved his object long before and would not have
waited for such a long time. As apart from this, there
is no clue to this story (that Sher Afgan was murdered
at the instigation of Jahangir) in the accounts of
contemporary chroniclers, nor is there any corroborative
evidence of European travellers who were too prone to
seize upon the scandals relating to the Royal family
and raking th^m to the utmost. The so-called ' positive
assertions of later historians ' are based on a mere
ephemeral suspicion and cannot be relied upon.

Four years after the murder of Sher Afgan,

Jahangir marries Jahangir saw Mehr-un-Nisa and fell
Mehr-un-Nisa. jn j ove wjth her He married her j n

the month of May, 1611 A. C. Faithful to her former
husband, Nisa was equally faithful to her new husband,
who loved her so much that sometimes he would call
her Ntir Mahal, ' the Light of the Palace ' and sometimes
Nfir Jahdn, ' the Light of the World '. Thus, Mehr-un-
Nisa, the baby who was born in the most adverse
circumstances, the lady who had lived with her husband,
Sher Afgan, for sixteen years, and the widow who had
wept in chaste seclusion for four years, emerged as the
Empress Nur Jahan, the most beloved wife of Emperor
Jahangir. In token of his love for her, Jahangir put her
name on the coinage along with his own a unique
circumstance in the history of Muslim money.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANG1R 199

Nur Jahan was endowed with all that is noble in
Nurjahan's the nobler sex. She was a highly

accomplishments. cuUured ; ady> we ll. V ersed in Arabic

and Persian literature. She was a good poetess. One
of her charms with which she captivated Jahangir was
her facility in composing extempore verses. Under her
edifying influence the Mughal Court became famous
for its noon-day splendour. 'She set the fashions of
the age, designed new varieties of silk and cotton
fabrics, and suggested new models of jewellery, hitherto
unknown in Hindustan/ She invented the attar of
roses for which she is remembered to the present day.
Her physical feats were on a par with her personal

charms and intellectual endowments.
Her valour.

She was very tond ot outdoor Barnes.

She used to accompany her husband on his hunting
excursions and often shot down ferocious tigers. On
one occasion Jahangir was so impressed by her
feat of valour that he presented her a pair of
precious bracelets of diamonds and distributed one
thousand asfarafis among the poor to mark the excess
of his happiness. So remarkable was her presence of
mind that she never wavered in dangers and difficulties.
She displayed ample courage and resourcefulness when
her husband (Jahangir) was taken prisoner by
Mahabat Khan. Experienced generals and veteran
soldiers were surprised to see her seated on the back of
an elephant and firing a fusillade of arrows at the enemy
in the thick of fight.

200 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

If she had become what Dr. Smith calls, ' a power
behind the throne/ it was because
she was possessed of a quick under-
standing and a sharp intellect which
' enabled her to understand the most intricate political
problems without any difficulty/ To quote Dr. Ishwari
Prasad : ' No political or diplomatic complication was
beyond her comprehension, and the greatest statesmen
and ministers bowed to her decisions/ She carried on
the administration of the country so carefully that even
the minutest details could not escape her ever-vigilant
eye. So supreme was her sway over the Sovereign and
the State that even the proudest peers of the realm paid
her homage because they knew that a word from her
would make or mar their careers.

But her influence on the State was not all for good.

She used her power and influence in
ontte State e advancing the interests of her own

family. She surrounded herself with
her own kith and kin and appointed them to responsible
posts in the State. In order to strengthen her position,
she married her daughter by Sher Afgan to Shahryar
and tried to push him to power. Notwithstanding the
fact that Prince Khurram was the acknowledged heir to
the Mughal throne after Jahanglr, she put forward the
claims of her own son-in-law in preference to his. This
led to very serious consequences. The Court and the
Harem alike became centres of political intrigue. By
playing upon the feelings and fancies of her husband she
ceaselessly intrigued to dislodge Khusrau from the place
he had found in the hearts of the people. She worked

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 201

hard to undermine the increasing power and influence of
Khurram, who had become Sfaah Khurram after the
Mewar campaign and Shah Jahan after the Deccan. It
will be seen that the death of Khusrau, the loss of
Qandhar and the rebellions of Khurram and Mahabat
Khan were owing to her machinations and mischievous
influence.

Although Nur Jahan resorted to all sorts of
Her character. underhand means, plots and intrigues,

she was not devoid of genuine sym-
pathies, so often the share of the softer sex. She was
a generous patron of the poor daughters uf Islam, for
whom she found both husbands and dowries. She was
an asylum for orphan and poor girls. She protected the
weak and the oppressed and provided for the poor and
the powerless out of her private purse. Her charity and
munificence enhanced her reputation and increased her
popularity. She was a most faithful wife. Her
devotion to her husband was unmixed. Under her
influence Jahangir's paroxysms of rage and drunken-
ness diminished and the expenses of the Court were
considerably reduced. Her filial affection was no less
intense, and she enter tained the warmest feelings for her
brothers and other relatives.

Shah Jahan could not disentangle his father from the

web of romance which Nur Jahan was
Rebellion of . j , . /T

Shah Jahan. weaving around him. When the

' infatuated old emperor ' deprived
him, at the instigation of his imperious consort, of all
his posts and fiefs, the Prince unfurled the flag of
revolt in self-defence. In 1623 A. C. the Prince

202 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

advanced upon Agra with as many troops as he hap-
pened to possess at that time. The armies of the fatjher
and the son met each other at Balochpur and in the
battle that followed, the Imperialists inflicted a crushing
defeat on the Prince. The Imperial general, Mahabat
Kban, drove him from place to place till he reached Asir
and occupied it without opposition. Deserted by his
pwn followers, he turned to Malik Ambar for
support. On receiving a curt refusal, he sought refuge
in Golconda against the Imperialists who were pursuing
him under the command of Prince Parvez and
Mahabat K^an. The ruler of that State ordered him
to quit his country and seek shelter elsewhere. Driven
to despair, he betook himself to Bengal where the local
authorities espoused his cause and owed him allegiance.
Becoming master of Bengal, he reduced Bihar and
Orissa and advanced against Oudh and Allahabad, but
there he was defeated by the Imperialists and put to
flight. Resting for a while in the fortress of Rohtas,
he next proceeded to the Deccan where he was warmly
received by Malik Ambar, the old enemy of the Mughal
Empire. Having made common cause with him against
the Mughal Emperor, he attacked Burhanpur. In the
meantime he was overtaken by the Imperialists again.
Notwithstanding Malik Ambar's alliance, the Prince
found further opposition impossible. His generals and
soldiers had deserted him and gone over to the side of
the Imperialists. Although he was still in possession of
the famous fortress of Rohtas in the North and the
stronghold of Asir in the South, he could not stand
against the vast military resources of the Empire.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 203

Considerations of safety and prudence compelled him
to write to his father to forgive his faults. The
Empress, who viewed with fear the growing influence
of Mahabat Khan and his alliance with Prince Parvez,
at once agreed to the proposal of Prince Khurram.
Accordingly, the Prince surrendered the strongholds of
Rohtas and Aslr, sent his two sons, Dara and
Aurangzeb, aged ten and eight respectively, to the Court
as a guarantee of good faith, and offered gifts worth
Rs. 100,000 to the Emperor. After this he retired to
Nasik with his spouse and son, Murad.

The splendid successes of Shan Jahan had silenced

Nur Jahan for SOITIP time and the
Mahabat Khan. question of succession was temporarily

relegated to the corner. But the
death of Khusrau and the defeat of Shah Jahan
revived the idea dorment in her mind, and in order to
secure the succession for her son-in-law, Shahryar, she
began to mobilize her forces of intrigue against Mahabat
Khan, * the most redoubtable general and diplomatist of
the empire/ whose only offence was his intimacy with
Prince Parvez, the principal claiman 4 " to the throne and
the most serious rival of Shahryar at that time. Orders
were issued for Mahabat to resign the command of
the Imperial army and to take charge of the
government of Bengal. Prince Parvez protested in vain
against an order to which both he and his associate
ultimately bowed. As if this was not enough, Mahabat
was accused of embezzlement and corruption. He was
ordered to account for the moneys he had acquired by
dismissing certain fief-holders. He was further indicted

204 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

for having betrothed b''s daughter to the son of a certain
Khwajah Umar Naqhbandl without royal permission.
His prospective son-in-law was treated with unsparing
insults. He was deprived of all his wealth and ordered
to attend the Imperial Court to explain his conduct.
Mahabat was deeply offended by this unmerited
treatment. Suspecting treachery, he set out, suitably
escorted by five thousand Rajput followers, and seized
the person of the Emperor when he and his wife were
about to cross the Jhelum. Nur Jahan escaped, so also
her son-in-law. Fidai Khan, the Imperial Commander-
in-Chief, maae an heroic dash to rescue the Emperor,
but failed. Nrr Jahan crossed the river on an elephant
and tried to organize the Imperial forces ; but in a state
of contusion the panic-stricken officers took to flight.
Asaf Khan, with his three thousand soldiers, sought
shelter in the fort of Attock. Although Nur Jahan
displayed her characteristic courage and coolness in this
crisis, her masculine qualities proved of little avail.
Where force failed, the wiles of woman succeeded. She
joined her husband in his captivity, and by a clever
stratagem she managed to throw Mahabat Khan off his
guard. She plundered his treasure and reduced him to
sore straits. Thus, after a short-lived ascendancy,
Mahabat made his way to Mewar and thence to the
Deccan, where he joined Shah Jahan and concluded an
alliance with him.

When Mahabat Khan revolted Shah Jahan was in
Shah Jahan's the Deccan - Forthwith he proceeded

subsequent towards the North to try his luck

movements. ,, .. . , ,

there once more. Reaching Smd, he

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 205

made an attempt to capture the fort, but failed. Cowed
down and crest-fallen, he retired to the Deccan again.
There he met Mahabat and made an alliance with him,
as remarked before. Prince Parvez died in 1626 A. C.
and Jahangir in 1627 A. C. on his way back from
Kashmir. The claims of Shah Jahan were now
strengthened ; for his only serious rival was Shahryar,
who was a mere mediocre.

While the corpse of the Emperor was being

buried at Shahdara in the Dilkusha
War of Succession. . ^ T ~

Garden or Nur Jahan near Lahore, the

fate of the Mughal Empire lay in the scrle. At this
time there were two sons of Jahangir who had survived
him : Shah Jahan and Shahryar, each of whom had
his own supporters at the Court. Prince Shah Jahan
was away in the Deccan at the time of his father's
death. The news of the sad event was conveyed to
him by his father-in-law, Asaf Khan, and he set out
towards the North to secure his succession. Prince
Shahryar was in Lahore. His cause was espoused by
his mother-in-law, Nur Jahan, who had by that time
finished with the funeral rites of her husband.
Encouraged by the Empress and egged on by his wife,
Shahryar seized the Imperial Treasure and proclaimed
himself emperor at Lahore. While Asaf Khan, who
wished to see his own son-in-law on the throne, set
up at Agra the son of the ill-starred Khusrau, called
Dawar Bakhsh, as a stop-gap emperor till the arrival of
Shah Jahan. Meanwhile Nur Jahan wanted to see her
brother, Asaf Kban, in order to gain him to her side ;
but the latter thwarted her plans by evading her. At

206 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the head of a strong army, Asaf advanced upon Lahore
and inflicted a sharp defeat on Shahryar. The defeated
prince was imprisoned and his eyes were put out.
Meanwhile Shah Jahan's arrival was anxiously awaited
at the Capital. His coronation took place on February 6,
1628 A. C. immediately after his arrival.

Finding that her cause was lost, Nur Jahan retired

to private life. Although she had
Shln's f carler. been the arch-enemy of Shah Jahan

and the main cause of his misfortunes,
the latter forgot the past and treated her with all
respect and kindnens. He granted her an annual
pension of two lakhs and took care to carry out her
wishes. Now she gave up all thoughts of luxury and
luxuriance and began to live a simple life. She passed
her last days at Lahore in company with her daughter,
the widow of Shahryar. She died on the 8th of
December, 1645 A. C. and her body was interred in
the mausoleum which she had raised over the grave of
her husband. Thus ended the days of Nur Jahan.

CHAPTER XI

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGlR

(CONCLUDED)
During the reign of Jahangir India was visited by

a number of foreigners, representing
Introductory. * ri- *u

three European nationalities, the

Portuguese, the Dutch and the English, all of whom
endeavoured to establish friendly relations with the
Mughal Emperor, who was favourably disposed towards
them. In the present chapter it is intended to give a
short account of Jahangir's relations with them and
their impressions of this country and its condition
under the Great Mughal.

In order to please the Sunni orthodoxy and to
, I ... secure his succession to the throne,

relations with Jahangir had severed his connections

the Portuguese. ... ., ^ , ~ ,

with the Portuguese. But as soon

as he firmly seated himself on the throne, he renewed
his relations with them and began to "how favours to
the Jesuit Fathers as liberally as he had done in the
reign of his father. He allowed them to run their
churches in Agra and Lahore without molestation, to
conduct their church processions with complete Catholic
ceremonials through the streets of the city of Agra, and
to make converts to their religion if they could. He
himself loved to see the pictures of Christian saints
around him. Figures of Christ and the Virgin Mary
adorned his rosary and he is reported to have granted

208 THE MUGHAL RMPIRK

cash allowances to Christian missionaries for ecclesiasti-
cal purposes. So great was his love and reverence for
Christ and Mary that the Christians had come to claim
him as a convert to their creed. It appears that
JahSngir's policy towards the Portuguese was actuated
by an ulterior political aim ; his object was to secure the
support of the Portuguese who possessed a strong
artillery imported from Europe. In 1613 A. C., however,
they incurred the wrath of the Emperor by seizing
four imperial ships and plundering their cargoes. In
retaliation, their settlement at Daman was attacked,
their churches wen closed and their ceremonies were
stopped. All this was due to their own high-
handedness.

The East Indian trade was extremely lucrative. To

AI- .u u n i- u Portuguese, who had a monopoly

\Vith the English. ...,,,

of it, it yielded enormous profits. A

number of European nations were attracted to India to
participate in it, and the English were among them. The
East India Company was founded by them in 1600 A. C.,
but it was only in the reign of Jahanglr that they began
to make earnest efforts to advance their trade interests in
India. Between 1600 A C. and 1608 A, C. the
Company sent three missions to the Mughal Court to
establish friendly relations with the 'Great Mughal ' and
to conclude a commercial treaty with him. The
missions failed in their object mainly owing to the
hostile influence of the Portuguese who looked upon
the English as their rivals and therefore intrigued and
plotted against them.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 209

It was in 1608 A. C that William Hawkins, an

William Hawkins En g lish sea-captain, ^commanding the

and William 'Hector,' arrived at Agra with a letter

Edwardes. rr . T T r T^ i j

from King James I of England,

seeking permission to trade with India and to build a
factory at Surat. Hawkins was hospitably received by
the Emperor and granted a mansab of 400 with a salary
of thirty thousand. The trade concessions, which he
asked for, were readily granted, but were subsequently
withdrawn owing to the inimical influence of the
Portuguese. After the departure of Hawkins, it was
only when the Portuguese had fallen out with
the Emperor that another Englishman, William
Edwardes, arrived at the Imperial Court and secured
trade facilities which were, however, withdrawn a little
later at the instigation of the Portuguese.

The informal missions of Hawkins and Edwardes

^ were followed by a formal embassy

Sir Thomas Roe. - . ^ ,, , '

of Sir Thomas Roe, the accredited

plenipotentiary of the King of England, who arrived at
the Mughal Court in 1615 A. C. in order to
negotiate a trade treaty with Jahangir, As a dexterous
diplomatist and a shrewd politician, eminently endowed
with common-sense and business capacity, Roe was
best-fitted for the task he was entrusted with. He
was far superior to his predecessors in point of intellect,
education and experience. By offering valuable presents
to Nur Jahan, Asaf Khan and Prince Shah Jahan, he
gained them to his side and presented the terms he
wanted to secure for his nation in the form of a treaty.
Though the draft of the treaty, which he submitted,

210 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

was ^not accepted in toto, yet he secured a firman from
the Emperor, which otfered considerable concessions :
The English were allowed to build a factory at Surat,
to hire any site they liked for the factory to erect on,
to trade freely within the country and to enjoy the
right of self-government. The evils and abuses of the
custom-houses were put an end to, and tolls were
not to be levied on articles entering into a port. Above
all, if the British merchants were attacked by the
Portuguese, they would be assisted by the local governor
with boats and other necessary requisites. The grant
of this firmun is indeed an important landmark in the
history of Anglo-Indian relations. In short, it humbled
the pride of the Portuguese, enhanced the prestige of
the English and laid the first foundation-stone of the
British Empire of India.

A large number of Europeans visited India during

Foreign accounts the reign of Jahangir. Some of them

of Jahangir's reign have left their impressions about the

and their veracity. ~ ^ - , , -^ , .

Court of the Emperor and the

condition of the country. Roe's Journal deals almost
exclusively with crart life and the political intrigues of
the time. As regards the condition of the country,
it reveals very little, though we can catch glimpses of
the same from it at intervals. Terry's account contains
a description of the country and the condition of the
people; whereas Hawkins* account is mainly confined
to the description of the personal character of Jahangir
and his daily routine. But it must be noted that all
these accounts are not entirely free from exaggerations.
They are useful only so far as they corroborate certain

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 211

facts of Indian history and contradict others. But
where they come in conflict with the cumulative
testimony of contemporary native historians, their
authenticity must needs be called in question. Ignorant
as the European travellers were of the life and thought
of the people and their psychology, their accounts
cannot be expected to be unmixed, more so when
sometimes their wishes were not complied with,

From Sir Thomas Roe's accounts it can be
gathered that he had to bribe a

and its customs. order to achieve his object. He
speaks of some grave abuses at sea-
ports where the local governors seized upon goods at
arbitrary prices. Most of the Subahdars were exacting
and tyrannical in their dealings with their subjects.
They were, however, generally sympathetic towards
foreigners. The Court was magnificent and even
luxurious. Roe dwells at length on the customs and
festivities of the Court and the fashions in vogue. He
says that the nobility was courteous and the courtiers,
as a class, were corrupt and unprincipled. The highest
officials were extravagantly paid and bribery was
commonly practised. His narrative also shows that
travelling was unsafe between the coast and the capital,
and the port officers were grossly cruel. There was
no written constitution. The King was the State- aixl
his word was law. The provincial governors behaved
as d^SpoSfand their aUegiance to the Central Govern-
ment was half-hearted. According to the Law of
Escheat, the property of the deceased belonged to the

212 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

State. The cities of the D';ccan bore a sad and

neglected appearance.

Speaking of the personal character of Jahangir,
Roe remarks that the Emperor was
an inveterate drunkard, but by day

personal he was a picture of temperance.

character. _, , , .. , ,,

The ambassador witnessed the scenes

of drunkenness and revelry only during his nocturnal
visits. The Emperor never allowed anyone, whose
breath smelt of wine, to enter his daily levees. In
spite of his excessive addiction to wine and occasional
paroxysms of rage, tue Emperor, remarks Roe, was not
wanting either in good sense or in good feelings. He
describes His Majesty as an amiable, cheerful man, full
of passion, but free from pride and prejudice. When
Roe visited India, KJjusrau was alive. He found the
Prince a general favourite of the people. He describes
him as a man of lovely presence and fine carriage.
According to the ambassador, Prince Khurram was
cold, stiff and repellant. He is portrayed as one who was
flattered by some, envied by many and loved by none.
The fine art? were in a flourishing state. Roe

was amazed at the workmanship
State of Fine Arts. . T ,. ... XT7 , . -

of Indian artists. We learn from

his account that once he presented an English picture
to the Emperor, who immediately had it copied at
the hands of his own artists. ^ The copies were so
faithful that even after a close scrutiny the ambassador
could not distinguish them from the original. A
somewhat detailed account of the fine arts will presently
follow.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 213

As mentioned befcxe, Hawkins too has left an

account of the Emperor, his Court
Hawkins account. . . .

and the country ; but his description

is confined mainly to the character of Jahangir and the
daily routine of his Court. He describes the Emperor
as very fond of drinking and giving feasts, the most
notable of which was that of Nauroz. His account
shows that Jahangir was cruel and unpopular ; that he
took delight in inflicting barbarous punishments ; that his
administration was not good, that the Law of Escheat
was in force ; that bribery was rife and corruption was
common ; that the local authorities were oppressive
and the pay of the nobles was extravagantly high.
It must be remembered that Hawkins had left the
Mughal Court in disgust, and for this reason he cannot
be expected to have been unbiassed in writing his
narrative.

The essential elements of administration introduced

by Akbar the Great were continued
Administration ,. ,. , uu- TU-

of Jahangir. and kept in order by his son, Jahangir

whose Dastur-ul-Amal is a decided
improvement on the administration of his illustrious
predecessor. Dr. V. A. Smith's view that Jahanglr's
reign was ' inglorious ' is not borne out by facts, A
king, who retained intact the vast possessions of his
House, with the solitary exception of Qandhar, must
have been a successful administrator. The fact that
his reign constituted a period of peace and prosperity,
except only when the question of succession excited
rival interests, speaks much for the efficiency of his
administration. The view may hold good in respect

214 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

of certain traits of his oersona*. character, but not in
respect of his administration. There may be a measure
of truth in the view that his administration was marked
by a certain amount of deterioration as compared with
the high standard maintained by his talented father,
but the view that his reign was ' inglorious ' is not at all
justified,

Jahangir was not deficient in natural abilities, but

unfortunately some of his great

His love of letters. r ,, j u u

faculties were marred by his excessive

use of wine and opium. Ha himself informs us that
he was highly proficient in Turkish and Persian.
William Hawkins, who knew Turkish well, found him
well-versed in that tongue. This knowledge of the
Turkish language enabled him to read the Wdqiydt-i-
Bdbari in the original. The copy which he possessed
was not finished. He supplied the four wanting sections
and wrote a few lines in Turkish to indicate that the
complementary portion was added by him. He was
a profound student of history. In common with other
Mughal Emperors, he had an innate desire to leave
behind him a record of all the important events of his
reign. With this aim in view, he wrote his autobio-
graphy, called the Tuzk-i- Jahangir i after his own name,
with the help of two consummate historians, Muhammad
Hadi and Mu'tamid Khan, When the work was done,
the mutasaddls (amanuenses) were ordered to make
other copies of the original in order to distribute them
among the high officials of the Imperial Service and
the influential men of the different parts of his
dominions. The first copy was presented to Prince

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 215

Khurram (Shah Jahan) i s a mark of honour to him.
Under Jahangir the Imperial Court was the cradle
of the sage and the scholar, the poet
and the painter, as much as of
accomplished savants of both the sexes.
It can be gathered from the Tuzk-i-Jahangir% that the
Emperor used to associate himself with learned men,
divines, and recluses on Friday evenings. Some of the
best scholars attached to his Court were: Ni'mat-Ullah,
the historiographer who crytallised into a book the
material accumulated by Haibat Khan of Samana about
the history of the Afghans; Mirza Gbiya^ Beg, the able
arithmetician, who also stood splendid and unsurpassed
in the elegance of composition ; Abdul Haq Dehlawi,
one of the most erudite men of the day, who came
to wait upon the Emperor and presented him with a work
written by him on the lives of the Shaikhs of Hindustan;
Naqib Khan, the most honoured historian, who wrote a
number of books on history ; and Mu'tamid Khan, who
assisted Jahangir in preparing his autobiography, since
styled as the Tuzk-i-Jahangiri, or the Memoirs of
Jahangir. Besides these literati, the celebrated author
of the Iqbalndmah (an account of Jahangir's reign) has
given, at the end of his book, a list of some more
scholars and prominent poets of the present reign.

Great as was Jahangir's love of learning, no less was
his zeal for the extension of education

USSSiin? f in his kin g dom - " is recorded in the

Tarilch-i-Jdn Jahan that soon after
his accession to the throne, he " repaired and recon-
structed even those madrasahs which had been, for

216 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

three decades, the dwelling-pKces of birds and beasts
and filled them with professors and students." One of
the twelve clauses of the Rules of Conduct ordained
that the property left by the heirless deceased should be
used for the repair and reconstruction of moribund
madrasahs.

Sir Thomas Roe gives us to understand that

manual arts were in a flourishing state

me r s * and were not confined to those peculiar

to the country. The plenipotentiary of England presented

the Great Mughal with a handsome coach. Within a

very short time several others were manufactured, " very

superior in materials, and fully equal in workmanship".

JahSnglr was an ardent lover of painting. He is

X"" rightly called the " Prince of Artists".

Painting. , f t *

Himself a painter of no mean merit,

he gave a fresh impetus to the school of his father's
creation, and his appreciation and encouragement raised
the Indian painter's art to the highest pitch ever
attained under the Timurides. " In this time/ 1 says
Catrou, " there were found in the Indies native painters
who copied the finest of our European pictures with a
fidelity that might vie with the originals."

One of Roe's presents to the Padshah was a picture
of extraordinary elegance. The envoy was soon after
presented with a number of its copies, including the
original, and " they were so very similar that by candle-
light one could not be distinguished from the other."
It was only after a close scrutiny that he could make
out the original picture.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANG1R 217

From mural decoration, as already remarked in

. ^ . . connection with Akbar's reign, the
Portrait Painting. . b 9

Mughal Painter passed on to exquisite

portraiture, which reached the zenith of its glory under
Jahanglr, than whom no keener or more discerning,
more critical or more aesthetic, more lively or more
munificent patron has ever been found in the whole
history of Hindustan. The bulk of his commissions
consisted of painting of portraits of the Amirs and
Maliks at the Mughal Court and of Court scenes.

Under Jahanglr Persian and Hindu artistic tradi-
tions were happily blended, each impioving and
enriching the other, each striking the chord and stirring
the sensibilities of the seer, each demanding a minute-
ness of attention to its details, which, on account of
the creations of that time, have been a marvel for the
succeeding generations and a despair to all the would-be
imitators of this art.

If art found its highest expression in Jahangir's
Painters under reign, it was mainly through the

the Imperial Imperial patronage, which, no longer

Patronage. the monopo j y of the poet or the

painter, took every kind of artist under its wings.
Among the best painters of Jahangir's Court may be
mentioned the names of the following : Ustad Mansur,
that prince of painters whom Jahanglr officially styled
Nadir-ul-Asr* (the Wonder of the Age), was unique in
his art* He was a past-master in animal portraiture
and his pictures of birds and beasts are still the living

* Martin says : " Jahanglr was a great lover of birds, and had
a painter, Mansur, who portrayed his favourites (birds) in a way
aften worthy of Diirer."

218 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

creatures of his immortal b ush. He found a fervent
devotee to his art in the person of the Emperor. Abul
Hasan was another eminent painter attached to the
Court of Jahanglr. He was an adept in producing
landscapes and human portraits. Once he brought to
the Emperor a delightful picture of his Court, which
was used as a frontispiece to the Jahdngirnamah. He
was held, in common with Mansur, in high esteem by
Jahanglr. Bishan Das was another portrait painter.
About him Mr. K. T. Shah writes in his Splendour that
was *Ind :

" Every granaee of the Court has been immortalized
by his undying brush ; and every noteworthy incident
at Court or in the Camp, where the Emperor was
present, or in which he was interested, has been recorded
and preserved by the labours of these immortals."

Jahanglr had a keen sense of fine architecture.

. _. A A The magnificent monuments of his

Architecture. .

reign, in comparison to those of

his father and son, are very few and insignificant,
unless we ascribe the Jahangiri Mahal at Agra and the
tomb of Akbar ?t Sikandara to him. The mausoleum
of Mirza Gbiyas Beg (Itimad-ud-Daulah), a stately
structure in which elegance is wedded to beauty,
was built at Agra by his beautiful daughter, Nur
Jahan, the cultured wife of Jahangir, in snowy
marble, on a raised platform, in two storeys, with an
octagonal tower on each angle, with a central open
pavilion enclosed by a square walled garden. It is the
most striking specimen of the architectural achievements
of Jahangir's reign.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 219

This aesthetic Empero. had also an ear for mus'c.

The Iqbalnamah records the names of
Music.

the following singers who were in

attendance on him : Jahanglr Dad, Chatar Khan,
Parvez Dad, Khurram Dad, Makhu, and Hamzah all
noted for the captivating sweetness of their voice.

This Imperial Artist surpassed even his father in

aesthetic tastes. He planted a large
Gardens. . \. . ?

number of gardens in his kingdom in

order to win the heart of the reluctant Nur Jahan.
Dilkusha Garden (Shah Dara) at Lahore ; Nishat Bagh,
Shalamar Bagh, Achibal Bagh and Verinag Bagh at
Kashmir ; the Royal Garden at Udaipur the Garden
Tomb of Itimad-ud-Daulah at Agra ; and Wah Bagh at
Hasan Abdal were all laid out by him.

Salim, the son of ptayer and promise, was
extravagantly loved and spoiled in his

' earl y y uth ' He g reW U P to be a

most violent, indulgent, indolent,

wilful and easy-going man. He was kind and
sympathetic if his will was not thwarted ; if it was, his
outbursts of wrath were terrible. Almost all authorities
agree that he was just, wise and vigorous. He was
endowed with an intellect which enabled him to
comprehend the most intricate problems of the State
without difficulty. Himself a confirmed drunkard, he
forbade the manufacture and sale of wine and prevented
his subjects from using it. " As he advanced in age,
the old impetuosity of his temper was sobered down,
and his outlook was modified by the appreciation of the
responsibilities of his exalted office.' 1 When sober, he

220 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

tr'ed to work wisely and carjfully for the betterment of
his kingdom. He administered even-handed justice and
suppressed tyranny with a heavy hand. Law and order
were maintained throughout the length and breadth of
the Mughal Empire and even the remotest parts were
not neglected in this respect. Jahanglr was extremely
benign and generous. His Memoirs teem with instances
of his munificence and good-will. There was no man
of merit who was not rewarded by him. ' A slight
claim of service,' he used to say, * is a great thing with
us.' He felt great pleasure in patronising the poor and
supplying tneir material requirements.

The me t remarkable trait of his character was his

TI . . , XT _ appreciation of beauty and everything
His love for Nur ., Jo

Jah:.n and his beautiful. He was passionately

'own Sh d km. attached to Mehr-un-Nisa, whom he
used to call Nur Mahal, or the Light
of the Palace, and Nur Jahdn, or the Light of the
world. * No misunderstanding or mistrust,' says Dr.
Ishwari Prasad, * ever marred the happiness of their
conjugal relations '. While the Empress loved him
with all her heart and guided him through all the
problems of the State, the Emperor shared with her the
sovereignty of his Kingdom and cherished her above all
in the world. As a son, he proved to be most untoward
during the lifetime of his father ; but on becoming king,
he repented of his acts of disobedience and became a
dutiful son. In his Memoirs he speaks reverently of his
father and praises him for his noble qualities. Many a
time he walked to his sepulchre at Sikandara to pay him
homage. As a father, he was forgiving and forgetful.

NUR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR 221

If the fate of Khusrau was tragic, it was owing to the
enmity of Nur Jahan and Shah Jahan. He treated his
kinsmen with great kindness, but he never forgave them
for political offences.

As a man of learning, he was very fond of belles

u ~ , . . lettres. His favourite subjects were
His refined tastes. , % J

history, biography and geography.
He was a good poet and a penman. According to Dr.
Ishwari Prasad 'his intimate knowledge of the flora
and fauna of Kashmir and other parts of Hindustan
will cause surprise to a naturalist in these days '. Like
his father, he loved to hear Hind* songs and took
delight in patronising Hindi poets. He loved fine arts
and encouraged their cultivation. Born in India and of
Indian parents, Jahangir loved things Indian and felt
delighted in Indian environments.

Just like his father, Jahangir too has suffered on

account of his liberal views. Histori-

HlS rellglOUS , r-ij^r J/-- A

beliefs ans have failed to form a definite

opinion about his religion. The
opinion of his contemporaries was coloured by
their own religious beliefs. To some he was an
atheist, to others an eclectic. Some looked upon him
as a sincere Muslim, whereas others called him a
Christian. It is not difficult to state his positive
religious beliefs. Although he took a lively interest in
the teachings of other religions, specially of Sufism and
Veddnt, and never persecuted anyone on account of his
religious beliefs, ' he retained intact his faith in God,
and said his prayers like a Muslim '. Those who
denounce him as an atheist or as an apostate from Islam,

222 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

probably forget the enviro iments in which he was
brought up and the influences that surrounded him in
his early days. Nurtuied as he was amidst the most
liberal influences, it was natural for him to remain above
the trammels of religion. He was Akbar's son and his
was the same Sulh-i-Kul policy.

To sum up, Jahanglr was a great ruler, capable of

immense energy. If he had not
His estimate. e J

allowed himself to be dominated by the

Nur Jahan clique, he would have proved himself an
excellent administrator, worthy to be placed by the side
of his father. It must, however, be pointed out that
the real glory of his reign has been greatly eclipsed by
the splendour of the two reigns that followed and
preceded his, and he himself has suffered much on
account of coming between two illustrious sovereigns
Akbar the Great and Shah Jahan the Magnificent.

CHAPTER XII

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN
(1628-1658 A. C.)

When Shah Jahan returned from the Deocan,

Dawar Bakhsh, the emperor stop-
Accession of ,, , , , ^
Shah Jahan. 6 a P> was allowed to escape to Persia ;

but the rest of his collaterals were
mercilessly murdered and their supporters were ruthless-
ly chastised. So startling were the scenes of the
tragedies that the ladies of the Royal Harem were taken
aback, so much so that some of them went even so far
as to end their lives by committing suicides. Thus
wading his way to the throne through bloodshed,
Shah Jahan crowned himself at Agra on the 6th day
of February, 1628 A. C. in a formal manner and
assumed the title of Abul Mazaffar Shahab-ud-D!n
Muhammad Sahib Qiran-i-SanI Shah Jahan Badshah
Gbazl. The Khutba was recited and the coins were
struck in the name of the new emperor. The coins
that bore the name of Nur Jahan were at once with-
drawn, and she was asked to retire to private life.
She was treated with becoming dignity and was
allowed to pass her days in peace on a handsome
pension of two lakhs a year. Amidst odes and
encomiums, prepared by the prominent poets that had
ceme from far and wide, the coronation ceremony
was gone through and the beat of drums implied,
perhaps, that a new era had been ushered in the history

224 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

of India. But, for the man /hose thickness of blood
melted at the prospect of becoming the Emperor of
India, fate had reserved a fitting retribution, and no
surprise was felt when the inhuman acts of Shah Jahan
were imitated by his son, Aurangzeb, towards the close
of his own reign, as will be seen in a subsequent
chapter.

The new emperor inaugurated his reign by a

number of important acts. He
His early acts. began by strengthening the found _

ations of the laws of Islam, which, if Abdul Hamid
Lahorl be believed, were in a state of decline. The
Sharlyat was strictly enforced. Sijdah y which was
introduced by Akbar as an act of salutation and
continued by Jahanglr as such, was regarded as bid' at
and was at once replaced by Zaminbos, or kissing the
ground, from which the Sayyads and the Shaikhs, the
learned and the pious were exempted. A little later,
however, Zamlnbos too was looked upon as similar to
Sijdah and was therefore soon superseded by a much
milder mode of salutation, called Chahartasllm. Quite
in the same spirit was the calendar reformed. The solar
system was stopped because it was tantamount to bid'at
and its place was taken by lunar computation. In record-
ing official events the lunar system was adopted and
the Hijra era was adhered to. A number of adminis-
trative changes were also introduced and the city of
Agra was named anew as Akbarabad, after the name
of Akbar, for whom Shah J^han had the greatest
regard. The officials of the Empire, who had espoused
the cause of the new king, were rewarded for their

SHAHAB-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 225

services without stint , nd their mansabs were raised
according as they deserved. 2hah Jahan conferred
great honours on his father-in-law, Asaf Khan, who had
helped him to the throne after checkmating the plans
of his sister, Nur Jahan.

Meanwhile, Shah Jahan was called upon to cope

r, . . c AU with the rebellion of the Bundela
Rebellion of the

Bundelas under clan under their ambitious chief,
jo ar mg . gj f gj n gj^ fae Imperial protege who

had murdered Allama Abul Fazl at the
instigation of Prince Sallm. The Bundelas had,
by means of blackmailing their neighbours, become
a power to be reckoned with. Towards the close of
Jahangir's reign, when the control of the Central
Government had slackened, they had acquired consider-
able power and influence. In 1628 A. C. Bir Cingh
died. His son, Johar Singh, incurred the wrath of the
new Emperor by quitting the Capital without taking
his permission. Lest he should be called to the
Court to explain his conduct, as Qazwini suggests, he
began to harbour hostilities against the Empire.
Miscalculating the strength of the Imperial army and
over-estimating his own limited resources, he concluded
that he could easily defy the authorities from his
mountainous country, which, he knew well, was well
nigh inaccessible. Reaching his stronghold, Undcha
(or Orcha), he ' set about raising his forces, strengthening
the forts, providing munitions of war and closing the
roads.' Shah Jahan could not brook this insult. Forth-
with he ordered his generals to conduct a campaign
against the rebellious clan. Islam Khan, Firoz Jang and

226 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Mahabat Khan, associated with the Mansabdars of the
highest order, advanced from three directions and
appeared before the walls of the fort of the Bundela Chief.
After a short but bloody battle, in which two or three
thousand lives were destroyed, Undcha was stormed with
Asaf Khan's artillery and Johar was taken aback by the
attacks of the Imperialists. Reduced to sore straits,.
the Chief surrendered himself without further opposition.
He was made to pay fifteen lakhs of rupees as
indemnity and one thousand gold mohars as a present
to His Majesty. Besides, he surrendered forty elephants
and agreed to contribute a contingent of 2,000 infantry
and 2,000 cavalry in the impending campaign against
the Deccan. In return for all this, he was allowed as
much as would have enabled him to enjoy the mansab
of 4,uuO Zat and 4,000 Sawar.

The rebellion of the Bundela clan was followed
by the revolt of Khan Jahan LodhI,
otherwise known as Salabat Khan on
account of his military talents.
Counting upon the uncertainty of succession to the
throne after the death of Jahanglr, he had displayed
hostility for Shah Jahan. When Shah Jahan ascended
the throne in a formal manner, he implored forgiveness.
His offence was pardoned and an Imperial firman was
issued to confirm him in the governorship of the
Deccan. After sometime, it was discovered that he
still cherished hatred for the Emperor. He was,
therefore, called back to the Court, where he lived for
seven or eight months, but all the time gloomy and
dejected. The court life had no attraction for his

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 227

restless spirit. His lifv became the more miserable
when he received intelligence from a certain officer of
the State that he and his sons would be shortly
imprisoned. The repeated assurances of the Emperor
and his Minister, Asaf Khan, were not a sufficient
guarantee of good faith. Considerations of safety and
prudence alike compelled him to quit the Court in
disgust. The Imperial army, sent for his arrest,
overtook him near Dholpur. Crossing the Chambal,
passing through the Bundela country and skirting along
Gondwana, the rebel reached the Deccan, where
Nizam-ul-Mulk lent him shelter and support. The
Imperialists pursued him thither and defeated him in
some skirmishes. Crossing the Narbada on his retreat,
he reached the neighbourhood of Ujjain, where he
plundered its inhabitants. Chased into Bundelkhand
and defeated in a contested engagement, he was put to
flight and was ultimately brought to bay near Kalanjar,
was totally defeated and killed at Tal Sehonda, His
followers were slain in large numbers. The commanders
of the Imperial iorces, particularly Abdullah and
Muzaffar, were fitly honoured and rewarded for their
successes in the arduous campaigns. While the mansab
of the former general was raised to six thousand Zat
and six thousand Sawar and he was honoured with
the title of Firoz Jang, the latter was promoted to the
mansab of five thousand Zat and five thousand Sawar,
and the title of Khan Jahan was conferred upon him.

Shah Jahan celebrated the first Nauroz of his

4 Celebration of reign in the month of March, 1628
first Nauroz. A C w j tfa great edat In the

228 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the courtyard of the Daulat Kh ma a splendid canopy
was set up and the found was covered with carpets
of divers colours. The Mnghal Emperor, surrounded
by his sons, daughters, wife and other relatives,
sat on the throne placed in the centre. The scene
presented a picturesque view. A grand feast was
held, and the grandees of the Empire were invited to
participate. The members of the Royal family were
granted gifts and titles. Mumtaz Mahal, the Imperial
consort, was the recipient of the richest reward : She
was granted fifty lakhs from the public treasury. Jahan
Ara received twenty lakhs and her sister Raushan Ara,
five lakhs. To each of the four princes, Dara, Shuja',
Aurangzeb and Murad, twenty lakhs in equal moities.
Asaf Khan, the Imperial father-in-law, was fitly
honoiaed for his loyalty and devotion. His rank
was raised to nine thousand Zat and nine thousand
Sawar. It is said that from the day of his coronation
to the feast of Nauroz, Shah Jahan expended altogether
one crore and sixty lakhs from the public treasury in
granting rewards and pensions.

During 1630-32 A. C. Gujarat, Khandesh and the

17 IA* Deccan were visited by a terriole
Famine : 1630-32. , , . , . , J

famine, which carried away a large

proportion of the population. According to Mirza
Amin Qazwini, who was an eye-witness to the scenes
of the heart-rending sufferings of the poor and the
famine-stricken, this dire distress was rampant
everywhere in the rank and file, and in the bazar the
shop-keepers sold powdered bones and flour mixed
together and dog's flesh which was mistaken for meat

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 229

by the suffering classes. Pestilence followed on the
heels of famine and exacted a heavy toll. People fled
from their houses and many a fair city became
desolate. The testimony of Abdul Hamid Lahorl,
Peter Mundi, who visited the Deccan in 1630-31 A. C.,
and other European writers points to the veracity of
Amin Qazwini's account. In order to mitigate the
horrors of the famine and the pestilence that followed it,
Shah Jahan remitted l/3rd of the land revenue on the
Crown lands. The remission altogether amounted to
seventy lakhs. Sarkarl langars (State kitchens) were
opened and food was distributed gratis to the poor and
the indigent. ' Every week Rs. 5,000 was given away in
charity to the famished, and in twenty weeks one lakh
of rupees was spent in this way. In Ahmadabad
(Gujarat), where the famine raged most furiously, the
Emperor sanctioned Rs. 50,000 in excess. His example
was followed by his Mansabdars and provincial
governors, who evinced great interest in and solicitude
for the sound administration of famine relief; they
made similar remissions of land revenue in their
respective provinces. But, in those times it was not
possible to combat srch a calamity so successfully as in
these days. Sbah Jahan was, nevertheless, fully alive
to the sufferings of his subjects, and the relief he afforded
to the sufferers deserves our respect and admiration.
Dr. Vincent Smith relies on the imperfect translation
of the Padsfaahnamah by Elliot and Dowson and

discounts the efforts of Shah Jahan in removing the
distress of the famine-stricken. While seeking to
bring out the difference between the conditions of

230 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

native life under the Mughal Rule and the British Raj,
he forgets to allow for the time that has elapsed since
then time that has been noted for the marked
improvement in the means of communications and
transportation.

Both Akbar and Jahangir had shown great favours

to the Portuguese, who had established
the Portuguese. themselves at Hugli and developed

their resources by building a number
of important factories, all fortified and provided with
fighting material. Shah Jahan had seen enough of
the acts of aggression committed by them. He was
looking for a pretext to pay them in their own coin.
The year 1632 A. C. saw their destruction. The
causes were: (1) By taking the lease of the villages on
both sides of the river Hugli, the settlers tyrannised
ever the poor people. (2) They shamelessly abused
the concessions of trade granted to them by the
previous emperors, so much so that they imposed
customs duties on their own account. As a result,
the revenues of the State suffered serious deficits.
(3) They carried on lucrative slave-trade 'which was
accompanied by much cruelty and torture/ Often
they kidnapped the orphans of both Hindus and Muslims
and transported them to foreign countries. (4) Their
priests behaved in a most fanatical manner. They
tried to win converts by force and not infrequently
succeeded in their object. (5) They had offended the
Empress Mumtaz Mahal by detaining two slave girls
whom she claimed as hers. These acts of brazen
insolence were bound to bring down upon them the

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 231

wrath of the Emperor, who thought it expedient to
chastise them and to check theik influence.

In 1631 A. C. Shah Jahan appointed Qasim

Khan as governor of Bengal and en-
?Sf uglfese! 16 trusted him with the destruction of the

Portuguese Settlement at Hugli. The
settlers on either side of the river were attacked and their
fort was besieged. The siege lasted for over three months.
Cunningly enough, the Portuguese offered a lakh
of rupees, together with a tribute, to the Emperor, but
secretly they prepared themselves for a vigorous defence.
Putting their forces in order, the} organi/ed a force of
seven thousand gunners to cannonade the Mughals.
In the deadly fight that followed, the Portuguese were
completely routed, their forts and factories were levelled
to the ground and the garrison, altogether ten thousand
souls, were either killed or drowned in the river. Those
who embraced Islam were spared. On the side of
Shah Jahan as many as one thousand soldiers lost their
lives. As a result of the war, the Portuguese tyranny
was over and ten tnousand inhabitants of the country,
who had been confined in prisons, were liberated.

Arjumand Banu Begum, also known as Mumtaz
Mahal, the Lady of the Taj, was a

MumtLM?hT woman of dazzlin s beaut y and

powerful intellect. She was the
daughter of Asaf Kj^an, the most influential noble of
the Mughal Empire, whose abilities had earned him
the title of Aristotle. Like her aunt, she was the
jgoddess of beauty. Her name was a household word

232 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

and her charms were a subject of comment in the
family circles of the Mdghal aristocracy. Born in 1594 ,
A, C., she was married to Prince Khurram in 1612 A.C.
when the latter was twenty-two years of age. Shah
Jahan loved her quite as much for her physical attrac-
tions as for her intellectual attainments. His passionate
love was reciprocated by her with added intensity.
While he was a homeless wanderer during the closing
years of his father's reign, she was his best friend and
guide. With him she cheerfully braved the privations
of a fugitive life. At his accession, she was honoured
with the titL of M>.Mha-i-Zaman, and her allowances
and jagirs were boundlessly increased. Her advice
was sought in all important matters of the Government
and valued so much that the Emperor took no initia-
tive without taking her opinion. She was entrusted
with the custody of the Royal Seal, and it was at her
instance that it was given to her father some time
afterwards. Since her betrothal to Shah Jahan, she-
had remained faithful to him and there was nothing on
earth that could mar the happiness of their conjugal
relations. She bore her husband fourteen children and
remained a constant source of strength to him till she
quietly passed away in 1630 A.C. Her death, was due
to a fatal delivery. The tragic event took place at
Burhanpur when her husband was conducting his cam-
paign against Kban Jahan Lodhl. Her remains were
removed to Akbarabad after six months. There she
was given a provisional burial ; for later her remains
were transferred to Agra and interred in the mausoleum
known as the Taj.

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 233'

Mumtaz Mahal was endowed with all those
accomplishments which add to the

MuS?MahaL di g nit y of womanhood. She is justly
regarded as a most virtuous woman'
of her time. Her generosity was par excellence. She
secured pardon from the Emperor for a number of
criminals who had lost all hopes of life. Her charity
was boundless. There was none whose prayer was not
granted at her door. She could be approached for
assistance without any difficulty. To women of low
fortunes and limited means, she granted daily allow-
ances and cash money according to th^ir material
requirements. Her gentle heart was moved at the sight
of poor orphans and widows in difficulties. For many
a poor and helpless girl, she found husbands
and provided them with suitable dowries. By the
nobility of her character and the serenity of her temper
she enthroned herself in the heart of her husband and
gained the good-will of her subjects. In the Haramsarai
she was assuredly 'a warmth-diffusing bliss'. Few
polygamous households can claim to have enjoyed such
happiness as the household of Shah Jahan. Her
memory has been safely preserved by her husband in
the Taj, a 'monument of conjugal love and fidelity', and
a thing of beauty and a joy for ever.

The existence of the Shia Sultanates of the Deccan

was an eye-sore to the Mughal
Shah Jahan's ^ ^ , . , ., r Ark

Deccan Policy. tmperors. Between the year loOO 1

A. C. and 1605 A. C. Akbar was
occupied in his Deccan campaign. He was able to annex
to his Empire the whole of the kingdom of Khandesk'

.234 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

and a large part of Ahmadnagar, including Berar.
His ambition was to extend his sway over the whole of
India, but his death prevented his plans to mature
and materialise. His son, Jahanglr, resumed his
father's policy with added enthusiasm ; but he found a
tough foe in Malik Ambar. Hence, nothing substantial
'Was accomplished and all efforts to annex the Deccan to
the Mughal Empire ended in smoke. To Shah Jahan
was left the policy of reducing the Shia Sultanates as a
family legacy. It must, however, be remembered that
vwhereas Akbar and Jahanglr were actuated by purely
political motives in their aggressive policy against the
Deccan Sultanates, Shah Jahan's wars against the
Shia Sultans were the outcome of his religious zeal
mixed with political prejudice. In his object he was
more successful than his predecessors, because in the
first place, he himself was acquainted with the ins and
outs of the Deccan ; secondly, a devastating famine had
-wrought havoc in that quarter and thus facilitated the
.conquest ; and lastly, Malik Ambar, the very soul of
vigorous defence, was no more alive.

The successful suppression of the rebellion of Khan
Jahan Lodhi afforded a favourable
opportunity to Shah Jahan to declare
war against Ahmadnagar. The help
which the rebellious Lodhi had received from the
Nizam Shahi King, was a sufficient pretext, if pretext
*was needed, to wage war against Ahmadnagar
which was torn by internal dissensions. In 1630 A. C.
the Imperial forces besieged the fortress of Parenda, but
*soon the siege was raised in the teeth of vigorous

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 235

opposition. Path Khan, Malik Ambar's son, who had
stepped into his father's shoes, was imprisoned by
Sultan Murtaza Nizam for his military inefficiency. On
his release he applied his newly gained liberty to the
ruin of the Sultanate of Ahmadnagar. At once he
communicated with Shah Jahan and, on receiving
instructions from the Emperor, seized the person of
Sbltan Murtaza Nizam and threw him in prison, where
he was treacherously done to death. Then he raised a
young prince, named Hussain Shah, to the throne and
himself became his regent. In all this he had the
support of the Mughal Government. Equally quickly
he proved perfidious to Shah Jahan. He defended the
fortress of Daulatabad against the Imperialists under
the command of Mahabat Khan. A strong pressure of
the Imperial forces, coupled with a tempting offer, was
sufficient for him to surrender. Path's fall decided the
fate of Ahmadnagar tor good. The young Sultan Hussain
Shah Nizam was taken prisoner and sent to the State Prison
of Gwalior, where he sighed out his life in dark despair.
The traitor, Path Khan, was amply rewarded for his
treacherous conduct. He was granted a liberal salary
and treated with respect. The Nizam Shahl dynasty
was thus brought to a sad close and the Mughal flag
was planted on the ruined ramparts of Daulatabad.
An attempt was made by Shahjl, father of Shivaji, to
retrieve the fallen fortunes of the Kingdom of Ahmad-
nagar. He set up a young boy of the Royal family on
the throne in order tc achieve his object, but the
Imperialists reduced him to absolute submission. Thus
Ahmadnagar as an independent kingdom was definitely

236 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

/

removed from the political map of India in 1636*
A. C. when its territories were divided between All
'Adil Shah of Bijapur and Shah Jahan. It may be
pointed out that the conquest of this kingdom, as also-
of others in the Deccan, was the real cause of the
conflict in which Aurangzeb was involved with the
Hindus of the South. It gave rise to a third power
the Marhattas who had served under the rulers of
these kingdoms, but had been cashiered by the Mughal
Government.

Of the five offshoot? of the Bhamni Kingdom, two
Further were added to the Mughal Empire :

operations in The Imad Shahi kingdom of Berar

was annexed by Akbar the Great and
the Nizam Shahi Kingdom of Ahmadnagar by Shah
Jahan. As for the Band Shah! Kingdom of Bidar, it
was automatically reduced to a small principality and
it ceased to exist as an independent kingdom. The
remaining two, namely, the 'Adil Shah! Kingdom of
Bijapur and the Qutb Shahi Kingdom of Golconda,
were sufficiently strong to hold their own. Of these
two, the former was more powerful, independent and
wealthy ; therefore its turn came immediately after the
annexation of Ahmadnagar.

When Shah Jahan attacked Ahmadnagar, Sultan
Muhammad 'Adil Shah of Bijapur
had ma de common cause with his
neighbour, Sultan Murtaza Niz5m, lest
his own kingdom should meet a similar fate. However,
when Ahmadnagar was annexed to the Mughal Empire,
the whole brunt of the Imperial forces fell on 'Adil

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 237

Shah who had openly defied the authority of
Jahan in league with his neighbour, Murtaza Nizam.
Asaf Khan was deputed by Shah Jahan to conduct the
campaign against Bijapur. He laid siege to the city,
but the Bijapuris put up a heroic defence with the aid
of Marhatta light cavalry which cut off the food
supplies of the Imperial army and thereby compelled the
Mughal general to raise the siege without success.
Thus the independence of Bijapur was saved for the
time being, though a large part of it was laid waste by
the Mughals. Further operations against the Bijapuris
were postponed owing to the death of the 2 ueen ; f r
the Emperor was then occupied with the construction
of the Taj in order to immortalise the memory of
Mumtaz Mahal.

Hostilities were renewed against Bijapur in 1636
A. C. when written firmans were
of Golconda. issued to the Sultans of both Bijapur

and Golconda, ordering them to
acknowledge the suzerainty of Shah Jahan, to pay
tributes to the Central Government regularly, to abstain
from helping Shahji Bhonsla and from interfering in
the affairs of Ahmadnagar. Considering the conse-
quences of defiance and disobedience, the ruler of
Golconda regarded discretion as the better part of valour.
He complied with the demands and agreed to the terms
of the treaty proposed by the Mughal Emperor.

But the proposals of Shah Jahan fell flat on the

^ f _ . ears of the ruler of Bijapur, who

Of Bijapur. J r

offered a curt refusal. War was
therefore declared against him without delay. Three

238 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

armies were sent to attack him from three sides :
Khan Jahan was to aiiack from Sholapur, Khan-i-Zaman
was to proceed from Indapur, and Khan-i-Dauran was
to advance from the direction of Bidar in the north-
east. The territory of Ali 'Adil Shah was encircled on
all sides but the Imperial generals failed to take the
capital. They, however, devastated the surrounding
country, so much so that the Sultan was compelled to
sue for peace. Negotiations were opened and a treaty
was concluded with the following clauses: (1) Ali 'Adil
Shah agreed to owe allegiance to Shah Jahan as his
vassal. (C) He offered a pe&kasli (present) of twenty
lakhs to the Emperor. (3) He made a solemn promise
that he would respect the frontiers of Ahmadnagar.
(4) Nizam Shahi territories were to be divided between the
two parties and according to the proposed partition,
Bijiipur received fifty parganas, yielding twenty lakhs
of huns or eighty lakhs of rupees. (5) He promised to
respect the integrity of the Qutb Shahi Kingdom of
Golconda, the ruler of which had accepted the Imperial
vassalage. (6) Finally, he agreed to abstain from
giving further help to Shahji Bhonsla. God and the
Prophet were made witnesses to the solemn text of
this treaty and both the parties agreed to abide by its
clauses on a solemn oath. At the request of the
Sultan, Shah Jahan sent him his portrait studded with
precious metals. The ruler of Golconda sent a tribute
in gold to his overlord, lest he should remain behind his
' elder brother ' in pleasing his suzerain. The Deccan was
pacified and the settlement then effected lasted for about
twenty years. On his return to Agra, Shah Jahan

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 239'

entrusted the charge of his conquests of the Deccan to
his third son, Aurangzeb, who wsj at that time hardly
eighteen years old. The events of the viceroyalty of
Aurangzeb will be told in connection with his early
career.

Next after the Deccan, the recovery of Central
Shah Jahan's Asian possessions occupied the serious

Pohcy 11 and "his attention of Shah Jahan. He follow-

attempts to e d the example of his predecessors

acquire his . j , , . - , .

ancestral an d made abortive efforts to acquire

possessions. Bz\\& an( j Badakhshan, the regions

associated with the glories of Taimur , and his
successors. His object was to win fame in distant
lands. He was encouraged in his undertaking by
the prosperity of his reign and the flattery of his
friends. He began with Qandhar, because its possession
was invaluable to the Emperor of India both on account
of its strategical position and as a principal commercial
station lying on the trade-route between Persia and
India. .Moreover, its situation afforded a strong base for
military operations against Balkh and Badakhshan,
which Shah Jahan longed to acquire.

Said Khan, the Governor of Kabul, was commis-
sioned by Shah Jahan to reconnoitre
:1638. Qandhar and to make an estimate of
its military strength. All Mardan Kban,
the Persian Governor of that province, was not satisfied
with the treatment meted out to him by his sovereign.
He was, therefore, lukewarm in defending the province
under his charge. The result was that the Imperialists
advanced upon Qandhar and easily took possession of

40 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

it. The Persian forces were defeated under their general
who was encamped ~ix miles off Qandhar. A large
booty passed into the hands of Said Khan and his army.
All Mardan Khan was received with great kindness by
Shah Jahan. He was paid one lakh of rupees and
enrolled as a grandee of the Mughal Empire.

After the conquest of Qandhar, Shah Jahan turned
his thoughts towards Balkh and

Conquest of Badaklishan, the famous dependencies

Balkn and r

Baclakhshan. of the Kingdom of Bokhara. In

conquering these provinces, Shah
Jahan war actuated with the same motive that of
conquest. His invasion was well-timed, for both the
, provinces were in a state of hopeless defence. As a
natural result of dynastic dissensions, anarchy and
confusion ruled supreme there. The ruler of Bokhara
was involved in the difficulties which his rebellious son
had created for him. Balkh was seething with dis-
content. A dispute in the Royal family there made
confusion worse confounded. All this encouraged Shah
Jahan to interfere in the affairs of Bokhara. In June
1646 A. C. he sent a huge army under the command
of his son, Murad, with whom were associated renowned
generals, including All Mardan Khan, who had an
intimate knowledge of the Persian country. The
following month the city of Balkh was occupied
without opposition, Nazr Muhammad, the King of
Bokhara, who had fled to Persia, leaving his vast
wealth to fall into the hand? of the Mugiials, came
back without securing any support from the Persian
Emperor, In the scramble that followed his flight, the

'SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 241

Mughals were able to acquire only a part of the large
booty, viz., 12,00,000 rupees, 2,500 horses and 300
camels in all. Caused by the temporary weakness of
the Uzbegs, the conquest of Balkh was short-lived.
Prince Murad, who pined for the pleasures of the
plains, lacked strong determination and therefore could
not follow up his success with vigour. More than once
he requested his father to call him back to Hindustan.
Despite repeated refusals, he returned and his place was
taken by one Sa'adullah K]]an, who effected the settle-
ment of the whole country in about three weeks.
When he went back to Kabul, Shah Jahan ordered
Aurangzeb and Shuju' to command the Imperial army in
the proposed campaign against Bokhara, and himself
proceeded to Kabul to direct operations against the
enemy. The expedition was very liberally financed,
but Aurangzeb and his brother, Shuja', encountered a
serious handicap; they found that their forces were
outnumbered by those of the Uzbegs. Moreover, the
Mughal officers in the newly-conquered country were
not willing to stay there. On the other hand, the
attractions of Indian social life had a lure which
they could not resist. Above all, the methods of warfare
followed by the Uzbegs added to the difficulties of the
Mughal generals, who were, indeed, far inferior in
4 Cossack tactics ', which their enemy followed to their
greatest advantage. But Aurangzeb was a man of
iron-will and there was nothing that could shake his
determination. He inflicted a crushing defeat on the
Uzbegs and entered $alkh in triumph. Investing the
supreme command of that place in Madhu Singh Had a,

242 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

a Rajput Chief, he set out on his onward march
towards Aqcha with a view to destroy the Uzbeg hosts,
who were now hovering round the Imperial forces.
Desultory fighting continued for some time and the
Mughals sustained severe hardships. News arrived
from Balkh that a huge army was advancing from
Bokhara to oppose the onward march of the Mughal
army, and Aurangzeb retreated without losing time. In
the fight that followed, the Mughal musketeers made a
furious attack on the Bokharan army and won the day.
Aurangzeb displayed wonderful coolness and courage in
the thick of the fight and his was the moving spirit
everywhere. Even amidst the clash of arms he would
spread his carpet and say his prayers without fear.
The King of Bokhara was surprised at his presence of
mind and determined resolve. He was convinced that
to defy a man of such mettle was to court despair and des-
truction. Proposals for peace were made and Aurangzeb
entered Balkh quite safely. Negotiations continued for
over three months but no permanent peace was patched
up. Shah Jahan wished to restore the kingdom of
Bokhara to its ex-King Nazr Muhammad, but at the
same time he insisted on the condition that Nazr must
acknowledge him as his suzerain. Between the devil
and the deep sea, the ex-King sent his grandsons to the
Mughal Emperor to wait on him and evaded to agree
to the terms of the treaty proposed by Shah Jahan.
His personal attendance was excused on the plea of
his illness. Placing the charge of the city and of the
fort of Balkh in the hands of Nazr's grandsons, the
Prince left for Hindustan. On his homeward march he

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 243

was attacked by the Hazaras. With great difficulty he
reached Kabul with his entourage. This retreat of the
Imperial army is correctly compared with the retreat of
the British from Kabul in 1842 A. C.

Shah Jahan was able to occupy Qandhar in 1638
A. C. with the aid of All Mardan

Loss of Qandhar Khan, the governor of that province,
and three highly ' b *

expensive but who was not on good terms with the

Kin S of Bokhara. But the Persians,
who cherished that province, recover-
ed it under their new king, Shah Abbas II, who had
ascended the throne in 1642 A. C. Aurat gzeb, who
had been appointed to the government of Multan after
his departure from Balkli, was recalled and ordered to
conduct an expedition against Qandhar, where the
Mughal garrison had capitulated after a desperate fight
which had lasted for nearly two months (1659 A. C.).
The Imperial army, numbering ten thousand foot and
sixty thousand horse, advanced upon Qandhar under
the joint command of the Prince and his associate,
Sa'adullah Khan, and delivered a furious attack on it.
The Persians, who had strongly secured their position,
replied by opening fire on their enemy. The result was
that after a siege, which lasted for about four months,
the Mughals retreated. The Prince was called back by
his father and again appointed to the supreme command
of the Imperial army. This time the Prince was better
equipped with the instruments of war. A sum of two
crores of rupees was put at his disposal in order to
defray the expenses of the war in a far off land.
He was assisted by Rustam Khan who had shone in the

244 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

previous fight, Sa'adullah K]?an, the famous Mughal
general, and his two sons. He laid siege to the fort of
Qandhar in the beginning of May, 1652 A. C. and
allotted the Imperial generals their proper places. He
ordered the Mughal gunners to blow off the ramparts,
but the Qandharls frustrated their attempts to storm
the fortress so that they failed to make any breach in
the walls which were so ably defended. The Persians,
who possessed a strong park of artillery, ceaselessly
poured fire on the besiegers, so that a large number of
them were wounded and transported to the next world.
The siege was raised after about two months. Annoyed
at the military inefficiency of Aurangzeb, Shah Jahan
ordered him u> take over the governorship of the Deccan
and entrusted the governorship of Kabul to his eldest
son, Dura, who had poisoned the ears of his father
against his rival brother and incessantly plotted against
him. He took permission of his father to renew the
siege of Qandhar and boasted that he would effect the
conquest of that place within a week. At the head of a
huge army, consisting of seventy thousand horse,
five thousand foot, three thousand Ahadis, ten thousand
gunners, six thousand sappers and five hundred stone-
cutters, the braggart, who had boasted, advanced upon
Qandhar. This huge Imperial army was preceded by
three thousand horse under the command of Rustam
Khan Bahadur, Najabat Khan and Qasim Khan as its
vanguard. The siege commenced in the third week of
November, 1652 A. C. and continued for full seven
months. In spite of their repeated attacks, the Mughals
could not effect a single breach in the walls of the fort.

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 245

On the other hand, they sustained severe losses in nien
and material. When starvation stared them in the
face, they regarded discretion as the better part of
valour and abandoned the third and the last siege of
Qandhar.

Thus it is evident that Shah Jahan's Central Asian
Policy was a colossal failure. In fact,
jt was so doomed from the very

Asian Policy outset. It was not easy to cross the

and its results.

Hmdukush in order to conquer Balkn

and Badakhshan. " To mobilise an Indian army
through the Hindukush in sufficient numbers for the
conquest of Central Asia was " says Dr. Ibhwari Prasad,
" a foolhardy enterprise without any chance of success."
In the ' fatuous war f in Balkh, four crores of rupees
was spent in two years and not an inch of its territory
was annexed to the Mughal Empire. The net
gain was about twenty-two and a half lakhs of rupees
which the conquered country yielded. The three sieges
of Qandhar cost Sh'lh Jahan some twelve crores of
rupees. The military prestige of Persia was definitely
established and the repeated repulses of the Mughal
army and the final retreat of Prince Dara pronounced to
the world the weakness of the Mughal arms. Buoyed
up with success against the mighty Mughal Emperor,
the Persians now entertained ambitious ideas, and
henceforth the ghost of a Persian invasion of India
would haunt the minds of the rulers of Delhi
throughout the seventeenth century. " Such is the
terrible price ", says Professor Jadunath Sarkar, "which
aggressive imperialism makes India pay for wars across

246 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the North-Western Frontier."

Aurangzeb, the third son of Shah Jahan, was born

on October 24, 1618 A. C. His
Early career of f , , , ,, , , . . ,,

Aurangzeb. father was at that time serving as the

viceroy of the Deccan. Breaking
into open rebellion against Jahangir, his father, Shah
Jahan, was ultimately compelled to surrender in 1625
A. C. One of the conditions of his submission was
that he should send his two sons, Dara and Aurangzeb,
to his father as hostages. The Princes remained under
the custody of Nur Jahan till 1628 A. C. when Shah
Jahan ascended the throne and his sons were restored
to him. Next we hear of Aurangzeb when he tamed
and controlled an infuriated elephant before the Agra
Fort and for which his father, who was watching his
heroic action, rewarded him handsomely. Towards
the close of the year 1634 A. C., he was granted the
rank of ten thousand horse. In September of the
following year he was ordered to accompany the
Imperial expedition against the Bundelas of Orchha. In
July of the succeeding year he was appointed to the
viceroyalty of the Deccan, where he remained for about
eight years. His charge comprised (1) Daulatabad,
with Ahmadnagar and other districts, having its capital at
Ahmadnagar at first and at Daulatabad subsequently ;
(2) Telingana, with its capital at Nandar ; (3) Kbandesh,
with its capital at Burhanpur ; and (4) Berar, with its
capital at Ellichpur. These provinces constituted a
fairly large country, containing about sixty-four
fortresses and yielding a yearly income of about five
crores of rupees. During his first viceroyalty of the

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 247

Deccan, Aurangzeb made some important annexations.
He reduced the principality of Balgana, with its thirty-
four parganas and two famous fortresses, Salir and
Mallr, The ruler of Bharji offered his submission and
agreed to enter the Imperial Service if he was left
unmolested in hispargana of Sultanpur. Shah Jahan
acceded to his request and enrolled him as a Mansabdar
of three thousand Zat and two and a half thousand
Sawar, and was also confirmed in his possession of the
fief of Sultanpur. The Imperial generals, who had
already been sent by Shah Jahan to the Deccan,
completed the overthrow of the Kingdom of
Ahmadnagar, which was finally incorporated in the
Mughal Empire. They also compelled Shahjl to submit,
and under their pressure the alleged heir to the Nizam
Shahl Kingdom was handed over to the Great Mughal
and thrown in prison.

In the month of May, 1644 A. C. took place the

His resignation most r mantic episode of Aurangzeb's
and renunciation early career, This was his renunciation
of the world. To all intents and
purposes, it was brought about by the machinations of
his eldest brother, Dara, who was interested in making
his viceroyalty of the Deccan an easy failure. Smarting
under the undue interference of Dara and Shah Jahan's
condonation of that interference, he tendered his
resignation in bitter resentment. Thereupon, his father
deprived him of all his ranks and allowances. This
early estrangement between the father and the son was
bridged through the good offices of Jahan Ara Begum,
the eldest sister of Aurangzeb.

248 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Living as a recluse in seclusion for some time,
Aurangzeb again appeared in the
public in February, 1645 A. C. and

governorships simultaneously he was made the

of different . r ~ . _, , . , , ,

provinces. viceroy or dujarat, which he governed

to the entire satisfaction of his father.
From there he was sent to Balkli in 1647 A. C. in order
to consolidate the position of the Mughals in that
distant province, and if he failed to accomplish anything
substantial, it was no fault of his : No amount of effort
and endurance could ensure success in that inhospitable
part. The failure against the sturdy North-Westerners
has become a tradition which the Anglo-Indian rulers
have maintained by repeatedly risking their men and
money against them. His attempts to reduce and
retain Balkh having proved abortive, he retired to Kabul
in October, 1647 A. C. From there he went to take
over the government of Multan and Sind, but was soon
called back to undertake an expedition for the relief of
Qandhar, which the Persians had at that time
beleaguered. Unfortunately, he reached Qandhar a
little too late. Twice he attempted to recover that
province, but failed,

Early in the year 1653 A. C. Aurangzeb was
His second re-appointed to the governorship of

thC the DeCCan - When he reached

administrative and assumed the reins of his office.
achievements. , - , . . , . . ,

he found that large tracts of lands

had become desolate and the Deccan as a whole had
become a source of trouble rather than of income. The
country could not pay its own way and there were

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 249

recurring deficits. Other provinces, such as Malwa
and Gujarat, bore the brunt of the cost of administra-
tion. The new viceroy was confronted with a serious
situation. The land was, so to say, sucked dry, the
peasantry was in a state of decay and the recurring
deficits continued to affect the Imperial Treasury every
year in ever-increasing amount. In order to meet the
needs of administration without rackrenting the cultivat-
ing classes, Aurangzeb began to draw on the cash
reserves deposited in the strongholds of DaulatSbad and
spent about forty thousand in about two years. The
low cash balances still continued till at last, at his
suggestion, Shah Jahan granted him productive jagirs
which were in the hands of inefficient officers. These
officers, smarting under the loss of their jaglrs, mis-
represented the whole situation. They told the Emperor
that the Prince was too ambitious and the Emperor,
who was never unmindful of his own rebellion against
his father, at once believed them and ordered his son to
take half a lakh worth of less productive land in the
parganas of Asir and to diminish his cash by the same
amount so that his actual income might be made
normal. The Prince exonerated himself by proving the*
falsity of the allegations. Handling the financial
situation in a proper way, he devoted his time and'
energy to ameliorating the economic condition of the
peasantry of his province, despite the discouragement he
received from his suspecting father at the instigation of
vile intriguers. He secured the services of Murshid
Quli Khan, an exceptionally skilled revenue officer, and'
with his assistance he extended the approved system of

250 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

survey and revenue assessment over the whole of the
Deccan. For revenue purposes, the province was
divided into two main parts : (1) the Balaghat, or High-
lands, and (2) the Palnghat, or Low-lands. The former
included one- half of Berfir and the whole of Khandesh ;
whereas the latter embraced the rest of the country. The
entire land was measured and the share of the State was
fixed at one-fourth of the aggregate produce. Alto-
gether, there were now three revenue systems in vogue
in the Deccan, viz., (I) In certain backward areas the
previous practice of apportioning the State demand per
plough was adhered to, but due allowance was
made for the difference in the fertility of the soil and the
yield thereof. (2) The Batal system was followed in
many places. According to this system,, the share of the
State was one-half where crops depended absolutely on
rainfall ; it was one-third where wells irrigated the
land ; and it was raised high or reduced low, according
as the local conditions suggested, where irrigation was
-done by canals, tanks and river-chinnels. <3) Accord-
ing to the Jarlb system, the whole land was measured
vrithjartb and the share of the Government was fixed
according to the kind of the crop sown. Revenue
officers, similar to those in the North, were appointed
and the interests of the peasants were properly looked
after. The arable lands, which had long been neglected
owing to a long and continuous period of misgovern-
ment, were restored to cultivation and loans were
liberally advanced to the cultivators in order to enable
them to purchase seeds, cattle and agricultural imple-
ments. In other respects he improved the administration

SHAHAB-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 251

of the province under his charge by appointing his own
men to responsible positions. He increased the pay of
his military officers and thus ensured their co-operation.
The results of all these reforms were wholly beneficial.
Agriculture improved, the peasantry prospered and, as
Dr. Ishwari Prasad remarks, " the Deccan provinces
attained a high level of prosperity."

As mentioned before, operations against Bijapur

t " r . and Golconda were stopped, because

His forward . ,

policy against both of them had accepted the

the Decoan. Imperial vassalage and agreed to pay

regular tributes to the Emperor. But when Aurangzeb
was re-appointed to the governorship cf the Deccan,
they were as independent as ever. Their destruction
was determined as soon as the new viceroy took over.
The causes were : (1) the cupidity of the Prince and his
martial appetite ; (2) the independence of the Sultanates and
their wealth ; (3) their allegiance to the Shah of Persia
and. not to the Emperor of Hindustan ; (4) their religion
(Shia) ; (5) their intimacy with Dara ; (6) the delay in
remitting tributes which had fallen in arrears.

To the Prince, who was waiting only for an
opportunity, the kingdom of Golconda

offered the first chance ' II S hap "
pened that Mir Jumla, the Persian

Prime Minister of Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah, who had
then fallen out with his sovereign on account of his
ambitious designs, invoked the assistance of Aurangzeb,
who accorded him a warm welcome and recommended
him to his father. The Emperor appointed him to the
command of five thousand horse and made him a

252 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

member of his son's suite. No better pretext could be
found than to seek redress for the alleged grievances of
Mir Jumla. Early in 1656 A. C. Aurangzeb and Mir
Jumla advanced to demand justice from Sultan
Abdullah Qutb Shah and entered the city without any
serious opposition. Once there, they attacked Hyder-
abad and surprised its king who fled to Golconda, which
too was soon attacked. So relentlessly did the Prince
pursue his schemes of conquest that the King of
Golconda was compelled to pray for peace. According
to the treaty that was concluded, Abdullah promised to
pay a crore of rupees and all arrears of tribute to the
Emperor, to acknowledge Shah Jahan and not the Shah
of Persia as his suzerain, to cease coining money in his
own name, and to marry his daughter to the eldest son
of Aurangzeb.

Golconda humiliated, the turn of Bijapur came

next. Imperial permission was ob-
War against , . , r ,, . t r>--

Bijapur. tamed for the conquest of Bijapur

through the persuasive eloquence of
Mir Jumlu, and preparations were made for the final
conquest of that Kingdom. Internal dissensions iiad
made matters easy for the invaders. The death of
Sultan Muhammad 'Adil Shah now made confusion
worse confounded. The fort of Bidar was besieged in
February, 1657 A. C. and after twenty-seven days*
investment the city was taken and a large booty ob-
tained. Next an attack was made on KalyanI which
capitulated. After a siege of about two months the
whole country was being overrun by the Mughal
soldiers and the conquest of Bijapur itself was in sight

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 253

when again orders were received from the Emperor
for the cessation of hostilities. The additional troops
supplied to the Prince were recalled and further supplies
were withheld. Thus came a slip between the cup and
the lip. The terms of the treaty made with the
Sultan were as humiliating as those concluded with
Golconda. An indemnity of one crore of rupees was
taken from the Sultan and he had to cede Bidar,
Kalyani and Parenda to the Mughal Empire. Aurangzeb
had not yet completed the terms of the treaty when the
illness of his father invited his attention to the North
and attracted him there to make a bid for f he throne.

CHAPTER XIII

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN
(CONCLUDED)

The closing years of the glorious reign of Shah
Fratricidal war Jahan were darkened by a war of
and its gem-Ms. succession attending his illness. Since
he did not appear in the Jharukha (audience window)
rumours ran afloat that he was dead. He tried to
allay the disquietude by appearing in the Jharukh'i
after a week, but the rumours had spread like wild-fire
and there was nothing that could pacify the people and
the Princes. Before describing the events of the War of
Succession, it is necessary to trace its genesis.

(1) Shah Jahan had four sons: Dara, Shuja',

Aurangzeb and Murad, each of whom

Sons of Shah IT- r *

Jahan and their possessed distinct traits of character,

charaetei- which had no mean share in deciding

sketches. ^ rt

the scramble in his favour or against

him. All of them had their own claims to the throne.
Dara was endowed with commendable qualities of head
and heart. Though he was the heir-designate, his
chances for succession were few and far between. By
his frivolous habits, vacillating nature and irascible
temper he had made many enemies at the Court. He
was bitterly hated on account of his liberal views. His
friendship with the Hindus, his intimacy with the
Christians and his inclination towards the Shia faith
went against his political interests. Shuja' was a man

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 25S

of intelligence and refined tastes. Capable of immense
energy, he was none the less a slave of his own passions,
'and his intellect was impaired much by his addiction to
wine. He too is said to have subscribed to the Stua>
faith and thereby annoyed the Sunni orthodoxy. Murad
BakLsh was brave and resolute, but otherwise a
brainless booby. He was frank to an extent and
despised diplomacy. He stood little or no chance of
succession. The real danger was, however, brewing
further South. Aurangzeb, the third son of Shah
Jahan, was the ablest of his brothers in point of courage^
character and capacity. He was the bean-ideal of a
soldier cool to conceive, brave to dare and strong to
do. Skilled in diplomacy and ' a perfect master of the
art of dissimilation ', he had acquired considerable
experience in the art of administration. Besides,,
he had the greatest advantage of being an orthodox
Sunni Musalman. He had the ungrudged support
of the Sunni sect with which to counteract the
opposition of Dara. It is evident that the two most
serious rivals were Aurangzeb and Dara. The former
had the support of almost all Musalmans, excluding the
Shlas, whereas the latter was supported by the Shias,
the Hindus and other Zimmls. The remaining two
brothers, Shuja' and Murad, had their own adherents.
(2) When Shah Jahnn fell ill, the four Princes were
Division of in possession of different provinces,

the Empire. haying su ffi cient re5O urces at their

disposal : Dara was the viceroy of the Punjab and the
provinces on the North-West ; Shuja' was the governor
of Bengal and Orissa; Aurangzeb held the command of

256 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

'the Deccan ; and Murad was in charge of the province
of Gujarat. Thus, each Prince had sufficient cash and a
.pretty large force at his command, with which he could
contend against the claims of his brothers. The
division of the Empire had, in fact, put considerable
power in the hands of the Princes and enabled them to
pursue their plans with unremitting efforts.

(3) The rule adopted by the Mughal Emperors was

' kingship recognises no kinship ' and
Mughal tradition , i , i c i j , *

of 'kingship the struggle for succession had to be

recognises no fought out to the end of taMit or

11 ' takltfa, ' crown or coffin '. Babar,

Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan had all
iound themselves compelled to contend against the
rivalry of their nearest relatives, and a disputed
succession had become a tradition in the Mughal family.
The fact that the successful claimant would callously
,put his surviving rivals and all their collaterals to the
sword made the disputed succession inevitable. It
goaded the princes to fight even more desperately
because they knew only too well that in the event of
defeat their ends would be tragic. Motives of self-
preservation also pointed to the same path, though
they were no less actuated by a sense of personal
aggrandisement,

(4) On the 6th of September, 1658 A. C. Shah

Jahan was taken seriously ill
Empe S ror f a l ncl ** there was no hope of his

'nomination of recovery. At this time, his eldest son,

Daraashis ~ ... , . ^ ~ ... ,

:Successor . Dara, was with him at Delhi and was

faithfully nursing his father at the

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 257

Imperial Court. When the Emperor improved in
health a little, he called his confidential courtiers
together and nominated his eldest son as his successor
in their presence. Such a state of affairs involved the
question of life and death for the remaining three
Princes, who were carefully nursing in their bosoms the
ambitions of securing the succession for themselves.
They made preparations for the impending war and
there was nothing that could prevent them from
carrying out their respective plans.

(5) In Muslim India, there was no definite law
Absence of the determining the succession to the
law of succession. Muslim throne. The principle adopted
was ' the survival of the fittest '. Though the first-
born was often allowed to have the strongest claim, yet
his brother, if any, or a provincial governor, or an
influential chief, was ever ready to contest his claim,
if time favoured and means were not lacking. Thus, in
the absence of a well-defined law, regulating the
succession to the throne, the illness of Shah Jahan was
a signal for the outbreak of a fratricidal war.

(6) The following measures adopted by Dara during

Dara's behaviour the illness of his father also contri '
during the illness buted to the War of Succession to a
of his father. . , , , , x f

considerable extent : (*) He took

guarantees from the Vakils of his brothers, who were
at the Imperial Court, to the effect that they would not
submit any news to the Princes about the Emperor and
his Court, (ii) He closed the roads to Bengal, Gujarat
and the Deccan, so that the travellers might not
carry any information to those provinces. (Hi) He

258 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

confiscated the house of 'Alamgir's Vakil stationed at
the Imperial Court, (iv) He recalled the officers of
'Alamgir when the latter was engaged in the conquest of
Bijapur and had almost accomplished the task entrusted
to him. (v) Before the Princes in the distant provinces
had stirred, he ordered his forces to march against
them in order to remove them from his way to the
throne.

(7) The war could be prevented, or at least postponed,
if Shah Jahan had re-asserted his
authority immediately after his re-
covery from his illness. He ought to
have stopped his sons from making a scramble for
succession while he was alive. He ought to have
contradicted the rumours of his death and averted the
course which events had taken. It is quite possible
that Dsra kept him uninformed of the consternation
caused by the rumour of his alleged death; but even
after the defeat of the Imperial forces in the Battle
of Dharmat, he did not stir out to oppose Aurangzeb
who was advancing towards Agra. Granted that he
was too weak as a result of his illness, but he could
have convened a council of war to deal with the serious-
ness of the situation. There were many whose loyalty
for him was yet unshaken, and he ought to have rallied
them to his side. But, unfortunately, he behaved in a
most impolitic way. Misjudging the trend of events
and miscalculating the strength of the Princes, he shook
the faith of his other sons in his own sense of justice by
continuously favouring Dara, the eldest son, in season
and out of season.

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 259

(8) 'Alamglr, who had kept himself in touch with

the events occurring at the Imperial
1 nple Alliance. ~ ., , ,, L r- , i

Capital through his sister, Rau^han

Ara Begum, had also formed an alliance with his
brothers, Shuja* and Murad, in November 1552 A. C.
In the presence of conflicting accounts, it is impossible
to tabulate the terms of the triple alliance with any
preciseness. One thing is, however, clear the three
brothers agreed to take concerted action in the event of
danger, and that if anyone of them was attacked by
Dara, the other two would rush to his Hip. Both
Dara and Shah Jahan looked upon their growing
intimacy with grave concern. In order to frustrate
their efforts and to checkmate their plans, Shah Jahan
sent secret letters to them through the Khwaja Saras
(eunuchs), promising his help to 2ach of them against
the other. This act of setting one brother against the
other by issuing ' inflammatory letters ' also precipitated
the crisis.*

*The correspondence that passed between Shah JahSn and
his sons is very important. In one of his letters to Shah Jah5n,
Aurangzeb writes : " Though I have repeatedly made a request
that the despatch of inflammatory Jetters should be stopped, no
notice has been taken," (Adab-i- Alamgli -i, 366-a). In another
leiter he wrote to his father as follows : "I have repeatedly
asked Your Majesty, that you should stop sending inflammatory
letters. Though Your Majesty is all wisdom, yet as you have
clearly written to me that I should not expect such a thing from
you* I am forced to call the mischievous Khawaja Saras away
from you". (A dab-i-' Alamglr", 367-a). In a letter to Mahabat
Khan, Shah Jahan wrote : " My DarS Shikoh will be approach-
ing Lahore. There is no dearth of treasure at Lahore and men
and horses are abundant at Kabul. . . It is proper that the brave
general should hasten to Lahore with an army, and, siding with

260 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Both Shuja* and Murad crowned themselves in their
respective provinces the former in
Bengal and the latter in Gujarat ; they
coined money in their own names
and assumed the Imperial titles. As for Aurangzeb, he
was too calm and clever to do anything of the kind.
He seized all the ferries on the Narbada and waited for
an opportune moment. Prince Shuja' was the first to
mobilize his forces. He set out from Bengal on his
own behalf, ravaged the districts of Bihar on his way
and reached Benares on ihe 24th of January, 1658 A. C.

Dara was not idling away his time either. He

. 41 , had made ample preparations for the

Battle of r r r

Bahadurgarh : struggle for succession which was

February, 1658. , . , ., ir TT ,

as certain as surety itself. He sent

a large army undei the command of his eldest son,
Sulaiman Shikoh, assisted by Mirza Rajah Jai Singh
Kachwahah in order to oppose the advance of Shuja*.
The two armies met at Bahadurgarh in February, 1658
A. C. In a serious battle which was fought, Shuja 1
was defeated and driven back to his base in Bengal.

In the meantime, Murad ascended the throne under
Battle of *ke title of Murawwaj-ud-DIn. The

Oharmat : Khutba was read and the coins were

April 1558. . .

struck in his name. Having collected

a huge army, he sent a contingent of six thousand horse

Dara Shikoh Baba, range himself against the two wretched sons,
punisFPthem for their misdeeds and release me ...... And I have

written to my eldest son, that giving himself up entirely to him
(Mahabat Khan), he should think that his welfare lies in obedi-
ence to that eminent general." (Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, vol. II,
pp. 3537). For some other similar letters, see Aurangzeb and
His Times, p. 49 ff.

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 261

for plundering the port of Surat, the appanage of Jahan
Ara. Aurangzeb, who was playing a waiting game, now
wrote congratulatory letters to Murad on his success
in the sack of Surat, He offered him his services
and requested him to join the troops on the other side
of the Narbada in order to advance against the Imperial
Capital. Murad was won over and the two brothers
joined against the third. Dara was not indifferent to
the progress of events. He had already dispatched an
army under the command of Qasim Khan and Rajah
Jaswant Singh to oppose the advancing troops of
Aurangzeb and his brother, Murac 1 . A battle was
fought at Dharmat near Ujjain on April 15, 1658 A.C.,
in which the Imperialists were defeated and the Rajah
was put to flight along with his Rajput followers.
The victory increased the prestige of Aurangzeb and
augmented his resources. The victorious Princes
pressed on and were able to secure the passage of the
Chambal and to take their position in the memorable
plain of Samugarh.

Annoyed at the military inefficiency of the Hindu
Rajah and his Musalman colleague,
Samugarh, Dara decided to take the field in

May, 1058. person. He was so impatient that he

could not await the arrival of the flower of Mughal
chivalry, Sulaiman Shikoh, who had taken the pick of
the Mughal force with him and had defeated Shuja* at
the Battle of Bahadurgarh. Having collected a large
army, whose sympathies were more with Aurangzeb
than with him, he marched out from Agra to deal with
the combined forces of Aurangzeb and Murad, without

262 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

listening to the advice of his father. He reached the
plain of Samugarh towards the close of May with as
many as fifty thousand strong and engaged himself in a
death-grapple with his brothers. On one side, the
Rajputs fought most gallantly, doing honour to their
race ; on the other side, both Aurangzeb and Murad
fought in the forefront, risking their lives without any
fear of death. Both the parties displayed extraordinary
valour and charged each other with unparalleled
impetuosity, for they knew full well the consequences
of a defeat. Hitherto, the Imperialists seemed to have
the upper hand, but the tables were at once turned
against them when, in the thick of fight, Dara's elephant
received a serious wound and he took his seat on a
horse. This trifling incident decided the fate of the
battle. For those around him, finding the howdah
empty, thought that their leader was lost and therefore
took to their heels. Aurangzeb achieved a decisive
victory. He now congratulated his brother, Murad, and
attributed the cause of success to him. Dumbfounded by
the defeat, Dara and his son, Sipehr Shikoh, returned to
Agra and reached there late in the night.

After obtaining the spoils of war, Aurangzeb

marched upon Agra and entered it
Fate of Shah .. , . . .. TT

]ahan. without encountering opposition. He

encamped himself in the Bagh-i-Nur
and from there he wrote an arzdasht (petition) to his
father, seeking his forgiveness for the war which conditions
and circumstances had forced upon him.* He tried hard

* " As long as power was vested in your venerable hands ",
wrote Aurangzeb to his father, Shah Jahan, " obedience was my

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 263

to conciliate his father, and in all probability he would
have preferred to rule in his name had he not found
it impossible to gain his confidence or to shake his
intimate attachment to his eldest son. With studied
caution, he sent his son, Muhammad Sultan, to take
possession of the citadel. The Emperor was walled up
in his palace and kept a close prisoner for full eight
years. He was treated with great respect and indul-
gence by Aurangzeb, but was never allowed to come
out even for a moment, for the clever Prince knew too
well the consequences of such an impolitic action. To
make the best of a bad bargain. ShSh Jahan sent
a sword, called 'Alamgir, to his son as a present. Bent
in age and broken in health, the mos*. magnificent
monarch of the Mughal Dynasty passed away in 1666
A. C. as a captive of his son.

passion, and I never went beyond my limit, for which the All-
Knowing God is my witness. But owing to the illness of Your
Majesty, the prince, usurping all authority and bent upon pro-
pagating the religion of the Hindus and the idolaters and upon
suppressing the faith of the Prophet, had brought about chaos
and anarchy throughout the Empire, and no one had the courage
to sp*ak the truth to Your Majesty. Believing himself to be the
rightful ruler, he (D5ra) deposed Your August Majesty, as has
been mentioned in my previous letters. Consequently, I started
from Burhanpur, lest I should be held responsible in the next
world for not providing a remedy for the disorders that were
cropping up throughout the country. At that time, excepting
that enemy of the true faith (Dara), siding with whom is a real
sin, there was no one between us. As victory is never gained
without God's help, which is the result of true obedience, please
notice how Divine assistance came to my help. God forbid,
that with Your Majesty's connivance, the theories of the apos-
tate (Dara) become translated into practice, and the world get

264 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

In a written compact signed between Murad and

tr '. f i* *^ Aurangzeb, each brother had under-
Fate of Murad.

taken to be true to the other as long

as nothing was done by either against sincerity and
singleness of purpose. But after the victory at Samu-
garb, the former grew jealous of the growing power of
the latter. He not only cast the contract to the winds
by secretly submitting his apologies to Shah Jahan and
by trying to secure the throne for himself, but also by
entering into a plot against Aurangzeb. He received a
secret letter* from his father, who, while conferring the

darkened with infidelity !

Under the present circumstances, thanks are due to the
Master of Fate ror whatever has been brought about ! All that
I owe to you for my upbringing is far beyond any adequate
expression of gratitude on the part of my poor self, and I cannot
on any account forget your kindness and my responsibilities, and
allow myself, for the sake of this short life, to create any rancour
in your heart. Whatever happened was due to the will of God,
and for the good of the country and the nation." (Addb-i-'Alam-
tftrt, 363-6).

In another letter to Shah Jahan, he thus explains his
position :

" 1 have repeatedly made it clear that, in marching to Agra,
I had no intention of ousting the King of Islam, and God is my
witness that such a sinful and unholy thought never entered my
mind. In the beginning of your illness, when the eldest prince,
who had no distinguishing features of a Musalman, took up the
reins of the Government and raised the standard of heresy and
infidelity, I took upon myself the religious duty of ousting him.
As Your Majesty, on account of prejudice and unmindful of
political conditions, wanted the eldest prince to propagate heresy,

I determined to make a Jihad against him." (Adnb-i-Alamgiri,
367-a.)

*The text of the letter, as reproduced by Muhammad Ma'sum
in his Tarikh-i-Shah Shujai, is as follows :

" I have confened the sovereignty of the whole of India on

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 265

sovereignty of the whole of Hindustan on him, assured
him of his help and directed him to invite his brother,
Aurangzeb, and his son to his camp on the pretext of a
banquet and 'see the last of them'. The letter was
conveyed through a confidential servant, but in a state
of absent-mindedness, Murad placed it in a book, and,
when accidentally discovered by one of his servants, it
was handed over to Aurangzeb. Thus, by a curious
irony of fate, Murad was caught in the trap in which
Aurangzeb and his son were to be caught by him at
the suggestion of Shah Jahan. He was invited to a
feast by his brother, Aurangzeb, in the manner suggest-
ed to him by Shah Jahan. When he drank himself
disgracefully in the feast, he was seized and spoken to
by his brother upon his impiety and intemperance and
declared unfit to occupy the Muslim throne. He was
soon bound in chains and sent to the state prison of
Gwalior, where, on a charge of murder, he was executed
in 1661 A.C.

Entrusting the task of capturing Dara Shikoh to

his trusted officers, Aurangzeb turned
FateofShuja'. ,. . ' , c ._ ,

his attention towards Shuja who,

after his defeat in the Battle of Bahadurgarh, had taken
to flight, but was again in the field to make another bid
for the throne. After his coronation, Aurangzeb

my illustrious son (Murad). I enjoin you to be most careful and
patient in this matter and not to divulge this secret to anyone,
however intimate. After a few days, invite your brother (Aurang-
zeb) and his son to your camp on the plea of a banquet and see
the last of them ; and then have the Khutba recited in your name,
and assume the Imperial title, which I bestow on you of my own
free will. You should perform this important task with the
greatest caution." (Tarihh-i-Shah Shiijai by Muhammad Ma'sum.)

266 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

marched against him and inflicted a sharp defeat on
him at Khgjwah on January 5, 1659 A. C. The
defeated Prince was hotly chased by Mir Jumla. Driven
to different places, he ultimately took rest in ArakSn,
where he was killed by the Maghs in 1660 A.C.

Meanwhile, Aurangzeb's officers were busy in
Date's last pursuing Dara*. They were hunting

tJag?c a fate. iS the unfortunate Prince from place to

place. Chased into Kathlawar, he
was brought to bay near Ajmer, where he took his
position and tried to defend himself as strongly as he
could. He put up uch a vigorous defence that for
four days Aurangzeb could not dislodge him from his
position. On the fifth day, however, he was defeated
through the treachery of Daler Khan, who had promised
to leave Aurangzeb and to join him. Deserted by all of
his nobles, except one Firoz Mewati, Dara took the
road towards Ahmadabad. He was accompanied by a
few faithful followers, including his son, Sipehr Shikoh,
his daughter, and some other women. On his way, he
enlisted a few fugitives ; but the inhabitants of the
country harassed him by pillaging his baggages, for he
still had some jewels and money with him. When he
reached the city of Ahmadabad, the governor in charge
of the castle closed the gates against him. With the
help of a notorious robber, named KanjI Koli, he
reached Cutch. The Zamlndar of that place, who had
promised to marry his daughter to his son, now refused
him all help. In dire distress, D^ra proceeded towards
Sind to seek shelter there. Skirting along Sind, he was
deserted by his friend and follower, Firoz Mewati. To

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 267

add to his sorrow, the only source of solace and strength
for him was snatched away from him his most favourite
wife, Nadir a Begum, who died of dysentery. " Mountain
after mountain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart
of Dara," says KhafI Khan, " grief was added to grief and
sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no longer retained
equilibrium." At last he took refuge with Malik Jiwan
Khan who betrayed him into the hands of the Imperial-
ists sent by Aurangzeb to pursue him. He was taken
prisoner and sent to Lahore and then to Delhi. There
he was sentenced to death on the charge of apostasy.

Sulaiman Shikoh, the eldest son of Dara, fought
Fate of Sulaiman faithfully for his father during his

fu S itive life > but he could not J oin him
in his last stand against Aurangzeb

near Ajmer. He was pursued by Shaista Khan, uncle
of Aurangzeb, and driven into Garhwal, where he took
refuge with its Rajah, who made him over to the
Imperial officers. He was then conveyed to Delhi,
seated on an elephant, paraded through the city
and then thrown in the state prison of Gwalior, where
he died in 1662 A.C. Next, Aurangzeb turned his
attention towards the surviving sons of his brothers. On
one pretext or the other he put them to the sword or
threw them into prison. Only two Princes, viz., Sipehr
Shikoh and Azad Bakhsh, were spared and married to
the third and fifth daughters of Aurangzeb, respectively.
Aurangzeb imprisoned even his own son who had
married a daughter of Shah Shuja* and foi whom he
showed some affection.

268 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The motives which actuated Aurangzeb to enter

m . upon *he Fratricidal War have been

Motives which
actuated Aurang- variously described. Only the more

** be P here:-
(1) Shuja' and Murad had already
declared their independence and the War of
Succession had become inevitable. As usual, it was
expected that the successful prince would slaughter his
rival brothers without feeling remorse or compassion.
In the interest of his own safety, Aurangzeb could not
but enter the war. (2) There was no love lost between
Dara and A n rangze*x The former was bent upon
stigmatising the latter in the eyes of the people and the
Emperor. It will be remembered that while Aurangzeb
was in charge of the Deccan, Dara was trying to ruin
his reputation. With a hostile brother on the throne,
Aurangzeb's position can be better imagined than
described. All this and Dara's undue interference in
his affairs must have actuated Aurangzeb to decide
upon that course of action. (3) Under the circum-
stances, when Shah Jahan nominated Dara as his
successor, Aurangzeb's anger must have known no
bounds. The fact that Dara concealed the news about
his father and prevented them from reaching his brothers
further annoyed Aurangzeb. It made it easy for the
Princes to leave the Emperor out of account and to take
his death for granted. (4) Aurangzeb was an orthodox
Muslim. Dara's latitudinarianism must also have
influenced Aurangzeb in choosing his course. Muhammad
Kazim, the author of the 'Alamgirnamah, voiced the
views of Aurangzeb and his partisans about Dara's

SHAIIAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 269

unfitness to occupy the Muslim throne when he wrt>te :
" If Dara Shikoh obtained throne and established his
power, the foundation of the faith would be in danger
and precepts of Islam would be changed for the rant of
infidelity and Judaism/' (5) Personal ambition
also played a prominent part in the chalking out of
his programme.

All that has been said, if it excuses Aurangzeb's
participation in the Fratricidal War, does not excuse his
deliberate diplomacy therein. But it must be pointed
out that without resorting to such diplomatic actions as
he did, his fate, and with it the fate of Islam in
India, would have been different.

Contemporary chroniclers, such as Muhammad
Causes of his Kazim and others, ascribe Aurang-

success in the zeb's success in the War of Succession

Fratricidal War. , ,. . 7 ., , , *i j

to his iqbal, or luck. The modern

mind is not satisfied with this answer. It tries
to find other explanations of his success than this.
In the first place, Shah Jahan's own weakness and
incapacity contributed to the success of Aurangzeb
more than anything else. Immediately after his
recovery, the old Emperor should have exerted his
authority and stopped his sons from snatching away
power from his hands. He ought to have contradicted
the news of his death and averted the course of events
in his own favour. If he had acted with prudence,
he could have helped his favourite son, Dara, to the
throne. He was still popular and he would have elicited
support from all sides. He should have resumed the
reins of his office in his own hands after his recovery,

270 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

curbed the ambitions of his other sons ; and then
enthroned Dara, if he so desired. But, unfortunately,
he entirely misunderstood the situation and remained
passive. While Aurangzeb, Murad and Shuja* were,
after full preparations, marching against the Imperial
Capital, he was dissuading Dara from fighting, telling
that no harm could accrue from their coming to the
Capital. Thus, if the Emperor was deprived of his
throne after the defeat of Dara and if Dara could not
succeed him, Shah Jahan must share the onus of
responsibility in no small measure. Secondly, Dara
was not a great general himself. His army was
composed of rc.w levies. Besides, there was an utter
lack of co-operation between the Rajputs and the
Muslims, who constituted the huge bulk of his army.
The former were not wanting in valour, but their
heroic attempts were cruelly frustrated by their peculiar
notions of precedence and prestige. The latter were
corrupt and unfaithful. Their sympathies were
more with Aurangzeb, a staunch Sunni, than with
Dara. Dara's arrogance of temper and hasty disposition
also produced many difficulties for him. His son,
SulaimSn Shikoh, was in Bengal with the pick of the
Imperial army. He did not wait for it but advanced
to meet Aurangzeb in spite of the advice of his father.
This was a blunder of the first magnitude. The error
committed by him in dismounting from the elephant
and riding a horse instead, comoleted the disaster.*

*Authors of the 'Alamgirnamah, Zafarnamah and Tdrikh~i-
Shahjahani assert that this fatal exchange of horse for
elephant was occasioned by the fact that the elephant had

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 271

Thirdly, it was not easy to meet a man of Aurangzeb's
type, a dexterous diplomat and an excellent general who
outdistanced his rivals in the war on account of his
superior military tactics. His forces were thoroughly
organized, efficiently equipped and strictly disciplined.
He kept a part of his army in reserve and put
it in the field when Dara's troops lay exhausted. As a
Champion of the Sunni Orthodoxy, he ceaselessly played
upon the alleged apostasy of his rival brother, and con-
stantly drew men from his ranks to his own side. He
openly boasted of having his friends in the ranks of his
opponent. He fully availed himself of his artillery
when his foolish brother, Dara, advanced beyond his
own artillery and thus rendered it useless.

Thus, it is evident that Aurangzeb's " victory in
the war of succession was the victory of action over
supineness, of intrepidity over inertia, and of organiza-
tion and discipline over confusion and incoherence."

AH Mardan Khan was a Persian governor of Qand-
Partly because he was not

<*i m* j- r^u

'Ali Mardan Khan. . , .,

~ satisfied with the treatment of the
Shah of Persia and partly on account of the pressure
which 3h&h Jahan brought to bear upon him, coupled
with the temptation of gold, he surrendered the fort of
Qandhar to the Mughal officers. He was granted one
lakh of rupees and enrolled as a grandee of the Mughal
Empire. Later, his mansab was raised to six thousand

become a target for the attacks of the enemy. Bernier and
Niccolao Munucci, on the other hand, assert that the change was
caused by the treacherous advice of Khalil-uliah Khan, given to
Dara when Aurangzeb's defeat was almost in sight.

272 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Zat and six thousand Sawar, and at different times he
was appointed governor of Kabul and Kashmir. He
carried on the administration of these provinces so well
that His Majesty was pleased to raise his rank to seven
thousand Zat and seven thousand Sawar, and conferred
upon him the governorship of the Punjab in addition.
In 1644 A. C. he was sent at the head of an expedition
to Balkh where he achieved a partial success. He was
an experienced general and a skilled engineer. The
canal which he brought from the Ravi to the city of
Lahore and the Shalamar Gardens are an imperishable
index to his engineering skill.

Asaf Khan's original name was Abdul Hasan. He
was the son of Itlmad-ud-Daulah and
brother of Malika Nur Jahan. He
entered the Imperial Service under Akbar and rose to a
high position during the reign of Jahangir, but he
reaped a rich harvest of honours and distinctions at the
accession of Shah Jahan to whom he had married his
daughter, Mumtaz Mahal. We have seen how he suc-
cessfully checkmated the plans and intrigues of his
sister and helped Shah Jahan to the throne. In appre-
ciation of his services, he was honoured with the title of
Yamin-ud-Daulah or ' Right-hand of the State', and a
jaglr was granted to him. The Jaglr brought him
about fifty lakhs a year. His rank was raised to nine
thousand Zat and nine thousand Sawar, and a little later
he became the Prime Minister of the Empire. He acted
as the principal agent of the Emperor in his diplomatic
negotiations and his advice was sought in all the serious
matters of the Government He remained attached to

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 273

Shah Jahan throughout his life and never betrayed the
confidence reposed in him by his Sovereign. The stress
and strain of official duties having considerably told upon
his health, he retired from his official career and quietly
passed away at Lahore in 1641 A. C. According to
his will, the vast riches, which he had accumulated
during his official career, were confiscated to the
S*tate.

Sa'ad-ullah Khan was a man of humble origin. He
came of very poor parents. His vast
1 " reading had givon him .an unusual

amount of general knowledge. In
1640 A. C. he entered the Imperial Service and was
paid a monthly salary. Soon a ntansab was granted to
him and during the course of a year he became an
officer, enjoying a mansab of one thousand Zat and two
thousand Sawar. For some time he worked as
Darogha (Superintendent) of the Imperial Gbusalfehana
(Bath) and was subsequently promoted to the post of
Khan-i-Satnan, or Lord High Steward. The Emperor
appreciated his ability by making him his Prime Minister
and raising his rank to seven thousand Zat and seven
thousand Sawar. He served the State most faithfully
and is justly regarded as the most upright and straight-
forward minister known to India. He was often
employed as a military commander and settlement-
officer. He continued to rise in Royal favour and
acquired immense power and influence. He had a very
hjgh conception of his duties and be it said to his
credit that he fell little short of it.

274 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The administrative system of Shah Jahan was
almost exactly the same as that of his
predecessors, rather it was more
efficient and exhibited a marked im-
provement on the previous system. In fact, what Akbar
had aimed was achieved by Shah Jahan in the realm of
administration. Peace within the country was un-
interrupted, the revenue of the State was ever on the
increase and every department of the State was un-
remittingly active. The people were happy and pros-
perous. Justice was carefully administered and pro-
vincial governors were warned to be honest in their
dealings witli the people under their sway. All this
bears eloquent testimony to a just, wise and vigorous
administration. Foreign travellers, such as Bernier,
Tavernier, Niccolao Manucci and Peter Mundi, speak
of the gracious rule of Shah Jahan as that of a father
over his children ; the Muslim historian Khafi Khan,
compares him with Akbar and points out that whereas
the latter was pre-eminent as a conqueror and law-giver,
the former was pre-eminent as an administrator ; and a
Hindu contemporary outshines even the Muslim chroni-
cler and the Christian travellers in extolling the efficiency
of his administration. Here again Banthamite demo-
cracy was in its full swing, for every attempt was
made to secure ' the greatest happiness of the greatest
number.'

Shah Jahan was not made for the glories of con-

rrTs g und\rh?s ne quest ; he re S arded war as inhuman
patronage, and was not a great general himself,

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 275

though he had won splendid victories in his
early career during the reign of his father.
His reign was essentially a period of peace in
which literature flourished, education made mighty
strides, and architecture, painting, poetry and music
progressed by leaps and bounds. What gave a fillip to
these fine arts was Shah Jahan's catholicity of mind,
which soured above the snares of sectarian psychology,
and appreciated and encouraged true worth from what-
ever sources it was evinced. The splendour of his
Court and the glory of his re^gn, with all their dazzle
and oriental colour, are a by-word to everyone who
has even a nodding acquaintance with Indian history.
Though much has been irreparably destroyed, yet there
remains enough of the Mughal art under Shah Jahan to
give us an idea of that glorious period and the standard
of Mughal civilization. Is there a soul that will not be
stirred to its depths at the ethereal beauty and grandeur
of the Taj ; or does not recognise the literary elegance and
historical importance of the Bcid&ahnamah, ever a
treasure-house of research for the ambitious historian ;
or does not go into ecstacies over the miniature and
portrait paintings of that period; or does not have an ear
for the melodious voice of Ram Das and Mahapattar, the
Philomels of the Mughal Court? "The Imperial
patronage", says Prof. K. T. Shah, "was no longer the
monopoly of the poet or the painter ; but every kind of
artist was recognised and encouraged; giving us, in
consequence, those wonderful creations, which, like the
Taj and Delhi Palace and the several mosques, must
for ever immortalize the name of *he Imperial patron."

276 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The reign of Shah Jahan is rendered memorable

A . . . in history for the excellence of its

Architecture J

architecture. In this hurried survey
it is impossible to enter into the canons of this art or
to attempt a description of public buildings erected
under the Imperial patronage. The Taj alone demands
a volume to itself. Standing majestically on a square
platform of virgin marble with a beautiful screen of
trellis-work, crowned with a fine dome above and
consecrated by a pair of tombs below, surrounded by a
domed apartment of tv/o storeys in each corner and
connected with one another by a number of halls and
passages, \uth its main mansion lighted by a double
screen of trellis-worked marble, one on the inner and
one on the outer side of the wall, guarded at its corners
by four lofty tnlnars of milky marble, rearing its
stately head above its jewelled walls and lace-carved
windows also of creamy marble, this superb structure,
an ethereal beauty the Taj nay the Queen of
Architecture, a dream in marble, designed by Titans
and finished by jewellers, placed in a beautiful garden
with two masjids on either side, on the brink of the
Jumna presents a most picturesque view and refreshes
the awe-struck eyes of the native as well as foreign
sight-seers. ' Those critics who have objected to the
effiminacy of the architecture (Taj) unconsciously pay
the highest tribute to the genius of the builders. The
Taj was meant to be feminine. The whole conception,
and every line and detail of it express the intention of
the designers. It is Mumtaz Mahal herself, radiant in
her youthful beauty, who still lingers on the banks of

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 277

the shining Jumna, at early morn, in the glowing
midday sun, or in the silver moonlight. Or rather,
we should say that it conveys a more abstract thought ;
it is India's noble tribute to the grace of Indian
womanhood the Venus de Milo of the East/ The
marble Moti Masjid (Pearl Mosque within the Agra
Fort), described as ' the purest and loveliest house of
prayer in the world ', with its vast dimensions,
shadowed aisles and sanctuary, all dressed in marble ;
the Diwan-i-Khas (Court of Private Audience) over-
looking the Jumna, itself a masterpiece of delicacy,
elegance and poetic design ; the Diw^.n-i-'Ar" (Court of
Public Audience), with its exquisitely ornamented
ceiling supported by a row of richly jewelled columns,
a magnificent niche at the centre and a marble platform,
lavishly inlaid with precious stones and once the seat
of the Peacock Throne, with ite, tail blazing in the
shifting colours of rubies, saphires and emeralds, testi-
fying to the fact that a lord of artists sat on that
throne; the gorgeous Rang Mahal with its garden-court,
containing His Imperial Majesty's recreation chambers;
the most wonderful baths, fed by a canal worked out
from the Jumna; and the Jama Masjid at Delhi, con-
structed on a rocky platform and finished in full six
years, are the finest Mughal monuments of that glorious
age of Indian history.

Shah Jahan was an ardent lover of painting.

Under him, miniature and portrait

Painting. r

painting underwent a good deal of

elaboration. It was considered incomplete unless a
most beautiful border of birds and butterflies, flowers

278 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

and foliage was dexterously woven into the main theme.
The best painter at the Court- of Shah Jahan was
Muhammad Nadir Sarnarqandl. It may be remarked
here that, like all other Mughal Emperors, Shah Jahan
was also a painter himself and a past-master in the art
of illuminating manuscripts.

We learn it from the Mirat-ul-Alam that Shah
Music Jahan was also a good singer, and

Dr. N. N. Law says that he was ' a
great patron of music '. The two most prominent
singers attached to his Court were Rum Das and
Mahapatt?-, whc^e mention has already been made in
a previous chapter. They were rewarded for their
services without cavil in the Mughal Darbars. Professor
Sarkar says that the Emperor also spent some portion of
his time * in listening to songs by women '. This shows
that there were also female singers at the Imperial Court.
Shah Jahan had a fine taste for gardens. Almost all
G , j his buildings contained beautiful

gardens, or ' terrestrial paradises '
as they have been styled. The Shalamar Garden
extolled so much in Moor's Lala Roolth at Lahore;
the gardens in the Delhi Fort ; the Taj Mahal Gardens ;
the Shalamar Bagh at Delhi and Dara Shikoh's Garden
at Kashmir were the most voluptuous of their class in
the Mughal Empire. Even Bernier does not hesitate to
admire them. Some of them have survived to our own
times'andjthey do not fail to attract our attention.

We can hardly over-estimate Shah Jahan's literary
Shah'lahan's interest. He always tried to widen

philomathy. his mental horizon by studying the

SHAHAB-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD SHAH JAHAN 279

best authors of Persian literature. He was very fond
of history and used to hear the recitation of books * on
travel, lives of prophets and holy men, memoirs and
autobiographies of sovereigns famous in history.
Among these books, the Life of Taimur and the
Memoirs of Babar were his special favourites. When
he retired to bed, we learn, good readers sat behind
a curtain which separated them from the Imperial
bed-chamber, and read him to sleep.

Himself a cultured king and a refined scholar,
Shah Jahan was a distinguished
patron of letters. He used to grant
stipends and scholarships to literary
plodders and awarded honoraria to the superannuated.
One day Abdul Hakim Sialkoti was rewarded his
\\eight in silver. The celebrated Bad^iahnamah
was written by Muhammad Am T n-i-QazwInI under his
own direction. Some of the most famous poets and
scholars of his reign were Maulana Muhib All Sayyadl,
Mir Abdul Qasim Irani, Mirza Zia-ud-Din, Sayyad
Bukhari Gujrati, Shaikh Bahlol Qadirl, Shaikh Mir
Lahorl, Shaikh Nazlrl, KJbwajah Khwand Mahmud and
Mullah Muhammad Fazil Badakhshl.

During the reign of this Magnificent Mughal

Monarch all the educational institu-

onearnmg. tions with their vast endowments

created by the previous kings,

courtiers and private individuals, continued in

undiminished prosperity. Besides, we know for certain

that His Majesty himself added to the existing number

of schools and colleges in his Empire. He repaired

280 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

and reconstructed Dar-ul-Baqa, or the Abode of
Eternity a magnificent madrasah which had been
entirely ruined. In Ib50 A, C. he founded the famous
Imperial College at Delhi in the vicinity of the historic
Jama Masjid.

Shah Jahan, who succeeded Jahanglr, rose to

Character and be the most <nificent member of

estimate of Shah his most magnificent house, 'excelling
* c an ' all his contemporaries in culture and

refinement/ With all his magnificence and splendour,
he was never arrogant. According to Mr. Stanley
Lane-Poole, * no other Mughal Emperor was ever so
beloved as Shah Jahan'. He was kind and sympathetic
and his benevolence had endeared him to his subjects.
He was a staunch Sunni, deeply devoted to his
religious as well as secular duties. The most remarkable
trait of his character was, however, his love for his wife,
Mumtaz Mahal, the lady in whose memory he never
married. As a son, he was a great source of trouble
and anxiety to his father ; as a father, he was woefully
wanting in discipline. His partiality for his eldest son
was greatly responsible for his troublous old age. But
his patience was marvellous. For eight years he remained
a captive of his son and calmly bore the privations
of that life. He was a great administrator, whose good
government has exacted universal praise and admiration.

CHAPTER XIV

MUHl-UD-DlN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB

ALAMGlR

(1658 A. C. 1707 A. C.)
Early Acts, Afghans, Hindus and Rajptus
After removing his rivals from his way, Aurangzeb
had ascended the throne of his father

Accession Of ri/ioi/:eoA^ j i r i

Aurangzeb. on J ul y 22, 1658 A. C. and deferred

the formal coronation to a future
date. On the 5th of June, 1659 A. C. he enthroned
himself with due ceremonials. The Khuiba was read
and the coins were struck in his name, and he assumed
the pompous title of Abul-Muzaffar Muhi-ud-Dln
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur 'Alamgir Badshah-i-
Gbazi. The bestowal of high honours on the members
of the Royal family and the grant of promotions and
re wards to the rank and file inaugurated, as usual, the new
reign in the right oriental manner. Of the Royal Princess-
es, Badshah Begum received Rs. 5,00,000 ; Zeb-un-Nisa,
Rs. 4,00,000; Badr-un-Nisa, Rs. 1,60,000; and Zubdat-
un-Nisa, Rs. 1,50,000. Among the Princes, Muhammad
'Azarn was granted Rs. 2,00,000 and a mansab of
10,000; Muhammad Sultan, Rs. 3,00,000, with jewels
and elephants ; Muhammad Mu'azzam, Rs. 2,00,000,
and Muhammad Akbar, Rs. 1,00,000. Among the
high officials, Amlr-ul-Umara Fazil Khansaman, Saad-
Ullah Khan and Rajah Ragnath were the recipients
of robes of honour and rich rewards. In short, the

282 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

coronation was made an occasion of great happiness.
Feasts and festivities continued for full two months
and nothing was spared ' to make the occasion a
source of happiness to all sections of the populace in the
empire*. Ambassadors came from other Muslim
countries and congratulated Aurangzeb for his success
in securing the throne of India for himself. They were
received with great respect and presented with rich
robes and rupees eight thousand each. Besides them,
the Dutch and the French Governments also sent their
representatives to the Mughal Court, and they too were
given a warm welcome by Aurangzeb and treated with
due deference. Thus, by the time Shah Jahan died,
his son, Aurangzeb had been recognised as the Emperor
of India by all potentates.

The War of Succession had thrown the machinery

lf of the Mughal administration out of

His early acts. ~ , , i

gear. Consequently, the people were

distressed and discontented. They were subject to
several taxes, legal as well as illegal. In order to
alleviate their sufferings, Aurangzeb abolished as many
as eighty oppressive taxes, including the rahdari (toll)
and pandarl (a kind of ground or house-tax). He
also remitted the duty on corn so that the price of
food should go down. Among the eighty taxes
which he abolished were those collected at the fairs
celebrated in honour of Muslim saints and Hindu
pilgrims near their temples, and those levied on alcohol,
gaming-houses and brothels. In order to bring the
law into !ine with the tenets of Islam, the new Emperor
dispensed with the solar system altogether and

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAM^IR 283

introduced the lunar instead ; he disallowed the use
of the Kalima on the coins with a view to prevent
their defilement, put an end to the Nauroz which was
a Persian custom, repaired and even reconstructed the
mosques and monasteries which were in a state of decay
and appointed paid Imams and Mu'azzins to serve
therein. The Mohtasibs (censors of public morals) were
warned to be very strict in the enforcement of the
Holy Law. In short, Aurangzeb tried his best to
advance the interests of Islam and his solicitude for
Sunnisrn won for him the title of the champion of hi*
faith, and he is recognised as such even to the present
day.

Among the early acts of Aurangzeb may be

A . mentioned the changes he effected

Appointments and &

transfers oi pro- in the provincial governments and

vmcial governors. ,, . c r .. , ,. 4

the transfers of the viceroys stationed

there. Conscious of the consequences of the treatment
he had meted out to his father and brothers and
apprehensive of the possibility of a combination against
him, he began to work for their reconciliation or removal,
as he*thought fit, immediately after his accession to
the throne. To all those who had helped him in the
achievement of his object, he tendered his thanks and
made^valuable presents. The pay of a number^of nobles
was increased^and a new set of robes was ^ bestowed on
each of them. Many of the old governors and viceroys
were cashiered ''and new ones were appointed at their
places. Rajah Jai Singh was entrusted with the govern-
ment of Sambhar in addition to that of Lahore, which
he was already governing. Shaista Kban was invested with

284 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the governorship of the Deccan. Mahabat Khan was
superseded by Shaikh Mir in Kabul and sent to take
over the government of Gujarat. Danishmand Khan
was made the governor of Delhi. Khalllullah of
Lahore, Mir Baba of Allahabad, Lashkar Kban of
Patna, Dianat Khan of Kashmir, and Allahwardi Khan's
son who had betrayed Shah Shuja' at Khajwah, was
appointed governor of Sind. All this was done to
prevent the possibility of a dangerous combination and
the arrangement was quite efficacious.

Mir Jumla, we learn, <was a Persian adventurer, who,
Career of by c^int of his character and ability, had

Mir Jumla. made himsel f the Chie f Minister of the

Kingdom of Golconda. Taking advantage of his high
position and influence, he had carved out for himself in
the Karnatic, an independent kingdom or and imperium
in the imperio. No wonder if the Sultan of Golconda
regarded this as an encroachment on his authority and
therefore intrigued to deprive him of all his power and
influence. The Minister saved himself by joining hands
with Aurangzeb and taking service under Shah Jahan.
He rendered very valuable services to Aurangzeb in his
Deccan campaigns and in the War of Succession. In
view of his indispensable assistance, he was appointed
governor of Bengal. It was probably because he was
too ambitious a man to be kept at the Capital that he
was sent to that distant governorship.

Under their Rajah, the Ahoms of Kuch-Bihar and

His expedition Ass * m attacked the Mughal territory

against Assan. and occupied it. An expedition was

and his death. Rgjah

MUHI-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG'lR 285

Jumla at its head. The Mir overran Kuch-Bihar, and
Assam and penetrated far into the interior of the
country, presumably with the intention of attacking the
Chinese territory. But his supplies were cut off when
torrential rains and heavy floods set in and prevented
his grandiose schemes of conquests to be carried to
their logical conclusion. When pestilential disorder
broke out in his camp, he altogether renounced his
magnificent projects notwithstanding the reinforcements
he received from the Emperor, and contented himself
with obtaining such contributions and cessions from
the Rajah as might serve a proof against the disgrace
of a defeat. Exhausted by toil at a very advanced
age and ruined in health, he returned and died at
Khizrpur in Kuch-Bihar on March 31, 1663 A. C.
before reaching Decca. His son, Muhammad Amin,
was immediately raised to a high rank and all honours
and positions, which the deceased had held, were
conferred upon him by Aurangzeb.

Shaista KJran succeeded Mir Jumla to the
governorship of Bengal and resumed

the forward P lic y of his Predeces-
sor. The new governor began by
punishing the pirates of Chittagong and their patron,
the Rajah of Arakan. He inflicted sharp defeats on
his enemy and captured the Magh outposts by the end
of the year 1665 A. C. Chittagong was occupied
about the end of January, 1666 A. C. and it was
renamed Islamabad. Henceforth it became the seat
of a Mughal Faujdar. The island of Sondip in the
Bay of Bengal was also captured and Bengal was saved

286 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

from the recurring raids of the pirates. Sbaista Khan
organized the Mughal -flotilla and strengthened the
Bengal fleet by constructing a large number of ships for
the protection of the Dacca Sub-Division.

Aurangzeb was taken seriously ill in 1664 A. C. soon
after the fifth anniversary of his
accession. This shook the new
regime to its foundations. Rumours
ran afloat that Rajah Jaswant Singh, Mahabat Khan
and many others were redoubling their efforts for releas-
ing Shah Jahan from his captivity. The partisans of the
ex-King renewed their 1 intrigues at the Capital in order
to work out his restoration ; but unfortunately, they were
soon divided into two main parties those who wanted
to enthrone Mu'azzam, Aurangzeb's second son, and
those who wished to secure the succession for his third
son, Akbar. On the fifth day of his illness, however,
Aurangzeb raised himself up and received the homage
of his principal officers. He sent a firman to his sister,
Raushan Ara Begum, to return the great-seal, which
had been commended to her care, and put it near
himself so that no use might be made of it except with
his special order. He averted the dangers with his
rare presence of mind and singular force of will. On
these occasions he behaved with studied caution and
the respect and admiration which his conduct inspired
then went a long way in pacifying the people. As
soon as he recovered a little, he set out for Kashmir to
recoup his health. He was adcompanied by the
French philosopher, Bernier, who has left us a beautiful
account of the charming valley and of the Imperial march.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIK 287

The Emperor, however, disliked the place and never
expressed his desire to revisit it. While he was thus
seeking repose in the North, a scene was opening in the
North- West Frontier, which soon invited his serious
attention.

The North-West Frontier has all along been a
vulnerable point in the Indian Empire

and the tribes that have ^habited
it have always been a source of
trouble to all Indian Governments. The Mughal
Emperors made many attempts to introduce law and
order in that quarter but failed to accomplish anything
substantial or permanent. Their success was short-
lived ; for the turbulent tribes availed themselves of the
weakness of the Central Government during the War of
Succession and carried their raids into the Mughal
districts in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. In 1667
A. C. the Yusafzals, under the leadership of one Bhagu,
crossed the Indus and attacked the district of Hazara.
There they established their authority and exacted
heavy contributions from the poor peasants. They also
attacked the Mughal outposts and planned to advance
even into the interior of the Mughal territory.

Aurangzeb would not allow them to continue their

r raids into his own country. He took

Suppression of

the Ylisafzais : up the gauntlet thrown down by
1667 A. C. them ; in response to the requests of

the wardens of the Imperial outposts on the frontier,
he issued orders to the Faujdar of Attock and the
Governor of Kabul for reducing the Yusafzais to
submission and sent Muhammad Amin Kfcan, son of

288 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Mir Jumla, to take over the supreme command. Amin
Kban reached the Kabul Valley in August 1667 A. C.
The three Mughal generals acted in perfect harmony
and drove the enemy into the river. Kamil Kban and
Shamsher Khan engaged the Yusafzals in several
battles and inflicted sharp defeats on them. Rajah
Jaswant Singh was posted at Jamrud to see that the
Afghans kept quiet.

The peace restored was again broken. This time
the Afridls raised their heads and
stirred up strife. In 1671 A. C. they
declared war upon the Mughals under
their leader, Acmal Khan, who had now assumed the
title of King. Muhammad Amin Khan marched
against them, but sustained serious losses in men and
money at All Masjid. Many of the Imperialists were
seized and sent to Central Asia for sale. Amin himself
had a narrow escape. His family too was captured and
released after a heavy ransom was paid. The prestige
of the Afridi Chief rose high after his victory over the
mighty Mughals and many an enthusiastic Afghan
rallied round his banner in order to obtain money as
well as to achieve military distinction.

A more serious revolt, with which the Imperial

, _. . Government next concerned them-

Khattak Rising
and arrest of _ selves, was the one headed by Khush-

SHafFak^- an h51 ^* n Stattak. The Khattak
Chief was invited to a Darbar at
Peshawar and arrested by the orders of the Imperial
Government. He was detained in prison at Delhi and
then transferred to the prison of Ranthambhor. In

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 289

1666 A. C. he was brought out of prison and sent with
the Imperial army to fight against the Yusafzals, who
were his hereditary enemies. His son was with him,,
At the sight of his native-land, his adventurous and
freedom-loving spirit revived, and he offered his services
to Acmal Khan, the leader of the confederacy which
was organized for the overthrow of the Mughals in the
Afghan territory. When the Imperial generals, employ-
ed against the Afghans, failed, Aurangzeb took the
field in person. Accompanied by his distinguished
generals, he reached Hasan Abdal and encamped there
in 1674 A. C. His presence in the proximity of
Peshawar proved very efficacious. He himself organized
his forces and directed vigorous military operations
against the frontier tribes. Diplomacy proved quite
effective an instrument, and the Emperor received the
obedience of many a clan through offers of jagtrs,
pensions and concessions. Thus diminishing the force
of opposition, Aurangzeb recalled Mahabat Khan from
Kabul and sent his own son, Akbar, to take over.
Aghar Khan was ordered to lead an army through the
Khyber Pass in order to overbear the opposition of the
Afghans who numbered not less than forty thousand at
that time. After both the sides had suffered heavy losses,
the Afghans gave way. The newly-appointed
governor of Kabul reached Jalalabad and captured
a number of Afghan outposts. At Gandamak
Aghar Khan ousted the Afghans from their positions
and, had Prince Aktar proceeded towards Jalalabad
when he was pushing westwards, the Afghans could
have been easily encircled and attacked from all sides.

290 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

But the Prince failed to follow the plan and thus
allowed the opportunity an easy escape. In 1675
A. C. the Afghans inflicted a crushing defeat on Fidai
Khan, an Imperial general, at Jagdalak on his way to
Peshawar. His fate would have been sealed if Aghar
Khan had not rescued him by a prompt action from
Gandamak.

The expedition of Mukarram Khan against Bajaut
was a greater failure. The Emperor
employed his best generals, but it
was extremely difficult to deal with
the hardy mountaineers who were thoroughly familiar
with the ins and outs of their passes and defiles. In
1675 A. C., towards the end, the situation improved
and the Emperor came back to Delhi. Next year he
sent Prince Mu'azzam against the Afghans, some of
whom were still at large. With the Prince were
associated Amir Khan and other distinguished generals.
Amir Khan successfully coped with the enemy and
his services were recognised by the bestowal of the
governorship of Kabul on him. He governed Afghan-
istan with considerable tact and ability. He granted
large subsidies to the border tribes and won them over
to his side by lucrative concessions. Under the
influence of Amir Khan's diplomatic policy, peace was
maintained on the frontier. The Afghan War cost
Aurangzeb a great deal. While his hands were full
with Afghan affairs, the Hindus created disturbance
in the Empire and defied the authorities in the
open. 'Alamgir therefore turned his attention towards
them.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 291

The policy of the previous Mughal Emperors was
extremely conducive to the growth of
Hinda nation. It made no discrU
ruination between the rulers and the
ruled. Hindus held the highest positions, next only to
the Emperor's, in the civil as well as military depart*
ments of the Mughal Government. They enjoyed the
freedom of worship and the liberty of conscience, and
preached and propagated their faith without restrictions.
During the reign of Shah Jahan they pulled down
mosques and made niandirs on their sites ; they became
so bold that they forcibly carried a'vay Muslim women
and kept them in their houses.* Towards the close of
his reign, when Dara Shikoh managed the affairs of the
Central Government, they took larger liberties and
began committing atrocities freely without fear. To
those with whom 'Alamgir's bigotry has become a
household word it will come as a stunning surprise to
learn that even at the height of their power the
Musalmans could not offer their Friday prayers in the
Cathedral Mosque of one of the biggest cities of the
Mughal Empire for full one year.f This state of affairs
continued to the twelfth year of 'Alamglr's reign. As a
result, their power and influence increased by leaps and

* See Badshahnamah, Vol. li, p. 58; Adab-i-Alamgtri t folio
366-b ; Tdrikh-i-Ferishta, Vol. ii, p. 27; and Aurangzeb and His
Times,?. 116ff.

f " In Ahmadabad ", so runs a firman of * Alamgir, " there

is a Cathedral Mosque situated near the city gate fora

year the Kulis have not allowed the Musalmans to offer their
prayers. See that no one disturbs the Musalmans, 1 ' (Vide
Mirat*i-Ahamdi t p. 275).

292 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

bounds, and now they endeavoured to put them
to their best advantage. In the rise of the
Marhattas they saw the visions of a Hindu Empire.
They rallied round Shivaji and worked for the overthrow
of the Mughal Empire. Their risings in the North,
particularly in the suburbs of Delhi and Agra, and
their depredations in the South, especially in the Mughal
territories, roused the Mughal Emperor to the danger
that was developing so speedily and compelled him to
reconsider his policy.

In order to make a correct estimate of 'Alamglr
and his achievements, it is necessary first to remove the
mud that has been thrown upon him by his hostile
critics and then to present an accurate account of his
reign with the insight and impartiality of an historian.

Let us begin with the re-imposition of the Jizia by
'Alamgir and see if it was the
5*the jS outcome of his bigotry, as is alleged

by his critics.* The Jizia, it must
be pointed out at the outset, was not an obnoxious tax
and was not meant to be a burden on the Zimmls. It
was, on the other hand, a blessing for them under
Muslim rule, and was collected from them as the price
for the protection of their person and property against
their enemies. It was levied on able-bodied males in
lieu of military service ; but they were exempt from it
if they served in the Muslim army. That it was not
* a tax on the free exercise of religion ', is conclusively
proved by the fact that the priests and religious heads

* For a clear and correct account of the Jizia, see
Aurangzeb and His Times, pp , 140 ft

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 293

of the Zimmls were, as a rule, exempt from it. In
order, perhaps, to remove the ' inferiority complex', with
which it came to be associated later on, Akbar abolished
it, and it was not levied till 1679 A. C., i.e., some
seventeen years after the accession of 'Alamglr. The
fact that it was not imposed for so many years
during 'Alamgir's reign shows that the much-maligned
monarch appreciated the current state of affairs and was
not inclined to revive it. He would have continued the
same policy were it not for some serious considerations,
political as well as financial. It must also be noted that
the idea of re-imposing the Jizia originated not with
'Alamgir, as is alleged, but with the Muslwn theologians.
Ighwar Das, who was intimately known to the Chief
QSzi, informs us : " The learned theologians, looking to
His Majesty's piety, pointed out the propriety of levying
the Jizia, which was necessary according to Islamic
Law. His Majesty, therefore, thinking its imposition
binding upon him, appointed Enayatullah Khan for its
regulation."* Ishwar Das is supported by the author of
the Mlrat and there is every reason to rely upon his
statement. One who ascended the throne as ' a saviour
of his religion/ and on'e who was hailed as a 'champion
of Islam/ could not dare drop down the proposal of the
learned Ulama. Apart from this, there were other
considerations : The abolition of as many as eighty
taxes meant an enormous decrease in the Imperial
income. This as well as the heavy expenditure entailed
in quelling disturbances and waging wars must have

* Fat&hat-i-AlamgZrt by Ishwar Das, pp. 73-74; and
Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 190-a. *

294 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

driven the Emperor to the same conclusion. To him
the re-imposition of the Jixia meant the adjustment of
the Imperial finances and the discharge of a sacred duty.
To say or to suppose that it was intended to effect forced
conversion of the Zimmls in the Mughal Empire is a
grave misrepresentation of facts. The Zimmls in the
Service of the State were exempt from it. It was not
exorbitant, being levied on the surplus of income over
and above the cost of maintenance. Apart from this,
it was not regularly collected and was frequently remitted
in the case of the poor.*

The charge that with one stroke of pen he dismissed
all the Hindus from Government ser-

Hilffic?a f ls. vice in a fit of fanaticism is false on
the face of it, for there were numerous
Hindus who held highly responsible posts in the civil
and military departments of the State during his reign.
Many of them were appointed governors of different
provinces and entrusted with the supreme military com-
mands in various campaigns. The fact that he
repeatedly pardoned Rajah Jaswant Singh for his
treacherous conduct and treasonable designs, took him
into confidence in spite of all that, and acknowledged
his posthumous son, Ajit Singh, when he grew up in
age, as the Rajah of Marwar, shows that 'Alamgir was
not at all inclined to annoy the Rajputs or to dispense
with their services ; on the other hand, he tried his best
to please them in every possible way, so that they
might not join hands with the Marhattas against him.

* Fatuhtot-isAlamglri, by Ishwar D*s, 111-b; Mirat-i-
Ahmadl, p. 321 ; and Aurang ,-eb and His Times, pp. 153 if.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 295

While making a reply to a petition, praying for the
dismissal of the Zimmls from certain posts, 'Alamgir
retorted : * Religion has no concern with secular business
and in matters of this kind bigotry should find no place/
Then quoting a verse from the Holy Qur'dn ' To you
your religion and to me my religion,' he declared that
if the petitioner's request were to be acceded to, * we
shall have to destroy all the Rajas and their subjects.' *
The mere mole, therefore, of which a huge mountain has
been made by his enemies is that in 1082 A. H. a
firman was issued to the effect that Hindu clerks, the
dlwans and the collectors of land revenue, who were
corrupt, be dismissed and Musalmans appointed instead,
though this firman was soon modified by another in
this way that of the officials in the civil and military
departments of the State one should be Hindu and
one Muslim, so that one should serve as a check on the
other. Obviously, therefore, the idea underlying the
firmans was to prevent corruption and nothing more, t
Another equally false charge levelled against
'Alamgir is that he tormented the
Hindas and destroyed their temples,
and that in accordance with the
tenets of his religion. To be sure, Islam enjoins

* Preaching of Islam, by Sir Thomas Arnold, p. 214;
Anecdotes of Aurangzeb, by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, pp. 97100 ; and
Aurangzeb and His Times, p, 202.

t Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, Vol. ii, pp. 249 and 252 ; Studies
in Mughal India, pp. 162-63; and Aurangzeb and His Times,
pp. 190 ff. It may be pointed out here that even Ihe PathSns
and Persians were not freely employed by 'Alamgir for political
reasons. (See Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 191 and 266).

296 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

universal toleration and its votaries have practised it with
rare fidelity. The lot of the subjugated has never been
happier than under the ruling races of Islam. Some time
ago the Asiatic Society of Bengal published a firman
addressed by Emperor ' Alamgir to Abul Hasan, the
Governor of Benares, enjoining tolerance on him and
his officials. This firman, the genuineness of which
cannot be called in question, gives a lie direct to the
charge of intolerance laid at the door of the last of our
Great Mughals, and reveals his care and concern for the
well-being of his Hindu subjects. It reads :

" Let Abul Hasajj, worthy of favour and countenance,

Firman issued trust to our r y al b unty, and let

to the governor him know that, since in accordance
of Benares. . . . 4 , . , f ,.

with our innate kindness of disposi-
tion and natural benevolence, the whole of our untiring
energy and all our upright intentions are engaged in
promoting the public welfare and bettering the condition
of all classes, high and low, therefore, in accordance
with our holy law, we have decided that ancient temples
shall not be overthrown, but that new ones shall not be
built. In these days of our justice, information has
reached our noble and most holy Court that certain
persons, actuated by rancour and spite, have harassed
the Hindus resident in the town of Benares and a few
other places in that neighbourhood, and also certain
Brahman keepers of the temples, in whose charge these
ancient temples are, and that they further desire to
remove these Brahmans from theif ancient office (and
this intention of theirs causes distress to that community),
therefore, our Royal Command is that, after the arrival

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 297

of our lustrous order, you should direct that in future,
no person shall in unlawful way interfere or disturb the
Brahmans and the other Hindus resident in these*
places, so that they may, as before, remain in their
occupation and continue with peace of mind to offer up
prayers for the continuance of our God-given Empire,
that is destined to last for all time. Consider this as
an urgent matter. Dated the 15th of Jumada II, A. H.
1069 (A. D. 1659)." *

Two more firmans issued by ' Alamgir to his*
officers, containing similar instructions, have come to
light and they are reproduced verbatim because they are
highly significant :

"At this auspicious time an august firman was

issued that whereas Maharajdhiraj
Firman No. 1. R _ . & Rftm gingh faas represente d to the

most holy, and exalted Court that a mansion was built
by his father in Mohalla Madho Rai, on the bank of the
Ganges at Benares for the residence of Bhagwant
Goshain who is also his religious preceptor, and as
certain persons harass the Goshain, therefore, our Royal
Cojnmand is that, after the arrival of our lustrous order,
the present and future officers should direct that in
future, no person shall in any way interfere or disturb
the Goshain, so that he may continue with peace of mind
tp offer up prayers for the continuance of our God-given
Empire, that is destined to last for all time. Consider
this as an urgent matter. Dated 17th Rabi II, 1091
A. H."

* /.A. S.B. (1911), p. 689: and Waqai-'Alamglrt, pp. 104 ff,
Also see Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 106 ff.

.298 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

" At this auspicious time an august firman was

^. _ XT issued that as two plots of land mea-

FzrwawNo. 2. . _ rtrt _ .. _ .

sunng 588J- air a, situated on the

bank of the Ganges at the Beni Mad ho Ghat, in BenSres
(one plot is in front of the house of Goshain Ramjivan
and on the bank of the Central Mosque, and the other
is higher up) are lying vacant without any building and
belong to Bait-ul-Mal, we have, therefore, granted the
same to Goshain Ramjivan and his sons as Inatn, so
that after building dwelling-houses for the pious
Brahmans and holy faqlrs on the above-mentioned
plots, he should remain engaged in the contemplation
of God and continue to offer up prayers for the con-
tinuance of our God-given Empire that is destined to
last for all time. It is, therefore, incumbent on our
illustrious sons, exalted ministers, noble Umaras, high-
officials, daroghas, and present and future Kotwals, to
exert themselves for the continual and permanent ob-
servance of this hallowed ordinance, and to permit the
above-mentioned plots to remain in the possession of
the above-mentioned person and of his descendants from
generation to generation, and to consider him exempt
from all dues and taxes, and not to demand from him a
new sanad every year. (1098 Hijra.)" *

* This and the preceding firmans have been published by Mr.
Za^ir-ud-Dm Faruqi in his valuable work Aurangzeb and His
Times with the help of K B. Maqbul Hussain Sahib, Commissioner
of Benares Division (See pp. 131-132). For other firmans issued
by 'Alamgir to the same effect, vide Mirat-i-Ahmadi, p. 253; and
Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 136 ff. Also see Ch. NabI Ahmad
Sandelvi's Waqai 'Alamgir, which contains a number of
Aurrangzeb's letters and firirZns with copious notes.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 299

The dates of the above two firmans are highly^im-
portant in that they relate to the

Which temples period of 'Alamgir's reign when he is
were destroyed lf , ^ . , , ,. ...

and why ? alleged to have exceeded every limit

in bigotry and fanaticism. The infor-
mation embodied in them militates against the theory of
intolerance and iconoclasm enunciated against him by
modern writers who have little acquaintance with the
teachings of Islam and Islamic history. It is certain
that Islam enjoins toleration and its votaries have always
tried to excel in this virtue. No nation has granted
greater liberty to the subject races than that granted by
the Muslim Rulers, whether in India, Spain, or else-
where. It is equally true that 'Alamgir had a profound
respect for the teachings of Islam. He always tried to
be tolerant towards the Zimmls and was true to the
Quranic text : " Let there be no violence in religion "
and the sayings of the Prophet " Whoever torments the
Zimmls torments me " and " Whoever wrongs a Zimml
and lays a burden upon him beyond his strength, I
shall be his accuser ". What then is responsible for
the popular belief that he was intolerant and the current
notions that he persecuted the Hindus and destroyed
their temples? The real facts, when boiled down,
resolve themselves into this : When the Hindus des-
troyed mosques and constructed mandirs on their sites,
the Muslim Emperor reclaimed them and issued an
order to demolish only those temples which had become
centres of sedition and political intrigue, and those that
had been newly erected without permission.* The

* Muntdkhib-ul-Lubab. Vol. ii. p. 472.

300 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

later Muslim jurists disallowed the construction of
new temples. Accordingly, in obedience to this
injunction, Shah Jahan pulled down a number of new
temples.* But, curiously enough, no Hindu has so
far dubbed him as intolerant. Why then such a tor-
nado of vindictiveness against 'Alamgir ? The reason
is that, after Akbar, the Hindus had found in Dara a
hero after their own hearts. They wanted him to be
their king, but when he was defeated and killed, they
turned against 'Alamgir, the new king, who was a
staunch Sunni. 'Alamglr was tolerant, and to a fairly
high degree, but not so tolerant as Akbar and Dara,
who, in order to achieve their ulterior political aims,
concealed their religious identities and even subscribed
to the religion of the ruled.

The isolated instrnce recorded in the Ma'asir-i

xiru A u TT J ' Alamgiri that * in the Province of

Whether HmdQ ^, , , . , f .

schools were ThattS and MultSn and particularly in

Benares - the Brahmans were engaged
in teaching unholy books in their
schools, where the H in d us and Musal mans flocked to learn
their wicked sciences * and that ' orders were, therefore,
issued to all the governors of Provinces ordering the
destruction of temples and schools and totally prohibit-
ing the teaching and infidel practices of the unbelievers',f
is not supported by any other contemporary Persian
chronicle ; on the other hand, it is contradicted by
the cumulative evidence adduced above. We cannot,

* Badshahnamah, Vol. i, p. 452.
t Ma'asir-i-'lLlamgirt, p, 81.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 301

therefore, but disbelieve it. It must be pointed out here
that some of the contemporary chroniclers were unusual-
ly fond of unduly exaggerating things which added to
their religious vanity, and that it would be wholly
unsafe if their effusions are taken too seriously. Like
those Muslims, who took delight in the extirpation of
idolatory at any cost and with whom the destruction of
temples was a theme of which they were never tired of
weaving, Musts'id Khan, the author of the Ma'asir-i-
'Alamglrl, seems to have given a religious colour to a
purely political firman. It is certain that no firman, as
described by Musta'id Khan, was ever sent to the gover-
nors for the destruction of temples and schools ; but
even if we take the dispatch of such a firman for granted,
the motive underlying it could be no other than to
restrain Muslim students from attending Hindu schools
and learning ' wicked sciences,' though in that case
'Alamglr should have checked the Muslims from going
astray instead of ordering the destruction of Hindu
schools and temples. In consequence, some of the
schools (attached to temples) might have been closed with
a view to prevent the Hindus from admitting Muslim
students in their schools, but the wholesale destruction
of schools and temples throughout the Mughal Empire
is highly incredible, more so when viewed in the light
of the Imperial firmans issued for their protection.

The policy of religious toleration adhered to
Toleration under b Y the Mughal Emperors was not
'Alamgir. abandoned by Aurangzeb. This

fact is testified to by Alexander Hamilton who
happened to be present in India during the later

302 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

part of 'Alamglr's reign. Speaking about the Parsis, he
says that they enjoyed the freedom of worship and the
liberty of conscience. The Christians, he continues,
were free to build churches and to preach their religion,
adding, however, that those who became converts to
Christianity did not have enviable morals. " The
Gentows", he concludes, have full toleration for their
religion, and keep their fasts and feasts as in formei
times, when the sovereignty was in pagan princes'

hands There are above an hundred different

sects in this city (Surat) ; but they never have hot dis-
putes about their doctrine or way of worship. Every
one is free f* serve and worship God in his own way.
And persecutions for religion's sake are not known
among them ".* With all this, it must be admitted,
'Alamglr was not so tolerant towards the Hindus as
Data who shared their beliefs and supported their
religion nay even overlooked the occupation of mosques
and the abduction of Muslim women by them. The
death of )ara dealt a coup d'etat to Hindu domination.
Smarting under the loss of a most powerful patron,
they rose in rebellion, disturbed the peace of the country
and defied the authority of the Emperor. Must the
Emperor have kept quiet and allowed the existing state
of affairs a free scope ? No government can tolerate that
Five inferences can be drawn from the preceding

Inferences drawn discussion : (1) The destruction of
from the foregoing ... . .

discussion. places of worship is neither enjoined

nor countenanced by the Islamic Law. (2) The Hindus

M New Account of the East Indies, by Alexander Hamilton,
Vol. i, pp. 159, 162 and 163.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 303

were the first to destroy the mosques of the Muslims. The
latter retaliated by repaying the former in their own coin, but
the Government issued firmans for the protection of all
sacred places, masjids as well as mandirs, without discri-
mination. (3) Owing, perhaps, to the narrow interpre^
tation of the Islamic Law, so also to the prejudice which
the Musalmans had against idolatry, the later Muslim
jurists allowed the preservation of ancient temples and
prohibited the construction of new ones with a view to
discourage idol-worship. The occupation of mosques-
by the Hindus was, it must be remembered, responsible,
and to a great extent, for the rigid enforcement of the
injunction prohibiting the construction of new temples.
(4) Where the ruler is resented by the ruled, no amount
of toleration is of any avail and the places of worship
are apt to become centres of political agitation and
asylums for the malcontents and miscreants. This must
have been so in the case of 'Alamglr, and as a political
expedient some of the temples might have been destroyed
during the suppression of a rebellion or a revolt in order to
effect the early submission of the rebels. (5) It is also
possible that some of the temples were destroyed with a
view to teach a lesson to the Hindus who had destroyed
mosques and made mandirs on their sites.

In short, 'Alamgir would have continued the policy

4 ,. . .. . of his predecessors if the conditions

'Alamglr justified. . , , , ., , . , ,

had not changed ; if the Hindus had

not become aggressive, defiant and even treacherous,
ambitious to overthrow the Muslim Empire^ and to
establish a Hindu Empire instead. He rightly gauged
the strength of the forces that were gathering round him

304 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

and changed his policy according as the changes sug-
gested. Any of his predecessors would have done the same
if he had found himself besieged by so many forces of
intrigue and insubordination which beset 'Alamglr.
It must be remembered that it was only after he had
^discovered that it was impossible to reconcile the
Rajputs to his rule that he refused to rely on them and
rallied round him his own co-religionists, with whose
help he succeeded in crushing his enemies and enforc-
ing his authority as well as restoring law and order.
When he unsheathed his sword for the protection of
mosques and' Muslim women, he became the Defender
of the Faith, but when he carried the Crescent far and
wide, he became the Champion of Islam a title with
which he is remembered to the present day.

The Jats of Mathura had received great concessions

from Emperor Akbar and his spn,
Jat Rebellion. j ah ^ ng!r . While Akbar himself had

constructed the palacial temples of Gobind Dev, Jugal
Kighor, Gopi Nath etc., in Bindraban and Mattiura,
Jahanglr had permitted Rajah Narsingh Dev Bundela,
the murderer of Allama Abul Fazl, to build a beautiful
temple in Mathura with Rs. 32,00,000 which he had
acquired after killing the Allama. During the reign of
Shah Jahan the Jats resumed their mischievous activities
in Mathura* Distinguished officers, such as 'Azam
Khan and Mirza Isa Khan, who were sent to restore law
and order in that district, failed to bring them to book
on account of Dara Shikoh, who managed the affairs of
the Mughal Government. This state of affairs continu-
ed to the time of 'Alamgir with, of course, added

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 305

energy, because Dara, their patron, was defeated and
killed. They were touched to t the quick when Sayyad
Abdun-NabI, the new Faujdar appointed by ' Alamglr,
built a Jama Mas/id and not a temple in the heart
of the Hindu city. In 1669 A. C. they insulted the
mosque, broke into open rebellion under the leadership
of Gokle, a zamlndar of Tilpat, and assassinated the
Imperial Faujdar. Hassan All, the new Faujdar,
resumed the struggle with the Jats and inflicted a
crushing defeat on them in 1676 A. C. The rebellion
was suppressed and severe repressive measures secured
peace for about a decade. The trouble was renewed
again in 1681 A. C. when, taking advantage of the
absence of Alamglr who was away in the Deccan, the
Jats again ran into rebellion under Rajah Ram. This
time the centre of sedition was the stronghold of
SansanI, some sixteen miles to the north-west of
Bharatpur. The leader was killed and the place was
taken, but the lawless Jats continued to give trouble to
the Emperor to the close of his career. In 1691 A. C.
they again raised the standard of revolt and offered a
most acrimonious effrontery to the Imperial House, nay,
they committed a mosjt heinous offence against humanity
when they desecrated and plundered the tomb of
Emperor Akbar at Sikandara and burnt his bones.*

A more serious rebellion was that of the SatnSmls.
According to Ishwar Das, a con-

The Satnaims' temporary chronicler, the Satnamis
Insurrection. r J

were ' a filthy people , who were

mostly agriculturists and traders. Their headquarters

* Waqai-'Alamgiri, pp 4995 ; and Smith's Akbar, p. 328,

306 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

were at Narnaul. They were an armed and organized
body. The trouble with them arose from an ordinary
incident. One day a foot-soldier, who was keeping
watch over a harvest, had a dispute with a Satnami
cultivator. The dispute developed into a deadlock and
the former was beaten to death. As a result, retaliations
followed, lives were lost and disorder spread, taking a
religious complexion. The Mughal officer, who tried to,
capture the culprits, was overpowered and the Satnamis
gathered in large numbers. In some engagements they
defeated the detachments detailed against them by the
Emperor. R spelling, the advance of the Imperial
forces, they came within sixteen kos of Delhi, enlisting
support on their way. They plundered Narnaul, demolish-
ed mosques and routed the Imperial Faujdar of the
district. Taking advantage of the chaos created by the
Satnamis, some of the Rajputs also rebelled and refused
to pay the revenue due from them. This aggravated the
situation and compelled the Emperor to take a
serious action. In the short but bloody battle that was
fought, the Satnamis were badly defeated, and thereafter
they ceased to be a source of trouble to the Mughal
Emperor. Radandaz Khan, wha defeated the rebels
and reduced them to sore straits, was honoured with
the title of Shuja'at Khan*

The Rajputs, who had grown rich in resources and

strong in the sinews of war, never
War with . , . - .

the Rajputs. missed an opportunity of creating

disturbance arid disorder. Their

* Muntafaib-ul-Lubab, pp. 254-55: and Aurangzeb and
His Times, p, 210.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 307

anti-government activities during the Satnami Rebellion
are a case in point, proving that they wanted to stab the
Mughals in the back while they were engaged elsewhere.
This is not the only instance ; the whole reign of
'Alamgir is full of such instances. Troubles continued
in Rajputana intermittantly, but the situation became
serious in 1679 A. C., when Rajah Jaswant Singh
whom 'Alamgir had posted at Jamrud at the mouth of
the Khyber Pass, died at that place, leaving no son
behind to succeed him ; more so when at Lahore the
widowed Rams gave birth to two sons, ^ne of whom
died and the other survived to secure the Gaddl of
MSrwar and to stir up the sentiments of his co-religion-
ists against the Muslim Monarch. The family of the late
Rajah had left Jamrud without the permission of the
Emperor and killed an officer at Attock when asked to
produce a passport.* This was a sufficient ground for
incorporating Marwar in the Mughal Empire, or reduc-
ing it to a state of dependency under a capable ruler.
But there were more serious considerations : In the
first place, it was impossible for any emperor of India to
tolerate the existence of an independent and inimical
state on the flanks of the trade-route through Rajputana
to Surat, Ahmadabad and other flourishing cities on the
western coasts from the Imperial Capital. " No
monarch could feel himself secure in the sovereignty of
Upper India," says Smith, " until he had obtained
possession of Chittor and Ranthambhor, the two
principal fortresses in the domains of the free Rajput

* Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, p, 259 ; and Aurangzeb and His Times,
-~ 911 and 212.

308 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

chiefs." Secondly, the late Rajah Jaswant Singh had
proved himself a traitor not only once or twice but
throughout his career. It was he who plundered
'Alamgir's camp and formed a junction with Dara.
It was he who deserted 'Alamgir on the eve of the battle
of Khajwah and retired to his home with his Rajput
contingent. It was he who ' made overtures to Shivaji
(like himself an implacable foe of the Moghuls), against
whom he was sent to act ' and secretly helped him in
his daring attack on Shaista Khan. It was he who
made an attempt ' to remove the Imperial lieutenants,
one by assassination the other by open force/ It was he
who incited Mu azzam 'whose inexperience he was said
to guide, to revolt against his father. 1 Again it was
Jaswant who tried to tamper with the loyalty of his bro-
ther-in-law, viz., Rao Bbao Singh, who was his colleague
in the Imperial army.* These are some among the many
striking instances of his treachery and disloyalty. Accord-
ing to Bernier, there was a secret understanding between
him and Shivajl, and he was supposed to have been
accessory to the attempt on Shaista Khan and the attack of
Surat.f Thirdly, almost all Rajput Rajahs were smait-
ing under the Muslim Rule and aimed at the overthrow
of the established government. It was but natural that
'Alamgir should seriously consider the question of
succession of the posthumous sons whose legitimacy was
open to grave doubts, t He wanted to confer the Rajship

*Tarikh-i-Dilku$ha, p. 25 ; Annals and Antiquities of
Rajasthan, (1894) Vol. ii, pp. 51 ff. and Aurangzeb and His Times,
\Bernier's Travels, (2nd edition), p. 188.
JSee Aurangzeb and His Times, p. 214 ff.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMOIR 309

on one who would be more loyal and less treacherous
than the late Rajah. Lest the surviving sons of the
deceased Rajah should become a centre of Hindu
resistance, 'Alamgir at once ordered the administration
of Marwar to be brought under Muslim officers.
Early in 1679 A. C. he went personally to Ajmer to see
through the operations in Jodhpur and to overawe
opposition in that quarter. Khan Jahan occupied the
city and carried all that came in his way. After the
occupation of Jodhpur, 'Alamgir returned to his Capital
on April 2, 1679 A. C. On May 26, 1679 A. C. he
made Indar Singh, a grand-nephew of the late Rajah,
the Rajah of Marwar. The following month the family
of Rajah Jaswant Singh reached Delhi and pleaded the
right of Ajlt Singh before the Emperor, who proposed
the infant to be brought up in the Imperial palace and
promised to restore the kingdom to him when he would
attain the age of discretion. Erroneously supposing
that the intention of the Emperor was to bring up the
boy as a Muslim, the Ranis left Delhi in disguise with
him. When the Emperor was informed of the flight, it
was a little too late. Nevertheless, he sent a force to
seize the Ranis and the infant. A body of Rathors,
headed by Durga Das, one of the immortals in the
annals of Rajputana, fought against the Imperial force
and succeeded in safely escorting the Ranis and the
little boy to Marwar. Once in their own country, they
were free from all external molestation. The Rajputs
rallied round their voung chieftain and took up his
cause. The Emperor, however, refused to acknowledge
him as the real prince and declared the boy, whom the

310 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Ranis had left at Delhi to be the genuine son of Jaswant
Singh. It cannot be definitely asserted whether the
boy left at Delhi was the fictitious or the real son of
the late Rajah, but when the Rana of Chittor gave the
hand of a princess of his family to the boy, the latter
became the real son of Jaswant Singh even if he was
not. This interesting episode bitterly disappointed
Aurangzeb. His wrath fell on those of his officers who
had been duped by the Rams. Tahir Khan, the Faujdar
of Jodhpur, was dismissed and Indar Singh was
dethroned for inefficiency. Whatever the delusion of
the Emperor in regard to the identity of A jit Singh
might have been, there was no delusion as to the gravity
of the situation 'hat required a prompt action. Marwar
must be incorporated and Rathor opposition must be
suppressed.

The invasion of Marwar was ordered and the
Invasion of Emperor himself moved down to

Marwar and Ajmer in order to direct the operations

from there. Prince Akbar was called
from Multan and to him was entrusted the supreme
command of the Imperial army, and with him was
associated Tahawar Khan, the Faujdar of Ajmer.
The Rathors were defeated and Marwar was occupied.
It was parcelled out into districts, each of which was
placed in charge of a Mughal Faujdar. The Rathors
now invoked the assistance of the Sisodians and their
request met with a ready response. Fearing a similar
fate, the House of Mewar made common cause with the
House of Mnrwar against the Mughal Emperor. The
ever-loyal Rajah of Jaipur continued to side with the

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 311

Mughals. The war broke out with great fury in
November 1679 A. C. and lasted till 1681 A. C.
During this time Udaipur was overrun and Chittor was
conquered. Unable to stand against the tremendous
array of the Mughal arms, the Rajputs retired to their
inaccessible retreats in the mountains and resorted to
guerilla warfare, for which the natural features of their
country were so favourable. They inflicted heavy
losses on the Imperial troops and caused consternation
among them, Kumar Bhim Singh, son of the Rana of
Udaipur, invaded Gujarat in order to divert the
attention of the Mughal Emperor from Rajputana. He
seized Idar, plundered some towns and destroyed as
many as three hundred mosques.* x)Ial Shah, the
Rajput Finance Minister, made an inroad into Malwa,
1 plundered the mosques, burned the Qur'an and insulted
the mullahs' * For once,' says Tod, ' they (Rajputs)
avenged themselves, in imitation of the tyrant, even on
the religion of their enemies : the kazees were bound
and shaved, and the Korans were thrown into wells. 't
Akbar could make no headway against them. Therefore,
he was called back and his place was taken by his
brother, 'Azam, who was summoned from Bengal.
Mu'azzam came from the Deccan, and the governor of
Gujarat was ordered to cut off communications between
the Rajputs and the Marhattas, and to deliver an attack

* Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. i, p. 302 ;
Mirat-i-Ahmadi, p. 294; Fatuhat-i-'Alamgiri, 80a ; and
Aurangzeb and His Times, p. 299.

"\Annals and Antiquities of Rdjasthan, Vol. i, p. 302 ;
Fatuhat'i-Alamgirit 80a ; and Aurangzeb and His Times, p. 229.

312 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

on Rajputana from the South. The Rajputs were
surrounded from different directions and the new
princes converged on the hills, which sheltered Rajah
Raj Singh of Udaipur. When success was in sight, the
news of the rebellion of Prince Muhammad Akbar
arrived and Mewar was easily relieved of the pressure at
a most psychological moment.

Driven to despair, the Rajputs resorted to underhand

means. They secretly approached

Rebellion of p rince Mu azzam> holding out high

hopes to him and promising to put
him on the throne. Sternly advised
by his mother, Nawab Bal, the Prince declined the
offer.* The Rajputs then turned towards Prince Akbar
and won him over to their side.f In January, 1681 he
broke into rebellion with the hope of acquiring the
throne for himself. Supported by the Rajputs, he
crowned himself emperor and marched towards Ajmer
to wrest the Imperial Crown for himself. But he was
no match for the craft of his father. The situation was
extremely grave and required a master-mind to control
it. Aurangzeb put Ajmer in a state of defence first and
then directed his energies towards the dissolution of the
confederacy. Tahawar Khan, the principal supporter of
the Prince, was called to the Imperial Camp. Other
officers of the army of the Prince were also detached,
and he was not so clever as to control the campaign
against his father unaided and alone. The defection of
his faithful followers scented treachery to the Rajputs,

*Aurangzeb and His Times, p. 229.
., pp. 229 and 230.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGU* 313

who took to flight at night after collecting their
belongings and looting his camp. Finding himself
deserted by his allies, he mounted his horse and fled to
the Deccan, where he took refuge with Sambhajl.
From the Deccan he went to Persia and remained
there to die in 1704 A. C.

'Alamglr's success was due to a superior stroke of
statesmanship. With Akbar as their trump-card, the
Rajputs would have succeeded in their nefarious plans,
but the desertion of the Prince by his followers, mani-
pulated by 'Alamglr, turned the trend of events in his
favour.*

The war against Mewar and Marwar continued

rTTJ . till March, 1681 A. C. when both the

Treaty of Udaipur. '

parties desired peace the Rajputs,

because they had become tired of war, and the Emperor,
because matters had taken a serious turn in the
South and his presence was urgently required there.
Pourparlers for peace commenced and the result was
the Treaty of Udaipur, according to which: (1) Jai Singh
was acknowledged as the Rana and a mansab of five
thousand was conferred upon him. (2) The Rana
stipulated to cede certain tracts (three pargatias) of his
territory to the Mughal Empire and in return the

* The detachment of two or three officers from the Prince was
not sufficient to occasion the flight of his Muslim followers and
Rajput allies from the field. The story that 'Alamglr wrote a
letter to the Prince, showering praises on him for his ' pretended
revolt' and directing hirr to attack the Rajputs in the rear, and
caused it to fall into their hands furnishes a better explanation,
but it is not supported by Khafl Khan. (Vide Muntakhib-ul-
Lubab, Vol. n, p 269.)

314 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

demand for the Jizia was dropped, but the territory
ceded was returned three years later. (3) The Rana
also agreed to pay an indemnity of Rs. 3,00,000 within
two years. (4) The Rajput contingent of one thousand
horsemen was retained. (5) The fortress of Chittor was
not to be repaired. (6) The rebellious Rathors would
not be sheltered by the Rana.*

For a period of about three decades Rajputana

Results of the remained in a state of open revolt
Rajput Revolt. against the Mughal Emperor. " The
elements of lawlessness that set moving overflowed
fitfully into Malwa and endangered the vitally important
Mughal road through Malwa to the Deccan." The
Rajputs, who had completely estranged themselves and
become the bitterest enemies of the Mughal Empire,
were suppressed only for the time being ; they were not
completely crushed. Since the affairs in Rajputatia
occupied the attention of the Emperor for a fairly long
time, his position was considerably weakened in the
South, where the Marhattas had made a monarchy
of their own. Evidently he could not completely
reduce the Rajputs, though he had won decisive victories
against them. As his hands we're too full of affairs,
he advisedly entered into a treaty with them and
turned his attention to the suppression of the Marhatta
menace and the subversion of the Shia Sultanates in
the South.

* For a detailed discussion on this treaty and Prince
'AzanVs secret alliance with the Rajputs regarding this treaty,
see Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 231 ff.

CHAPTER XV

MUHl-UD-DlN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB

' ALAMGlR (CONTINUED)

Rise of the Marhattas
In the neighbourhood of 1 634 A. C. a Marhatta soldier

of fortune, named Shahjl Bhonsla,
Introductory. .

began to play a prominent part in the

politics of Southern India. He served and fought for the
independence of the kingdoms of Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur against the Mughals and left a fairly large band
of followers and a modest military fief to his son,
Shivaji, the arch-enemy of Aurangzeb. Before taking up
the story of this mighty Marhatta, it is necessary to give
a brief account of the Marhatta country, its people, and
the qualities that mark them off from the remaining
population of India ; for these are important factors
bearing upon Shivaji's career which cannot be treated as
an isolated phenomenon.

Maharashtra, the habitat of the Marhattas, is com-
prised in the country lying between

Description of ^, , . ,. , , , ,

Maharashtra. *" e mountain range which stretches

along the south of the river Narbada,
parallel to the Vindhya and Satpura ranges. The out-
standing physical feature of the country is the Sahyadri
range or the Western Ghat which runs like a long wall
along the western part ?nd divides the tracts into two
parts, each remarkable for its own peculiarities*. Thus
situated, the triangular table-land of the Deccan enjoyed

316 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

considerable immunity from the invasions to which the
North had become a constant prey. The forts on top
of the ranges ensured the security of the country. It
is from these important positions that various princes
and chiefs have, at different times, profited and suc-
cessfully defied the authority of the mighty kings of
the North.

Owing to the peculiar nature of their country, the

Marhattas have developed certain
Character and
qualities of physical and moral qualities which

the Marhattas. dist i n g u i s h them from the rest of

their countrymen. The winding roads up the
rocks, the fortified entrances with a succession of
gate-ways, the towers erected in order to guard the
approaches to the forts which studded the surface of
that rugged country all these gave the inhabitants of
the country a decided advantage over their opponents.
Their guerilla mode of warfare greatly exasperated their
enemy and exhausted their resources in men and money.
Even the Mighty Mughals found it difficult to defeat
them, for they would never fight their enemy in the
open field. The niggardliness of nature and the
bracing climate of their country made them simple,
strong, sturdy, daring, enterprising and persevering. They
were peasant proprietors who never shirked the roughest
and hardest toil. Mounted on small ponies and carry-
ing some raw or parched millet, they undertook long
marches and inflicted losses on their enemy. They
could be easily dispersed and easily called together
according to the season of the year. Except
at the time of seeding and harvesting, they were

MUHI-UD-PIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIK 317

always at leisure to wage war. They joined the armies
of Bijapur and Golconda and soon acquired the
necessary training in the art of fighting. Gradually
they became first-class fighters, with ample chances of
success against the men of the North, dissipated by
luxury, indolence and ease. In the Rajput, the Mughals
had found a most worthy antagonist ; in the Mar-
hatta, a most formidable foe ; for the latter would not
shrink from taking recourse to treachery when it served

his ends.

We have already given a brief account of the Bhaktl

. . Movement which appeared in the

Their religion.

North in the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries and gave a new stamp to the religion of the
Hindus. Spreading throughout the length and breadth
of India, this protestant movement, the Reformation,
made its way into the humble ranks of the Marhattas
and united them into a common brotherhood wherein
there were no distinctions of caste and colour. The
religious leaders of the Marhattas sprang from the
lower stratum. They, therefore, preached equality of
all persons and ruled out the differences of birth and
blood. They declared a crusade against all those grave
abuses with which Hinduism was honeycombed, and
propagated the monotheistic principle which the Musal-
mans had introduced in India. They condemned forms
and ceremonies and succeeded in stamping out super-
stition from the ranks of Marhatta society. They
taught their followers tne philosophy of action and the
science of discipline. By songs and speeches, they
stirred up the sentiments of the people and inculcated

318 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

patriotism among them. According to Dr. Ishwari
Prasad, the centre of these new ideas was Pandharpur, a
seat of pilgrimage in the Deccan, and the Pandharpur
movement was a powerful factor in unifying the
Marhatta country. The principal preachers of the
new ideas were Tuka Ram, Ram Das, Vaman Pandit
and Eknath.

Under the Shia Sultans of the kingdoms of Bijapur
Their early anc ^ Golconda, the Marhattas had

training. acquired considerable training both

in the civil and military administration of the country.
They were employed in the revenue department and
entrusted with important posts in the armies. Some of
them enjoyed the unmixed confidence of their rulers
and held even ministerial portfolios in the State. To
give specific instances, Mudar Rao, Madan Pandit and
several other prominent members of the Raj Rai family
served as ministers and diwans in the State of Gol-
conda ; Narsu and Yasu Pandit were other Marhatta
chiefs who distinguished themselves in the Kingdom
of Bijapur. The Bahmani Kings had employed the
Hindus of the South in the State and entrusted them
with the most responsible positions. Their policy was
followed and kept up by their successors, the rulers
of the offshoots, i.e., the five small states into which
the Bahmani Kingdom had been split up. While in the
military department the Marhattas served as Siledars
and Bargirs, Brahman ambassadors were sent on
important diplomatic missions. Thus, it is quite-
obvious that Bijapur and Golconda were virtually
dependent on Marhatta soldiers and statesmen who had

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 319

gradually acquired great power and influence in tfte
affairs of these States.

At the commencement of the seventeenth century,

when the Kingdom of Ahmadnagar was
I he rise of the

Bhonsla family : blotted out of existence and those of

Shahji Bhonsla. Bi japur and Golconda were threatened
with a similar fate by the Mughals, the Marhatta
ministers and warriors found ample scope for the
display of their wisdom and valour. They took a lead-
ing part in the wars and revolutions that came in quick
succession and advanced their own national interests.
One of such persons was a jagitdar, called Shahji
Bhonsla, the father of Shivaji, who had joined the
service of the Sultan of Bi japur in 1632 A. C. and
risen to a high position with the help of Murari Jag-
deva, a friend of the Vazir, Khawas Khan. Later
on, he obtained in Mysore a much larger jaglr, includ-
ing Sira and Bangalore, when he returned after conduct-
ing a successful campaign in the South.

Shivaji Bhonsla, son of Shahji Bhonsla by his wife
Jijabai, was born in the stronghold of
of a shivkfi. Sivaner on the 10th of April 1627

A. C, On the male side he claimed
descent from the Rajput Rajahs of Udaipur and on the
female side he was a descendant of the Yadava rulers
of Deogari. Both his parents being so highly connect-
ed, Shivaji might justly be proud of his noble ancestry.
His mother has been described as a pious and devout
Hindu lady, who used to relate to her son the thrilling
'tales of the famous Hindu heroes of the past from her
stock of memory and stirred up his spirit by narrating

320 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

to him the stories of the Rawayana, the Mahabharata
and the Puranas. Thus, there is ample reason to
endorse the view that Jljabai had an important share in
moulding the character of her son. To say with
Justice Ranade : " If ever great men owed their great-
ness to the inspiration of their mothers, the influence
of Jljabai was a factor of prime importance in the
making of Shivaji's career and the chief source of his
strength." As Shahjl had little time to look after
the education of his son, he placed him under the
tuition of his agent, called Dadaji Kondadev. This
aged Brahnan of immense experience was an able
administrator of the estates of Shahji. From him the
young Marhatta imbibed and assimilated much
that proved him so useful in his subsequent career.
The education he received comprised in horsemanship,
hunting and military exercises. It was sufficiently
supplemented by lessons from the life and personal
experience of Dadaji himself. The influence exerted on
the mind of the young lad by Marhatta saints and
scholars brought home to him the necessity of doing
something for the cause of his country. ' Unite all
who are Marathas,' his moral preceptor, Guru Ram Das,
used to advise him, ' and propagate the Dharma of
Maharashtra. 1 The Guru convinced him that he had
been sent to this world on the sacred mission of protect-
ing the Brahmans and the cow. * Mother and motherland/
he used to tell him, ' are dearer than heaven itself,
why live when religion has perished ; when faith is
dead, death is better than life/ The seed did not fall'
on a barren soil. Shivaji's outlook brightened, bts

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGxR 321

mental horizon widened and he now aspired to become
an independent polygar. The natural scenery oi his
native-land, the environments of his early life, the
influence of his mother, teacher and other saints fired
him with the ambition of carving out an indepedent
kingdom for himself.

Born and brought up in Maharashtra, Shivajl had

_ T ._ made himself familiar with every

His robberies. J

nook and corner of that country with
the help of his Mawali associates. He began his public
career at the age of nineteen. In 1646 A. C. the Sultan
of Bijapur fell ill and his illness was followed by
anarchy and confusion. Taking advantage of this
opportunity, Shivajl seized upon the stronghold of
Torna and carried a successful raid into the fort of
Raigarh, which was easily occupied. He rebuilt
Raigarh and wrested Supa from his uncle, ShambhujT.
Fort after fort yielded to the young adventurer. The
stronghold of Chakan and the outposts of Indapur and
Baramati passed into his possession in rapid succession.
The forts of Kondana, Purandhar and Singhgarh were
captured next and the southern frontier of Shivaji's
family estate was secured. The Sultan of Bijapur, who
was taken aback by the aggressive activities of Shivaji,
would have reduced the young Marhatta to submission ;
but the friendly intervention of the ministers convinced
the Darbar that the strongholds were captured in the
general interest of his family estate. The ambitious
Marhatta Sardar would not, however, rest on his oars.
Soon he sent a body of Marhatta horsemen under the
command of Abaji Sonder against the Konkan, and the

322 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

result was the capture of Kalyan. Next, Shivajl
marched southwards in the district of Kolaba and
enlisted the sympathies of the local chiefs in the
common cause of overthrowing the Muslim yoke.

The conquest of Kalyan in the Konkan by Shivajl

and his activities in that country roused

Seizure and the authorities of Bijapur against

h^s e flther f him - About this time Shahji was

arrested and imprisoned by the Sultan,
either because of his insubordination to Mustafa, the
Commander-in- Chief of Bijapur, or because of his son's
encroachments on the teiritory of Bijapur, or both.
Shivajl was greatly upset at the news of his father's
imprisonment and the confiscation of his jaglrs. For
some time he gave up his depredatory pursuits and
planned to effect the release of his father. With
this aim in view, he appealed to His Majesty the
Mughal Emperor through his son, Murad Bakhsh,
who happened to be in the Deccan at that time. He
offered his services with the prayer that his father be
released through his intercession. Shah Jahan acceded
to his request and enrolled him as a mansabdar of five
thousand. Under the fear of Imperial intervention, tne
ruler of Bijapur released Shahji, though he did not
allow him to quit Bijapur for four years. There is,
however, another view as to the release of Shahji : It
is said that it was almost entirely due to the friendly
intervention and good offices of Sharza Khan and Ran-
daula Khan, the two influential officers of Bijapur, But
it must be noted that the release was conditional ; for
Shivajl remained quiet for about six years (1649 55 A. C.),

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 323

so far as the interests of Bijapur were concerned.
During this period he kept himself busy in consolidat-
ing his newly-acquired territory and organizing its
administration.

No sooner was Shahjl released and restored to his

T jSgir in the Karnatic than his son

Massacre at Javli. J .

resumed his relentless raids in the

South. In order to acquire the tract of land in the
southern Konkan, Shivaji made overtures to Chandra
Rao, the Rajah of Javli, who administered that
tract in the name of the King of Bijapur, to join
him against the Muslim State. Having failed to
achieve his object in this way, he sent two agents to
Javli, outwardly for contracting his alliance with the
daughter of its Rajah, but in fact for assassinating him.
The Rajah received the agents with great respect, but
treacherously enough, the guests put their host to death
at ' a private interview ', fled from the fort and joined
Shivaji who had, meanwhile, detailed his troops to the
Ghats and had himself arrived there to conduct the
operations in person. The citadel was stormed and
' the surprise was sudden '. The sons of the Rajah
put up a vigorous defence, but were eventually taken
prisoners and done away with in 1655 A. C. at NimgazS
to the south of Poona. For several days the ladies
of the late Rajah were kept in confinement at
Purandhar and then released.*

*See Bisat-ul-Qhanaim t p. 40 ; Shiva-ChhatrapatZ-Chen Sapta
prakaram-atmak Charitra, Chitnis, pp, 81-82 ; , and Kalmi
Bakhar, paras. 28 and 29. Sir Jadunath Sarkar's condonation o
the above crime is curious. In his own words, 'his (Shivaji's

324 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Hostilities were renewed when, towards the close
of 1656 A. C., 'Ali 'Adil Shah of
^ O e s ^ t f e l s of Bijapur died and Aurangzeb advanc-

ed against his dominion at that
opportune moment. Shivaji, who longed for such
opportunities, was only too glad to seize this one. He
negotiated with Aurangzeb and became his ally, but
failed to maintain friendship. He attacked the Mughal
cities of Ahmadnagar and Junnar. But for the illness
of Shah Jahan, Aurangzeb would not have left the
Deccan without punishing the Marhatta brigand. The
absence of th? MugLal troops from the Deccan left
Shivaji free to fish in the troubled waters. During the
war of succession among the sons of Shah Jahan he
consolidated his power and established his sway over
his several strongholds. He enlisted in his army the
disbanded soldiery of Bijapur and renewed his attacks
on that kingdom.

The Sultan of Bijapur could not tolerate the
Afzal Khan's depredations of Shivaji. He ordered

meetinTwith his father, Shahji, to stop him from

making encroachments on the ter-
ritory of that state. Shahji excused himself on the
plea that his son was not subject to his control. The
Sultan then sent his able and experienced general,

power was then in its infancy, and he could not afford to be
scrupulous in the choice of the means of strengthening himself 1
(Shivaji and His Times, p. 53). If the soundness of this new rule
of ethics be admitted, then, mutatis mutandis, the alleged
misdeeds of 'Alamgir should not be condemned. Sarkar has
scrupulously adhered to the above rule in the case of his hero,
Shivaji, but has totally deprived 'Alamgir of its benefit.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR^25

Afzal Khan, with a large force against the Marhattas.
Shivajl regarded discretion as *he better part of valour.
He wished to achieve his object by feigning friendship
with the foe. With honeyed words and rich presents, he
succeeded in throwing Afzal Khan off his guard. With
the help of Brahman intermediaries, negotiations were
opened between the two parties. A spot was fixed as a
meeting place and it was agreed that they would meet
unescorted. Shivaji took ample precautions for the
protection of his person. He put on a coat of chain
and a steel cap and kept them concealed under his
embroidered cloak and turban. On the lingers of his
left hand, he fixed a Baghnakha, or the tiger-claw, and
carried another native weapon, called Bichhwa, or
' scorpion', concealed within his right sleeve. Besides,
he posted his soldiers behind the trees along the route
of Afzal Khan. Afzal advanced towards the appointed
place (Javli), attended by a single servant. Shivaji
descended from his stronghold slowly and came to the
meeting-place with a timid and hesitating air. He was
accompanied by a single attendant and was unarmed
to all appearances. He approached to meet the Kban
with all humility and Afzal advanced to embrace the
Marhatta. As soon as the Khan stooped to raise
Shivajl and embrace him, the short-sized Marhatta
dispatched him with the deadly weapons he carried

with him.

The death of Afzal Kban was at once signalled

r AT , an d the Marhatta warriors, who were

Rout of Afzal ... ,

Khan's Army. lying in ambush, sprang up and

slaughtered their enemies who were

326 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

reposing in their camp. The rout of the army of
Bijapur was complete. A large booty fell into the
hands of the Marhattas.

Even the greatest of men have not, at times, re-
frained from employing mean methods
f r Saining their ends. Yet, while
recording their glorious deeds and
paying a tribute to their talents, history must also
register its findings, however damaging, and pronounce
its verdict, however painful, on their misdeeds. Whereas
Muslim as well as European writers have uniformly
condemned the murder of Afzal Khan by Shivaji as a
most heinous crime, Marhatta authorities, with the
solitary exception of Kalml Bhaka^ have laid the entire
blame at the door of Afzal Khan, alleging that while
trying to strangle the Marhatta, the Khan got himself
killed. Relying exclusively on the Marhatta sources
of information, which are materially discrepant and
contradictory, and discarding totally the testimony of
contemporary Muslim as well as European historians,
Ranade, Sarkar and Kincaid have made vigorous efforts
to whitewash the treachery of their national hero in
various ways. They have fully exploited their forensic
eloquence in trying to defend the action of Shivaji on
the ground that Afzal Khan had formed a plot against
him and that the Khan himself was caught in the
cage which he had prepared for the confinement of
his opponent (Shivaji). The alleged 'plot', based on
a mere presumption, invented either by Shivaji or his
votaries, is not unravelled before us. As such, it is
impossible to believe it. It is stated that when

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 327

Krishnaji, who acted as an intermediary between the
parties, was invited and appealed to by Shivaji in
secrecy, he " yielded so far as to hint that the Khan
seemed to harbour some plan of mischief," and. further
that having learnt so much, he (Shivaji) sent the envoy
(Krishnaji) back with his own agent, Gopinath Pant,
11 who learnt by a lavish use of bribes that AfzaPs
officers were convinced that ' he had so arranged
matters that Shivaji would be arrested at the interview,
as he was too cunning to be caught by open fight.' "
There is not a tinge of truth in the above statements.
They are not warranted by Afzal K]]an v conduct and
behaviour either before or during the interview. Even
the most unimaginative plotter would not venture to
launch his plot against his enemy before chalking out a
programme, weighing the chances of his success and
marking out a line of retreat. Afzal was not so foolish
as to set out on his alleged mission of entrapping
Shivaji without taking precautions and making prepara-
tions necessary for a plot. He was selected and sent
against Shivaji by the Bijapur Government because he
was regarded as a great military commander. The fact
is that he was honesi in his dealings with Shivaji. If he
had formed a * plot ', he must have taken someone into
confidence and issued necessary instructions to his
officers. That he did nothing to this effect and appeared
at the interview unarmed and un-escorted leaves room
for the only presumption that he boasted of his superior
physical strength, disdained to take any force with him
and desired to achieve his object single-handed. But it
is generally admitted that he had started on this

328 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

expedition with 10,000 soldiers, who, however, were
left behind when objected to by ShivajI's envoy. Like-
wise, the presence of Sayyad Banda, a famous
swordsman who accompanied the Khan, was objected to
and he too was left behind. All this and the fact that
after his murder his army was taken by surprise and
routed conclusively prove that Afzal had made no
preparations which might even remotely suggest that he
' intended treachery '. The rout of the army that was
attacked unawares shows that Afzal's officers had no
knowledge of the alleged ' plot ' and had received no
instructions fiDm their commander. Consequently, one
is at a loss to understand how Gopinath was able to
learn from his officers that he had formed a ' plot '. It
is also stated that Afzal had publicly boasted of bringing
Shivaji alive to the Bijapur Darbar, and that before a
faqlr, who belonged to the Marhatta Secret Service.
The story of Afzal's boasting before a Marhatta spy
puts too much strain on our credulity. Professor
Sarkar says that at the interview Afzal c held Shiva's
neck in his left arm within iron-grip, while with his
right hand he drew his long straight-bladed dagger and
struck at the side of Shiva '.* Whereas Kincaid avers

* According to Prof. Sarkar, Afzal used a long straight-bladed
dagger, whereas Kincaid avers that he tried to stab Shivaji at
his side with a sword. We learn from the Shiva Bharat
(Ch. XXI) that before Afzal embraced Shivaji, he had discarded
his sword. Muslim and European authorities inform us that
Afzal was unarmed when he went to meet Shivaji. When ' the
display of force ' and the presence of Sayyad Banda were
objected to, there is every reason to believe that either Afzal did
not carry any weapon with him, or if he had carried one, it must
have been objected to and discarded.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 329

that there was at first an exchange of hot words between
the Khan and the Marhatta and then the former caught
hold of the latter by his neck. If the ' Khan, enraged
at the taunt, seized with the left arm Shivaji by the
neck, forcing his head under his arm pit/ as is averred
by Kincaid, then where is the element of the treachery
alleged ? As apart from this, can Afzal Khan, who is
alleged to have attended the interview with the inten-
tion of killing him by treachery, be said to have
* addressed Shivaji in insulting tones '? And, when
Shivaji was to be ' arrested alive/ as is alleged, why did
Afzal try to * sUangle ' him or 'stao him at his side *
while he was in his embrace and did not order his
attendants to arrest him or dispatch him, if he so
desired ? Obviously, nothing was pre-arranged by
Afzal. If he had taken precautions and made neces-
sary preparations beforehand, he would have issued
instructions to his soldiers and warned them to be on
the alert, and both he and his army would not have
fallen so easy a prey to the Marhatta marauders. The
fact that they were taken unawares and killed conclusively
proves the bona-fides of Afzal Kban and shows that
there was no ' plot ; whatsoever. All this exonerates
the Khan and establishes his innocence. On the other
hand, it was Shivaji who invited his adversary (Afzal)
to an interview at a suitable spot selected by himself,
posted his soldiers on the route of Afzal Khan's army,
issued necessary instructions to his officers, armed
himself with the native weapons, Wagnakha and
Bichhwa, donned a steel cap, put on an iron coat,
proceeded to the selected spot * fully equipped/ objected

330 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

to the ' display of force * and ' the presence of Sayyad
Banda', appeared before the Khan in all humility,
stabbed him while in his embrace at the interview, made
a signal to his soldiers who lay in ambush, and routed
the Muslim army facts which form important links in
the chain of the plot contrived and cleverly conducted
by Shivajl and not by Afzal Khan.

The murder of Afzal Khan and the rout of the
Bijapurls emboldened Shivajl who

. of next carried his . arms into the nei & h -

bouring territories. He seized the
stronghold cf Panhcila and a number of other forts and
even threatened Bijapur itself. He attacked Rajhpur
and Dabhal and extended his dominions further South
along the banks of the Krishna. In all these campaigns
he obtained immense booty, which he put to its best
advantage.

'AH 'Adil Shah, the Sultan of Bijapur, was alarmed
at Shivaji's acts of aggression. In
1660 A. C. he put his generals to
their last trumps to cut short the
Marhatta menace. While Shivajl was occupied in
strengthening the stronghold of Panhala, the Bijapurls
attacked him from three directions. Panhala was
invested by Sidi Johar and the siege lasted for four
months. Shivajl was reduced to sore straits and he
would have been forced to surrender if he had not
escaped to the stronghold of Vishalgarh in a dark night
after he had amused the besiegers with the prospect of
a capitulation. His escape was ascribed in the Bijapur
Darbar to the treachery of Sidi Johar, the commander-

MUHI-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 331

in-chief of the forces of BijSpur. 'Adil Shah now took
the field in person. At the bead of a huge army, he
advanced against his enemy and captured the forts of
Panhala, Pavangarh and some other places. His
victorious campaign continued till the rainy season, and
he would have compelled Shivajl to ask for forgiveness
if the rains had not set in and if the Sultan had not
been called to the Karnatic to deal with the rebellion of
Sidi Johar.

Hostilities ceased, and Shahji was appointed to
ou- p . negotiate the terms of treaty with his

Independent son on behalf of the Sultan. As a

result of these negotiations, Shivaji
was acknowledged as the independent ruler of the
territory lying between Kalyan in the north and Ponda
in the south and Indapur in the east and Dabhal in the
west an area more than 150 miles in length and 100
miles in breadth. As for Shivaji, he promised to be at
peace with Bijapur during the lifetime of his father. At
the instance of his father, he made Rairi his capital and
renamed it as Raigarh. There he maintained an army
of 7,000 horse and 60,000 foot.

Shivaji now felt himself strong enough to extend
his ravages to the dominions of the
Great Mughal. In order to put an
end to his aggressions, the Emperor
had appointed Sbaista KJban as Viceroy of the Deccan.
The Mughal Viceroy drove the Marhattas out of the
field and captured the fort of Chakan. Next, he occupi-
ed Poona without opposition and took up his abode in
the very house in which Shivaji had passed his early

332 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

days. The Marhatta was thoroughly familiar with every
nook and corner of the city and all the ins and outs of
the house. Availing himself of local knowledge, he
entered the city along with a marriage party of four
hundred men, each of whom was a trained warrior.
The Khan, who had cantoned his troops around him
and had taken necessary precautions for his personal
safety, was reposing in his harem when all of a sudden
Shivaji entered his former residence and raided the room
in which the Khan was fast asleep. In the general
melee that followed, Shaista Khan's son, Abul Path,
lost his life, ~nd he himself received a blow which cut off
two of his own fingers. With great difficulty, he escap-
ed to Aurangabad, whence he was called back by the
Emperor and transferred to the governorship of Bengal.
The city of Surat was at that time the most opul-
ent and beautiful of its class on the
Sack of Surat. .

western coast. Early in the year

1664 A. C. Shivaji deceived his enemies by a number
of feigned movements and swooped down on the rich
and defenceless city with as many as four thousand
horse and carried away immense booty which he safely
lodged in the stronghold of Rairi, or Raigarh. The
sack of Surat was an exploit far more profitable than
the Poona escapade. It amply added to the resources
of Shivaji and considerably increased his prestige in the
Marhatta country.

About this time Shahji died in the Doab of the

Tungabhadra where he was engaged

Shivaji's assump. {n suppressing the re bellion of the

tion of mdepend- t ^

ent sovereignty, nobles of that place. On the death

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIK 333

of his father, Shivaji assumed the title of Rajah,
which the Sultan of Ahmadnagar had conferred on his
father in return for his meritorious services. He now
began to coin money in his own name to mark his
independent authority and undertook plundering expedi-
tions along the coast, which greatly harassed the
pilgrims going to Mecca and the merchants engaged in
trade between India and other countries.

In order to put an end to the high-handedness of
Shivaji, Aurangzeb dispatched an
^h U e b Emperor. efficient army under the command of
Prince Mu'azzarr, with whom were
associated experienced generals. Sardar Jaswant Singh
was appointed as second-in-command. He made a few
useless attempts to bring the Marhatta Chief to book,
but nothing substantial was achieved. Both the Prince
and his lieutenant were called back and Rajah Jai Singh
and Daler Khan were appointed in their place, and with
them were associated some experienced generals. The
new commanders laid siege to Singhgarh and Purandhar,
respectively. Both the places held out heroically, but
Shivaji seemed to have lost every hope of success and
so opened negotiations. Receiving assurances not only
of safety but of a special favour also, he quietly with-
drew from his ranks and came to the camp of Rajah
Jai Singh.

The result of the interview between Shivaji and

Jai Singh was the Treaty of Purand-
Purandhar. har, which embodied the following

terms : (1) Shi vSJI agreed to surrender
twenty-three of his forts and retain only twelve as bis

334 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

jagir. (2) He stipulated that he would pay to 'Alamgir
forty lakhs of Huns in thirteen instalments if lands
yielding an annual revenue of four lakhs of Huns in
the Konkan and five lakhs in the Balaghat-Bijapur
were granted to him. (3) The eldest son of Shivaji was
promised a rank of five thousand. (4) He himself
agreed to assist Aurangzeb in his military expeditions
against his enemies. After the conclusion of the treaty,
its terms were communicated to the Emperor who duly
confirmed them. It took three months to reduce
Shivaji to submission and to enlist his support for the
Mughal Emoeror. Shivaji, on his part, rendered good
services to the Mughals in their wars against Bijapur.
During the six months that followed the Treaty of
Purandhar, Jai Singh turned his
Attention towards the Kingdom of
Bijapur. Shivaji took a conspicuous
part in this expedition and contributed much to the
success of the Mughal arms in the Deccan. Joining
the Mughals with two thousand horse and seven
thousand infantry, he reduced Phaltan and Thatwada
and directed an attack on Panhala in the Konkan.
Pleased with his success in the early part of the cam-
paign, the Emperor sent him a jewelled-sword and a
robe of honour. The siege of Panhala was not a
success, but Shivaji's support was indispensable in
seizing some strongholds. It was about this time that
he received an invitation from the Emperor to the
Mughal Court. Receiving assurances of safety, the
Marhatta Sardar accepted the invitation. Putting the
administration of his territory into the hands of his

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIPv 335

mother and a council of three competent officers, he set
out towards Agra about the third week of March 1066
A. C. with his son, Sambhuji At the Imperial Capital,
he was received by two Imperial officers, viz., Ram
Singh, son of Jai Singh, and Amir Mukhlis Khan.
When he reached the Imperial Court, the Emperor was
celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of his birthday.
Ram Singh ushered him into the Darbar, and he
presented 1,500 gold pieces as a nazat to the Emperor,
and a pesbkasb of rupees 6,000. After the formal
reception, he was enrolled as a mansabdar of 5,000
horse.* The treatment meted out to him, it is alleged,
fell far short of the expectations he had formed and the
promises held out to him by Jai Singh. His pride was
touched to the quick when he found himself seated
among the third grade nobles. In a fit of anger he lost
his balance and used bold words of reproach for ' Alamgir.
His conduct at the Court was insulting and insolent,
and as a result, he was not granted any robes of honour.
The following day he found himself a political prisoner
in his house. Petitions sent to the Emperor for his
release were rejected. In vain he protested his loyalty
to the Mughal throne. He offered his services in con-
quering the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda, but
the Emperor would not listen to his remonstrances. In
spite of his repeated requests, he was not granted a
private interview.

* The mansab of 5,000 was not an inferior one. Those who
held a mansab of 1,000 were called Umara-i-Kibar or great
nobles. For a long list of the dignitaries enjoying a mansab of
5,000 each, see Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 360 ff.

336 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Critics, who say that 'Alamgir could have gained

the good-will of Shivaji and ended the
Was the honour i .. i ..

conferred upon Marhatta menace by meting out r.

him below his more generous treatment to him, are,

dignity ?

perhaps, unaware that Rajah Rai

Karan of Udaipur, than whom there was no more res-
pectable Rajah, was granted a mansab of 5,000 by
Jahanglr when he became subordinate to the Central
Government and that Rana Raj Singh too was enlisted
as a mansabdar of 5,000 by 'Alamgir when he acknow-
ledged him as his suzerain. Shivajl, it will be admitted,
was not a greater personality than the Ranas of
Udaipur. Apart from this, when ShivajI's father
entered the service of Shah Jahan, he was given a
mansab of 5,000. As a matter of fact, none except the
members of the Imperial family was granted a greater
mansab than this in th^ beginning. It must be remem-
bered that Shivajl came to the Mughal Court in the
capacity of a conquered and that his conqueror, Mirza
Rajah Jai Singh, also held the same mansab, i. e.,
5,000, which was afterwards raised to 7,000 in recogni-
tion of his meritorious services against the Marhattas. It
is true that the Rajah gave him assurances of becoming
treatment, but nowhere does he appear to have
promised to secure for him a greater mansab than that
he himself enjoyed, and even if he did hold out too
high hopes to him on his own account in order to
succeed in his mission, the fault does not lie with
'Alamgir. It must as well be pointed out here that
Fazil Khan, the Prime Minister, was at that time no
more than a mansabdar of 5,000* Do the critics

MUHI-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 33/

mean that 'Alamglr would have acted wisely if he had
granted Sh.ivajl a greater mansab than that held by the
mansabdars mentioned above t Obviously enough,
'Alamgir could not grant him a greater mansab than
that of the Ranas of Udaipur, the Prime Minister and
Rajah Jai Singh. The career and character of Shivajl
are a sufficient guarantee of the fact that a mansab of
7,000, or even more, would not have satisfied him.

A word might well be said about 'Alamglr's attitude
towards the sons and relatives of Shivajl. In spite of
their hostilities, they were treated with great kindness
by the Emperor: ShivajI's son, SambhujT, and his son-
in-law, NathujT, were granted a mansab of 5,000 each
at the recommendation of Mirza Rajah Jai Singh, who
had reduced the Marhattas to sore straits. SahujI was
honoured with the title of Rajah and a mansab of
7,000 was conferred upon him. This is how 'Alamgir
treated the relatives of Shivaji ; and how they repaid
this kind treatment, will be seen in the subsequent
account.

In the middle of August Shivaji fell ill. After his
recovery, he sent rich presents to the

His escape from Brahmans in big baskets. In two of
captivity.

these baskets, he and his son,

Sambhuji, made good their escapes. At a distance of
six miles from Agra some horses were waiting for him
and his son. Disguising himself as an ascetic, he soon
found his way to Mathura. Avoiding the vigilant eye
of the Imperial Police, he hastened to his home in the
Deccan, passing through eastern Bengal, Orissa and
Gondwana. He reached his capital in the month of

338 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

December after an absence of nine months. Sambhuji,
it may be said here, was left at Mathura and was
brought back later on. Aurangzeb was greatly annoyed
at the escape of Shivaji which was arranged with the
connivance of Ram Singh who was therefore deprived
of his pay and rank.*

The conquest of the Kingdom of Bijapur was by

Recall of Jai no means an eas y affair - J ai Sin g h

Singh and his had succeeded in detaching

death * from that kingdom and the treaty of

Purandhar was a master-stroke of diplomacy. Free
from further troubles from the Marhattas, he organized
a punitive expedition against 'All 'Adil Shah. He had
40,000 troopers at his disposal. He was joined by
Shivaji, along with his experienced officers. More-
over, he was assisted by Daler Khan, Daud Khan,
Rajah Rai Singh Sesodia, Netoji Palkar and other dis-
tinguished generals. But the Imperialists did not meet
with any great success ; for the capital of Bijapur was
well protected by the Bijapurls, who were assisted by
an army from Golconda. Finding his army face to
face with starvation, Jai Singh decided upon a retreat
on the 5th of January 1666 A.C. The retreat was disas-
trous. The Bijapurls now attacked the Mughal forces
and inflicted heavy losses on them in men and
material. At once the Rajah was called back and the
viceroyalty of the Deccan was entrusted to Prince
Mu'azzam and Rajah Jaswant Singh was appointed as
his adjutant. Jai Singh died soon after his recall.

* SeeStoriado Mogor, Vol. ii, p. 139; FatuKdt-i-'Alamgiri ;
and 'Alamgirnamah, p. 917.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMCilR 339

The change of officers was not at all for the better.
ShivSji styles Rajah Jaswant Singh was no loyal

himself Rajah. se rvant of the Emperor. He was

favourably disposed towards Shiva j! and was interested
in the rise of the Marhattas. Daler Khan was not liked
by the Prince and was, therefore, sent away to Bidar.
The Prince could do nothing alone. Moreover, a
Persian invasion threatened the Punjab and an army
was dispatched there to ward off the Persians. About
this time, the Yusafzals also revolted in Peshawar and
harassed the Mughals for full one year. All these facts
combined to contribute to the chances of f success of the
Marhatta Chief who found an open field for himself.
But knowing too well the consequences *of provoking the
Mughal authorities, ShivajT remained quiet between
1668 and 1669 A. C. and utilized his time in the
organization of his administrption Through the inter-
cession of Rajah Jaswant Singh, who was very friendly
disposed towards him, 'Alarngir agreed to negotiate a
treaty with ShivajT, whereby the latter was acknowledged
as the independent ruler of Maharashtra and the title of
Rajah was conferred upon him. A jagir was also
granted to him in Berar and his son, SambhujI, was con-
firmed in his mansab. With the exception of Puran-
dhar and Singhgarh, the Emperor promised to restore
all forts to Shivajl. The treaty concluded in March 1668
A. C. lasted till 1670 A. C.

Soon after the conclusion of the treaty with

He exacts Chauth Sh iv ^ 'fjng&r agreed to a peace-

and Surdeshmukhi treaty with the Sutlan of Bijapur.

from Bnapur and The Sultan promised to cede the

Golconda. an d a territory

340 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

yielding 1,80,000 pagodas as revenue. Shivajl pressed
his claims for the exaction of Chauth and Surdeshmukht
from Bijapur and Golconda. Though the claims were
not fully recognized, the two kings agreed to pay
some annual tribute ; the king of Bijapur, 3 J lakhs and
the king of Golconda, 5 lakhs. This extraordinary
tribute was paid to Shivaji in order to maintain peace
with the Marhattas.

Hostilities between Shivajl and the Great Mughal

_ , , were renewed in 1670 A. C. when the

Renewal of

hostilitiesjind former launched upon a fresh career

sack of Surat. Q{ conquests> He recO nquered many

of his forts from the Mughals and his soldiers carried
with great caution the capture of Singhgarh, Purandhar,
Mahuli, Karnalla and Lohgarh. Lack of discipline in the
Mughal Camp and quarrels among the Imperial officers
enabled Shivajl to carry his raids into the neighbouring
countries. His officers exacted promises of collecting
Chauth and Surdesfamukhi, for the first time, from the
districts immediately under the Mughal Government.
For a second time he sacked the city of Surat and
acquired an enormous booty. He was now at the
height of his power and was regarded by the Hindus
as the restorer of their freedom.

By the year 1674 A. C. Shivaji's mastery over
Coronation of Maharashtra was complete. Dis-

ghivaji:l674. patches of victory from all sides,

continued success in all quarters and prosperity within his
kingdom persuaded him to crown himself at his capital,
Raigarh. This he did with full Vedic rights and cere-
monies, and henceforth he was acknowledged as the

1 1 I I I

Shivajl's Kingdom In 1680 A.C

To fact tap 34 1

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 341

independent ruler of the Marhatta country. Following
the example of the Hindu Kings of old, he established
a new era which commenced from the date of his
enthronement.

Finding that 'Alamgir was entangled in hostilities
with the Afghan tribes on the
North-West Frontier, Shivaji extended
his conquests further South. From
1676 A. C. to 1680 A. C. he conducted a successful
campaign in the South. He annexed Jinji, Vellore and
many other important places to his Kingdom. He con-
quered a considerable portion of the Vijayanagar
Empire and was making preparations for the final strug-
gle with 'Alamgir ; but before he launched his new
scheme, he was carried away by death in 1680 A. C. at
the age of fifty-three.

The Kingdom of Shivaji comprised a long narrow
Extent of his strip of land, consisting of the Western

Kingdom. Ghatg and the Konkan between Kalyan

and Goa. The extreme breadth of this Kingdom from
east to west was about 100 miles. In the south the
provinces, which had been conquered towards the close of
Shivaji's career, comprised the western Karnatic and the
territories extending from Belgaum to the bank of the
river Tungabhadra, Later on, Jinji and Vellore were
also added to the Marhatta Kingdom.

Shivaji was a good administrator and a great
His civil organizer. Both in the civil and

administration. mi iit a r y departments he displayed
considerable tact and ability. Practically illiterate, he

342 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

devised an excellent system of administration for his
Kingdom, It was based on the ancient Hindu system
and was conducted in accordance with the principles
laid down in the codes of Sukracharya and Kautilya.
There was a Council of State, known as the Asfata
Pradhan, or Mukhya Pradhan. It consisted of eight
members, each in charge of a separate department.
The Prime Minister was known as Pesfawa, the Com-
mander-in-Chief was called Sarainaiibat, or Senapati,
and the Finance Minister was named Mojmu'adar, or
Amatya. Home and foreign affairs were controlled and
conducted by Sharutii+vis, or Sachiv. The Minister of
War bore the name of Dabir, or Sumant. Justice was
administered by Nayayadish and the Minister of
Religion was given the name of Danadhyaksha. This
was the Central Government of Shivaji. There were
as many as eighteen departments of public service
under him and the portfolio of each department was
held by a separate minister.

For purposes of effective and efficient administra-

Administrative tion S^J 1 divided the whole of his

divisions of his Kingdom into three provinces an<*
Kingdom. . r

stationed a viceroy m each of them.

The administrative system followed in these provinces
was a replica of the Central Government. Each
province was sub-divided into districts, having a distinct
staff of officials. Each district was organized on the
model of the Central Government and every district
officer had eight subordinate officials to deal with the
work of correspondence, accounts, treasury and other'
important matters.

MUHI-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 343

As is mentioned before, justice was dealt out by the

Nayayadisfa, who was guided in his

Administration work by the principles laid down in the

of justice. J r r

codes of Sukracharya and Kautilya.
There was also a Hindu Sfaastri, appointed especially for
the purpose of expounding Hindu law and dealing with
religious, criminal and astronomical matters. The time-
honoured and immemorial institution of Panchayat was
in vogue. It was an important instrument of dealing
out justice. Almost all civil disputes were decided
by it.

Shivajl also re-organized the entire system of the

land revenue and based it on that of
Svenufsystcm. hi * <*rly tutor, Dadajl Kandadev.

The land in every province was
measured and an estimate was made of the expected
produce of each blgha. Three parts of this produce were
left to the peasant and two parts were appropriated by
the State as its own share. The revenue settlements
were made annually. The revenue officials were appoint-
ed directly by the Central Government. They were mostly
Brahmans. Their duty was to collect the land revenue
and remit it to the State Treasury along with the accounts.
The existing practice of farming out land revenue to
hereditary landlords (mirasdars) was abandoned and
henceforth the dues of the State were to be collected
by the officers of the State. In order to encourage
cultivation, liberal advances were made to the
cultivators from the State Treasury to enable them to
purchase seeds, bullocks, ploughs and otheri agricultural,
implements, etc.

344 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

ShivSJI was a great military genius, endowed with
uncommon organizing capacity. He

united the Marhatta chiefs and tribes
in a common cause, the cause of their

own country. He wielded the scattered Marhattas into
a nation, thus giving rise to a third party in the Deccan.
His army consisted of both infantry and cavalry, having
a sensible gradation of officers. In the infantry there
was a Naik over every nine privates, a Havildar over
every five Naiks and forty-five privates, ajamaldar
over every three Havildars and one hundred and thirty-
five privates, and G\rer ten Jamaldars there was a
Hazan, having as many as one thousand, three hundred
and fifty privates under his command. It may be
noted at this place that the Sarainaubat, or Commander-
in-Chief, in the infantry was quite a different man from
the officer of his rank in the cavalry. In the latter, the
unit was formed by twenty-five troopers. Over twenty-
five troopers was a Havildar, over five Havildars or one
hundred and twenty-five troopers was a Jamaldar and
over ten Jamaldars there was a Hazart, having as
many as one thousand, two hundred and twenty-five
cavaliers under his command. Still higher ranks
were those of the Supreme Commander or Sarainaubat,
and the Panj-hazarls or those having command over
five thousand soldiers. Every squadron of twenty-five
troopers was provided with a water-carrier and a ferrier.
Soldiers whose horses were supplied by the State were
called Bargls and those who supplied their own horses
were called liledars. The troops in the main consisted
of spearsmen, mounted on light but strong and hardy

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 345

ponies. They were the peasant proprietors of Southern
India, who could be easily called together and dispersed.
Except at seed-time and harvest, they were always
available for war. Their equippage was of the simplest
kind and no elaborate commissariat arrangements were
required. An ordinary blanket and a bag of grams were
sufficient to meet their wants. Shivajl maintained his
military department in a high state of efficiency. He
paid his soldiers by a part of the plunder, himself
receiving the lion's share. He introduced the system
of branding horses and keeping descriptive rolls.
Under him the post of a military officer 'vas not here-
ditary. His army was free from the curse of female
followers. He ordered that " no man was to take with
him his wife, mistress or prostitute to the battle-field "
Since forts played a conspicuous part in Maharashtra,
they were properly provided with arms and ammunitions
and placed in charge of responsible and trustworthy
officers.

Shivaji added to his military strength by building

-,,.., n a considerable number of ships. He

Shivaji 's fleet. r

stationed his fleet at Kolaba. Two
advantages accrued to him from this: (1) it checked
the growing power and influence of the Abyssinian
pirates of Janjlra, and (2) it plundered the rich cargoes of
the Mughal ships sailing for Mecca. The fleet was a
constant source of trouble to the Hajls sailing for Mecca.
Shivaji's place in history rests mainly on his personal

_. . . , . achievements, both military and admi-

Shivaji s estimate. . . ' . _ , . . _

nistrative. To rise from the position of

a petty Jagirdar to that of the Maharajah of Maharashtra

345 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

and to carve out an independent kingdom for himself
was no mean achievement, though it must be acknow-
ledged that Shivajl had grown fat at ill-gotten gains. To
his reckless courage and prowess in battle he added
caution and cleverness in commensurate proportions.
His success was due as much to bravery as to cunning
and fraud. He never refrained from taking recourse to
treachery if it served his purpose. The murder of Chandra
Rao of Javli and of Afzal Khan of Bijapur was each an
act of treachery treachery * that does not disappear in the
multitude of his good qualities'. He was indeed the
Machiavali o f India, with whom the ends justified the
means. He has been called ' the father of fraud,' not
unreasonably. None of his enemies surpassed or even
equalled him in guile and deceit. In private life he
was simple, straightforward and even pious. Although
an orthodox Hindu, he never persecuted the Musalmans
for their faith, that in an age when his co-religionists
never missed an opportunity of destroying mosques and
defiling the Qur'an. Khafi Khan, a contemporary
chronicler, informs us that whenever his soldiers went
on plundering expeditions, they were ordered not to do
harm to the mosques,* the Book ox God or the woman
of anyone. With him women's honour was safe. He
never allowed his followers to enslave the prisoners
of war. He was bold, active and resourceful, and no
other Hindu displayed such courage and capacity as he in

*But for one instance of demolishing mosques and that
referred to by Afzal Khan in his message to Shivajl, I have not
come across any evidence to show that Shivajl ever destroyed'
mosques. For the passage relating to the destruction of
mosques by Shivajl, vide Shiva Bharat, Chapter XVIII.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 347

Muslim India, with the solitary exception of Rana
Pratap, who was doubtless his superior in personal character
and nobility of purpose. Though regarded as their
saviour by the Hindus, he was not at all fired with the
flarne of patriotism, much less with the desire of
liberating his co-religionists from the yoke of Muslim
rule. He fought Hindus and Muslims alike for his
personal aggrandisement. Whatever his shortcomings,
it is impossible to challenge his greatness. He was
indeed the last constructive genius that Hindu India
has produced.

CHAPTER XVI

MUHl-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB
'ALAMGIR

(CONCLUDED)

Conquest of Bijapur and Golconda End of Marhatta

Menace Suppression of the Sikhs Anglo-Mughal

War Administration under 'Alamgir.

Aurangzeb had tried almost all his trusted officers

in the conquest of the Deccan ; but
Introductory. J

when they all failed, he was

convinced that the only course open to him was to
conduct the campaign against the Deccan in person.
After making peace with the Rajputs, he gathered
together his grand army at Ahmadnagar and continuad
as emperor that forward policy the annexation of the
Deccan which he had so brilliantly commenced as his
father's lieutenant. Of the five off-shoots of the
Bahmani Kingdom, Bidar, Ahmadnagar and Berar had
fallen to his arms as a prince in command of the
Shahjahani forces during the reign of his father. The
remaining two, i.e., Bijapur and Golconda, struggled and
survived longer, as we have noticed ; but the Emperor
was bent upon destroying them root and branch. The
main cause of their conquest was evidently the ambition
of the Mughal Emperor ; the faults found with them
may be summarised as follows : (1) These Sultanates
were Shia m faith. (2) Their tributes had fallen in
arrears. (3) They incurred the wrath of the Emperor

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 349

by supplying resources to the Marhattas in the form bf
black-mail. (4) They sought protection with the Shah
of Persia rather than with the Emperor of India.*
(5) They were not only independent in spirit but were
also rich in resources ; they might profitably be included
in the Mughal Empire. (6) Finally, their internal
dissensions also stimulated 'Alamglr in no less degree to
carry out his designs.

Dividing his grand army into two main parts,

^ 1f f n 'Alamgir ordered Prince Mu'azzam to

Fall of Bijapur. ,

march against the Marhattas at the

head of one division and Prince 'Azam against Bijapur
at the head of another. The former penetrated far into
the interior of the Konkan, but was driven back with
heavy losses. The latter succeeded in capturing
Sholapur, but he too was forced to beat a retreat when
he attacked Bijapur itself. In 1684 A. C. Prince
Mu'azzam was next entrusted with the conquest of
Bijapar, but he annoyed his father by making peace
with the Sultan. Early in 1685 A.C. 'Alamgir sent a
firman to the Sultan (Sikandar 'Adil Shah), asking him
to dismiss his Wazir, Sharza Khan (also known as
Sayyad Makhdum), who was an excellent soldier and
statesman ; to supply provisions to the Mughal army ;
to send a contingent of 5 or 6 thousand cavalry to fight
for the Mughals against their enemies ; to allow free
passage to the Imperial armies through his country ; to

*They were justified in looking to the Shah of Persia for
protection because the Mughal Emperors had definitei / decided
to destroy their independence and to incorporate them in the
Mughal Empire.

,350 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

boycott the Marhattas and to help the Mughal Emperor
in the time of need. The Sultan not only declined
to obey the Imperial firman, but demanded the return
.of the tribute and the territory already taken from him
either by the Mughals or by the Marhattas, and pressed
for stopping the Thanabandi (formation of outposts
or block-houses by the Mughals) within his dominions.
Then he made an alliance with the Sultan of Golconda
and invited the Marhattas to his aid. When, feeling
strong and secure, he attacked the Mughal outposts, the
Emperor himself marched against him at the head of a
huge army. In April, 1686 A.C. he laid siege to
Bijapur. After a short but stout resistance, the city,
falling short of provisions, capitulated in September,
1686 A.C. Sikandar 'Adil Shah, who saw safety in
surrender, was enlisted as a Mansabdar and his
kingdom was annexed to the Mughal Empire.

Bijapur annexed, the turn of Golconda came next.

^ r ~ , 3 In addition to the faults found with
Fall of Golconda. t , , . _ . _

the Kingdom of Bijapur, Golconda

furnished three more : (1) It had a number of Hindu
ministers, two of whom, viz., Madanna and Akanna,
who were at the helm of administrative affairs in the
State, were extremely cruel to the Muslim population.*
(2) Its king had given help to Sambhuji against
'Alamgir. (3) It had sided with Bijapur in its war

* For the cruelties committed by Madanna and Akann'a,.
vide Aura,igzeb and His Times, pp. 305 ff. Speaking about these
two Hindus, Orme says, their 'rule was insolent, mean and
avaricious '. (Fragments, p. 147.)

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 351

against the Mughals.* Golconda was besieged. The
Sultan (Abul Hasan), who had hitherto led an easy
and luxurious life, gave up his pleasures and pastimes,
and defended his capital with such courage that
'Alamgir found it difficult to conquer it. In defending
his reputation, which was at stake, the Sultan was
nobly served by his general, Abdur Razzaq, who stood
firm and faithful to his master to the last moment of
his life. When 'Alamgir found it impossible to achieve
his object by force, the treachery of one of the officers
of the garrison enabled him to gain admittance into the
fortress. Abul Hasan was taken prisoiter and his
kingdom was incorporated in the Mughal Empire.

Historians have rightly spun a halo of heroism

Abdur Razzaq. r Und Abdur RaZZ ^> the Valiant

hero of the State, whose noble pre-
sence was highly prized in the hla army. No amount
of money could induce him to surrender to the Mughal
anus. He fought bravely in a hand to hand fight till
at last he fell down, covered with seventy wounds.
His sterling qualities of head and heart exacted praises
from friends and foes alike. 'Alamgir was so much
impressed by his character that he put him under the

*"When Aurangzeb tried conclusions with the King of
Golkonda, the crimes he alleged were these : high-handedness,
oppression, permitting public dnnking-shops, women of evil life,
and gambling houses, appointing Hindu Governors, maintaining
temples and not allowing to Muhammadans that free liberty
which they were entitled to. Therefore, God had made him
(Aurangzeb) King for the suppression of all thv se disorders
allowed by Abul Hasan." (See Storia do Mogor by 4 V. Manucci,
Vol. III. pp. 131-32.)

352 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

treatment of his own private physician and got him
healed. " Had Abul Hasan had but two such servants, "
said 'Alamgir, " his fortress could never have been
taken." What a virtue is chivalry even in a foe !

The greatest political blunder recorded in the
Impolicy of the annals of Indian history is alleged
Deccan Conquest. to have been the conquest of the
Southern Sultanates by 'Alamglr. The reasons
advanced may be enumerated as follows : (1) Conse-
quent upon the conquest of Bijapur and Gloconda,
the armies of thes^ States were disbanded and the
discharged soldiery took service under the Marhattas and
swelled their ranks. (2) The Sultanates exercised a
healthy check on the growing power and increasing
influence of the Marhattas in Indian politics. Their
destruction removed this check for good and freed the
Marhatta marauders from all fear of local rivalry and
offered them a free field against the Mughal Emperor.
(3) The protracted and expensive war against the Deccan
exhausted the Mughal resources in men and material.
As a result, the Mughal soldiers murmured for arrears
and were allowed to quit the Imperial Army if they
so desired. Again, the unemployed soldiers joined the
Marhattas. (4) The continued absence of 'Alamgir
from the North resulted in the administration of that
part of the country growing slack and corrupt.
(5) Finally, the annexation of the Deccan Kingdoms
immensely increased the extent of the Mughal Empire
and madeAt " too big to be ruled by one man from the
centre." It is argued by the critics of 'Alamglr that he

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 353

would have acted wisely if he had left the Sultanates
of the Deccan alone until he had completely crushed
the Marhattas ; that he should have buried the old
enmity between the Shias and the Sunnis and united
the arms of Islam against the Hindu confederacy which
had assumed most threatening dimensions ; or that he
should have allowed the Marhattas and the Shias to
use up their strength in mutual warfare because there
existed a fierce rivalry between them ; and that time,
men and money that he wasted there could have been
profitably employed elsewhere. While admitting the
impolicy of the Deccan conquest, the apologists of
'Alamgir assert that the idea of conquering the
Sultanates of the South originated not with 'Alamgir
but with Akbar the Great who first launched a campaign
against them and left their conquest as a family legacy
to his successors; that what was commenced by
Akbar and continued by his successors was finally
completed by 'Alamgir ; and that, therefore, if the con-
quest of the Deccan was a blunder, 'Alamgir alone
should not be held responsible for it ; the onus of
responsibility, they aver, must be shared by his pre-
decessors as well. The critics of 'Alamgir, not satisfied
with this answer, retort that times had changed since
Akbar and conditions had become different in the
reign of 'Alamgir ; that Akbar had the support of the
Sikhs and the Rajputs, and with their help he could
easily conquer the Deccan, for the Marhattas
had not yet made their appearance on the stage of
Indian history ; that 'Alamgir had to figtt against
the Hindus, the Rajputs, the Marhattas and the Sikhs

354 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

unaided and alone ; and that, therefore, he ought to
have made common cause with the Sultans of Bijapur
and Golconda and defeated his enemies. But it must
be remembered that the " forward policy " of the pre-
vious Mughal Emperors against the Deccan had made
the Sultans the avowed enemies of the Mughal Empire
and it is doubted if 'Alamgir could enlist their
sympathy or support. Moreover, when he could do
without their help and achieve his object without their
support, he thought, there was no need to resort to
that step. Had he failed to conquer the Deccan and
had the conquest of its Sultanates resulted in his
defeats elsewhere, the Deccan Conquest may then
justifiably be dubbed as impolitic ; but we know for
certain that the Sikhs were subverted, the Rajputs
were reduced to submission, the Marhattas were
defeated and the Deccan was conquered. It rnay as
well be pointed out that if 'Alamgir had allowed the
Marhattas and the Sultanates to continue their fight,
the latter would have, in all probability, succumbed to
the arms of the former and added immeasurably to
their resources. There was, however, one thing which
he could do : He could help the Sultans against the
Marhattas until they had completely crushed them.
This he would not do. At any rate, the conquest of the
Deccan did not in any way contribute to the fall of the
Mughal Empire. If the Mughal Empire did not
survive long after him, it was mostly because his sons
and servants were treacherous and corrupt. Had
India bar. but one more 'Alamgir, she would have
had a different history.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR

'Alamgir's expeditions dispatched against

, . Maharashtra in 1682-83 A C. had

Renewal of

activities against ended, as 'we have seen, in smoke
the Marhattas. and nothing substantial was achieved.

After the conquest of Golconda, he diverted his
attention towards the Marhattas. Sambhuji, who
succeeded his father, Shivajl, lacked all the qualities of
his talented father. While Aurangzeb was occupied in
the Deccan campaign, Sambhuji should have mobilized
his forces against the Mughals and thereby saved
himself as well as the Sultanates. But he remained
inactive during all this time and failed tct embrace the
opportunity. As an indolent sensualist, he wasted away
his time and treasure in drunkenness and debauchery.
His favourite minister, Kavi Kulesh (famous as Kalusha),
to whom he had entrusted all the affairs of his
government, was extremely ' unpopular with the
Marhattas. He was totally devoid of that organizing
capacity which had characterised his father. As a
natural consequence, his soldiers reverted to their usual
habit of plunder. They lost their unity and became
Scattered. Aurangzeb availed himself of this
opportunity and soon conquered the dis-united country.
In 1689 A. C. Sambhuji was taken prisoner by a
Mughal general, Taqarrab Khan, in hte pleasure-house
at Sangameshwara, whither he had retired with his
women to bathe, drink and make merry. The loose
assembly was overpowered and their leader was executed.
This happened in March, 1689 A. C. Sambhuji's son,
Sahu, was nicely treated by 'Alamgir and \tas given the
title of honest.

356 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

These repeated disasters weakened the Marhattas.
Rajah Ram as The P^sence of Aurangzeb near
recent and as Poona, surrounded by a halo of

grandeur combined with his personal
reputation, struck terror into their hearts. Their
weakness became the more conspicuous when he sent
an army to besiege Raigarh, their capital. It was there
that, after the death of Sambhuji, the leading Marhatta
nobles gathered together and acknowledged bis son,
Shivaji II, a boy of about five, as Rajah and appointed
Rajah Ram as his regent. The Mughals captured
Raigarh and took possession of the forts of Mirlch and
Panhala. They also made Shivaji prisoner. Rajah
Ram escaped to JinjT and there he assumed the title of
Rajah, because his nephew, the minor Rajah, was in
captivity.

Aurangzeb sent his general, Zulfiqar Khan, against

Expedition R *J ah Rtlm but the Mughal general

against Rajah failed to take Jinji. He, therefore,

applied for reinforcements which
the Emperor was not in a position to supply, for
the grand army was split up into small portions and
detailed to different parts of the Empire to take over
the provinces and forts of the newly conquered
kingdoms from the officers of those places. The
Mughal general could make no headway and therefore
prolonged the siege for full seven years. The
Marhattas, in the meantime, recuperated and
strengthened their position. They fully availed
themselves cf the opportunity presented to them by the
lack of harmony among the Mughal generals. Prince

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 357

Kam Bakhsh was suspected of traitorous correspondence
with the Marhattas and was, therefore, sent to the
Emperor as a prisoner. Zulfiqar Khan was also recalled
(1694 A. C.). During 1694-97 A. C. several other
generals were tried, but no better luck was in store for
them, for the victories they won were short-lived. The
Emperor himself encamped at Brahamapuri on the
Bhima and from there directed the operations against
the Marhattas. The rivalry between the Marhatta
generals enabled the Mughals to inflict defeats on the
Marhattas in some engagements. When Rajah Ram,
who had made Satara his seat of government after the
fall of Jinji, heard of Aurangzeb's intention of attacking
that place, he escaped to Khelana along with his family.
The Mughals occupied a series of outposts and linked
them in such a way as to form a blockade. The next
item on the war programme was to lay siege to the
stronghold of Satara, which stood at the summit of a
hill. The besiegers suffered heavy losses when the
garrison rolled down huge stones from the top.
Notwithstanding the great disaster which befell the
Mughal forces, the Marhattas could not hold their own
for a long time. They ran short of their provisions and
Prince 'Azam would not now connive at their underhand
transactions. Rajah Ram, exhausted by a long
expedition, retired to Singhgarh only to expire there on
the 2nd of March, 1700 A. C.

Rajah Ram was succeeded by his young son,

_ _ Kama, who died of small-pox after a
T5ra Bai as regent ' . r
of her son few days. TarS Bfti, th^ dowager-
s' 1 HI- queen> raised her son| skivaji HI, to

358 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

the throne and herself became his regent. This
remarkable lady rose to the height of the occasion and
continued a vigorous defence against the Mughals wha
had, by this time, sufficiently extended their sway in
Maharashtra. Under her influence, the Marhattas
received a new lease of life and enthusiasm. They now
fought with greater vigour, with the result that the
Mughal-Marhatta War dragged on till the grand Imperial
army was completely disorganized and its resources
were exhausted.

Troubles, in the meantime, thickened on all sides

and the valiant old man of eighty*
End of 'Alamgir. f , . \

seven raced them heroically. Ine

Sikhs had established their sway over the Punjab and
had become a power to be reckoned with. The Jats of
Burhanpur were in open rebellion against the Empire
and never obeyed the Mughal Emperor. Amidst thebe
disappointments the hero of the field, Aurangzeb, passed
away in 1707 A. C. leaving the Peacock Throne as a
bone of contention among the Mughals, the Marhattas
the Sikhs and the Rajputs.

As long as Emperor 'Alamgir was alive, all went

., . . _ well ; but his death spoiled his

Mugnal Empire r

after the death of schemes and defeated his purpose.
Emperor 'Alamgir. The Marhattas now rose everywhere,
plundered the Mughal convoys and recovered almost all
what they had lost. The Hindus had already alienated
themselves and the Sikhs were endeavouring to carve
out an independent kingdom for themselves. The
English had established their factories in many places
and had started siding with the native powers in their

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGiR 359

wars. Such was the state of affairs when 'Alamglr
expired. It will now be easy, perhaps, to appeciate the
gravity of the situation which the later Mughals
found themselves face to face.

The appearance of the Sikhs on the stage of Indian

history may be said to have dated

from the close of the fifteenth cen *

tury when Baba Nanak, the founder
of Sikhism.was busy in preaching the unity of God, the
purity of thought and the nobility of action. As a
religious reformer, he condemned caste and colour, and
inculcated the equality of all men in the eyes of the
Almighty. His followers came to be known as Sikhs.
The word Sikh means a disciple and he was the
disciple of the Guru who was the head of the new
Church. In all, there were ten Gurus, including Nanak,
whose short account has already been given. A summary
sketch of the remaining nine follows.

Little is recorded of the ministry of the next Guru,
who succeeded the first Guru as

iS^-fssz^^C 1 An S ad Dev ^cept that he committed
to writing much of what the Great
Guru had performed and preached and some devotional
observances of his own, which were subsequently in-
corporated in the Granth Sahib> the Bible of the Sikhs*
He was true to the principles of his great teacher and,
finding that none of his sons was worthy of apostolic
succession, he nominated Amar Das, an assiduous
disciple of his, as his successor* The crowning achieve-
ment of Guru Angad was the invention of t\e Gurmukhl
alphabet.

360 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Amar Das, the third Guru, was a zealous preacher.
He was successful in winning several

1552^574 r :! conv erts, many of whom were drawn
from the Jats. He divided his spiri-
tual jurisdiction into a number of dioceses, over each of
which he placed a pious Sikh. This extended the authority
of the Guru and increased the popularity of the new
religion over the country. In a pious and humane spirit,
he denounced the black rite of Satl and pronounced that
the true Sati was she whom grief and not flame
consumed, and advised that the afflicted should seek
consolation with God. He died in 1574 A. C. and was
succeeded by his son-in-law, Ram Das.

The name of Guru Ram Das is intimately associated
with the foundation of Amritsar, the
?57?l-5^A a c! centre of Sikhism. From Emperor
Akbar he received a piece of land and
in it he dug a reservoir, since known as Amritsar, or the
1 Pool of immortality '. He is reckoned among the most
revered of the Sikh Gurus, though ' no precepts of wide
application, or rules of great practical value are attri-
buted to him '. Moreover, ' the progress of Sikhism was
slow in his ministration of seven years/ He passed
away in 1581 A. C., leaving his son to succeed him to
his Gaddl as Arjan Dev.

Guru Arjan was a great organizer. He made
Amritsar the proper seat of his dis-

ci P les to carr y on their religious
propaganda as best as they could.
The result was that the obscure village, with its small
pool, gradually grew up to be a populous city and the

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 361

greatest place of pilgrimage of the Sikhs. He edjted
the Granth Sahib and converted the customary offer-
ings of his adherents into a regular tax. He encouraged
trade among the Sikhs and tried to ameliorate their
'economic condition. Unfortunately, he incurred the
wrath of Jahangir by offering help to Prince Khusrau
who was then in rebellion against his father He was
fined and thrown in prison where he died owing to the
severity of confinement in 1606.*

Guru Arjan's successor was his son, Har Govind,
under whom the Sikhs formed them-

?606 D ^6 a 45 G A n c : selves in ' to a wiHtary organization.
The new Guru united in his person
the qualities of a soldier, a saint andf a sportsman.
He went out for hunting and ate meat. During his
ministry the Sikhs made marvellous progress and
multiplied in large numbers. The author of the
Dabistan informs us that he was employed by Jahangir,
-but; was imprisoned at Gwalior for a period of twelve
years when he appropriated to himself the pay of his
soldiers and refused to pay the fine imposed on his
father.f Subsequently, he took service under Shah
Jahan, but soon separated himself by raising a petty

*Vide Dabistan-ul-Mazahib, p. 234. According to Malcolm,
the Guru was imprisoned by the Governor of Lahore at the
instigation of his enemy, Danlchand, whose writings he had
refused to incorporate in the Adi Granth. (See Malcolm's History
of the Sikhs). A Muslim writer, on the other hand, informs us
that the cause of the Guru's imprisonment was his refusal to
marry his son to the daughter of Danlchand (T'J^lkh-i-Punjab
.p. 87).

t Ibid.

362 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

revolt. When defeated and driven to despair, he took

refuge in the hills. He died at Kartarpur in 1645 A. C.*

The next Guru was Har Rai, the grandson of the

late Guru Har Govind. He remained

?65-mi R A. C. i n P eace at Kartarpur till the war of
succession broke out among the sons
of Shah Jahan and the Guru became a partisan of Dara.
When Dara was defeated, the Guru surrendered his
elder son to the Emperor as a hostage. The youth
was treated with due deference and his father was
excused. Har Rai died at Kartarpur in 1661 A. C.,
leaving the pontifical office to be filled by his second
son, Har Kishan.

Guru Har Kishan remained in office for about
three years. His ministry was abso-

lutel y uneventf ul except that he had
to contend against the rivalry of bis

brother, Ram Rai. The latter was born of ' a
hand-maiden' and 'not of a wife of equal degree';
the former, therefore, had a stronger claim to the Gaddl.
When the struggle for succession reached a high
pitch, the case was referred to 'Alamgir, who allowed the
Sikhs to elect their own Guru. Har Kishan was,
accordingly, elected, f but he was not destined to live

* The learned author of the Tarlkh-i-Punjab informs us that
Damchand, the persecutor of Guru Arjan Dev, was handed
over by Shah Jahan to Har Govind who ' put the tormentor of
his father to death.' (Tarikh-i-Punjab).

t According to the District Gazetteers of Dehradun, the elec-
tion of Har Kishan was disputed by Har Rai and the matter
was referred to 'Alamgir who confirmed the election. (Aurangzeb
and His Times, pp. 248-49.)

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 363 :

long. Attacked by small-pox, he passed away at Delhi
in 1664 A. C.

Before his death, Har Kishan had nominated Har
Guru Teeh Govind's son, Tegh Bahadur as his

BahadurT successor. Tegh Bahadur had at

1664-1675 A. C. formidable foe in Ram Rai, who
continued to assert his claims till at last the former was
acknowledged as the spiritual leader of the Sikhs. Not
long after, however, both his life and leadership were
endangered by the machinations of Ram Rai as well as
by * his suspicious proceedings'. Summoned to the
Imperial Court, he was executed ' as a rebel ' in 1675
A. C.*

Guru Tegh Bahadur was succeeded by his son,

^_ . . Govind Singh, at the age of fifteen.
GuruGovmd .,,.,, i j j

Singh : The execution of his father had made

1675 -1708 A.C. & d(?ep impression on the m i n d of

the young Guru and he now made a vow to avenge
the death of his father. For full twenty years
(167595 A.C.) he made preparations for the struggle
against the supremacy of Islam in India. He waged
wars against the Rajahs of Jammu, Garhwal and
other places in order to carve out for himself an
independent principality, or at least to sieze a few
fortresses in the hills, which might serve as a base of

*See Siyar-ul-Muta l akhkhirin (Brigg's ed.) pp. 74-5; Later
Mughals, Vol. I, p. 79 ; and Aurangzeb and His Times, pp. 253 ff.
It has been alleged that the Guru (Tegh Bahadur) was executed
for refusing to accept Islam. This is incorrect. The fact is that
when sentenced to death 'for his crimes againsti the State,' he
was asked to save his life by accepting Islam. He* declined the
offer and was executed for the offence charged with. :

364 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

jniHtary operations against the Mughal Emperor and to
which he might retire in the event of danger. Having
matured his plans, he emerged out of the hills with a
vow to fulfil his mission and an oath to avenge the
death of his father.

Guru Govind was a great religious and social

reformer. He enjoined the worship

His Reforms. _ ^, , , _ _ f f ,

of Shaktt, the goddess of force, and

made it compulsory for the Sikhs to wear steel on their
person in one form or the other. He denominated his
disciples the Khalsa (elect of God) and taught them
that they were born to conquer. He gave them
outward signs of their religion in the five Kakkas, or K's
Kara (iron bangle), Kachha (short drawers), Kanga
(comb), Kes (uncut hair) and Kirpan (dagger). He also
introduced a new form of salutation, 'wah guru fi ka
Khalsa srl wah guru jl kl fateh.' He prohibited the
use of tobacco, liquor and other intoxicants. He
emphasised the equality of all men before God a^nd
preached monotheism. He made a clean sweep of caste
distinctions and declared that the lowest in Sikh society
were equal with the highest. In all this the influence
of Islam is obvious. According to him, salvation
could be attained only by the Khalsa. He emphasised
the importance of military training and diverted the
attention of the Sikhs, each of whom he called Singh,
from the plough to the sword, ' The Turks must be
destroyed ' he said, 'and the graves of those called saints
must be neglected.' Suchwise, the ways of the Hindus
must be deserted and the Brahmans' thread must be
broken. He ruled out superstition and social ceremonies.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 365*

From what has been said, it will be evident that fhe
religious aspect of the movement was
of the e |f gradually transformed into a military

and political organization with
definite aims and ideals. The Gurus of the later times
were not the prototypes of the first four Gurus, who
were exclusively devoted to their religion. In fact,
there cannot be greater contrast than that between
the unostentatious, inoffensive and peace-making Nanak
and his subsequent successors who entirely changed
their mode of life and began to live like princes royal
amidst regal pomp and splendour,- organizing armies,
building forts and fighting for the achievement of
political supremacy. Guru Govind Singh's military
career extended over fifteen years, during which period
he successfully fought against the hill chieftains and
provincial governors. His conqfuests roused the Mughal
Government to another danger which might become
a menace if allowed to persist. When the distressed
Rajahs applied to 'Alamgir for aid against their
oppression, he dispatched an army against the Guru in
order to bring him to book. The Guru was defeated
and two of his sons were slain. From this it is amply
clear that 'Alamglr launched his campaign against the
Sikh Gurus in response to the repeated requests of the
HindQ Rajahs who had suffered great injuries at the
hands of the Sikhs, and yet by a curious irony of fate
the Mughal Emperor is blamed for unjustly provoking
the Sikhs. The Imperialists then laid siege to the fort
of the Guru at Anandapur and reduced hipi to such
straits that he was compelled to make his Way to the

366 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

deserts of the district of Firozpur. Hotly pursued by
the Imperialists, he betook himself to a place which
subsequently became famous as Damdatna, where he
compiled the Granth of the tenth Guru. After a stormy
career, he settled at Anandapur, where, in response
to his request, he received an invitation from the
Mughal Emperor. He proceeded to the Mughal Court
in compliance, but before he reached it, 'Alamgir had
passed away (1707 A.C.). The Guru espoused the cause
of Bahadur Shah and accompanied him to the Deccan
where at Nander he was killed by a Pathan whose
father he had slain.

Ever since the arrival of Sir Thomas Rao at the

, ,. Court of Jahanglr and the grant of
'Alamgir and the _

English : Early the Imperial firman to the English,

English allowing them some trade facilities in

settlements m the Mug h a i Empire, the English had

India .

endeavoured to maintain friendly

relations with the Mughal Government for the
furtherance of their trade interests. As has already
been mentioned, the English had succeeded in
1616 A. C, in receiving permission from the Mughal
Emperor for building a factory at MasulTpatam. In
1639 A.C. they had obtained a piece of land from the
Rajah of Chanderi on lease and built at Madras a
factory with a fort to defend themselves against the
Dutch who had been hostile to them. The fort was
afterwards named as Fort St. George. Shah Jahan,
who was more favourably disposed towards the English
than his predecessors, apart from allowing them fresh
trade concessions, permitted them to build factories at

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 367

Hugli and Kasimbazar in 1650-51 A. C. Eight years
afterwards, all their factories were put under Surat. In
1666 A.C. 'Alamgir rewarded them for their heroic
resistance in the sack of Surat by Shivaji by reducing
the import duty on their goods. Their position on the
western coast improved in 1668 A. C. when for an
annual quit rent of 10 Charles II made over the
islands of Bombay and Salsette, which he had received
as part of the dowry of his wife, Catherine of Braganza,
to the East India Company. Now as they had a
harbour of their own, they little feared the Marhattas
and the Dutch, The hostilities between the Dutch and
the Marhattas further stimulated their ambition and
they fortified their possessions on the western coast in
self defence. Not long afterwards, Charles II granted a
new charter, which conferred some privileges on the
East India Company, making it an important power in
the land.

Shaista Khan, the Governor of Bengal, imposed some

duties on English trade in 1685 A.C.
Anglo-Mughal The factors fefused to pay them to

the local authorities and defied the
Mughal power. TMs led to a sort of semi-official war
between the English and the Mugjials. The English
were assisted by King James II of England with ten or
twelve ships for the capture of Chittagong. When they
attacked the Mughal ships under Sir John Child,
'Alamgir ordered their arrest and the annihilation of
their factories at Surat, Masullpatam and Hugli. The
factories were seized and trade with the " audacious
foreigners" was forbidden. But the Emperor was not

368 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

keen to prolong the war ; he forgave the English and
instructed Ibrahim, the new governor of Bengal, to
treat them with leniency. Ibrahim arranged terms
with them and invited Job Charnock to return to his
former settlement at Hugli early in the month of
October, 1690 A. C. and allowed him to plant a small
station below the Hugll, which took its name 'Calcutta'
from an adjoining village, called Kalikata. This small
station soon developed into an important city and
became the seat of British Government in India. Sir
John Child, the President of Surat, who had declared
war against the Mu^hals with a view to establish a
strong and well-founded English dominion in India,
was at last compelled to sue for peace. The Emperor
extended his pardon to the English without grudge and al-
lowed them to trade as before on payment of Rs. 1,50,000.
Henceforth, the English East India Company returned
to its former methods of peaceful trade till the middle
of the 18th century when the political chaos, which
followed the fall of the Mughal Empire, and the
activities of the French in India eventually forced upon
them a new policy, and they began to fish in th$
troubled waters. From this time onwards their progress
was less showy but more sure and steady.

By the year 1690-91 A. C. 'Alamglr was at the
height of his power. Nearly the

hlS whole of India was under his swa y-

He had succeeded in achieving what

he had been^ struggling for. The SbJa Sultanates of
the Deccan were conquered and annexed to the Mughal
Empire. Most of the Marhatta forts were captured

Alamgir's Empire in 1700 A.C

Aurangated* 5

Reference*:

I The thick line ( -) rodicttet the
extent of Afangir't Empire

2. Tbe undertint* art lowfi

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 369

and Sahu, the principal claimant to the Marhatta
throne, was a captive in the Imperial Camp. A glance
at the map will show tha't 'Alamgir was the Lord
Paramount of the whole of India, extending from
Kashmir in the north to Cape Comorin in the south
and from Kabul in the west to Chittagong in the east.

The main framework of the machinery of govern-
ment under 'Alamgir was the same
Administration , ,. , T1tT

under 'Alamgir. as under his predecessors. We may,

however, note the following changes
in and improvements on the existing system made by
4 Alamgir to suit his convenience : *

The extent of the Mughal Empire had increased
and the territorial boundaries of the
^nh T eS^bahs en W provinces were re-arranged. The
number of Svbahs was raised from
fifteen to eighteen in the North and from three to six in
the South. The provinces of Bengal, Multan and
Kabul were too big to be efficiently administered by a
single governor each. \ new arrangement was, there-
fore, essential. Orissa and a part of Gondwana were
taken from the jurisdiction of the viceroy of Bengal and
placed under a separate governor. Likewise, the whole
of Southern Sind was detached from tjie province of
Multan and formed into a distinct province of Thatta,
with a governor of its own. So also were Kashmir and
a part of Hazara extracted from the province of Kabul
and made into a separate province and placed under a
separate governor. The reconstitution of the different
provinces of the Mughal Empire was quite satisfactory
from the Imperial point of view.

370 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Although 'Alamgir tried to draw a line of
demarcation between religion and
politics,* yet in practice he carried on
the administration of his kingdom
strictly in accordance with the rules laid down
in the Qur'an. The theocratic character of the
Government implied that the Muslim lunar calendar
should be restored. This was done and the llahl era
of Akbar was discontinued. Likewise, taxation was
brought down to the limits prescribed by the Muslim
Law. The Emperor abolished all those taxes for which
sanction could not be obtained from the Qur'an. As
many as eighty taxes were done away with. Taxes on
Hindu pilgrims were removed, but the Jizla was
revived, though it was not strictly collected.

The Islamic State is also concerned with the
manners and morals of the Muslim
community. The Emperor, there-
fore, appointed censors whose duty it
was to look after the conduct of the people and
to enforce the laws of Islam. Drinking was strictly
forbidden and the use of other intoxicants was
prohibited. Prostitution was discouraged and pro-
stitutes were ordered to leave the cities and to remove
their brothels. They were, however, allowed to take
up their residence outside and were ordered to wear red
clothes so that they might be distinguished from the
rest of the women-folk, and hence the name ' lal bibl '.

* ' What connections have earthly affairs with religion ' ?
What right have administrative works to meddle with bigotry ' ?
'For you your religion and for me is mine. Religion has n(fr
concern with secular business/ etc. (See Anecdotes, p. 99.)

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG1R 371

The practice of Darsfaan, introduced by Akbar and
followed by his successors, was regarded as agzrinst
Is^am and was, therefore, pwt an end to.

The King was the custodian of public money. He

effected economies everywhere. The
Bait-ui-MaL L , ~ , ,

expenses or the Court were reduced to

a considerable extent. He maintained a well-organized
department, called the Bait-ul-Mal, or God's Treasury,
where the property of the heirless deceased was kept in
safe custody. Moreover, the property escheated from the
noblemen was also deposited there. 'Alamgir always
endeavoured to increase the property of the Bait-ul-Mal
and the money accumulated there was spent for the
promotion of Islamic culture and civilization.

The policy of centralization, introduced by Akbar
Pohcy of over- and continued by his successors,
centralization. culminated . with Aurangzeb. The

result was that the provincial governors could not find
scope for the development of their natural abilities, so
much so that when the Emperor died the machinery of
Mughal administration collapsed all of a sudden and
there was no one who could administer such a centralized
government.

Justice was rigorously administered and the Em-
peror himself sat at the Dlwan-i-Khas
Justice. , J ...

J from 8 A.M. till noon on every

Wednesday and dispensed even-handed justice to
all and sundry. In his work he was assisted
by a set of law officers of great renown. Under
his patronage a syndicate of theologians compiled th.e
famous Fatawa-i-'Alamgiri at the cost o* two lakhti

372 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

under the supervision of one Shaikh Nizam. Referring to
'Alamgir's justice, Ovington says : ' He is the main Ocean
of justice and equity, and from him all small rivulets of
wealth flow, and to him they all pay tribute, and
return again. He generally determines with exact
justice and equity , for there is no pleading of peeridge
or privilege before the Emperor, but the meanest man is
soon heard by Aurangzebe as the chief Omrah.
Which makes the Omrahs very circumspect of their
actions, and punctual in their payments ; because all
complaints against them are readily adjusted, and they
never want jealous rivals at Court who are willing to
bring them into disgrace with their King for any fault.'*
'Alamgir was an eminent educationist. For the
widespread diffusion of education he
TduSion f established universities in almost all

the important cities of his far-flung
Empire and erected schools in smaller towns. During
his reign, we learn, Delhi, Jaunpur, Sialkot and Thatta
(in Sind) were important centres of education. ' The
city of Thatta/ says Hamilton, 'is famous for learning
theology, philology, and politicks, and they have above
400 colleges for training up youth in those parts of
learning.'t His interest in education, it may be pointed
out at this place, took after his general policy which
aimed at bringing the law into line with the tenets of
Islam. During his reign Muslim education made
mighty strides and Islamic literature flourished abun-
dantly under his patronage. He enunciated a new
theory of what the education of the Royal Princes should

* A Voyage to Surat in 1689, p. 120.

| A New Account of the East Indies, Vol. i, p. 78,

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 373

be. This theory of imperial education emphasised^ in
brief, the importance of general knowledge, such as a
familiarity with the languages of the surrounding
nations ; an acquaintance with the distinguishing fea-
tures of every nation of the earth : its resources and
strength ; its mode of warfare ; its manners, religion,
form of government, and wherein its interests principally
consist ; with the origin of states ; their progress and
decline, the events, accidents, or errors, owing to which
such great changes and mighty revolutions have been
effected ; with the reciprocal duties between the sove-
reign and his subjects, the art fcf war, of besieging a
town or drawing up an army.*

'Alamgir's political pre-occupations left him but

A .. little leisure to indulge in his artistic

Architecture. ^ T ,

fancy. Nevertheless, he made some

important additions to the existing architecture. Among
the most remarkable buildings erected by him may be
mentioned the Marble Mosque in the Fort of Delhi
and the Badshahi Masjid at Lahore. The latter is the
latest specimen of the Mughal style of architecture.

Quite unlike his ancestors, 'Alamglr did not

actively patronize music and painting,
PaiSing d Himself ' well-versed in the science of

music,' he was deadly against its
practical performance. Likewise, in painting, though he
delighted in the pictorial records of his own grand-
doings, he sought to discriminate between the artists of
his own creed and those of others and therefore did

* For a detailed discussion on the subject, vide Education iti
Muslim India, pp. 175 ff.

374 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

nothing to popularize it. A number of pictures,
illustrating his battles and sieges, have come down to
us, which show that he did not discourage this art
wholesale. All the same, the fine arts did not die at once
the death the Emperor is said to have desired to such
frivolities as music and dancing. The musician and
the painter still flourished and continued to ply their
respective vocations notwithstanding the lukewarm, if
not positively hostile, attitude of the Emperor towards
them.

The glorious reign of this simple and unosten-

_ tatious king was not without its

Gardens.

beautiful gardens. Among the most

attractive of their class may be mentioned the Badshahi
Masjid and Garden at Lahore, the Garden of Raushan
Ara Begam at Delhi, the ChauburjT Bagh, the Nawan
Kal Bagh at Lahore and the Pinjor Garden.

It is impossible to under-rate the character and
achievements of Aurangzeb 'Alam-
g lr the last of our Great Mughals,
described as ' the puritan in the
fjurple '. Magnificent in his public appearance, simple
and unassuming in his private life, exact in the
peformance of his religious observances, prompt in the
dispatch of his daily business, an eminent educationist,
a remarkable religious enthusiast, a patron of the poor
and the learned, a great literary genius, an elegant letter-
writer, ' a fountain of justice as of honour/ and a
master of pen as of sword' 'Alamgir was indeed a
triumph of character. He left no faculty of his active

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMG*IR 375

mind to rust and allowed no spring of his frame to relax
even in the evening of his life. His ideal of kingahip
was very high : ' I was sent into the world by Provi-
dence,' he said, * to live and labour, not for myself, but
for others ; that it is my duty not to think of my
own happiness, except so far as it is inseparably
connected with the happiness of my people. It is the
repose and prosperity of my subjects that it behoves
me to consult ; nor are those to be sacrificed to anything
besides the demands of justice, the maintenance of the
royal authority, and the security of the State.' It is
indeed to his credit that he lived up to this lofty ideal.
With him governing was a duty, seriously undertaken
and honestly performed. He felt disgusted at the idea
of making religion (Islam) a plaything of mental
gymnastics and a sport of royal whims and moods. He
deplored the debasement of the noble ideals and
traditions of Islam and was exasperated at the aberra-
tions of those who lacked courage and concealed their
religious identities for political reasons. He could not
tolerate religion being overriden by politics and therefore
raised his voice against the ' danger ' that lay ahead.
He tried to restore Islam to its pristine purity and
perfection. Thus did he play the role of a reformer and
it was in this capacity that he commanded the confidence
of his co-religionists during his lifetime and again it
is in this capacity that he enjoys the reverence of his
co-religionists even now. He ruled India as a Muslim
King and was therefore hated by the Hindus then as
much as now. But the fact cannot escape recognition
that ' Alamgir was a little too rigid in his methods and

376 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

betrayed a narrowness of vision in displaying his

reforming zeal. As a man of imperial instinct and a

man of iron-will, he disdained to yield to popular

agitation and never changed his attitude even when

exegencies of the hour demanded lenity and liberal

treatment, though he did yield to the demands of the

Ulama. Justified from the standpoint of the Emperor,

some of his acts were undoubtedly calculated to create

difficulties for him. Tba allegation that he was

distrusful and suspicious by nature is not justified.

The treachery of his sons and officers, who secretly

joined his enemies against him, put him on his alert and

constrained him to take necessary safeguards against

them. If, therefore, their acts were vigilantly watched

by the Emperor, it was because they had proved

treacherous time and again. To sum up, 'Alamgir was

indeed a great king, doubly so from the standpoint of

his co-religionists. No other emperor has been subjected

to such severe scrutiny as he, and yet he has exacted

the admiration of friends and foes alike.

Bernier, who was present in India during the first

quarter of 'Alamglr's reign, was by no
Bermer's view. ^ j * A

means favourably disposed towards

the Great Mughal. Even he had no hesitation to
admit that ' this Prince (viz., * Alamgir) is endowed with
a versatile and rare genius, that he is a consummate
Statesman, and a great King'.*

Hamilton, who visited India towards the close of

the seventeenth century, pays the
Hamilton s view. . ; r

following well-deserved tribute to the

* Bernier' s Travels in the Mogul Empire, p. 199.

MUHI-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AURANGZEB ALAMGIR 377

much-maligned monarch : * He (Aurangzeb) was a
Prince in every way qualified for governing. None ever
understood politics better than he. The balance of
distributive justice he held in exact equilibrium. He
was brave and cunning in war, and merciful
and magnanimous in peace, temperate in his diet
and recreations, and modest and grave in his apparel,
courteous in his behaviour to his subjects and affable
in his discourse. He encouraged the laws of humanity
and observed them as well as those of religion/*

Writing about the reign of*Emperor 'Alamgir in

., ., . 1701 A,C., Niccolaa Manucci, the

Manucci s view . ^

Italian traveller who was in India-
during the second half of the seventeenth century,

says: " The great age of the Emperor and the

ambition to gain the throne continuously displayed by
his sons and grandsons, give rise to the apprehension
of some catastrophe quite as tragic as that supervening
at the close of Shahjahan's reign. In spite of this,

the ablest politicians assert that all will be

peaceful so long as the aged monarch is still in this
world. In saying this, they rely on the admirable
conduct and the good government of this Prince-
(Aurangzeb), who in spite of his great age and the infir-
mities inseparable from it, knows how to get himself
always obeyed with his former vigour, and to hold
every man to his allegiance".!

*A New Account o/ the East Indies, by Alexander Hamilton,
Vol. II, p. 103. !

t Storia Do Mogor by Niccolao Manucci, Vol. hi, pp. 249=50,

378 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

" The abilities of Shah Jahan's son and successor,

1 AlamgTr," says Keen, " rendered him
Keen s view, J .

the most famous member of his

famous house. Intrepid and enterprising as he was in
war, his political sagacity and statecraft were equally
unparalleled in Eastern annals. He abolished capital
punishment, understood and encouraged agriculture,
founded numberless schools and colleges, systematically

constructed roads and bridges In his reign the

house of Tirnur attained its zenith. The wild Pathans
of Kabul were temporarily tamed, the Shah of Persia
sought his friendship, the ancient Muslim powers of
Bijapur and Golconda were subverted and their terri-
tories rendered subordinate to the sway of the empire ;
the hitherto indomitable Rajputs were subdued and
made subject to taxation ; and if the strength of
the Marhattas lay gathered upon the Western Ghats,
it was not possible to anticipate that a band of such
marauders would long resist the might of the great
Mughal/'*

Orme, the famous historian, only sums up the

^ , achievements of 4 Alamgir when ho

Orme s view. __ f ... r . ,, ,

says : 'The condition of the Moghul

Empire, began to lose its vigour immediately after the
death of Aurangzeb, the ablest monarch that ever
reigned over Indostan. 9 ^

* The Fall of the Mughal Empire, by H. G. Keen.
t A History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation
in Jndostanfro.n the year 1715, by Orme.

CHAPTER XVII

RETROSPECT

Mughal Culture and Civilization
" No presentation of history can be adequate which

neglects the growths of the religious
Introductory. & . & ... * ,

conspicuousness, of literature, of the

moral and physical science, of art, ot scholarship, of
social life." An inquiry into these aspects of life during
the Mughal Period of Indian History forms the subject-
matter of the present chapter. Though these aspects
have been treated at some length in tfie preceding
account at their proper places, it is proposed to sum up
the subject in the RETROSPECT. For the sake of
convenience, it is best to classify them as Political,
Social, Religious and Economic.

Political Features

The hardest nut to crack in any sovereignty is
that of succession. This must have

sJccSn 01 been ver y much so in Isl * m if it had

not cut the gordian knot by giving
unlimited latitude to the law of succession which it
based on the earliest traditions of its rule. A reference
to a typical one of such traditions appears apropos of the
subject. The Prophet of Islam governed his people as
a divine commissioner. After his death, the Caliphate
(succession) became a cause of contention between the
several claimants and the solution of the tangle involved
three principles : first, the ruler's heir his son, or a
relative in the absence of a son ; secondly, the person
appointed by him or his nominee ; and thirdly, the

380 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

person on whom the majority of the Musalmans were
agreed. Thus, it is apparent that there was no well-
defined law regulating the succession to the throne.
Sometimes the law of primogeniture applied, in which
case the claims of the first-born were recognised ; often
the nominee succeeded ; and not infrequently the
succession was effected by a plebiscite conducted by the
chief officers of the State, and the sovereign-elect was
not necessarily a direct descendant of the late king.
Owing to the absence of a fixed law of succession ta
the throne, rival interests often came into conflict and
resulted in bloodshed. But underlying this absence was
an advantage : in the civil war that followed the death
of a king, only the fittest survived and ruled with great
efficiency. In Mughal India, neither the law of primo-
geniture, nor the principle of plebiscite, nor even of
nomination was adhered to. Except in the case of
Akbar, who enthroned himself unopposed at the death
of his father, the sword decided the struggle for succes-
sion and the successful prince cut short the life of his
rival collaterals lest they should, at some future date,
re-assert their claims to the throne and create distu*--
bance in the kingdom,

Our Mediaeval Mughal Monarchy was a secular

institution. The Sharlyat, was
Mughal Monarchy se , dom a ,j owed tQ interfere with the
and its nature.

State. The Mughal Emperor derived

his power not from the Muslim Law but from
Persian traditions. He was virtually the State and his
will was absolute. From the very nature of the case, the
Mughal Government was an absolute monarchy, which

RETROSPECT 381

knew nothing of constitutional rights and elective
assemblies, but it had so much of democratic
element in it that it was based not on force but on the
-acquiescence of the people and its general administrative
policy was at once in accord with the spirit of the age
and the sentiments of its subjects. The Mughal
Emperor took care to carry out the wishes of his people
and tried his best to secure ' the greatest happiness of
the greatest number '. Perfect religious freedomand
unconditional liberty of conscience are the sine qua non
of the stability and success of every State. The Mughal
Emperors understood this and Jherefor^ shaped their
policy accordingly. They adopted a Sulh-i-Kul policy
and carried it to its logical conclusion. Reconciliation
and universal toleration were their watch-words. The
testimony of contemporary chroniclers and European
travellers eloquently testifies to this fact.

The Mughal Government undertook to guard the
country against external invasions, to

Functions of regulate foreign policy, to maintain

the Mughal or./

Government. law and order, to suppress crime and

encourage public morality, to provide
for the protection of life and property, to disseminate
justice and to enforce private contracts. Apart from
these constituent functions, the Mughal Government
performed some ministrant duties, such as the fixing of
coinage, regulation of trade and industry, maintenance
of roads and highways, establishment of hospitals, rest-
houses and other works of public welfare, administration
of famine relief, promotion of education and encourage*
ment of arts and literature.

382 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The methods of administration of the early
Sultans of Delhi were rough and rude

Methods of indeed; .but the later sovereigns of

administration. * t

Islam, especially the Mughal Emperors,
were great statesmen and they have left many fruitful
ideas and useful institutions behind them. The Mughal
Empire manifested a higher degree of polical organiza-
tion than had previously existed in India. Babar,
Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan, and 'Alamgir
were all sovereigns of uncommon political acumen and
marked administrative talents. The last three retained
intact the vast and wonderful Empire which the cons-
tructive genius of Akbar had brought into being,
Where they received their talent for administration is
not hard to say it was intuitive, inborn, self-taught
not acquired.

For purposes of efficient administration the Empire

was divided into a number of pro*

Administrative v inces, at each of which was stationed
divisions

a Subedar, or viceroy who was

assisted by a revenue officer, called Diwan. Each
province was sub-divided into districts, or Sarkars, each
of which was placed in charge of a local governor, or
Faujdar. Each Sarkar was further sub-divided into
Parganas and each Pargana into villages. The
officer in charge of a Pargana was called Qanungo and
that of a village Muqaddam.

In the modern sense of the word, there was no
Administration hierarchy of courts of justice. The
of justice, * King was the fountain of justice and

his was the highest court of appeal. The justice

RETROSPECT 383

dealt out was rough and ready and the procedure
of the courts was simple and summary. Its morits
were that it was quick and cheap. Its danger was
that it was apt to miscarry. The Qazis settled the
cases between the Musalmans according to their
religious code, whereas civil disputes among the Hindus
were decided by Hindu judges and those between
Hindus and Musalmans by Muslim Judges assisted by a
set of Brahman scholars competent to expound Hindu
customs and Shastras. The Emperors and the Provin-
cial Governors also heard appeals and often revised
and even modified the decisions of the lower courts.
Punishments were, of course, severe, l?ut they had
deterring effects.* f

In theory, taxes were levied in accordance with the

limits prescribed by the Muslim Law;

Taxation. ...

but in practice, they were imposed,

relaxed and remitted arbitrarily by the Emperors as well
as by the Provincial Governors. Taxes on Crown-lands,
the land revenue, customs duties, tributes from depen-
dencies, escheats and presents were the principal sources
of income. The Jizia, or poll-tax, abolished by Akbar,
was re-imposed by 'Alamglr, though it was not strictly
collected.

* On the authority of European travellers who visited India
during the Mughal Period, some modern writers have frequently
referred to the vanity of the Qazls and the corruption of other
Government officials. 1 do not for a moment deny the charge
altogether, but I cannot help pointing out that the picture
painted by them is rather exaggerated. Corruption there was,
but it was not condoned or connived at by the Government. On
the other hand, it was strongly suppressed and severely dealt

384 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

For the maintenance of law and order and the
even-handed distribution of justice, a
Organization. highly organized police is absolutely

essential. The Mughal Emperors
maintained one in a high state of efficiency. The
principal police officer was Kotwal, the custodian of
public peace and security, whose duties have been
detailed at some length in a previous chapter. He was
assisted by a set of subordinate officers in the discharge
of his multifarious duties. It is a tribute to the Mughal
'Government that owing to an efficient police
organization ' order and security prevailed in the cities,
business was safe, and foreign merchants were well
.protected.'

Espionage has indeed a bad odour about it and

yet it has been found indispensable

Secret service. , , , , j j

even by the most advanced and

.civilized governments. In a despotic government the
need for sound spying system can be well imagined.
In Mughal India, there were the Waqai Navis,

-or Recorders of Events, and the Khufia Navis,

with. No government, however advanced, can claim to be free
from corrupt officials, and the Mughal Government was no
exception to the rule. Notwithstanding the efficient systems of
administration evolved by different nations and the deterrants
.devised by them, there is corruption, and corruption in plenty,
in every country and in almost every department, at least
among the ministerial staff. In Mughal India, we gather from
the original sources of information, every effort was made to
remove it and, in consequence, there was in those days a good
^balance of justice and fair-dealing, certainly better than any
. other country could claim.

RETROSPECT 385

or Writers of Secret Intelligence, stationed at each
provincial capital and entrusted with the task of
informing the Emperor of* all that occurred in the
different -parts of his Empire. There was a close
connection between the Secret Service and the Postal
Service so that no secret should leak out.

There was a regular postal system in vogue in

, , Mughal India. Along every Imperial

Postal Service. *- J *

road there was, at a distance of six

miles, a post office, called Chowki, where the runner
(Harkara) brought the Imperial dispatches and whence
the runner, appointed to go to the next Chowki, set off
at full speed with the mail. At night the runners were
guided by the avenues of trees standing- on either side
of the road. Where there were no trees, heaps of stones
were set up at a distance of every five hundred paces
and kept white-washed by the residents of the
neighbouring villages. Horses were also kept in all the
serais along the Imperial highways to provide a regular
mail-service. But the runner was sometimes swifter
than the horseman, because at night in the dark the
former ran undeterred by darkness or storm, whilst the
latter was compelled to ride slowly. On the whole, the
system worked so well that it secured the stability of the
Empire by keeping the Emperor in touch with what
occurred in the provincial governments.

The beneficent character of the Mughal

Government comes out to its best
archftecture. advantage in relation to arts and

architecture. There was none whose
skill and ingenuity were not appreciated and rewarded.

386 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The Imperial patronage raised the fine arts to a high
water-mark, and as a result, we have those master-
pieces, which, like the Taj, will always elicit our
spontaneous admiration. " After all " says an English
scholar, " the splendour of the Mughal dynasty is
unsurpassed in the annals of the world, and that
splendour has always found its supreme expression in
architecture. The Mughal craftsmen made lovely
buildings because they had beautiful ideas, and the
technical skill to embody these ideas in stone."

" In those days no Government had a regular

department of public instruction."

Education. J v

The Mughal Emperors, however,
opened schools and colleges in the various parts of their
Empire and sought to supplement their achievements
by extensive patronage of literary worth. During the
Mughal period, education was diffused by the threefold
means of (1) schools and colleges, (2) mosques and
monasteries and (3) private houses, typifying three forms
of education, viz., university, primary and domestic.
The curriculum embraced the art of administration,
arithmetic, algebra, geometry, accounts, agriculture,
economics, history, ethics, astronomy, medicine, physics,
philosophy, law and ritual. It may be mentioned here
that in the schools and colleges founded by the Mughal
Emperors and others, Hindu students studied side by
side with their Muslim class-fellows and there was no
restriction in this or in any other respect. For the
instruction of girls there were separate tnaktabs and
madrasahs t but usually they received their education in
their own houses or in the houses of their chosen Ustads

RETROSPECT 387

(teachers) living in the neighbourhood.*

The impression seems to be current in some

Was Muslim Rule Q uarters that the Muslim Rule in India

in India a rule wa? that of foreigners. It is necessary

of foreigners? . ., , ^ . . f /

to strike at once at the root of this

erroneous notion. To be sure, the Muslim Kings from
the establishment of the Slave Dynasty down to the
decline of the Mughal Empire were foreigners only in
the sense in which the sovereigns of England have been
foreigners to the Mother Country since the time of
William the Conqueror. It cannot be disputed that
William was a foreigner, but because he mkde England
his home, he is as much English as all his successors
down to the present king have been. Again, they were
foreigners only in the sense in which all the Presidents
of the United States of America have been owing to
their foreign extraction. Aibak, the first king of the
Sultanate of Delhi, and Babar, the first king of the
Mughal Empire, came from foreign lands, no doubt, but
they settled down in this country, made it their
permanent home, identified themselves with the interests
ci the country and ruled it rather as Indians than as
foreigners. Their successors were born in India, lived
in India and died in India. Thus, they were Indian
every inch. They came as foreigners indeed, but like
the Aryans, who too were foreigners, they engrafted
themselves on the Indian soil, sucked into their veins
the Indian sap, nurtured themselves under the warmth

*For the contributions made by the Muslim Kings and
others to the sacred cause of education, vide Education in Muslim
India.

388 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

of the Indian sun and conditioned their growth,
multiplication and expansion under the Indian climates.
So, with the march of time they became, with each
succeeding generation, 'of the earth earthy'. The
metamorphosis, which was proceeding apace, was
rendered complete by the intermingling of the children
of the soil. If they retained a distinctive stamp, it was
largely of religion, but that too was evanescent, because
the converts to the faith from the natives were
indistinguishably absorbed into their ranks. Many of
those who still retained their old faith completely
identified themselves with the patriotic spirit so natural
to the sons of Islam and were called to occupy from the
lowest position to the highest, next only to the king's.
Again, it was the Muslims who first put a barrage
against the Khyber Pass and other Eastern Passes and
thus kept India in immunity from foreign invasions.
Finally, all the material resources of the State were
spent in the country itself and nothing was drained away
to foreign lands. Another important feature of the
Muslim rule was that the ruling class did not interfere
with the old institutions of the natives. The time-
honoured system of corporate village government and
district administration was not disturbed in the least
and every care was taken to establish law and order
within the country and to maintain a peaceful policy
outside.

Some have gone even so far as to declare all
Are Muslims Musalmans as foreigners. With the

foreigners ? exception of a few Semitic races, such

as the Sayyp.ds, the Qureshls and others, the forefathers

RETROSPECT 389

of a vast majority (9/1 Oth) of Muslims were Hindus and
hence Indian. They embraced Islam and left behind
generations of Muslims who multiplied in numbers as
the time rolled on. Change of religion does not imply
change of nationality and an Indian Hindu who becomes
a Muslim to-day does not become an Arab, an Afghan
or a Persian, but continues to be Indian as long as he
does not change his nationality. As regards the Sayyads
and others who came from outside, settled in this
country and made it their home, it is never too much
to say that they were Indian quite as much as the
Aryans who preceded them. Just as the Aryans came
from outside, took up their permanent abode in India
and became Indian in course of time, similarly they (i.e.
Sayyads and others) came as foreigners no doubt ; but,
like their predecessors (Aryans 1 , they made India their
home and became naturalised jn it.

Social Features

The cultural unity of India was another enduring
achievement of the Muslim Rule.

Cultural unity of Hindu-Muslim social intercourse ;

India during the

Muslim Rule. Hindus and Muslims studying side

bv side in the same schools without
any restrictions ; compulsory education in Persian ;
mutual exchange of words, thoughts, and ideas both
in arts and literature ; adoption and incorporation
all these forces combined and cumulatively contributed
to the cultural unity of India during the Muslim Rule,
particularly during the Mughal Period under the tolerant
rule of the Great Mughals. There were *nany Muslim
scholars who studied Hindu arts and sciences, wrote

390 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

poetry and prose and encouraged their cultivation,
Lil'ewise, there were several Hindus who cultivated
Muslim arts and sciences and made their mark in
Persian literature. Either community contributed to
the literature of the other, enriching its vocabulary
and ennobling its outlook on life and letters. They
devised a common medium of expression, Urdu, and
developed it into a literary language. All these forces,
while acting and reacting on each other, brought the
two communities nearer to each other, merging them
into a homogeneous whole. All this had its natural
result in the evolution of a common culture which
united them and bridged the gulf which existed between
them on account of religious differences.

It is a commonplace of history that the Musalmans
Muslim Soc.ety have alw ays been great nationalists,

and the sources because nationalism is at the very
of its strength. r .

core ot their religion. A Musalman,

who is not a nationalist, is not, strictly speaking,
a true follower of his faith inasmuch as he is not
obeying the Divine Order : " Let there be in you a
nation summoning unto the good." In India, as
elsewhere in the Muslim World, the Musalmans
formed one solid nation, ready to immolate themselves
at the shrine of religion, honour and love. Their life of
action moderated their fear of death and they achieved
uncommon triumphs in almost every sphere of human
endeavour. Their religion was a great source of strength
to them. The wars of the Crescent were won, in the
first place by science, in the second by patience, and in
the third by discipline. The five daily prayers portended

RETROSPECT 391

active life, fasting in the month of Ramzan implied
a test of endurance, the niggardliness of nature and*the
rigours of climate, in which (hey lived, meant an excellent
discipline for them ; while the vision of becoming
a foremost nation of the world fired their spirit.

The proverbial pomp and magnificence of the
Mughal Court will always remain a
byword of those who have even a
nodding acquaintance with Indian
history. The foreign travellers were surprised at the
splendour that surrounded the Sovereign and his Court.
On Fridays, after public prayer, piusicians, story-tellers,
athletes and wrestlers assembled at the Royal Court and
amused the King and his courtters with their
performances. The Court presented a scene of most
joyous activities and there was nothing wanting to make
the show a splendid success.

Dress in Mughal India is another instance of the
Male Dress vanished glory upon which the mind

delights to dwell. Hailing from
different climates, the warlords of Islam naturally paid
great attention to the requirements of their dress. Wool
was preferred to cotton and silk to the flimsy gauze-
like stuffs in fashion with the native aristocracy. The
trousers worn by the people of India during the pre-
Islamic period made room for the Pajama more
stylish and close-fitting, which came to be known
as halwar, or Izar, tied by a string with tussles at the
waist ; the high-heeled slippers gave place to the heel-
less. The so-called Jamah became thfe usual, court
dress. : Knee-long in the beginning, it reached up to the

392 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

ankles in the later Mughal days. The Nadrl wear,
invented by Jahangir, was a robe of honour reserved
for the favoured few of his courtiers. One of the
noblest contributions made by Musalmans to Indian
dress is the popular head-wear called Pagrl, which
.became universal after the establishment of the Mughal
Empire in India. The dress of the Emperor was often
made of thin material, interwoven with gold thread and
decorated with embroidered patterns of flowers and
foliage. His head-wear was embellished with pearls,
jems and jewels.

It is extremely difficult to determine at this distant

^ date the minutice of female dress

Female Dre^s.

because of the observance of privacy

among the ladies of the Harems. The paintings of
eminent court ladies are non-existent, or are too
apocryphal to be described in detail. A reputed portrait
of Empress Nurjahan distinctly shows her in close-
fitting trousers and bodice coming down to the end
of the Shalwar and a slight Sari to serve for setting
rather than for clothing. The female-dancers dressed
themselves in full skirts of the flimsiest material with a
light jaugy Sari and a tight-fitting bodice with long
sleeves. This was, perhaps, necessitated by the very
nature of their profession.

Profuse jewellery was used for extra-personal

ornamentation. The use of Kamar-
decoration. band, or the waist-band, was

universal among both the sexes.
For the rest, it may be mentioned that almost every
part of the body, on which some ornament or other

RETROSPECT 393

<x>uld possibly be fixed or hung, was not without* it.
Anklets, bracelets and armlets rivalled necklaces,
collars and girdles the former adding ornamental
splendour to feminine grace and the latter adding form
to masculine vigour. The nose-ring is a Muslim
contribution to Indian woman's face ornaments. The
Musalmans made ear-rings much lighter but more
brilliant and valuable than before. Of personal
ornaments, the use of betel, or pdn, to colour lips as
well as to sweeten breath, and of henna to colour
palms, nails and finger-tips of hands and nails and soles
of feet of females as well as gra^ bearcft, moustaches
and heads was in vogue in those times as it is now.

In amusement and recreation the Musalmans
Am se t maintained throughout their ascendancy

those illustrious traditions of boundless
magnificence which have com'e down to posterity and
still astound the foreigners. Of outdoor games, Chaitsar
(chess) and Chaupar (a game played with dice or
cowries on a piece of cloth gr board) seem to have been
favourite with the commonalty as well as aristocracy.
Akbar is credited with the repute of having invented a
number of new games on the principle of Chaupar
and playing-cards. Gentler arts, such as music and
painting, were among other indoor amusements.
Hunting, chariot-racing, pigeon-flying, gladiatorial
combats, elephant-fights, swimming and Chaugan (polo)
may also be mentioned among the popular outdoor
sports. "In many of these sports" says Professor K. T.

Shah, " women joined their men-folk in a most perfect
abandon."

394 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The lot of women, as ordained by the Holy

Qur'an, the real place they occupy in
Status of women. P

the frame-work of Muslim society, is

absolutely misunderstood by an alien missionary as
much as by a native visionary. The widespread, not to
say the ludicrously untenable notion, that women in
Islam have no souls, that they are too much the ser-
vants of their husbands' passions or the toys of their
idle hours, has by this time been fully exploded, and it
is now certain that it was nothing more than what a
jaundiced eye could see.* The honour of women has
always been jealously safeguarded by the followers of
Islam. The very word Harem signifies something
sacred and shows that women were held in honour
verging on veneration. This is borne out by the
testimony of native historians as well as by foreign
travellers.

Slavery was a recognised institution in Mughal India

c,. as it was everywhere else in the

Slavery J

world. It must, however, be remem-
bered here that in Islam little degradation is attached to
the condition of slaves. The fact that slaves and
their sons could rise to the most distinguished positions
in the State is a glowing tribute to the attitude of Islam
towards slaves.") Besides, we know for certain that the
State always encouraged the practice of manumission.
Akbar is credited with the introduction of a reform^
whereby the prisoners of war were forbidden to be
enslaved.

*See Spirit of Islam, pp. 222-57.
., pp. 258-67.

RETROSPECT 395

Religious Features .

Unlike their predecessors the Indo-Bactrians, the
Extraordinary Sakas, the Hunas and others the

Muslim 01 " Musalmans were not absorbed by

population, the very elastic and ever-expanding

causes. Hinduism. On the other hand, they

made large conversions in this country. The
followers of Islam multiplied in India during the
Muslim rule and we are not in the least surprised at
their rapid growth when we penetrate deep into the
problem and discover some inevitable forces working
towards this end. * *

In matters of faith, the human mind is prone to
work in certain paradoxical ways :
While the Darned seek for their satis-
faction the remote and the abstruse,
the crude, on the other hand, are always in quest of the
simplest and the most direct to which they cling tena-
ciously. Customs, ceremonies, pictures and idols are
various ways of impressing an idea on the rude mind.
The transcendant philosophy of Hinduism was the
monopoly of the favoured few who so jealously guarded
its treasures partly frbm motives of self-aggrandisement
and partly because they thought it would not answer ta
cast pearls before swine that they thought it was
sufficient if the curiosity of the vulgar was dazzled by
an array of picturesque ceremonials and the splendour
of images and idols preserved in shrines raised at
inestimable costs. The ignorant felt, howpver imper-
ceptibly at the time, a great gulf between them and t*heir
preceptors. They saw in the advent of Islam the

396 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

visions of liberation from intellectual thraldom. The
Muslim missionaries had an untold advantage of a
clear-cut cosmogony and a definite set of dogmas about
heaven and hell, how to attain the former and avoid the
latter, in contrast with the vague and poetical version of
popular superstitions presented by Hinduism. The
doctrinal simplicity of Islam, which was like an open
book to all, from the highest to the meanest, heralded
the dawn of the day of the down-trodden. For the
slaves of numerous gods and rituals, the brotherhood of
Islam, the simple monotheistic idea of God, the
democratic principle of equality and the rationalistic
doctrines, like fasting and prayers, had a lure that was
irresistible. Voluntary conversions were the inevitable
-results.

The spirit of freedom has always had a fascination

for all races under all climes and
Spirit of freedom , . 1-1

conditions. It is no mere platitude

to say that this spirit is inherent in mankind. It has
moulded the destinies of nations. Self-realisation is
nothing but a discovery of this spirit. It has been the
corner-stone of the greatest of our empires. It is in the
.fitness of things that the classes to which a degrading
position had been assigned in Hindu society, leading to
invidious distinctions between the natural rights of man
and man, should shake off their lethargy, and thus,
giving a rude shock to the Pharisaism of the Brahmans,
raise up such a tornado of vindictiveness against the
helpless visionaries that the only course open to them
was to seek shelter in the fold of Islam. To the low-
.caste Hindi", the new faith meant a perfect democracy

RETROSPECT 397

wherein the stains of blood and occupation were
exorcised by the pronouncement of the ' open sesame 1
of the simple Islamic creed : ' There is no God but
Allah, and Muhammad is His Prophet/ Thus, it was
the human aspect of the Muslim faith which was at the
back of its propagation and proselytising capabilities.
Too much cannot be said about the Muslim
religion as a spiritual force. Its
intrinsic worth has been a magnet for
all seekers after truth. It was this
that occasioned conversions during that period and it is
this that is winning converts even*iow, George Bernard
Shaw does not over-estimate the value of Islam when
he says that ' England in particular nd the rest of
Western Europe in general are sure to embrace Islam
within a century/ This is a fact, otherwise how can
Musalmans, poor and powerless as they are, win
converts of the calibre of Lord Headley, Kbalid
Sheldrake, David Upson, K. L. Gauba, etc.,- not from
the ignorant classes of the lowest strata, but from the
most cultured classes of the highest order. Everyone
feels that the laws of Islam are the laws of Nature
which must ultimately prevail. The spirit of Islam
dominates the world and the tendency of Islamisation is
patent to the naked eye.

The noble examples set by the votaries of Islam
their chaste lives, their sincere devo-
'ion, their unselfish motives for the
spread of their religion must have
contributed to the same end in no small measurer
The career and character of such men as Kb

398 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Muin-ud-Din Chishti, Sayyad Ali Hajveri (also called
Data Sahib), Bandanawaz Sayyad Muhammad Gesudaraz
and Shaikh Sallm Chishti are cases in point.

The desire for material prosperity lies embedded in
the very conception of freedom. The

advantages forces that should underly such a

desire can by no means be over-
estimated. Social uplift was a vital factor that accele-
rated conversions into mass movements. The following
ends can be easily comprehended to have been in view
side by side with spiritual cravings : a lucrative post, or
position in the State, escape from the payment of the
Jizia and other cesses levied on the Zimmis, daily
contact with the ruling class which centred in itself all
the graces of good breeding and culture, the personal
favours of the Emperor, which in itself meant so much
in those times.

Recent census reports have directed our attention
towards another possibility which
Muslim races. accounts for the preponderance of

Muslim numbers over those of others
in some parts of this country. This is the virility oi
Muslim races which, on account of the heritages of food
and mode of living, has immense capacity for the pro-
pagation of species. All this furnishes an explanation for
the rapid spread of Islam so often viewed with amazement.
In the light of the circumstances presented above,
11 No compulsion the slanderous theory that Islam
in religion." wag propagate( j j n i n( ji a a t the point

of the sword does not hold, especially in view of the
Quranic teaching : ' Let there be no compulsion in

RETROSPECT 399

religion.' Forcible conversions, if any during the
war-times, may at the most be acknowledged to* be
only a temporary phase, for the permanent acquiescence
in the faith thus imposed upon is highly incredible.
Had Islam been propagated under compulsion, verily
there would have been no Zimmls in India and else-
where, where Islam was once so supreme.

In passing, it will not be without interest to note
that there were many political, social

Forces that an( j religious forces operating secretly

brought about b * . " \

a modus vivendi and silently fora moans Vivendi, if not

an7A"nd\usm. for a complete ^conciliation, between
Islam arid Hinduism. Among the
political forces may be mentioned thse that led the
Hindus to join hands with the Mu^almans in the event
of a common danger. Men as well as women of all
castes, who had suffered much, felt drawn together in a
common bond of sympathy. The policy of opening
careers to talents contributed much to mutual love.
Socially, the presence of Hindu women in Muslim Harems
went far enough towards* welding the two elements
together. The schools, where Hindus and Muslims
received their education together, too had a great unify-
ing influence. The policy of religious toleration and the
influence of the Muslim Sufi, who came to deride the
ritualistic side of his faith and believed that salvation was
a concern for all, that all were equal in the eyes of God,
and that there was no difference between the high-born
and the low, between a Hindu and a Musalman, were
among the religious force which had no mean share in bring-
ing about a reconciliation between Islam and Hinduism.

400 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The forces that were working for the modus
vivendi were also responsible for the

Mo'vemeS Bhaktl rise of the Bhakn Movement analo-
gous and contemporary to the Reform-
ation Movement of Mediaeval Europe which recognized
no difference between Ram and Rahim, Ka'ba and
Kailash, Qur'an and Puran, and inculcated that
Karma is Dharma. The preachers of this creed
Ramananda, Kabir, Dadu, Ramdas, Surdas, Nanak and
Chaitanya who flourished in different parts of India
and preached the principle of Unity of God, were
immensely influenced by Islam. Sikhism is only a
phase of the same movement.

The influence of Islam on Indian religious life
and thought has continued to our

Tnflurnrp of . , ... ,. . . .,

Islam on Indian own t' mes an " W1 *I continue into the

religious hfe future which is still before us. The

and thought. . .

systems of belief in vogue among the

Indians at the advent of the Musalmans in India had
drifted very largely away from the fundamental 1
principles and practices embodied in their earliest religious
texts and numerous forms of idolatry had beep
substituted for divine worship. Things have changed so 1
much since the advent of Islam that though the
orthodox still have idols in their temples, their attitude
towards them is not the same as it used to be before
Islam appeared in India. The intelligentsia among them
assert that the idols are not worshipped as gods, but
that they are employed as aids to concentration of
thought and that those who appear to worship them
are, in fact, worshipping Him to Whom alone worship is

RETROSPECT 401

due. The influence of Islam can be clearly traced in
this changed attitude of the Hindus, so also in the
movements which have sprung up within the fold of
Hinduism itself for combating idol-worship and reviving
the ancient Vedic faith. Though the Sikhs and the
ArySsamajists sometimes adopt a militant attitude
against Islam in order, perhaps, to counteract its
influence, they owe a lasting debt of gratitude to Islam,
to which they owe the origin and existence of their
religions which, under the influence of Islam, denounce
idol-worship, preach the unity of God, condemn
priest-hood, deprecate caste restrictions, adfait others into
the fold of their faiths and recommend widow-marriage.
This is what Islam has contributed to Indian religious
thought and spiritual ideals.

In India, Islam was represented by its two famous

f he two Royal sects : *^ e *^ as anc * 4 ^ e Sunnis.
Houses of Islam Geographically, the former were Per-
in Mughal India. . VT . tl , , .

sian. Numerically the latter were

stronger. The Sunnis in the North and the Shias in
the South formed the two Royal Houses of Islam in
India. As almost everywhere in the Muslim World, these
two sects of IsUm * were at daggers drawn with each
other and a fierce rivalry existed between them.

Economic Features

The early Emperors of India were occupied too
much with the work of conquest and consolidation.
Consequently, in a relatively unsettled state of affairs
economic development could not take place quite so
effectively as in the more peaceful times. But gradually
as the Mughal power struck its root deep into the Indian

402 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

soi 1 , the Mughal Emperors began to devote their

attention to the material well-being of their subjects.

Agriculture, the most important industry of India,

was properly understood and encour-

gn U ' aged by the Mughal Kings. They

introduced multifarious reforms: waste lands were

reclaimed, canals were opened, tanks were constructed

and wells were dug for irrigation purposes.* The

interests of the peasants, who constituted the back-bone

of Indian social structure, were properly looked after

and every i impetus was given to agricultural pursuits.

The beneficeni. results were that agriculture improved,

agriculturists flourished, peasants prospered and the

land revenue increased abundantly.

Closely connected with agriculture is the land
Land Revenue revenue system which next demands

System and its a word of comment. To Sher Shah
wor ing.

introducing an elaborate system of revenue settlement
based on the actual measurement of land, which was
subsequently improved by Akbar the Great. The
system is justly regarded as one of the crowning achieve-
ments of Mughal Rule in India. It is in fact an
enduring contribution to Indian agriculture. It has
survived in India under the British Rule with all its
essential features under the Raiyatwarl Settlement. The
share of the State was sometimes one-third and often

* It may appropriately be pointed out here that it was the
Muslims who, for the first time, introduced the Persian- wheel
and dug canals in India for purposes of irrigation. This
viras decidedly a great improvement on the means of irrigation
then known ID India.

RETROSPECT 403

one-fourth of the aggregate produce, which was paid in
cash or kind according to the convenience of the cultivator.
At present the land revenue represents about one-
Was the land fifth of the aggregate produce of the

revenue whole land under cultivation. There

exorbitant? . . . - .,. ,_ ., ..

is no instance of any Hindu or Muslim

ruler who could be satisfied with such a low rate of
land revenue. How is then such an enormous rate of
land revenue to be accounted for? The reason is not
far to seek : In the past, the land revenue constituted
the main source of State income ; whereas the sources
of revenue, such as the income-tax 1 and customs duties,
in these days are so important that * the land revenue
has ceased to be a source of Imperial revenue/

Professor Brij Narain, while comparing a farmer
of Akbar's time with his brother of

& e nd f ht kbar ' s ^y. refers to tbe status of a

brother of to-day Lyallpur farmer, the most opulent of
cojnpare . ^ c j ags ^ an( j comes to an interesting

conclusion. He points out that Akbar's peasant
was more prosperous than the best of these days.
The instructions to the collectors of the land revenue
were couched in extremely humanitarian terms and
were worked with great lenity unless we postulate that
they were not strictly enforced. Rebates and remissions
were never grudged. According to Mr. Moreland, the
land was cultivated in small holdings in the seventeenth
century, but we are left in the dark as to the average
size of a holding. That it was larger than , the average
holding of to-day is true because a larger proportion of
population is now supported by land thaa in those

404 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

days. Finally, the average yield per acre in those
times must have been greater than at present because of
the depreciation in the quality of land caused by more
intensive cultivation in order to keep pace with the
increase in population. Even if we suppose for argu-
ment's sake that the fertility of the land then under
cultivation has not diminished during the past three
hundred years, we cannot but admit that extensive
cultivation, necessitated by growing population, embrac-
ing inferior lands, must result in the decrease of average
produce. To avoid further controversy, suffice it to
say that reliable statistics are now available to prove
that an average workman in those days was better off
than at present.* It is estimated that the rupee in terms
of important food-grains, such as wheat, gram, barley,
jowar and ghee t was, three centuries ago, worth thirteen
times as much as the rupee of to-day. The average
daily wage of an ordinary workman was 2'7d. If
Coryat, an English traveller, could maintain himself
1 very competently ' in his travels, ' with meate, drinke
and clothes' for 2d. a day, we can safely assume that
a common labourer and a native of the country could
maintain himself as competently, if not more, with the
same. Smith says that a man could live on ' Id. to
2d. a day.' The inference is obvious.

We cannot presuppose a country depending on

F -mime Relief agriculture without facing failures of

crops, resulting in starvation and

deaths. Famine-relief, if rendered properly, is a tribute

te the stability of a State and its economic well-being.

*Sce Indian Economic Life, by Brij Narain.

RETROSPECT 405

So it is a part of our review to state how famines were
dealt with in those days. During the Mughal Rule
whenever a famine broke out, State assistance was
given to the famine-stricken and grain was supplied
free from the Imperial granaries. State hospitals and
aim-houses were established in important quarters for
the sick and the poor. Large Khanqahs, or charitable
establishments, further helped the State in the
administration of relief, and the testimony of foreign
travellers shows that at these Khanqahs hundreds of
men were fed gratis. With all the solicitude of the
State, the horrors of famine were great and alarming
because of the imperfect means of communication and
transportation. The fact, however, remains that the
Mughal Government was alive to its duty of combating
this calamity, or at least mitigating its horrors.

The State encouraged other industries also. Among

_ . f . local manufactures, foreign travellers
Textile Industries. . _ . ' . _ .

have counted six fine cotton fabrics

and have recorded that silk handkerchiefs and caps
embroidered with gold, painted ware, basins, cups, steel
guns, knives and scissors were all manufactured at
different places in this country. It is also said that a
kind of white paper was also manufactured from the
bark of a tree which was very smooth and glossy.

Trade was carried on with foreign countries. The

- . most important item in the foreign

Foreign Trade. ;

trade of India may be srfid to have
been textile manufactures of all sorts. Borbose and
Varthema, two European writers, inform us that India
supplied 'all Persia, Tartary, Turkey, Syria, Barbary,

406 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Arabia, Ethiopia, . . .with silk and cotton stuffs.' Other
articles of export were the beautiful shawls of Kashmir,
made of pure wool and silk mixture, the carpets of
Lahore and Agra, and the cotton cloth of Dacca, called
the Dacca muslin, fittingly styled 'Ab-i-Rawan,' or the
moving water, famous in the world for its fine texture.
In the middle of the seventeenth century India supplied
Europe with diamonds, pearls, chintzes, large quantities
of spices, drugs, such as horax, opium, etc., tobacco
and saltpetre. Even the steel used in the manufacture
of the famous Damascus blades was exported from the
Kingdom of Golconda. Opium and indigo, with dye
stuffs, were practically Indian monopolies and formed
the bulk of India's international trade. Skins and hides
were also exported. Among the articles of import may
be mentioned woollen fabrics, scarlet cloth, metal works,
raw silk, porcelain, glass-ware, paper and such other
things. Animals, specially horses, were imported from
Arabia, Persia and Turkey. Of other animals, such as
apes, peacocks, parrots and other pretty birds, figuring
either as exports or as imports, there is no specific
evidence recorded. The trade in these animals,
therefore, if any, must have been very insignificant.
Ship-building was also an important industry of

ot . ..... India in those days. Certainly, wood

Ship-building. / Jf

products, occurring so commonly in
Indian trade, must have been Indian ships constructed
to serve as ocean-carriers. Mr. Moreland informs us
" that apart from the Portuguese trade to Europe, the
great bulk of the commerce in the Indian seas was
carried in ships built in India, and that most of these

RETROSPECT 407

and certainly all the large ones, were constructed on the
west coast, not at any one centre, but at various pojnts
or inlets within easy reach of the forests. It is
practically certain that India also built all the small
boats required for the coasting trade from BengSl as far
as Sind, and the aggregate volume of shipping was
therefore very great when measured by contemporary
standards/ 1 We know that both the English and the
Dutch had some of their ships constructed in India.
This could not be so unless those ships were cheap and
durable. A letter of 1668 A. C. by the English
President and Council to the Company in reply to some
anticipated objections with regard to the starting of
ship-building in Bombay states: "...these carpenters
are grown so expert and masters of their art that there
are many Indian vessels that in shape exceed those
that come either out of England or Holland."

The industrial condition *of India during the Mughal
Period and before has been admirably summed up by the
industrial Commission in the following passage :

" At a time when the west of Europe, the birth-
place of modern industrial system, was inhabited by
uncivilized tribes, India was famous for the wealth of
her rulers and for the high artistic skill of her
craftsmen. And even at a much later period, when the
merchant adventurers from the west made their first
appearance in India, the industrial development of the
country was, at any rate, not inferior to that of more
advanced European nations. 1 '*

* This view is shared and supported by n&ny an eminent
authority on the subject ; e. g. t " The skill of the Indians jn

408 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Turning next to the mineral wealth of the country,

, , , . we find that gold was found in
Mineral Wealth. TT , , .

Kamaon and in the Punjab mountains

and rivers ; silver in Agra ; copper in Narnaul and
Kamaon ; iron in Bengal ; saltpetre in Thatta, Gujarat
and Kheora ; tin in Jammu ; sweet-lime in Kheora ; and
saltpetre was in abundance at Agra and PatnS, ; whereas
diamonds were extracted from the mines of Harpal (in
Bengal) and Golconda.

Coming next to the currency of the country during

the Muslim rule, we notice that coins

Currency System. Q{ various denominations were in

circulation in India. In the main, the currency
consisted of gold mohars, silver tankas and copper
dams. There were also fractional parts of these three
standards. Villagers and citizens of small towns used
shells (cowries) in the ordinary bargains of their daily
life. The ratio between gold and silver coins varied
from time to time, though both were coined freely by
the Mughal Emperors. It was 8 : 1 in the early
Muslim period and had fallen to 7 : 1 after the conquest
of the Deccan by Ala-ud-DIn Khilji, had now become
the production of delicate woven fabrics, in the mixing of
colours, the working of metals and precious stones and in all
manners of technical arts has from very early times enjoyed
world-wide celebrity." Professor Weber. ct Industry not only
supplied all local wants but also enabled India to export its
finished products to foreign countries," Ranade. " It was this
trade and prosperity that attracted the European traders to
India. Thei- rivalry to secure a footing in India at that time
was occasioned not by the raw materials of the country but by
the value and variety of her manufactures and crafts."
Professors Jathar and Beri. (Also see Education in Muslim India,
PD. 200 ff.)

RETROSPECT 409

9'4 : 1. Gold was the chief currency of the country
for all big transactions. Ordinary calculations were
made in rupees and gold w#s used for making presents
and paying tributes. The silver tankas, first coined by
Altmash, became the legal tender of Northern India
for all subsequent years and acquired its present weight
(180 grains) and the name of rupee in the reign of Sher
Shah Sun (1542 A. C.) The fact that the currency of
India underwent considerable improvement in purity,
weight and artistic execution during the Mughal period
can never be called in question. Akbar deserves very
high credit for the excellence of his extremely varied
coinage, both as regards the purity *of metal, the
fulness of weight, and artistic execution. Neither
Akbar, nor his successors, ever yielded to the
temptation of debasing coinage either in weight or in
purity, so that Smith is fully justified in pronouncing
the Mughal coinage as far superior to that of Queen
Elizabeth or other contemporary sovereigns of Europe.
Many a magnificent Muslim monarch, like Balban,
'Ala-ud-Dln, Firoz Shah Tughluq,
Communication Sikandar Lodhi, Sher Shah Sun, and

* and . almost all the Great Mughals paid

transportation. ' . ,

specific attention to the construction

of roads and highways in their kingdom. Several roads
were laid so expeditiously that they linked together all
the strategic frontier cities of the Empire. Sher Shah
Sun's name is intimately associated with the 'opening of
the Grand Trunk Road, running from Peshawar to
Calcutta. Riding horses, bullock-carts, elephants,
camels, and palanquins were the principal means of

410 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

conveyance and baggage transportation. Great care was
taken to secure the person and property of the travellers.
Many caravanserais were built along the chief routes
with fruit-gardens and separate arrangements for the
comfort of Hindus and Muslims alike. The splendour
of the Imperial Musalmans, as displayed in their
extensive paraphernalia of travel and encampment,
reached its climax during the Mughal Period of Indian
history. So says Professor K. T. Shah :

" In Muhammadan times, there is hardly a prince
of any importance who is not in some ways connected
with road-making. Great arterial highways, planted with
an arcade of trees all along their length, linked the principal
centres of the Empire over hundreds and hundreds of
miles. The comfort and convenience of the travellers was
duly secured by the public hostels walled enclosures,
with ample lodging and stabling, water tanks, and provi-
sion-shops, to supply all the needs of the travellers at
convenient stages ; while the distance travelled was
indicated by mile-stones easily noticeable even at night.
Where the nature of the country would not permit of
proper road making, or where transport by water was
more convenient, the rivers were utilized for popular as
well as Imperial voyages, attended by all pomp and
ceremony of a most luxurious court."

The people in general, we gather from the

contemporary chronicles, were, on
Condition of ., , . , ,

the people. t" 6 whole, happy and prosperous.

Their houses were kachcha as well
as pakka, though those of the former kind (kachcha)
were more numerous. They were ' airy, and pleasant,

RETROSPECT 411

most of them having courts and gardens, being
commodious inside and containing good furniture. 1
Every modest house was well-furnished, and had a
garden, a reservoir and an audience room, called
DlwanWiana, the floor of which was covered with costly
carpets. Every important city had schools and colleges,
libraries and literary societies, hostels and hospitals,
baths and wells for the convenience of the public ; and
the streets, we learn, were daily cleaned by sweepers.
Barring out a few instances of intolerance and

Relations between some outbursts of fanaticism, the
Hindus and relations between the Hindus and

Muslims. \M r " j i j

Muslims were cordial and were

characterised by good- will and mrtual love and
toleration. Matrimonial alliances of the Imperial
House, social equality of all classes of people,
' uniformity of law and usagp ', indiscriminate distribu-
tion of posts and powers among all classes of people,*
regardless of their rank, race or religion, and social

* Even 'Alamgir, who was so much harassed by the Hindus,
did not refuse to employ them, in his service. " In an interesting
collection of Aurangzeb's orders and despatches as yet
unpublished ", says Sir Thomas Arnold, " we find him laying
down what may be .termed the supreme law of toleration for
the ruler of people of another faith. .....Government posts ought

to be bestowed according to ability and from no other consideration."
(Preaching of Islam, p. 214). That 'Alamgir was true to
this * supreme law of toleration ', is testified to by Hamilton who
says :

"The religion of Bengal by law established is Mahometan,
yet for one Mahometan there are above an hundred pagans,
and the publick offices and posts of trust are filled with men
of both persuations." (A New Account of the East Indies, Vol., ii,
P. 14.)

412 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

intercourse were some of the dominant factors which

contributed to communal harmony and national solidarity.

As this interesting study comes to a close, it is

_ , . hoped that the preceding account is

Conclusion. r , ; ,

sufficient to enable the reader to gauge

the prosperity of those times. The Mughals have come
and gone, but they have left a lasting impress not only
on the history of their times but also on the hearts of
the inhabitants of Hindustan, Hindus as well as
Musalmans. Their civilizing influence, as seen in their
Sulh-i-kul policy, enjoining the freedom of worship and
the liberty of conscience, in the protection of the poor,
in the works of public welfare, in the encouragement of
arts and sciences, poetry and philosophy, in the promotion
of education and literature ; in the abundance of industry
and commerce, in the rich efflorescence of fine arts, can be
traced not only in the huge mass of historical literature
that has come down to us, but also in the beneficial
institutions which have survived to our own times.
The revenue and the judicial departments of the present
Indian administration teem with terminologies of their
invention and in almost every part of Modern India the
entire language of administration, of navigation, of
technique in many an art and craft is of Muslim
creation and bears the stamp of Mughal Rule.
Mountains were not yet tunnelled and space was not
yet conquered ; science, in short, had not yet achieved
its victories. The wonder, therefore, is not that the
Mughals maintained peace and established law and
order througnout the length and breadth of their
far-flung Empire, but that they did it so admirably.

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414 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 415

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Oxford History of India, Vincent A. Smith.
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416 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

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Blochmann and Jarret.

Akbarnamah, Abul Fazl (N. K. 7'.), translated by H. Bevendge.
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(B.J.S.).
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Bisat-ul-Ghanaim (Haqiqathai Hindustan), Lachmi Naram Shafiq,
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Beveridge.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 417

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Ranking ; , Rowe.
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418 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

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ADDENDUM

ON

BABAR'3 DEATH

The accuracy of the story of Babar's ' miraculous death ' as
told by Allama Abul Fazl and reproduced on pages 21-22 of this
book has been called in question by some modern research-
scholars. The first to challenge its authenticity was Professor
Rushbrook-Wilhams, who, however, left the question undecided
Dr. Bannerji, the latest biographer o f Humayun. has repeated
the story, making a few halting suggestions here and there.
Professor Sri Ram Sharma has written an interesting article on
the subject and tried to close the controversy for good.* Here I
cannot do more than to summarise the results of what I have
been able to gather on the subject from various sources.

When Humayun fell ill and his illness took a ~enous turn some
time in the month of April, 1530, A.C., so much so that the Court
physicians failed to cure him, Babar expressed his desire to have
recourse to methods other than medicinal. Mir Abul Baqa, the
leading living saint of the day attached to the Imperial Court,
suggested that the Emperor, in order to save the life of his son,
should give away in sacrifice something that was very dear to
hi.n. Babar decided to sacrifice his own life to save that of his
beloved son. Some of his associates dissuaded him from this
step and suggested that the precious Koh-i-Noor, ' worth half the
daily expenses of the world ', might be given away in sacrifice.
But quite in keeping with his romantic nature, Babar argued
that 'a life for a life ' was a better means of persuading fates to
change their course of action. Thinking that death might spare
Humayun if he resorted to that step, he walked round the bed of
his son and prayed that his son's illness might be transferred to
him. ' O God,' he said, ' if a life can be exchanged for another
life, I f Babar, give away my life and remaining years to Humayun. 1
His incessant prayers proved too much for him and it may well
be said that the fates took him at his word, for he fell ill while
his son began to recover till at last he was perfectly well. So far
the story of sacrifice, popularized by Abul Fazl, is correct and
there is nothing in it that can be questioned. But the miracle

*For Professor Sri Ram Sharma's article, see Calcutta
Review, September, 1936.

420 THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

did not proceed further, for after some time Babar too recovered
from his illness and became so well that there was absolutely no
cause for anxiety, so much so that Humayun was sent away to
Sambhal because his presence was no longer considered necessa-
ry. After some time Babar was taken ill again and Humayun
was called back from Sambhal. On his arrival, Humayun was
horrified to see his father ill again. He is reported to have
exclaimed : * I left him well. Wtmt has happened all at once ? '
Later, Babar seems to have recovered somewhat, for he is said to
have ordered the betrothal of two royal princesses. But again
there was a relapse and again his condition became precarious.
In order to relieve him of his increasing distress, Humayun held a
meeting of the Imperial physicians, who, after due consideration
and consultation, unar'rnously came to the conclusion that
BS bar's disease was due to the poison administered to him by
the mother of Ib r ahim Lodhi. They admitted their inability
and declared that the disease was incurable. Babar then
nominated Humayun as his successor and after three days he
expired on Monday, the 25th December, 1530.

The foregoing facts, pure and simple, clearly show that
there was no connection whatsoever between Babar's death a^id
his son's illness. The Imperial physicians would have been, from
the very nature of the case, quite as willing to connect Babar's
last illness and death with the miracle (act of God) performed
by him at the illness of his sen as Babar himself ; but the tact
that they declared that Babar's last illness was due to the eftects
of a poison leaves no room for the miracle to continue and
shows that Humayun's illness had nothing to do with his death.
The contemporaries too did not see any connection between
the two and the silence of such writers as Mirza Muhammad
Haidar Dughlat, Abdul Qadir Badaom, Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad
and Ferishta on the subject seems to suggest that Babar did not
die as a result of the sacrifice he performed for saving the life
of his son. The last part of the ' miraculous story ' (that Babar's
death was due to the sacrifice) is, therefore, incorrect.*

* The above piece of information, throwing some fresh light
on the subject, ought to have been inserted at its proper place
in Chapter II, but it escaped my notice when that part of the
book was being printed and hence it finds its place here.

INDEX

[Abbreviations. d/o=daughter of ; f/ofather of ; Kh=Khawajah ;

M.Maulana; m/o=mother of ; P. Prince ;R. ruler;

S.^Sayyad ; Sh.=-Shaikh ; and s/o* son of.]

A Abul Path, s/o Shaista Khan,

332

Abul Path, Hakim, 105
Abul Path, Masih-ud-Din, 164,

169

Abul Fazl, Allama, 1,106, 110,
113,116,121,132-33,139,162-64.
166-68,225
Abul Hasan, Sultan of Bijapur,

351-52

Adul Hasan, Governor of Bena-
res, 296-97

Abul Hasan, Painter, 218
Abul Qasim, s/o Kamran, 85
Achibal Bagh at Kashmir, 219
Acmal Khan, 288-89
Acquaviva, Father Rudolf, 90
Adah, see Muhammad Shah

'Adil.

Adham Khan, Akbar's foster-
brother, 82; His rebellion,
83-4
'Adil Shah, All, 190-91, 236, 238,

324, 330-31, 338
'Adil Shah, Sikandar, 349-50
Administration under Babar,
22-24 ; Humayun, 42 ft.; ,
Sher Shah, 56 ff.; , Salim
Shah, 68-9;-, Akbar, 141-
61 ; , Jahangir, 213-14 ; ,
' Shah Jahan, 274;, Shivaj
341-42;-, 'Alamgir, 369-72;
, the Great Mughals, 379 ff.

Abajl Sonder, 321-22
Abbas, Shah of Persia, 185
Abba^ides, 115, 134
Abdul Hakim Slalkoti, 279
Abdul Hamid Lahori, 1,224,229
Abdul Haq Dehlawi, 215
Abdullah, Governor of Gujarat,

189
Abdullah Khan Uzbeg.84-5,104,

106, 108
Abdullah Makhdum-ul-Mulk,

118, 119, 123
Abdullah, Mir, 175
^bdul Latif, HumSyun's Court-
scholar, 46
AJxlul Mali, Governor of the

Punjab, 72
Abdul Malik, Kh , 42
Abdul Qadir Badaoni, 129,131-

33,136-37,164-66,170
Abdul Qasim Irani, Mir, 279
Abdun-Nabi.Sh., 118-19,123,170
Abdun-Nabi, Sayyad, 305
Abdur Rahlm, Diwan of Lahore,

183
Abdur Rahim, Khan-i-Khanan.

107,109-10,164.169,189-90
Abdur Razzaq, 351-52
Abdus Samad, 151
Abdus Samad, Kh., 173
Abui Faiz (Faizi). 121,165,168

422

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Afghans, 289-90

AfrHIs, 160

Afzal Kh5n, 324-25 ; His mur-
der, 326

Aghar Khan, 289-90

Agriculture, 402

A had is, 160

Ahl-i-Bait, 48

Ahl-i-Daulat, 44-5

Ahl-i-Murad, 44-5

Ahl-i-Sa'adat. 44-5

AM-i'Tardb, 44-5

'Ain-i-Akbari. 139, 163

Ahmad Mirza, 10

Ahmad Mullah, 164

A jit Singh, s/o jaswant Singh,
294309-10

Akanna, 350

Akhar, s/o Aurangzeb, see Mu-
hammad Akbar.

Akhar the Great, 6 ; His birth,
39; His early life, 71-2; His
accession, 72-3 ; Political
condition of India in 1556 A.
C, 73-4 ; Second Battle of
Panipat, 75-6; Results of
the Battle, 76; Submission
of Sur claimants and end of
the Sur Dynasty, 76-7 ; Bai-
ram Khan, 77-8; His fall,
78-81; * Petticoat Govern-
ment', 81-2; Akbar's posi-
tion in 1564 A. C., 82 : Re-
bellion of Khan Zaman, 83 ;
, Adham Khan, 83 4 ; , Ab-
dullah Knan, 84-5, ,Uzbegs,
85-6; Monstrous act of
Khwajah Mu'azzam, 86 ;
Akbar and the Rajputs, 86
ff.; Matrimonial alliances,

87 ; Careers opened to Raj-
puts and other Hindus, 87-
8; Freedom of worship
and liberty of conscience
enjoined, 88; Social re-
forms, 88-9 ; Rajputs recon-
ciled 89; Akbar and the
Portuguese, 89 ff; First
Portuguese Mission, 90;
Second ,90; Third, 91 ;
Akbar's object, 91 ; Early
conquests of Akbar, 92;
Conquest of Gondwana,
93 ; , Mew5r, 93-8 ; ,
Gujarat, 98-100;, Bengal,
100-101 ; Qaqshal rebellion,
101-102; Conquest of Kabul,
102-4: North- West Frontier,
104 ; Roshanite Movement,
105-106: Conquest of Kash-
mir, 106-108:, Sind and
Balochistan, 107; ,Qandhar,
107-108; The Deccan Cam-
paign, 108-109; Conquest of
Ahmadnagar, 109-110 ; -,
Khandesh, 110-11 ; Extent of
Akbar's Empire, 111-12; His
last days, 112-13 ; Dm-i-Ilahi,
114 ff; Reference to th<>
history of the Saracens, 114-
15 ; , To the history of Mus-
lim rule in India, 115-16;
Akbar's orthodoxy, 116-18;
Change into liberalism, 118-
29 ; Ibadat Khanah, 120-21 ;
The Document or infallible
Decree, 121-23; Its impor-
tance, 123-24; Its effect, 124-
25 ; Preliminaries to the
promulgation of the Divine

INDEX

423

Faith, 125-26; Its promulga-
tion, 126-27; Its principles,
127-128; Its philosophic
review, 127-31 ; Anti-Islamic
ordinances, 131-32 ; Their
criticism, 132-33 ; Noer's
appraisal of Badaoni, 133-
34 ; Sijdah, 134; Fire-worship
and sun-worship, 134-35 ;
Why were boars kept in the
Imperial Palace ? 135 ;
Women in the Imperial
Harem, 135-36 ; Why was
the slaughter of cows for-
bidden ? 136; Why were
Mullahs and Shaikhs exiled ?
136 ; Criticism of Smith's
views on Akbar's religious
thoughts, 137-38 ; Was Akbar
an apostate? 138-40; Ad-
ministration, 141 ff ; Central
Government, 142-44 ; Pro-
vincial Government, 144-45 ;
District administration, 146-
47 ; Imperial Service, 147-48;
Secret Service, 148; Ad-
ministration of law and
justice, 148-49 ; Promotion of
education, 149-50;, Postal
Service, 150 ; Means of com-
munication and transporta-
tion, 151 ; Imperial Mints,
151 ; Police Force, 152 ; Land
Revenue System, 153-57;
Military reforms, 157-61 ; In-
fantry, 157; Artillery, 157-
58 ; Cavalry, 158 ; Navy, 158-
9 ; Elephant- Corps, 1 59 ;
Mansabdari System, 159 60 ;
System* of payment, 161;

Branding of horses and
keeping descriptive rolls,
161 ; Literature and fine
arts, 162 ff; Akbarnamah,
162-63 ; Aln-i-Akbarl, 163-64 ;
Tarikh-t-AJ/i, 164 ; Other
books, 164 ; Translated Ver-
sions, 164-65 ; Hindu litera-
ture, 165-66 ; Illustrated Ver-
sions, 166 ; Muslim Court-
Scholars, 167-70 ; Hindu
Court-Scholars, 170-72 ;

Painting, 172-74; Music,
174-76; Calligraphy, 176;
Architecture, 176-78; Gar-
dens, 178; Estimate of
Akbar's achievements, 178 79

Akbarnamah. 1, 139, 162-3 ; 166

Alai.Sh. ,58

'Alamgir, see Aurangzeb

Ala-ud-Dm Khilji, 62,104,161

Ala-ud-Dm Lodhi, 9, 13. 34

All, Cousin of Babar, 11

All Akbar Jam!, Sh., 38

All Mardan Khan, 239-40, 243,
271-72

Ali Quli Istajlu (Sher Afgan),
Marriage with Mehr-un-Nisa,
195 ; His murder, 195-97

Amar Das, Sikh Guiu, 359-60

Amar Singh, s/o RanS. PratSp,
98, 186-88

Amatya, 342

'Amil, his duties, 145

Amin-i-Qazwini, Mirza, 228-29

Amir Fath-ullah ShirazJ, 166

Amir Hamzah, Story of, 166

Amir Khan, 2GO

Amir-ul-Bahr, 158

Amritsar, Foundation of, 360

424

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Amusements, 394

Angad Dev, Sikh Guru, 359

Anti-Islamic ordinances, 131 ff.

Antony Botelho, 139

Archian, Battle of, 11

Architecture, under Babar, 27 ;
, Sher Shah, 63-4; -, Akbar,
176-78 ;-, Jahangir, 218;-,
Sh5h Jahan, 276-77;-,
'Alamgir, 373 ; , the

Great Mughals, 395-6

Arghuns, 13

Arjan Singh, Sikh Guru, 183-4,
360-61

Arjumand Banu Begum (Mum-
taz Mahal) 228 ; Her career,
231-32 ; Her character, 233 ;
276-7

Arts, under Babar, 27-30; ,
HumSyun, 42. 47 ; , Sher
Shah, 63-64 ;-, Akbar ; 172 78;
, Jahangir 212, 216-19;-,
Shah Jahan, 27478; ,
'Alamgir, 373; -, The Great
Mughals in general, 385-6

Asaf Khan, Governor of Kara-
Manikpur 93

Asaf Khan, Uzbeg rebel, 85

Asaf Khan, f/o Mumtaz Mahal,
151, 192, 204, 206, 225-28. 231,
237, 272-3

Asaf Khan, Akbar's general, 97

Astha Pradhan, 342

Askari, Mirza, 20, 33-34,37,39,40

Astronomy, 41 ; Astronomical
Tables of Ulugh Beg, 166

Atka Khan, Shams-ud-Din,
Vakil of Akbar, 82

Aurangzeb 'Alamgir, 203, 224,
228, 239, 241-4 ; His early

career, 246-47 ; His resigna-
tion and renunciation of the
world, 247; His appointment
to the governorships of diff-
erent provinces, 248 : His
second viceroyalty of the
Deccan and administrative
achievements, 248-51 ; His
forward policy against the
Daccan, 251; War against
Golconda, 251-2 : , Bijapur,
252-53 ; His character-
sketch, 255; His alliance
with MuradandShuja', 259 ;
His policy during the War of
Succession, 260-67 ; Motives
that actuated him to enter it,
268-69; Causes of his success,
269-71; His accession, 281-
82 ; His early acts, 282-83 ;
Appointments and transfers
of Provincial Governors, 283-
84 ; Expedition against
Assam, 284-5; Conquest of
Chittagongr, 285-86; Illness
of the Emperor, 286-87 ; Sup-
pression of the Yusafzais,
287-88; Afridi Rising and
Imperial losses, 288 ; Khattak
Rising, 288-90 ; Close of the
Afghan War, 290; ' Alamgir
and the Hindus, 291 ff ; Re-
imposition of the Jizia, 292-
94 ; Dismissal of Hindu offi-
cials, 294-5 ; Destruction of
temples, 295-6 ; The Benares
Firman, 296-97; Two more
similar Firmans, 297-98 ;
Which temples were des-
troyed and why.' 299-300;

INDEX

425

Whether Hindu schools were
destroyed ? If so, which and
why ? 300-301 ; Toleration
under 'Alamgir, 301-302;*
'Alamgir justified, 303-4; Jat
Rebellion, 304-5; Satnamis'
Insurrection, 305 6; War with
the Rajputs, 306-10; Invasion
of Marwar and Mewar, 310-
12; Rebellion of Prince
Muhammad Akbar, 312-13;
Treaty of Udaipur, 313-14 ;
Results of the Rajput
Revolt, 314 ; 'Alamgir
and the Marhattas. 324;
Shaista Khan sent against
Shivaji, 331-32 ; Submission
of Shivaji, 333; Treaty of
Purandhar, 333-4; Reception
of Shivaji at the Imperial
Capital. 335; His imprison-
ment and escape, 336-38 ;
Recall of Jai Singh and his
death, 338; Renewal of
hostilities between the
Mughals and the Marhattas,
340 ; Conquest of Bijapur
and Golconda, 349-51; Abdur
Razzaq, 351-2 ; Impolicy of
the Deccan Conquest, 352-54;
Suppression of the Marhat-
tas, 355 ; Expedition against
Rajah Ram, 357-58; End of
'Alamgir, 358 ; Mughal Em-
pire after his death, 358-59 ;
Suppression of the Sikhs,
365-66 ; 'Alamgir and the
English, 366-68; Extent of
the Mughal Empire under
4 Alamgir7368-69; Administra-

tion under him, 369-71 ;
Re-arrangement of Subahs,
369; Theocratic character,
370 ; Suppression of immora-
lity, 370-71 ; Bait-ul-Mal,
371 ; Policy of over-centra-
lization, 371; Justice, 371-72;
Progress of education,
372-73 ; Architecture, 373 ;
Music and Painting, 373-74 ;
Gardens, 374 ; Character of
Alamgir, 374-76; Views of
some Europeans on his
character and achievements,
370-78.

Atharvaveda, 166

Ayarddnish, 166

Ayat-ul-Kursi, Commentary on,
164

Aivarajah'Nawis, 144

Azad Bakhsh, s/o Dara Shikoh,
267

'Azam, s/o Aurangzeb, See
Muhammad 'Azam

'Azam, Khan, 304

Azan, 131

Azim Humayun, Governor of
the Punjab, 67

Aziz Koka, Khan-i-'Azam, 99,
102, 119, 182-83

B

Babar, Zahir-ud-Din Muham-
mad, 6, 9 ff; Early career,
10-11; Conquest of Kabul
11-12; Political condition of
India on the 1 eve of his
invasion 12-13 ; First Battle
of Panlpat t 13-14 ; War with
the Rajputs, 15-16; Battle of
Khanwah, 16-17 ; Babar's

426

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

address to his noble-men and
soldiers, 17-18; Defeat of
Rana Sangha and rout of
Rajput Confederacy, 18 ;
Importance of the Battle of
Khanwah, 18-19; Battle of
Chanderi, 19-20; Battle of
the Gogra, 20-21 ; Extent of
Babar's Indian Empire, 21 ;
Story of his death, 21-22;
His policy and administra-
tion, 22-24 ; His Wasiyat to
his son, 23-24 ; His account
of India, 25 ; His Memoirs,
26-27; Fine Arts, 27-30;
Architecture, 77 ; Poetr, , 28 ;
Painting, 29 ; Music, 29;
The art of illustn ting books,
29 ; Gardens, 29-30 ; Babar's
achievements, 31-32; His
estimate, 32

Baba Khan, leader of the
Qaqshais 102.

Badr-un-Nisa, 281

Badshah Begum, 281

Badshahnamah, 275-79

Badshahi Masjid, at Lahore, 373

Bahadur Shah, R. of Gujarat,
34-37

Bahadur Shah, minor R. of
Ahmadnagar, 109

Bahar Khan, 51

Bahlol Qadiri, Sh., 279

Bahrain Quli of Gujarat, Instru-
mental performer, 175

Bariam Khan (Khan Baba), 72
ff ; His services to the
Mughal cause, 77-78; His
fall, 78-81; 117, 170

BMt-ul-Mal, 371

Bakhshi, His duties, 143, 145

Balban, Sultan of Delhi, 104

Bapa Rawal of Me war, 93

Bargis, 344

Barwan, painter, 173

Batai System, 230

Battle (s) of Bahadurgarh, 260 ;
,Bairowal, 183-4; , Chan-
deri, 19-20 ; .Chausa, 37, 53 ;
, Dharmat, 260-1;-. the
Gogra, 20-21 ;-Haldig:hat,
97 ; , Kanauj, 38, 53 ; ,
Khanwah, 18-19 ;-, Panipat
(1526 A. C.), 6-9, 13-14;-,
PSnipat (1556 A. C ), 75-6;,
Samugarh, 261-2;-, Sarhind,
41 ; , Surajgarh, 52

Baz Bahadur of Malwa, 83-84, 94

Bernier, 286, 376

Bhagu, 287

Bhagvatagita, 166

Bhagvatapurana, 170

Bhagwant Goshain, 297

Bhagwan Das, Rajah, 87,88,106

Bhakti Movement, 5, 317

Bhao Singh, Rao, 308

Bnarmal Kachchwaha, Rajah,
87

Bhim Singh, Kumar, 311

Bhoja, s/o Rajah Surjana Ham,
Q6

Bihari Lai, Rajah, 171

Bihzad, 174

Bilas Khan, musician, 174

Bir Bal, Rajah, 103, 105, 171;

His house, 177
Bir Mandal Khan, of Gwalior,

175

Bir Narayan, s/o Durgavati, 93
Bir Singh Bundela, 112-13;

INDEX

427

His rebellion, 225-26
Bishan Das, painter, 218
Bitikcht, His duties, 146-47
Buland Darwaza, 177
Bundelas, Their rebellion, 225-26

Caliphate, 114-15

Calligraphy, under Akbar, 176

Chahar-taslim, 224

Chand Bibi (Sultana) of
Ahmadnagar, 109-10

Chanderi, Battle of, 19-20

Chandra Rao of Javli, Rajah,
323-346

Chandu Shah, 184

Charnock, Job, 368

Chatar Khan, musician, 219

Chaubuni Bagh at Lahore, 374

Chaudhan, 150 '

Chaugan ,polo), 393

Chansa, Battle of, 37, 53

Chausar, 393

Chauth, 339-40

Child, Sir John, 367-68

Chingiz Khan, 10, 32

Chira, 161

Circumcision, 131

Colleges, see Madrasahs

Commonwealth of Islam, 114-15

Communication and transpor-
tation, Means of, under
Sher Shah, 60-61 ; -, Akbar,
151 ; , under the Great
Mughals, 409-10

Coryat, 404

Crori, 156-57

Culture and civilization,
Mughal, 379 ff.

Currency under Sher Shah,
62-63 ;, Akbar, 151 ;-, the
Great Mughals, 408-9

Dabir, 342

Daler Khan, 266. 333, 338 39,

Danadhyaksha. 342

Danishmancl Khan, 284

Daniyal, P., s/o Akbar, 110-112

Dara Shikoh, P., s/o Shah
Jahan, 203, 228 ; His charac-
ter-sketch, 254; His beha-
viour during the illness of
his father. ,257-58 ; His defeat
at Dharmat, 261-62;-, at
Samug^rh, 261-62 ; His last
stand and tragic end, 266-67 ;
268-69 ; 300, 302, 304

Dar~ul-Baqa (college), 280

Darya Khan, Lohani, 51

Dastan i-Awir Hamzah, 166, 173

Dastur-ul-Amal, 181-82, 213

Daswant, painter, 173

D5ud, s/o Sulaiman Kararani
of Bengal, 100-101

Daud Dhari, musician, 174

Daud Khan, 'Alamgir's general,
338

Daulat Khan Lodhi, 9, 13-14

Dawan Dhari, Sh., 175

Da war Bakhsh, P., s/o Prince
Khusrau, 205, 223

De Laet, 197

Desai, Amir, 45

Dharmat, Battle of, 260-61

Dhrupad, 176

Dial Shah, 311

Dlanat Khan, 284

428

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Diiawar Khan, Governor of
Lahore, 183

Dilkusha Garden of Nur
Jahan, 205, 219

Din-i-7/a/it, 114-40; Prelimina-
ries to its promulgation,
125-26 ; Its promulgation,
126-27 ; Its principles, 127-28 ;
Its philosophic review, 128-
31

District administration, under
Akbar. 146-47 ; under other
Mughal Emperors, 382

Divine Faith, see Din-i-Uahi

Diwan. His duties, 142-43,144-45

niw<r.ni-'Am. 277

Diwan i Khas, 277, 371

Dost, of Mashed, Us'vd, 175

Dross in Mughal India, 391-2

Dnda, s/o Surjana Ham, %

Durga Das, of Mowar, 309

Durgavati, Rani, 93
E

Economic condition of India
during the Mughal Rule,
401 f f .

Education, Progress of, under
Babar, 22 ; . Humayun, 47
:-, Sher Shah, 63;-, Akbar,
149-50;-, Jahanglr,215.16;-,
Shah Jahan, 27980;-,
'Alamgir, 372-3 Female
education, 149 ; Technical
, 149-50 ; System of, 386;
Theory of Royal-, 372-3

Edwardes, William, 209

Eknath, 318

Elephant, Corps under Akbar,
159

Knayat ullah Khan, 293

English in India, 208-13, 367-68
Escheat, Law of, 213
Espionage, under Sher Shah,

59.60 ; -, Akbar, 148 ; , other

Mughal Emperors. 384-5

F

Faizi. see Abul Faiz
Farid, see Sher Shah
Famine, of 1630-3*2 A.C., 228-30;

, relief,~404-5
Fath, Khan s/o Malik Ambar,

235

Fatawa-i-'Alawgiri, 371
Fatwa*, 120-21
Faujdvr, His duties, 146
Fazil Khan, Prime Minister of

'Alamgir, 336
Fazil Khan i Saman, Amir-ul-

Vmara, 281
Fidai Khan, cfficer under

Jahanglr, 204
Fidai Khan, 'Alamgir's general,

290

Firoz Khan, s/o Salim Shah. 69
Firoz MewatI, 266
G

Gangadhar, Hindu author. 266
Gardens, of Babar, 2930;,

Akbar, 174-76;, Jahangir,

216-18 ;-, Shah Jahan, 278 ;

, 'Alamgir, 374
Gentows, 302

Ghallabakhsha, System, 155
Ghazi Malik, 104
Ghias Beg, Mirza, f/o Nur

Jahan, 194-95 ; 215,218
Ghias-ud Din Muhammad

Khudamir, 30
Ghias-ud- Din Tughluq, 161
Ghulam Hussain, S., 2

INDEX

429

Gogra, Battle of the, 20-21
Gokle, Jat, 305
Gopinath Pant, 327-28
Gopinath, His temple, 177
Government, Mughal, 380 ;

Its functions, 381
Govind Singh, Sikh GUI u, 363-

64

Grand Trunk Road, 22, 409
Granth Sahib, 183, 359, 361, 366
Gurmukhi alphabet, 359

H

Habib-us-Siyar, 30, 46
Haibat Khan of Samna, 215
Haidar Mirza, of Kashmir, 54
Haldighat, Battle of, 97
Hafiz Tashqandi, 170
Hamfda BSnu Begum, Akbar's

mother, 38, 72

Hamilton, Alexander, 301-302
Hamzah, musician, 219
Haribansa, 166
Han Das, musician, 175
Haii Nath, 171
Har Govind, Sikh Guru, 361
HarKishan. Sikh Guru, 362-163
Har Rai, Sikh Guru, 361
Hasan AH, Faujdar, 305
Hasan, f/o Sher Shah, 50
Hasan Khan Mewati, 18
Hasan, Kh., 43
Havildar, 344
Hawkins, Captain William,

209 ; His account of Jahan-

gir's reign, 213 14
Hayat-ul-Haiwan, 165
Hazari, 344 ; Pan; -, 344
Hemu, 69 His assumption of

independence, 74 ; His defeat

at the Battle of Panipat

(1556), and execution by
Bairam Khan, 75-76

Hijra, 224

Hmdal, Mirza, 33, 39, 40

Hindu Beg, Amir, 44

H u rn a y u n , Nasir-ud-Din
Muhammad, Mughal Emper-
or, 16, 22-23, 34 f f ; His
marriage with Harnida
Banu Begum, 38 ; Division
of the Empire among his
brothers, 33 ; Political con-
dition of India and his posi-
tion at his accession, 33-34;
Kamran'f occupation of the
Punjab acquiesced in by
him, H-35; His war with
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat,
35-37; His war with Sher
Khan Afghan, 37-38; His
days m exile, 38-39 ; , in
Persia, 39-49 ; Conquest
of Kabul and Qandhar from
Kamran, 40; His restora-
tion, 40-41 ; His accomp-
lishments, 41-42; His in-
genious works, 42 ; His ad-
ministration, 42-44; His
Drum of Justice, 43 ; Classi-
fication of the people, 43 ;
Fixture for giving audience,
43 ; ^Twelve sub-divisions,
43-44; Court-Scholars, 46;
His love of libraries, 46-47;
Progress of education under
him, 47 ; His gardens, 47 ;
His religious beliefs, 48 ; His
character and estimate, 48-
49

Hussain Beg BadakhshanJ, 183

430

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Hussain, Sh., professor, 46

Hussdin Shah, R. of Ahmad-
nagar, 235

Hussam Shah Sharqi, R. of
Jaunpur, 176

Hussain Waiz, M., 166
I

Ibadat Khanah, 89, 120-21

Ibrahim Khan Sur, 69

Ibrahim Lodhi, Sultan, 6, 10,
13-14, 16. 19

Ibrahim, Mir. 30

Ibrahim, Governor of Bengal,
368

Imad-ud-Din, Hussain, Kh. 151

Imad-ul-Mulk, 36-37

Indar Singh, 309-10

Industries, Textile, 405

Infallible Decree, 121-23; Its
importance, 123-24 ; Its
effects, 124-25

Iqbalnamah, 194, 215, 218

Isa Khan, 304

Ishaq Dhari, Mullah, 174

Islam Khan, Governor of Ben-
gal. 193

Islam Khan, Shah Jahan's gene-
ral, 225

Itimad Khan, Minister of Mu-
zaffar Shah IJ of Gujarat, 99

Itimad Khan, Akbar's minister,
152

Itimad-ud-Daulah, see Ghias
Beg

J

Jahan Ara Begum, d/o Shah
Jahan, 228, 247

Jahangir, Nu r-ud-D I n
Muhammad, Mughal Emper-
or; His marriage, 87, 98, His

education under Christian
missionaries, 91 ; His views
about Akbar, 138 ; His ac-
cession, 180; Dastur-ul-Amal
181-82; Celebration of first
Nauroz, 182 ; P. Khusrau's
revolt, 182-84 : Execution
of Guru Arjan, 184; Loss
of Qandhar, 184-86 ; Con-
quest of Kangra, 186 ; Sub-
jugation of Mewar, 186-88 ;
Deccan Campaign, 188-91 ;
Malik Ambar, 189 ; Almiad-
nagar, 1 ( K)-01 ; Subsequent
career of P. Khusrau, 190
92; His character, 192;
Usman's rebellion in Bengal
193 ; Bubonic plague, 194 ;
Murder of Sher Afgan, 195-
98 ; Jahanjjlr's marriage
with Mehr-un-Nisa, 198 ;
Nur Jahan's accomplish-
ments, 199 ; tier valour,
199; Tower behind the,
throne'. 200 ; Her influence,

200 201 ; Her character,

201 ; Rebellion of Shah
Jahan, 201-203, ; of Maha-
bat Khan, 203-205; Shah
Jahan's subsequent move-
ments, 204-205; War of
Succession, 205-206 ; The
Portuguese, 207-208 ; The
English, 208 ; William Haw-
kins and William Edwardes,
209; Sir Thomas Roe, 209-
10 ; Foreign accounts of
Jahangir's reign and their
veracity, 210-11 ; t Roe's
description of Mughal Court

INDEX

431

and its customs, 212-13 ;
His description of Jahangir's
personal character, 212 ;
Hawkins* account, 213 ; Ad-
ministration under Jahangir,
213-14 ; Jananglr's love of
letters. 214-15 ; Literary
gems of his Court 215 ; Pro-
motion of education, 215 ;
Fine Arts, 216-19 ; Painting,
216-17 ; Painters. 217 ; Ar-
chitecture, 218 ; Music, 219;
Gardens, 219 ; Jahangir's
character, 219 20 ; His love
for Nurjahan and other re-
latives, 220-21 ; His refined
tastes, 221 ; His religious
beliefs, 221; His estimate,
222

Jahangir, Ba bar's younger bro-
ther, 11

Jahangir Dad, musician, 219
Mahal, 177, 218
, 218

Jai Mai, 94-5

Jai Singh, Rajah, 260, 283, 333-
38

Jai Singh. Rana of Udaipur, 313
jalal, leader of the Roshanites,

105

Jalal Khan, s/o Bahar Khn, 52
Jalal Khan, s/o Sher Shah, see

Salim Shah Sun
Jalal-ud-DIn Mirza Beg, Kh., 43
Jamaldar. 344
Jamal Khan, 50-51
Jama Masjid, 277
Jama-i-Rashidi, 164
Jam Beg, Mirza . of Thatta, 107
Janb, 153 ;-; System, 250

Jaswant Singh, Rajah, 'Alam-
gir's general, 261, 286, 288,
294 ; His treachery, 308 ; 309
10 ; 333 ; 338-39
Jats, Their rebellion 304-5
Jauhar, Humayun's servant, 46
Jauhar, rite among the RajpQts,

20-95
Jesuit Missions to Akbar, 89-91;

, To Jahangir, 207-208
Jijabai, m/o Shivaji, 319-20
Jizia, 4, 65, as 292-94 ; 314, 383
Jiwan Khan, Malik, 267
Jodhabai, Her palace, 177
Johar f Smgh Bundcla, 275-26
Jugal Kishor, rtis temple 177
Justice. Administration of,
under Hmnajun. 43 ; Sher
Shah Suri, 58-59. ; Akbar,
148-49 ; Jahangir. 180 81,;
Shah Jahan, 274, ; ShivaiJ,
343,. 'Alamgir, 371-2 ; under
the Mughal Emperors in
general, 382-3; Cham of
justice, 180 ; Drum of-, 43

K
Kablr, religious leader, 400

Kalilddamnah, 166

Kalmi Bhakar, 326

Kam Bakhsh, s/o 'Alamgir, 357

Kamil Khan. 288

Kamran, M'rza, 33-35, 39-40,

53,72

Kamwar KhSn, 2
Kanauj, Battle of, 38, 53
Karan, Rai, s/o Rajah Amar
. Singh, 187

Kama, s/o Rajah Ram, 357
Karkuns, 147
Kautilya, 342-43

432

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Kavi Kulesh (Ka 10 shah), 355
Khali Khan, historian, 274
Khair-ud-Dm Rumi, M , 170
Khali I ullah Khan 284
Khan Jahan, 'Alamgir's general,

309
Khan Jahan Loclhi, Akbar's

general, 189 ; His revolt, 226
Khan Jahan, Shah Jahan's

general, 238
Khansaman, 143
Khan Zaman, His rebellion, 83,

85-86
Khan Zamari, Shah Jahan's

general, 238
Khanwah, Battle of, 16 ft ; Its

importance.

Khattaks, Their rising, 288-90
Khawan Saldr, 144
Khawas Khan, 316
Khirdafzdndmah, 165
Khtyal, 176

Khizvnddr, His duties, 147
Khudamir, Muhammad, 44, 46
Khulasat-ul-Akbar, 30
Khush-hal Khan Khattak, 288-

90 "
Khusrau, P. s/o Jahangir, 113;

His rebellion, 182-84 ; His

subsequent career, 191-92 ;

His character, 192, 200-201 ;

His death, 202 ; Roe on his

character, 212, 221; Khusrau

Bagh, 192

Khwand Mahmud, Kh., 279
Kishu Joshi, 166
Koh-i-Noor t 21, 219-20
Kotwal, His duties, 146, 152
Krishna j I, 327

Lala Beg (Baz Bahadur), libra-
rian, 47
La il a- Ma] nun, lf>8

Land Revenue System, under
Sher Shah, 57-58 ; -, Akbar,
152-57;, Shivaji, 343;-,
the Great Mughals, 402 3
Lashkar Khan, 284

Libraries, 46, 166, 168

Litvan, 177
Lub-ut-Tawankh, 46

Lutf-ullah, Kh., 42
M

Madan Mohan, His temple, 177

Madanna, Minister ot Qutb
Shah of Golconda, 350

Madan Pandit, 318

Madhu Singh Hada, 241-42

Madrasahs, of Babar, 22 ;-,
Humayun, 46-47;, Akbar,
149 ;, Jahangir, 215-16;-,
Shah Jahan, 279-80 ; -,
Alamgir, 372-3

Mahabat Khan, Mughal gene-
ral, 187, 199, 20fl03 ; His
rebellion, 203-4 ; 205,226,284,
286, 289

Mahabharata, 165-66

Maham Ankah, 81-82

Mahapattar, musician, 275, 278

Maharashtra, 5, 7, 315-16

Maheshmahananda, 166

Mahmud II, R. of Bengal, 54

Mahmud Lodhi, 20-21

Mahmud Shah of Bengal, 52

Majnun Khan Kakshak, 96

Makhu, musician, 219

Maldeva of Mewar, 38, 55

Malfuzat-i-Taimu?i t 1.

INDEX

433

Malik Anibar, 189-91,202
Mahka-i-Zaman, see Arjumand
Banu Begum .

Malik Jiwan Khan, 207
Malik Masaud, 194-95
Mallu Khan of Bengal, 54
Mansabdars, 158-80
Man Singh, Rajah, 88,97; 103,

113,159,171, 180,182-83, 193
Mansiir, Imperial Du&an, 101
Mansur, Us tad, 217-18
Manucci, Niccolao. 274
Memoirs of Babar, 26 27
Memoirs of Jahangir, 194
Marhattas, 5, 7, 236 ; Their cha-
racter and qualities, 316-
17; Their religion, 317-18;
Their early training, 318-19 ;
Their rise and growth under
Shivaji, 319 ff.
Masum Farankliudi of Jaunpur,

102

Ulawahs, 321
Mazi, Sh. f 30

Medni Rao of Chanderi, 19-20
Mehr un-Nias, see Nur Jahan
Mian Chand. musician, 174
Mian Lai musician, 174
flints, Imperial, 150
Miran Bahadur, R. of Khandesh,

110

Mir Lahon, Sh., 279
Miran Sadr Jahan, 139-40
Mir-i-Adl, 149
Mir-i-Arz, 144
Mir-i-Atash, 157
Aftr-t-Bofcri, 144
Mir-i-Barr, 144

Mir Jumla, 251-52, 266; His
career, 284 ; His expedition

aj;aiiiht Assam, 281-85
Mir Masum, Mughal general,

107

MJrTaqiShaiili, Amir, 170,
Mohtasibs (censors of public
morals), 59; Their duties,
143, 283

Mojmii'adar, 342
Monserrat, Fr.. 2. 90
Mosques, destroyed by Hindus,

291,293, 306, 311
Moll Masjid, 277
Ma'ajjam-ul-Hulddn, 104
Mu*azzam, Kh., 86
Mu'fl^zam, P t s/o Aurangzeb,

see Muhammad Mu'azzam
Mubarak, fc 119-21, 168-69
Mubanz Khan, see Muhammad

Shah 'Adil
MudSr Rao, 318
Muflis, Mir/a, 170
Muflis, 148-9

Mughal Court, Its splendour, 391
Muhammad 'Adil Shah, R. of

Bijapur, 236-37, 252-53
Muhammad A k b a r , P. s/o
'Alamgir, 281, 286, 289, 310,
311; His rebellion, 312-13
Muhammad Amin, s/o Mir Jum-
la, 285, 287-88

Muhammad Amin, Ustad. 175
Muhammad Amin Oazwini, 276
Muhammad 'A/cam, P. s/o

4 Alamgir, 281 ,31 1,349, 357
Muhammad Fargha.ll, M., 44
Muhammad Fazil BadafcLsha-

nl, Mullah, 279
Muhammad Hadi, 214
Muhammad Hakim, Mirza, 73>
74,85,102-103,124-25

434

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Muhammad Hussam, Uslad,
l/j

Muhammad Khan Dhan, mu-
sician, 174

Muhammad Mu'axzam, P., s/o
Alamgir, 281, 286, 308, 311-
12, 333, 338, 349

Muhammad Nadir Samarqandi,
painter, 278

Muhammad Shahabadi.Sh., 160

Muhammad Shah * Adil, 09, 70,
73, 77

Muhammad Sultan, P., s/o
Alamglr, 203, 281

Muhammad Yazdi, Mullah, 124

Muhammad Xaman, 34

Muhib Ali Sayyadi, M., 279

Mukhlis Khan, Amii, 335

Mukhya Pradhan, 342

Mullahs, 116; exiled by Akbar,
131 ; insulted by Rajputs,
311

Mumtaz Mahal, see Arjumand
Banu Begum

Munawwar, Sh., 105

Munim Khan, Governor ol
Bengal, 101

Munshiat of Abul Path, 104

Muqaddams, 147

Murad, P., s/o Akbar, 100, 109-
10, 112

Murad, P. s/o Shah Jahan, 203,
228, 241 ; His character-
sketch, 255-56 ; His coro-
nation, 260 : His part in the
War of Succession, 261-62 ;

His execution, 264-65, 322

Muran Jogdeva, 319

Murshid Quli Khan, 249-50

Murtaza Khan, 182, 186

Murtaxa Nizam, R. of Ahmad-

nagar, 235-37
Mushaeras, 28
Mushnf, 144
Musir. under Babar, 29; Akbar,

174-76 ; - Jahangir, 219 ;~,

Shah Jahan.178; -'Alamgir,

373-4
Mustafa. Commander in-Chief

of Bijapur, 322
Musta'id K^an, 301
Muslaufi, 144
Mu'tamid Khan, historian,

214-15
Mu/affar Hussam, King of Oan-

dhar, 108

Muzaffar Khan, Mint Odirer,150
Muzaffar KhanTurbati, 101, 152,

155
Muzaffai Shah 11, U. of Gujarat :

99

N

Xaik, 344

Najabat Khau, 2A I
Nail and Damyanli, 165
Nanak, Baba, Sikh Guru, 359
Nanak Jaru, musician, 174
Naqib Khan, 165, 215
Narsingh Dev Bundela, 304
Narsu, 318
Nasim Bagh, 178
Nasq, system, 155
Nasrullah Mustafa, 106
Nathuji, 337

Nauroz, celebrated by Jahangir,

182;-, Shah Jahan, 227-28;

, discontinued by 'Alamgir,

283

Navy, under Akbar, 158-59 ; ,

Shivajl, 345 '

INDEX

435

Nawan Kal Bagh at Lahore, 374

NayayMish, 342-43

Nazirl, Sh., 279

Nazir-i Buyutat, 144

Nazr Muhammad, King of Bo-
khara, 240-42

Notoji Polkar, 338

Ni'mat-ullah, 215

Nishat Bagh, at Kashmir, 210

Ni/am, water carrier, 53

Nizam Sh., 372

Nizam ud-Din Ahmad, 164

Nur Jahan, Empress, 185-86, 192;
Her birth, 194 ; Her access
to the Imperial Palace, 195 ;
Her marriage with Sher
Afgan, 195 ; Murder of her
husband, 195 97 ; Her marri-
age with Jahangfr, 198 ; Her
accomplishments, 199; Her
valour, 199; 'Power behind
the throne,' 200; Her influ-
ence on the State, 200-201 ;
Her character, 201 ; Her
presence of mind and re-
sourcefulness, 204 ; Close of
her career, 206, 218, 220-21,
223

Nusrat Shah, R. of Bengal, 21
O

Ommayads, 114-15, 128

Ornaments, 392-93
P

Painting, under Babar, 29;,
Akbar, 172-74;-, Jahanglr,
216-18; , Shah Jahan, 278-
79;, 'Alamgir, 373-74

Panchdyat system, 59, 343

Pandari, a tax, 282

Piinipat, First Battle of-, fi, 0,

10, 13-14; Second-, 75-76
Panchanlantra, 166
Panj-hazaris, 165
Parshotam, 165
Parvez, P., s/o Jahanglr, 187,

203 ; His death, 205
Patwari, 147
Patta, Chittor's hero, 94
Peacock Throne, 277
Peshwa, 342
Peter Mundi, 229, 274
Pinjor Garden, 374
Pir Muhammad, 84, 170
Pirzada, musician, 174
Pbgue, 73. 194
Police under Sher Shah, 59; ,

Akbar. 152 ; , other Mughal

Emperors, 384
Political condition of India,

379-89
Portuguese ; Their relations

with Akbar, 89-91 ; , with

Jahangir, 207-208 ; , with

Shah Jahan, 230 31
Postal Service, under Babar

22;-, Sher Shah, 61 ;-,

Akbar. 150 ; , other Mughal

Emperors, 385
Potdar, see Khizandar
Pratap Singh, Rana, s/o Udai

Singh, 97-98 ; 186, 346
Purandhrfr, Treaty of, 333-34
Purbm Khan, 175

Q

Qanungos, 147

Oaqshals, a Chaghtai tribe ;

Their rebellion, 101-102
Qasim Beg, 164
Qasim Khan <>f Bengal, ?3l,

436

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Ofisim Khan, Akbar's general,

!'*>

Oasim, instrumental performer,

175
Qans, 58, 148;, bound and

shaved by KajpDls, 311
Oart ul Quzat, 148
OuHrh Khan, 150
Qulich Muhammad, 182
Onr'an, thrown into >vells by

RajpOts, 311
Our Bcgi, 1 \4
Outh nd Din Koka, 100

R

Rndandax Khan, 206
Ragnath. Raiah. *81
Knhdan. a lax, 282
Rahmat ullnh, rnusii ian, \1\
Rai Karan, Rana, 336
Rai Singh, Raidh, 338
Raia Ah, R. of Khandesh, 110
Rajah Rain s/o Shiva ji, 35f>-57
Raiah Ram, leader ol the Jats

305
Rajputs, defeated by Babar, 15

Ram Singh, Rajah, 207, 338
Rana Prasad, 38 39
Rana Sangha ; His invitation
to Babar, 13; His defeat,
Hid; HIS death, 20, 03
Rand a ula Khan, 322
Ranilt Singh, Rajah, u
Rang Mahal, 277
Rang Sen, musician, 171
Raushan /Vra Begum. 228, 286;

Her garden at Delhi, 374
Itayyaiiwm system, 51, 58
Kazmndmah. l()5-uo
Religious features, 305-401
Roe, Sir Thomas, 2; His view*
on Akbar's religion. 130; He
secures trade concessions
from Jahangir, 200-10; His
description of Mughal Court
and its customs, 211-12 ; His
description of Jahanglr's
character, 202; His account
of fine arts in Mughal India,
212-16.
Rudolf Acquaviva. Fr. f 00

ff. ; reconciled by Akbar 86-80; Rustarn Khan, 243-44

135-36; reduced to submis-
sion by ' Alamgir, 306-14

UajtaKingvni, 160

Kamachant ananas, 171

Kamayana< 165-171

Ram Chandra, Rainh of Kalm-
]ar, %

Ram Das, Rajah, Akbar's
general, 182

Ram Das, Shiva ji's spiritual
teacher, 318. 320

Ram Das, Sikh Guru, 360

Ram Das, musician, 174-75, 278

Kdmjiwan, Goshain, 208

Ram Rai, Sikh Guru, 362 63

S

Sa'adullah Khan, Minister ol
Shah Jahan, 241-44,273, 281

Sarhivo, 342

Sadiq Halwl, Mullah, 170

Sadr, 145

Sartr-i-Sudur. His duties, 143, H8

Sahm-ud-Daulah, 44

Sdhm-ul-\furad t 45

Sahm-us-Sa'adat, 44

Sahuji, s/o Sambhuji, 337

Said Khan, Jahanglr's general,
183

Said KhanjGovernor'of Kabul,
230-40

INDEX

437

Salabat Khan, 226

Salim P., s/o Akbar, see

Jahangir

SalimS Sultana, 196-97
Salim Chishti, Sh., of Ajmer,

117
Salim Shah Sun, 40. 44, 66 f f ;

Reducti on of Malwa and

the Punjab, 67 ; Execution

of Sh. Alai, 68
Sambhaji, 313

SambhQjl, 335, 337-39, 355-56
Samugrah, Battle of, 261-62
Sanapati, 342
Saracens, 114-15, 128, 130
Sarhind, Battle of, 41
Sarainaubat, 342-44
SarOd Khan, musician, 174
Sati t rite among the Rajputs,

prohibited by Akbar, 88
Satlburj, 177

Satnamis' rebellion, 305-06
Sawar, 160
Sayurgkals, 145

Sayyad Ali of Mashed, Mir,

175

Sayyad All Tabrez, 173
Sayyad Banda, 328, 330
Sayyad Bukhara of Gujarat, 279
Sayyad Khan, 182
Secret Service, see Espionage
Serais, 60, 61, 150
ShSdman, general of Mirza

Muhammad Hakim, 103
ShahSb-ud-Din Khafi, 46
Shahab-ud-Din, M., 30
Shahbaz Khan, Akbar's gener-
"~al, 102 ~~~
Shah Beg Khan, 185
Shah Lara, 219

Shah Ismail II of Persia, 195
Shah Jahan, Shahab-ud-Din-
Muhammad, Mughal Emper-
or, 7, 185-88, 190-9~i, 200-201 ;
His rebellion, 201-3; His
subsequent movements, 204-
6; His coronation, 206; His
character as described by
Roe, 212, 215; His accession,
223; His early acts, 225;
Rebellion of Johar Singh,
225-26; Revolt of Khan
Jahan Lodhi, 226-27; Cele-
bration of Nauroz. 227-28 ;
Bamine, 228-30; The Por-
tuguese 230-31 ; War with
them, 231 ; Career of Mumtaz
Mahal, 231-32; Her charac-
ter, 233; Shah Jahan's
Deccan policy, 233-34; War
with Ahmadnagar, 234-36 ;
Further operations in the
Deccan, 236; War with
Bijapur, 236-37 ; Subjugation

of Golconda, 237 ; , Bijapur,
237-39; Shah Jahan's Central
Asian Policy and his attempts
to acquire his Central
Asian possessions, 239-46 ;
Recovery of Qandhar, 239-
40; Conquest of Balkh and
Badakh*shan, 240-43 ; Loss of
Qandhar and failure to
recover it, 243-45; Failure
of Central Asiun Policy and
its results, 245-46 ; Fratrici-
dal War and its genesis
255 59; Shah Jahan's be-
haviour during the War,

258 59 ; His captivity, 262-63 ;

438

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

H i s administration, 274 ;
Progress of fine arts under
his patronage, 174-78; His
philomathy, 278 79 ; Literary
jems of his Court, 279;
Promotion of learning, 279-
80; His character and
estimate, 280

Sh5hji Bhonsla, f/o Shivaji, 235,
237-38; 247, 31924, 331-32

Shah Muhammad, Ustad, 176

Shah Mansur, Kh., 150

Shdhndmah, 165

Shah Rukh, Mirza, 106, 159

Shahryar, P. s/o Tahangir, 165,
192, 200, 203, 205-6

Shaikhs, exiled by Akbar, 131,
136

Shaikh Mir, 284

Shaista Khan, ' Alamgir's uncle,
267, 283; His conquest of
Chittagong, 285-6; His ex-
pedition against Shivaji,
331-32; His dealings with
the English ; 367

Shakti (goddess), 364

Shambhuji, Shivaji's uncle, 321

Shalamar Bagh, at Delhi, 278 ;
at Kashmir, 219;, at
Lahore, 272, 278

Shamsher Khan, 288

Shams-ud-Dm Muhauimad At-
ka Khan, Akbar's Minister,
82; Stabbed to death by
Adham Kban, 84

Shariyat (Muslim Personal
Law), 116-17, 224, 370, 380

Sharunavis, 342

Sharza Khan, 322, 349

Shastri, 343

Sher Afgan, see All Qull Istajlu

Sheri, Mullah, 165

Sher Shah Sun, 33 34, 38, 46, 49,
50 ff. ; His early life, 50-51 ;
His early activities, 51-52;
Occupation of Bengal, 52;
Recovery of Bengal by
Humayun, 52 ; Battle of
Chausa, 53 ; Battle of Kan-
auj, 53, Conquest of the
Punjab and Gakhar land,
54;-, MSlwa, 5455;-. in
Rajputana, 55 56 ; Adminis-
tration, 56 ff. ; Division of
the Empire, 56-57; Land
Revenue System, 57-58 ;
Administration of justice,
58-59 ; Organization of
Police Force, 59; Secret
Service, 59-60; Tariff System,
60; Means of communica-
tion and transportation, 60-
61 : Postal Service, 61 ;
Military reforms, 61-62 :
Currency reforms, 62-63 ;
Works of public welfare, 63 ;
Architecture, 63-64 ; Sher
Shah's ideal of kingship,
65 ; His estimate, 65-66, 152,
161, 169

Sher Shah II, s/o Muhammad
Shah Adali, 83

Shihab Khan, instrumental
performer, 175

Ship-building, industry, under
the Mughals, 406-7

Shivaji Marhatta, 5 ; His early
life, 319-21; His robberies,
321-22; Seizure and release
of his father, ' 322-24 ;

INDEX

439

Massacre at Javli, 323 ; His
alliance with * Alamgir
against Bijapur and perfidy*
323-24; His meeting with
Afzal Khan, 324-25 ; Murder
of Afzal Khan and rout of
his army, 325-26 ; Treachery
of Shivaji, 326-30; His
conquests, 330; Sultan of
Bijapur's attack on him,
330-31 ; His declaration of
independence, 331 ; His at-
tack on Shaista Khan at
night, 331-32; Sack of Surat,
332 ; Assumption of inde-
pendence, 332-33 ; His sub-
mission to ' Alamgir, 333 ;
Treaty of Purandhar, 333-34 ;
His visit to the Imperial
Capital, 334-35; His recep-
tion, 336 ; His misbehaviour,
335 ; His imprisonment and
escape, 335-38 ; His assump-
tion of the title of Rajah,
339 ; Exaction of Chauth and
Surdeshmukhi from Bijaptir
andGolconda, 339-40; Re-
newal of hostilities and
sack of Surat for the second
time, 340; Coronation of
Shivaji, 340-41 ; His further
conquests, 341 ; Extent of
his Kingdom, 341 ; His civil
administration, 341-42 ; Ad-
ministrative divisions of his
Kingdom, 342 ; Administra-
tion of justice, 343; Land
Revenue System, 343 ; Mill-
tary Organization, 344-45 ;
His fleet, 345 ; His estimate,

345-47

Shivaji II, 356
Shivaji III, 357-58
Shuhrat-i- l Am (Public Works

Department), 22
Shuja', P., s/o Shah Jahan, 228,

241 ; His character- sketch,

354-55, 260 ; His fate, 265-66
Shuja'at Khan, Governor of

Malwa, 67
Shuja'at Khan, ' Alamglr's

general, see Radandaz Khan
Sidl Johar, 330-31
Sijdah, 127, 131, 134, 224
Sikaildar Lodfci, SultSn, 13
Sikandar Sur, 40, 41, 69-70, 73,

76-77
Sikhs, 6, 7 ; Their Gurus, 359-64 ;

Their religion, 359-64 ; Their

suppression by ' Alamgir,

365-66

Siledars. 344
Sinan, architect, 27
Sipahsalar, 144
Sipahr Shikoh, P., s/o Dara

Shikoh, 266-67
Slavery, 394
Social condition of India,

389-94

Sri Gian Khan, 174
Subahs, 144 ; Subahdars, 144
Subhan Khan, musician, 174
Succession, Law of, 379-80
Sukracharya, 342-43
Sulaiman KararSiti of Bengal,

100
Sulaiman, Mirza, Humayun's

cousin, 33, 74, 104
Sulaiman Shikoh, P., s/o Data

Shikoh, 260-61; His tragic

440

THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

fr*e,267

Sultan Haji, Thaneswari, 165
Sultan Hashim of Mashed, 175
Sumant, 342
Surajgarh, Battle of, 52
Surat, Sack of, 332, 340
Sur Das, blind bard, 171
Surjana Hara, Rajah, %
Svrdeshmukhi, 339-40

T

Tabl'i-Adl (Drum of Justice), 43
Tabqat-i-Akbari, 164
Tahawar Khan, 310, 312
Tahir Khan, Faujdar of Jodh-

pur, 310

TaimQr, 10-12, 24, 239
Tahmasp, Shah of Persia, 39
Taj Mahal, 232-33, 237, 275-77
Takht-i-Taus t see Peacock

Throne

Tan Sen, Akbar's Court-
musician, 174
Tantarang Khan. Akbar's

Court musician, 174
Taqarrab Khan, 355
Taqqavi loans, 156
TSra Bai, w/o Rajah Ram, 357-

58

Tardi Beg, 75
Tarikh-i-Badaoni, 164
Tankh-i-Alfi, 164
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, 2
Tariff system, under Sher Shah,

60

Tash Beg of Xipchak, 175
Tatar Khan, 34
Tauhid-i Ilahi, soe Din-i-llahi
Taxation, 383
Tavernier; 274
Tazkirat'UW-Waqiyat'i - Huma-

yun, 46

Tegh Bahadur, Sikh Guru, 363

Vemple(s) ; of Gobind Dev,
Gopi Nath, Jugal Kishor
and Madan Mohan, 177, 304 ;
, destroyed by 'Alamgir
(?), 295 ;-> by Shah Jahan,
300

Terry, 192

Todar Mai, Rajah, 88, 99 100,
102, 105, 151-53, 155, 159,
170-71

Toleration under the Great
Mughals, 381, 411

Tomb(s), of Sher Shah, 63 ; ,
Humayun, 177;, Akbar,
177 ; , desecrated by Jats,
203. 218 ;-, Sh. Sallm
Chishtl, 177;-, Muhammad
Ghaus, 177 ;, Mirza Ghias,
218

Trade, Foreign, 405-61

Tuka Ram, 318

Tulsi Das, Hindu poet, 171

Tuzk i-Jahangiri, 139, 214 15
U

Udaipur, Treaty of, 313-14

Udai Singh, Rawal, 18

Udai Singh, s/o Rana Sangha,
93, 96-97

Ulugh Beg, 166 ; His Astronomi-
cal Tables, 166

Umar Shaikh, Mirza, f/o Babar,
10

Umar Naqshbandi, Kh., 204

Usman, 193

Uzbegs, 11-12,85.86,104
V

Vakil, His duties, 142.

Vaman Pandit, 318

INDEX

441

Verinag Bagh at Kashmir, 210
Von Noer, on Akbar and Ba-

claom, 133 34
W

Wah Baghat Hasan Abdal, 210
Wahdl, 115
}Va<ia-Navis, W, 147
Waqlyat i Rohan. 1()4, 160, 214
Wasiyyal Hawaii Makhfi, Bfi-

bar's, 23-24
War of Succession ; , among

tho sons of Bahar, 34-35 ;

, Akbar, 182-3;-, Jahangir,

205-6;-, Shah Jahan, 254

if.
Woman, status of, 30-1

X
Xavier, Fr Jerome, 2

Y
Yaqfib s/o Yusaf Shah of Kash-

mir, 107

YasD Pandit, 318
Yusaf of Herat, llstad, 175
Yusaf Shah, R. of Kashmir, 106
Yusaf/ais, 103, 105 7, 2S7 88, 330

Z

ZabtZ system, 155
Zafarnamah. 166
Xam Khafi, 30
Xam Khan, Akbnr's general,

106

Zannnbos, 224
^a/, 160
Zrl) un-Nisa, d/o Aurangzeb,

2W t

Zia-ud Dm, Mir/a, 270
Ximmis, 29^ ff
Xubdcit-un-Nisa, 281
Zulliqar Khan, Aurang/eb's

general, 356 57

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

EDUCATION IN MUSLIM INDIA

Being an Inquiry into the State of Education During
the Muslim Period of Indian History 10001800 A C.)

WITH A FOREWORD BY

PROF. HAROON K. SHERWANI

M.A. (Oxon ), K.R.Hist.8., F.R.S.A., etc.
Head of the Department of History
Osmania University
Hyderabad, Dn.

(Cloth bound. Pp. 280. Price 5/8 net)

Available only from S. Muhammad Sadiq Khan,
Kis^a Kham, Peshawar City

FOREWORD

I RELIEVE it was Fronde who once said something to the
effect that one should not raise one's pen to write unless
one can add to human knowledge, and there is no doubt
that Mr. S M. Jaffar has done a great service to the cause
of education in general and Indian Culture in particular
by writing this book on Education in Muslim India arid
thus made a distinctive contribution to the field of Indian
historical literature.

Time was when a student of Indian history had to be
content with knowing something about warring dynastic^
court intrigues, internecine feuds and other matters which
went to make the ' history ' of this country a subject of
useless, if not actually harmful, study. Happily we have
now come to feel the necessity of the whole of Indian history
being re-written not so much from the point of view of
occurrences at the capitals of various states as in order to
delineate the spread of culture and to demonstrate the
value of its present composite form, so that our people may
not be Jed away by the false notion that whatever
paraphernalia of civilization we possess does not go back
to more than a century and a half. Indian civilization,
wi f h its real and inherent unity in the midst of its out ward
diversity, is age-long and not a mere graft, and this is one
of the great and abiding results of the events which go to
form the history of India.