THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
AUD
THE NAGA HILLS
•
t
MY EXPERIENCES
IN
MANIPUE AND THE NAGA HILLS
BY THE LATE
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR JAMES JOHNSTONE
K.C.S.I.
WITH AN INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR
ILLUSTRATED
LONDON
SAMPSON LOW, MAKSTON AND COMPANY
LIMITED
FETTER LANE, FLEET STREET, E.G.
1896
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
I DEDICATE
THESE PAGES TO THE MEMORY OF
WHO SHARED IN MANY OF MY LABOURS AND ANXIETIES
IN MANII'UR, AND THE NAGA HILLS,
AND WHOSE SPIRIT INSPIRED ME IN MY LAST ENTERPRISE,
AND WHO, HAD SHE LIVED,
WOULD HAVE WRITTEN A BKTTER RECORD OF
OUR EXPERIENCES THAN I HAVE
BEEN ABLE TO DO.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
WHEN I first brought my wife out to India in 1873,
I was struck by the comments she made on things
which had so long been part of rny daily life.
I had almost ceased to observe them. Every day
she noted something new, and her diary was so
interesting that I advised her to write a book on
her " First Impressions of India," and she meant to
do so, but never had time. Had she lived, this
would have been a pleasure to her, but it was other-
wise ordained. I feel now that I am in some way
carrying out her wishes, by attempting a description
of our life in India, though I am fully sensible that
I cannot hope to achieve the pleasant chatty style in
which she excelled.
I have also striven to give a fair record of the
events with which I was connected ; and perhaps,
as they include a description of a state of things
that has passed away for ever, they may not be
devoid of interest. I am one of those old-fashioned
Anglo-Indians who still believe in personal govern-
ment, a system by which we gained India, solidified
our rule, and made ourselves fairly acceptable to the
people whom we govern. I believe the machine-
Vlll PREFACE.
like system which we have introduced and are
endeavouring to force into every corner of India,
till all personal influence is killed out, to be ill-
adapted to the requirements of these Oriental races,
and blighting in its effects. Not one native chief
has adopted it in its integrity, which is in itself a
fair argument that it is distasteful to the native
mind ; and we may be assured that if we evacuated
India to-morrow, personal rule would again make
itself felt throughout the length and breadth of the
land, and grow stronger every day. I have always
striven to be a reformer, but a reformer building on
the solid foundations that we already find every-
where in India. Wherever you go, if there is a
semblance of native rule left, you find a system
admirably adapted to the needs of the population,
though very often grown over with abuses. Clear
away these abuses, and add a little in the way of
modern progress, but always building on the founda-
tion you find ready to hand, and you have a system
acceptable to all.
We are wonderfully timid in sweeping away real
abuses, for fear of hurting the feelings of the people ;
at the same time we weigh them down with unne-
cessary, oppressive, and worrying forms, and deluge
the country with paper returns, never realising that
these cause far more annoyance than would be felt
at our making some radical change in a matter
which, after all, affects only a minority. Take, for
instance, the case of suttee, or widow-burning. It
was argued for years that we could not put it down
without causing a rebellion. What are the facts ?
A governor-general, blessed with moral courage in
PREFACE. IX
a great degree, determined to abolish the barbarous
custom, and his edict was obeyed without a murmur.
So it has been in many other cases, and so it will be
wherever we have the courage to do the right thing.
An unpopular tax would cause more real dissatis-
faction than any interference with bad old customs,
only adhered to from innate conservatism. The
great principle on which to act is to do what is right,
and what commends itself to common sense, and to
try and carry the people with you. Do not let us
have more mystery than is necessary ; telling the
plain truth is the best course ; vacillation is fatal ;
the strongest officer is generally the most popular,
and is remembered by the people long after he is
dead and gone.
Personal rule is doomed, and men born to be per-
sonal rulers and a blessing to the governed, are now
harassed by the authorities till they give up in
despair, and swim with the stream.
The machine system did not gain India, and will
not keep it for us; we must go back to a better
system, or be prepared to relax our grasp, and give
up the grandest work any nation ever undertook —
the regeneration of an empire !
The House of Commons has to answer for much.
No Indian administration is safe from the inter-
ference of theorists. To-day it is opium that is
attacked by self-righteous individuals, who see in
the usual, and in most cases harmless, stimulant of
millions, a crying evil ; while they view with appa-
rent complacency the expenditure of £120,000,000
per annum on intoxicating liquors in England, and
long columns in almost every newspaper recording
X PREFACE.
brutal outrages on helpless women and children as
the result.
Then the military administration is attacked, and
in pursuance of another chimera, an iniquitous bill
is forced on the Government of India calculated
to produce results, which will probably sap the
efficiency of our army at a critical moment. So it
goes on, and it is hardly to be wondered at that
the authorities in India give up resistance in sheer
disgust, knowing all the while that, as the French
say, le deluge must come after them.
It may be said, " What has all this to do with
Manipur and the Naga Hills ? " Nothing perhaps
directly, but indirectly a great deal. The system
which I decry carries its evil influence everywhere,
and Manipur has suffered from it. I describe the
Xaga Hills and Manipur as they were in old days.
I strove hard for years to hold the floods back from
this little State and to preserve it intact, while doing
all I could to introduce reforms. Now the floods
have overwhelmed it, and if it rises again above
them it will not be the Manipur that I knew and
loved. May it, in spite of my doubts and fears, be
a better Manipur.
CONTENTS.
PAGK
INTRODUCTION xix
CHAPTER I.
Arrival in India — Hospitable friends — The Lieut.-Guveruor—
Journey to the Naga Hills — Nigriting — Golaghat — A panther
reminiscence — Hot spiings — A village dance — Dimapur — My
new abode ......... 1
CHAPTER II.
Samagudting — Unhealthy quarters — A callous widower — Want of
water — Inhabitants of the Naga Hills — Captain Butler — Other
officials — Our life in the wilds — A tiger carries off the postman
— An Indian forest — Encouragement ..... 12
CHAPTER III.
Historical events connected with Manipur and the Naga Hills —
Different tribes — Their religion — Food and customs . . 22
CHAPTER IV.
Value of keeping a promise— Episode of Sallajeo — Protection given
to small villages, and the large one defied — " Thorough "
Government of India's views — A plea for Christian education in
the Naga Hills 37
CHAPTER V.
Visit Dimapur — A terrible storm — Cultivation — Aggression by
Konoma — My ultimatum — Konoma submits — Birth of a son —
Forest flowers — A fever patient — Proposed change of station —
Leave Naga Hills — March through the forest — Depredation by
tigers — Calcutta — Return to England . . . .45
XI i CONTENTS.
CHAPTER, VI.
PAGE
Return to India — Attached to Foreign Office — Imperial assemblage
at Delhi — Almorah — Appointed to Manipur — Journey to
Shillong — Cherra Poojee — Colonel McOulloch — Question of
ceremony ......... 54
CHAPTER VII.
Start for Manipur — March over the hills — Lovely scenery — View of
the valley — State reception — The Residency — Visitors. . (50
CHAPTER VIII.
Visit the Maharajah — His ministers — Former revolutions — Thangal
Major .......... 69
CHAPTER IX.
Manipur — Early history — Our connection with it — Ghumbeer Singh
— Burmese war ........ 78
CHAPTER X.
Ghumbeer Singh and our treatment of him — Nur Singh and attempt
on his life — McCulloch — His wisdom and generosity — My
establishment — Settlement of frontier dispute ... 88
CHAPTER XI.
My early days in Manipur — The capital — The inhabitants — Good
qualities of Manipuris — Origin of valley of Manipur — Expedi-
tion to the Naga Hills — Lovely scenery — Attack on Kongal
Tannah by Burmese — Return from Naga Hills — Visit Kongal
Tannah .......... 95
CHAPTER XII.
Discussions as to new Residency — Its completion — Annual boat-races
— Kang-joop-kool — Daily work — Dealings with the Durbar . 101
CHAPTER XIII.
Violent conduct of Prince Koireng — A rebuke — Service payment —
Advantages of Manipuri system — Customs duties — Slavery —
Releasing slaves — Chowbas' fidelity — Sepoy's kindness to chil-
dren—Visit to the Yoma range . 112
CONTENTS. Xlll
PAQE
CHAPTER XIV.
An old acquaintance — Monetary crisis — A cure for breaking crockery
— Rumour of human sacrifices — Improved postal system —
Apricots — Mulberries — A snake story — Search after treasure —
Another snake story — Visit to Calcutta — Athletics — Ball
practice — A near shave 122
CHAPTER XV.
Spring in Manipur — Visit Kombang — Manipuri orderlies— Parade
of the Maharajah's Guards — Birth of a daughter — An evening
walk in the capital — Polo — Visit to Cachar .... 131
CHAPTER XVI.
Punishment of female criminals — A man saved from execution — A
Kuki executed — Old customs abolished — Anecdote of Ghum-
beer Singh — The Manipuri army — Effort to re-organise Mani-
pur Levy — System of rewards — " Nothing for nothing " — An
English school — Hindoo festivals — Rainbows — View from
Kang-joop-kool ........ 138
CHAPTER XVII.
Mr. Damant and the Naga Hills — Rumours on which I act — News
of revolt in Xaga Hills and Mr. Damant's murder — Maharajah's
loyalty — March to the relief of Kohima — Relief of Kohima —
Incidents of siege — Heroism of ladies — A noble defence . . 147
CHAPTER XVIII.
Restoring order and confidence — Arrival of Major Evans — Arrival
of Major Williamson — Keeping open communication — Attack
on Phesama — Visit to Manipur — General Nation arrives — Join
him at Suchema — Prepare to attack Konoma — Assault of
Konoma 161
CHAPTER XIX.
Konoma evacuated — Journey to Suchema for provisions and ammu-
nition, and return — We march to Suchema with General —
Visit Manipur — Very ill — Meet Sir Steuart Bayley in Cachar
— His visit to Manipur — Grand reception — Star of India —
Chussad attack on Chingsow — March to Kohima and back —
Reflections on Maharajah's services — Naga Hills campaign
overshadowed by Afghan war 175
XIV CONTENTS.
PAOK
CHAPTER XX.
Visit Chingsow to investigate Cliussad outrage — Interesting country
— Rhododendrons — Splendid forest — Chingsow and the murders
— Chattik — March back across the hills . 182
CHAPTER XXI.
Saving a criminal from execution — Konoma men visit me — A
terrible earthquake — Destruction wrought in the capital —
Illness of the Maharajah — Question as to the succession —
Arrival of the Queen's warrant — Reception by the Maharajah —
The Burmese question 190
CHAPTER XXII.
March to Mao and improvement of the road — Lieutenant Raban —
Constant troubles with Burmah — Visit to Mr. Elliott at
Kohima — A tiger hunt made easy — A perilous adventure-
Rose bushes — Brutal conduct of Prince Koireng — We leave
Manipur for England . . . . . . .198
CHAPTER XXIII.
Return to Manipur — Revolution in my absence — Arrangements for
boundary — Survey and settlement — Start for Kongal — Bur-
mese will not act — We settle boundary — Report to Govern-
ment— Return to England . 208
CHAPTER XXIV.
Return to India — Visit to Shillong — Manipur again — Cordial re-
ception— Trouble with Thangal Major — New arts introduced . 216
CHAPTER XXV.
A friend in need — Tour round the valley — Meet the Chief Com-
missioner— March to Cachar — Tour through the Tankhool
country — Metomi Sarame'ttie— Somrah — Terrace cultivators —
A dislocation — Old quarters at Kongal Tannah — Return to the
valley — A sad parting ....... 223
CONTENTS. xv
PAGE
CHAPTER XXVI.
More trouble with Thangal Major — Tit-for-tat — Visit to the Kuho
valley — A new Aya Pooiel — Journey to Shillong — War is
declared — A message to Kendat to the Borabay-Burmah
Corporation agents — Anxiety as to their fate — March to Mao . 23G
CHAPTER XXVII.
News from Kendat — Mr. Morgan and his people safe — I determine
to march to Morch Tannah — March to Kendat — Arrive in time
to save the Bombay-Burmah Corporation Agents — Visit of the
Woon— Visit to the Woon 244
CHAPTER XXVIII.
People fairly friendly — Crucifixion — Carelessness of Manipuris — I
cross the Chindwin — Recross the Chindwin — Collect provi-
sions— Erect stockades and fortify our position — Revolt at
Kendat — We assume the offensive — Capture boats and small
stockades — Revolt put down — Woon and Ruckstuhl rescued
— Steamers arrive and leave ...... 251
CHAPTER XXIX.
Mischief done by departure of steamers — Determine to establish the
Woon at Tamu — The country quieting down — Recovery of mails
— Letter from the Viceroy — Arrive at Manipur — Bad news — I
return to Tamu — Night march to Pot-tha — An engagement —
Wounded — Return to Manipur — Farewell — Leave for England 260
CHAPTER XXX.
CONCLUSION.
The events of 1890-1 271
INDEX . 284
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR.
THESE experiences were written in brief intervals of
leisure, during the last few months of the author's
busy life, which was brought to a sudden close
before they were finally revised. Only last March
when his nearest relations met at Fulford Hall to
take leave of the eldest son of the house, before he
sailed for India, the manuscript was still incomplete,
and Sir James read some part of it aloud. His
health had suffered greatly from over-fatigue in the
unhealthy parts of India, in which his lot had been
chiefly cast, but it was now quite restored and a
prolonged period of usefulness seemed before him.
Improvements on the farms on his estate, a
church within reach of his cottagers, to be built as a
memorial to his late wife, and the hope of being
once more employed abroad, probably as a colonial
governor, were all plans for the immediate future,
while the present was occupied with the magisterial
and other business (including lectures on history in
village institutes), which fill up so much of an
English country gentleman's life. He had saved
nothing in India. What the Lieutenant-Governor
of Bengal wrote in 1872 of his early work at
XX INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR.
Keonjhur, applied to everything else he subse-
quently undertook : " Captain Johnstone's schools,
twenty in number, continue to flourish, attracting
an average attendance of 665 children. Captain
Johnstone's efforts to improve the crops and cattle
of Keonjhur have before been remarked by the
Lieutenant-G-overnor. His sacrifices for this end
and for his charge generally, are, His Honour
believes, almost unique." * But in 1881 by the
death of his late father's elder brother, he inherited
the Fulford estate on the boundaries of Worcester--
shire and Warwickshire, as well as Dunsley Manor
in Staffordshire. The old Hall at Fulford, a strongly
built, black and white, half-timbered erection of some
centuries back, had been pulled down a few years
before, and Sir James built the present house close to
the old site. It was here that he was brought back
in a dying state on June 13th, 1895, about 10 A.M.,
after riding out of the grounds only ten minutes
before, full of life and energy. No one witnessed
what occurred ; he was a splendid horseman, but
there was evidence that the horse, always inclined to
be restive, had taken fright on passing a cottager's
gate and tried to turn back, and that, as its master's
whip was still firmly grasped in his hand, there had
been a struggle.
He was engaged to assist the next day at the
annual meeting of the Conservative and Unionist
Association at Stratford-on-Avon. The Marquis of
Hertford, who presided, when announcing the
catastrophe in very feeling terms, spoke of the ex-
cellent work that Sir James Johnstone had done for
* Resolution. Political Department, No. 87, 1872.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. xxi
the Unionist cause in Warwickshire. At Wythall
Church (of which he was warden) the Vicar alluded,
the following Sunday, to " the striking example he
had set of a devout and attentive worshipper."
A retired official who had been acquainted with
him in India for over thirty years, wrote on the same
occasion to Captain Charles Johnstone, R.N. : " Your
brother was a type of character not at all common,
high-principled, fearless, just, with an overwhelm-
ing sense of duty, and restless spirit of adven-
ture. It is by characters of his type, that our great
empire has been created, and it is only if such types
continue that we may look forward and hope that it
will be maintained and extended."
Although the family from which Sir James John-
stone sprang is of Scottish origin, his own branch of
it had lived in Worcestershire and Warwickshire
for nearly a century and a half. " It has taken a
prominent part in the social and public life of the
Midlands, and has produced several eminent phy-
sicians." He was the eleventh in direct male descent
from William Johnstone of Graitney, who received
a charter of the barony of Newbie for " distinguished
services" to the Scottish crown in 1541. A remnant
of the old Scottish estates' was inherited by his great-
grandfather, Dr. James Johnstone, who died at
Worcester in 1802, and who, being the fourth son
of his parents, had left Annandale at the age of
twenty-one to settle in Worcestershire as a physician,
but who always kept up his relations with Scotland,
and meant to return there in his old age. His
anxiety to secure this estate — Galabank — in the male
* Birmingham Daily Post, June 15, 1895.
xxii INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR.
line, really defeated his purpose ; for he bequeathed
it to his then unmarried younger son, the late
Dr. John Johnstone, F.R.S., whose daughter now
possesses it, to the exclusion of his elder sons who
seemed likely to leave nothing but daughters. One
of these elder sons was Sir James's grandfather, the
late Dr. Edward Johnstone of Edgbaston Hall, who
had married the heiress of Fulford, but was left a
widower in 1800. Dr. Edward Johnstone was re-
married in 1802 to Miss Pearson of Tettenhall, and
of their two sons, the younger, James, born in 1806,
practised for many years as a physician, and was
President of the British Medical Association when
it met in Birmingham in 1856. His eldest son, the
subject of this notice, was born in a house now
pulled down in the Old Square, Birmingham, on
February 9th, 1841. Brought up in the midst of
the large family of brothers and sisters, whose child-
hood was passed between their home in the Old
Square and their grandfather's residence at Edg-
baston Hall, where they spent the summer and
autumn : he used also to look back with particular
pleasure on his visits to his maternal grandfather's
country house, where he first mounted a pony. His
mother was his instructor,, except occasional lessons
from the Rev. T. Price, till at the age of nine he
entered King Edward's Classical School, of which
his father was a governor. The head master at that
time (1850), was the Eev. (now Archdeacon)
E. H. Gifford, D.D., and in the school list for 1852,
Johnstone senior is placed next in the same class to
Mackenzie (now Sir Alex.), the present Lieutenant-
Governor of Bengal.
INTKODUCTOKY MEMOIR XXlll
In 1855, young James Johnstone went to a
military college in Paris, which was swept away
before 1870, with a great part of the older portion
of the city. After a year and a half in Paris he
was transferred to the Royal Naval and Military
Academy, Grosport, and a few months later qualified
for one of the last cadetships given under the old
East India Company. Without delay he proceeded
to India, which was at that period distracted by the
Indian Mutiny, so that his regiment the 68th Bengal
Native Infantry, consisted only of officers attached
to different European regiments, or acting in a civil
capacity. With the 73rd (Queen's Eegiment) he
marched through the country, and was actively
employed in the suppression of the insurgents, after
which he was stationed for some time in Assam
where he also saw active service. There, in 1862,
he met with the accident he alludes to on pp. 3 and 20.
It came in the course of his duty, as the population
of a village which had been disarmed had sent to
the nearest military post to ask for assistance against
a tiger (panther), causing destruction in the neigh-
bourhood; but he was very much hurt, and the
weakening effects of this accident, seem to have
predisposed him to attacks of the malaria fever of
the district, from which he frequently suffered after-
wards.
His next post was at Keonjhur, where there had
been an outbreak against the Rajah by some of the
hill-tribes and the chief insurgent had been executed.
Lieutenant Johnstone was appointed special assistant
to the superintendent of the Tributary Mehals at
Cuttack, in whose official district Keonjhur lies. The
xxiv INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR.
Superintendent wrote to the Lieutenant-Governor
(Sir William Grey) of Bengal in 1869 : "Captain
Johnstone has acquired their full confidence, and
hopes very shortly to be able to dispense with the
greater part of the Special Police Force posted at
Keonjhur. He appears to take very great interest
in his work, and is sanguine of success." The same
official when enclosing Captain Johnstone's first
report, wrote : " It contains much interesting matter
regarding the people, and shows that he has taken
great pains in bringing them into the present
peaceable and apparently loyal condition," and a
little further on, when describing an interview he had
with the Rajah : " From the manner in which he
spoke of Captain Johnstone, I was exceedingly glad
to find that the most good feeling exists between
them." He also adds, apropos of a recommendation
that the Government should pay half the expense of
the special commission instead of charging it all on
the native state : " Nearly one half of Captain John-
stone's time has been occupied in Khedda (catching
wild elephants) operations, which have been suc-
cessful and profitable to Government, and totally
unconnected with that officer's duty in Keonjhur."*
A year later the superintendent (T. E. Ravenshaw,
Esq.) reports : " Captain Johnstone, with his usual
liberality and tact, has clothed two thousand naked
savages, and has succeeded in inducing them to wear
the garments ; " and again, " Captain Johnstone's
success in establishing schools has been most marked,
and there are now nine hundred children receiving
a rudimentary education. . . . Captain Johnstone
* Printed official reports.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. XXV
has very correctly estimated the political importance
of education and enlightenment among the hill
people, and it is evident that he has worked most
judiciously and successfully in this direction." And
again : " In the matter of improvement of breed of
cattle, Captain Johnstone has, at his own expense,
formed a valuable herd of sixty cows and several
young bulls ready to extend the experiment. . . .
Captain Johnstone's experiments on rice and flax
cultivation have been very successful " (two years
later this is attributed to his having superintended
them himself). The official report sums up, " Of
Captain Johnstone I cannot speak too highly ; his
management has been efficient, and he has exercised
careful and constant supervision over the Rajah and
his estate, in a manner which has resulted in material
improvement to both."
Subsequently, when Captain Johnstone was on
leave in England, the Keonjhur despatches show
that he sent directions that the increase of his herd
of cattle should be distributed gratis among the
natives. They were at first afraid to accept them,
hardly believing in the gift.
" Keonjhur," says the Government report of India
for 1870-1, "continues under the able adminis-
tration of Captain Johnstone, who, it will be remem-
bered, was mainly instrumental in restoring the
country to quiet three years ago."
Captain Johnstone was too good a classic not to
remember the Roman method of conquering and
subduing a province ; and as far as funds would
permit, he opened out roads and cleared away jungle.
But he suffered again from the malaria so prevalent
XX vi INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR.
in the forest districts of India, and took three months'
furlough in 1871, which meant just one month in
England. Although he had lost his father in
May, 1860, and his absence from home that year
gave him some extra legal expense, he would not
quit his work till he could leave it in a satisfactory
state ; yet the Lieut.-Governor of Bengal (Sir George
Campbell) twice referred to this furlough as being
t: mot unfortunate," particularly as it had to be
repeated within a few months. The superintendent
wrote from Cuttack in his yearly report to the Lieut.-
Governor: " Captain Johnstone's serious and alarm-
ing illness necessitated his taking sick leave to
England in August, 1871. He had only a short
time previously returned from furlough, and with
health half restored, over-tasked his strength in
carrying out elephant Khedda work in the deadly
jungles of Moburdhunj."
In the spring of 1872, Captain Johnstone was
married to Emma Mary Lloyd, with whose family
his own had a hereditary friendship of three genera-
tions. Her father was at that time M.P. for
Plymouth, and living at Moor Hall in Warwick-
shire. Their first child, James, died of bronchitis
when six mouths old, and they returned to India a
short time afterwards, at which point the experi-
ences begin. Their second child, Richard, was born
at Samagudting, and is now a junior officer in the
battalion of the 60th King's Own Royal Rifles,
quartered in India. The third son, Edward, was
born at Dunsley Manor, and two younger children
in Manipur.
Manipur, to which Colonel Johnstone was appointed
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. XXVll
in 1877, was called by one of the Indian secretaries
the Cinderella among political agencies. " They'll
never," he said, '' get a good man to take it."
*' Well," was the reply, " a good man has taken it
now." The loneliness, the surrounding savages, and
the ill-feeling excited by the Kubo valley (which so
late as 1852 is placed in Manipur, in maps published
in Calcutta) having been made over to Burmah, were
among the reasons of its unpopularity. Colonel
Johnstone's predecessor, Captain Durand (now Sir
Edward) draws a very glaring picture in his official
report for 1877, of the Maharajah's misgovernment ;
the wretched condition of the people, and the most
unpleasant position of the Political Agent, whom he
described as " in fact a British officer under Manipur
surveillance. . . . He is surrounded by spies. . . .
If the Maharajah is not pleased with the Political
Agent he cannot get anything — he is ostracised.
From bad coarse black atta, which the Maharajah
sells him as a favour, to the dhoby who washes his
clothes, and the Nagas who work in his garden, he
cannot purchase anything." Yet, well knowing all
this, Colonel Johnstone readily accepted the post,
confident that with his great knowledge of Eastern
languages, and of Eastern customs and modes of
thought, he should be able to bring about a better
state of* things, both as regarded the oppressed
inhabitants and the permanent influence of the repre-
sentative of the British Government. Whether this
confidence was justified, the following pages will
show.
EDITOR.
MY EXPEEIENCES
MANIPUR AND THE NAGA HILLS.
CHAPTER I.
Arrival in India — Hospitable friends — The Lieutenant-Governor — Journey
to the Naga Hills — Nigriting — Golaghat— A Panther reminiscence —
Hot springs — A village dance — Dimapur — My new abode.
I LEFT England with my wife on November 13th,
1873, and after an uneventful voyage, reached
Bombay, December 9th. We proceeded at once to
Calcutta, where some of my old servants joined me,
including two bearers, Seewa and Keptie, wild
Bhooyas from the Cuttack Tributary Mehals, whom
I had trained, and who had been with me for years
in all my wanderings, in that wild territory.
Thanks to the kindness of mv friends the Bernards
»/
(now Sir C. and Lady Bernard), we spent only a day
at an hotel, and remained under their hospitable roof
till we left Calcutta.
My old appointment in Keonjhur had been
abolished, and I had to wait till another was open to
me. I had several interviews on the subject with
the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, Sir Or. Campbell.
B
2 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Finally it was decided that I should go to Assam
(then about to be made into a Chief Commissioner-
sliip) and act as Political Agent of the Naga Hills,
while the permanent official — Captain Butler — was
away in the Interior, and subsequently on leave. I
knew a large part of the district well, as one of the
most malarious in India, and when asked if I would
take the appointment, said, " Yes, I have no objection,
but just hint to the Lieutenant-Governor that unless
he wants to kill me off, it may be better policy to
send me elsewhere, as the Medical Board in London
said, I must not go to a malarious district, after the
experience I have had of it in Keonjhur." The
Secretary conveyed my hint, and when I next saw
him, said, " The Lieutenant-Governor says, that is
all stuff and nonsense." Later on Sir G. Campbell
asked if my wife would go with me. 1* quietly
replied that she would go anywhere with me.
Finally, on December 30th, we left Calcutta, and
after a night in the train, embarked in one of the
I. G. S. N. Co.'s steamers at Goalundo, for Nigriting
on the Burrhampooter, where we had to land for the
Naga Hills. The steamers of those days, were not
like the well-appointed mail boats now in use. The
voj'age was long, the steamers uncomfortable, and
the company on board anything but desirable. All
the same, the days passed pleasantly, while we slowly
wended our way up the mighty river, amid lovely
and interesting scenery all new to my wife, to whom
I pointed out the different historic spots as they
came in view.
We halted at Gowhatty for the night, and early
in the morning I swam across the river for the
NIGRITING. 3
second time in my life, a distance of about three
miles, as the current carried me in a slanting
direction.
At last we reached Nigriting, and were landed on
a dry sandbank five or six miles from the celebrated
tea gardens of that name, and the nearest habitations.
Fortunately, I had brought a tent and all things
needful for a march; and my servants, well ac-
customed to camp life, soon pitched it and made
us comfortable, and my wife was charmed with her
first experience. "We had a message of welcome
from Mr. Boyle, of Nigriting Factory, and the next
day went to his house in canoes, whence we set out
for Golaghat.
It was to Nigriting that I was carried for change
of air nearly twelve years before, when, in April,
1862, I was desperately wounded in an encounter
with a large panther near Golaghat, where I had
been stationed. I then lived for a week or so in a
grass hut on a high bank, and the fresh air made
my obstinate wounds begin to heal. Thus it hap-
pened that all the people knew me well, and I was
long remembered by the name of " Baghe Khooah "
literally the " tiger eaten," a name which I found
was still familiar to every one. Loading our things
on elephants, and having a pony for my wife, and a
dandy (hill litter) in case she grew tired, we set off
for Golaghat, and had a picnic luncheon on the way.
How delightful are our first experiences of marching
in India, even when we have, as in this case, to put
up with some discomfort ; the cool, crisp air in the
morning ; the good appetite that a ten-mile walk or
ride gives ; the feeling that breakfast has been
B 2
4 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
earned, and finally breakfast itself; and such a good
one. Where indeed but in India could we have a
first-rate meal of thi*ee or four courses, and every
dish hot, with no better appliances in the shape of a
fireplace, than two or three clods of earth? Often
have I had a dinner fit for a king, when heavy rain
had been falling for hours, and there was no shelter
for my men, but a tree with a sheet thrown over a
branch.
We breakfasted at a place called " Char Allee " and
the march being long (nearly twenty miles), the
sun was low long before reaching G-olaghat. As we
passed some road coolies, I began a conversation
with the old Tekla (overseer) in charge, and asked
him if he could get me a few oranges. He said,
" Oh no, they are all over." He then asked me how
I came to speak Assamese so well. I said, "I have
been in Assam before." He said, " Oh yes, there
have been many sahibs in my time," and he named
several ; " and then long ago there was a ' Baghe
Khooah ' sahib, I wonder where he is now ? " I
looked at him and said, " Ami Baghe Khooah " (I
am the Baghe Khooah). The old man gazed equally
hard at me for a moment and then ran in front of
me and made a most profound obeisance. Having
done this, he smilingly said, *' I think I can find you
some oranges after all," and at once ran off, and
brought me some for which he refused to take
anything. The good old man walked about a mile
farther before he wished me good-bye ; and my wife
and I went on, greatly pleased to find that I was so
well remembered.
We did not get to Golaghat till long after dark,
EASTERN COMPLIMENTS. 5
and pitched our tent on the site of the lines of my
old detachment, which I had commanded twelve
years before. What a change ! Trees that I had
remembered as small, had grown large, and some
that were planted since I left, already a fair size.
In the morning we received a perfect ovation.
People who had known me before, crowded to see
me and pay their respects, many of them bringing
their children born since I had left. All this was
pleasant enough and greatly delighted my wife, but
we had to proceed on our way, and it is always
difficult to get one's followers to move from a
civilised place, where there is a bazaar, into the
jungle, and henceforth our road lay through jungle,
the Nambor forest beginning about five miles from
Golaghat. At last coolies to carry my wife arrived,
and I sent her on in her "dandy" with her ayah,
charging the bearers to wait for me at a village I
well knew, called *' Sipahee Hoikeeah." The men
replied, " Hoi Deota " (Yes, deity *) and started.
The elephants were a great difficulty, and it was
some hours before I could get off, and even then
some had not arrived. However, off I started, and
hurried on to " Sipahee Hoikeeah " so as not to keep
my wife waiting, but when I reached the spot, I
found to my amazement that the village had ceased
to exist, having, as I subsequently learned, been
abandoned for fear of the Nagas. I hurried on in
much anxiety, as my wife did not speak Hindoostani,
and neither ayah nor bearers spoke English. At
* One of the witnesses at the trial of the Regent and Senaputty of
Manipur, in 1891, stated that Mr. Quinton was partly induced to enter
the palace from which he never emerged alive, by the Manipuris saying,
" Are you not our deity?" — ED.
6 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUR.
last I caught them up at the Nambor hot springs,
called by natives the " Noonpoong " where we were
to halt.
The Noonpoong is situated in a lovely spot amidst
fine forest. The hot water springs out of the ground,
at a temperature of 112 degrees and fills a small
pool. It is similar in taste to the waters of Aix-la-
Chapelle, and is highly efficacious in skin diseases,
being resorted to even for the cure of severe leech
bites, which are easily obtained from the land leech
infesting all the forests of Assam. Fortunately some
of our cooking things, with chairs and a table
arrived, also a mattress, but no bed and no tent.
We waited till 9 P.M., and finding that no more
elephants came up, I made up a bed for my wife on
the ground under a table, to shelter her from the
dew, but while sitting by the camp fire for a last
warm, we heard the noise of an elephant, and saw
one emerging from the forest. Fortunately he
carried the tent which was quickly pitched, and we
passed a comfortable night.
The hot springs are not the only attraction of the
neighbourhood, as about two miles off in the forest,
there is a very pretty waterfall, not high, but the
volume of water is considerable, and it comes down
with a thundering sound heard for some distance.
The natives call it the " phutta hil," literally "rent
rock." The Nambor forest is noted for its Nahor or
Nagessur trees (Mesua Ferma) a handsome tree, the
heart of which is a fine red wood, very hard and
very heavy, and quite impervious to the attacks of
white ants. Europeans call it the iron wood of
Assam. It is very plentiful in parts of the forest
6
LOSS OF POPULATION. 7
between the Noonpoong and G-olaghat, and also
grows in the lowlands of Manipur.
The next morning we set out for Borpathar, a
village with a fine sheet of cultivation on the banks
of the Dunseree, and took up our quarters in the
old blockhouse, which had been converted into a
comfortable rest house. Here again we received a
perfect ovation, the people, headed by my old friend
Hova Earn, now promoted to a Mouzadar, coming
in a body, with fruit and eggs, etc., to pay their
respects. The population had sadly diminished
since my early days, the people having in many
cases fled the country for fear of Naga raids.
The march having been a short one, all our
baggage had time to come up. In the evening the
girls of the village entertained us with one of their
national dances, a very pretty and interesting sight.
After a good night's rest we again started, our
march lying through the noble forest, where but-
tressed trees formed an arch over the road, showing
plainly that Gothic architecture was an adaptation
from nature. I had never marched along the road
since it was cleared; but I was there in 1862, in
pursuit of some Naga raiders, when it would have
been impassable, but for elephant and rhinoceros
tracks. Even then I was struck by its great beauty,
and now it was a fairly good cold weather track.
We halted at Deo Panee, then at Hurreo Jan, and
Nowkatta, and on the fourth day reached Dimapur,
where we found a comfortable rest house, on the
banks of a fine tank about two hundred yards square.
This, with many others near it, spoke of days of
civilisation that had long since passed away, before
8 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
the Naga drove the Cacharee from the hills he now
inhabits, and from the rich valley of the Dunseree.
Near Dimapur we passed a Meekir hut built on
posts ten or twelve feet high, and with a notched
log resting against it, at an angle of about seventy
degrees by way of a staircase, up which a dog ran
like a squirrel at our approach. The Meekirs occupy
some low hill ranges between the Naga hills and
.the Burrhampooter.
The country round Dimapur is exceedingly rich,
and everywhere bears the marks of having been
thickly populated. It is well supplied with artificial
square tanks, some much larger than the one already
referred to, and on the opposite bank of the river
we crossed to reach our halting place, are the
remains of an old fortified city. Mounds containing
broken pottery made with the wheel, abound, though
the neighbouring tribes have forgotten its use. At
Dimapur, in those days, there were three or four
Government elephants and a few shops kept by
" Khyahs," an enterprising race of merchants from
Western India.
The ruined city is worth describing. It was
surrounded originally by solid brick walls twelve
feet in height and six in thickness, the bricks
admirably made and burned. The walls enclosed
a space seven hundred yards square ; it was entered
by a Gothic archway, and not far off had a gap in
the wall, said to have been made for cattle to enter
by. Inside were tanks, some lined with brick walls,
and with brick steps leading to the water. Though
I carefully explored the interior, I never saw any
other traces of brickwork, except perhaps a plat-
ANCIENT BTJINS. 9
form ; but I found one or two sacrificial stones, for
offerings of flowers, water and oil. One corner of
the surrounding wall had been cut away by the
river. The enclosure is covered with forest. Near
the gateway are some huge monoliths, one eighteen
feet in height. All are covered with sculpture, and
some have deep grooves cut in the top, as if to
receive beams. It is difficult to conjecture what they
were brought there for, and how they were trans-
ported, as the nearest rocks from which they could
have been cut, are at least ten miles away. If the
Assam-Bengal Railway passes near Dimapur as is, I
believe, arranged, this interesting old city wall will
probably be used as a quarry for railway purposes,
and soon none of it will remain. Alas, for Van-
dalism !
History tells us little about the origin of Dimapur,
but probably it was once a centre of Cacharee civili-
sation, and as the Angami Nagas advanced, the
city wall was built, so as to afford a place of refuge
against sudden raids. It is a strange sight to see
the relics of a forgotten civilisation, in the midst of a
pathless forest.
On our march up, we frequently came upon the
windings of the river Dunseree. At Nowkatta it
runs parallel for a time with the road, and we took
our evening walk on its dry sandbanks, finding
many recent traces of tigers and wild elephants.
From that time till we finally left the hills, the roar
of tigers and the trumpeting of elephants were such
common sounds, that we ceased to pay attention to
them, and my wife, though naturally timid, became
devoted to the wild solitude of our life.
10 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
At Dimapur we enjoyed the luxury of fresh milk,
which, of course, the forest did not supply. The
night was delightfully cold, and the next morning
crisp and invigorating, and we set off at an early
hour, for our last march into Samagudting.
For the first eight miles our road was through a
level forest country, with the exception of a piece of
low-lying grass land, and at a place called Nichu
Guard the ascent of the hill commenced. This
entrance of the gorge through which the Diphoo
Panee river enters the low lands is very beautiful,
the stream rushing out from the hills over a pebbly
bottom, and it was a favourite encamping ground for
us in our later marches. Now, we had not time to
halt, so hurried on. The road up the hill was in
fair condition for men and elephants, but did not
admit of wheeled traffic, had there been any
carts to use. We accomplished the ascent, a dis-
tance of four miles, in about two hours, obtaining
several lovely views of the boundless forest, on
our way.
The vegetation on the hill itself had been much
injured by the abominable practice hillmen have, of
clearing a fresh space every two or three years, and
deserting it for another, when the soil has been
exhausted. This never gives it time to recover. At
last we reached the summit, and took possession of
the Political Agent's house, a large bungalow, built
of grass and bamboo, the roof being supported by
wooden posts, on the highest point of the hill. A
glance showed me that the posts were nearly eaten
through by white ants, and that the first high wind
would level it with the ground. It had been built
FRIENDLY NAGAS. 11
by a man who never intended to stay, and who only
wanted it to last his time.
Later in the day, I took over the charge from
Mr. Coombs, who was acting till my arrival, and
thus became, for the time, chief of the district. My
staff consisted of Mr. Needham, Assistant Political
Agent, and Mr. Cooper, in medical charge, the usual
office establishment, and one hundred and fifty military
police. Most of these, together with Captain Butler,
for whom I was acting, were away in the Interior
with a survey party. Mr. Coombs left in a day or
two, and I then occupied his bungalow lower down
the hill, and in a more exposed position, so as to
allow of the larger horise being rebuilt. Besides the
Government establishment, we had a fair-sized Naga
village on the hill, and just below the Political
Agent's house. These people had long been friendly
to us, and were willing, for a large recompense, to do
all sorts of odd jobs, being entirely free from the
caste prejudices of our Hindoo and degenerate
Mussulman fellow-subjects.
12 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER II.
Samagudting — Unhealthy quarters — A callous widower — Want of water —
Inhabitants of the Naga Hills — Captain Butler — Other officials — Our
life in the wilds — A tiger carries off the postman — An Indian forest —
Encouragement.
MY first impressions of Samagudting, were anything
but favourable. It was eminently a " make-shift
place." It had been occupied by us as a small out-
post, from time to time, between 1846 and 1851, but
it was never fit for a permanent post of more than
twenty-five men, as the water supply was bad, there
being no springs, and only a few water holes which
were entirely dependent on the uncertain rainfall. A
small tank had been constructed, but it was 500 feet
below the summit, so that water was sold at an
almost prohibitive rate. All articles of food were
scarce, dear and bad, wood was enormously dear, and
to crown all, the place was unhealthy and constantly
enveloped in fog.
Samagudting* ought never to have been occupied,
and would not have been, had the Government
taken ordinary precautions to verify the too roseate
reports of an officer who wished to see it adopted as
the headquarters of a new district, as a speedy road
* The Assam Administration Report of 1877-8 writes of it as " no-
toriously unhealthy, and it had long been proposed to move the troops
to a higher and less feverish s^ot." — ED.
AN UNHEALTHY STATION. 13
to promotion, and subsequent transfer to a more
favoured appointment. The report in question which,
among other things, mentioned the existence of
springs of water, that existed only in imagination,
having once been accepted by the authorities, and
a large expenditure incurred, it became a very
invidious task for future Political Agents to unmask
the affair, and proclaim the extreme unsuitability of
Samagudting for a station.
Many other good and healthy sites were available,
and I believe that our dealings with the Nagas were
greatly retarded, by the adoption of such an unsuit-
able post As it was, having made our road over
the hill, it was necessary to climb an ascent of over
two thousand feet, and an equal descent, before
entering the really important portion of the Angami
Naga country. I at once saw that the right entrance
lay by the Diphoo Panee Gorge, and I recommended
its adoption. I began to make this road during the
Naga Hills Campaign of 1879-80, and it has since
been regularly used.
Having said all that there was to say against
Samagudting, it is only fair to mention its good
points. First, though never so cold in the winter,
as the plains, the temperature was never so high in
the hot and rainy seasons ; and when the weather
was fine, it was very enjoyable. The views from
the hill were magnificent. To the south, the Burrail
range, from which a broad and undulating valley
divided us. To the west, a long stretch of hills and
forests. To the east, the valley of the Duriseree,
bordered by the Rengma and Lotah Naga hills, a
vast forest, stretching as far as the eye could reach,
14 MY EXPERIENCES IN NANIPUR.
with here and there a large patch of high grass
land, one of which many miles in extent, was the
Rengma Putha, a grand elephant catching ground
in old times, where many a noble elephant became
a victim to the untiring energy of the Bengali
elephant phandaits or noosers, from the Morung.*
To the north, the view extended over a pathless
forest, the first break being the Doboka Hills.
Behind these, a long bank of mist showed the
line of the Burrhampooter, while on clear days in
the cold weather, we might see the dark line of
the Bhootan Hills, with the snowy peaks of the
Himalayas towering above them.f Altogether, it
was a sight once seen, never to be forgotten.
There was a footpath all round the hill, which,
after a little alteration of level here and there, and
a little repairing, where landslips had made it un-
safe, was delightful for a morning or evening walk
or ride. As my wife was fond of botany, she found
a subject of never-ending interest in the many wild
flowers, ferns, and climbing plants, and soon grew
accustomed to riding along the edge of a dizzy
precipice.
Our private establishment consisted of ten or
twelve servants in all, including a girl of the Kuki
tribe, named Bykoout, who assisted the ayah ; a very
small establishment for India. Servants in Assam are
bad and difficult to keep. Most of mine were imported,
but, with the exception of my two faithful Bhooyas,
Seewa and Keptie, and a syce (groom), by name
* When I first went to Assam almost all elephant-catching was done
by noosing.
t The country bordering on the Bhootan Dooars in the Ringpore
district.
KEFOEMS. 15
Peewa, they were all soon corrupted, though some
had been with me for years. Seewa once said to
me, " The influence here is so bad, that we too shall
be corrupted if we stay long." Seewa was quite a
character. One day I got a letter from one of his
relations, asking me to tell him that his wife was
dead. I remembered her well ; it was a love match,
and she had run away with him. I feared it would
be such a blow, that I felt quite nervous about
telling him, and put it off till the evening, when,
with a faltering voice, I broke the news as gently as
I could. Instead of the outburst of grief I had
looked for, he quietly asked, " What did she die of ? "
I said, " Fever." He replied, " Oh, yes, I thought it
must be that. Will you write and see that all her
property is made over to my brother, otherwise
some of her people may steal it ? "
The state of things at Samagudting was very dis-
couraging. I resented seeing the Government and
the establishment being charged famine prices for
everything, by the Nagas and Khyahs; also the
general squalor which prevailed, and which I felt
need not exist. It was the inheritance of the hand-
to-mouth system in which everything had been com-
menced in early days. However, my wife set me an
example of cheerfulness, and I made up my mind to
remedy all the evils I could. First, the supply
system was attacked, and I made arrangements with
some old Khyah friends at Golaghat, to sand up
large supplies of rice and other kinds of food, and
as the season advanced, I encouraged such of the
military police as could be spared to take up land at
Dimapur, and cultivate. For ourselves, I bought
16 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
two cows at Borpathar, and established them at
Nichu Guard, whence my gardener brought up the
milk every day. In a short time we were more
comfortable than could have been expected, and
there was the additional satisfaction of seeing that
the arrangements for cheaper food for the establish-
ment proved successful. Water was the standing
difficulty ; we had to depend upon the caprice of
the Naga water-carriers, and frequently my wife's
bath, filled ready for the next morning, had to be
emptied in the evening to provide water for cooking
our evening meal ! Sometimes I got clean water for
drinking from the Diphoo Panee, otherwise what
we had was as if it had been taken from a dirty
puddle. The want of water prevented our having a
garden near our house ; we had a few hardy flowers,
including the shoe-flower — a kind of hibiscus — roses,
and passion-flower. Such vegetable-garden as we
had was at Nichu Guard, where the soil was good,
and water plentiful.
Our house was watertight, and that was the best
that could be said for it. It was thatched, with
walls of split bamboos and strengthened by wooden
posts ; there were no glass windows, and the doors
and shutters were of split bamboo tied together ; the
mud floor was also covered with thin split bamboos,
and had to be swept constantly, as the dust worked
through. We had one sitting-room, a bed- room,
bath-room, pantry, and store-room, the latter full of
rats. Snakes occasionally visited us, and a day or
two after we had settled in, a cat rushed in while we
were at breakfast, jumped on my knee and took
away the meat from my plate, and bit and scratched
SAMAGUDTING. 17
me when I tried to catch her. My dressing-room
was the shade of a tree outside, where I bathed
Anglo-Indian camp fashion, substituting a large
hollow bamboo for the usual mussuk, or skin of
water.
We arrived at Samagudting on January 23rd,
1874, and by the beginning of February felt quite
old residents ; hill-walking no longer tired me, and
we had made acquaintance with all the Nagas of the
village, and of many others, and were on quite
friendly terms with " Jatsole," the chief of Sama-
gudting, a shrewd far-seeing man, with great force
of character.
I have mentioned the Burrail range, and the
valley separating us. Besides Samagudting there
were two other villages on our side, Sitekima, on the
opposite bank of the Diphoo Panee Gorge, and Tese-
phima, on outlying spurs of Samagudting. I say
Samagudting, as it has become the common appel-
lation, but correctly speaking it should be Chumoo-
kodima.
On the side of the Burrail facing us, were villages
belonging to a tribe we call Kutcha Nagas, a race
inferior in fighting power to the Angamis, but not
unlike them in appearance, though of inferior
physique. These villages were formerly inhabited
by Cacharees.*
On February 4th, I had a letter from Captain
Butler, saying that he would be at Kohima in a day
or two, and asking me to meet him there. He said
that three of the police would be a sufficient escort.
I accordingly took three men, and started on the
* See subsequent sketch of Naga tribes in Chapter III.
C
18 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
6th, marching to Piphima twenty-one miles, and the
next morning another twenty-one into Kohima, two
very hard marches. I was glad to renew my
acquaintance with Butler, whom I had known when
he first landed in India in 1861, and I was in Fort
William, studying for my Hindustani examination.
He was a fine manly fellow, admirably fitted to con-
duct an expedition, where pluck and perseverance
were required. Here, I also met Dr. Brown,
Political Agent of Manipur, and Captain (now
Colonel) Badgley and Lieutenant (now Colonel C.B.)
Woodthorpe, R.E., of the survey, also Lieutenant
(now Major V.C.) Eidgeway, 44th N.I.), I spent a
pleasant evening, discussing various subjects with
Captain Butler, and early on the 8th started on my
return journey.
Captain Butler had done the whole forty-two
miles into Samagudting in one day, and I determined
to attempt it, and succeeded, though the last 2000 feet
of ascent to my house was rather hard, tired as I was.
My wife did not expect me, but I had arranged to
fire three shots from my rifle as a signal, if I arrived
at any time by night; this I did about 500 feet
below my house, and I at once saw lanterns appear
far above me, and in a quarter of an hour, or twenty
minutes, I was at my door. The sound of firing at
9 P.M. created quite a sensation among the weak-
nerved ones on the hill, but it was good practice for
the sentries to be kept on the alert. Ever after,
three shots from a rifle or a revolver, were always
my signal when I neared home, and often in after
years were they heard in the dead of night, when I
was thought to be miles away. My wife used to
A TIGER. 19
say that it kept the people in good order, never
knowing when to expect me. I think it did.
Life was never monotonous. I took long walks,
after our morning walk round the hill, to inspect
roads and bridges — a very important work. Then
I attended Cutcherry (the court of justice) and heard
cases, often with a loaded revolver in my hand, in
case of any wild savage attempting to dispute
my authority ; then I finished off revenue work, of
which there was little, and went home, had a cup of
tea, visited hospitals and gaol, if I had not already
done so ; and afterwards went for an evening walk
with my wife, round the hill or through the village.
Sometimes duty took me to the plains, and we had
a most delightful march to the Nambor hot springs,
when I arranged to have a rest house built at Now-
katta, between Dimapur and Hurreo Jan. We
reached the last place, just after a dreadful catas-
trophe had occurred. The rest house was raised
on posts, six feet above the ground. One night
when the man carrying the dak (post) had arrived
from Borpathar, he hung up the letter bag under the
house on a peg, and having had his evening meal,
retired to rest in the house with one or two other
travellers. Suddenly a huge tiger rushed up the
steps, sprang through the open door, and seizing
one of the sleepers, bounded off into the forest with
him. One of my police who was there snatched up
his rifle, pursued the tiger and fired, making him
drop the man, but life was extinct, and when we
arrived, there was a huge bloodstain on the floor, at
least a yard long. Strange to say, the letter bag
was on one occasion carried off" by a tiger, but after-
c 2
20 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR,
wards recovered, uninjured save by tooth marks.
The policeman was promoted for his gallantry.
The day after leaving Hurreo Jan, we met a party
of Rengma Nagas coming to see me, with some
little presents. They were the men who helped to
kill the panther, that wounded me in 1862,* and
they brought with them the son of one of their
number, who was killed by the infuriated beast, a
fine lad of fifteen ; needless to say, that, I rewarded
these friendly people, whom I had not seen for
twelve years. We halted a day or two at the
springs, as I had to visit Golaghat on business, and
unfortunately missed seeing a herd of wild elephants
caught, a sight I had wished my wife to see. She
did see the stockade, but the elephants had been
already taken out. I hope farther on to describe an
elephant drive.
I do not know a more agreeable place to halt at
than the hot springs in former days. In cold
weather before the mosquitoes had arrived it was
perfect rest. A little opening in the tall dark forest,
in the centre some scrub jungle, including fragrant
wild lemons and citrons, with the pool in the midst ;
a babbling stream flowed all round the opening, on
the other side of which was a high bank. The
* Sir James (then Lieut.) Johnstone headed a party to clear an
Assamese village from a panther that had killed several natives and was
terrifying the district. It retreated into a house which he ordered to be
pulled down, and as his men were thus engaged it sprang from a window
on to his shoulder. With his other arm — the left — he fired at it behind
his back and wounded it sufficiently to make it loose its hold, and rush
off into the jungle, where it was killed in the course of the afternoon. His
arm was terribly injured, and he always considered that he owed complete
recovery of the use of it to the kindness and skill of an English medical
friend who came from a great distance to attend him. Every one else
who was wounded by the same panther died. — ED.
VISITOKS. 2L
bathing was delightful, and could be made quite
private for ladies, by means of a cloth enclosure,
well known to the Assamese by the name of " Ar
Kapor." Then the occasional weird cry of the hoo-
cook ape, and the gambols of numerous monkeys in
the tall trees on the high bank, gave plenty of
interest to the scene, had the general aspect of the
place failed in its attractions.
Soon after our return to headquarters, the survey
party arrived from the interior of the hills, and after
a few days' rest, departed for their summer quarters.
Captain Butler then started for England, and Mr.
Needham came in to Samagudting.
Thus left in charge for a considerable period, I felt
justified in doing more than I should have done, had
my stay only been of a temporary nature, and I
went most thoroughly into all questions connected
with the hills and their administration. My long
experience in charge of a native state full of wild
hill tribes, and my personal knowledge of many of
the Naga and other wild tribes of Assam (a know-
ledge that went back as far as 1860), were a great
help to me, as I was consequently not new to the
work. The eastern frontier had always been to my
mind the most interesting field of work in India, and
now it was for me to learn all I could.
22 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK.
CHAPTER III.
Historical events connected with Manipur and the Naga Hills — Different
tribes — Their religion — Food and customs.
SHORTLY after iny arrival at Samagudting, I received
a cheering letter, just when I most needed it, from
my old friend Wynne, then Acting Foreign Secre-
tary, saying, " Don't be too disappointed at not
receiving a better appointment than the Naga Hills.
You will have plenty of good work to do, and you
will increase your already very extensive knowledge
of wild tribes." It was the last letter I ever received
from him, as cholera quickly carried him off, and I
lost in him one of the kindest friends I ever had,
one who had constantly interested himself in my
work, and given me advice. Such a friend would
have been invaluable now. Our position in the
Naga Nills was an anxious one, and can only be
properly realised by knowing the course of previous
events.
Our first acquaintance with the Nagas practically
began in 1832, when Captain Jenkins and Lieutenant
Pemberton escorted by Rajah Ghumbeer Singh's
Manipur troops, forced a passage through the hills with
a view to ascertaining if there were a practicable
route into Assam. They came via Paptongmai and
Samagudting to Mohong Deejood. There is every
KOHIMA STONE.
l/'ayr 23.
THE KOHIMA STONE. 23
reason to believe that the Manipuris in former days
did penetrate into the Naga Hills, and exacted tribute
when they felt strong enough to do so. All the
villages have Manipur names in addition to their
own. But during the period of her decadence, just
before and during the Burmese War of 1819-25,
any influence Manipur may have possessed fell into
abeyance. At that time it was re-asserted, and
G-hunibeer Singh reduced several villages to sub-
mission, including the largest of all, Kohima, at
which place he stood upon a stone and had his foot-
prints sculptured on it, in token of conquest. This
was set up in a prominent position, together with
an upright stone bearing carved figures and an
inscription.
The Nagas greatly respected this stone and cleaned
it from time to time. They opened a large trade
with Manipur, and whenever a Manipuri visited a
Naga village he was treated as an honoured guest,
at a time when a British subject could not venture
into the interior without risk of being murdered.
Even up to the Naga Hills campaign of 1879-80,
the Nagas regarded Manipur as the greater power of
the two, because her conduct was consistent ; if she
threatened, she acted. One British subject after
another might be murdered with impunity, but woe
betide the village that murdered a subject of Manipur.
A force of Manipuris was instantly despatched, the
village was attacked, destroyed, arid ample compen-
sation exacted. The system answered well for
Manipur ; many of the Nagas began to speak
Manipuri, and several villages paid an annual
tribute. Still, up to 1851, we considered that we
24 MY EXPERIENCES IN MAN1PUR.
had some shadowy claim to the hills, though we
never openly asserted it.
I may as well give a short account of the different
tribes inhabiting the Naga Hills district when I took
charge. The oldest were —
CACHAREES.
Their origin is obscure. They are first met with
in the north-east portion of the Assam Valley
between the Muttuk country and Sudya. Round
the last in the vast forests, there are numerous ruins
ascribed by the people to the Cacharee Eajahs, built
of substantial brickwork. I have not seen any
sculptured stonework, but it may exist. The tradi-
tions give no clue to their original home, which was
probably in Thibet. From the neighbourhood of
Sudya they penetrated down the valley, leaving
buildings and remnants of their tribes here and there,
notably in the Durrung district. The main body
were, for a time settled in the nighbourhood of
Dimapur, and the country lying between it and
Doboka, the Cachar district, but when they arrived
or how long they stayed we have no means of as-
certaining. They occupied the first two or three
ranges of the Burrails and stoutly contested posses-
sion with the Naga invaders, and after they had been
dispossessed made a gallant attempt to retrieve their
affairs by an attack on Sephema. They entered the
hills by the Diphoo gorge and constructed a paved
road up to the neighbourhood of Sephema where
they would probably have succeeded in their opera-
tions, but that the Sephema Nagas, skilful then as
CAPTAIN BUTLEK. 25
now, in the use of poison, poisoned the waters and
destroyed a large portion of the invaders ; the rest
retreated to Dimapur, and eventually left the neigh-
bourhood and settled in Cachar, to which they gave
their name. There are still a good many Cacharees
on the banks of the Kopiti, in the neighbourhood of
Mohung-dee-jood. They are a fine hardy race, and
in iny time the Naga Hills police was largely re-
cruited from them. Under Captain Butler they did
good service, and would have gone anywhere when
led by him.* The Cacharees were governed formerly
by a race of despotic chiefs.
KUKIS.
The Kukis are a wandering race consisting of
several tribes who have long been working up from
the South. They were first heard of as Kukis, in
Manipur, between 1830 and 1840 ; though tribes of
the same race had long been subject to the Rajah
of Manipur. The new immigrants began to cause
anxiety about the year 1845, and soon poured into
the hill tracts of Manipur in such numbers, as to
drive away many of the older inhabitants. Fortu-
nately, the political agent (at this time Lieutenant
afterwards Colonel McCulloch)f was a man well
* Captain Butler was struck by a spear from a Naga ambuscade, near
the village of Pangti in the Naga Hills on December 25, 1876. He died
on January 7. He had held the appointment of Political Agent for seven
years, and was the son of Colonel Butler, the author of ' Scenes in
Assam ' and ' A Sketch in Assam,' the earliest accounts of that eastern
border. — ED.
t " The influence exercised by Colonel McCulloch as a political agent at
Manipur was most beneficial," wrote the Times, April 3, 1891, "and
26 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK.
able to cope with the situation. Cool and resolute,
he at once realised and faced the difficulty. Manipur
in those days, owing to intestine quarrels, could have
done nothing, and the Eajah Nur Singh gladly
handed over the management of the new arrivals to
him.
Seeing that the Kukis had been driven north by
kindred but more powerful tribes, and that their
first object was to secure land for cultivation ;
McCulloch, as they arrived, settled them down,
allotting to them lands in different places according
to their numbers, and where their presence would
be useful on exposed frontiers. He advanced them
large sums from his own pocket, assigning different
duties to each chiefs followers. Some were made
into irregular troops, others were told off to carry
loads according to the customs of the state. Thus in
time many thousands of fierce Kukis were settled
down as peaceful subjects of Manipur, and Colonel
McCulloch retained supreme control over them to
the last. So great was his influence, that he had
only to send round his silver mounted dao (Burmese
sword) as a kind of fiery cross, when all able-bodied
men at once assembled at his summons.
Colonel McCulloch's policy of planting Kuki settle-
ments on exposed frontiers, induced the Government
of Bengal to try a similar experiment, and a large
colony of Kukis were settled in 1855 in the neigh-
bourhood of Langting, to act as a barrier for North
Cachar against the raids of the Angami Nagas. The
since his time no one has been more successful than Colonel Johnstone,
who took charge in 1877, and rendered conspicuous seivice by raising the
siege of Kohimas by the Nagas in 1879." — ED.
NAGA TRIBES. 27
experiment answered well to a certain extent, and
would have answered better, had we been a little less
timid. The Kukis are strictly monarchical, and their
chiefs are absolutely despotic, and may murder or
sell their subjects into slavery without a murmur of
dissent. Their original home cannot be correctly
ascertained, but there seem to be traces of them as
far south as the Malay peninsula. They are readily
distinguishable from the Nagas, and are braver men.
Their women are often very fair, and wear their
hair in a long thick plait down the back. The men
are mostly copper coloured, and have often good
features.
KUTCHA NAGAS.
The tribe we call Kutcha Nagas, very much
resemble the Angamis, though of inferior physique.
They are closely allied to the Nagas in Manipur, as
well as to the Angamis, and probably were pushed
in front of the latter from the Northern North-East,
as the Kukis were forced in by the pressure of
stronger tribes to their South. They have always
been less warlike than their powerful neighbours,
though they could be troublesome at times.
ANQAMI NAGAS.
A strong built, hardy, active race, the men aver-
aging 5 feet 8 inches to 6 feet in height, and the
women tall in proportion. In colour they vary from
a rich brown to a yellowish or light brown. They
have a manly independent bearing, and are bred up
to war from their earliest years. While the Kukis
28 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
are monarchists, the Nagas are republicans, and their
Peuraahs, or chiefs, are elected, and though they often
have great influence, they are in theory, only primus
inter pares, and are liable at any time to be displaced.
Practically they often remain in office for years, and
are greatly respected.
Where the Angamis came from must be uncertain
till the languages of our Eastern frontier are scientifi-
cally analysed. The late Mr. Damant, a man of
great talent and powers of research, had a valuable
paper regarding them in hand, but it perished in
the insurrection of 1879. The probability is, that
they came originally from the south-eastern corner
of Thibet.
Some of the Maories of New Zealand reminded me
of the Angamis. The well-defined nose is a prominent
characteristic of the last, as it is of some of the in-
habitants of Polynesia. The people of Sarnagud-
ting — that is, the adults in 1874 — told me that they
had come from the north-east, and were the seventh
generation that had been there. When they first
occupied their village, the site was, they said, covered
with the bones and tusks of elephants which had
come there to die.
Had I lived longer among the Nagas, I should
have liked to have made deeper researches into their
language and past history; as it was, all my time
was taken up with my active duties, and I had not
a moment to spare.
Their dress is a short kilt of black cotton cloth,
ornamented, in the case of warriors, with rows of
cowrie shells. They have handsome cloths of dark
blue arid yellow thrown over their shoulders in cold
LIFE FOE LIFE. 29
weather. Their arms are spears and heavy short
swords, called by the Assamese name of dao ; helmets
and shields of wicker work (used chiefly to cover the
more vulnerable parts of the body) and sometimes
clothed with skins of tigers or bears. They have
also tails of wood decorated with goats' hair dyed
red. The warspears are plain ; the ornamental ones
are covered with goats' hair dyed red, and are
sometimes used in battle. Their drill is of a most
complicated style, and requires much practice. An
Angami in full war paint is a very formidable-
looking individual. They are divided into many
clans. Several clans often inhabit one village, and
it frequently happened that two clans thus situated
were at deadly feud with each other.
Blood feuds were common among all the hill
tribes, but the system was carried to excess among
the Angamis. Life for life was the rule, and until
each of the opposing parties had lost an equal
number, peace was impossible, and whenever
members of one village met any belonging to the
other, hostilities were sure to result. Sometimes an
attempt was made to bring about a reconciliation,
but then it frequently happened that the number of
slain to the credit of each were unequal. Mozuma
and Sephema might be at war, and Mozuma killed
five, whereas Sephema had killed only four.
?epheraa says, "I must kill one more to make the
balance, then I will treat for peace," so war con-
tinues. Some day Sephema has a chance, but kills
two instead of the one that was required ; this gives
her the advantage, and Mozuma refuses to treat.
So it goes on interminably. The position of a small
30 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
village at war with a large one, was often deplorable
as no one dared to leave the village except under a
strong escort. I once knew a case of some Sephema
men at feud with Mozuma, hiring two women of the
powerful village of Konoma to escort them along the
road as thus accompanied no one dare touch them.
Once at Piphima, when my assistant Mr. Needham
was encamped there, parties from two hostile vil-
lages suddenly met each other and rushed to arms.
He was equal to the occasion and stopped the
combat. I made it a criminal offence to fight on our
road called the " Political Path," and it was generally
respected as neutral ground.
No Angami could assume the "toga virilis," in
this case the kilt ornamented with cowrie shells,
already described, until he had slain an enemy, and
in the more powerful villages no girl could marry a
man unless he was so decorated. The cowrie orna-
ments were taken off when a man was mourning the
death of a relation.
To kill a baby in arms, or a woman, was accounted
a greater feat than killing a man, as it implied
having penetrated to the innermost recesses of an
enemy's country, whereas a man might be killed
anywhere by a successful ambush. I. knew a man
who had killed sixty women and children, when on
one occasion he happened to come upon them after all
the men had left the village on a hunting expedition.
Every Naga who was able to murder an enemy
did so, and received great commendation for it by
all his friends. Later, when I was in Manipur, I
had a pleasant young fellow as interpreter. He
often took my boys out for a walk when he had
VILLAGEKS. 31
nothing else to do, and was a careful, trustworthy
man. Once I asked him how many people he had
killed (he wore the cowrie kilt, a sure sign he had
killed some one). A modest blush suffused his face
as if he did not like to boast of such a good deed,
and he mildly said, "Two, a woman and a girl!"
The Angamis when on friendly terms are an
agreeable people to deal with, polite, courteous, and
hospitable. I never knew any one take more pains
or more successfully not to hurt the susceptibilities
of those they are talking to, indeed they show a tact
and good feeling worthy of imitation. My wife and
I soon knew all the villagers well, and often visited
them, when we were always offered beer, and asked
to come into their verandahs and sit down, and just
as we were leaving, our host would search the hen's
nests to give us a few eggs. The beer we never
took, but many Europeans like it and find it whole-
some. It is made of rice and has rather a sharp
taste. Their houses are large substantial structures
built of wood and bamboo thatched with grass, and
the eaves come low down. Houses with any pre-
tensions always have verandahs. Besides the houses,
there are granaries, often at a distance for fear of
fire. The Angamis bury their dead in and about
their villages, and for a time, decorate them with
some of the belongings of the deceased. Naturally
they strongly object to the graves being disturbed,
and in making alterations I was careful not to hurt
their feelings.
The more powerful villages in the interior of the
hills have a large area of cultivation on terrnces cut
out of the hillside, and carefully irrigated. Some of
32 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
the terraces go up the hillsides to a great height,
and show considerable skill in their formation. On
these terraces lowland rice is grown and is very
productive. Some of the smaller outlying villages
like Samagudting have only ordinary hill cultiva-
tion, where upland rice is grown. The terrace land
used to be greatly valued, and was often sold at
prices equal to £2'2 to £25 per acre !
The Angamis, in common with most hill-tribes
that I have come across, have a vague indefinite
belief in a supreme being, but look on him as too
great and good to injure them. They believe them-
selves also to be subject to the influence of evil
spirits, whom it is their constant endeavour to
appease by sacrifices. Every misfortune is, as a
rule, ascribed to evil spirits, and much money is
spent on appeasing them, the usual way being to
offer fowls, of which the head, feet, and entrails are
offered to the demon, with many incantations. The
other parts are eaten by the sacrificer.
All kinds of animals are readily eaten by the
Angamis, and those dying a natural death are not
rejected. Dogs' flesh is highly esteemed. When
a man wants to have a delicate dish, he starves his
dog for a day to make him unusually voracious, and
then cooks a huge dish of rice on which he feeds the
hungry beast. As soon as the dog has eaten his
fill, he is knocked on the head and roasted, cut up
and divided, and the rice being taken out, is con-
sidered the bonne louche. The Manipur dogs are
regularly bred for sale to the hill-tribes, Nagas
included, and a portion of the bazaar, or market,
used to be allotted to them. I have seen a string of
NAGA CUSTOMS. 33
nineteen dogs being led away to be strangled.
Poor tilings, they seemed to realise that all was not
well.
The Naga women are not handsome but very
pleasant-looking, and many of the girls are pretty,
but soon age with the hard toil they have to per-
form ; working in the fields and carrying heavy
loads up endless hills. They have plenty of spirit
and can generally hold their own. They do not
marry till they are nearly or quite grown up.
Divorce can be easily obtained when there is an
equal division of goods. Often a young man takes
advantage of this, and marries a rich old widow, and
soon divorces her, receiving half her property, when
he is in a position to marry a nice young girl. The
tribal name of the Angami Nagas is " Tengima."
Naga is a name given by the inhabitants of the
plains, and in the Assamese language means
" naked." As some of the Naga tribes are seen
habitually in that state, the name was abitrarily
applied to them all. It is the greatest mistake to
connect them with the snake worshippers, "Nag
Bungsees" of India. Neither Nagas or Manipuris,
or any tribes on the eastern frontier, are addicted to
this worship, or have any traditions connected with
it, and any snake, cobra (Nag) or otherwise, would
receive small mercy at their hands. The slightest
personal acquaintance with the Assamese and their
language, would have dispelled this myth for ever.
The Nagas are skilful iron-workers and turn out
very handsome spears. Their women weave sub-
stantial and pretty coloured cloths, and every man
knows enough of rough carpentering to enable him
D
34 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
to build his Louse, and make pestles and mortars for
husking rice. They make rough pottery, but with-
out the potter's wheel.
After Ghumbeer Singh's Expedition, our next
dealings with the Angamis were in 1833, when
Lieut. Gordon, adjutant of the Manipur Levy, ac-
companied the Rajah of Manipur with a large force
of Manipuris into the Angami hills. On this
occasion, Kohima and other villages were subdued,
as already stated, and an annual tribute exacted
by Manipur.
So far as the British territories were concern ad,
Naga raids went on as usual, but nothing was done
till early in January 1839, when Mr. Grange, sub-
Assistant Commissioner of the Nowgong District,
was despatched with a detachment of the First Assam
Sebundies (now 43rd Goorkha Light Infantry), fifty
men of the Cachar Infantry, and some Shan Militia,
with orders to try and repress these annual outrages.
His expedition was ill supplied, but fortunately
returned without any severe losses. His route lay
through North Cachar to Berrimeh ; thence, via
Razepima to Samagudting and Mohung Deejood ;
beyond gaining local knowledge there was no result,
except perhaps to show that a well-armed party
could march where it liked through the hills.
In December 1839, Mr. Grange again visited the
hills, and, excepting 1843, an expedition was sent
into the hills every year till 1846 when a post was
permanently established at Samagudting. None of
these expeditions had any really satisfactory result.
The Angamis submitted to our troops at the time,
and directly we retreated, murder and the carrying
HILL WARFARE. 35
off of slaves re-commenced. The establishment of the
post at Samagudting had the effect of improving our
relations with the people of that village ; and Mozuma
was always inclined to he friendly ; beyond this
nothing was accomplished.
In August 1849, Bog Chand Darogal, a brave
Assamese who was in charge of Samagudting, was
murdered by one of the clans of Mozuma, owing to
the rash way in which he interfered in a dispute with
another clan, which latter remaind faithful to us,
and thus led to another expedition on a large scale.
Finally, in December 1850, a large force was sent
up with artillery. Kohima, which had sent a
challenge, was destroyed on February llth, 1851.
In this last engagement over three hundred Nagas
were killed, and our prestige thoroughly established.
We might then, with great advantage to the people
and our own districts, have occupied a permanent
post, and while protecting our districts that had
suffered so sorely from Naga raids, have spread
civilisation far and wide among the hill-tribes. Of
course we did nothing of the kind ; on such occasions
the Government of India always does the wrong
thing; it was done now, and, instead of occupying
a new position, we retreated, even abandoning our
old post at Samagudting, and only maintaining a
small body of Shan Militia at Dimapur. The Nagas
ascribed out retreat to fear, the periodical raids on
our unfortunate villages were renewed, and unheeded
by us ; and finally, in 1856, we withrew the detach-
ment from Dimapur and abandoned the post.
After that, the Nagas ran riot, and one outrage
after another was committed. In 1862 the guard
D 2
36 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
and village of Borpatliar were attacked and, one
Sepoy and thirteen villagers killed and two children
carried off as slaves, but no notice was taken ; it was
not till 1SGG that, wearied out by repeated outrages
and insults, we determined to establish ourselves in
the hills, and once for all put down raiding.
A kind of vague boundary between Manipur and
the Naga Hills had been laid down in 1842, by
Lieutenant Biggs on our part, and Captain Gordon
on the part of the Durbar, but in 1851, when
utterly sick of Naga affairs, we determined on a
policy of non-intervention, permission in writing
was given to the Durbar to extend its authority over
the Naga villages on our side of the border. This
must be remembered later on. Failing any intention
on our part to annex the hills, it would have been
good policy to have re-organised the Manipur terri-
tory, and to have aided the Maharajah to annex
and subdue as much as he could under certain restric-
tions. Had this been done we should have saved
ourselves much trouble. Personally, I would rather
see the Naga Hills properly administered by ourselves,
but the strong rule of Manipur would have been far
better than the state of things that prevailed for
many years after 1851.
CHAPTER IV.
Value of keeping a promise — Episode of Sallajee — Protection given to
small villages, and the large ones defied — "Thorough Government
of India" views — A plea for Christian education in the Naga Hills.
ALMOST from the day I took charge, I let. it be
known that I was, as natives say, " a man of ono
word," and that if I said a thing, I meant it. If I
promised a thing, whether a present or punishment,
the man got it ; and if I refused any request, months
of importunity would not move me. This rule saved
me much time and worry ; instead of being pestered
for weeks with some petition, in the hope that my
patience would be worn out, I simply said Yes, or
No, and the people soon learned that my decision
was final. Later on, during the Naga Hills cam-
paign, I found that my ways had not been forgotten,
and this made dealing with the people much simpler
than it might have been.
A certain number of the villages kept one or two
men, as the case might be, constantly in attendance on
me to represent them. These were called delegates,
and received ten rupees each per mensem. I gave the
strictest orders to these men not to engage in their
tribal raids, but to remain absolutely neutral.
Sephema had two delegates, Sejile and Sallajee by
name, and, one day, it was reported to me that the
38 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
last had joined in a raid by bis village on Mozuma,
and I instantly summoned him to attend and put him
on his trial for disobeying a lawful order. Some wise-
acres in the place shook their heads, and doubted if
1 were strong enough to punish, or the advisibility of
doing so ; but I held that an order must be obeyed,
otherwise, it was no use issuing orders, also, that this
was an opportunity of making an example. Of
course it was an experiment, as no one had been
punished before for a similar offence, and I well knew
that resistance on his part would mean that to assert
my authority I must attack and destroy Sephema,
but I felt the time had come for vigorous action, and
was prepared to go through with it. I tried Sallajee,
found him guilty, and sentenced him to six months'
imprisonment in Tezpore jail. In giving judgment,
I said, " You have not been guilty of a disgraceful
offence, therefore, I do not sentence you to hard
labour, and shall not have you bound or handcuffed
like a thief; but, remember, you cannot escape me, so
do not be foolish enough to run away from the man
in charge of you." I then sent him in charge of two
police sepoys through one hundred miles of forest,
and he underwent his imprisonment without at-
tempting to get away. Right thankful I was that
rny experiment succeeded. Sallajee lived to fight
against us, during the campaign in the Naga Hills in
1879-80.
The orders of the Government of India were
strictly against our responsibilities being extended.
We took tribute from Samagudting, but it was the
only village we considered as under our direct rule,
and that only so long as it suited us. Before leaving
WEAK POLICY. 39
Calcutta, the Foreign Secretary said to me emphati-
cally, when I urged an extension of our sway — " but
those villages (the Angaini Nagas) are not British
territory, and we do not want to extend the ' red
line.' "
However, Government may lay down rules, but as
long as they are not sound, they cannot be kept to
by artificial bonds, and sooner or later events prove
stronger than theories. The fact is, that no Govern-
ment of late years had ever interested itself in the
Eastern Frontier tribes, except so far as to coax them
or bribe them to keep quiet. The Abors on the
banks of the Burrhampooter had long been paid
" blackmail," and any subterfuge was resorted to, that
would stave off the day of reckoning which was
nevertheless inevitable.
As regards the Nagas, this timidity was highly
reprehensible. We had acquired such a prestige,
that the least sign of vigorous action on our part was
sure to be crowned with success, so long as we did
not make some foolish mistake.
The people in the hills knew that we objected to
the system of raiding, and could not understand why,
such being the case, we did not put it down, and
ascribed our not doing so to weakness, wherein they
were right, and inability wherein they were wrong.
The less powerful villages would at any time have
been glad of our protection, and one of the most
powerful — Mozuma, was anxious to become subject
to us. Offers of submission had been made once or
twice, but no one liked to take the responsibility of
going against the policy and orders of the Govern-
ment. At last an event occurred which brought
40 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
things to a crisis, and forced us either to adopt a
strong policy, or make ourselves contemptible by a
confession of weakness, and indifference.
Towards the end of March 1874, a deputation
came to me from the village of Mezeffina begging
for protection against Mozuma, with whom they had
a feud, and from whom for some reason or other
they daily expected an attack. They offered to
become British subjects and pay revenue in return
for protection. I considered the matter carefully,
and before I had given my decision, crowds of old
people, and women carrying their children, came in
asking me to save their lives. I at once decided to
grant their request, and promised them what they
asked, on condition that they paid up a year's tribute
in advance. This they at once did, and I immedi-
ately sent a messenger to proclaim to Mozuma that
the people of Mezeffina were British subjects, and to
threaten them or any one else with dire vengeance
if they dared to lay hands on them. Our new sub-
jects asked me and my wife, to go out and receive
their submission in person, an invitation which wo
accepted, and next day a large number of men
turned up to carry my wife, and our baggage, and
that of our escort, consisting of twenty men.
The Mezeffina men rested for the night in
Samagudting, and early on the following morning
we started, and reached the village in good time,
where we were received with great demonstrations
of respect. We spent the night there, and then were
conveyed back to Samagudting, after a very pleasant
visit.
I did not underrate the grave responsibility that I
EXTENSION OF BRITISH RULE. 41
incurred in going against the policy of Government,
but I felt it was utterly impossible that I, as their
representative, could quietly stand by, and see a
savage massacre perpetrated, within sight of our
station of Samagudting. There is no doubt that
this would have speedily followed had I sent the
people away without acceding to their wishes. Of
course, I might have used my influence with Mozuma
to prevent a raid in this particular instance, but that
icould have been giving protection, and, I argued, it'
we give protection, let us get a little revenue to help
to pay for it. Why should all the advantage be
on one side ? Besides a half-and-half policy would
never have succeeded. " Thorough " should be the
motto of all who deal with savage and half-civilised
races ; a promise to refer to Government is of little
avail when people are thinking of each other's blood.
Action, immediate action, is what is required. A
failure to realise this, brought on later the Mozuma
expedition of 1877-78, in which a valuable officer
lost his life.
Besides the obvious objections I have pointed out,
any attempt to make terms in favour of one village
after another by negotiations with their adversaries,
would have involved us in so many complications,
that it would probably have ended in a combination
against us.
I reported the matter to Government, and before I
could receive any answer, the village of Sitekima
which had a feud with Sephema came in and asked
for the same favour to be accorded to it, as had been
granted to Mezeffina. I accordingly took them over
on the same terms, and again issued a proclamation
42 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
calling on all people to respect their rights as British
subjects.
Sooii after I heard from the Chief Commissioner
of Assam, directing me to take over no more villages
without a reference. However, this could not be,
there was no telegraph in those days, and the tide in
favour of asking for our protection had set in in
earnest, and must be taken at the flood. " Vestiyia
nulla retrorsum " there was no retreat ; and having
acted according to my judgment for the best interests
of the State, I felt bound to take further responsi-
bility on myself, when necessary. Accordingly when
the little village of Pheniria applied for protection
and offered revenue, I at once acceded, and accepted
their allegiance as British subjects, with the result
that they were left in peace by their powerful
neighbours, and had no more anxiety as to their
safety. Phenina was followed by several other
villages, to whom I granted the same terms.
The Mozuma Nagas were always an intelligent set
of men, and liked to be in the forefront of any
movement. Seeing the part that other villages were
taking, they came forward and offered to pay
revenue, if we would establish a guard of police in
their village, and set up a school for their children
to attend. This was a question involving a consider-
able expenditure of money, and as they were not in
need of protection, I felt that I could not accede to
their request without further reference, but I sent on
the proposal to Government with a strong recom-
mendation that it should be adopted. The consi-
deration of it was put off for a time, and when
very tardily my recommendation was accepted, the
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. 43
Mozuma people had, as I predicted, changed their
minds. Such cases are of constant occurrence.
When will our rulers take the story of the Sibylline
books to heart ?
The question of education generally, was one that
greatly interested me, my success in Keonjhur* in
the tributary Mehals of Orissa, where I had intro-
duced schools, having been very great. In combina-
tion with other suggestions, I strongly urged the
advisability of establishing a regular system of
education, including religious instruction, under a
competent clergyman of the Church of England. I
pointed out that the Nagas had no religion ; that
they were highly intelligent and capable of receiving
civilisation ; that with it they would want a religion,
and that we might just as well give them our own,
and make them in that way a source of strength, by
thus mutually attaching them to us. Failing this,
I predicted that, following the example of other hill-
tribes, they would sooner or later become debased
Hindoos or Mussulmans, and in the latter case, as
we knew by experience, be a constant source of
trouble and annoyance, Mussulman converts in
Assam and Eastern Bengal, being a particularly
disagreeable and bigoted set. My suggestion did
not find favour with the authorities, arid I deeply
regret it. A fine, interesting race like the Angamis,
might, as a Christian tribe, occupy a most useful
position on our Eastern Frontier, and I feel strongly
* As Assist-sup. of the tributary Mehals, Sir James (then Lieutenant)
Johnstone endowed schools at Keonjhur and presented the Government
with some land he had bought for the purpose. When the Rajah, during
whose minority he had managed the affairs of Keonjhur as political
officer, came of age, the agency was abolifched for economy. — ED.
44 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
that we are not justified in allowing them to be
corrupted and gradually " converted " by the miser-
able, bigoted, caste-observing Mussulman of Bengal,
men who have not one single good quality in
common with the manly Afghans, and other real
Mussulman tribes. I do not like to think it, but,
unless we give the Nagas a helping hand in time,
such is sure to be their fate, and we shall have our-
selves to thank when they are utterly corrupted.
The late General Dalton, C.S.I., when Commis-
sioner of Chota Nagpure, did his utmost to aid
Christian Mission among the wild Kols ; his argu-
ment being like mine, that they wanted a religion,
and that were they Christians, they would be a
valuable counterpoise in time of trouble to the vast
non-Christian population of Behar. In the same way
it cannot be doubted, that a large population of
Christian hill-men between Assam and Burmah,
would be a valuable prop to the State. Properly
taught and judiciously handled, the Angamis would
have made a fine manly set of Christians, of a type
superior to most Indian native converts, and pro-
bably devoted to our rule. As things stand at
present, I fear they will be gradually corrupted and
lose the good qualities, which have made them
attractive in the past, and that, as time goes on,
unless some powerful counter influence is brought to
bear on them, they will adopt the vile, bigoted type of
Mahommedanism prevalent in Assam and Cachar, and
instead of becoming a tower of strength to us, be a per-
petual weakness and source of annoyance. I earnestly
hope that I may be wrong, and that their future may
be as bright a one as I could wish for them.
CHAPTER V.
Dimapnr — A. terrible storm — Cultivation — Aggression by Konoma — My
ultimatum — Konoma submits — Birth of a son — Forest flowers — A
fever patient — Proposed change of station — Leave Naga Hills — March
through the forest — Depredation by tigers — Calcutta — Return to
England.
ONCE more before the weather began to be un-
pleasantly hot, we went down to Dimapur that I
might inspect the road and a rest house being built
at Nowkatta. Dimapur though hot, was pleasant
enough in the evening, when I used to row my wife
about on the large tank in a canoe which just held
us both. We could see a few feet below the surface,
the remains of the post set up when a tank is
dedicated to the deity. This post is usually many
feet above the water, but here it had rotted away
from age. On a tree close to the rest house I shot a
chestnut coloured flying squirrel.
One sultry afternoon I rode out alone to IsTowkatta.
About half-way I was stopped by a sudden storm,
one of the most terrific I have ever seen ; the wind
howled through the forest, and the trees swayed to
and fro literally like blades of grass. As the storm
increased, trees were torn up by the roots right and
left, and some that were very firmly rooted were
shattered in pieces. Many of these trees were 80 to
1 20 feet in height, and large in proportion, but the
46 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
wind was so high that I never heard the sound of
the crash. I hardly expected to escape being crushed
by a falling tree, and nothing but the extreme
activity of my pony, a little Manipuri, saved me. I
was at length enabled to get on to Nowkatta, but as
I returned, I had much difficulty in making my way
through the masses of fallen trees which formed an
obstacle often six feet in height, and I could only
pass them by penetrating the dense underwood, and
riding round one end.
I returned to Dimapur later than I expected and
drenched by the soaking rain. Next day we went
back to Samagudting very glad to be again in a
cooler atmosphere. We both paid for our visit to
the lowlands in a sharp attack of intermittent i'ever.
Luckily, my wife speedily recovered ; but it told on
my system, already saturated with malaria and was
the forerunner of constant attacks.
Except for its unhealthiness, Dimapur was a nice
place, and, if properly opened out, and cultivated,
the country would be far more salubrious. For this
reason I advocated families being induced to settle
there as cultivators ; and I had a scheme for estab-
lishing a Police Militia Reserve in that district. I
thought that a certain number of the Naga Hills
police might with advantage be discharged every
year and enlisted as reserve men, liable to serve
when needed in case of trouble ; a reduced rate of
pay to be given to each man, and a grant of land to
cultivate. I believe the system would have worked
well, but it was not sanctioned.
An incident occurred in the month of August
which might have proved serious. A native of a
NAGA DISPUTES. 47
Kutcha Naga village within sight of Samagudting
came to complain that, while gathering wild tea-seed
for sale, he had been driven off by a Konoma Naga.
Konoma, though not the most populous village, had
long been considered the most powerful and warlike
in the hills, and a threat from one of its members
was almost a sentence of death to a man from a weak
village. The Merema clan also, one of the- worst
in the hills for lawless deeds, had never made its
submission to Captain Butler, though it had on one
occasion to his predecessor. On hearing the man's
complaint, I at once sent off a message by a Naga
calling upon the chiefs of Konoma to come in to me,
and also to cease molesting their neighbours ; but the
man returned, saying that they refused to come in,
and intended to do as they liked with the tea-seed,
as it was theirs. This was more than I could put
up with, and I selected a particularly trustworthy
man, a naik (corporal) in the police named Kurum
Singh,* who knew the Naga language, and would,
I was convinced, speak out fearlessly, and deliver my
message. I sent him off at once to Konoma to call
upon the head-men to come in without delay, and
make their humble submission to me within a day
and a half of receiving the summons, failing which
I would attack and destroy their village. Kurum
Singh left, and I felt rather anxious, as Konoma
contained five times as many warriors as I had
police all told, and it occupied a strong position ;
however, I felt I had done my duty. It was a great
satisfaction when Kurum Singh returned, saying
that the chiefs were coming in, and they did so
* I rewarded Kurum, and he distinguished himself later on.
48 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
within the stipulated time, and made their submis-
sion and presented me with a large state spear as a
token of it. They also humbly apologised and
promised never to molest that Kutcha Naga villnge
again ; and when I spoke of the Queen, begged me
to write to her and say, that she must not believe
any idle tales against the Konoma men, as they
would be her humble servants. It was a satis-
factory ending to what might have been a trouble-
some business. The state spear now ornaments
my hall.
On the 23rd June, my wife presented me with a
son, and he being the first child of pure European
parentage born in the hills, the Nagas of Samagud-
ting took great interest in the baby, and old Yatsole'
the Peumah, said he should be their chief and named
him " Naga Rajah." The friendly women and girls
from the village constantly came to see him. We
liked the hills and the people, and the work so much
that we both felt we could willingly have passed our
lives among them. All the same, our accommodation
was really most wretched, and food was bad and
scarce, and water scarcer. As the rainy season
advanced the place grew more and more unhealthy,
and having a baby to attend to, my wife never left
Samagudting. I continued to go down to Dimapur
occasionally, and sometimes rode out with my friend
Needham to inspect the path that was being cut to
Mohung Deejood and a rest house being built at a
place in the forest on that road, called Borsali. It
was pleasant to have a companion during a long
lonely ride. Needham was an indefatigable worker,
and always ready for a dash. He made a capital
FULFORD HALL.
[Page 48.
A NAGA INVALID. 49
frontier officer, and has since greatly distinguished
himself on the N.-E. Frontier.
Towards the end of August, the Vauda Caerulea
orchids began to come into flower. There was a
magnificent plant of them in a large old tree on the
summit of the hill, indeed the most splendid specimen
of their kind that I ever saw ; but wild flowers, many
really beautiful, were generally procurable, especially
a small snow-white flower rather like a periwinkle
that grew in the jungle on a small ever-green bush.
Ferns, including maidenhair, were very plentiful,
and we made collections of them in our morning and
evening walks. These walks often led us past stray
huts, and once my wife was asked to come into one
and prescribe for a sick Naga woman. We both
entered it and finding that the woman had fever, we
told her husband to keep her cool and quiet, and
promised some medicine. When we again went to
see her, the hut, about nine feet by seven feet in size,
was full of little fires on the floor, over which several
Nagas were drying strips of flesh from an elephant
that had been killed a few miles away. The
temperature must have been about 110 degrees, so
little wonder that the poor woman was no better.
The husband said she would not take her medicine,
and when in our presence he attempted to give it
she hit him on the head ; yet he wore the warrior's
kilt, so had taken at least one life. When my wife
sat down by her and gave her the medicine she took
it readily. Towards the end of the rainy season
many were laid low by fever. Natives of other
parts of India until thoroughly acclimatised, suffer
greatly from the diseases peculiar to jungle districts,
E
50 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE.
and our servants were not exceptions to the rule.
Once acclimatised, a Hindoostani seems able to stand
anything. It used to be said in my regiment,
the 1st Assam Light Infantry Battalion, now 42nd,
that Hindoostani recruits spent their first three years'
service in hospital ! I am sure that something of
the same kind might have been said of those who
came to the Naga Hills before the headquarters were
removed to Kohima.
Captain Butler, recognising the unsuitableuess of
Samagudting for a station, had recommended the re-
moval of the headquarters to Woka, in the Lotah Naga
country, and about sixty-three miles from Kohima.
I spoke to him on the subject, and pointed out the
superior advantages of Kohima as a central position,
dominating the Angami Naga country. He quite
agreed with me, but said he had advocated Woka as
being nearer the plains, nearer water carriage, and
altogether a more comfortable situation, especially
for the officers. I went into the whole subject most
carefully, and before leaving the Naga Hills I
thought it right to record my opinion in a memo-
randum to the Government of Assam. This I did,
pointing out as forcibly as I could the very superior
advantages of Kohima, and urging most strongly
that it should be adopted as our headquarters
station in the Naga Hills. As I was only the
officiating agent, I could not expect my views to
carry as much weight as Captain Butler's, but
convinced as I was, I was bound to state them. The
question was not settled for some years when
Kohima was the site selected, and it has ever since
been the headquarters station.
A BOUGH JOUKNEY. 51
I had never got over the attack of fever I had in
April, and as the rainy season advanced, and we
were for days together enveloped in mist, I had
constant attacks, with other complications, and as
Captain Butler was coming out in November, and
the doctor strongly recommended me to go to
England again, I determined to apply for leave.
My friend Needham had gone on leave to Shillong,
so I could not think of starting till he returned. He
was due at Samagudting early in November, and I
prepared to leave then. It was with most sincere
regret that we made arrangements for starting.
We had got used to the discomforts of the place and
had been very happy there and liked the people, and
felt that they liked us; the cold weather too was
just beginning and everything around us looked
beautiful.
I had determined to march straight through the
forest to Doboka, and thence take boat down the
Kullung river to Gowhatty. It was a dreadful
march to undertake, along a mere track untraversed
by any European for years, but my wife liked the
idea of it, and it was shorter than the route via
Nigriting. On November 6th, we reluctantly said
" good-bye " to all our kind friends at Samagudting
and marched to Dimapur, where we halted next day
to get all our things into order. Some of the chiefs
of Samagudting accompanied us so far on our way
and bade us a sorrowful adieu on the 7th. One old
fellow took quite an affectionate farewell of our baby
Dick. When I saw him again in 1879, he was blind,
and one of his pretty little girls was dying.
We marched through dense forest on the 8th to
E 2
52 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Borsali, my wife riding and carrying the baby in
her arms, there being no other mode of progression
along such a bad road. On the 9th after seven
hours' actual inarching, we reached Mohung Deejood,
a place prettily situated on the banks of the Jumoona
river with the last speck of the Rengma Hills
standing out in high relief behind the village, but at
some distance from it. Next day we again had a
tiring march of eleven hours, including a halt for
breakfast at a place called " Silbheta " where there
are splendid waterfalls, and did not reach our
halting place, Bokuleea, till 6 P.M. The last two
marches had been through a country devastated by
tigers which had literally eaten up the population ;
each day we passed deserted village sites. At
Bokuleea we made rafts and floated down the river
to Doboka, which we reached on November 13th.
Doboka is situated close to the hill of the same
name and was a prominent object from Samagudting.
There we took boats, and travelled in them down
the Kullung river. We reached the junction with
the Burrhampooter at daybreak on November 17th,
and Growhatty at midday. I was most thankful to
see my wife and child safe in the Dak Bungalow
after what was for delicate people a perilous journey,
though an interesting and enjoyable one, through a
country hardly ever traversed by European officials,
and never by women and children. After a few
days at Gowhatty to rest ourselves, we departed
by steamer for Goalundo, arriving there early on
November 29th, and immediately left for Calcutta,
which we reached the same evening and went to
stay with our kind friends the Rivers Thompsons,
RETURN TO ENGLAND. 53
with whom we had travelled out to India in 1873.
Glad as we were to be in civilised quarters once
more after all our wanderings, we could not help
regretting the kindly genial people we had left, and
the beautiful scenery of the forest and mountain
land, where we had lived so long and so happily.
On arrival in Calcutta, I went before the Medical
Board, but not liking to go to England again so
soon, I applied for three months' leave to visit the
North- West Provinces for change of air, and we
visited Benares, Lucknow, Cawnpore, and other
towns. I do not attempt to describe them, as it has
been often done by abler pens than mine. The after
symptoms of malaria increased, and it was vain to
prolong my stay in India in the hope of a cure.
The Medical Board said my appearance was sufficient
without examination, so we left Calcutta by the next
steamer, going by " long sea " to avoid the fatiguing
journey across India to Bombay. After unusually
rough weather in the Mediterranean and off the
coast of Spain, we landed at Southampton, on
March 9th, at 9 P.M., and went on to London next
mornin£.
54 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER VI.
Return to India — Attached to Foreign Office — Imperial assemblage at
Delhi — Almorah — Appointed to Manipur — Journey to Shillong —
Cherra Poojee — Colonel McCulloch — Question of ceremony.
MALARIA, and all the evils that follow in its train,
are more easily acquired than got rid of. Possibly
two years in England, including four visits to Carls-
bad, which high medical authorities seem to consider,
and very justly, a sine qua non, might give a man a
good chance if he never again visited a malarious
district, otherwise, my own experience shows me
that two years are nothing. Every time I have
gone before a Medical Board in London, preparatory
to returning to duty, their last charge has been,
" You must never again go to a malarious district ! "
Medical Boards propose, and Government and cir-
cumstances dispose.
I stayed at home in a high and healthy part of
the Midlands, and left for India again in October.
I arrived in Calcutta in November, where I again
suffered from malarious symptoms ; but I soon got
better, and was attached to the Foreign Office, at my
own request, extra attache's being required for the
Imperial Assemblage.
I had the good fortune to see the whole of that
gorgeous pageant, the like of which this generation
THE VICEROY'S GUESTS. 55
will probably never witness again, under the most
favourable auspices ; and though I had on an
average eighteen hours' work out of each twenty-
four, I was well repaid by being able to take part
in it. I met many old friends, and also became
acquainted with Salar Jung, Maharajahs Scindiah and
Holkar, Sir Dinkur Rao, Madhava Rao, and several
other now historical celebrities. The Viceroy's
reception-tent at night was a grand sight, filled
with gallant soldiers, European and native, and
great statesmen.
Among the new arrivals was the Khan of Khelat,
an intelligent but savage-looking chief, with eyes all
about him. I was being constantly deputed to carry
polite messages from the Viceroy to different chiefs
and celebrities and to meet them at the railway
stations. Among those whom I met were the envoy
from the Chief of Muscat, also the Siamese Ambas-
sador and his suite, a highly intelligent and sensible
set of men. I remember well the rough-and-ready
way in which the younger Siamese officers looked
after their luggage and effects. They were provided
with a handsome set of tents, and all dined together
at one table in European fashion, in the most
civilised way, with the British officer attached to
them.
I stayed at Delhi till the assemblage broke up,
and after a few days in Calcutta with the Foreign
Office, went to Bombay to meet my wife, who, with
our two boys, arrived there on February 2 ad. We
at once set out on our way to Almorah in the
Himalayas, where I was permitted to reside for a
year and compile Foreign Office records.
56 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
We were delayed at Moradabad for a few days, as
the passes were covered with snow. At last we
started, and found Nynee Tal deep in snow, and the
lake frozen. Next day we marched across the track
of an avalanche, and the following afternoon reached
the Almorah Dak Bungalow, or rest house. The
ground was covered with snow, and the cold intense,
the bungalow draughty and very uncomfortable.
After a few days we got into a house, which Sir
H. Ramsey, who was then out on duty in the district,
had kindly taken for us, and I dived deep into my
records, consisting of early documents relating to
Assam and the Singpho tribes.
As the weather grew warmer, Almorah became
very pleasant. I pined for active work, but our stay
here gave my wife experience in the mode of life in
India, for which she was afterwards very thankful,
and she obtained hints on housekeeping subjects
from other ladies, which were a help to her later on.
Life in the Naga Hills was of course very different
to what it is in more civilised parts of India.
The Foreign Office had my name down in their
list for an appointment. I could have gone to
Manipur when I landed in Calcutta, but was not well
enough. In July, I had a telegram to say that
Lieut. Durand, who had lately been appointed, was
ill, and must be relieved. Would I go ? I at once
replied in the affirmative, and off we started on
July 16th. It was very short notice, but changing
quarters at short notice is part of an Indian official's
life, and the prospect of work was delightful to me.
We had a trying journey down to Calcutta, as the
rains had not begun in the North-West Provinces,
JOURNEY TO ASSAM. 57
and the heat was tremendous. However, we arrived
none the worse for it, and stayed for a day or two
with our kind friends, the Medlicotts.
As Colonel Keatinge, the Chief Commissioner of
Assam, wished to see me before I went to Manipur,
I was ordered to join at Shillong, so we proceeded
by rail to G-oalundo, one night's journey from
Calcutta, and thence by river steamer to Chuttuk,
on the Soorma, where we changed into country
boats, and proceeded up a smaller river and across
great jheels or shallow lakes, often passing for miles
through high grass growing in the water, which
hid us from everything, till we reached a place
called Bholagunj, situated on a river rapidly be-
coming narrower, where we again changed, this
time into small canoes, the only conveyances that
could take us up the rapids, with which the river
abounds.
From Chuttuk we had come through a country
mostly covered with grass jungle, twelve to fifteen
feet in height ; now we passed through forest
scenery, very lovely fine trees, with festoons of
creepers and flowers overhanging the stream. At
last we reached Thuria Grhat, where the ascent of
the hills commenced, and there we halted for the
night in the Dak Bungalow, or rest house. Most
places situated as Thuria Ghat is, would be deadly
on account of malaria, but it seems to be an exception,
and, as far as I have seen, healthy.
Knowing the servant difficulties in the province
of Assam, we had brought servants with us from
Almorah, men who had implored us to take them.
When I consented to do so I voluntarily raised
58 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
their wages from fifty to eighty per cent, above
what they had been receiving, but with the exception
of a Dhobee (washerman), and a bearer (a compound
of housemaid and valet), they all became corrupted
by the other servants they met at Shillong, and who
spoke of Manipur in very disparaging terms, so
before going farther I let them go, as they demanded
an enormous increase of wages.
The Dhobee Nunnoo, and the bearer Horna, stuck
to me to the very last, and proved admirable ser-
vants. It was fortunate that we had servants, as
there were none at Thuria Ghat rest house ; as it
was, we managed very well, and were prepared to
march in the morning before the coolies were ready
to take up our luggage. We had a tiring march up
the hill to Cherra Poojee ; my wife and the children
were in baskets on men's backs, but I was on foot
and felt the march in the intense heat to be very
fatiguing, though we halted to rest half-way. How-
ever, when we reached the plateau of Cherra Poojee,
4000 feet above Thuria Ghat, the cool air speedily
set me right, and we all enjoyed the scenery, hills,
plains, waterfalls in abundance, deep valleys, and
the lowlands of Sylhet, covered with water, as far
as the eye could reach. We had a comfortable
bungalow to rest in, and a cool night at last.
Next day we marched to Moflung, 6000 feet above
the sea, and then to Shillong, where for the next few
days we were hospitably entertained by the Chief
Commissioner, Colonel (now General) Keatinge,
V.C., C.S.I., who kindly sent a carriage to meet us
on the road. As Colonel Keatinge wished me to
remain at Shillong for a time, and meet Mr. Carnegy,
COLONEL McCULLOCH. 59
political officer in the Naga Hills, who was coming
there later on, I arranged to stay, and took a house ;
so we settled down comfortably till the early part of
October — a very pleasant arrangement for us instead
of facing the intense heat of the Cachar Valley in
August. It gave me a good opportunity of looking
over the records of the Chief Commissioner's office,
where I found much relating to Manipur, but I fear
that it was lost when the Record Office was burnt
down some years ago, the copies also having been
destroyed in Manipur during the rebellion of 1891.
At last the day for leaving came, and we packed up
our things and prepared once more to set off on our
travels.
Before leaving, I paid several visits to Colonel
McCulloch, who, since retiring from the service, had
established himself at Shillong, and asked his advice
on many points, and learned much from him regard-
ing Manipur. He very kindly gave his opinion
freely on all questions, telling me where some of my
predecessors had failed, and pointing out the pitfalls
to be avoided. He added to all his kindness by
writing to the Maharajah, and telling him that, from
what he had seen of me, he was sure it would be his
fault if we did not get on together.
60 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER VII.
Start for Manipur — March over the hills — Lovely scenery — View of the
valleys — State reception — The Residency — Visitors.
LOWREMBA SUBADAR, an excellent old fellow, formerly
in the service of Colonel McCulloch, was sent to
Shillong to be in attendance on rne, and of course to
find out all he could about me and report the result.
Before I left, he sent a note to the Maharajah of my
requirements in the way of coolies, etc., for our long
journey of ten days between Cachar and Manipur,
and I also intimated that, as the representative of the
British Government, and as one who well knew
what was due to me as such, I should expect to be
received with proper ceremony.
This was a point on which I laid much stress, as
my experience had taught me that in a native state
so tenacious of its dignity and ancient customs as
Manipur, my future success depended in a great
measure on my scrupulously requiring all that I was
entitled to, and as much more as I could get. It
had been a complaint against one of my predecessors
that he had been discourteous, and I determined that
the Manipuris should not have to complain of me on
that score, and in my letters I took care to be as
courteous and considerate as possible.
FROM SHILLONG TO CACHAE. 61
On former occasions it had been the custom for a
new political agent to enter the capital unattended,
and to call on the Maharajah the next day, the latter
repaying the visit a day later. This I did not con-
sider sufficient, and I determined that he should come
out to meet me in state. When Colonel McCulloch
returned to Manipur the second time, this had been
done, Colonel McCulloch being an old and intimate
friend of the Maharajah. I quoted this as a pre-
cedent. I tried in vain to get the Foreign Depart-
ment to back up my request, but could not induce
them to interfere on my behalf, so I took the
responsibility on myself, and sent a formal demand
to the Maharajah to send a high officer — a major
commanding a regiment — to meet me on the road,
and to meet me himself in state at a suitable distance
from the capital. The result will be described.
All being ready we left Shillong, my wife, nurse
and children on men's backs as before, for Cherra
Poojee, where we arrived the second day; thence, on
the third day, we went to Thuria Ghat, on by boat
vid Bholagunj, to Sylhet and Cachar. We reached
Cachar on October 17th, after passing the historical
fort of Budderpore, where a battle was fought with
the Burmese in 1825, and settled down in the
bungalow of our kind friend Major Boyd who was
away. Our coolies arrived on October 18th, and we
again packed our things and prepared to depart on
our final march.
We left Cachar for Manipur on October 20th, my
wife and the nurse and boys in " doolies," a kind of
tray four feet long by two in width, with sides and
ends eight inches in height, supported by two long
62 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
poles running along the bottom of each side, and
slung at each end to loose oars of wood carried on
men's shoulders. The passenger sits inside as best
he can, and there is a light matting roof thrown over
to protect him from the weather. To begin with, it
is an uncomfortable and shaky conveyance, but in
time one gets accustomed to it.
Our baggage was carried mostly on men's backs,
each load varying from sixty to seventy pounds in
weight. Altogether we had, I daresay, one hundred
coolies, as everything we required for a ten days'
journey had to be carried, in addition to personal
baggage and stores for our use on arrival. I had
provided a tent in case of need, but did not use it,
as rude huts were provided for us at all the stages
along the road. Our first halt was at Luckipore, in
British territory, and, as usual, the first march was the
most trying ; for servants, coolies, etc., have to learn
each other's ways. I had an escort of one hundred
men of the 35th Native Infantry, under a subadar,
as it was expected that I might have to go on an
expedition soon after my arrival, and these men
had their own special coolies, so we were a large
party altogether.
We halted at Luckipore, as I have said, a few
miles from the Hoorung Hills and at Jeree Ghat.
Next day we left British territory and entered Mani-
pur, where we found some huts built for our accom-
modation. At Jeree Ghat the really interesting part
of the journey commenced ; thence, till Bissenpore
in the valley of Manipur is reached, the traveller
marches day after day over hills and across rivers.
The first day from Jeree Ghat we crossed the Noon-
FEOM CACHAR TO MANIPUR. 63
jai-bang range, the summit of which is 1800 to 1900
feet above the sea from whence a fine view of the
next range, Kala Naga or in Manipuri, Wy-nang-
nong, is obtained. The road which was made under
the superintendence of Captain (afterwards Colonel)
Guthrie, of the Bengal Engineers between 1837 and
1844, at the joint expense of the British and Manipuri
Governments, the former paying the larger share,
was excellent for foot passengers and pack animals,
but not wide enough and too steep for wheeled
traffic on a large scale.
After descending from Noong-jai-bang we halted
on the banks of the Mukker river amidst splendid
forest, and next day ascended the Kala Naga range
and halted on the crest close to a Manipuri guard
house at a height of 3400 feet.
From this spot a magnificent view of the plains of
Cachar is obtained, and in fine weather, far beyond
them the Kasia hills in the neighbourhood of Cherra
Poojee may be descried. The scene at sunset is
sometimes magnificent. In the foreground the dark
forests, and in the far distance a huge bank of golden
clouds with their reflection in the watery plain, and
a mingled mass of colours, green fields, purple,
crimson, red and gold, all mixed up in such a way as
no painter would ever attempt to copy. As the sun
sinks those colours change and re-arrange themselves
every minute in quick succession, and when at last
night closes in, the impression left on the mind is
one of never-ending wonder and admiration.
From Kala Naga to the Barak river is a very
stiff descent, calculated to shake the knees of an in-
experienced hill-walker, and many is the toe-nail lost
64 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
by the pressure of one's boots. Here as at the
Mukker and other rivers farther on, the Barak is
crossed by cane suspension bridges, which vibrate
and move at every step. In the dry season these
rivers are crossed by very cleverly constructed bamboo
pontoon bridges, but when the rainy season has com-
menced, they become raging torrents, which nothing
but a fish could live in, and but for the suspension
bridges, all communication with the outer world
would be cut off. The bridge over the Eerung
river was one hundred yards in length, and like all
the others, was, when I first went to Manipur, con-
structed entirely of cane and bamboo, and could by
great exertions, be finished in three days. During
my period of office, wire ropes were substituted for
the two main cables on which all rested, and the
strength of the bridges greatly increased thereby.
It was an important part of my duty to see that both
roads and bridges were kept in order.
Our march was interesting but uneventful. We
started after breakfast and generally reached our
halting place in time for a late luncheon or afternoon
tea. Wherever we halted we had a hut to live in,
generally in some picturesque spot, one day giving a
splendid view of hill and valley with nothing but
forests in view, on another we were perched on a
hill overlooking the beautiful Kowpoom valley, a
sheet of cultivation. At last, on the ninth day after
crossing the Lai-metol river, and ascending the Lai-
metol, we had our first view of the valley of Manipur*
spread out like a huge map at our feet. Seen as it
was by us at the end of the rainy season, and from a
* The name means beautiful garden. — ED.
BEAUTIFUL SCENEKY. 65
height of 2600 feet above it, is a vast expanse
of flat land bordered by hills, and mostly covered
with water, through which the rice crops are
vigorously growing. To the south the Logtak
lake is visible, with several island hills in it,
while far away to the north-east might be seen
the glittering roofs of the temples of Imphal, the
capital. It requires time to take in the view and to
appreciate it. In the dry season it looks very
different with brown, dried-up hills in the place of
green.
The valley of Manipur possesses a few sacred groves,
left, according to the universal aboriginal custom,
throughout all parts of India that I have visited, for
the wood spirits, when the land was first cleared ; but
no natural forest. These groves are little isolated
patches of forest dotted here and there ; the villages
have plenty of planted trees, many of great antiquity,
and from the heights above they have the appearance
of woodland covered with grass. Besides this, all
is one sheet of cultivation or waste covered with
grass. It was once entirely cultivated, that is, before
the Burmese invasion of 1819, when the population
of the valley, was from 500 to 1000 per square
mile.
We halted to rest on the summit of the Lai-metol,
and then descended, passing sometimes under a kind
of wild apple tree with very eatable fruit, and
once through a lovely grove of oak trees, called
" Oui-ong-Moklung," and then, still far below us,
saw some elephants sent for us by the Maharajah.
These elephants were posted at Sebok Tannah,* a
* Tannah means outpost. — ED.
F
66 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
police station where the ground begins to grow level,
and a mile farther brought us to Bissenpore, where
there was a rude rest house. Here we halted for the
night.
I have mentioned my demand that I should be met
with proper ceremony. It was of course stoutly re-
sisted, every argument founded on old custom, etc.,
being used against it. However, I stood firm, and
absolutely refused to go beyond Bissenpore, till the
Maharajah gave me an assurance that he would do
all I required. In the end he gave in, and a day
before reaching that place, his uncle met me on the
road with a letter saying that all should be done as I
wished. This official, by name Samoo Major, became
a great friend of mine, and remained so till I finally
left ; he is, alas, I believe, now a prisoner in the
Andamans, having been supposed to be implicated in
the rising in 1891.
The next day we left Bissenpore in good time, and
marched the seventeen miles to the capital, halting
half-way at Phoiching, where I was met by some
officials. Farther on, some of still higher rank came
to greet me, and finally, at the entrance to the capital,
I was met by the Maharajah himself, surrounded by
all his sons. A carpet was spread with chairs for
him and myself, we both of us having descended
from our elephants, advanced and met in the centre
of the carpet, and having made our salutations (a
salute of eleven guns was fired in my honour), we sat
and talked for two minutes. We then mounted, the
Maharajah's elephant being driven by his third son,
the master of the elephants ; and we rode together
through the great bazaar, till our roads diverged at
THE OLD EESIDENCY. 67
the entrance to the fortified enclosure to the palace,
where we took leave of each other, and he went
home, and I went to the Residency, which I reached
at four o'clock, my wife and children having made a
short cut.
The Residency then was a low and dark bungalow
built of wattle and daub, and thatched. It had one
large room in the centre, and a bedroom on either
side with a small semicircular room in front and
rear of the centre room ; there was one bathroom (I
speedily added more), and verandahs nearly all
round. There were Venetians to the windows, but
no glass, and the house was very dark and very full
of mosquitoes. However, all had been done by the
Residency establishment to make the place comfort-
able, and we were too old travellers and too accus-
tomed to rough it, to grumble. The house might be
rude and uncomfortable, but some of my happiest
days were spent in it. The building was at the end
of a garden, with some nice mango, and other trees
here and there, and had a little more ground attached
to it, but we were on all sides surrounded by squalid
villages and filthy tanks and cesspools, and the
situation was very low, though well drained. Our
English nurse grumbled incessantly, but we had
engaged in advance, a nice pleasant Naga woman,
named Chowkee, to help her, and soon made every-
thing right for the night, but the mosquitoes were
terrible, and though my life has been spent in
countries swarming with them, I give Manipur the
palm, it beats all others !
No European lady or children of pure blood had
ever before been seen in Manipur, and at first there
F 2
GS MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
was great excitement wherever we went, all the
population turning out to look at us. By degrees
they became accustomed to the novelty, but still
occasionally people from distant villages corning to
the capital stopped to stare. Every now and then
my wife had visits from strange old ladies, often
from the Kola Eanee, the widow of the last Rajah of
Assam, and by birth a Manipuri princess, daughter
of Rajah Chomjeet, and first cousin of the Maharajah
Chandra Kirtee Singh. Once an old woman of 106
years of age, with a daughter of 76, were visitors,
and once or twice some other relic of a bygone age
called on us. Among the latter was old Ram Singh,
the last survivor of Wilcox's famous survey expedi-
tions in Assam, in 1825-26-27-28. Wilcox was
one of the giants of old, men who with limited
resources, did a vast amount of work among wild
people, and said little about it, being contented
with doing their duty. In 1828, accompanied by
Lieutenant Burton, and ten men belonging to the
Stidya Khamptis (Shans), he penetrated to the
Bor Khamptis country, far beyond our borders, an
exploit not repeated till after our annexation of
Upper Burmah. Ram Singh had a great respect
for his former leader, and loved to talk of old days.
CHAPTER VIII.
Visit to the Maharajah — His minister — Former revolutions —
Thangal Major.
AFTER a day's rest I paid a visit to the Maharajah,
having first stipulated as to my proper reception. I
was received by the Jubraj (heir apparent) at the
entrance to the private part of the palace, and by
the Maharajah a few paces from the entrance to the
Durbar room (hall of reception), and conducted by
him to a seat opposite to his own, with a table
between us, his sons and officials being seated on
either side. I read the Viceroy's letter, informing
the Maharajah of my appointment, and, after a short
conversation, during which my age was asked (a
question invariably put to European officers by
Manipuris of rank), I took my leave, and was
escorted back to the place where I was met on my
arrival. I was favourably impressed by what I saw,
but I at once realised that I was on no bed of roses,
and that I would have to make a good fight to
obtain and maintain my just influence with the Dur-
bar. The Maharajah had undoubtedly grievances
against us, and I felt that it was folly and injustice
not to acknowledge these. At the same time, he
and his ministers had on some occasions taken
advantage of this state of affairs to behave in an
70 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
unseemly way, and for this a sharp rebuke had to be
administered. The natural sense of injustice is
strong in mankind, and I saw that chafing under
slights they had received, and often magnifying
them, it was necessary for me first to acknowledge
these, and try as far as possible to make amends, and
then to come down on them very sharply for having
forgotten their position.
The Maharajah returned my visit, and we had one
or two interviews when we discussed affairs. I
pointed out the extreme gravity of resisting the
British Government in any way, and we soon
became very friendly. Colonel McCulloch's intro-
duction had been a great advantage to me, and
every one was inclined to give me credit for good
intentions, at the same time that every effort was
made to restrict my authority and influence.
The Maharajah was a rather thick-set man of
about five feet five inches in height and forty-five
years of age. In India he would have been called
fair. He had the features of the Indo-Chinese race,
and the impassive face that generally goes with
them, but which is often not so marked in the Mani-
puris. He was far the ablest man in his dominions,
and a strong and capable ruler. He had a great
taste for mechanical arts of all kinds, and a vast fund
of information which he had acquired by questioning,
for he questioned every one he met. English scien-
tific works were explained to him, and his researches
extended even to the anatomy of the human body, of
which he had a very fair knowledge. He had a
taste for European articles, and owned a large
assortment. He had glass manufactured in his
THE EOYAL FAMILY. 71
workshops, and once sent me a petroleum lamp,
every portion of which was made by his own arti-
ficers. His rule, for such a strong man, was mild
as compared with that of his predecessors, and he
thoroughly realised that his prosperity depended on
his loyalty to the British Government. At the same
time, he was most tenacious of his rights, and earnestly
desired to preserve his country intact, and to give us
no excuse for annexing it.
The fear of tempting us to annex was so great
that, once when I thought of growing a little tea for
my own consumption, he was much agitated. I, as a
matter of courtesy, first sent to ask him if he had
any objection to my growing a little, and, in reply,
he sent an official to beg me not to think of it.
This man said, " The Maharajah will supply you
with all the tea you want free of cost, but begs you
not to think of growing it." The officer went on to
explain, that it was feared that, if I successfully
demonstrated that tea could be grown in Manipur
tea planters would come up, and there would be a
cry for annexation ! Certainly our annexation of
the Muttuk country in 1840 justified the suspicion,
and we cannot blame people for having long
memories.
The Jubraj, or heir apparent, was an amiable
young man of twenty-six or twenty-seven, with a
pleasant smile which was wanting in his father. He
was of a weak character, although possessing some
ability. Like his father, he could speak Hindoo-
stani, but both were ignorant of English. Backed
up and influenced by an honest and capable Political
Ag^nt, he would probably have made an excellent
72 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
ruler, and, had we done our duty by him, he might
now be at the head of a flourishing little state,
instead of having died an exile in Calcutta.
The next son, TVankai Rakpar, afterwards known
as the " Regent " during the recent troubles, was an
ignorant, uncouth boor, who knew no language but
his own, and was quite unfitted for any responsible
work ; he took little part in public affairs. The
third known as Samoo Henjaba (Master of the
Elephants), was a clever, pleasant, sensible young
man, said by Thangal Major, no mean judge
of character, to be the ablest of the ten sons
of the Maharajah. He died during my tenure of
office.
The fourth son, Kotwal Koireng, who afterwards
acquired an infamous reputation as the " Senaput-
tee," was always a bad character, cruel, coarse, and
low minded. From early childhood he was given
to foul language, and was absolutely dangerous when
he grew up. His mother had been unfaithful to the
Maharajah, who used to say that the son was worthy
of her. Colonel McCulloch had always disliked him
as a boy.
None of the other six sons of the Maharajah were
in my time mixed up in public affairs, so I need not
describe them, except that Pucca Senna was the
champion polo player, though not otherwise worthy
of notice. The practical ministers were Bularam
Singh, or Sawai Jamba Major, and Thangal Major.
They were both faithful adherents of the Maharajah,
although the first who had once had much influence
had married the daughter of the former Rajah Nur
Sing. He was nominally the first in rank, but
PALACE REVOLUTIONS. 73
Thangal Major was rapidly gaining ground, and
viewed with increasing favour by the Maharajah.
I quote the following description of the Govern-
ment of Manipur from an article I wrote for The
Nineteenth Century, by kind permission of the
editor. " The government of Manipur has always
been a pure despotism tempered by assassination and
revolution. While he occupies the throne the rajah
is perfectly absolute. A minister may be all power-
ful, and all the princes and people may tremble
before him ; for years he may practically rule the
rajah ; but he is after all a cipher before his sove-
reign, a single word from whom may send him into
exile, make him an outcast, or reduce him to the
lowest rank. Yet with all this power an obscure
man may suddenly spring up, as if from the ground,
to assert himself to be of the blood royal, and
gathering a large party round him place himself on
the throne. All this happened not unfrequently in
days gone by, when many were the rajahs murdered
or deposed. History tells us of rajahs being deposed,
re-elected, and deposed again."
There can be no doubt that in old days the people
benefited by the system of constant revolutions, as
a rajah was obliged to keep in touch with his
subjects if he wished to occupy the throne for any
length of time, and many concessions were made to
gain a strong following. The average intelligence
of the Manipuris being higher than that found
among the cultivators of many other native states,
the people knew what reforms to ask for, and often
insisted on their being granted.
Nothing can be harder on the people of a native
74 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
state, than for the paramount power to hold a ruler
on the throne with a firm grasp, and protect him
against internal revolution, and at the same time to
refrain from insisting on needful reform.
Chandra Kirtee Singh's long reign and strong
government, were in many ways a great benefit to
the people, because he was a man of sound sense,
and though selfish and unscrupulous, naturally of a
kindly disposition, a fact proved by the few execu-
tions that took place in his reign. In his earlier
years he had the benefit of Colonel McCulloch's
good advice, enforced by his great influence. All
the Fame there can be no doubt that a little more
interference judiciously applied, would have vastly
improved the state of affairs during the time he occu-
pied the throne. Of course an individual Political
Agent might bring about improvements in the
administration, but these all rested on his personal
influence and lasted only while he remained. Had
the Government of India stepped in and exerted its
authority they would have been permanent.
Bularam Singh was a typical Manipuri in face
and had good manners, but he had no force of
character, and gradually yielded to his more able
colleague. He was generally known as the Toolee-
Hel major, i.e.,, the major or commander of the Hel
regiment.
Thangal Major was a remarkable character, and
had a chequered history. His uncle had saved the
life of Rajah Grhumbeer Singh (Chandra Kirtee
Singh's father), then a child, when his older brother
Marjeet attempted the murder of all his relations.
Thangal Major was one of the props of the throne
THANGAL MAJOK. 75
when Ghumbeer Singh ascended it. He had been
introduced at Court at an early age, and accom-
panied the Rajah in an expedition against the village
of Thangal inhabited by a tribe of Nagas. He was
given the name Thangal in memory of the event.
He accompanied the old Ranee with her infant son
Chandra Kirtee Singh into exile, when she fled
after attempting the Regent Nursing's life while he
was engaged in worship in the temple of Govindjee
in 1844; had stayed with him and carefully watched
over his childhood and youth. When in 1850 the
voung Rajah came to Manipur to assert his rights,
Thangal accompanied him and greatly contributed
to his success. This naturally made him a favourite,
and his bold, active, energetic character always
brought him to the front when hard or dangerous
work had to be done. For a time he fell into dis-
favour, but Colonel McCulloch, recognising his
strong and useful qualities, and the fact that he was
an exceedingly able man, interceded for him with
the Maharajah, and he again came to the front. In
person ho was short and thickset, darker than the
average of Manipuris, with piercing eyes and rather
a prominent nose, a pleasant and straightforward
but abrupt manner, and, though a very devoted and
patriotic Manipuri, was extremely partial to Euro-
peans. He knew our ways well, and soon took
a man's measure. He was acquainted with every
part of Manipur, and, though ignorant of English,
could point out any village in the state, on an English
map. In fact, he had studied geography in every
branch to enable him to defend the cause of Manipur
against the survey officers who were suspected by
76 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
the Manipnris of wishing to include all they could
within British territory. He knew all our technical
terms such as " watershed " in English, and had
gained much credit for enabling the survey to carry
on their work in 1872, when the patriotic but ill-
judged zeal of an older officer, Eooma Singh, nearly
brought about a rupture. Thangal Major's know-
ledge of us and our customs, as well as of our moral
code, was astonishing. He realised the power of the
British Government, and though he would resist us
to the utmost in the interests of Manipur, nothing
would have induced him to join in any plot against
our rule in India. When I say that he was un-
scrupulous and capable of anything, T only say that
he was what circumstances and education had made
him, and would make any man under similar con-
ditions. He had not the polish of a native of
Western India, and had not had the advantage of
English training that many ministers in other states
have. The internal administration of Manipur had
never been interfered with by us, and Thangal
Major was the strong able man of the old type. A
strong and capable political agent might do well
with him, but a weak one would soon go to the wall.
He commanded the Toolee Nehah, and was often
called by that title, but was better known as Thangal
Major.
One of my predecessors had quarrelled with
Thangal Major, and this had led to recrimination,
and very unseemly conduct on the part of the
Durbar. This conduct I had rebuked as directed,
but it was a question as to how Thangal Major was
to be dealt with. I was authorised to demand his
A REBUKE. 77
dismissal from office, and for some time he had not
been received by my two immediate predecessors. I
made careful inquiries, and feeling convinced that
there was a good deal to be said on Thangal's side,
and that by careful management I should be able to
keep him well in hand, I sent for him. The old
man, he was then sixty, having been born in 1817,
came in a quiet unostentatious way, and after a
severe rebuke, and receiving an ample apology from
him, I forgave him, and restored him to the position
of minister in attendance upon me ; and thenceforth
I saw him daity, generally for an hour or two.
In addition to the Minister, two Subadars, Low-
remba and Moirang, were placed in attendance on
me, but as time went on, and I and the Durbar be-
came friends, we transacted business in a friendly
way, through any one.
78 MY EXPERIENCES IN MAN1PUR.
CHAPTER IX.
Manipur — Early history — Our connection with it — Ghumbeer Singh —
Burmese war.
MANIPUR consists of about 8000 square miles, chiefly
hills surrounding a valley 650 square miles in
extent. This valley from north to south is
about 35 miles, and from east to west 25. The
capital Imphal, as it formerly existed, was a large
mass of villages looking like a forest from the
neighbouring heights, arid covering about 15
square miles. Every house was in the centre of its
own well-planted garden, and every garden con-
tained a few forest trees. The census of 1881 gave
the population of the capital as 60,000, that of the
rest of the valley an equal number, while the hills
were estimated to have 100,000. It was only in
the capital that pure Manipuris lived, except the
soldiers in the military posts which were scattered
all over the country.
The valley itself is 2600 feet above the sea, and
the hills rise on an average to an equal height above
it, though here and there some of the distant peaks
are 10,000 to 12,000 feet in height. Thus Manipur
contains within its borders a variety of climate from
almost tropical, to a greater cold than that of
England. The heat is never very excessive in the
WASTEFUL CULTIVATION. 79
valley, and for eight months in the year it is most
enjoyable. Foreigners suffer much from bronchial
affections, doubtless owing to the waterlogged soil,
but these complaints are not more prevalent among
the native population than elsewhere, and if sanitary
laws were properly observed, the valley might be a
most healthy place and the population would rapidly
overflow.
The capital is almost intersected by the 25th
parallel north latitude, and 95° east longitude, and
is 132 miles by road from Silchar, the capital of
Cachar, and 70 from Tamu in the Kubo valley.
The valley of Manipur forms the centre of a chain of
valleys, viz., Cachar, Manipur, and Kubo, connecting-
Bengal with Burinah proper. The sides of the hills
facing the valley of Manipur are generally covered
with grass or scant jungle which rapidly dries up as
the cold season advances, but when once the crest is
passed, a fine forest is reached; except where the hill-
tribes have destroyed it, to raise one crop and then
let it relapse into grass and scrub. Alas, I have
seen noble oak forests laid low and burned for this
purpose. It is an abominable custom, and nothing
can justify our permitting it where we hold sway.
That it is not necessary is shown by the Angamis
and some of the Tankhool tribes, who though they
do occasionally indulge in this wasteful cultivation
are quite independent of it, as they terrace their hill-
sides and cultivate the same tract for generations.
The forests of Manipur are plentifully supplied with
fine timber trees ; several varieties of oak and chest-
nut exist, and many others unknown in England such
as Woo-Ningtho, an excellent timber said to resist
80 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
the ravages of white ants; wang, which can be
worked in its green state as it never warps ; teak,
etc. Fir trees are found in abundance to the south,
east, and north-east of the valley, and bamboos of
many kinds, including the giant, are plentiful.
llhododendrons and wild azaleas of several kinds,
as well as many species of brilliant orchids, add
greatly to the beauty of the forests, and in some
parts tree ferns are abundant. I know nothing
more lovely in the world, than some of the forest
scenery of Manipur with its solemn stillness.
The early history of Manipur is lost in obscurity,
but there can be no doubt that it has existed as an
independent kingdom from a very early period. In
the days when the Indian branch of the Aryan race
was still in its progressive and colonising stage, this
district was repeatedly passed over by one wave after
another of invaders, intent on penetrating into the
remotest parts of Burmah. We have no means of
ascertaining what government it had before the
year 700 A.D., but it is believed that a monarchy
prevailed at that era. About the year 1250 A.D., a
large Chinese force invaded the country, and was
signally defeated ; all who were not killed being
made prisoners. These taught the Manipuris silk
culture, and a number of them were settled at Susa
Ranieng in the valley, where they have still
descendants. The Chinese also taught the art of
brick-making, and erected two solid blocks of
masonry in the palace, between which the road to the
Lion Gate passed. These blocks were levelled with
the ground by the Burmese invaders, but rebuilt on
the old foundations by Ghumbeer Singh.
MANIPURI CAVALRY. 81
Manipur in old days possessed a famous breed of
ponies, larger and better bred that the so-called
Burmese ponies that come from the Shan states.
On these ponies were mounted the formidable
cavalry that in the last century made Manipur feared
throughout Upper Burmah, and enabled her rulers
on more than one occasion, to carry their victorious
arms within sight of Ava, where their Rajah
Pamheiba erected a stone pillar to commemorate
the event. The cavalry used the regular Manipuri
saddle protecting the legs, and were armed with
spears and two quivers of darts. These darts in a
retreat were grasped by a loop and swung round in
a peculiar way, when the shaft formed of peacock
feathers with an iron head suddenly became detached,
and flying with great force inflicted a fatal wound
wherever it struck. A. skilful man could throw them
with great precision.
The territories of Manipur varied according to
the mettle of its rulers. Sometimes they held a con-
siderable territory east of the Ohindwin river in
subjection, at other times only the Kubo valley, a
strip of territory, inhabited, not by Burmese, but
by Shans, and lying between Manipur proper and
the Chindwin. Again they were driven back into
Manipur proper. For the greater part of the last
century, the Kubo valley unquestionably belonged
to Manipur, and it was never in any sense a
Burmese province, being, when not under Manipur,
a feudatory of the great Shan kingdom of Pong.
In the middle of the last century one of those
extraordinary men who appear from time to time in
the East, destined to shine like a blazing meteor,
o
82 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUB.
imparting exceeding brilliancy to their country, and
then as suddenly vanishing, so that it returns to its
original obscurity, appeared in Burmah. His name,
Along Pra, has been corrupted by us into Alompra,
by which he is always known. He speedily raised
Burmah to a commanding position. The kingdom
of Pong was overthrown and its territories mostly
annexed, Pegu was conquered, our district of Chitta-
gong threatened, and Siam forced to relinquish
several coveted possessions. The war fever did not
die with Alompra, and in 1817 and 1819 Assam and
Manipur were respectively invaded, internal dissen-
sions having bred traitors, who, in both countries,
made the path of the invaders easy. But the master
spirit was gone, and when we appeared upon the
scene, they could make no efficient stand. Had we
then marched to Ava, the Burmese Empire would
have collapsed like a house of cards, and the events
of 1885 been anticipated by sixty years. As it was,
we did not realise our strength and the Burmese
weakness, and contented ourselves with annexing
Assam and Cachar and protecting Manipur.
It is not very evident what the religion of Manipur
was in early days, but we see no trace of Buddhism.
Probably, whatever the belief in early years when
the people may have been affected by the intermit-
tent stream of Aryans passing through, for many
centuries no religious rites were used before the
recent rise of Hindooism, further than to appease
evil spirits, as is the custom of the surrounding
tribes. There can be little doubt that some time or
other the Naga tribes to the north made one of their
chiefs Rajah of Manipur, and that his family, while,
HINDOO PKOSELYTISM. 83
like the Manchus in China and other conquerors,
adopting the civilisation of the country, retained
some of their old customs. This is shown in the
curious practice at the installation of a Eajah, when
he and the Ranee appear in Naga costume ; also that
he always has in his palace a house built like a
Naga's, and wherever he goes he is attended by two
or three Manipuris with Naga arms and accoutre-
ments. I once told a Manipuri what I thought on
the subject, and he was greatly struck by it, and
admitted the force of what I said.
Towards the middle of the last century, for some
reason or other, a great Hindoo revival took place in
the East of India. Assam was once Hindoo but had
long become Buddhist under its Ahom kings, and
now became converted to Hindooism, by Brahmins
from Bengal. All difficulties were smoothed over,
and converts were made by tens of thousands. It is
to be regretted that it was so, as these " converts "
quickly deteriorated. The easy conquest of Hindoo-
ised Assam by the Burmese, when Buddhist Assam
had successfully resisted a powerful army sent by
Arungzebe from India and composed largely of
recruits from Central Asia, seems proof of it, if all
other evidence were wanting.
The process of conversion in Manipur began a
generation later than in Assam, and proceeded on
somewhat different lines, but it was not less effective,
and was still going on at a late date. It had not the
same deteriorating effect, for the Rajahs assumed to
themselves a position greater than that of High
Pontiff, and could at any time by their simple fiat
have changed the religion of the country and de-
G 2
84 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
graded all the Brahmins, in fact all admissions to the
Hindoo pale from the outer world of unorthodoxy
were made by the Rajah himself. Sometimes the
inhabitants of a village were elevated en masse from
the level of outcasts, to that of Hindoos of pure caste,
but more often single individuals were " converted."
A man belonging to a hill-tribe, for instance, could,
if the Rajah chose, at any time receive the sacred
thread of the twice-born castes, and on payment of a
small sum of money be admitted as a Hindoo and
was thenceforth called a Khetree.* This privilege was
not accorded to Mussulmans. I once asked a Manipuri
why they received hill- men and not Mussulmans, both
being Mlechas,f according to Hindoo theory. He said
it was because the hill people had sinned in ignorance,
whereas Mussulmans knew the evil of their ways.
Of course, every one who knows anything of
Hindooism is aware that theoretically a man must be
born a Hindoo, and that proselytism is not admitted.
Practically, however, this rule is ignored on the
eastern frontier, and all along it from Sudya down
to Chittagong, where conversions are daily taking
place. I remember villages in Assam where caste
was unknown thirty-five years ago, but where now
the people live in the odour of sanctity as highly
orthodox and bigoted Hindoos. Strange to say, the
pure Hindoos of the North- West Provinces acknow-
ledge the pretensions of these spurious converts
sufficiently so as to allow of their drinking water
brought by them. It is probably easier to take the
people at their own valuation than to carry water
one's self from a distance when tired. By the
* Probably a corruption of Khatyra. f I.e. Unclean.
GHUMBEER SINGH. 85
religious law of the Hindoos, it is forbidden to eat or
drink anything touched by one of another tribe.
Our first relations with Manipur date from 1762,
when Governor Verelst of the Bengal Presidency—
with that splendid self-reliance and large-mindedness
characteristic of the makers of the. British Indian
Empire, men who acted instead of talking, and were
always ready to extend our responsibilities when
advisable — entered into a treaty with the Rajah of
Manipur. As this treaty came to nothing, practi-
cally our connection with the little state really dates
from 1823. It had been invaded by the Burmese in
1819, and its people driven out or carried off into
slavery in Burmah. The royal family were fugitives.
At that time Sylhet was our frontier station, and
our relations with the Burmese, who were at the
highest pitch of their power, were daily becoming
more strained. On our side of the frontier we were
ably represented by Mr. David Scott, agent to the
Governor-General, and preparations were being made
for the inevitable struggle. One day a young Mani-
puri prince waited on Mr. Scott and asked leave to
raise a Manipuri force to fight on our side. He
was short and slight, and of indomitable courage and
energy, and the agent to the Governor-General
recognising his ability, allowed him to raise 500 men.
These were soon increased to 2000, cavalry, infantry
and artillery. Two English officers, Captain F. Grant
and Lieutenant E. B. Pemberton, were attached
to the force, thenceforth called the Manipur Levy,
to drill and discipline it.
In 1825 a general advance was made all along our
line, Cachar was invaded and subdued, and we
86 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR.
essayed to pursue the enemy into Manipur and thence
into Burmah, but our transport arrangements failed.
Hitherto we had been accustomed to wars in the
arid plains of India, and our military authorities did
not realise the necessities of an expedition into the
eastern jungles. Hence, camels and bullocks were
sent to dislocate their limbs in the tenacious mud
and swamps of Cachar, and when the advance into
Manipur was desired, our regular troops were power-
less. At this crisis the Manipur Levy showed its im-
mense value. The men could move lightly equipped
without the paraphernalia of a regular army, and
advance they did, and with such effect that in a short
time not only was Manipur cleared, but the enemy
driven out of the Kubo valley. Later on, Grhumbeer
Singh was recognised as Rajah of Manipur, and the
Kubo valley was included within his territories.
Manipur at this time contained only 2000 inhabi-
tants, the miserable remnants of a thriving popula-
tion of at least 400,000, possibly 600,000, that existed
before the invasion. G-humbeer Singh's task was to
encourage exiles to return, and to attempt to rebuild
the prosperity of his little kingdom. He was a wise
and strong though severe ruler, and though he owed
his throne greatly to his own efforts, he to the last
retained the deepest feelings of loyalty and gratitude
to the British Government, promptly obeying all its
orders and doing his utmost to impress the same
feeling on all his officers.
As is always the case, though we had carried all
before us in the war, we began to display great
weakness afterwards. We had an agent, Colonel
Burney, at Ava, and the Burmese who were not
THE KUBO VALLEY. 87
disposed to be at all friendly, constantly tried to im-
press on him the fact that all difficulties and disputes
would be at an end if we ceded the Kubo valley to
them, that territory belonging to our ally Ghumbeer
Singh of Manipur. Of course the proposal ought to
have been rejected with scorn, and a severe snub
given to the Burmese officials. The advisers of the
Government of India, however, being generally officers
brought up in the Secretariat, and with little practical
knowledge of Asiatics, the manly course was not
followed. It was not realised that a display of self-
confidence and strength is the best diplomacy with
people like the Burmese, and with a view to winning
their good-will we basely consented to deprive our
gallant and loyal ally of part of his territories. An
attempt was made to negotiate with him, but Major
Grant said, "It is no use bargaining with Grhumbeer
Singh," and refused to take any part in it. He was
asked what compensation should be given, and he
said 6000 sicca rupees per annum.
When Ghumbeer Singh heard the final decision
he quietly accepted it, saying, " You gave it me and
you can take it away. I accept your decree." The
proposed transfer was very distasteful to many of
the inhabitants, including the Sumjok (Thoungdoot)
Tsawbwa,* but they were not consulted. The Kubo
valley was handed over to the Burmese on the 9th of
January, 1834, and on that day Ghumbeer Singh died
in Manipur of cholera. Perhaps he was happy in the
hour of his death, as he felt the treatment of our
Government most severely.
* Mentioned frequently later on. In August, 1891, he was a fugitive
from the British Government, hiding himself on the Chinese frontier. — ED.
88 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER X.
Ghumbeer Singh and our treatment of him — Nur Singh and attempt on
his life — McCulloch — His wisdom and generosity — My establishment
— Settlement of frontier dispute.
G-HUMBEER SINGH did much for Manipur during his
comparatively short reign. He made all the roads
in his territory safe, and subdued the different hill-
tribes who had asserted their independence during
the troubles with Burmah. Imphal, the old capital,
had not been re-occupied, though the sacred spot
where the temple of Govindjee stood was cared for ;
but a new palace had been built at Langthabal at a
distance of three and a half miles from Imphal where
several fine masonry buildings were erected, and a
canal dug for the annual boat races. Langthabal*
was deserted in 1844 and the old site re-occupied,
and in my time, the buildings at Langthabal were
picturesque ruins, having been greatly injured by
time and the earthquakes of 1869 and 1880. Grhum-
beer Singh left an infant son, Chandra Kirtee Singh
who was two years of age at his father's death and a
distant cousin, Nur Singh, was appointed Regent.
Contrary to all precedent, the Regent was loyal to
his charge and governed well and ably for the infant
* Here a British native regiment was stationed, after Sir J. Johnstone's
retirement, but some time before the troubles of 1891. — ED.
FOEMER DEALINGS WITH MANIPUR. 89
prince, in spite of constant attempts to overthrow his
government. In 1844, the Queen-Mother wishing
to govern herself, attempted to procure Nur Singh's
murder as he was at prayers in the temple. She
failed and fled with her son the young Rajah Chandra
Kirtee Singh to British territory. The Regent then
proclaimed himself Rajah with the consent of all the
people. The Manipur Levy had been maintained up
till 1835 when the Government of India withdrew
their connection from it, and ceased to pay the men.
Major Grant left Manipur, and Captain Gordon, who
had been adjutant since 1827, was made Political
Agent of Manipur. Captain Pemberton had long
since been on special survey duty.
Captain Gordon died in December 1844. He was
much liked and long remembered by the people
whom he had greatly benefited, among other ways
by introducing English vegetables, and fruits. He
was succeeded by Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel)
McCulloch.
Rajah Nur Singh died in 1850, and was succeeded
by his brother Debindro, a weak man, quite unfit for
the position. In 1850, young Chandra Kirtee Singh
invaded the valley with a body of followers, De-
bindro fled, and he mounted the throne without
opposition. Up to this time the Government of
India had always acknowledged the de facto Rajah
of Manipur, and revolutions with much accompanying
bloodshed were common. Now, however, McCulloch
strongly urged the advisability of supporting-
Chandra Kirtee Singh, and he received authority to
" make a public avowal of the determination of the
British Government to uphold the present Rajah and
90 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
to resist and punish any parties attempting hereafter
to dispossess him." The Court of Directors of the
East India Company, in a despatch dated May 5th,
1852, confirmed the order of the Government of
India and commented thus : " The position you have
assumed of pledged protector of the Eajah, imposes
on you as a necessary consequence the obligation of
attempting to guide him, by your advice, but if
needful of protecting his subjects against oppression
on his part ; otherwise our guarantee of his rule may
be the cause of inflicting on them a continuance of
reckless tyranny."
These words of justice and wisdom were steadily
ignored by successive governments. On no occasion
did the Government of India ever seriously remon-
strate with the Eajah, or make a sustained effort to
improve his system of administration. The East
India Company's order became a dead letter, but the
resolution to uphold Chandra Kirtee Singh bore
good fruit, and during his long reign of thirty-five
years no successful attempt against his authority was
ever made, and he on his part displayed unswerving
fidelity to the British Government.
I have already mentioned the great work that
Colonel McCulloch accomplished with regard to the
Kukis. This added to his long experience, gave
him great influence in the State, and when he
retired from the service in 1861, it was amidst the
regrets of the whole people. Able, high-minded,
respected, and having accomplished a task few could
even have attempted, he left without honour or
reward from his Government. How many men of
inferior capacity, and quite without his old-fashioned
COLONEL McCULLOCH. 91
single-minded devotion to duty, are nowadays
covered with, stars ! When he left he made every
effort to hand over his vast power and influence
intact to his successor, and to smooth his way as
much as possible. Had the Government of India
exercised the slightest tact and discretion in the
selection of its agent, he might have carried on the
good work so ably commenced, and brought Manipur
by rapid strides into the path of progress. As it
was it would have been difficult to find an officer
more unfitted to succeed Colonel McCulloch than
the one selected ; he was soon involved in difficulties,
and after a troubled period was ordered by Govern-
ment to leave at three days' notice. For a time the
agency remained vacant, but the Eajah applied for
another officer, and Colonel McCulloch was requested
by the Government to quit his retirement, an.d again
assume charge. He did so, and was received with
acclamations by Rajah and people, the whole State
turning out to meet him. His first effort was to
restore the confidence forfeited by the late political
agent, and everything went on as smoothly as ever ;
but, towards the end of 1867, he finally retired,
staying on a few days after his successor's arrival to
post him up in his work. This time it would have
been thought that some judgment would be shown
in the selection of an officer for the post; but the
next political agent was eminently unfitted and for
some years before his death in 1876, was on very
indifferent terms with the Durbar.
During the brief period that elapsed between the
last event and my taking charge, two different
officers held the post.
92 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
My Government establishment consisted of a head
clerk, a most excellent man, Baboo Rusni Lall
Coondoo ; a native doctor, Lachman Parshad ; native
secretary and Manipuri interpreter ; Burmese inter-
preter ; Naga interpreter ; Kuki interpreter ; and
latterly six chuprassies, i.e.* orderlies or lictors. As
for private servants we had three Naga girls, a Mugh
cook and assistant, who could turn out a dinner
equal to any of the London clubs for one hundred
people at a couple of days' notice, and under him I
had four young Nagas learning their work, as I was
determined to do more for my successors than my
predecessors had done for me, viz., teach and train
up a staff of servants so as to save the necessity of
importing the scum of Calcutta. I had an excellent
bearer, Horna, as I have already stated, and under
him were two or three Nagas; washerman, syces,
gardeners, water-carriers, etc., made up the number.
All my interpreters, chuprassies, and servants, I
clothed in scarlet livery which made a great impres-
sion, and gradually the air of squalor which prevailed
when I arrived began to disappear. I had charge of
a Government Treasury from which I used to pay
myself and the Government establishment. The
currency of the country was a small bell-metal coin
called " Sel," of which 400 to 480 went to the rupee,
also current, but copper pice were not used, and all
Manipuri accounts were kept in " Sel."
At this time the Naga Hills were still under a
political officer whose actual jurisdiction was limited
to the villages which had paid tribute to me, as
already described. He was supposed to exercise a
certain influence over many of the large villages,
BOTJNDAKY DISPUTE. 93
but the influence was lessened by the feeling en-
tertained by the Nagas that our stay in the hills was
uncertain, and that for all practical purposes the
Manipuris were the power most to be reckoned with,
and from our point of view it was very desirable
that our headquarter station should be removed to
Kohima. A dispute with Mozuma, due chiefly to
our vacillating conduct, was now going on, but its
chiefs would not accept our terms, and an expedition
to coerce them was in preparation in which I was to
take part. Mr. Carnegy was political officer, a man
of ability and determination, and very pleasant to
deal with. During the dispute with Mozuma, the
other villages held aloof, thinking Mozuma was able
to hold its own, and waiting to see which side gained
the day.
Burmah was still under its native rulers. There
were constant frontier disputes going on between it
and Manipur, but that state of things was chronic.
To the south of Manipur, the Chin and Lushai
tribes were quiet.
There was a long standing boundary dispute be-
tween Manipur and the Naga Hills. The boundary
had been most arbitrarily settled by us when the
survey was carried out, so far as a certain point,
beyond that it was vague. Manipur claimed
territory which we certainly did not possess, and
which she had visited from time to time, but did not
actually hold in subjection. Other portions, as I
afterwards proved, were occupied by her, though the
fact had not been ascertained. Over and over again
efforts had been made to bring the Durbar to terms,
but without success. I determined to grapple with
94 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK.
the question at once. I took a map and drew a line
including all that I thought Manipur entitled to, in
the neighbourhood of the Naga Hills, and advised
the Maharajah to accept the arrangement on the
understanding that when I visited the country
claimed further eastward, I would recommend the
Government of India to allow him to retain all that
he actually held in his possession. This was agreed
to by him and confirmed by Government, and I
believe that substantial justice was done to both
parties.
I should like to have seen Manipur get more, as a
set-off against our unjust treatment in former years,
but as we were sure eventually, to occupy all the
Naga Hills, it was necessary to make such an
adjustment as would not injure British interests in
the future.
CHAPTER XI.
My early days in Manipur — The capital — The inhabitants — Good qualities
of Manipuris — Origin of valley of Manipur — Expedition to the Naga
Hills — Lovely scenery — Attack on Kongal Tannah by Burmese —
Eeturn from Naga Hills — Visit Kongal Tannah.
THE first few weeks in Manipur were taken up in
making acquaintance with the place and people, and
doing all that was possible to disarm the fears of the
Durbar. Never was there one so suspicious. At first
all my movements were watched, and wherever I
went spies, open or secret, followed ; however, I
encouraged it to the utmost, and told the officials to
inquire into everything I did, and they very soon
saw that there was no necessity for special espionage,
though all my acts were still noted and reported.
Several little difficulties cropped up regarding British
subjects, and required some care in dealing with
them. In one case, a man had taken upon himself
to intrigue with some of the Nagas under Manipur,
and urged them to declare themselves British subjects,
and in another, a man had robbed the Maharajah.
In both instances the Durbar had acted foolishly and
precipitately, though under much provocation. How-
ever, I turned both men out of the country, with
orders never to return.
The question of British subjects and their rights
was one that gave me much trouble for years.
96 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Judging by a decision of the High Court of Calcutta
that all the descendants of European British subjects
were European British subjects, I insisted on all
descendants of British subjects being considered as
such, and subject to my jurisdiction. After a long
struggle I carried my point, and it very greatly
strengthened my position.
A few more words about the capital and the
Manipuris may not be amiss. Imphal, as has been
said,* covered a space of fifteen square miles. On
the north side it touches on some low hills, called
Ching-mai-roong, and running westward is bounded
by a shallow lake, which is partly enclosed by a
continuation of the hills, here called Langol, on
which grows a celebrated cane used for polo sticks.
Then, running south, it is intersected by several
roads, notably the road to Silchar, which enters the
capital at a place called Kooak-Kaithel (i.e. crow
bazaar). Here it is bounded by rice cultivation.
Going farther south, and sweeping round in an
easterly direction, it is bounded by the Plain of
Lang-thabal, at one extremity of which lies the old
capital ; here two rivers intersect it. And going-
farther east, it is bounded by the lower slopes of a
hill rising 2500 feet above the valley. Then turning
to the northward and crossing two rivers, we come
again to the place from which we started. The
want of the town was a good water-supply ; there
were one or two fair-sized tanks, or ponds, as they
would be called in England, and the afore-mentioned
rivers, of which the water is not improved by re-
* Quoted by kind permission of editor from my article in Nineteenth
Century.
MANIPUBI SKILL. 97
ceiving the ashes of the dead burned on their banks.
Beyond this, "all the water obtainable was derived
from small ponds, one or more of which was to be
found in every garden enclosure. The ground on
which the capital stands must at one time have been
very low, probably a marsh, and it has been artifi-
cially raised from time to time by digging these
tanks ; every raised road, too, meant a deep stagnant
ditch on either side. The people are not sanitary in
their habits, and when heavy rain falls the gardens
are flooded, and a fair share of the accumulated filth
is washed into the drinking-tanks, the result being
frequent epidemics of cholera.
The Manipuris themselves are a fine stalwart race
descended from an Indo-Chinese stock, with some
admixture of Aryan blood, derived from the succes-
sive waves of Aryan invaders that have passed
througk the valley in prehistoric days. It may be
this, or from an admixture of Chinese blood, but
certainly the Manipuris have stable and industrious
qualities which the Burmese and Shans do not
possess. Since then the race has been constantly
fed by additions from the various hill-tribes sur-
rounding the valley. The result is a fairly homo-
geneous people of great activity and energy, with
much of the Japanese aptitude for acquiring new
arts. The men seem capable of learning anything,
and the women are famous as weavers, and in many
cases have completely killed out the manufacture of
cloths formerly peculiar to certain of the hill-tribes,
over whom the Manipuris have obtained mastery by
superior intellect. They are always cheerful, even
on a long and trying march, and are good-humoured
H
DS MY EXPEDIENCES IN MANIPUR.
under £ny difficulties and never apparently conscious
of • fatigue. They are very abstemious, and live
chiefly on rice and fish, which is often rotten from
preference. Though rigid Hindoos outwardly, they
have a curious custom by which a man of low caste,
marrying a high-caste woman, can be adopted into
her tribe, the exact reverse of what prevails in
India, where a woman of high caste marrying a
low-caste man is hopelessly degraded and her children
outcasts.
It is impossible for those who have marched much
in the hills with Manipuris to avoid liking them.
Their caste prejudices, .though rigid, give no trouble
to others. Hungry or not, they are always ready to
march, and march all day and all night, if necessary.
Still, the Indo-Chinese races exceed even the ordinary
Asiatic in reserve and sphinx-like characteristics,
and the Manipuris are an inscrutable set. I had
many intimate friends among them, yet, on the
whole, prefer the pure Hindoo.
What is now the valley of Manipur was evidently
once a series of valleys and ranges of hills, between
the higher ranges which now border it and converge
to the south. The rivers now:flowing through the
valley then flowed through it like the Barak,
Eerung, and others, at a much lower level. One
of the great earthquakes, to which these regions are
so subject, closed the outlet and raised a permanent
barrier ; thus a lake was formed, and in the course
of ages the alluvium brought down by the streams
filled it up to its present level leaving the Logtak
Lake in its lowest part, a lake which has constantly
lessened and is still lessening in size. The crests of
EXPEDITION. 09
tho sunken ranges are still to be seen running down
the valley, and mostly parallel to the bordering
ranges, such are Langol, Langthabal, Phoiching, Lok-
ching, and others. Sometimes a river, as at a place
called " Eeroce Semba," runs at the base of a hill,
and cuts away the alluvium, showing the solid rock.
This alluvium forms one of the deepest and richest
soils in the world.
I have referred to the proposed expedition to the
Naga Hills, to aid the troops there in the operations
against the powerful village of Mozuma. In order
to take part in this expedition I had brought up
one hundred men of the 35th Native Infantry, from
Cachar, and I started from Manipur on December 3rd,
1877, having sent on the 35th and a Manipuri force
of over three hundred men under the Minister
Bularem Singh. I rode out the first day to Mayang
Khang, a distance of forty miles, where I caught up
my men. I passed Sengmai at a distance of thirteen
miles on the border of the valley, and up to which
the road is flat, and soon entered a broken country,
first grass, then scrub, then forest. The road lay
over a succession of spurs of the Kowpree Hills
which run down into a very narrow valley, and was
as bad as can be imagined — very steep ascents and
descents. At last we reached Kaithernabee, the
second stage, and fourteen miles from Sengmai. It
is exceedingly picturesquely situated, having a
splendid view of the Kowpree range, here rising to
over 8000 feet. The outpost is situated on a high
bank overlooking a stream, and beyond it a splendid
rolling slope of grass extending for miles.
All this part of the country is covered with bee-
ii 2
100 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
hive-shaped cairns, built of well-selected stones.
They are said to have been made by the Koereng
J^agas, formerly a very powerful race, whose miser-
able remnants now inhabit the neighbouring hills.
Farther on the bee-hives end suddenly, and a region
of monoliths is entered. Probably both monoliths
and bee-hives were erected to commemorate great
events in the lives of the builders, the death of a
chief, the birth of a son, the giving of a great feast
when a bison, or possibly many, were killed. Mono-
liths are common, and exist all over the Naga Hills
and among the Kolarian and Dravidian tribes, as
well as all over Europe. Cairns also are common ?
but the beehive-shaped cairns are, I believe, unique,
and found only in Manipur and in this neigh-
bourhood.
I reached Mayung Khang at 4 P.M., having an
hour before crossed the watershed, all the streams
south of it falling into the tributaries of the Chind-
win Irrawaddy, all to the north running into the
tributaries of the Ganges and Burrhampooter.
Mayung Khang is a highly undulating grassy
slope, the Kowpree rising to nearly nine thousand
feet in the west, while after crossing a small stream
a lower range closes it in on the east. We halted
there for the night close to a monolith, and the next
day marched to Mythephum.
Mythephum or Muphum (lit. Manipuri settlement)
was a small military post, and we encamped below
in a wide valley among recently cut rice fields, with
a river rushing by us. The place is so named from
having been a Manipuri settlement, in the old days
before the Burmese invasion. High hills rose above
OUTRAGE AT KONGAL. 101
us on all sides, the valley running in and out among
them and following the course of the stream. To
our north, and at a distance of a mile or two, was
the once powerful village of Muram, still populous
but submissive. I had a small but most comfortable
straw-built hut, and well remember how delightful
the early morning was next day, when I had break-
fast at sunrise and saw my thermometer at thirty-
two degrees. Only those accustomed to great heat
realise the delights of a low thermometer. Mythe-
phum is over 4000 feet above the sea, and being
a low valley is often extremely cold. Sometimes in :
winter the stream is for a day quite choked by
blocks of ice, and I have seen the thermometer at
twenty-six degrees, 150 feet above the valley, which
probably meant eighteen degrees at the lowest level
on the grass.
It was my intention to march on Mozuma by a
track which would avoid the powerful villages
of Yiswena, Kohima, Jotsuma and Konoma, and'
enable me to attack the enemy in the rear. Half-
way I was delayed by receiving no letter from Mr.
Oarnegy, with whom I had to act in concert, and
this prevented me from reaching the scene of opera-
tions, as I received the startling news fliat the
Manipuri outpost of Kongal Tannah on the borders
of the Kubo valley had been attacked on Decem-
ber 14th by a party of men sent by the Rajah of
Sumjok or Thoungdoot, and eight men killed. This
threw the whole population of Manipur into a state
of commotion, and the Maharajah begged me to
return at once, and I felt it my duty to do so, as my
chief work was to protect Manipur and its' interests.
102 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUH.
I therefore returned to Manipur on December 17th,
leaving my party on the frontier, where they re-
mained some time longer, the Nagas being unwilling
to submit; and making overtures instead to the
Maharajah Chandra Kirtee Singh. He sternly
declined their offers, and threatened that if they did
not speedily yield to the British authorities, he would
send a large force to our aid.
The Naga Hills Campaign of that year had no
further interest for Manipur, and it had a sad
ending for . us, as Mr. Carnegy was accidently shot
by a sentr}T.
The " Kongal outrage," as it was thenceforth
called, was so serious and so evidently premeditated,
that a most thorough inquiry was needed. It took
some time to collect evidence as wounded men had
to be brought in, and it was the end of the month
before I was able to proceed to the spot. At last I
started and crossed the Yoma range of hills for the
first time. What a lovely march it was and what
an anxious one, as I left my wife not at all well, and
no one but an ignorant and not very sweet-tempered
English nurse to look after her. However, duty
must come first, and off I started, posting relays of
ponies on the way to enable me to return quickly
when the wojk was done. Thangal Major accom-
panied me.
The first part of our march lay across the valley,
and we. began the ascent of the hills at a place called
Ingorok. After a wearisome ascent of 3500 feet
and a more gradual one along the crest, we made a
rapid descent of 4000 feet to the Turet river, where
we encamped. The river] [runs at the bottom of an
BIRTH OK: ANOTHER - SON. - 1 03
exceedingly narrow valley, and the ascent on both
sides is one of the most wearisome I have ever made.
On a dark night lights on the hillside above, appear
as stars from the bed of the stream. The scenery was
majestic, and the vegetation very fine. The next day
we commenced with a steep ascent of 2500 feet, and
ended with a descent of 3000 feet to the Maghung
river. From the Maghung next morning we started
for Kongai Tannah, which we reached in good time.
I carefully examined the place and saw the charred
remains of the murdered men, and many bullets still
sticking . in the stockade. The evidence being com-
plete, I turned homewards, and by travelling in-
cessantly reached Manipur next morning to find that
my wife had presented me with another son, the first
pure European child born in Manipur. It had been an
anxious time for me, and I was thankful to find both
her and the baby well. We named the baby Arthur.
- 1 sent a full report of tile Kongai case to the
Government of India, and a demand for reparation
was made at the Court of Mandalay, but it was not
backed up with sufficient vigour. The outrage was
unprovoked, and nothing less than the execution of
the ringleaders, who were well known, would have
satisfied Manipur, and, indeed, the claims ,of justice,
but though the case dragged on for years, no redress
was ever given. I predicted at the time that failure
to do justice would eventually lead to underhand
reprisals on the part of Manipur, as the Durbar
could not understand our Government tolerating an
attack of this kind on a protected state, and naturally
ascribed our forbearance to weakness. I shall have
to refer to the case farther on. :
1(H MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER XII.
Discussions as to New Residency — Its completion — Annual boat races —
Kangjoopkool — Daily work — Dealings with the Durbar.
briefly described the old Residency which
was rented from the Heir Apparent. Money had
been sanctioned for a new Residency, to belong to
the British Government, but there had been squabbles
for a long time between my predecessors and the
Durbar regarding a suitable site. Also such a
building as was required could only be built with
the help of the Durbar whom it was advisable to
conciliate.
One of my predecessors wished to build on a small
hill called " Chinga," about a mile from the palace.
It was an admirable site, and had the position of the
Political Agent been similiar to that in other Indian
States, it could not have been better. But in Mani-
pur, the representative of the Government of India
was regarded by the Maharajah as a powerful prop
and support in case of his throne being attacked, as
was constantly the case in former years. On this
ground the Durbar objected that it was too far off;
also that the place was reported to be the residence
of an evil spirit inimical to the Royal family, so that
it was not a convenient spot for the Maharajah to
THE NEW KES1DENCY 105
visit. So, after many acrimonious disputes, the
negotiation fell through.
Another Political Agent chose a site called Ching-
mai-roong, which in many ways was very satisfactory,
and the Durbar reluctantly consented to give it, but
it was a mile and a half from the palace, and there-
fore much out of the way. The question was still in
abeyance when I arrived. As soon as I had time, I
discussed the matter with the Durbar, and found the
Maharajah much averse to my removal from the old
site. He said " Where you are now, I can call to
you ; but if you go to a distance, I shall be cut off
entirely."
I quite saw the advisability of being on the spot,
also in what I may call the fashionable quarter of the
town ; and, as from a sanitary pcirit of view, the
position was as good as any other, I agreed to stay,
on condition that all the squalid houses and slams in
the neighbourhood were cleared away, dirty tanks
filled, and others deepened, and a fine large space
cleared and handed over to me. I further insisted
that I should have all the assistance necessary iu
building a suitable Eesidency. My terms were
agreed to, and the work put in hand. I determined
to have a building worthy of the representative of
the British Government, and sacrificed everything
to suitable rooms, and sound construction, so that it
was not till the end of 1880 that it was finished.
I was greatly indebted to my head clerk, Baboo
Rusiii Lall Coondoo, who acted as clerk of the works.
The result was a charming residence. It was in the
half-timber style of old English houses, modified to
suit the climate, all on one floor, but raised on a solid
IOC MY EXPERIENCES IN MANiPUR.
brick foundation, which gave a lower storey seven
feet in height, thus keeping us high and dry, the
house being approached on four sides by flights of
solid masonry steps. The lower storey was built so
as to be shot proof, as I designed it as a place of
retreat from stray shot for non-combatants, in the
event of the Residency being again, as it had been
before, subjected to a cross-fire from contending
parties during one of the many revolutions so com-
mon to Manipur. Little did I dream that folly, and
incompetency would ever lead to our being directly
attacked !
The large compound, about sixteen acres in extent,
was surrounded by a mud breastwork and ditch, quite
capable of being defended, if necessary, and there
were four entrances which I named respectively, the
Great Gate, the Milking Gate, my cows'-shed being
close to it, the Water Gate and the Kang-joop-
kool Gate. I made a riding road all round to exer-
cise ponies, and besides making a splendid kitchen
garden, adding considerably to Colonel McCulloch's,
we laid out flower beds, and had cool shady spots for
the heat of the day. Deodars and other exotic trees
were imported by me and throve wonderfully. One
large sheet of water with an island in the centre was
cleared, deepened, and the banks repaired, and as I
never allowed a bird to be killed, it was covered
in winter with water-fowls to the number of four
hundred and fifty or five hundred of every kind,
from wild geese downwards, and rare birds took
refuge in the trees. In the north-east corner of the
compound were the lines for my escort, with a tank
of the purest drinking water, where formerly squalor
THE HOSPITAL. -.- 107
and filth had held sway. Finally I covered most of
the large trees with beautiful orchids, so that in the
season we had a blaze of colour. I spared no expense
on the garden, and we were rewarded. Altogether
the Residency and its grounds formed a beautiful
and comfortable resting-place.
The new building was also commodious and con-
tained a handsome Durbar-room for receptions
24 feet square, fine dining and drawing-rooms,
very airy and comfortable bedrooms, etc., with an
office for myself. The pantry was so arranged
that cold draughts of air, so great a drawback in
Indian houses in cold weather, were avoided when
dinner was being brought in. The bedrooms had
fireplaces, and the sitting-rooms excellent stoves
which in winter were very necessary. The shot-proof
rooms in the basement were not used, except one for
a storeroom, and the one under the verandah of the
Durbar-room, used as a sleeping place by the men of
my guard. *
The Great Grate was a picturesque half-timber
structure, with rooms on either side, one of which I
built specially as a pneumonia hospital, so it was
designed with a view to maintaining an equable
temperature, pneumonia being a great scourge among
newly arrived Hindoostani sepoys. Not long after
I left, it was diverted to other purposes, being
considered too good for a hospital !
" With the exception of the Residency, no house
when I left Manipur, was built of brick, partly from
fear of earthquakes, partly on account of expense.
The ordinary houses of the people are huts with
wattle and daub or mud walls, those of greater folks
108 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
the same, but on a larger scale. Every house has a
verandah in front with the main entrance leading
from it, and a little side door on the north side close
to the west end, the houses invariably facing east.
The roofs are all of thatch, with the exception of the
Rajah's, which was of corrugated iron. There were
several temples built of brick stuccoed over. One in
the palace had an iron roof, another a gilded one.
I sent some models of these temples and several other
buildings to the Indian and Colonial Exhibition of
1886, every beam and rafter being represented and
made according to scale. The larger of the temples
had bells of a fine deep tone. Some of the approaches
to the Rajah's dwelling-house were made of brick.
Formerly the palace enclosure was entered from the
front by a quaint and picturesque old gateway, not
beautiful, but characteristic of Manipur ; the old Rajah
Chandra Kirtee Singh substituted for it a tawdry
and fantastic structure with a corrugated iron roof, a
structure without any merit, and quite out of keeping
with its surroundings. I remonstrated in vain; shoddy
and vulgar tastes had penetrated even to Manipur, and
the picturesque old building that spoke of bygone
ages was doomed ; but we who have destroyed so
many fine buildings, have little right to criticise.
'* Close to the gateway is the place where the grand
stand is erected, from which the Rajah and his
relations view the boat races on the palace moat. I
say * view,' as in old age, a Rajah sits there all the
time ; but in the prime of life he takes part in these
races, steering one of the boats himself. These boat
races generally take place in September when the
moat is full, and are the great event of the year.
BOAT EACES. 109
Every one turns out to see them, the Banees and
other female relations being on the opposite side of
the moat, for in Manipur there is no concealment of
women, while the side next to the road is thronged
with spectators. The boatmen have a handsome
dress peculiar to the occasion, and the whole scene is
highly interesting. The boats are canoes hewn out
of single trees of great size, and are decorated with
colour and carving." *
The valley of Manipur is hot and steamy in the
rainy season, and Colonel McCulloch built a small hut
at a place called Kang-joop-kool, situated on a spur
of the Kowpree range, to the west of the valley at a
height of 5170 feet above the sea. The distance
from the capital was fourteen miles, and four from
the foot of the hills, and he lived there for the whole
of the rainy season, except for a few visits to the
capital. His successors till my time did not stay
there much, but I bought a small hut from my
immediate predecessor, and pulled it down, and built
a new one far more commodious. I enclosed the
land, and laid out a small garden, and planted a wood
of Khasia pines, the land being quite bare, and in
time it became a most charming place. It was
pleasant to leave the ceremonial life at the capital,
where I never walked out without a train of followers
clad in scarlet liveries, and settle down quietly at
Kang-joop-kool where we could roam about the hills
as if we had been in England.
I spent little or no time in sporting, my eyes were
never very good, and before I came to Manipur had
* Quoted by kind permission of editor from my article in Nineteenth
Century,
110 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
become so deficient in what oculists call power of
"accommodation," that, though formerly a fairly
good shot, I was then a bad one. In one way this
was an advantage, as all my interests were concen-
trated on my work, and nothing of greater interest
could have been found. Somehow or other, there
was subject for conversation with State officials and
non-officials, to last me from early morning till night,
and fill up every spare moment. My door was
always open, and the guard at the great gate had
orders to let every one pass. All the minor gates
were unguarded.
No attempt was made by the Durbar, as in other
native states, to bribe the Residency servants, except
in one notable case that happened before my time.
All negotiations were carried on with the Political
Agent direct, and the penurious Manipuris would
have thought it waste of money to bribe his servants.
This was a very satisfactory state of things, and
probably saved many unpleasant complications.
In my dealings with the Durbar, I always tried to
bear in mind that I was the representative of the
strong dealing with the weak, and so to ignore little
silly acts of self-assertion, such as a native court
loves to indulge in, and childish ebullitions, as un-
worthy of notice. Whenever it became necessary
for me to interfere, I did so with great firmness, but
always tried to carry the Maharajah and his ministers
with me, and make any desired reform appear to
emanate from him. Except on one occasion, I never
experienced any rudeness from an official.
At the same time when any attempt was made to
infringe on the rights of the British Government or
THE COURT. Ill
its subjects, I spoke in very unmistakable language. I
think the Durbar gave me credit for good intentions
and appreciated my desire to work with them ; of
course they tried to get all they could out of me, and
it was a daily, but, on the whole, friendly struggle
between us. I knew perfectly well that to exalt
themselves, the Court party spoke of me behind my
back in disparaging terms, and boasted of what they
could do, and of their independence of the British
Government, but I was quite satisfied that they did
not believe what they said, and that in all important
matters they deferred to me on every point, and
were always coming to me to help them out of
difficulties. I kept in mind Colonel McCulloch's
wise saying to the Rajah : " I don't care what you
say of me, so long as you do as I tell you."
112 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK.
CHAPTER XIII.
Violent conduct of Prince Koireng — A rebuke — Service payment — Ad-
vantage of Manipuri system. Customs duty — Slavery — Eeleasing
slaves — Chowba's fidelity — Sepoy's kindness to children — Visit to the
Yoma range.
AN incident occurred winch might have caused some
trouble, while it served to show the violent dis-
position of Kotwal Koireng, later known as the
Senaputtee. One evening my Naga interpreter
reported to me that an Angami Naga of Koliima
had been cruelly assaulted by that prince, while he
was passing along the road to the east of the palace
enclosure. Soon after the man was brought in to
me, and an examination by my native doctor proved
that he was suffering from a severe contusion above
the right eye, which might or might not prove fatal.
Now, strictly speaking, the man was not a British
subject, but some day or other he was sure to be one,
and we had assumed an indefinite control over his
people. This made me feel that passing over the
offence as one not concerning us, would be to lose
prestige with Manipur, as well as with the Naga
tribes, who ought, I felt, to be assured of my
sympathy. I therefore at once sent a strong remon-
strance to the Durbar, claiming the man as a British
subject, and demanding prompt recognition of, and
THE SENAPUTTEE. 113
reparation for the outrage. On further investiga-
tion it appeared, that the man was with some of his
friends carrying a large joint of beef on his shoulder
just as Kotwal Koireng was passing, and a few
drops of blood fell on the ground ; this enraged the
Prince so much that he at once attacked the man
with a thick stick which he carried, and beat him
till he was almost senseless. There was no real
provocation, as eating the flesh of cows that had
died a natural death was always allowed, and any
dead cow was at once handed over to the Nagas and
other hill-tribes ; it was simply an outburst of
temper. The result was, that until the man's
recovery was assured, Kotwal was held in a species
of arrest; then he was released and sent with the
Jubraj to make an apology to me ; the man received
a sum of money, and the affair ended amicably. I
did not often come across the princes, though some-
times I met them out riding, and then we were very
friendly. Once when I was walking out, I met one
of the younger ones riding in state on an elephant,
he forgot to make the usual salutation. This was
reported to the Maharajah, who sent him with
Thangal Major to apologize.
The Manipuris paid very little revenue in money,
and none in direct taxes. The land all belonged to
the Rajah, and every holding paid a small quantity
of rice each year. The chief payment was in
personal service. This system known by the name
of " Lalloop," and by us often miscalled " forced
labour," was much the same as formerly existed in
Assam under its Ahom Rajahs. According to it,
each man in the country was bound to render ten
i
114 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR.
days' service out of every forty, to the Rajah, and it
extended to every class in the community. Women
were naturally exempt, but, among men, the black-
smith, goldsmith, carpenters, etc., pursued their
different crafts in the Rajah's workshops for the
stated time, while the bulk of the population, the
field workers, served as soldiers, and made roads or
dug canals, in fact executed great public works for
the benefit of the state.
The system was a good one, and when not car-
ried to excess, pressed heavily on nobody. It was
especially adapted to a poor state sparsely populated.
In such a state, under ordinary circumstances, where
the amount of revenue is small, and the rate of
wages often comparatively high, it is next door to
impossible to carry out many much-needed public
works by payment. On the other hand, every man
in India who lives by cultivation, has much spare
time on his hands, and the " Lalloop " system very
profitably utilises this, and for the benefit of the
community at large. I never heard of it being
complained of as a hardship. The system in Assam
led to the completion of many useful and magnificent
public works. High embanked roads were made
throughout the country, and large tanks, lakes,
appropriately termed "seas," were excavated under
this arrangement. Many of the great works of
former ages in other parts of India are due to some-
thing of the same kind.
It was a sad mistake giving up the system
in Assam, without retaining the right of the
state to a certain number of days' labour on
the roads every year, as is the custom to this
STATE LABOUR. 115
day, I believe, in Canada, Ceylon, and other
countries.
Unfortunately, our so-called statesmen are carried
away by false ideas of humanitarianism, and a desire
to pose in every way as the exponents of civilisation,
that is the last fad that is uppermost, and the
experience of ages and the real good of primitive
people are often sacrificed to this ignis fatuus. I
hear that " Lalloop " has been abolished in Manipur
since we took the state in charge. We may live to
regret it; the unfortunate puppet Eajah certainly
will. Why cannot we leave well alone, and attack
the real evils of India that remain still unredressed,
evils that to hear of them, would make the hair of
any decent thinking man stand on end ? We have
still to learn that the native system has much good
in it, much to recommend it, and that it is in many
cases the natural outgrowth of the requirements of
the people.
Manipur in old days required very little to make
it a model native state of a unique type, and its
people the happiest of the happy. All it required
was a better administration of justice, and a few
smaller reforms, also more enlightened fiscal regula-
tions such as many European states have not yet
attained. Given these, no one would have wished
for more. No one asked for high pay; enough to
live on, and the system of rewards already in force
from time immemorial, satisfied all aspirations. The
people were contented and happy, and it should have
been our aim and object to keep them and leave
them so. Shall we have accomplished this desirable
object when we hand over the state to its future
i 2
116 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
ruler, that is if it ever does again come under a
Native Government ?
One of the standing grievances of the Government
of India against Manipur, was the levying of customs
duties on all articles imported into the state, and on
some articles exported to British territory. These
duties supplied almost the only money revenue the
Maharajah had, and also to some extent protected
Manipuri industries. During my tenure of office I
did something towards regulating the system, and
in the case of articles not produced in Manipur,
induced the Durbar to lower the rates. In the case
of cloths, however, I strongly advocated the duties
being kept up, where, as in the case of coarse cloths
the imports entered into competition with the ex-
cellent manufactures of Manipur, which I wished to
see preserved in all their integrity.
Our system of free trade has done much to injure
useful trades in India, and none more than those
in cotton goods. Among an ignorant people the
incentives of cheapness and outward appearance are
so great, that the sudden importation of cheap and
inferior foreign goods may kill out an ancient art,
and the people only discover when too late what
they have lost, and then lament having abandoned
*he really good for the attractive flimsy article.
Thus, in many parts of India, the beautiful chintzes
which were common thirty-five years ago, are now
nowhere to be had, and every year sees the decay
of some branch of manufacture. This was very
noticeable in Assam, and the arts there lost were
only kept up in Manipur, owing to its having a
Native Court where tradition and taste encouraged
SLAVERY. 117
them. Soon after I went to Manipur, I found that
the valley had almost been drained of ponies by
their exportation to Cachar. The ministers con-
sulted me about it, and I gave my consent to the
trade being stopped, and this was done for years
until the numbers had again increased.
On the whole the duties on almost every article
were lowered during my term of office, and the
imports largely increased. Indeed, but for the
cumbersome system of levying the custom charges,
they would have been no grievance at all ; and as it
was they hardly added anything to the cost of the
articles when sold in Manipur, many of which could
be bought for little more than the price paid in
Cachar, plus the charge for carriage.
Slavery of a mild form existed in Manipur, the
slaves being hereditary ones, or people, and the
descendants of people who had sold themselves for
debt, their services being pledged as interest for the
debt. For instance a Naga (a very common case),
marries a girl of another Naga village, thereby in-
curring a debt of forty rupees to the father, that
being the price of a Naga bride. The man not being
able to pay, his father-in-law says, " Sell yourself,
and pay me." This is done, and the man pays the
forty rupees and has to work for his master till he
can pay the debt, something being sometimes allowed
for subsistence, or they agree upon a monthly pay-
ment, which if not paid is added to the principal.
The wife probably works and supports the family,
arid, if the creditor is a fairly good fellow, things go
smoothly, and the debtor never attempts to fulfil his
obligations more than he can help. The law allows
118 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE.
a man to transfer his services to any one who will
take up the debt. Here and there great abuses crop
up, and the master takes advantage of the corrupt
courts to bind the slave more and more securely in
the chains of debt, and then every effort is made to
escape. I often paid the debts of slaves who came
to me for help and let them work off the money.
Once a little girl named Nowbee came to me. Her
mother had sold her to pay her father's funeral
expenses. She stayed with us, working in the
nursery for years, and when I left I forgave her
the remainder of her debt which was unpaid, as, of
course, I did with all the others. I once offered to
redeem the mother, who, in turn, had sold herself, but
the old woman declined, as some one told her that
we should take her to England, and she was afraid
to go. Sometimes cases of very cruel ill-treatment
came before me, 'or cases where people had been
made slaves contrary to the laws, and then I made a
strong remonstrance to the Durbar, and insisted on
justice. Once or twice I took the complainants
under my protection immediately, and insisted on
keeping them. One day a young man and a small
boy came to me for protection : the case was a bad
one, and I at once took them into my service as the
best way of settling the difficulty, the young man as
a gardener and the boy to work in the kitchen and
wait at table ; both were named " Chowba," i.e. big ;
a name as common out there as John in England.
We gave little Chowba clothes, and he stood behind
my wife's chair at dinner, the first evening crying
bitterly from fear. However, he learned his work?
and became an excellent servant. When I went on
CHILD STEALING. 119
leave in 1882, I offered to place him with my locum
tenens, but the boy said, " No, sahib, you have been
kind to me ; I have broken your things and you
have threatened to beat me, but have never done so ;
you have threatened to cut my pay, but have never
done so ; I will never serve any one but you ! " The
poor boy kept his word ; he preferred hard toil, cut-
ting wood and such-like work ; but unfortunately
died before I returned.
Another bad case I remember, in which a woman
complained to me that her child had been stolen
from her house while she was away. I ordered the
child to be brought to me ; the poor little thing was
only four years old, and could hardly stand from
having been made to walk a great distance by the
man who had stolen her, and whose only excuse
was, that her father, who was dead, owed him nine
rupees. I gave her to her mother, and insisted on
the Durbar punishing him. The story was a sad one.
The father of the child, a debtor slave, had been
told by his master to leave his home and go with
him, and the man in desperation attempted to kill his
wife and little girl, and then committed suicide.
While in Manipur I did all I could to afford re-
lief in individual cases. It was a great abuse, but
slavery in Manipur must not be put in the same
rank as slavery in Brazil, the West Indies, or
Turkey and Arabia. A thorough reform of the
judicial system of Manipur would have entirely
taken the sting out of it. All the same, I wish I
could have abolished it.
My wife's nurse very speedily left us, and we
were left to natives and did much better with them.
120 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
We always had three or four Naga girls who did
their work well in a rough-and-ready way. Chow-
bee, Nembee, and Nowbee, just mentioned, were the
best. Chowbee was the wife of a Naga bearer
named Lintoo, and Nembee afterwards married our
head bearer Horna. We engaged a tailor named
Suleiman, brother of Sooltan, one of our chuprassies,
as a permanent servant, to do the ordinary house-
hold sewing and mending. My two boys, Dick and
Edward, became very friendly with all the people,
and were drilled daily by a naick (corporal of my
escort), and the good-natured sepoys used to allow
themselves to be drilled by the boys. One after-
noon, I met these two walking up the lines with my
orderly. I asked what they were going for, and they
replied that the sepoys had not done their drill well
that day, and they were going to give them some
more. Whenever a new detachment came, the boys
were formally introduced to the new native officers
and men. As they grew older they learned to ride,
and rode out morning and evening when I went for
a walk.
As the Burmese difficulty did not show signs of
decreasing, I went out in February to Kongjang on
the Yoma range, to reconnoitre and select a place
for a new stockade, if necessary. At three and a
half miles on my way, I passed Langthabal, the old
capital of Grhumbeer Singh, a pretty place where the
cantonment of the Manipur Levy used to be, and
where Captain Gordon was buried under a tree.
The ruined palace lies nestling under a hill, on a
spur of which is a magnificent fir tree ; behind the
palace a garden run to waste and wood, with a few
LANQTHABAL. 121
ponds, formed an admirable cover for ducks, which I
saw in abundance. After leaving Langthabal, we
passed a place called Leeiong, the place of execution
for members of the Royal family, who are sewn up in
sacks and drowned in the river. Farther on is a
great fishing weir, where a small lake discharges
itself into a river. At last, after a march of thirty
miles, I halted at Pullel, a village of low caste Mani-
puris. Next morning we ascended the Yoma range,
reaching Aimole, a village picturesquely situated
and inhabited by a tribe of that name. The head of
the village was an intelligent old man, who remem-
bered Captain Gordon and talked a good deal about
him. I gave him a coat, and the girls and boys of the
village got up a dance for my benefit, the most graceful
and modest that I ever saw among a wild people.
I reached Korigjang in the afternoon, a place
very picturesquely situated, with a fine view of the
valley of the Lokchao and the hills beyond, and of a
portion of the Kubo valley. I selected a spot for a
stockade, and, after reconnoitring in the neighbour-
hood, marched back next day to Pullel, and thence to
Manipur, again passing Langthabal. I never saw
Langthabal without regretting its abandonment,
there is something very charming about the situa-
tion, and it is nearer to Bissenpore on the Cachar
road than Imphal ; also a few miles nearer the Kubo
valley. It has always had the reputation of being
very healthy, which is not invariably the case with
Imphal, and is, if anything, a little cooler. Before
leaving in 1886, 1 strongly recommended it as the site
for a cantonment, in the event of troops being stationed
in the valley. My recommendation was adopted.
122 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANll'UR.
CHAPTER XIV.
An old acquaintance — Monetary crisis — A cure for breaking crockery —
Rumour of human sacrifices — Improved postal system — Apricots
and mulberries — A snake story — Search after treasure — Another
snake story — Visit to Calcutta — Athletics — Ball practice — A near
shave.
WE had not been dull in the Naga Hills, still less
in Manipur, for I was always interested in native
life. Something to vary one's work was constantly
occurring.
One day some men in Shan costume came and
asked me for a pass to enter Burmah. I inquired
who they were, and one said he was the Chowmengti
G-ohain. I remembered him fourteen years before,
at Sudya, in Assam, when he was but a boy. He
was the son of a Khampti chief, long since dead. I
asked him if he remembered me, and after a minute
or two, he did. I managed to keep up a conversa-
tion in Singpho, though I had not spoken it for
many years, and have never done so since. He was
going to Mandalay to marry a daughter to the king.
Time went on fairly smoothly. I was occupied
all day long, and used to talk for hours to the
ministers and others who came to see me, while my
wife looked after the house and children, and taught
the Naga girls to knit and sew, and other useful
things. When the weather grew too hot, we
HOW TO STOP BREAKAGES. 123
migrated to Kang-joop-kool, and enjoyed the change.
About this time much dissatisfaction was caused by
speculators in the capital hoarding "sel," the coin
of the country. The usual rate at which they were
exchanged for the rupee was 480 = 1 rupee, but
there were occasional fluctuations ; large sums were
paid in rupees, but the amount was always reckoned
in sel. Consequently, when the latter were hoarded,
a man having only rupees in his possession found
their purchasing power greatly diminished. On
this occasion, almost all the " sel " in circulation
were collected in a few hands and a panic was the
result; the bazaar was in an uproar, and business
ceased. I spoke to the Maharajah on the subject,
and represented the very great injury to the country
that would inevitably result if immediate steps were
not taken to rectify the mischief done, and urged
him to issue a large quantity of sel. This he did,
and the exchange which had gone down to 240, at
once rose to 400, and at this rate he fixed it, and so
it remained all the time I was in Manipur.
Our Naga boys, though intelligent and willing to
learn, were careless and often worse, as in playing
and fighting with each other, they broke much
crockery, and the loss was serious, as it took months
to replace it. I threatened in vain, as I could not
bear to make the poor lads pay. At last, in despera-
tion, I hit upon a remedy ; I said that the next time
anything was broken, the breaker should pound it
up to a fine powder with a pestle and mortar, and
mix it with water and drink it. This threat had
some effect, but at last one day the old cook brought
up Murumbo, our musalchee (i.e. dishwasher) with
124 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK.
a vegetable dish in pieces, broken, as usual, in play.
I said very severely, " Very well, grind it to powder
in a pestle and mortar, and then you shall mix it
with water and drink it." So Murumboo sat for
hours in the sun, pounding away. At last it was
reduced to a fine powder, and I told him to mix it
with water and drink it in my presence. Of course,
what I had foreseen, happened, all the other servants
headed by the old cook, Horna and Sultan, came up
and humbly begged that he might be forgiven this
time, a request which I graciously acceded to, and
Murumboo went away very penitent. The result
was excellent, as for the future I hardly lost any
crockery. Poor Murumboo ; he served me well, and
became an excellent cook and got a good place when
I finally left.
The summer and autumn passed quietly, except
for a rumour that human sacrifices had been offered
up, though no actual complaint was made. I believe
the report to have been true. I had seen enough of
countries where within a few years they had been
undoubtedly offered, to know that such things did
occasionally happen among ignorant people, where
appeasing evil spirits is a common custom. I took
such precautions as effectually prevented any re-
currence of this horrible practice.
One reform carried out was in our postal arrange-
ments. When I first arrived, the post, which came
in every other day, frequently took eight days to
reach us from Cachar, a distance of 132 miles. By
altering the system, I reduced it to a maximum of
four days, though it often came more quickly, and by
constantly hammering at all concerned, I achieved
A HIDDEN SNAKE. 125
the triumph, of a daily post delivered in less than
two days from Cachar before I left.
Once when riding between Manipur and Kang-
joop-kool, I saw, in passing a small bazaar, a woman
selling apricots. I made inquiries about them, and
was told that they had existed from time immemorial,
but that they would give me a violent internal pain
if I ate them. I did try them, raw and cooked, but
the statement was quite true, nothing made them
agreeable, and I did suffer pain. They were probably
introduced from China in early days, and having
been neglected had degenerated. They blossom in
January. I tried Himalayan apricots, and the trees
throve wonderfully, but could never, while I was in
Manipur, learn to blossom at the right time. They
blossomed as they were accustomed to do in their
native country, that is three months too late, and the
fruit was destroyed by the early rains. Perhaps
they have by this time adapted themselves to the
climate. I introduced Kabulee mulberries and they
did well, but those in the valley grew long like the
Indian variety, while those at Kang-joop-kool were
shaped like the common European mulberry, and
very good to eat.
Another time when out riding in the evening, I
witnessed a strange sight. I was near Kooak
Kaithel when I saw a large number of sparrows
assembled on the road in front, and perched on a
clump of bamboos near; others were constantly
joining them, and numbers were flying to the spot
from all sides. They first joined the assemblage on
the road, and then flew up to and around the
bamboos, which were already covered with the first-
126 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
comers. I asked one of my mounted orderlies what
it all meant. He said that a snake was concealed
among the bamboos, and that the birds were come
to see him and try and drive him out. Whatever
be the explanation, it was a very interesting sight,
and I never at any time saw such a large number of
small birds together. Once when riding along this
same road, but farther on, in company with Than gal
Major, I happened to see a deep hole freshly dug in
the side of a hill, apparently without any object. I
asked him what it was dug for, and he replied that
it was probably some refugee returned to the land
of his ancestors, who had dug it, in search for
treasure buried during the Burmese invasion by a
relation, who had left an exact description of the
spot as a guide to any of his descendants who might
return. He said that there were many cases of this
kind. I used to hear the same story many years
ago in Assam where the truth was never questioned,
and many were the tumuli that bore the marks of
having been opened by searchers " for buried gold."
I never knew of an authentic case of the kind in
Manipur, but doubtless old Thangal could tell of
many such ; possibly he had shared in the proceeds.
I have just related a story of birds attacking a
snake, and I may as well tell another story in which
one of his tribe was the aggressor. When returning
from my cottage at Kang-joop-kool, after a day spent
there in October, I saw an enormous python poised
up on the high embanked road with its head erect,
and body and tail in coils on the slope, ready to
spring on some young buffaloes grazing near; it
must have been at the lowest estimate thirty feet
MISS LLOYD ARRIVES. 127
long and of proportionate thickness. I was too near,
and riding too fast, to stop my pony, so gave a loud
shout, and urged him to speed, and the snake turned
itself back and fell with a crash into a morass by the
road side, and I saw no more of it. I spoke to
Thangal Major about it, and he told me that pythons
were known to exist about the place where I saw
this. I once shot a young one on the Diphoo Panee
river, near Sudya, which measured nine feet, and a
sepoy of my old regiment shot one near Borpathar
fifteen feet in length.
Several very deadly snakes abound in Manipur,
notably the "Tanglei" and the " Ophiophagus," a
terrible looking creature, eight to twelve feet in
length. No house is safe from snakes, and in the
old Residency one fell from the roof once in my
bedroom, from where a few minutes previously the
baby's bassinette had hung, so the child had a narrow
escape. I never dare let the children play alone in
the garden for fear of their being bitten.
The extreme loneliness of Manipur, and the
necessity of leaving my wife and children quite
alone sometimes, made me very anxious to get some
trustworthy English nurse for her, but we quite
failed in doing so. In this emergency, one of her
sisters volunteered to come out, which was a great
help and relief. As I had to go to Calcutta to see
the Viceroy in December, we asked her to meet us
there. We left Manipur on November 27th, 1878,
and returned on January 23rd, bringing her with us.
Kohima was occupied by the Political Agent of the
Naga Hills (Mr. Damant), in November, and before
leaving for Calcutta I had some correspondence
128 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
with him, and, at his request, sent my escort —
then consisting of Cachar Frontier Police ; men, for
service qualities in the hills, far superior to the
Native Infantry I had — to his assistance.
In Calcutta, I met Sir Steuart Bay ley, who had
been lately appointed Chief Commissioner of Assam,
and had interviews with the Yiceroy, Lord Lytton,
and the Foreign Secretary, Mr. (now Sir Alfred)
Lyall.
Early in 1879, there was some discontent on
account of the dearness of rice, owing to a deficient
crop, but there was no real anxiet}% as the stock of
rice in hand was sufficient. I remember that during
that time I was rather scandalised at hearing that
the old Ranee had gone off to Moirang on the Logtak
lake for change of air, accompanied by a retinue of
over one thousand persons. Many people had been
emplo}7ed for weeks past in building a little tem-
porary town for their accommodation, and all for five
days' stay. I remonstrated with Thangal Major at
this useless waste of resources at a time when food
was scarce, and told him that he ought to prevent
such thoughtlessness. He told me, and I believe
sincerely, that he greatly regretted it, and promised
to use his influence to amend matters, but said what
was perfectly true, that if he gave good advice, there
were plenty of people quite ready to offer the
reverse, and contradict his statements. I often
thought what an advantage it would have been, if
we had insisted on all authority being in the hands
of one powerful minister responsible to us. Under a
strong man like Chandra Kirtee Singh there would
have been some difficulty in arranging it, but under
ATHLETIC SPORTS. 129
his weak, though amiable and intelligent successor,
Soor Chandra, it would have been easy, and would
have saved us one of the most painful and disgraceful
episodes in our history.
Almost every day brought some exciting news
from the frontier. One day, an incursion by Chussad
Kukies on the Kubo side ; another, an outrage com-
mitted by Sookti Kukies. Then a little later a report
that the Muram Nagas were restless. All these
reports came to me at once, and I had to decide what
was to be done. Occasionally an expedition was the
result, regarding the conduct of which I gave general
instructions. Sometimes late at night a minister
came to me in a high state of excitement at some
outrage on the Burmese frontier, in which, of course,
every one, from the Court of Mandalay downwards,
was said to be implicated. Anything against Burmah
was readily believed, and not without reason, perhaps,
judging from past history, and I had, on the spur of
the moment, to decide on the policy to be adopted,
and calm down and convince my impulsive visitor.
Manipur is a great place for athletics, and some
fine wrestling is to be seen there. Athletic sports
are regularly held at stated periods, sometimes for
Manipuris, at other times for Nagas. At the last
there are races run by men, carrying heavy weights
on their backs. At the conclusion of these exhibi-
tions of strength and skill, four Manipuris, dressed in
Naga costume, executed a Naga war dance. This I
always thought the most interesting part of the
performance, showing as in many other cases, the tacit
acknowledgment of a connection with the hill-tribes
surrounding them. It always reminded me of the
K
130 MY EXPERIENCES IN MAN1PUR.
same connection between the Rajahs in the hill tracts
of Orissa, Sumlmlpore and Chota Nagpore, and their
aboriginal subjects. I am rather inclined to believe
that in the case of Manipur some of the customs
point distinctly to the Rajahs being descended from,
or having been originally installed by, the hill-tribes,
as was notably the case in Keonjhur one of the
Cuttack Tributary Mehals, To this subject, however,
I have already referred.
During each cold season, I insisted on the
Manipuri troops being put through musketry practice
with ball cartridge, and often attended for hours
together, with the Maharajah, to see how the men
acquitted themselves. Sometimes the firing went on
all day, the targets being erected at one end of the
private polo ground in the palace, with a mountain
of rice straw in their rear to catch stray bullets.
Sometimes the bullets went through everything, and
one evening, as my wife and myself with the children,
were taking our evening walk, we had ocular
demonstration of this, as a shot passed close to my
second boy's (Edward) head. I spoke to Thangal
Major about it, suggesting that the pile of straw
should be made thicker, but only elicited the reply,
" Of course, if you go in the line of fire, you must
expect to be shot." This reminded me of my early
days in Assam, when my old regimental friend Ross
shot another friend out snipe shooting. The latter
complained, but all the satisfaction he got from Ross
was, " Well, you must have been in the way."
CHAPTER XV.
Spring in Manipur — Visit to Kombang — Manipuri orderlies — Parade of
the Maharajah's guards — Birth of a daughter — An evening walk in
the capital — Polo — Visit to Cachar.
THE spring in Manipur is a charming time, the
nights are still cool, though the days are hot, and
abundance of flowering trees come into blossom ;
among them one that attains a considerable size,
called in Manipuri " Chinghow." It has two kinds,
one with pink and the other white and pink flowers,
Out in the hills are wild pears and azaleas in abun-
dance, and rhododendrons, while here and there are
beautiful orchids. The oak forests too are splendid
with the fresh young leaves, and every hill village
has peach trees in flower, so that it is a delightful
season for marching, and one can be out from
morning till night. I took advantage of the fine
weather, and early in April again visited the Yoma
range, and went along the road to Jangapokee
Tannah, as far as a place called Kombang, 4600 feet
above the sea. On my way there and back I halted
at Haitoo-pokpee, 2600 feet above the sea, where
the thermometer at sunrise stood at 55 and 56
degrees respectively ; but the day between, when I
was at Kombang, it was 67 degrees at sunrise,
the additional elevation raising the thermometer.
K 2
132 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
I noticed the phenomenon over and over again in
Manipur, and in the cold weather generally found
the sunrise temperature lower in the valley than in
the hills. Upland valleys were sometimes colder than
that of Manipur, and now and then to the north I
found very great cold prevailing on high land, as at
Mythephum. The day temperature in the hills was
invariably lower than that in the valley, in short,
it was more equable. The road to Kombang was
pretty, but the place not particularly so. The night
I was there I heard the loud crackling of a burning
O C
oak forest set on fire to clear the ground for one crop.
It is difficult to speak with patience of this abomin-
able system, which is gradually clearing the hills in
Eastern India, and destroying valuable timber, while
it encourages nomadic habits in the tribes.
Whenever I went on an expedition into the hills,
besides the usual Manipuri Guard in attendance, four
or five officers or non-commissioned officers were told
off to accompany me. Jemadars Thamur Singh,
Sowpa, Sundha, Thiit-tot, and Thurung were those
generally sent, excellent men who never left me from
morning till night, on the hardest march. Many
was the adventure we had together, and any one
of them could inarch fifty miles on end. They
were well known throughout the hill territory of
Manipur. A bugler always formed one of my party,
and it was his duty to sound a lively quick march as
we approached our camp in the evening. Of course,
he always got a special reward from me on my
return to headquarters.
One day the Maharajah invited me to attend a review
of his regiment of guards called the " Soor Pultun."
BIRTH OP A DAUGHTER. 133
I went, and he asked me whether he should put
them through their manoeuvres himself, or let one of
his officers do it. Not wishing- him, as I thought, to
expose his ignorance, I suggested the last ; but, to my
surprise, he conducted the pnrade himself very credit-
ably, giving the word of command in English with
great clearness. The men's marching was poor, and
the step not free enough, but otherwise they did
well. They were fairly well up in the Light
Infantry exercises of ten years back, and their drill
generally was a slight modification of that of 1859.
On this, as on most occasions, when an invitation was
sent by the Maharajah, it was conveyed by two or
three officers of not lower rank than that of subadar
or captain, and generally by word of mouth. If I
was away in camp all communications were by letter,
sometimes accompanied by a verbal message.
On February 28th, 1879, we were gladdened by the
birth of a little daughter. Being a girl, her arrival
did not cause as much excitement as Arthur's, but
when she was old enough to be carried out in a small
litter, all the population turned out to see her, and
passers-by would sometimes offer her a flower. How
interesting our daily walks were. Turning to the
left, after leaving our gate by the guard-house, we
passed along by the wide moat surrounding the
palace, and in which as has been said the great annual
boat races were held. There, might be seen women
washing their babies by the waterside in wooden
tubs, cut out of a single block bought for the purpose.
At every step, if in the evening, we passed or were
passed by gaily clad women carrying baskets of
goods to sell in the great bazaar, " Sena Kaithel," i.e.,
134 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUIt.
Golden Bazaar, assembled opposite the great gate of
the palace, the picturesque structure already alluded
to. In this bazaar the women sat in long rows on
raised banks of earth, without any other covering
in the rainy weather than large umbrellas. Here
could be bought cloth of all kinds, ornaments, rice,
etc., fowls and vegetables. Dogs were also sold for
food. As a rule, articles of food other than fowls,
were more plentiful in the morning bazaar. Blind
people and other beggars would post themselves in
different parts of the market, and women as they
passed would give them a handful of rice, or any
other article of food they possessed. Womeri are the
great traders, and many would walk miles in the
morning, and buy things in the more distant bazaars
to sell again in the capital in the evening. It was
not considered etiquette for men too often to frequent
the bazaars, and few Manipuris did so, but crowds of
hill-rnen were constantly to be seen there, and it pre-
sented a very gay and animated scene, the contrast
between the snow-white garments of Manipuri men,
the parti-coloured petticoats of the women, and the
many-coloured clothes of the hill-men being very
picturesque. Opposite the great gateway on the
right-hand side, Royal proclamations were posted up.
There, too, in presence of all the bazaar, offenders
were flogged, generally with the utmost severity. This
was, I am sorry to say, rather an attractive spectacle
to foreigners. Going through the bazaar along a fine
broad road, the only masonry bridge in the country was
seen crossing the river, and on the opposite bank the
road turned sharp to the left, and went off to Cachar.
Before crossing it, and to the left was a piece of
POLO. 135
waste ground with a rather ill-looking tree in it,
under which men were executed. Opposite, and to
the right of the road, was the sight of the morning
bazaar. Here I have seen boat-loads of pine-apples
landed, fruit that would have done credit to Covent
Garden.
Between the Eesidency grounds, the " Sena
Kaithel " and the great road, was the famous polo
ground, where the best play in the world might be
seen. There was a grand stand for the Royal family
on the western side, and one for myself on the north.
Sunday evening was the favourite day, and then the
princes appeared, and in earlier days the Maharajah.
In my time one of the Maharajah's sons, Pucca Sena,
and the artillery major, were the champion players.
In Manipur, every man who can muster a pony
plays, and every boy who cannot, plays on foot.
But to continue our walk. Passing the bazaar,
we still skirt the palace, meeting fresh groups and
turning sharp round at one of the angles of the
moat, here covered with water lilies, come upon an
exceedingly picturesque temple once shaded with a
peepul tree (Freds religiosd) ; this tree was torn off
by the great earthquake of June 30th, 1880. After-
wards taking two turns to the right, and one to the
left, and crossing a most dangerous-looking bamboo
bridge, we came upon a piece of woodland on the
opposite bank of the stream. This is the " Mali
Wathee," a bit of forest left as it originally was for
the wood spirits. It is now filled with monkeys,
which are great favourites with my children who
have brought rice for them which causes great
excitement. But it is soon bedtime for the young
136 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
monkeys, and the river being1 deep, they spring on
to the backs of their mothers who swim across with
them in the most human fashion. Saying good-
night to the monkeys, we go homewards, passing
Moirang Khung, a tumulus said to he the site of a
battle between the Mungang and Moirang tribes ;
to this day a Moirang avoids it. We pass a couple
of boys riding jauntily on one pony, determined to
get as much pleasure out of life as they can. Finally,
we reach home in time for a game with the children,
and dinner.
I have alluded to the high esteem in which the
game of polo was held in this, its native home, and
of the splendid play that could be seen on Sundays.
I never played myself, much as I should have enjoyed
it. Had I been a highly experienced player, able to
contend with the best in Manipur, I might have done
so ; but I did not think I was justified, holding the
important position I did, in running the risk of being
hustled and jostled by any one with whom I played :
men whom I was bound to keep at arm's length.
Had I done so I should have lost influence. I could
not be hail-fellow-well-met, and though talking
freely with all, I at once checked all disposition to
familiarity, and people rarely attempted it.
Colonel McCulloch, it is true played, but he began
life in Manipur as an Assistant Political Agent, and
also did not succeed to office as I did, when our
prestige had dwindled down to nothing.
In September 1879, hearing that Sir Steuart
Bayley, Chief Commissioner and Acting Lieut.-
Governor of Bengal, was about to visit Cachar, I
went there to see him, performing the double journey
SIR STEUART BAYLEY. 137
including a night there, in less than seven days. It
was the first time I had made the march in the rainy
season, and I was greatly struck hy the extreme
beauty of the scenery which was much enhanced by
the number of waterfalls, that a month later would
have been dry. The masses of clouds and the clear-
ness of the air when rain was not falling, added
greatly to the effect, and I enjoyed the journey till
I got to the low-lying land. There the mud, slush,
and great heat were unpleasant. It was very satis-
factory to be able to discuss the affairs of Manipur
with the Chief Commissioner, as though I was not
then directly under him, I was from my position
very dependent on him, and was anxious to hear
his views on many subjects.
138 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER XYI.
Punishment of female criminals — A man saved from execution — A Kuki
executed — Old customs abolished — Anecdote of Ghumbcer Singh —
The Manipuri army — Effort to re-organise Manipur levy — System of
rewards — " Nothing for nothing '' — An English school — Hindoo
festivals — Rainbows — View from Kang-joop-kool.
MANIPUR professed to follow the old Hindoo laws,
and accordingly no woman was ever put to death, or
to very severe punishment. When one was con-
victed of any heinous or disgraceful offence she was
exposed on a high platform in every bazaar in the
country, stripped to the waist, round which a rope,
one end of which was held bv her guard, was tied
tf
and her breasts painted red. A crier at the same
time proclaimed her crime, and with a loud voice
called out from time to time, " Come and look at this
naughty woman ! "
Exposure on a platform was also a punishment
inflicted occasionally on male offenders. Sometimes
it was followed by death. Once I saved a man from
this part of the sentence, his crime being one for
which our law would not have exacted so severe a
penalty. Fortunately, I heard in time, and a message
to the Maharajah in courteous, but unmistakable
terms, brought about a remission of the capital
portion. The ministers generally consulted me
before carrying out sentence of death. Once in a
EXECUTIONS. 139
case of murder by a Kuki they asked my opinion, so
I requested them to send the man to me that I might
examine him myself. This was done, and as he
confessed openly to being guilty, I told them they
might execute him, and as an after-thought said
" How shall you put him to death ? " Bularaam
Singh replied, " According to the custom of Manipur,
in the way in which he committed the murder. As
he split his victim's head open with an axe so will
his head be split open." I said " I have no objection
in this case on the score of humanity, but it is not a
pretty mode of execution ; some day there will be a
case accompanied by circumstances of cruelty, when J
shall be obliged to interfere ; so take my advice, and
on this occasion and all future ones, adopt decapitation
as the mode of carrying out a death sentence. You
can do it now with a good grace, and without any
apparent interference on my part to offend your
dignity." Old Bularaam Singh said, " Oh no, the
laws of Manipur are unalterable, we cannot change ;
we must do as we have always done." I said,
" Nonsense, my old friend, go with Chumder Singh
(my native secretary and interpreter) and give my
kind message to the Maharajah, and say what I
advise, as his friend." In half-an-hour Chumder
Singh returned with an assurance that my advice
was accepted, and from that time decapitation was
the form of capital punishment adopted.
I never knew a case of torture being employed,
but otherwise the laws were carried out with
severity. Ghumbeer Singh (reigned 1825-34)
occasionally tore out an offender's eyes, but such
things had been forgotten in the days of his son, and
140 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
though the Government was strong, probably there
were fewer acts of cruelty than in most native states.
Once when Ghumbeer Singh had lately introduced
tame geese into the country ; he gave two to a
Brahmin to take care of. It was reported that a
goose was dead. "Tell the Brahmin to eat it," said
the indignant Rajah. The severity of such an order
to a Hindoo will be appreciated, by any one knowing
what loss of caste entails. Ghumbeer Singh's orders
were always implicitly obeyed, so I am afraid that
the sentence was carried into effect.
The army consisted of about 5000 men at the out-
side, in eight regiments of infantry and an artillery
corps. The famous cavalry was a thing of the past,
and many of the infantry were quite unacquainted
with drill. There were eight three-pounder brass
guns, and two seven-pounder mountain guns given
as a reward for services in the Naga Hills, one of
which did admirable service in the Burmese war.
Most of the infantry were armed with smooth-bore
muskets, some being of the Enfield pattern. Besides
the above, there were about 1000 to 12,000 Kuki
Irregulars. A Manipuri military expedition was a
strange sight, the men besides their arms and
ammunition carrying their spare clothes, cooking
vessels, food, etc., on their backs. All the same, they
could make Jong and tiring marches day after day
on poor fare and without a complaint, and at the end
of a hard day would hut themselves and fortify their
position with great skill, however great the fatigue
they had undergone. It was a standing rule that
in an enemy's country a small force should always
stockade itself, and a Manipuri army well commanded.
A MANIPURI TRIUMPH. 141
was then able to hold its own against a sudden attack.
On their return from a successful expedition the
troops were greatly honoured, and the general in
command accorded a kind of triumph, and it was an
interesting sight to see the long thin line of pic-
turesque and often gaily-clad troops, regulars and
irregulars winding their way through the streets
and groves of the capital bearing with them spoils
and trophies gained in war. Here a party headed
by banners, there some Kukis beating small gongs
and chanting in a monotonous tone. Finally, after
marching round two sides of the palace, they enter
by the great gate, pass between the Chinese walls,
and again between the two lions (so called), and
being received by the Maharajah at the Gate of
Triumph, their General throws himself at his feet and
receives his chief's benediction, the greatest reward
that he can have.
I realised from the first that it would be an
immense advantage to reconstitute the Manipur
Levy, and keep up a permanent force of 800 men
under my direct orders, properly paid, armed, clothed
and disciplined. I foresaw that a war with Burmah
was a mere question of time, and wished to have a
force ready, so as to enable the British Government
to act with effect at a moment's notice through
Manipur, on the outbreak of hostilities. Regular
troops eat no more than irregular, and are ten times
as valuable. My plan was to have 800 men enlisted,
of whom 200 would have come on duty in rotation,
according to the Manipur system, all being liable to
assemble at a moment's notice. Thus a splendid
battalion of hardy men could have been formed,
142 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIHJR,
with which I could have marched to Maridalay.
Such a force would have been absolutely invaluable
when the war broke out in 1885, men able to stand
the climate, march, fight, row boats, dig, build
stockades, in fact do all that the best men could be
called upon to do. However, to my great disappoint-
ment, the idea did not commend itself to Government,
and I never ceased to regret it. I often later on
thought of the lives and money that might have been
saved in 1885-86 had we been better prepared, the
cost of the proposed levy would have been trifling.
One part of the Manipuri system ever struck me
as very admirable, and I tried always to encourage
it; that was the system of rewarding services by
honorary distinctions. The permission to wear a
peculiar kind of turban, coat, or feather, or to assume
a certain title was more valued than any money
reward, and men would exert themselves for years
for the coveted distinction. It is charming to see
such simple tastes and to aspire no higher than to
do one's duty and earn the approval of our fellow-
creatures.
One day the two ministers Thangal Major and
Bularaam Singh came to see me, accompanied by
old Rooma Singh Major. They looked rather un-
easy, and I suspected something was coming out.
Presently Thangal rose and saluted me, and said,
" The Maharajah has promoted us to be generals."
I received the intelligence without any enthusiasm,
feeling assured that the act had been dictated by a
desire to give them a more high-sounding title than
my military one, I being then only a lieut.-colonel.
It was in fact a piece of self-assertion. Any one
NEW TITLES. 143
understanding Asiatics will know what I mean, and
that I knew instinctively it was a move in the game
against me which I ought to check. I coldly replied
that of course the Maharajah would please himself,
but that I loved old things, old names, and old faces,
and that I had so many pleasant associations with
the old titles that I could not bring myself to use
the new ones, and should continue to call them by
the dear old name of Major. I then shook hands
with them most cordially and said good-bye, and
they left rather crestfallen, where they had hoped
and intended to be triumphant. I may as well tell
the remainder of the story. Time after time was I
begged to address my three friends as " General,"
but I was inexorable, and the titles almost fell into
disuse among the Manipuris who had at first adopted
them. Old Thangal once had a long talk about it,
and I said plainly, " I give nothing for nothing :
some day when you do something I shall address
you as General." Years passed. I went on leave,
and my locum tenens too good-naturedly gave in, and
addressed them as General, and even induced the
Chief Commissioner of the day to do likewise. When
he wrote to me and told me of it, I was naturally not
very pleased, and mentioned it to an old Indian
friend, who said, " Well, you will have to do the
same now that the Chief Commissioner has." How-
ever, I was not going to swerve from my word. I
returned to Manipur, and one of the ministers met
me on the boundary river. I again greeted him as
"Major Sahib," and immediately the new titles
again began to fall into disuse. I told the Chief
Commissioner my views when I next met him,
144 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
and he approved, as I said I could not alter my
word.
Some time after this I again renewed efforts that
I had long been making for the establishment of an
English school in Manipur. The Durbar naturally
objected ; wisely from their point of view, they knew
as well as I did that the fact of their subjects learning
English would eventually mean a better administra-
tion of justice, and a gradual sweeping away of
abuses. I felt, however, that the time was come,
and I urged the question with great force, and one
day said to the ministers, "You have long wanted to
be addressed as * General,' and I told you that when
you did something worthy of it I should do so.
Now the day that the Maharajah gives his consent
to an English school being established, I shall
address you as General." A few days afterwards
the Maharajah's consent was brought. I immediately
stood up and shook hands most warmly with them,
saying, "I thank you cordially, Generals." From
that day the question was finally set at rest, after
years of longing on the part of the old fellows. We
had always understood each other, and they felt and
respected the part I had taken, and, I believe, valued
their titles all the more from my not having given
in at once.
The Rath Jatra Festival, i.e., the drawing of the
Car of Juggernaut, is greatly honoured in Manipur,
and every village has its Rath (car). The Dewali,
the feast of lights, is also faithfully kept. Also the
Rathwal, one of the feasts of Krishna, when there
are many dances, and an enormous bird is cleverly
constructed of cloth with a bamboo framework, and
FESTIVALS. 145
a man inside, who struts about to the delight of the
children. The Koli Saturnalia is also duly cele-
brated ; the red powder " Abeer," is thrown about
amongst those who can get it, and the burning of
the temporary shrines lights up the sky at night,
and the holes where the poles stood, are a fertile
source of danger to ponies and pedestrians for weeks
afterwards. The Durga Poojah is kept, but is a
feast of minor importance. At the Rath Jatra the
number of people drawn together was enormous,
and the white mass could be very distinctly seen
from Kang-joop-kool with a telescope, when the
weather was clear. This view was sometimes
obscured by clouds, and often when staying there
did I wake up to see the whole of the valley filled
up with fog, like a vast sea of cotton-wool, stretch-
ing across to the Yoma range of hills many miles
away.
Lunar rainbows were not uncommon in Manipur,
and I often saw them from Kang-joop-kool. Oftei
too, from thence have I seen a complete solar rain-
••- -f.>y---ji^M»- -, u *«<•** ^
bow, each end resting on the level surface of the
valley. Once, in riding to Sengmai on a misty
morning, I saw a white rainbow rising from the
ground ; a fine and weird sight it was.
The view over the valley at night from the sur-
rounding hills was sometimes wonderful. I never
shall forget one night in the rainy season, when the
moon was shining brightly in the valley, but obscured
from my view by an intervening cloud ; the bright
reflection on the watery plain sent out a long stream
of light which brightened up the glistening temples
of the Capelat. This, and the dim hills in the distance,
L
146 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
and the whole amphitheatre enclosed by them lighted
up faintly, while the dark threatening cloud hanging
in air between me and the rising moon, that had not
yet apparently reached my level (I was 2500 feet
above the valley, and seemed to be looking down on
the moon), made a picture never to be forgotten.
CHAPTER XVII.
Mr. Damant — The Naga Hills — Rumours on which I act — News of revolt
in Naga Hills and Mr. Damant's surrender — Maharajah's loyalty —
March to the relief of Kohima — Belief of Kohima — Incidents of siege
— Heroism of ladies — A noble defence.
IN November, 1878, Mr. Damant removed the head-
quarters of the Naga Hills District from Samagud-
ting to Kohima, and established himself there with
his party, in two stockades. He had a very ample
force for maintaining his position, but he had not
sufficient to make coercing a powerful village an
easy task. He was an able man, with much force of
character, high-minded and upright, and had been
greatly respected in Manipur, where he acted as
Political j^gent for some months after Dr. Brown's
death. He was also a scholar, and was perhaps the
only man of his generation in Assam capable of
taking a comprehensive view of the languages of the
Eastern Frontier, and searching out their origin.
His premature death was an irreparable loss to
philology.
With all this he had not had sufficient experience
with wild tribes to be a fit match for the astute
Nagas, and was constantly harassed by the difficulty
in the way of securing supplies, which ought to have
been arranged for him, in the early days of our
L 2
148 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
occupation of Samagudting, by making terms with
the Nagas as to providing food carriage. It was his
misfortune that he inherited an evil system. We
had been forced into the hills by the lawlessness of
the Naga tribes, and we ought to have made them
bear their full share of the inconveniences attendant
on our occupation, instead of making our own people
suffer.
Mr. Damant at first contemplated getting his
supplies from Manipur, through the Durbar, but
they objected, it being their traditional policy to
prevent the export of rice for fear of famines, the
distance and cost of transport making the import, in
case of scarcity, an impossibility. I declined to put
pressure, as I saw the reasonableness of tbe Durbar
argument, and I objected to force the hill population
of Manipur to spend their time in carrying heavy
loads, to save the turbulent and lazy Angamis. In
September, 1879, however, I heard a rumour from
native sources that Mr. Damant was in great diffi-
culties and straits for want of provisions,* and I
wrote and told him that if it were true, I would make
every effort to send him some supplies, and to help
him in every way I could. I did not receive any
answer to this letter, and subsequently ascertained
that it had never reached him.
I knew the Angamis well, and was very anxious
about Mr. Damant and his party, and felt sure that
some trouble was at hand.
About this time my wife's health began to give
me much anxiety ; she had one or two severe attacks
of illness, and was much reduced in strength. Who
* It will be seen later on that this rumour was net cinxct. — FD.
EEPOBT OP DISASTER. 149
that has not experienced it can imagine the terrible,
wearing anxiety of life on a distant frontier, without
adequate medical aid for those nearest and dearest
to us. She was better, though still very weak, when
an event occurred that shook the whole frontier.
Early in the morning of October 21st, I received
a report from Mao Tannah, the Manipuri outpost on
the borders of the Naga Hills, to the effect that a
rumour had reached the officer there, that the
Mozuma Nagas had attacked either Kohima, or a
party of our men somewhere else, and had killed one
hundred men. I have already mentioned my anxiety
about Mr. Damant's position, and there was an air of
authenticity about the report which made me feel
sure that some catastrophe had occurred, and that he
was in sore need. I said to Thangal Major, " We
will take off fifty per cent, for exaggeration, and
even then the garrison of Kohima will be so weakened
that it is sure to be attacked, and there will be a
rising in the Naga Hills."
I instantly took my resolve and detained my
escort of the 34th B.I., which had just been
relieved by a party of Frontier Police, and was
about to march for Cachar. I also applied to the
Maharajah for nine hundred Manipuris, and sufficient
coolies to convey our baggage. He at once promised
them, and I made arrangements to march as soon as
the men were ready ; but there was some delay, as
the men had to be collected from distant villages.
The next morning, before sunrise, Thangal Major
came to see me, bringing two letters from Mr.
Cawley, Assistant Political Agent, Naga Hills, and
District Superintendent of Police. The letters told
150 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
me that Mr. Damant had been killed by the Konoma
men, and that he and the remainder were besieged
in Kohima, and sorely pressed by Nagas of several
villages. Immediately after this, the Maharajah
himself came and placed his whole resources at my
disposal, and asked me what I would have. I said
two thousand men, and he replied that that was the
number he himself thought necessary, and asked if
he should fire the usual five alarm guns, as a signal
to call every able-bodied man to the capital. I con-
sented, and in ten minutes they thundered forth
their summons. Coolies to carry the loads were the
chief difficulty, as they, being hill-men, lived at a
greater distance. I also despatched a special mes-
senger to Cachar to ask for more troops and a doctor ;
and I made arrangements for assisting them on the
road. I despatched two hundred Manipuris by a
difficult and little-frequented path to Paplongmai
(Kenoma*), to make a diversion in the rear of
Konoma, as, from all I heard, it seemed that the
astute Mozuma was not involved. I sent on a man
I could trust to the Mozuma people, to secure their
neutrality. I also sent my Naga interpreter,
Patakee, to Kohima, to do his best to spread dis-
sension amongst its seven different clans and prevent
their uniting against me. I gave him a pony, and
told him to ride it till it dropped under him, and
then to march on foot for his life, and promised him
200 rupees reward if he could deliver a letter to Mr.
Cawley before the place fell. In the letter I begged
Mr. Cawley to hold out to the last as I was marching
to his assistance.
* A different place from Konoma. — ED.
MARCH TO KOHIMA. 151
One day, about a year before, a fine young Naga
of Viswema, a powerful village of 1000 houses, a few
miles beyond the frontier of Manipur and right on
our track, had come to me and asked me to take him
into my service. I did so, thinking he might be
useful some day, and now that the day had arrived,
I sent him off to his people to win them over,
threatening to exterminate them if they opposed my
march.
I had fifty men of the Cachar Police and thirty-
four of the 34th B.I., including two invalids, one of
them a Naik, by name Buldeo Doobey, who came out of
hospital to go with me, as I wanted every man who
could shoulder a musket. For the same reason I
enlisted a volunteer, Narain Singh, a fine fellow, a
Jat* from beyond Delhi, who had served in the
35th B.I., so he took a breach-loader belonging to a
sick man of the 34th. I shall refer to him again.
He carried one hundred and twenty rounds of ball
cartridge on his person, three times as much as the
men of the 34th. I sent off my combined escort with
all the Manipuris who were ready under Thangal
Major, and stayed behind to collect and despatch
supplies and write official letters and send off tele-
grams to Sir Steuart Bay ley, and on the 23rd rode
out, and caught up my men at Mayang Khang, forty
miles from Manipur. The rear-guard of the 34th
had not come up when I went to bed that night
at 11 P.M.
I left my poor wife still very weak and I was
thankful that she had her good sister as a stay and
support. Just before leaving, our youngest boy
* A Sikh.— ED.
152 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Arthur held out his arms to be taken. I paused
from my work for a moment and took him. It was
the last time I saw him. Sad as was my parting, I
rode off in high spirits ; who would not do so when
he feels that he may be privileged to do his country
signal service ! Besides, I hoped to find all well
when I returned.
We left Mayang Khang on October 24th and
marched to Mythephum, twenty miles along a
terribly difficult mountain path, much overgrown by
jungle. It was all I could do to get the 34th along,
as they were completely knocked up. I had a pony
which I lent for part of the way to one of my
invalids and so helped him on, I was continually
obliged to halt myself and wait for the stragglers,
cheer them up, and then run to the front again.
Narain Singh was invaluable and seemed not to
know fatigue. We reached Mythephum after dark,
but the rear-guard did not arrive till next morning.
At Mythephum I mustered my forces. The Ma-
harajah had sent the Jubraj and Kotwal Koireng
with me (little did I think of the fate in store for
them and for old Thangal*) and found that very few
Manipuris had arrived, and almost all of the force
with me were so knocked up that, to my intense
disappointment, I had to make a halt. I was too
restless to sit still, so spent the day in reconnoitring
the country. In the evening I had an interview
with Thangal Major and afterwards with the Jubraj.
* The Jubraj, who afterwards reigned as the Maharajah Soor Chandra
Singh, died in exile ; Kotwal Koireng and Thangal Major were hanged in
August, 1891, by order of the sentence passed upon them for resisting the
British Government. — ED.
THE JUBRAJ. 153
Old Thangal was for halting till we could collect a
large force as he said a large one was required, and
he begged me to halt for a few days. I finally
pointed out that a day's halt might cause the annihi-
lation of the garrison of Kohima, and said that if the
Manipuris were not ready to move, I would go along
with any of my own men who could march. I
appealed to the Jubraj to support me which he did,*
and for which I was ever grateful, and we arranged
to march next day. I found that the Nagas of
Manipur were infected with a rebellious spirit, and
not entirely to be depended on, and any vacillation
on our part might have been fatal, and would cer-
tainly have sealed the fate of Kohima.
We left Mythephum at daybreak on the 26th, and
marched as hard as we could, as I hoped to cover the
forty miles to Kohima by nightfall. We stopped to
drink water at the Mao river, which we forded, and
to prevent men wasting time, I drew my revolver
and threatened to shoot any one who dawdled. We
ascended the steep hillside, and passing through one
of the villages inarched on to Khoijami, a village on
the English side of the border. We had been so
long, owing to the extreme badness of the roads, and
the fatigue of the men, that we only reached it at
3 P.M., so I reluctantly halted for the night.
Here my emissary to Viswema joined me, and told
me that he had induced his fellow-villagers to be
friendly, and that presents would be sent. I sent
him back to demand hostages, and the formal sub-
* In 1891, the Jubraj, then the ex-Maharajah, brought forward this fact
in his appeal to the British Government, as a reason for his restora-
tion.— ED.
154 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
mission of the village, as otherwise I would attack
them on the morrow and spare no one. It was not
a time for soft speeches, and I heard rumours that
we were to be opposed next day.
Late in the afternoon some Mao Nagas brought
in seven ISTepaulee coolies who had escaped from
Kohima the previous day, and wandered through
the jungle expecting every moment to be killed. I
gave the Mao men twenty rupees as a reward. The
Nepaulees said that they had been shut outside the
gate of the stockade by mistake, and had hidden
themselves and so got away. They gave a deplorable
account of affairs, and said that there was no food,
and that the ammunition was almost all spent, and
that two ladies were in the stockade, Mrs. Damant
and Mrs. Cawley. They stated that Mr. Damant
was taken unawares and shot dead, and fifty men
killed on the spot, and that thirty ran away and hid
in the jungles, some saving their arms, others not.
Each man had fifty rounds of ball cartridge. Most
of the rifles lost were breech-loaders. The men told
me that early that morning they had seen smoke
rising from Kohima, and thought it might have been
burned.
All this made me very anxious, as the men said
that Mr. Cawley was treating for a safe passage to
Samagu citing. Late in the evening I heard that a
building inside the stockade had been burned by the
Nagas, who threw stones wrapped in burning cloth
on to the thatched roofs. The Nagas in arms were
said to number six thousand, and they had erected a
stockade opposite ours from which they fired. The
fugitives were in a miserable state of semi-starvation,
UKGENT MESSAGES. 155
and ashy pale from terror, and seemed more dead
than alive when they were brought to me. We slept
on our arms that night, at least such as could sleep,
and rose at 3 A.M. in case of an attack, that being a
favourite time for the Nagas to make one.
When ready, I addressed my men, telling them the
danger of the enterprise, but assuring them of its
success, and urging them, in case of my being killed
or wounded, to leave me and push on to save the
garrison. I promised the Frontier Police that every
man should be promoted if we reached Kohima safely
that night. This promise the Government faithfully
kept.
At sunrise I received two little slips of paper
brought by two Nepaulese coolies who had managed
to escape, signed by Mr. Hinde, Extra Assistant
Commissioner, and hidden by them in their hair.
On them was written : —
Surrounded by Nagas, cut off from water
Must be relieved at once. Send flying
column to bring away garrison at once.
Belief must be immediate to be of any use
H. M. Hinde. A. P. A. Kohima. 25 x. 79.
and —
We are in extremity, come on sharp
Kohima not abandoned.
Kohima not abandoned
H. M. Hinde. A. P. A. 26 x. 79.
After getting these, I could not wait any longer,
and, as the Manipuris were not all ready, I started off
at once with fifty of them under an old officer,
Eerungba Polla and sixty of my escort, all that were
able to make a rapid march, and Narain Singh. We
carried with us my camp Union Jack.
156 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUH.
I obtained hostages from Yisvvema and placed
them under a guard with orders to shoot them
instantly, if we were attacked, and on our arrival at
the village we were well received. At Rigwema, as
we afterwards discovered, a force of Nagas was
placed in ambush to attack us, but the precautions
we took prevented their doing so, and we passed on
unmolested, and soon had the satisfaction of seeing
the stockade at Kohima still intact. A few miles
farther, and on rounding the spur of a hill, the
stockade appeared in full view and we sounded our
bugles which were quickly answered by a flourish
from Kohima.
We marched on with our standard flying, we
reached the valley below, we began the ascent of the
last slope, and forming into as good order as the
ground would allow, we at last gained the summit
and saw the stockade, to save which, we had marched
so far and so well, before us at a distance of one
hundred yards.
The garrison gave a loud cheer, which we
answered, and numbers of them poured out. Messrs.
Cawley and Hinde grasped my hand, and others of
the garrison formed a line on either side of the gate-
way, and we marched in between them. I recog-
nised many old faces not seen since I had left the
Xaga Hills in 1874, and warmly greeted them ;
especially Mema Ram, a Subadar in the Frontier
Police ; Kurum Singh, and others. I was told after-
wards that when Mema Ram first heard that I was
marching to their relief, he said, " Oh, if Johnstone
Sahib is coming we are all right."
I at once told the officers of the garrison that
"* tt
s §
O h
X &H
5 O
AH ^
gs
^ §
BELIEF OF KOHIMA. 157
there could be no divided authority, and that they
must consider themselves subject to my orders, to
which they agreed. I then saw the poor widowed
Mrs. Damant, and Mrs. Cawley who had behaved
nobly during the siege. While talking to the last,
one of her two children asked for some water. Her
mother said in a feeling tone, " Yes, my dear, you
can have some now." Seldom have I heard words
that sounded more eloquent.
The Manipuris now began to pour in, in one long
stream, and were greeted by the garrison with
effusion, and I gave them the site of a stockade that
had been destroyed by Mr. Cawley, in order to
reduce the space to be defended as much as possible,
arid told them to stockade themselves, which they
did at once. After arranging for the defence of our
position, I sent off a letter to my wife to say that I
was safe, and that Kohima had been relieved, and
telegrams to the Chief Commissioner, and Govern-
ment of India, to be sent on at once to Cachar, the
nearest telegraph office, informing them of the good
news.
It appeared from what Mr. Cawley told me, that
on the 14th of October, Mr. Damant had gone to
Konoma from Jotsoma, to try and enforce some
demands he had made. He had been warned several
times that the Merema Clan of Konoma meant
mischief, and several Nagas had implored him not to
go, and finding him deaf to their entreaties, begged
him to go through the friendly Semema Clan's
quarter of the village. However, he insisted on
having his own way, and went to the gate of the
Merema Clan at the top of a steep, narrow path. The
158 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
gate was closed, and while demanding an entrance,
lie was shot dead. His men were massed in rear of
him, and a large number were at once shot down,
while the others took to flight. Some of the
fugitives reached Kohima that night, and Mr.
Cawley at once, grasping the gravity of the situa-
tion, pulled down one stockade, and dismantled the
buildings as already related, concentrating all his
men in the other, and making it as strong as possible.
The neighbouring villages had already risen, and
were sending contingents to attack Kohima.
Mr. Cawley had just time to send a messenger to
Mr. Hinde, the extra-Assistant Commissioner at
Woka, a distance of sixty-three miles, ordering him
to come in with the detachment of fifty police under
him. These orders Mr. Hinde most skilfully carried
out, by marching only at night, and on the 19th he
reached Kohima, thus strengthening the garrison
and making it more able to hold its own, for the
number of the attacking party now greatly in-
creased.
Most fortunately, owing to the zealous care of
Major T. N. Walker, 44th E. L. Infantry, there
were some rations in reserve for the troops, which
were shared with the non-combatants and police.
These he had insisted on being collected and stored
up, when he paid a visit of inspection to Kohima
some months before. But for this small stock the
place could not have held out for two days, but must
inevitably have fallen, as all supplies were cut off
during the progress of the siege. The water was
poisoned by having a human head thrown into it.
The Nagas fired at the stockade continually, but
RESULT OP A SURRENDER. 159
made no regular assault. They seemed to have tried
picking off every man who showed himself, and
starving out the garrison. The quantity of jungle
that had been allowed to remain standing all round
afforded them admirable cover, and, as before
stated, they erected another small stockade from
which to fire. This they constantly brought nearer
and nearer by moving the timbers.
At length, the garrison wearied out, entered into
negotiations, and agreed to surrender the stockade,
if allowed a free passage to Samagudting. This
fatal arrangement would have been carried into effect
within an hour or two, had not my letter arrived
assuring them of help. What the result would
have been no one who knows the Nagas can doubt ;
545 headless and naked bodies would have been lying
outside the blockade. Five hundred stands of arms,
and 250,000 rounds of ammunition would have been
in possession of the enemy, enough to keep the hills
in a blaze for three years, and to give employment
to half-a-dozen regiments during all that time, and
to oblige an expenditure of a million sterling, to say
nothing of valuable lives.*
Throughout the siege, Mrs. Daman t, and Mrs.
Cawley had displayed much heroism. The first
undertook to look after the wounded, and went to
visit them daily, exposed to the enemy's fire. Mrs.
Cawley took charge of the women and children of
* The savage mode in which the Nagas conduct their warfare is vividly
described by a correspondent of the Englishman writing from Cachar,
January 28, 1880, after a raid on the Baladhun Tea Gardens by a band
of the same tribe as those of Konoma. He ends with " The whole was a
horribly sickening scene, and a complete wreck ; and such surely as none
but the veriest of devils in human form could have perpetrated." — ED.
160 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
the sepoys, and looked after them, keeping them
in a sheltered spot. The poor little children could
not understand the situation at all, or why it was
that the Nagas were firing.
The casualties would have been more numerous
than they were, but that the Nagas were careful of the
cherished ammunition, and seldom fired, unless pretty
sure of hitting. All the same, the situation was a
very critical one, and not to be judged by people
sitting quietly at home by their firesides. It is
certainly a very awful thing, after a great disaster
and massacre, to be shut up in a weak stockade built
of highly inflammable material, and surrounded by
6000 howling savages who spare no one. In ad-
dition to that too, to have the water supply cut off,
and at most ten days' full provision ; for this was
what it amounted to. It must be also remembered
that the non-combatants far out-numbered the com-
batants, and that the two officers who undertook the
defence were both civilians. Anyhow, the view
taken of it by the defenders is shown by the fact that
they were willing to surrender to the enemy, rather
than face the situation and its terrible uncertainty
any longer, as they were quite in doubt as to
whether relief was coming or whether their letters
having miscarried they would be left to perish.
Looking back, after a lapse of fifteen years, and
calmly reviewing the events connected with the
siege of Kohima, I think I was right at the time in
describing the defence as a " noble one."
CHAPTER XVIII.
Returning order and confidence — Arrival of Major Evans — Arrival of
Major Williamson — Keeping open communication — Attack on Phe-
sama — Visit to Manipur — General Nation arrives — Join him at
Suchema — Prepare to attack Konoma — Assault of Konoma.
EARLY on the morning of the 28th, I took out all the
men I could collect and set to work to clear away the
jungle in the neighbourhood of the stockade so as to
give no covert to enemies. I also did my utmost to
collect supplies. Kohima, with its twelve hundred
houses, was able to give a little, and I sent to distant
villages. I also sent to the head-man of Konoma to
ask for Mr. Damant's body. The man at once sent
in the head, but said that the body had been de-
stroyed. A true statement, I have no doubt, as the
head is all the Nagas value, and the body would have
been given up instantly had it existed. His signet
ring, and several other little articles were also sent.
The head was buried with due honours, the Manipuri
chiefs drawing up their men and saluting as the
funeral procession passed. The Jubraj, Soor Chandra
Singh, spoke very feelingly on the subject.
The watercourse, which formerly supplied the gar-
rison, had been diverted, and the only other supply
had been, as already stated, poisoned by a head being
thrown into it. My first business was to see that the
162 HT EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
water communication was restored, to every one's
comfort. Some of my old acquaintances among the
Nagas began to come in, and there was a great
disposition to be friendly.
The next day a sepoy of the 43rd, who had escaped
the massacre arid lived in the jungle, was brought in
by some friendly Nagas. He was almost out of his
mind, and nearly speechless from terror, and could
not walk, so was carried on the man's back.
T made up my mind to attack Konoma as soon as
I could, and the people knowing this, tried negotia-
tions with my Manipuri allies. So great was the
fear we inspired that at first I believe I could without
difficulty have imposed more severe terms than were
obtained later on after four months' fighting. With
Asiatics especially, everything depends on the
vigour with which an enterprise is pushed for-
ward. The Nagas never expecting an attack from
the side of Manipur, were at first paralysed. All
the villages were without any but the most rudi-
mentary defences, in addition to those which nature
had given them from their position ; not one of them
could have stood against a well-directed attack.
I was in the midst of my preparations when, on
the 30th October, Major (now Major-General) Evans,
of the 43rd Assam Light Infantry, arrived with two
hundred men, who had come with him from Dibroo-
gurh. I also received a telegram saying that General
Nation was coming up with one thousand men and
two mountain-guns, and might be expected on the
9th November. I was also given strict orders to
engage in no active operations till his arrival. These
orders I at first disregarded, feeling the urgent
UNFORTUNATE INTERFERENCE. 163
necessity of instant action before the Nagas had time
to recover from their surprise. However, next day
the order was reiterated so strongly, and in the
Chief Commissioner's name, that, believing that the
Grovernment had some special reason for the order,
I accepted it, much to my disappointment, as I felt
the urgent necessity of an immediate advance.
Konoma was still unfortified, and a few days would
have sufficed to capture it, and place the Naga Hills
at our feet. As it was, the delay, not till Novem-
ber 9th, but November 22nd, owing to defective trans-
port arrangements, gave the enemy time to recover,
and when we tardily appeared before Konoma, we
found a scientifically defended fortress, whose capture
cost us many valuable lives. The order, it subse-
quently appeared, was not issued by Sir Steuart
Bayley,* and was altogether due to a misappre-
hension.
* The order came in a telegram purporting to be from the Chief
Commissioner, and by whom really transmitted is a mystery. The
Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster General's Report of this Naga Hill
Expedition states, that after Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone's Kuki levies
had attacked Phesama, and killed about two hundred of the enemy in
consequence of the loss of some of their own men from an assault from
this village, the Manipuri army performed no other operation in this
war (except as coolies and bringing in supplies, and in this respect they
were invaluable). But he adds, "Colonel Jolmstone, it is understood,
was anxious to attack Konoma on his own account without waiting for
General Nation and the troops." Colonel Johnstone explained in a
memorandum that no arrangements had been made by the military
authorities for the carriage of the guns, and that up to the evening before
the attack on Konoma he had received no request for coolies, but fore-
seeing some neglect of this kind he had kept over one hundred reliable
Manipuris for the work, and without them the guns could not have gone
into action. As to the rest of his levy, they had lost three hundred men
by sickness, and like all irregulars, had been injured by the long delay
and enforced idleness. They had also been already fired upon by our
troops in mistake for Nagas, and he feared some unfortunate complication
M 2
164 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
As there was to be no immediate work, I urged
Major Evans to take up his post at Samagudting,
where a magazine containing 200,000 rounds of am-
munition was very inefficiently guarded; he, however,
left a subaltern, Lieut, (now Captain) Barrett with
me, as I wanted another officer. On their way, some
men of the 43rd had shot two Nagas, one a relation
of the chief of the Hepromah clan of Kohima, a most
unfortunate proceeding, and quite uncalled for, as
the men were quietly working in their fields. I was
already sufficiently embarrassed by the promises
made by the garrison to the so-called friendly clans
of Kohima, to induce them to be neutral during the
siege, and which I felt bound to keep, and this
additional complication added to my troubles. People
situated as the garrison were should make no promises
except in return for real help.
All this time troops and supplies came pouring in
from Manipur in one long thin stream, and the
greatest efforts were made to collect supplies on the
spot. I also forced the unfriendly Chitonoma clan
of Kohima to surrender six rifles they had captured,
and to pay a fine of 200 maunds of rice. We had
been expecting a force of Kuki irregulars from
Manipur ; these now arrived, and I had a talk with
the chief, who said : " Our great desire is to attack
if he brought them again to the front. But one hundred and fifty at the
request of General Nation were posted in the valley to intercept fugitives,
and they did what they were told. Another force was also left to help
to protect the camp at Suchema. Colonel Johnstone therein states that
he felt confident he could have captured Konoma with his Manipuris
alone, directly after the relief of Kohima. The Konoma men, in fact,
offered to submit on harsher terms to themselves to Colonel Johnstone
than were afterwards wrested from them by General Nation with the loss
of valuable lives, and at a heavy pecuniary cost. — ED.
SORROWFUL NEWS. 165
that village/' pointing to Kohima, " and to kill every
man, woman, and child in it ! " He looked as if he
meant it.
One day a cat was caught that had given great
trouble stealing provisions, etc., we all wanted to
get rid of it, but Hindoos do not like having cats
killed, and I respected their prejudices when possible,
and there were many Hindoos about us, so I said, " I
won't have it killed, unless some one wants to eat it."
A Kuki soon came and asked to be allowed to make
a dinner of it, and then I gave my consent, and our
scourge was removed. I once asked a sepoy of my
old regiment why they objected to killing cats. He
said, " People do say that if you kill a cat now you
will have to give a golden cat in exchange in the
next world as a punishment, and where are we to
get one ? "
To keep open communications, I established Mani-
puri posts in strong stockades at all the principal
villages on the road to the frontier, and had daily
posts from Manipur. To my great distress, I heard
that my youngest boy, Arthur, was ill, and my wife
in much anxiety about him ; but I could not leave
to help her.
Our forced inaction had, as I anticipated, been
misinterpreted by the Nagas. Some decisive action
was much needed, and I attacked the hostile Chito-
noma clan of Kohima, and destroyed part of their
village. On the 10th, as a party of men were
bringing in provisions from Manipur, they had been
attacked by some of the Chitonoma clan in the valley
below our position. I heard the firing, and ran out
of the stockade with a party to drive off the enemy.
166 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
At the gate, a man who had just arrived, put a
letter in my hand. I read it anxiously, it told me
that my child was dead. My wife and I had chosen
a spot, at Kang-joop-kool where we wished to be
buried in case either of us died, and there she buried
him.
We soon cleared out the Chitonoma men, and
I found that with the troops escorting the provisions
was Dr. Campbell from Cachar, whose arrival was
very welcome. I remember in connection with him
a striking incident showing the courage of Manipuris
in suffering. A man who had been wounded in an
encounter had to have an operation performed on his
arm. Dr. Campbell wanted to give him chloroform
as it would be very painful. But the man refused,
saying, " I will not take anything that intoxicates,"
and at once held out his arm and submitted to the
knife without flinching !
Every day the delay in the commencement of
active operations made the Nagas more and more
confident, and some vigorous action on our part was
absolutely necessary. I heard from spies that our
Manipuri post at Phesama was about to be attacked
by the people of the village, who held nightly
converse with emissaries from Konoma. I therefore
determined to punish Phesama, which was not far
from Kohima, and on November llth, I sent a party
of Manipuris and Kukis who destroyed the village in
a night attack, and killed a large number of people.
They brought in twenty-one women and children as
prisoners whom the Manipuris had saved from the
Kukis, who would have spared neither age nor sex
had they gone alone.
ARTILLERY ELEPHANTS. 167
The next day my old friend Captain Williamson
arrived to act as my assistant, I having been ap-
pointed Chief Political Officer with the Field Force
that was being formed. Having now a competent
man to leave in charge, I determined to go to Mani-
pur for a few days, and marched to Mythephum on
the 13th, and rode thence on the 14th to Mariipur,
accomplishing the whole distance of over 100 miles
in thirty-one and a half hours. I stayed one day in
Manipur and then returned, reaching Kohima on
the 17th.
On November 20th, General Nation having arrived
at Suchema, ten miles from Kohima, Williamson and
I left to join him. We were fired at on the road,
but got in safely and found all well and in good
spirits. The troops consisted of 43rd and 44th
Assam Light Infantry and two seven-pound moun-
tain-guns under Lieut. Mansel, E.A. Lieut, (now
Major) Raban, R.E., was engineer-officer and Deputy
Surgeon-General (now Surgeon-General, C.B.) De
Renzy was in charge of the Medical Department.
Major Cock, a well-known soldier and sportsman,
was Brigade Major.
On the 21st, the guns arrived on elephants, and
feeling sure that no proper carriage could have been
provided for their transport, I had taken the pre-
caution to bring one hundred Kuki coolies to carry
them. The assault was to be next day. Mozuma
remained neutral, and even gave us a few coolies
and guides.*
* I also heard from an old Mozuma friend, Lotoje", that the enmiy in-
tended to concentrate all his fire on the officers, so as to render the men
helpless. I told this to the General and Major Cock, and strongly advised
them to do as I did, and cover their white helmets with blue turbans to
168 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUE.
How well I remember the night of the 21st.
Williamson and I dined with the General and all the
staff, and poor Cock, great on all sporting subjects,
told us in the most animated way, stories of whaling
adventures when he was on leave at the Cape. He
warmed to his subject and greatly interested us ; he
was a fine gaunt man of over six feet in height, and
great strength and ready for any enterprise ; some of
the Mozuma Nagas knew him and liked him as they
had, years before, been on shooting expeditions with
him in the Nowgong jungles. Besides this we had
a surgical address from Dr. De Renzy, who told us
what to do if any of us were wounded. How we all
laughed over it, he joining us. I knew we should
have some hard fighting, but we all counted on
carrying everything before us with a rush, and who
is there who expects to be wounded ? We are ready
for it if it comes, but we all think that we are to be
the exception. It is as well that it is so.
We were under arms at 430 A.M. on the 22nd.
The first party consisting of two companies of the
43rd Assam Light Infantry and twenty-eight Naga
Hills Police, under Major Evans and Lieut. Barrett,
conducted by Captain Williamson, who knew the
country, were directed to proceed to the rear of
Konoma and occupy the saddle connecting the spur
on which it is built with the main road, so as to
cut off the line of retreat.
At 7.30 A.M., the remaining portion of the force
render themselves less conspicuous, urging the inadvisability of needlessly
rendering themselves marks for the enemy's fire. The General refused,
and Cock said he should do as the General did, so I said no more ; ad-
miring their dogged courage, but wishing that they would take advice.
ATTACK ON KONOMA. 169
marched off. We all went together to the Mozuma
Hill, where Lieut. Raban, R.E., was detached with
part of a rocket battery, to take up a position on the
hillside and open fire on Konoma, simultaneously
with the guns. A small force was left in Suchema,
to which, on my own responsibility, I added one
hundred and ten Kuki irregulars, as I thought it
dangerously small for a place containing all our
stores and reserve ammunition. At the General's
request, I had posted a force of two hundred men
in a valley to intercept fugitives, and cut them off
from Jotsuma.
After leaving Lieut. Raban, we crossed the valley
dividing Mozuma and Konoma, and when half-way
between the hills, Lieut. Ridgeway (now Colonel
Ridgeway, Y.C.) was sent with a company of the
44th to skirmish up to the Konoma hill. The main
body with the guns then gradually ascended to the
Government Road. Just before reaching it, we found
a headless Aryan corpse in a stream, it was probably
that of a sepoy of the 43rd, who formed part of Mr.
Damant's ill-fated expedition.
After going for a short distance along the road, we
found a place up which the guns could go, and a party
of fifty men under Lieut. Henderson, 44th Assam
Light Infantry, was sent ahead to skirmish up the hill-
side, the guns carried by my coolies following with
the General and his Staff, including myself. As we
ascended the hill, Colonel Nuttall, with the re-
mainder of the 44th, exclusive of the gun escort, pro-
ceeded along the road, crossing the small valley that
divides the Konoma hill from the ridore of the
.-v
Basoma hill which we were ascending, a few hundred
170 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
yards from where it joins the main valley, and
halted at the foot. After incredible labour, we
succeeded in getting the guns into position at about
1200 yards distance from the highest point of
Konoma, and at once opened fire, while Lieut. Eaban
did the ksame with his rockets which, however, for
the most part fell short over the heads of Lieut.
Ridgeway's party, though once two struck the
village. On being signalled, Lieut. Eaban withdrew
his rockets and joined us. Meanwhile, the guns had
made little impression on the people, and none on the
stone forts of Konoma, but the 44th were advancing
gallantly to the attack up the steep ascent to the
village, a brisk fire being kept up on both sides.
At about 2.30, the position of the guns was
changed, and they were advanced to within eight
hundred yards of the works, here one of my gun
coolies was wounded by a shot from the village.
The change of position had little effect, and Lieu-
tenant Henderson's party which had skirmished
along the hillside, effectually prevented the enemy
from evacuating his strong position.
At this time we saw a body of men on the ridge
above Konoma, and a gun and rocket fire was
opened on them, but speedily stopped as the regi-
mental call of the 43rd sounding in the distance,
followed by a close observation with our glasses, led
us to the conclusion that it was the party with
Captain Williamson and not the enemy who occu-
pied the point at which we had directed our fire.
Subsequently it was discovered that the stockade
there had been captured and occupied by the party
of the 43rd. After firing a few shots from our new
HARD FIGHTING. 171
position, and imagining that the force under Colonel
Nuttall was in full possession of the hill we unlim-
bered, and, crossing the small valley before men-
tioned, we followed Mr. Damant's path up the hill,
entering the village by the gate where he met his
death. As we neared the place where we had last
seen Colonel Nuttall's party, ominous sights met our
eyes, dead bodies here and there and men badly
wounded, while sepoys left in charge of the latter
told us that the Nagas were still holding out in the
upper forts. After advancing a few paces further
we had to pick our way over ground studded with
pangees,* and covered with thorns and bamboo and
cane entanglements, exposed to the fire of the
enemy, and passing the bodies of several Nagas we
ascended a kind of staircase, and after again passing
under the Naga fire climbed up a perpenpicular
stone wall and found ourselves in a small tower,
which, with the adjoining work, was held by a small
party of the 44th. I asked Colonel Nuttall where
all his men were, and he pointed to the handful
around him and said, " These are all." The situa-
tion was indeed a desperate one, and I felt that
without some immediate action our power in the
Naga Hills for the moment trembled in the balance.
The needed action was taken as the guns had now
arrived under a heavy fire, and they opened on the
upper forts at a distance of eighty to one hundred
yards, Lieutenant Mansel and his three European
bombardiers pointing them, fully exposed to the fire
of the enemy. I strongly urged on the General the
necessity of making an attempt to dislodge him
* Sharp stakes of bamboo hardened in the fire.
172 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
before nightfall, and he was about to lead out a
party to the attack when it was deemed more pru-
dent to try the guns from another point first.
After a series of rounds with such heavy charges
that the guns were upset at every shot, the order
for the assault was given, and we all rushed out in
two parties, led by nine officers, viz., General Nation,
Colonel Nuttall, Major Cock, Major Walker, Lieu-
tenant Ridge wav, Lieutenant Raban, Lieutenant
»/ *
Boileau, Lieutenant Forbes, and myself, with all the
men we could collect. The party I was with, which
included the general, Colonel Nuttall, and Major
Cock, attempted to scale the front face of the fort, the
other the left, i.e., on our right. The right column
of attack led by Ridgeway and Forbes advanced
splendidly ; I seem to hear to this day Ridgeway's
shout of " Chulleao," i.e., " Come along," to his men
as he dashed to the front, and I saw him mounting
the parapet.
The Nagas met us with a heavy fire and showers
of spears and stones. One of the spears struck
Forbes, and Ridgeway was badly wounded in the
left shoulder by a shot fired at ten paces, and Nir
Beer Sai, a gallant subadar, shot dead. My faithful
orderly, Narain Singh, was also killed. Unfor-
tunately we had no force to support the assaulting
parties and the men began to retire. While this
was doing on the right, our column, the left, was
scaling an almost perpendicular wall in front but
unsuccessfully, as those of us not killed were pushed
back by showers of falling stones and earth, and
as we alighted at a lower level the remnants of the
right column who were retiring met us. I tried to
HEAVY LOSS. 173
rally them, but I was a stranger to them and it was
no use. Lieutenant Raban was equally unsuccess-
ful, the men had acted gallantly, but our party was
too small, and as I had before predicted the fire was
concentrated on the European officers. Major Cock
walked back leisurely to get under cover, and just
before he reached it turned round to take a parting
shot. I saw him thus far, and immediately after
heard that he had been shot. Seeing that our only
chance of safety lay in a retreat, I shouted to Mansel
to open an artillery fire over our heads which he
did, this saved us. In another minute, the general,
Colonel Nuttall, myself and five sepoys were the
only men left. I suggested to the former that we
had better go too and retire, which we did over the
embers of a burning house.
As I retired with the General we found Major
Cock mortally wounded, laid under cover in a
sheltered spot ; a little farther on under a heavy fire
we met Lieutenant Boileau bringing out a stretcher
for him. As Cock was being carried in, a bearer
was shot dead, and Dr. Campbell took his place and
brought him into hospital.
It was a strange situation, as in our retreat we
were alternately exposed to a fire, and quite shel-
tered. Luckily the place selected for a hospital was
safe, and there a sad sight met my eyes. In the
short period that elapsed between the commence-
ment of the assault and my return, the hospital had
been filled. Young Forbes was on his back, pale
as a sheet, but cheerful. Ridge way flushed with
the glow of battle on him. " Certamis gaudia," I
said, " I hope you are not much hurt." " Only my
174 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK.
shoulder smashed," he said. Colonel Nuttall was
slightly wounded, making four out of nine Europeans.
Besides these were men of the 44th of all ranks,
some almost insensible, others in great pain, some
composed, others despondent. Outside lay a heap of
dead. Twenty-five per cent, of the native ranks had
fallen, killed or wounded. Some of my gun coolies
were among the latter, besides one or two killed.
I remember a wounded Kuki who was supporting
himself by leaning against a great vat of Naga beer
prepared to refresh the defenders of the fortress, arid
by him lay a dead Naga. The Kuki had a dao
(sword) in his hand, and every now and then he
fortified himself with a deep draught of the grateful
fluid, and thus strengthened made a savage cut at
the body of his foe.
We had captured all but the highest forts, and a
renewed attack with our small numbers was out of
the question, as night was closing in, and we were
very anxious as to the safety of our detached parties
under Evans, Macgregor, and Henderson.*
It was determined to remain where we were for
the night, and Lieutenant Raban represented to the
General the necessity of fortifying our position. This
duty he and Mansel and I undertook, I bringing my
Kuki coolies to the work, which we accomplished
by 7 P.M.
* The official medical report of this campaign gives a deplorable account
of the sufferings of the wounded, and the gangrene which affected the
wounds in consequence of the extremely insanitary condition of the Naga
villages and stockades, where the Naga warriors had been congregated for
weeks expecting the attack — an additional reason why the immediate
pursuit into their strongholds which Colonel Johnstone had recommended
after the relief of Kohima should have been carried out — failing the
acceptance of the harsh terms of peace. See ante. — ED.
( 175 )
CHAPTER XIX.
Konoma evacuated — Journey to Suchema for provisions and ammunition,
and return — We march to Suchema with General — Visit Manipur —
Very ill — Meet Sir Steuart Bay ley in Cachar — His visit to Manipur —
Grand reception — Star of India — Chussad attack on Chingsow — March
to Kohima and back — Reflections on Maharajah's services — Naga
Hills campaign overshadowed by Afghan War.
GrENEKAL NATION had intended to capture Konoma
and return to Suchema at once, but the stout resist-
ance offered by the Nagas upset all calculations, and
we were thus stranded without warm clothing or
provisions on a bleak spot, 5000 or 6000 feet above
the sea. I sent off some of my Naga emissaries,
and induced the neutral men of Mozuma to go to
Suchema and bring the bedding of the wounded men
and some food which was done. With difficulty we
got enough water to drink, but there was none for
washing, and when at last we sat down on the
ground to eat our frugal meal, the doctors had to eat
with hands covered with blood, indeed, none of our
hands were very presentable. At last, to our great
relief, our detatched parties returned one by one.
Lieutenant (now Colonel C. E. Macregor, D.S.O.), a
most gallant and capable officer, had been out all
day with only fifteen men, and inflicted some injury
on the Nagas. He was Quartermaster-General of
the force, and did good service throughout. The
accession of numbers was a great relief, as we now
176 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
had the means of renewing the attack next day,
but ammunition and supplies were required, and
Williamson and I volunteered to go to Suchema for
them next day. The night was very cold, but we
managed to sleep all huddled up together, the dead
lying all round us.
Early next morning, Williamson and I started
with all our coolies and an escort of fifty men. We
saw no signs of the enemy, but came across several
men of the 43rd who had strayed away from their
detachments in the dark and hidden in the jungles.
At Suchema we found all right, but before we got
there, we saw our flag flying over Konoma, showing,
as I had expected, that it had been evacuated dur-
ing the night. This event immediately made our
neutral friends of Mozuma, our allies, and they gave
us hearty assistance, and we took back an ample
supply of provisions. The Mozuma people told us
that the Konoma men had never contemplated the
possibility of being driven out, and that they had
stored up 2000 maunds of rice which had fallen into
our hands.
The enemy had retired into some fortified stockades
called Chukka on the main range to their rear, a
most difficult position to attack. I offered the
General to carry the guns into position for him if he
cared to assault them, but our loss, especially in
officers, had been so great that he declined, and
probably he was right, as the risk was very great if
the enemy stood his ground, so the Greiieral decided
to await reinforcements. All the same it was to be
regretted that we were unable to deliver two or
three blows in rapid succession.
PEACE PEOPOSALS. 177
We left a party at Konoma and marched to
Suchema with the wounded, Ridgeway, with great
courage, marching all the way on foot, rather than
endure the shaking of an improvised litter. On the
27th, I joined a force, with which we attacked and
destroyed the unfriendly portion of Jotsuma, a large
and powerful village, and on the 29th, as there was
nothing else to do, made a rapid journey to Manipur
with Lieutenant Raban, that he might survey the
road as I wanted the trace for a cart road cut. We
returned on December 4th.
On December 6th, Williamson and I started for
Golaghat, to meet Sir Steuart Bay ley. At Sama-
gudting I had a perfect ovation, all the village
turning out to see me, and greeting me warmly as
an old acquaintance. Alas ! many were suffering
from a disease we called Naga sores, and several had
died. The once lovely place looked desolate and
miserable, almost all the fine trees had been ruth-
lessly cut down by one of my successors, in a panic,
lest they should afford cover for hostile Nagas. The
place looked so sad that I could not bear to stay
there as I had intended, and left again almost
directly. We reached Golaghat on December 9th,
and stayed with the Chief Commissioner and started
again on the 12th, and rode fifty-five miles into
Dimapur, but I was not at all well, indeed had been
much the reverse for several days, bad food and
hard work having upset me. We reached Suchema
on the 14th.
Overtures for submission were made by some of
the hostile villages, but I said that an unconditional
surrender of all fire-arms, must precede any negotia-
N
178 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUK.
tions. Meanwhile, I grew daily worse, and tne
doctors told me that I must go to Mariipur for
change and quiet, which, as there was nothing to be
done just then, I did, leaving Captain Williamson in
charge of the Political Department.
I reached Manipur on December 22nd, and a day
or two's rest did me so much good that I left again
on the 27th, and rode to Mythephum, sixty miles,
but was taken ill on the road, and suffered most
dreadful pain for the last twenty miles, arriving
completely prostrated. The next day, being worse,
I sent a message to Manipur, asking for the native
doctor and a litter to be sent to meet me, while I
got back as far as Mayang Khang on my pony,
though hardly able to sit upright. I halted here
for the night, but had no sleep, and in the morning
started in a rough litter, but the shaking increased
the pain, so that I again tried riding till I reached
Kong-nang-pokhee, twenty miles from Manipur,
where, to my intense relief, I found my doolai and
our native doctor, Lachman Parshad. I reached
Manipur at 11 P.M.
Next day, December 30th, I was no better, and
as the doctor was very anxious, not understanding
my case, which was acute inflammation, my wife
wrote to Dr. O'Brien of the 44th, asking him to
come and see me. I was laid up till January 17th,
and only narrowly escaped with life, my suffering
being aggravated by a deficiency of medicine in
our hospital, and a week's delay in getting it from
Cachar. One day I got out of bed to see Than gal
Major on very important business connected with
Korioma, of which some of the inhabitants had tried
SIR STEUART BAYLEY. 179
to open an intrigue with Manipur. Dr. O'Brien
arrived about the 13th, and left on the 18th, and I
was preparing to follow in a few days, when com-
plications on the Lushai frontier detained me, and
then as the Chief Commissioner was about to come
up en route to the Naga Hills, to present the Maha-
rajah with the order of the Star of India in recogni-
tion of his services, I waited till I could march up
with him.
On January 30th, I heard that the Baladhun tea
factory in Cachar had been attacked, and a European
and several coolies killed by the Merema clan of
Konoma. Knowing that Cachar was badly off for
troops, I asked the Durbar to send two hundred men to
the frontier, close to the tea factory, to aid the Cachar
authorities, and this was done. On February 6th, I
started for Cachar to meet the Chief Commissioner,
reaching that place on the 7th, and marched back
with him, arriving at Manipur on February 20th,
where he was received with every demonstration of
respect, the Maharajah turning out with all his court
to meet him at the usual place, and escorting him to
the spot where the road turned off to the Residency.
The Chief Commissioner's visit gave the greatest
satisfaction to every one in Manipur. He stayed five
days, during which he had several interviews with
the Maharajah, and held a grand Durbar, at which he
invested him with the star and badge of a K.C.S.I.
He also attended a review held by the Rajah, besides
seeing all the sights of the place, including a game
of polo by picked players. In fact the visit was a
thorough success, and the Manipuris often spoke of
it with pleasure years afterwards.
x 2
ISO MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Just before we started for the Naga Hills, I
received the news of an attack by the Chussad Kulds
on the Tankhool village of Chingsow, to the north-
east of Manipur, forty-five people were said to have
been killed or carried off; and the excitement was all
the greater from the belief entertained that the attack
had been instigated by the Burmese. I determined,
after consultation with Sir Steuart Bayley, to pro-
ceed to the spot myself, and investigate the whole
affair ; and it was, therefore, decided that, after
escorting him to Kohima, I should return to Manipur
and take up the case. We marched to Kohima,
which we reached on March 1st, and on the 2nd, I
returned to Mao, en route to Manipur, where I arrived
on March 5th.
Before leaving the subject of the Nago Hills, I
ought to say, that, it is difficult to over-estimate our
obligation to the Maharajah, for his loyal conduct
during the insurrection and subsequent troubles.
According to his own belief, we had deprived him of
territory belonging to him, and which he had been
allowed to claim as his own. The Nagas asked him
to help them, and promised to become his feudatories, if
only he would not act against them. The temptation
must have been strong, to at least serve us as we
deserved, by leaving us in the lurch to get out of the
mess, as best as we could. Instead of this, Chandra
Kirtee Singh loyally and cheerfully placed his
resources at our disposal, and certainly by enabling
me to march to its relief, prevented the fall of
Kohima, and the disastrous results which would have
inevitably followed. It is grievous to think that his
son, the then Jubraj Soor Chandra Singh, who served
THE AFGHAN WAR. - 181
us so well, was allowed to die in exile, and that
Thangal Major died on the scaffold : while many
others who accompanied the expedition, were trans-
ported as criminals, across the dreaded " black water "
to the Andamans.
It was the misfortune of those engaged in the
Naga Hills expedition, that they were overshadowed,
and their gallant deeds almost ignored, by the Afghan
war then in progress. Some of the English papers
imagined that the operations in the Naga Hills were
included in it, and the Grovernment of India,
which has only eyes for the North- West Frontier,
showed little desire to recognise the hard work, and
good service rendered on its eastern border, amidst
difficulties far greater than those which beset our
troops in Afghanistan. The force engaged, hoped
that the capture of Konorna, which was achieved after
such hard fighting and at so great a loss, would have
been at least recognised by some special decoration,
but this hope was disappointed, apparently for no
other reason, than that the troops engaged, fought
in the east, and not in the west of India. Kaye, the
historian, once said that, " the countries to the east of
the Bay of Bengal, were the grave of fame." Well
did the Naga Hills campaign, prove the truth of his
words. A bronze star was the reward of a bloodless
march from Kabul to Kandahar, but not even a
clasp could be spared to commemorate the capture
of Konoma, and those who never saw a shot fired,
shared the medal awarded equally with those who
fought and bled in that bloody fight.
182 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER XX.
Visit Chinjrsow to investigate Chussad outrage — Interesting country —
Rhododendrons — Splendid forest — Chingsow and the murder —
Chattik — March back across the hills.
I HAD not fully recovered my strength after my
illness, and besides there was much to do, so I did
not start for Chingsow till the llth, when I marched
to Lairen, twenty-five miles distant. Near a place
called Susa Kamerig, where the hills approach each
other very closely, from either side of the valley, a
rampart connects them. It was built in former days
as a barrier against the Tankhools, when they were
the scourge of the neighbourhood.
After leaving Susa Kameng, the valley narrowed
for some miles, and then we crossed a ridge about
1000 feet above it, and finally descended into a
charming little upland valley, which, but for the
Kukis, those terrible enemies of trees and animal life,
would be the cherished home of wild elephants.
After crossing this, we again made a slight descent,
and found ourselves close to the camp on a lovely
stream. There I found Bularam Singh, who was to
be minister in attendance on me during my march,
that part of the country being under his jurisdiction.
The next day we went on to Noong-suong-kong
MOUNTAIN SCENERY. 183
over a most lovely country, often. 5000 feet above
the sea, and with hill villages in the most romantic
situation ; and — remarkable sign of the peace pro-
duced by the rule of Manipur — we met large
numbers of unarmed wayfarers. This day we also
saw terrace cultivation, in which the Tankhools
excel, and rhododendrons in full flower, a splendid
sight. The next day, after another most interesting
march, we halted in a pretty upland valley, 5100 feet
above the sea; the valley was long, and a stream
meandered through it, the banks being clothed
with willows and wild pear trees, covered with
blossoms. The hillsides were well-wooded, the
trees being chiefly pines with rhododendrons here
and there.
On March 14th, we descended the Korigou-Chow-
Chirig, and in a village I saw for the first time
shingle roofs. We passed the last fir tree at 5800 feet,
and reached the watershed at 7300 feet. At the
top of the pass in a slightly sheltered position, was
a solitary rhododendron. The cold was so great
that, though walking, I was glad to put on a thick
great-coat ; the winds were exceedingly piercing.
Some of the hills round were denuded of trees, and
the hill people said that it was the severity of the
winds that prevented their growth. The view from
the highest point was splendid, on all sides a mag-
nificent array of hills and valleys. Near to us were
some of the most luxuriant forests I have ever seen,
the trees of large size, and many of them with
gnarled trunks, recalling the giants of an English
park. Under some of these trees was a greensward
where it would have been delightful to encamp,
184 MY EXPERIENCES IN.MANIPUR.
had time allowed, but the difficulty of obtaining
water limits one's halting place in the hills. Every-
where on the western face of the hills pines seemed
to stop at 5800 feet; but on the east they rose
to 9400 !
Four villages, in the Tankhool country, apparently
monopolised the bulk of the cloth manufactures, and
different tribal patterns were made to suit the
purchaser. Some of these cloths are very handsome
and strong, and calculated to wear for a long time.
But the superior energy of the Manipuris in cloth
weaving, has greatly injured the trade in the hill
villages ; in the same way that Manchester and
Paisley have injured the weaving trade in most
of India. The Manipuris supply a fair pattern
of the different tribal cloths at a lower price,
and thus manage to undersell those of native manu-
facture, but the quality is not nearly so good
as in the original. The prices in the hills are
decidedly high. Every village has its blacksmith,
but some devote themselves more especially to
ironwork.
We reached Chingsow on March 15th, after a
march of twelve miles that morning, chiefly made up
of ascents and descents, some being so steep that it
was with difficulty that we got along. Finally, after
a direct ascent of 4980 feet, followed by a descent of
3600 feet, we reached our encamping ground below the
village which towered above us. The next day I in-
vestigated the case, and found that, as reported, twenty
males and twenty-five females had been murdered.
I saw the fresh graves and dug up one a,s evidence,
the bodies contained in it were those of a mother and
A MASSACRE. 185
child, and presented a frightful spectacle with half
of the heads cut off, including the scalp, and both in
an advanced state of decomposition. It appeared that
a demand has been made by Tonghoo, the Chussad
Chief, that the Chingsow Nagas should submit to him
and pay tribute, but they, of course, refused as
subjects of Manipur. They heard of nothing more
till they were attacked on the morning of the fatal
day. The people had just begun to stir, and some
had lighted their fires, when suddenly they heard
the fire of musketry at the entrance of the village.
They ran out of their houses, and the Chussads fell
upon them, and the massacre commenced. The
assailants were about fifty in number, arid the people
in their terror were driven in all directions, and
slaughtered, some being shot and others being cut
down by daos.
While this was going on, some of the men assembled
with spears and advanced on the Chussads, who then
retreated firing the village, and carrying off all the
pigs, spears and iron hoes they could lay hands on.
Five Nagas of Chattik came with the Chussads and
were recognised. The village of Chingsow was
most strongly situated, even more so than Konoma,
indeed, the same might be said of many villages in
that part of the country, and is entered by long
winding paths cut through the rock, by which only
one man at a time could pass, so that well defended
it would be difficult to take. But the fact was that
Manipur having put a stop to blood feuds among
jts subjects, had rather placed them at a disadvan-
tage, as they were not quite as well prepared for
an attack as formerly.
186 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUR.
After leaving Chirigsow, we marched through a
pretty country, part of our way lying along a
high ridge with a precipice on one side, and a
deep ravine on the other, and we finally halted
in a stream far below our last camp. Every march
was a succession of steep ascents and then equally
steep descents into narrow valleys. It was most
exasperating sometimes to see how needlessly an
ascent was made over a high ridge, when a
path of no greater length could have been made
round it.
On the 17th, I encamped beside a river where I
was visited by many Tankhools, including children,
who crowded round me fearlessly. The people were
a fine race, but almost inconceivably dirty, some of
them seemed grimed with the dirt of years. There
were plenty of fine pieces of terrace cultivation. It
was very curious to find that among the Tankhools
there seemed to be a universal belief that they
originally sprung from the " Mahawullee," or sacred
grove in Manipur.
On March 18th, we reached Chattik, a fine village
on a ridge from which we had a splendid view,
including the Chussad villages. As I had done all I
had come for, and wished to see a new country, I
determined to march back straight to Manipur across
the hills. It was not the beaten track which lay by
Kongal Tannah, and no one in my camp knew it, but
I felt sure it could be found, and old Bularam Singh
cheerfully agreed. We started on the 19th, and
after passing a village that had been plundered by
the Chussads, we halted after a sixteen-mile march,
during which I was badly hurt by a bamboo which
A PROSPEROUS VILLAGE. 187
pierced my leg. On the march we passed some
terrible-looking pits, 12 feet deep, and about 3 or 3^
feet wide with sharp stakes at the bottom. They are
meant to catch enemies on the war path, or deer, and
are placed in the centre of the roads and covered
lightly. God help the poor man or animal who is
impaled in these horrible pits and dies in agony, for
no one else will.
On the 20th, we halted at Pong, after an interest-
ing but tiring march, during which we crossed the
summit of a high range at 7100 feet, covered with
forest, and small and very solid bamboos. The
descent was through a noble pine forest with trees
that must have been two hundred feet high. It
rained heavily, and when we halted I should have
had a miserable night of it but for the care of the
Manipuris, who built me a comfortable hut, and
went away smiling and cheerful to cook their
food, though they looked half drowned. Never did
I see men work better under difficulties. Owing
to them I had as nice a resting-place as a man
on the march could want, and an hour after I had
an excellent dinner.
We started early next morning, and made a
gradual ascent till we reached Hoondoong, a
Tankhool village 5200 feet above the sea. After
that our road lay through a splendid fir forest,
with here and there an avenue of oaks, but from
time to time we came across large tracts of forest
that had been laid low and burned. At Hoondoong
I saw some curious graves, high mounds shaped like
a large H.
They were outside the village. There were also
188 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
more and better-looking women and children than
are to be seen in most Tankhool villages. The men
of the Tankhool race are, in physique, quite equal to
the Angamis.
In the main street of Hoondoong, there were two
rows of dead trees about twenty feet high, planted in
front of the houses, and orchids were growing on
them. The people seemed happy and contented
under the rule of Manipur, and their houses were
large and commodious structures.
We reached Eethum Tannah in the valley of
Manipur after a terrible descent, rendered all the
more difficult by heavy rain, which made the narrow
path so slippery as to be almost impassable. During
the whole of my long march through a wild
country covered with forest I had, with the excep-
tion of the Hoolook monkey (Hyloliete) seen no wild
animals, scarcely a bird !
I reached Manipur on March 22nd, having greatly
enjoyed my tour in the hills, and had hardly
arrived when Thangel Major came to see me and
talk about the Chussad business. Soon after I sent
to Tonghoo, the Chussad chief, to demand his sub-
mission. He did not come himself, but sent his
brother Yankapo. The Manipuris thought this a
grand opportunity to secure hostages, and begged
me to allow the arrest of him and his followers.
I severely rebuked them for making such a treach-
erous proposal.
I had several interviews with the young chief and
his followers who spoke Manipuri fluently, and
admitted that they were subjects of the Maharajah.
This visit eventually led to a better understanding
SUBMISSION. 189
with the Chussads, and to the submission of Tonghoo
himself, who subsequently became a peaceable sub-
ject. For the present, however, I had to exact
reparation for the attack on Chingsow, and for some
months the affair cost me much anxiety.
190 MY EXPERIENCES IN MAN1PUE.
CHAPTER XXI.
Saving a criminal from execution — Konoma men visit me — A terrible
earthquake — Destruction wrought in the capital — Illness of the
Maharajah — Question as to the succession — Arrival of the Queen's
warrant — Reception by Maharajah — The Burmese question.
ABOUT this time I heard one morning that a man
had been convicted in concert with a woman of
committing a grave offence, and that the woman
had, according to custom, been sentenced to be
exposed in every bazaar in the country, in the way
already described. The man had been sentenced
to death, and ordered to Shoogoonoo for execution.
As the offence was not one which our courts would
punish with death, I sent a friendly remonstrance
to the Maharajah, and requested that he might be
produced before me, that I might satisfy myself
that he was uninjured. The Maharajah at once
consented, and in a few days the man was brought
before me safe and sound, and after having been ex-
posed as a criminal in several bazaars, he was sentenced
with my approval to a fitting term of imprisonment.
I also asked the minister in future, to let me know
for certain when a sentence of death was passed,
that I might advise them, without appearing to the
outer world to interfere, in case they inadvertently
condemned a man to capital punishment, for a crime
CRIMINAL REFORMS.
which our laws would not approve of being visited
so severely. Realising that rny object was to save
them from discredit, they at once consented, and I
hinted that I would never sanction the penalty of
death for cow-killing.
As I have stated, it had been almost always the
custom to refer death sentences to me. Often and
often when I made a remonstrance to the ministers
about any contemplated action of which I dis-
approved, I was told that I misapprehended the
state of things, and that nothing of the kind was
intended. Of course, I let them down easily, and
appeared satisfied with their assurances. However,
neither party was deceived, they accepted my strong
hint in a friendly spirit, and knew well that I took
their denial as a mere matter of form. The result
was what I cared for, and it was generally achieved
without friction.
One of the most unpleasant parts of iny duty was
the perpetual necessity of saying " No " to the
ministers. My great object was to be continually
building up our prestige. Colonel McCulloch had
said to me, " Never make any concession to the
Manipuris without an equivalent," and it is incon-
ceivable how many times in our daily intercourse
I had to refuse little apparently insignificant, but
really insidious requests. The struggle on behalf
of native British subjects was long kept up, but in
the end I gained my point, and their rights and
privileges were fully recognised.
Early in June, some men of the Mereina clan of
Konoma who were fugitives in a very wild part of
the hills of Manipur bordering on the Naga Hills,
192 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
came to me, making a piteous appeal for mercy,
saying they would have nothing to do with the
Naga Hills officials, but came to me as their old
friend and master in the days when I was at Sarna-
«/
gudting. As they came in trusting to my honour,
I would not have them arrested, but sent them away,
telling them that nothing but good and loyal conduct
on their part could win my esteem, and that they
must make their submission and deliver up Mr.
Damant's murderers to the Political Officer in the
Naga Hills, before I consented to deal with them.
I also gave orders to the Manipuri troops on the
frontier, to act with the utmost vigour against all
Konoma men found within the territory of Manipur.
Soon after some Lushais visited me, and we
settled up a long-standing dispute between them and
Manipur.
The Konoma men continued to give much trouble,
and to keep some check on them, I refused at last
to allow any to enter Manipur, except by the Mao
Tannah, and furnished with a pass from the Political
Officer, Colonel Michell. I also arrested one of the
supposed murderers, but the evidence against him
was not considered quite satisfactory.
On the morning of June 30th, at 4.45, when we
were at Kang-joop-kool there was a violent earth-
quake, the oscillations continuing with great force
from north to south, and apparently in a less degree
from east to west for some minutes. Plaster was
shaken from the walls, and crockery and bottles
thrown down, and furniture upset. Locked doors
were flung open and the whole house, built of wood
and bamboo, shaken as by a giant hand. Two Naga
AN EARTHQUAKE. 193
girls sleeping in my children's room next to the one
my wife and I occupied, sprang up and ran outside,
my two boys, not realising what was up, seemed to
think it a good joke. We all got up and hurried on
our things to be ready for an emergency, but I soon
saw that all present danger was over. At 8.50 A.M.,
there was another sharp shock, and again about
2 P.M., besides several slighter ones.
In the valley, and especially at the capital, the
shocks were of the utmost violence and the earth-
quake said to be the worst known with the exception
of the terrible one of January 1869. Many houses
built of wood and bamboo were levelled with the
ground, the ruins at Langthabal greatly injured, and
a peepul tree growing over a picturesque old temple
torn off. The old Residency was greatly injured,
part being thrown down, and the fireplace and
chimney shaken into fragments, but still, strange to
say, standing. Some houses in the Residency com-
pound were rendered useless. The great brick
bridge on the Cachar road was cracked and much
damage done. The earth opened in several places.
The new Residency, which was nearly finished, and
was built in the old English half-timbered style, was
intact.
During the next few days several more shocks
occurred, causing much alarm among the people, who
predicted something still worse. The earthquake
was followed by the severest outbreak of cholera that
I had witnessed since a dreadful epidemic in Assam
in 1860. There were many deaths in the palace,
and public business was at a standstill. I was
unable to lay any question before the Durbar, as half
o
194 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
the officials were performing the funeral ceremonies
of relations. The great bazaar was closed at sunset,
and even then many of the sellers went home to find
their children dead or dying. Everywhere on the
banks of the rivers, and streams, people might be
seen performing the funeral obsequies of relations
and lamenting the dead. Amid this trouble, the
attitude of all classes was such as to excite admira-
tion, there were no cases of sick being deserted and
every one appeared calm and collected.
Later on, the cholera attacked my village of Kang-
joop-kool, and ten per cent, of the population died.
Early in the autumn, the Maharajah was taken ill
with an abscess behind the ear, and great appre-
hensions were entertained for his life. The whole
capital was for weeks in a state of alarm, fearing a
struggle for the throne in case of his death. The
four eldest sons, and also some members of the family
of the late Eajah Nur Singh, had their followers
armed so as to be ready to assert their several claims
immediately the Maharajah died, the former were
constantly in attendance on their father night arid
day. The Maharajah was himself very anxious
about the conduct of his younger sons. As suffoca-
tion might any moment have terminated the invalid's
life, I made all necessary plans, with a view to
acting promptly, if required, and, in conjunction with
Thangal Major, arranged so as to secure the guns
and bring them over to the Residency the moment
that he died. I also desired the Jubraj (heir
apparent) to come over to me at once, in the event of
the death of his father, that I might instantly pro-
claim him and give him my support. I had a most
THE MAHAEAJAH ILL. 195
grateful message from the Maharajah in reply, as
also from the Jubraj, who promised to abide entirely
by my instructions. However, the abscess burst, and
the Maharajah recovered, and though a shot im-
prudently fired one evening led to a panic when
the bazaar was deserted, things soon settled down
again.
As soon as the Maharajah was again able to
transact business, he begged me to write to the
Government of India and request that the Jubraj
should be acknowledged by them as his successor. I
did so, at the same time strongly urging that the
guarantee should be extended to the Jubraj's children,
so as to preclude the possibility of a disputed suc-
cession on his death. The Jubraj earnestly supported
this request, but the Maharajah preferred adhering
to the old Manipuri custom, which really seemed
made to encourage strife. If, for instance, a man had
ten sons, they all succeeded one after the other,
passing over the children of the elder ones, but when
the last one died, then his children succeeded as
children of the last Eajah, to the exclusion of all the
elder brothers' children. All the same, if these could
make good their claim by force of arms, they were
cheerfully accepted by the people who were ready to
take any scion of Royalty.
The consequence had always been in former days
that to prevent troublesome claims, a man, on
ascending the throne, immediately made every effort
to murder all possible competitors. It is obvious
that such a cumbersome system was undesirable, and
I held that having once interfered we ought to set
things on a proper and sensible basis, and that there
o 2
196 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
was no middle course between this and leaving the
people to themselves. Thangal Major, who always
greatly dreaded the violent and unscrupulous dis-
position of Kotwal Koireng (afterwards Senapattee),
agreed with me. The Maharajah, however, with a
father's tenderness for his sons, would not advocate
my proposal, but still, would have gladly accepted it.
The Government of India judged differently, and
only sanctioned my proposal so far as to allow
me to say that they would guarantee the Jubraj's
succession, and maintain him on his throne. This
decision gave great satisfaction.
This year was unpleasantly distinguished by a
great deficiency of rain in the valley, and a corre-
sponding superfluity, though at irregular intervals,
in the hills. For a long time there were appre-
hensions of scarcity, while in the hills the rainfall
was so heavy that the Laimetak bridge was washed
away and the river rose six feet above its banks.
On one side, a large portion of its pebbly bed was
hollowed out, and much widened, and 80 feet width
of solid boulders carried away. The Eerung rose
about 40 feet, and portions of the hill road were cut
away, but the want of steady rain was felt.
By the end of September, the Maharajah was able
to transact business, though, as he was not well
enough to visit me, I visited him, that I might
congratulate him on his recovery, and present him
with Her Majesty's warrant, appointing him a
Knight Commander of the Star of India. The
papers bearing the Queen's signature were received
with a salute of thirty-one guns, and the Maharajah
rose to take it from my hand, and at once placed it
THE STAE OF' INDIA. 197
on his forehead, making an obeisance. I then made
a speech to all assembled, expressing my satisfaction
at the Maharajah's recovery, and the gratification it
gave me to be the means of conveying the warrant
to him.
Nothing of great importance now occurred, but I
was constantly occupied by the troubled state of the
eastern frontier of Manipur where Sumjok (Thoung-
doot) continued to intrigue with the Chussad arid
Choomyang Kukil, who were a ceaseless trouble to
the Tankhool Nagas, about Chattik. These intrigues
were conducted with a view to gaining over the
latter as subjects. The chief difficulty of Manipur
was, that the boundary had never been properly
defined, so neither party had a good case against the
other. Manipur was in possession, but otherwise
everything was unsatisfactory, our failure to settle
the Kongal case having encouraged the Burmese
authorities to resistance.
198 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER XXII.
March to Mao and improvement of the road — Lieutenant Eaban — Constant
troubles with Burmah — Visit to Mr. Elliott at Kohima — A tiger
hunt made easy — A perilous adventure — Hose bushes — Brutal conduct
of Prince Koireng — We leave Manipur for England.
IN November, I marched to Mao on the Naga Hills
frontier, and arranged for the improvement of some
of the halting places on the way. I also asked
Sir Steuart Bayley, the Chief Commissioner, to
allow Lieutenant Raban, R.E., to visit Manipur,
with a view to laying out the line of a cart road
from the Manipur valley to Mao. This arrangement
he sanctioned, and Lieutenant Raban arrived in
Manipur on December 30th, 1880. The line from
Sengmai was bad throughout, and an exceedingly
difficult one in many places. Thangal Major accom-
panied us, and I had induced the Maharajah to open
out a narrow road, on being supplied with the
necessary tools. We carefully examined the whole
of the road in detail, and, after deciding on the line
to adopt, cut the trace. It was a matter requiring
great skill and patience, both of which Lieutenant
Raban had. He was very ably seconded by the
Manipuris, whose keen intelligence made them good
auxiliaries. Often the line had to be cut along the
face of a cliff, but fortunately the rock was soft, and
the work was accomplished without accident. The
A NEW EOAD. 199
way we turned the head of the Mao river, the
descent to and ascent from which I had so often, so
painfully accomplished, was a great success, and did
not materially increase the distance, as we saved it
by striking the main path at different points.*
In the village of Mukhel near which we passed,
we saw a pear tree three or four hundred years old,
and greatly venerated by the villagers. In the
same village I saw a Naga cut another man's hair
with a dao (sword). The operation was performed
most dexterously and neatly, by holding the dao
under the hair, and then slightly tapping the latter
with a small piece of wood. The result was that the
hair-cutting was as neatly accomplished as it could
have been by the best London hair-dresser. I asked
a fine young Naga why all his tribe wore a single
long tuft of hair at the back ? He at once replied,
" To make the girls admire me," and added that
without it, he should be laughed at. This is the
only explanation I ever had of the curious fact that
most of the Naga tribes wear a long tuft behind,
like Hindoos. By the third week in January we
had laid out the line of road. Thangal Major
approved of most of it, but said, regarding the piece
between Sengmai and Kaithemahee, " I will cut it as
I promised, but who will ever use it ? " I differed
from him, as nothing could exceed the tortuous and
' C.7
hilly nature of the old road, running as it did across
one succession of spurs and deep ravines, one of
the most heart-breaking paths I ever went along.
* This was the road along which Colonel Johnstone had marched to
relieve Kohima. The old route from the capital of Manipur to Cachar was
easy enough in comparison. — ED.
200 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Within a month of its completion the old path was
entirely deserted.
My health was beginning to break down entirely.
I had been very ill during and immediately after the
Naga Hills Expedition, and during the last march I
was laid up one or two days. My wife had long
been a sufferer, but she did not like to leave me, and
I did not like to leave Manipur while the frontier
was disturbed and the Kongal case unsettled. How-
ever, now I felt that we both must have change,
and our children also were of an age to go home.
On my return from looking after the road, fresh
complications awaited me. News came from Ohattik
of the Sumjok (Thoungdoot) authorities having
again caused dissension and joined with another
village in firing on a Manipuri piquet. This had led to
reprisals on the part of the Manipuris, who attacked
and drove out the enemy. All this was done with-
out our relations with Sumjok being anything but
strained, the act of hostility being unauthorised.
The ill-defined nature of the frontier was such, that
neither party could be said to be in the right or
wrong. The Kuki, Chussad, and other frontier
villages took advantage of the state of things to
plunder the Tankhools, and the latter in their turn
appealed to Manipur.
I felt that, until something was done to set things
on a right footing, I could not leave. Sir Steuart
Bayley was about this time appointed to Hyderabad,
which added to my difficulties, as he was intimately
acquainted with the situation, and of course a change
in the administration necessarily means delay. The
Burmese authorities, knowing what I now do, were
GUEKILLA WAEFARE. 201
always, as I then believed, favourably inclined to us ;
the ill-feeling was entirely on the part of Sumjok,
whose Tsawbwa had influence at Maridalay, and was
able to prevent justice being done in the case in
which he was so discreditably concerned. He also
took advantage of this influence to carry on the
guerilla warfare he did through the Chussads, who
disliked Manipur, on account of some treacherous
behaviour on her part in former years.
As the spring advanced, of course the danger
of hostilities became less. Caesar said, " Omnia bella
hieme requiescunt" The reverse holds good in India,
and on the eastern frontier the fiercest tribes keep
quiet in the rainy season.*
In March, I heard that Mr. (now Sir Charles)
Elliott, the new Chief Commissioner, was about to
visit Kohima, where he wished to meet me, and I set
off on my way there, arriving on the 19th, being well
received all along the road by the people of the
different villages. I had a long talk with the Chief
Commissioner about the affairs of Manipur, and the
necessity for a survey and delimitation of the boun-
dary between it and Burmah during the ensuing
cold weather, and then returned. The new road had
been opened out to such a width, except here and
there — I was able to ride the whole distance.
The weather was lovely, and the rhododendrons
near Mao, and the wild pears, azaleas, and many
other flowering trees along my route, made the long
journey a most pleasant one. Let me say here, while
on the subject of the road, that, notwithstanding all
the criticisms passed on it and predictions of its
* All wars rest in winter.
202 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
uselessness, it proved of immense, nay, incalculable
value during the Burmese War of 1885-86, and the
sad troubles of 1891. It was throughout of an easy
gradient, never exceeding one in twenty, and, had a
bullock train been established, might have been used
from an early date for conveying produce from
Manipur to the stations of Kohima.
This was my last visit to Kohima, a place fraught
with so deep an interest to me, and so many pleasant
and painful associations. I shall always regret that
the site chosen by myself and Major Williamson was
not adopted for the new cantonment, which, with the
larger space available, would have admitted of a
greater development than is possible under present
circumstances. Still the place will always possess
an undying interest for me, filled as it is with the
memory of events bearing on my work from the
early triumphs of old Grhumbeer Singh, and my pre-
decessor, Lieut. Gordon, to the day when I marched
in at the head of the relieving party, and heard the
fair-haired English child told by her mother that at
last she could have water to drink !
On my return to Manipur, I intended to have
started for England, and our passages were taken by
a steamer leaving in April. But the unsettled state
of the Burmese frontier forced me to stay till the
rains had set in in the hills. During this spring
we had a visitor, Mr. Hume, C.B., the well-known
ornithologist, who spent three months in studying
the birds of Manipur, with the result, I believe, that
very few new species were found.
In April, we had a little excitement to vary the
monotony of life, though to me my work was of such
TIGER SHOOTING. 203
never-ending interest, that I needed nothing of the
kind. On April 13th, the Maharajah sent to tell me
that a tiger had been surrounded, and asked me to
go out and help to shoot it. The place was about
fourteen miles from the capital, and we started
early and rode off to a spot a few miles from
Thobal.
I took my sister and the two boys with me, my
wife staying with the baby. The tiger had, ac-
cording to Manipuri custom, been first enclosed by a
long net, about eight feet high, and outside this a
bamboo palisading had been erected, on which the
platforms were built for the spectators. The space
enclosed was eighty to a hundred yards in diameter,
and contained grass and scrub jungle, and a log of
wood tied to strong ropes was arranged, so that it
might be dragged up and down to drive the tiger
out of the covert. As soon as we were all in our
places this rope was vigorously pulled, with the
result that a tigress, followed by two cubs, sprang
out with a loud roar. The Jubraj was present, and
took command of the proceedings, courteously asking
me from time to time what I wished done. After
the first charge, the tiger was not very lively, and
this being the case, several Manipuris, contrary to
orders, jumped down into the arena with long and
heavy spears in the right hand, and a small forked
stick in the left. With the latter they held up a
portion of the net, which had been allowed to fall on
the ground to shield their faces, if necessary, and
with the right hand poised the spear, shouting to
irritate the tiger, whom others in the stockade tried
to drive out by throwing stones.
204 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Roused by this, the infuriated brute charged in
earnest at one of the men on foot, the latter awaited
her with the utmost coolness, and, as she approached,
struck her with the spear ; the tiger, however, made
good her charge, but the net stopped her, and she
rolled over, and when released, she retreated. This
was repeated, both by the tigress and the cubs, and
after a shot or two, the men on foot attacked them
with spears and finished them off.
The whole scene was a very exciting one and a
very fine display of courage and coolness on the part
of the Manipuris.
We did not reach home till 10 P.M., but the
weather was splendid, not unbearably hot as it
would have been in India so late in the season.
The day was a memorable one to the boys, and I well
remember the astonishment they caused when, stop-
ping at Shillong on their way home, some one
jokingly said, " And how many tigers have you
shot ? " The boys gravely replied " Three."
The day was very nearly proving the last to some
of us. The two boys were being carried in a litter,
and my sister and I riding on ponies. On leaving
the village where we had halted, we were riding
down a narrow path with only room for one to pass
at a time, when, suddenly, I heard a shout behind me
and saw an elephant following me at a great pace,
the mahout (driver) vainly endeavoured to stop him,
he had been frightened by the tiger's dead body and
was quite unmanageable. I called to my sister, who
was in front, to ride at full speed, and I followed as
quickly as her pony would allow. It was a race for
life, as, had the elephant gained on us, I, at least, must
NAKROW ESCAPE. 205
have been crushed. Luckily, the mahout recovered
his control, and managed to slacken the pace.
On our way home, we passed bushes of wild roses
twenty feet in diameter and quite impenetrable.
Finally, the tiger was taken to the Maharajah, who
had not been well enough to come, and, next morning,
was brought to us and skinned.
I have already alluded to the turbulent character
of Kotwal Koireng, the Maharajah's fourth son, and
now, again, I was to have fresh evidence of it. Early
in May, I heard of his having three men so severely
beaten that one had died, and two were dangerously
ill. On investigation, I found that the men had been
tied up and beaten on the back, it was said, for two
hours and slapped on the face at the same time. I
questioned the ministers, and practically there was no
defence, and, as I heard that the Maharajah was
enquiring into the matter, I said no more, beyond a
warning that a case of murder must not be passed
over.
The Maharajah handed over the case to the Cherap
Court* for trial, and, as might be expected, they ac-
quitted Kotwal of the charge of causing death and
found him guilty of injuring the other two. The
Maharajah sentenced him to banishment for a year to
the island of Thanga, in the Logtak Lake, and tem-
porary degradation of caste. As a sentence of two
years' imprisonment had been passed some years
previously in our own territory, for death caused
under similar circumstances, the sentence was not so
lenient as might have been expected. I reported
the matter to the Government of India, expressing
* Chief Court.
206 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR.
my approval of the sentence, under the circumstances,
and my verdict was ratified. I intimated to the
Durbar that, should such a thing occur again, I should
insist on his permanent banishment from Manipur.
This I was prepared to carry out myself if neces-
sary. I should have liked on this occasion to have
procured his banishment, but, in dealing with Native
States that in these matters are practically indepedent,
it is not always well to press matters too far. In old
days, under our early political agents, such an offence
would have passed unnoticed. It was a point gained
to have the case investigated and adjudicated on by
the Maharajah, and anything approaching to an
adequate sentence inflicted. Since the troubles in
Manipur, I have seen it stated that the sentence was
a nominal one ; that it certainly was not, the prince
was banished to Thanga, and if he surreptitiously
appeared at the capital, he did not appear in public,
and when I left Manipur on long leave, early in 1882,
was still in banishment.
On May 31st, we all left Manipur on our way to
England, and my children bade adieu to a most
happy home. It was a sad parting for most of us,
and though my wife's health and mine urgently re-
quired change, we left the valley with regret, and
felt deep sorrow as we took our last look of it from
the adjacent range of hills. We reached Cachar on
June 8th, having halted as much as possible on high
ground. The rivers were in flood, and sometimes there
was a little difficulty in crossing. We left for Shil-
long on June 9th, and arrived there on the 15th,
leaving again on the 21st for Bombay, from which,
on July 5th, we sailed for England.
RETURN TO ENGLAND. 207
While at Shillong we were the guests of the Chief
Commissioner, so that I had an ample opportunity of
talking over affairs with him, and it was finally
settled that I was to take Shillong on my way back,
and see Mr. Elliott before leaving, to settle the knotty
question of the boundary between Manipur and
Burmah on the spot, in accordance with orders
lately received from the Government of India.
208 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Return to Manipur — Revolution in my absence — Arrangements for
boundary — Survey and settlement — Start for Kongal— Burmah will
not act — We settle boundary — Report to Government — Return to
England.
I "WAS really not fit to undertake any work in India
till my health, was re-established, but could not bear
to leave the interests of Manipur in other hands until
the boundary was settled. I felt that I alone had
the threads of the whole affair in my hands, and that
I could not honourably leave my post till I had seen
Manipur out of the difficulty. Thus it came that
I left England again on September 7th, and my
devoted wife, far less fit than I was for the trials of
the long journey, accompanied me, as she would not
leave me alone.
We reached Shillong on October 18th, 1881, and,
after arranging all matters connected with the
boundary settlement with the Chief Commissioner,
started for Cachar, and reached that place on
October 25th, leaving again for Manipur next day,
and marching to Jeree Ghat, where we were met by
Thangal Major. We made the usual marches, and
reached Manipur on November 4th, the Jubraj
coming out with a large retinue to meet me .at
Phoiching, eight miles from the capital.
While I was away in the month of June, an
THE BOUNDARY SURVEY. 209
attempt at a revolution had occurred, the standard of
revolt having- been raised by a man named Eerengha,
an unknown individual, but claiming1 to be of Royal
lineage ; such revolutions were of common occurrence
in former days. In Colonel McCulloch's time there
were eighteen. In this case there was no result,
except that Eerengha and seventeen followers were
captured and executed. The treatment was un-
doubtedly severe, but not necessarily too much so, as
too great leniency might have led to a repetition, and
much consequent suffering and bloodshed.
I had an interview with the Maharajah, who was
ill when I arrived, as soon as he was well enough;
and set to work to make preparations for our march
to the Burmese frontier. I intimated my desire to
the Maharajah that Bularam Singh, and not Thangal
Major, should accompany me, as I wished the last to
stay at the capital, and also not to let him appear to
be absolutely indispensable.
I had been appointed Commissioner for settling
the boundary with plenipotentiary powers, and
Mr. R. Phayre,, C.S,, who was in the Burmese
commission, and a good Burmese scholar, was ap-
pointed as my assistant. There was also a survey
party under my old friend Colonel Badgley, and
Mr. Ogle, while Lieutenant (now Major, D.S.O.) Dun,*
came on behalf of the Intelligence Department. Mr.
Oldham represented the Geological Survey. Dr.
Watt was naturalist and medical officer, while Captain
Angelo, with two hundred men of the 12th Khelat-i-
G-hilzie Regiment, commanded my escort. Mr. Phayre
arrived first, and I sent him off to Tamu to try and
* Major Edward Dun died on the 5th of June, 1895. — En.
P
210 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
smooth ove* matters with the Burmese authorities
-there. Then my old friend Dun came, soon followed
by Dr. Watt, then the survey party arrived, and
Captain Angelo with my escort, and last of all Mr.
Oldhatti. Never had Manipur seen so many Euro-
pean officers. Some time was required for necessary
triangulations before we could start.
On November 30th, just as the sun was rising,
Thangal Major came to see me, and told me that the
Maharajah was very ill and suffering great pain.
While talking, two guns were fired from the palace,
when the old man turned pale, evidently thinking
that the Maharajah was dead. A few minutes after
a messenger came to inform us that the guns merely
announced a domestic event, but Thangal Major was
nervous and soon took leave, running away to the
palace at a pace that did credit to his sixty-four
years.
On December 1st, Mr. Phayre returned from Tamu,
having had a friendly but unsatisfactory interview
"with the Phoongyee. The Pagan Woon had been
•expected but did not arrive, and the Phoongyee had
no authority to act.
Before starting, the Maharajah visited me in state,
and I introduced all the officers of the party to him.
He looked pale and haggard after his illness, but
seemed in good spirits. At last, on December 16th,
we made a move and marched to Thobal-Yaira-pok,
and on the following day to Ingorok, at the foot of
the hills. My wife accompanied us, as I was ex-
ceedingly anxious to show the Burmese my peaceful
intentions, and felt sure that the presence of a lady
would be a better proof of my bma fides than any
BURMESE ILL-WILL. 211
other I could offer. I heard before leaving the
frontier, that had it not teen for this, a rupture
would have been certain while our relations were in
a state of great tension, but the fact of my wife being
there, convinced the authorities in the Kubo valley,
that I had no idea of hostile action.
I have already described the route to Kongal, and
my escort were much tried by the severity of the
marches over sucli a rough country. The men had
only lately returned from Afghanistan, and were in
fine condition, but they said that the country between
Kandahar and Kabul, was nothing to that between
Ingorok and Kongal Tannah. Every day many men
were footsore, and reached camp, hours after me and
my Manipuris. There can be no doubt that for some
reason or other the Eastern hills and jungles are far
more trying than those of the North- West frontier.
However, at last we arrived safely at Kongal, and
though the Burmese and Sumjok officials, to whom I
had written polite letters asking them to meet me,
did not turn up, the survey work went on merrily.
On the- 18th, Colonel Badgley, who had come by
an independent route through the hills, joined my
camp, and after a conference we came to the con-
clusion that at any rate I was right in claiming the
country occupied by the Chussads and Choomyangs,
as Manipuri territory. This was very satisfactory,
as the day before I had been much annoyed by the
Sumjok authorities having prevented some of the
former fears coming to pay their respects to me.
The attitude of the Sumjok people Was passively
hostile, they refused to join in making out the
boundary, and threw every obstacle in the way of
p 2
MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
my doing so, but they were evidently not inclined to
be the first to shed blood.
On December 19th, I sent out two unarmed
parties to clear some ground for survey marks, but
one of them was stopped by an armed party of
Sumjok men. On hearing this the next day I
ordered the Manipuri subadar in charge, to halt
where he was, and I wrote to the Pagan Woon to
complain, and to ask him to order the Tsawbwaa to
interfere. On the 21st, I heard that another party
had been stopped, and I asked with regard to them
as I had done with the first. That afternoon I
received a civil letter from the Pagan Woon brought
by a Bo (captain), saying that he had orders to
conduct negotiations at Tamu, and was not authorised
to come to Kongal Tannah. I wrote a conciliatory
rqply urging him to visit us.
On the 22nd of December, I henrd that my two
parties had been forcibly driven out by large bodies
of armed men. I therefore called in some Manipuri
detachments lest there should be a collision, as
the atmosphere was getting very warlike, and only
required a spark to produce a conflagration. All
the population of the Kubo valley were said to be
arming. The Burmese we talked to frankly ad-
mitted if there was a rupture the fault would lie
with Mandalay, for not sending a proper repre-
sentative to meet me, in accordance with the re-
quest of the Government of India, conveyed months
before.
Certainly one false move on our part would have
provoked a rupture. However, everything comes
to him who waits. We made every effort to keep
A CHRISTMAS PAETY. 213
the peace, and while the authorities were opposing
us we kept up a friendly intercourse with all the
individual Burmese and Shans near us, and I carried
on negotiation with the Kukis. The Chussads were
inclined to be friendly, but the Choomyangs were
still under the influence of Sumjok. Fortunately
Colonel Badgley found that he could dispense with
the two points from whence our men had been
driven, and we discovered a little stream that formed
an admirable boundary line entirely in accordance
with the terms laid down in Pemberton's definition
of the boundary.
Further north, I knew the country well myself,
and we had now no difficulty in laying down a
definite boundary line about which there could be
no doubt. This was done, and pillars were erected,
and the line marked on the map. Manipur might,
according to Pemberton's statement, have claimed a
good deal of territory occupied by Burmese subjects,
but this I refused to allow, as it would have been
interfering with the " status quo" which I desired to
preserve. I called all the Sumjok people I could to
witness what I had done, and they all agreed that
what I said was fair, and that the fault, if any, lay
with the Burmese authorities, for not taking part in
the arrangement. This was willing testimony, as
none of the people need have come near me. Even
Tamoo, the chief of Old Sumjok, or Taap, as the
Manipuris call it, visited me, and expressed his
satisfaction with what had been done. On Christmas
Day, 1881, my wife and I had a party of seven at
our table, an unprecedented sight, and probably the
last time that nine Europeans will ever assemble at
214 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Korigal Tannab. " My friend Dun, who had been
badly wounded by a pangee (bamboo stake) had to
be carried in.
Before leaving Kongal, I went round all the
pillars that had been erected, and saw that they
were intact. Mr. Ogle's party went off to the north,
escorted through the village of Choomyang by Lieu-
tenant Dun. These people being under the influence
of Sum jolt, it was a very delicate business getting
through their village without a rupture. This affair
Dun managed with great tact. We left Kongal on
our homeward journey on the 6th of January, but
previous to starting I brought my long-standing
negotiations with the Chussads to a successful con-
clusion. They agreed to negotiate with me but not
with the Manipuris, and to abide by my decision
entirely.
I sent a message to the Choomyangs and other
Kukis who had given trouble, telling them that they
were undoubtedly within Manipur, and that I gave
.them forty- two days in which to submit, or clear
,out, adding, that if at the end of that time they gave
any trouble, they would be treated as rebels and
attacked without more ceremony. Eventually they
submitted and became peaceful subjects of Manipur.
As to the great question — that of the boundary — I
may here add that it received the sanction of the
Government of India, and proved a thorough success.
Though not noticing it officially, the Burmese prac-
tically acknowledged it, and it remained intact, till
the Kubo valley became a British possession in
December 1885.
My wife and I reached Manipur on the 9th of
SETTLEMENT. ___ 215
January, having made the last two marches in one,
and next day were joined by Mr. Phayre, who had
come, via Tamil. He gave it as his opinion, that
the Pagan Woon was greatly disappointed at having
had no authority from Mandalay to negotiate with
me, and described him as a sensible well-disposed
man.
I had now to write my report of my mission, and
having finished this, and handed over charge to my
successor, I left Manipur -with my wife c-n the 29th
of January, reaching Cachar, where we met Mr.
Elliott, the Chief Commissioner, pn 5th of February.
We left that evening by boat, and travelling with
the utmost speed possible, with such means as we
possessed, reached Naraingunge, near Dacca, and
after waiting two days for a steamer went to Cal-
cutta, vid Goalundo, and thence to Bombay and
England, where we arrived in March, both ©f us
very much in need of a prolonged rest.
216 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUH.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Return to India — Visit Shillong — Manipnr again — Cordial reception —
Trouble with Thangal Major — New arts introduced.
I LEFT for India again in August 1884. I had
'had but a sad period of sick leave, as my wife never
Tecovered from her fatigue and illness, and died in
1883. I was obliged to prolong my leave to make
arrangements for my children.
I took over charge of the Manipur Agency on the
1st October, 1884, at Shillong, and stayed a few
days with the Chief Commissioner. I left again on
8th October and reached Cachar on the 15th, having
made every effort to push on, and given my boat-
men double pay for doing so. On my way to
Cachar, I met people who complained to me of the
way they had been treated in Manipur while I was
away, and of the arrogance displayed by old Thangal
Major, who, during my absence, had become almost
despotic. Thangal was an excellent man when kept
well in hand, but he required to be managed with
great firmness. During the Maharajah's increasing
illness, a good opportunity was given to a strong-
man to come to the front, and Thangal took ad-
vantage of it. On 20th October, I reached Jeereo
Ghat, and was received with great effusion by the
Minister Bularam Singh. At Kala Naga on the
22nd, I heard definite complaints against Thangal, a
COMPLAINTS. 217
sure proof that something very bad was going on,
as no one would have ventured to complain without
grave provocation. Bularam Singh was Thangal's
rival, so I asked him nothing, knowing well that I
should hear as much as I wanted at Manipur. At
Noongba, next day, there were fresh complaints, the
charge being, that men told off to work on the roads
were being used by Thangal to carry merchandize
for himself.
At Leelanong, overlooking the beautiful Kowpoom
valley, some Nagas (Koupooees) brought me a man
of their tribe who had been carried off as a boy by
the Lushais, and only lately redeemed. He was still
in Lushai costume, and though shorter and fairer, he
greatly resembled one of that tribe, showing what an
influence dress has.
On 28th October, I arrived at Bissenpore, in-
tending to march to the capital next day, but was
delayed by an unpleasant circumstance. It was, as
already mentioned, the custom for the Maharajah to
meet me at the entrance to the capital on my arrival,
but knowing that he was not well, I asked the
minister to write and say that I did not expect him
to do so, but I would invite the Jubraj to meet me
at Phoiching, half-way between the capital and
Bissenpore instead. I also wrote the same to my
head clerk, Baboo Rusni Lall Coondoo, asking him
to notify my wishes to the Durbar, as I felt it
extremely likely that were Bularam Singh alone to
write, old Thangal might intrigue and throw
obstacles in the way to discredit him with me
arid the Durbar. The minister's letters were not
answered, but 1 heard from Rusni Lall Coondoo,
218 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
tli at he asked to see the Jubraj who had already
heard from Bularam Singh, but he was told that he
was ill. After a great deal of delay an interview
was accorded, and though he appeared quite well,
the Jubraj said he was too ill to come, but would
send a younger brother. Feeling sure that there
was nothing to prevent his coming, I sent a message
of sympathy, also to say, that I would wait at Bissen-
pore till he recovered. I knew perfectly well that
all this story had emanated from Thangal Major's
brain, and that I was to be subjected to incon-
venience and want of courtesy, in order to snub his
colleague, He had suffered from a sore foot which
prevented his coming to Jeeree Ghat to meet me and
lie could not forgive Bularam Singh for having taken
his place. The Jubraj ought to have known better,
but among natives any slight offered to a superior is
an enhancement to one's own dignity, so from this
point of view he would gain in his own estimation.
On the morning of October 30th, as soon as I was
dressed, I saw Tliangal Major outside my hut. I
heard afterwards that, directly my decision had been
communicated to the Durbar, he had volunteered to
come out, and as he said, bring me in. When we
had had a little friendly conversation, he with his
usual bluntness, which I did not object to, asked rne
to go in, saying that the Wankai Rakpa* would
meet me, the Jubraj being ill. I firmly declined,
saying that I would wait till he recovered. He then
assured me that the real cause was the critical state
of the Jubraj's wife. I doubted the truth, but a
lady being in the case, courtesy and good feeling
* Knowu as Regent during the recent troubles.
RETURN TO MAN1PUR. -_ ... 219
demanded that I should accept the statement as an
excuse, and I therefore said I would leave, if the
Wankai Rakpa and another prince met me on behalf
of the Jubraj. This was at once agreed to, and I
therefore marched off, being met in great state by
the two princes, who rode by rny side all the way.
As I neared the capital, a vast crowd came out to
meet me, the numbers increasing at every step, and
I was received with every demonstration of respect
and sympathy, many of those who knew my wife
showing a delicacy of feeling that greatly moved me.
Old Thangal, when I met him, spoke very kindly on
the subject, saying, "It is sad to see you return alone,
and we know what it must be to you." Numberless
were the enquiries by name after all the children.
At last I reached the Residency, where my old
attendants were ready to do all they could for me.
It was something like home, old books, furniture,
children's toys, still here and there, and in a corner
of the verandah my little girl's litter, in which she
was carried out morning and evening, but the faces
that make home were away.
I mention the foregoing incident regarding the
Jubraj, as it is a good example of the small diffi-
culties connected with etiquette, that one has to
contend with in a place like Manipur. The question
is far more important than it seems. Any relaxation
in a trifling matter like this, seems to Asiatics a sign
that you are disposed to relax your vigilance in
graver questions. Indeed, to a native chief, etiquette
itself is a very grave matter, arid many terrible
quarrels have arisen from it. I well remember a
slight being offered to the Viceroy, because a Rajah
220 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
fancied he had not received all the honours due
to him.
I found a crop of small difficulties awaiting me in
Manipur, the Durbar, and especially old Thangal, had
got out of hand, and had to be pulled up a little.
There were numberless complaints from British
subjects of petty oppression which had to be listened
to, and I felt it rather hard having this unpleasant
duty to perform just after my return ; but it was
duty, and had to be done, and by dint of firmness*
combined with courtesy, I soon set things right, but
Thangal Major rather resented the steady pressure
which I found it necessary to apply.
Before leaving Manipur in 1881, I had sent off
some Manipuris to Cawnpore to learn carpet making
and leather work. When I returned, these men had
long been making use of their knowledge in Manipur,
and I found that first-rate cotton carpets and boots,
shoes and saddles of English patterns, had been
manufactured for the Maharajah, the workmanship
being in all cases creditable, and in that of the
carpets most excellent.
I tried to send men to Bombay to learn to make
art pottery, and the Maharajah was at one time
anxious about it, but the correspondence with the
School of Art was conducted in so leisurely a
manner on their side, extending over nearly a year,
that he got tired of it, and declined to send the men.
I had a little pottery made in Manipur, which I
brought home with me, the only existing specimens
of an art that died out in its infancy.
I had several pieces of silver work made to try
the mettle of the Manipuri silversmiths, one bowl, a
MANIPUR AKTISTS. 221
most perfect copy of a Burmese bowl with figures on
it in high relief, was beautifully executed, and still
excites the admiration of all who see it.
The Mussulman population of Manipur, was de-
scended from early immigrants from India, Sylhet,
and Cachar, who had married Manipuri wives; they
numbered about 5000, and were rather kept under
by the Durbar, but to nothing like the same extent
that Hindoos would have been under a Mussulman
Government. Formerly, they had to prostrate them-
selves before the Bajah like other subjects, but they
having represented that this was against their
religion, Chandra Kirtee Singh excused them from
doing it, allowing a simple salaam instead. They,
(probably owing to their dependent position), were
not such an ill-mannered and disagreeable set as
their co-religionists of Cachar, and were generally
quiet and inoffensive. The headman of the sect
received the title of Nawab from the Rajah. These
men had a grievance to bring forward when I
returned, and I procured them some redress.
I visited the Maharajah in due course, and found
him better than I expected, and I took an early
opportunity of announcing my return to the Burmese
authorities in the Ktibo valley, receiving civil letters
in return. Unfortunately, I found that great sore-
ness still prevailed in Manipur on account of the
non-settlement of the Kongal case, and I was con-
stantly on the alert lest evil results should follow, as
I always suspected old Thangal of a desire to make
reprisals.
When I had a day to spare, I went to see my
experimental garden arid fir wood, at Kang-joop-
222 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
kool, finding everything in a flourishing state, the
wood a tangled thicket, with foxgloves and other
English flowers growing in wild profusion. One
morning when walking out, I saw some prisoners
going to work, and as they passed me, one or two
looked as if they would like to speak. I accordingly
passed by them again to give them an opportunity,
when a man ran up and complained that he
was imprisoned without any definite period being
assigned, a common practice in Manipur. Another
man, whom he called as a witness, spoke good Hin-
doostani, and on my enquiring where he learned it,
he said he was a Manipuri from Sylhet. I sent for
him directly I got home, and he came with Thangal
Major, and, as he was a British subject, and the
Durbar had no right to imprison him, I sent for a
smith, and had his irons struck off in my presence.
I spoke quietly, but firmly to the Minister, but
showed him plainly that I would not stand having
British subjects imprisoned except by my .orders.
The man's offence was not paying a debt for which
he was security, and the punishment was just,
according to the laws of Manipur, and would have
been in England before 1861.
( 223 )
CHAPTER XXY.
A friend in need — Tour round the valley — Meet the Chief Commissioner —
March to Cachar — Tour through the Tankhool country — Metomie —
Saramettie — Somrah — Terrace cultivators — A dislocation — Old
quarters at Kongal Tannah — Return to the valley — A sad parting.
ON the 26th of November, my old friend Lieutenant
Dun (now Major Dun, D.S.O.), joined me. Knowing
I wanted a friend to cheer me in my loneliness, he
had very kindly accepted the permission of his de-
partment to accompany me on a tour through the
hills to the north-east of Manipur. No European
was more deservedly popular of late years among all
classes in Manipur, where he had visiteJ me once or
twice before. I felt his kindness deeply, he was
always a charming, genial and highly intellectual
companion, and many a long and tiring march was
cheered by his society. On the 2nd of December,
we started on a preliminary tour round the west arid
south of the valley, visiting the Logtak lake, with its
floating islands, its island-hill of Thanga, with its
orange gardens and place of exile, and large fishing
establishment. When I first arrived in Manipur,
oranges were a rarity. Now, owing to the enter-
prise of the Maharajah in planting trees, they were
fairly common, and here we were able to gather
them. The orange tree is capricious and all soils
224: MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
will not suit it, and up to the fifth or sixth year it is
always liable to be attacked by a grub that kills it,
after that it becomes hardier. I never was very
successful with orange trees, though I took great
pains with them. From the Logtak lake, we
marched to a place called Thonglel, in the hills,
where we were met by all the representatives of the
Kukis in that Direction, thence to a place called
Koombee, a settlement of Loees, low-caste Manipuris.
Afterwards we marched to Chairel on the main river
into which all the rivers of Manipur flow before it
enters the hills to the south of the valley. After
visiting Shoogoonoo, a frontier post, we returned to
the capital, on December llth, after a very pleasant
tour of one hundred and forty-six miles in nine
marching days.
We next marched up the road to the Naga Hills,
meeting the Chief Commissioner, Mr. Elliott, at
Mao, and returning with him to Manipur, where the
usual visits were exchanged. After a day or two's
halt, the Chief Commissioner set out for Cachar and I
accompanied him to the frontier at Jeeree Grhat,
returning to Manipur by forced marches. The
bridge over the Mukker had been broken by a fallen
tree, but the river, so formidable in the rains, was
easily fordable. A short time before reaching the
summit of Kala Naga, a pretty little incident
occurred, which I have never forgotten. Some of
my coolies were toiling up the steep ascent with
their loads, when two young Kukis met us with
smiling faces as if something had given them great
pleasure. They immediately made two of the men
with me put down their loads, and took them up
A KIND ACT. 225
themselves to relieve the wearied ones. On my
enquiry who they were, they said they were friends
of my coolies and had come to help them. It was
one of the prettiest sights I ever saw, the pleasure the
two men seemed to derive from doing a kind act.
Dun and I reached Manipur on the 10th of January.
Soon after my return, in fact before the evening, a
Lushai was brought to me who had been found in
the jungle with his hands tightly fastened together
by a bar of iron fashioned into a rude pair of hand-
cuffs. He appeared to be mad, but harmless, and
had probably been kept in confinement by his own
people and had escaped. I had the irons taken off,
and ordered him to be cared for, but he soon ran off
in the direction of his own country.
On the 21st of January, Dun and I set off on our
tour through the Tankhool country. We marched
vid Lairen and Noongsuangkong, already described.
The country had been surveyed, but the surveyors
had taken names of villages given by men from the
Naga Hills district, and they were unrecognisable to
the native inhabitants. Much of my march, after
leaving Noonsuangkoong, was through a new country,
and a very interesting and lovely country it was.
The benefits of being under a strong government
were evident in the peace that reigned everywhere.
The Manipuri language also had spread, and in some
villages seemed to be used by every one, while in
others even children understood it. It was evidently
the common commercial language.
On the 26th, we halted on the Lainer river, the
large village of Gazephimi being far above us at
some miles distant. It was late in the afternoon but
226 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Dun wanted to see all he could, and accompanied
by some hardy Manipuris started. They all returned
in a suspiciously short space of time, just at nightfall,
Dun having astonished every one by his marching
powers. He described the villagers as a surly,
morose set, the description always given of them.
On January 28th we reached Jessami, a fine
village of the Sozai tribe ; they much resembled the
Mao people. They crowded round us and were
much pleased when we showed them our watches,
and allowed them to feel our boots and socks. Some
of the houses were large and well stocked with rice.
One old man took us into his house and showed us a
shield carefully wrapped up in cloth that bore the
tokens of his having slain fifteen people. The
village contained no skulls, and our friends told us
that they obeyed orders and killed no one. We
enquired about the snowy peak of Saramettie,
which was visible from some point not far dis ant,
but the people assured us that they had never heard
of it.
On the 29th, some Metomi men came in with a
young man who acted as interpreter, he having been
captured, and then kept as a guest in Manipur for
some time, to learn the language, by Bularam Singh,
who was the Minister accompanying me. He seemed
quite pleased to see his old host. The Metomi people
were a strange set, quite naked, except for a cloth
over the shoulders in cold weather. They are
slighter built than the Angamis and Tankhools.
They could count up to one hundred, and three of
their numerals, four, six and seven, are the same as
in the Manipuri language. They wear their hair
FRIENDLY VILLAGERS. 227
cut across the forehead like some of the tribes in
Assam. Their patterns of weaving rather resembled
those of the Abors and Kasias, but were finer. They
wore ear-rings of brass wire very cleverly made, the
wire being imported through other tribes.
On the 31st, having heard that I should be well
received, Dun and I started for Metomi, with an
escort of Manipuris. We first made a descent of
2000 feet to the Lainer, which we forded, the water
being knee deep ; there were the remains of a sus-
pension bridge for use in the rainy season. We then
ascended for about 1000 or 1500 feet, till near the
village, when I halted my men and sent on my
Angami interpreter, and one of the Metomi men, to
ask that a party might come down to welcome us, as
I had reason to think that the villagers were unde-
cided as to what they should do, and I feared to
frighten them. After waiting a long time, we heard
a war-cry, and we all started to our feet and seized
our arms, in case of an attack ; the next minute,
however, there was another cry. showing that the
people were carrying loads. Soon after a long line
of men appeared, each carrying a small quantity of
rice, and the heads of the village came forward,
presenting us with fowls, and heaped up the rice in
front of me. We then walked on to the village,
distant about a mile and a quarter, along an avenue
of pollarded oaks, backed by fir trees. At last, after
passing a ditch and small rampart, we reached the
outer gate, then passed along a narrow path, with a
precipice to our right, and a thick thorn hedge to
our left for about eighty yards, as far as the inner
gate, on entering which we found ourselves in the
Q 2
228 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
village. We were then led along a series of winding
streets till we came to the highest part.
This was the most picturesque Naga village I have
ever seen, and reminded me of an old continental
town, the ground it covered, being very hilly, and the
houses, constructed of timber with thatched roofs
with the eaves touching one another, built in streets.
Sometimes one side of a street was higher than the
other, and the upper side had a little vacant space
railed in, in front of the houses.
The houses were more like those of the Tankhools
than the Angamis, and contained round tubs for beer
cut out of a solid block of wood, in shape like old-
fashioned standard churns. The village contained
pigs and dogs, and the houses were decorated with
cows' and buffaloes' horns. We were welcomed in a
friendly way, but our hosts did not seem to like the
idea of our staying the night, of which we had no
intention. Our watches and binoculars greatly in-
terested them. We tried in vain to induce the women
to come out, the men saying they feared lest we
should seize them. This seemed very strange, as it
was the only hill village I ever saw where the women
had the slightest objection to appear. As the Mani-
puris always respect women, it could not be due to
their presence, even had they had experience of them,
which was not the case. On leaving the village, we
passed through a splendid grove of giant bamboos,
and then turned into our old path again. Metomi
was said to contain seven hundred houses, but that
seemed to me a very low estimate. We reached our
camp near Jessami at 7 P.M., narrowly escaping
a severe scorching, as some torch-bearers who came
A BLAZE. 229
to meet us, set fire to the grass prematurely, and we
had to run hard to escape the flames. I wanted to
make a vocabulary of the Metomi language the next
day, but the whole village had a drinking bout, and
every one was incapacitated during the rest of our
stay.
We marched to a place called Lapvomai on
Febuary 3rd, and next day, wishing to explore the
country beyond, Dun and I, with a picked party of
Manipuris, crossed the ridge above the village, and
descending to the stream below, began the ascent of
the great Eastern range, encamping in a most lovely
spot in a pine forest. Every one was too tired to
search for water, so the Manipuris went supperless
to bed. Dun and I had brought a supply, which we
shared with our few Naga followers, the Manipuris
being prevented from doing the same, by their caste
prejudices. Early next morning we started up the
hill again, leaving the bulk of our party a mile or
two in advance of our halting place, to search for
water and cook. We, with two or three plucky
Manipuris, whom hunger and thirst could not induce
to leave us, pursued our upward path. At last we
came on patches of snow, and in a hollow tree found
the remains of a bear which had gone there to die.
After a toilsome ascent, often impeded by a thick
undergrowth of thorny bamboo, we, having long
passed the region of fir trees, reached the summit at
8000 feet, only to find, to our great disappointment,
a spur from the main range blocking our view. As
this range might have taken another day to surmount,
and after all be only the precursor of another, we
reluctantly traced our steps backwards, and reached
1:30 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUll.
our party who found water and cooked their food.
We witnessed some amusing instances of rapid eating,
on the part of our hungry followers, who had well
deserved their dinner. We then descended to the
stream, and encamped on its banks after being on
foot for eleven hours.
Next day, we marched to our old encampment at
Lapvomai. On Febuary 7th, we marched to Wai-
long, passing through lovely scenery, a series of deep
valleys and ravines and high hills, with a splendid
view down the valley of Thetzir and Lainer, and
beyond, the junction of the latter with its north-
eastern confluent, we finally encamped close to a very
remarkable gorge. On the 8th, we had another
march to the village of Lusour, where I greatly
pleased a woman and some children, by giving them
red cloths, the former would have denuded herself to
put hers on, had I not prevented her. Next morn-
ing, before starting, we had our breakfast in public,
and ordered some boiled eggs ; the hill people are
supremely indifferent to the age of an egg, and even
seem to think the richness of flavour enhanced by
age, so that almost all brought to us were either
addled or had chickens in them. At least two dozen
were boiled before we found one that we could eat,
and as soon as an egg was proved to be bad, there
was a great rush of Tankhools to seize the delicacy,
and our bad taste in not liking them gave great
satisfaction.
On February 9th, we reached Somrah, a most
interesting but severe march of eighteen miles. We
first crossed a ridge 8000 feet in height, where
among other trees we found a new species of yew —
MOUNTAINEERING. 231
Cephelotaxus. After reaching the summit, we made a
gradual descent along an exceedingly steep hillside,
where a false step would have landed us in the
stream 2000 feet below. After this we descended
more rapidly, and, crossing a stream, followed a
beautifully constructed watercourse through some
recently cleared land. We traced our way along
its windings for some miles, and then, after another
ascent, at last came to a lovely undulating path
through a forest of firs and rhododendrons, the latter
just coming into flower. The path at length, after
an ascent of 200 feet, brought us to the village,
a finely built one of the regular Tankhool type,
with over two hundred houses, built with stout
plank walls, and having an appearance of much
comfort.
The next day we went to Kongailon, one of the
Somrah group, making a descent of 2000 feet to
cross a river, and again ascending 5600 feet. We
passed many skilfully constructed watercourses and
much terrace cultivation, indeed, the Somrah villages
have the finest system of irrigation I have ever seen,
and the long parallel line of watercourses on a hill-
side present a most remarkable appearance. At
Kongailon, we halted a day to explore the country,
and receive deputies from various villages. From
the ridge behind the village, at a height of from
7000 to 8000 feet, there was a fine view of the
Somrah basin — valley it cannot be called ; it is a
huge basin, the rim of which consists of hills, having
an average height of over 8000 feet, the villages
being on the inner slopes or on bold spurs.
On February 12th, a very severe march took us to
232 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
Guachan, a miserable-looking village full of very
dirty people, many of whom were naked, their
bodies being covered with a thick coating of dirt.
We had to halt next day to rest the coolies, and to
have a path cleared ahead. On February 14th, we
again started, halting on the Cherebee river, at a
height of 4400 feet. On our way, while passing
along a lovely ridge, covered with rhododendrons in
flower, we had a fine view of Saramettie, with its
snow cap.
Next day, we marched over Kachao-phung,
8000 feet high, and encamped on its slopes at
7600 feet. So perverse are the ways of the hill-men,
that the road, a well-used one, was carried within
fifty feet of the summit, though it would have been
easy to cross at a much lower level. We encamped
in a primeval forest of huge trees, the branches of
which, moved by the fierce wind that blew all night,
waved to and fro with such a threatening noise as to
preclude sleep for a long time.
On the evening of the 1 2th, one of our coolies was
brought to me, who had dislocated his shoulder. We
had no doctor of any kind with us, and no one who
understood how to reduce it. Dun and I tried our
utmost, and I put the poor fellow under chloroform,
to relax the muscles and spare him pain, but, alas !
with no result. I tried to induce him to go to
Manipur, and be treated by my native doctor there ;
but he objected, and preferred going to his home ; so
I gave him a present and let him go, and very sorry
we were to see him relinquish his only chance of
getting right again. Every one ought to be taught
practically to reduce a dislocation ; I had often heard
A SAD ACCIDENT. 233
the process described, but never seen it done, and my
lack of experience cost the poor Naga the use of his
arm. It is one of the saddest parts of one's life in
the wilds of India to meet cases of sickness and injury
without the power to give relief. Simple complaints
I treated extensively, and with great success, but it
was grievous to see such suffering in more compli-
cated cases, and to be unable to do anything. A
skilful and sympathetic doctor has a fine field for
good work in such regions. A sick savage is the
most miserable of mortals.
The good points of the Manipuris, as excellent
material for hardy soldiers, were brought out very
prominently on these long marches. No men could
have borne the fatigue and hardships better or more
patiently than they did. It quite confirmed me in
the opinion I had long since formed that, taken
every way, the Manipuris were superior to any of
the hill-tribes around them. I remember that when
at Jessami, one of the Manipuris, at my suggestion,
challenged any Naga, who liked, to a wrestling
match, none would come forward, though the
villagers were a fine sturdy set. It was impossible,
also, to help noticing, as we went along, the very
remarkable aptitude the Manipuris possess for dealing
with hill-tribes. The Burmese tried in vain to sub-
due the Tankhools, and in one case a force of seven
hundred men, that they sent against them, was
entirely annihilated. However, as the Manipuris
advanced, the different tribes, after one struggle,
quietly submitted, and on both occasions when I
inarched through the north-eastern Tankhool country,
the people were in admirable order, and behaved
234: MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
as if they had always been peaceful subjects of
Manipur.
Next morning, though the thermometer was at
thirty- six degrees, the Manipuris felt the cold so
severely from the terrible wind that had been
blowing all night, that they did not attempt to cook
before marching, but started off and hurried down
the hill to get to a warmer region. I never knew
the hardy fellows do this before, and it shows the
influence of a piercing wind in making cold felt,
as I have often seen them quite happy on a still
night with the thermometer at twenty-six degrees
or lower.
Five more marches brought us to Kongal Tannah,
where I encamped on the ground we occupied in
1881-1882 when I was Boundary Commissioner.
On our way, we received a visit from Tonghoo, the
redoubtable Chussad chief, now a peaceful subject
of Manipur, a man of the usual Kuki type, imperturb-
able and inscrutable. Next day, I inspected the
boundary pillars I had set up, and found them intact,
a satisfactory proof that the settlement was not
unacceptable to either Manipur or Burmah.
We marched back by the old route, encamping
as we had done more than four years before in
the deep valleys of the Maglung and Turet.
On the 24th, from the crest of the Yoma range,
we saw the valley of Manipur once more at our
feet, and in the evening encamped at Ingorok.
Next day, I parted from my friend, I riding into
Manipur, and Dun going north for a few days'
more survey of the country. He rejoined me on
March 2nd. Thus ended one of the hardest, but, at
THE BOUNDARY APPROVED. 235
the same time, one of the pleasantest marches I ever
made, all the pleasanter for the society of such a
clever and charming companion. We spent one
more week together, and then Dun went back to
his appointment in the Intelligence Department, to
my great regret, and I settled down to my usual
routine work, constantly varied by interesting little
episodes.
236 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
CHAPTER XXYI.
More troubles with Thangal Major — Tit-for-tat — Visit to the Kubo valley
— A new Aya Pooiel — Journey to Shillong — War is declared — A
message to Kendat, to the Bombay-Burmah Corporation Agents —
Anxiety as to their fate — March to Mao.
DURING the spring of 1885, I had constant trouble
with Thangal Major ; the old man was perpetually
doing illegal acts. He had lost his head during my
absence in England, and though treated with every
courtesy, he greatly resented being called to order.
Some Mussulmans had complained to Mr. Elliott
about the oppression exercised towards them, and in
my absence Thangal was foolish enough to imprison
them. Of course, I heard of it, and insisted on their
release, and this weakened his authority. Again, he,
as " Aya Pooiel," i.e. Minister for Burmese Affairs,
greatly resented our not having settled the Kongal
case, and insisted on the authors being punished.
We were very good friends privately, though I
always expected further trouble with him. The
Maharajah's ill health also gave me anxiety, as he
was no longer the active man he once was, and
was daily falling more and more under Thangal's
influence.
At last matters came to a crisis. On May 23rd,
I received a letter from the Burmese authorities
at Tamu, brought by a deputation reporting that
THANGAL DISGRACED. 237
some murders had been committed by Manipuri
subjects, and the next day when the visitors came
to see me, they openly accused the Mombee Kukis
of having done the deed. I felt sure that the out-
rage had been carried out at the instigation of
Thangal Major, as a set-off against the Kongal case,
and I sent for him. He came to see me on
May 25th, and, when I opened the subject, he
assumed rather a jaunty air. I spoke very gravely,
and told him that it was a very serious business,
and that an investigation must take place, and that
I wished him, as Aya Pooiel, to accompany me. He
replied in a very unbecoming manner, and began
to make all sorts of frivolous excuses, the burden of
his speech being that, as justice had not been done
in the Kongal case, there was no need to investigate
a case brought by the Burmese. I was very calm,
and remonstrated several times, but seeing that it
had no effect, I requested him to leave my presence,
which he did. I then wrote to the Maharajah
asking him to appoint Bularam Singh to aid me in
the investigation, also reporting Thangal's conduct,
and saying that I could not allow him to attend on
me till he had apologised. The worst of Thangal's
behaviour was, that he spoke in Manipuri, and in
the presence of the Burmese messengers, who under-
stood it, instead of in Hindoostani which no one
but myself understood. Thinking carefully over the
matter, I wrote to the Maharajah on May 26th,
requesting him to replace Thangal in the Aya Pooiel-
ship by another officer, suggesting Bularam Singh,
as I did not consider it safe to leave him in charge
of the Burmese frontier.
238 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
There was the greatest opposition offered to my
request, and the Maharajah made every effort to
evade it. It was currently stated by people in the
Court circle that it would be easier to depose the
Maharajah himself, but I remained firm. Meanwhile,
Bularam Singh was appointed to accompany me, and,
on June 8th, I left for Moreh Tannah, near Tamu,
halting the first day at Thobal. Before leaving, I
received an apologetic letter from Thangal, and later
he called on me, and made an ample apology,
speaking very nicely. I accepted the apology
personally, quite reciprocating his friendly senti-
ments, but told him that, having acted in the way
he did, I could not trust him as Aya Pooiel.
I reached Moreh Tannah on June 13th, and was
visited by some Burmese. The next day, I proceeded
to the scene of the murder, and exhumed two head-
less bodies, and took evidence regarding the raid.
Before reaching Manipur, I heard through some
Kukis the most convincing proofs that the Mombee
people had committed the raid, and at Thangal
Major's instigation. I obtained all the necessary
details later on, but the Burmese war prevented my
undertaking an expedition for the release of some
Burmese captives who had been carried away and
sold, though I accomplished it later on.
At Moreh Tannah, I obtained some excellent
mangoes, the only ones free from insects that I ever
saw on the eastern frontier, those in Assam and
Manipur being so full of them as to be uneatable
when ripe, though beautiful to look at. Here also
I had most unpleasant evidence of the existence of a
plant that has the smell of decomposed flesh. I
STRUGGLE WITH THE EAJAH. 239
imagined that a dead body had been buried under
the temporary hut I lived in, till a Manipuri ex-
plained matters to me, and showed me the plant in
question.
I reached Manipur on June 20th, and a day or
two after wrote to the Maharajah, calling to mind
my letter respecting the Aya Pooielship, and again
requesting Thangal's removal. The next day the
old fellow called, and we had a very friendly inter-
view, and I explained my reasons for acting as I had
done. He seemed convinced, and rose and seized
my hand, and said, "You are right. I understand
thoroughly." He then said he would cheerfully
submit, and went away in an apparently excellent
frame of mind. It is said that after this, his son,
Lumphel Singh, a very bad young man, talked him
over and urged him to resist, but, anyhow, he soon
after went to see the Maharajah, and recanted all
he had said to me. However, I was determined to
persist, and told the Maharajah plainly that he must
choose between me and Thangal, with the result
that he consented, and the Aya Pooielship was given
to another.
This struggle caused me great regret, as Thangal
had many good qualities, and but for his having
had his own way too much during rny absence in
England, would never have lost his head as he did.
However, there was one good result, as I established
very friendly relations with the Burmese authorities,
who saw that I wished to be just, and this stood rne
in good stead when the war broke out.
During the whole time that the dispute was going
on, I had the support of the Jubraj, who said I was
240 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
in the right, and most people, I believe, thought
likewise. All the same it was painful to gain a
victory over one who had worked well with me for
years, more especially as I felt that the weakness of
our own Government in not insisting on justice being
done in the Kongal case, had given him some
justification in his own eyes, though this was a plea
that I could never admit.
In October 1885, I went to Shillong to see the
Acting Chief Commissioner, Mr. Ward, and as he
was intending to march through Mauipur on his
way to the Naga Hills, I stayed with him, and we
all left Shillong together on November 4th. We
left Cachar on November 12th, and halted that
evening at Jeeree Ghat, I on the Manipuri side of
the river, the Chief Commissioner and his following
on the British. A short time before dinner — we
were all Mr. Ward's guests — I received a note from
him, directing my attention to a telegram, and
asking me to act on it. The telegram was a
startling one, and was to the effect that war with
Burmah was to commence, and that our troops
would pass the frontier on a certain date ; that there
were nine European and many native British
subjects in the employ of the Bombay-Burmah
Corporation in the Chindwin forests with whom it
had been impossible to communicate, and to ask me
to make every effort to let them know the facts, and
to do anything I could to assist them. The matter
was extremely urgent, as, if I remember rightly, the
25th was the day for the troops to enter Upper
Burmah, and every moment was of the utmost
importance.
BRITISH SUBJECTS IN PERIL. 241
I thought it over for five minutes, and determined
on a course of action, and set to work at once to
follow it out. I knew perfectly well that with .the
frontier and all roads so carefully guarded, as I had
seen those in the Kubo valley to be, there was
absolutely no chance of a secret messenger advancing
ten miles on Burmese soil, and I therefore resolved
to send my letter through the Kendat Woon
(Governor of Kendat), the great Burmese province
of which the Kubo valley was part. I wrote a
letter to the European employes of the Bombay-
Burmah Corporation, giving the message I was
asked to transmit, and urging them to make every
effort .to accept my hospitality and protection in
Manipur. To this letter I appended Burmese and
Manipuri translations, and put them in an open
envelope addressed in the three languages, hoping
and believing that, seeing that the contents were
the same in both languages, which they bad the
means of understanding, the Burmese authorities
would, on the principle of the Rosetta . stone, assume
that I had said the same in English.
This done, I enclosed the envelope in a letter to
the Kendat Woon, in which I told him exactly how
matters stood, and that in a short time Burmah
would be annexed, and urging him, as he valued
the goodwill of the conquerors, to make every effort
to protect and aid the British subjects in his
province. I asked him to deliver the letter, to
which I had appended translations that he might
read what I said, and to bear in mind that any
service he might render would be richly rewarded
and never forgotten, while he might rely on my
R
242 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
word as his well-wisher ; that a terrible punishment
would befall any one who injured a hair of the head
of a British subject. In addition to this, I wrote
letters to the Burmese authorities at Tamu, with
whom I was on friendly terms, begging them, as
they valued their lives, and my goodwill, to forward
the letter to the Woon with all possible speed.
This done, I went to dine with the Chief Commis-
sioner, and when he asked if I had received his note,
I told him I had acted on it. Feeling that I had
done all that I could for the best, I took no further
steps at the time than to issue orders to the Manipuri
frontier stations, to give all aid requisite to fugitives
from Burmah, and to make arrangements for their
being entertained in Manipur, should they arrive in
my absence.
I heard afterwards that there was great anxiety
in Burmah when it was known that I had commu-
nicated with our isolated countrymen through the
Burmese authorities, it being regarded as likely to
seal their fate.
I marched to Mao on the Naga Hills frontier with
the Chief Commissioner, and then returned to Mani-
pur, arriving on the 4th, and on the 5th heard from
Moreh Tannah that a European was being kept a
prisoner at Kendat. I wrote at once to the Tamu
Phoongyee, asking him to use his influence to release
him, saying that I was in a position to march to his
aid in case my letter had no effect.
On December 9th, I heard that all the Europeans
at Kendat had been murdered, the Queen of Burmah's
secretary having arrived with one hundred regular
troops on a steamer and ordered their execution, and
CAPTIVES IN BUEMAH. 243
that forty of the Boinbay-Burmah Corporation's
elephants and all their native followers had been
arrested.
On December 10th, the news of the capture of
Mandalay arrived. It gave immense satisfaction,
and it was said that many of the old people, who
knew what Burmah was, were so pleased that they
could not eat their dinners. The Jubraj visited me
to offer his congratulations, and a salute of thirty-one
guns was fired.
R 2
244 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUH.
CHAPTER XXVII.
News from Kendat — Mr. Morgan and his people Fafe — I determine to
march to Moreh Tannah — March to Kendat — Arrive in time to save
the Bomhay-Burmah Corporation Agents — Visit of the Woon — Visit
to the Woon.
ON December 17th, I at last received a letter from
Mr. A. J. Morgan, the chief agent of the Bombay-
Burmah Corporation at Kendat, acknowledging my
letter of November 12th. He told me that three
Europeans, Messrs. Allan, Roberts and Moricur, had
been murdered on the River Chindwin by the Queen's
Secretary ; that he and Messrs. Ruckstuhl and Bretto
had been protected by the Kendat Woon, and four
others by the Merigin Woon. He said the Chindwin
valley was filling with dacoits, i.e., brigands, and that
their position was very precarious. I at once wrote
to the Woon thanking him warmly for the protection
he had accorded to my fellow-subjects, and sent him
a pair of handsome double-barrelled guns, one of
them a rifle, as a present, also five hundred rupees,
which I asked him to give to Mr. Morgan.
Feeling certain of the dangerous position of the
British subjects at Kendat, if they were surrounded
by disbanded soldiery who had turned brigands, I
determined to march to the frontier, so as to be ready
to give aid, if necessary. I accordingly asked the
Maharajah to lend me 400 Manipuris, and 500 Kukis,
MARCH TO BURMAH. 245
and one mountain gun. With these, and fifty men
of my escort of the 4th Bengal Infantry, under
Subadar Baluk Earn Chowby, I marched off on
December 19th.
My escort consisted of sixty men of all ranks, but
I weeded out ten as not likely to stand the severe
marches we might have to undertake. I then
paraded the remainder and addressed them, saying
that any man who felt himself unfit for service might
fall out, and 1 should think none the worse of him.
All stood fast, and then I said, "Now, I will not take
you, unless you promise me not to fall sick, till you
have escorted me back safely to Manipur." The
men gave a shout of acclamation, and I gave the
order to march, and never had I better, braver or
more devoted men under me, or men who bore hard-
ship and want of all the little comforts of life more
cheerfully.
We reached Moreh Tannah, where I had intended
to halt and watch events, on December 23rd, and
there I received a letter from Mr. Morgan, who
described the state of things at Kendat as daily
getting worse, and expressed his conviction that if
the dacoits reached Kendat, the Woon would be
unable to hold his own ; he therefore hoped I might
be able to afford them the aid they so sorely needed,
as, unless a force marched to their assistance speedily,
their lives would not be safe. On hearing this, I
determined to march for Kendat at once, and by the
rapidity of our movements overcome all resistance;
indeed, not to allow the Burmese time to think of it.
Accordingly we marched to Tamu, where the author-
ities at once submitted, and I declared the country
246 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB.
annexed, and reappointed the old officials, pending
further orders, promising ray protection to all classes,
and calling on the people to complain at once if any
of my followers injured them.
All this done, we marched to Mauio, some miles
beyond Tamu, where we halted in the rice fields
attached to the village which was very strongly
stockaded. My cam]) was at once filled with men,
women and children, all disposed to be friendly and
all willing to receive little presents. It was a pretty
feature of the Kubo valley, as of Upper Burmah
generally, and as in Assam formerly, that immedi-
ately on leaving the village cultivation you plunged
at once into forest.
My party was not so numerous as I could have
wished. The Minister, Bularam Singh, accompanied
me, but the nine hundred men all told, that I had
asked for, were not there, and the supply of provisions
was scanty. I made all my escort take ten days'
food per man, with orders not to touch it, without
my direct permission, and I procured supplies where-
ever I could, as we went along. I also took a large
supply of money.
As Bularam Singh was holding the appointment
formerly held by Thangal, he had not the knowledge
to help him in all petty details that the other would
have had. However, realising more keenly than
ever from my experience at the relief of Kohima,
the extreme value of time, and of rapid strokes,
I pushed on at all hazards, trusting to have my
numbers made up.
I had a few first-rate Manipuri officers with me,
and my old orderlies, Sowpa, Thutot, and Sundha.
ALL HASTE FOR KENDAT.
I took my excellent hospital assistant, Lachman
Parshad, and my Manipuri secretary and interpreter,
Ohumder Singh, and most of my old chuprassies,
who were invaluable. My head clerk, Rusni Lall
Coondoo, was unfortunately on leave, marrying his
daughter, and I greatly missed him.
On the morning of December 24th, we started
from Mamo, determined to reach Kendat next day>
though the Burmese said it was absolutely impossible
to do it. I had with me my escort of fifty men of
the 4th B.I., and between three hundred and four
hundred Manipuris, the Kukis not having arrived.
The old road had been disused, and our path was a
perfect zigzag. We halted long after sunset at
Pendowa on a small stream, the Nunparoo. The
mountain gun did not arrive, and half our force was
not up till midnight. When all the coolies had
arrived, I told them that if we reached Kendat next
evening, they should have buffalo to eat.
The country through which we had passed was
not naturally a difficult one, but there had been no
attempt to make it good, and in places it was very
bad, all the more so from the unnecessary number
of times that we crossed the same river. I was
much interested to see large numbers of bullock
carts in the villages, such not being used in
Manipur.
Next morning, we started early, and soon began
to ascend the Ungocking hills. This seemed endless,
one range succeeded another, here and there we saw
coal cropping out of the hillside. After about
12.30 P.M., the path was alternately along the bed of
a stream and over high ridges, one of those meaning-
248 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
less, winding roads that seem made expressly to
irritate people with no time to spare. At last, in the
far distance, we saw a scarped hill, that was said to
be close to Kendat, and cheered by the sight, we
pressed on, but it was hours before we reached the
goal. About 4 P.M., I met a Burmese, who spoke
Hindoostani, and gave me a letter from Mr. Morgan,
telling me that he and his party were all well, and
earnestly longing for our arrival. The man told me
that he was the " Hathee Jemadar," i.e., the man in
charge of the elephants, and he accompanied us.
At last, just after sunset we reached the Chindwin
river, even then, in the dry season, six hundred yards
wide. We gave a loud cheer and hoisted the Union
Jack ; and the " Hathee Jemadar " went over to tell
the Europeans we had come to save, of our arrival.
All my escort and most of the Manipuris marched in
with me ; every man had done his best and hearty
were the congratulations that passed between us.
We had marched sixty-five miles over a terribly
rough country, the last thirty being quite impassable
for even laden mules, in thirty hours. A havildar
of the 4th said, " Sahib, is not our march one of the
greatest on record ? " I told him that it was. It was
pleasant to think that we had arrived on Christmas
Day. How little my children in England realised
the way I was employed.
In less than an hour Mr. Morgan, who had seen our
arrival, came over accompanied by Messrs. Ruckstuhl
and Bretto, his subordinates, all dressed in Burmese
costume, everything they had having been plundered
in the Woon's absence. Mr. Morgan brought over
a message from the Woori to 'me, saying that he
ON THE CHINDW1N. 249
submitted to my authority, and would come over to-
morrow, and tender his formal submission.
Next day he appeared with Mr. Morgan and made
his submission. He was a dignified old man, with
a pleasant face expressive of much character. I
thanked him on behalf of Government for his ser-
vices in protecting British subjects, and told him
that, while assuming charge of the country on the
part of the British Government, I wished him to
remain in office, and conduct the administration
pending definite instructions. I told him that I
expected him to maintain order, and quiet down the
country, and promised him any assistance which he
might require to aid him in the endeavour.
After this, I set to work to secure supplies with
Mr. Morgan's aid, so as to be ready for any emer-
gency, and then crossed the river and called on the
Woon and inspected the stockade, a huge enclosure.
420 yards long and 163 wide, with a wall of solid
teak logs, 18 feet high, and none less than a foot
square, with strong heavy gates. I returned to my
camp before nightfall, and the mountain gun arrived
under the escort of Gour Duan Subadar. Next day,
I heard that the Mengin Woon had absconded,
finding his position untenable.
Had I had a trained levy at my disposal, as would
have been the case had my advice been followed, I
could have easily sent a force to occupy Mengin, arid
might indeed have marched to Mandalay. As it was,
commanding only irregulars, my position was one of
daily anxiety.
The site of Kendat was very picturesque, situated
on the high left bank of the Chindwin, up and down
250 MY EXPEKIENCES IN MANIPUR.
which a view of many miles is obtained, the reach
being there a long one. The stockade contained the
greater part of the official residences, and a good
proportion of the inhabitants, but there were many
houses outside, and temples and phoongyes' resi-
dences. Below the town was a large Manipuri
village, inhabited by the descendants of captives
taken in the war of 1819-25.
In the rainy season, when the Chindwin is at its
height, and 1200 yards wide, with the long ranges
of the Manipuri Hills in the background, the view is
said to be very beautiful. For many miles round
Kendat, to the east of the Chindwin, the country is
flat, but studded here and there with strange-looking
hills with scarped sides, that rise abruptly out of the
plains, calling to mind the hill-forests of Central
India. Kendat was well supplied with boats, many
of them being most elaborately carved.
It was a great misfortune that none of the men of
my escort understood the management of boats, a
most useful accomplishment on the eastern side of
India, where rivers abound, and one in which the
men of the old Assam regiments used to be proficient.
( 251 )
CHAPTER XXViri.
People fairly friendly — Crucifixion — Carelessness of Man! purls — I cross
the Chindwin — Recross the Chindwin — Collect provisions — Erect
stockades and fortify our position — Revolt at Kendat — We assume
the offensive — Capture boats and small stockades — Revolt put down —
Woon and Ruckstuhl rescued — Steamers arrive and leave.
THE Burmese were fairly friendly to us, though they
did not display any love for the Manipuris, and the
latter showed rather too plainly that they thought
the tables were turned, and that they now had the
upper hand of the Burmese.
In many of the villages along our line of route in
the Kubo valley, we had observed crosses ready for
the crucifixion of malefactors, especially dacoits.
These were also to be seen here and there, on the
banks of the river at Kendat, but the Woon after-
wards told me that he rarely crucified offenders
and disliked employing torture ; indeed he had the
reputation of being a merciful old man. However,
the people at large seemed quite to approve of strong
measures, and knowing what Burmese dacoits are
capable of, I hardly wonder. After I left, the man
who introduced himself to me as " Hathe'e Jemadar "
incautiously surrendered to some dacoits, who first
broke the bones of his legs and arms inch by inch,
and then ripped him up !
On the 28th December, I crossed the river with my
252 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
whole force, and entrenched myself on the sandbank
of the Chindwin. That evening, I heard from Mr.
Morgan, that there was a strong party opposed to
the Woon, and greatly dissatisfied with him for
having submitted. Troops had been expected up
the river from the British force at Mandalay, and
their delay encouraged the Burmese to hold up their
heads. Next day, December 29th, the air was full
of rumours, and some of the Burmese Manipuris, I
have just alluded to, plied my Manipuris with all
sorts of stories, of a rising against us, on the part of
the Burmese. These stories had a great effect on
the Manipuris, and they displayed so much unsteadi-
ness, and at the same time such gross carelessness,
that I determined to recross the river. I heard too
that six men coming to join rne, had been killed, and
three wounded on the road, report said, by Burmese.
I laughed at the idea, as I was sure that the assailants
were wild Chins, as the Burmese would not show
their hand prematurely. However, the news spread,
and served to dishearten the men.
On the 30th I transported my whole force to the
opposite bank, it cost me incredible trouble, and I
had to superintend the most petty details myself. I
sent over a party to construct a stockade into which
the Manipuris could be penned like a flock of sheep
for the night and which I could enlarge afterwards,
and I insisted on the work being finished that day.
It was finished, and last of all I crossed the river
with my escort.
Next day, Mr. Morgan told me that things had
quieted down very much among the Burmese ; we
did all in our power to collect provisions, and I
CROSS THE EIVER. 253
enlarged the stockade, improving it from day to day,
till it at last became a commodious and strong defen-
sive building, scientifically constructed. I occupied
a small stockade on a hillock above it, whence I had
a good view, arid could overlook the Manipuris. I
had a circle of outlying pickets supplied by the Kuki
irregulars with me, and these were a perpetual safe-
guard against surprise during the long dark nights.
We cleared the jungle from round our stockade, and
did all we could to make our position secure.
Still the Manipuris were a constant anxiety, illus-
trating the well-known saying, " Fools rush in,
where angels fear to tread." Their carelessness was
astonishing. I had the utmost difficulty in getting
them to take the most ordinary precautions. The
bravest and best-disciplined troops in the world
would never think of neglecting every rule of
warfare in the way that they did. Fire was a con-
stant danger, and having no warm clothes, the
Manipuris could hardly be prevented from lighting
fires at night, thereby incurring a double danger,
viz., that of setting fire to the stockade, also
lighting up our position and enabling an enemy
to fire at us. I was as a rule eighteen or nine-
teen hours on foot out of the twenty-four, and
during the five or six allotted to sleep, I generally
got up three times, to see that all was right.
Provisions began to come in, and on the last
day of the year, I sent off 400 coolies to Moreh
Tannah for provisions, so as to reduce the useless
mouths, and to lessen the danger from fire. I
rebuilt all the huts of green grass, as less in-
flammable than dry materials.
254 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE.
On January 1st, evil rumours were again afloat,
and I asked the Woon if he were sure of his position.
He replied that he was, and had perfect confidence
that he could keep every one in hand. However, I
went on collecting provisions, and while hoping for
the arrival of the troops expected up the river, pre-
pared for any eventuality. On January 3rd, large
supplies of rice came in. The Issekai, an officer
holding the rank of major, came twice to see me, and
all seemed well. Mr. Morgan was with me all day
helping with the rice sellers, but left about 4 P.M.
About an hour afterwards, he reappeared with
Mr. Bretto, saying that they had been shut out of
the stockade, but that Mr. Ruckstuhl was detained
there. They suspected a rising throughout the
country, as a rumour had just been spread that a
Royal prince was about to arrive at Kendat with
3000 men.
This was bad news, and I begged Messrs. Morgan
and Bretto to stay the night with me. There was
no time to be lost ; I felt certain that the country
had risen, and that in a few hours our communica-
tions would be cut, so I wrote to Manipur asking
the Maharajah to send me 1000 men under Thangal
Major at once to Moreh Tannah, to await events,
and 500 to join me at Kendat, also a good supply
of provisions. I telegraphed also to Government
saying what had happened, and that I had taken
every precaution, and that they might rely on my
doing all that man could. I asked for no help,
feeling that, if, with my present resources, I could
not retrieve my position, I should soon be past help.
I also wrote a few lines home, explaining matters in
EXTREME DANGER. 255
case I was killed, with a few last words to my
children.
These letters I sent off by swift and trusty men
well armed, with orders to push on with all speed.
Having done this, I prepared for a life-and-death
struggle next day.
As the morning broke and the heavy mist began to
rise earlier than usual, we speedily saw the changed
aspect of affairs. We had secured two boats under
a guard the night before, but all besides had been
taken from our side of the river. All the people
had left a neighbouring village, but just below us
we saw one boat after another leaving, heavily
laden with the inhabitants and their portable goods.
The opposite sandbank too, was occupied in force
by the Burmese, who held our former entrenchment,
and one or two small stockades. By this time also
the country in our rear had risen, so we were
completely cut off. The opposite bank was crowded
with large boats, giving every opportunity to the
enemy to send a strong party over to attack us by
night, were he so disposed.
Immediate action was necessary, if only to save
the British subjects, and the faithful Woon who had
suffered in our cause. The good old Minister,
Bularam Singh, quite lost his nerve, and begged and
implored me to make terms and retreat, as the only
means of saving ourselves. I told him that my very
children and friends would despise me, if I, for a
moment, contemplated such a course, and that there
was nothing for it but to fight it out.
" Which man should you respect most ? " I said,
" one who cringed at your feet, or one who boldly
256 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE.
struck you ? " " The man who struck me," he
replied. " Exactly so," I said ; " and it is the same
with the Burmese. I intend to strike a hard hlow."
I had an ultimatum written in Burmese, demanding
the surrender of the Woon, and his officers, and of
all British subjects within two hours, under pain of
my attacking the stockade ; this I did, to run as little
risk of injury to the captives, as possible. I had the
ultimatum tied to a bamboo, and sent in a boat to a
shallow part of the river, and I called to a Burmese
to take it. This was done. I looked at my watch,
and when the time expired, opened fire on the
stockade.
For the first time in my life, I laid a gun. I
judged the distance from the high bank where we
stood, to the great stockade, to be 1250 yards, and
the first shell went over it. I lessened the range by
50 yards, and again fired, and this time struck the
stockade fair and well. We saw and heard the
shell explode, and our men raised a loud shout of
triumph. This little success gave the Manipuris
renewed confidence. I lined our bank with picked
shots of the 4th B.I., and under cover of these and
the gun, sent two parties across in the boats, with
orders to attack and destroy all the small stockades,
and to capture some boats to convey more of our men
across, and to burn all the rest, so as to prevent the
enemy assuming the offensive.
Mr. Morgan, eager for the fray, went as a volun-
teer and assumed the natural position of leader. We
kept up the fight all day. Shot after shot struck
the great stockade, all the small ones were captured
and burned, the enemy driven from the shore and
AN ANXIOUS NIGHT. 257
every boat within sight either brought over to our
side, or sent burning down the river.
Meanwhile, the Burmese had not been entirely
passive, they had opened an artillery fire on us, and
one or one-and-a-half-pound shots began to fall on
our side. Old Bularara Singh walked up and down,
notwithstanding this, with the greatest in difference,
having now recovered his spirits, and behaved very
well.
By sunset, nothing remained to be captured but
the great stockade, and many were the volunteers,
both Hindoostanis and Manipuris who begged to be
allowed to cross once more and attack it. However,
I would not consent, only two men, Messrs. Morgan
and Bretto, knew all the turns and windings of the
place, arid one false move might convert our success
into a disaster. All the same, I felt terribly anxious as
to the fate of the Woon and of the British subjects.
I went to my hut in the evening, feeling that we
had done all we could. As I passed through the
stockade, I was surprised to see the clever way in
which the coolies remaining with us had strengthened
it, by digging deep trenches sufficient to afford a man
perfect protection against rifle fire, even without the
stockade.
I rose early on January 5th, after an anxious
night, having given orders for a party to be ready
to cross the river with me, to attack the great
stockade ; but, just as I left my hut to make a start,
I was met by Mr. Ruckstuhl with irons on his
ankles — he had got rid of the connecting bars — who
told me that it had been evacuated. The facts I
learned were as follows.
s
258 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE.
On the evening of January 3rd, incited by the
near approach of three thousand men and the
promised support of the Tsawbwas of Thourigdoot,
Wuntha, Kubo, and six other districts, the bad spirits
in the town rose against the Woon, and put him and
his family and chief officials, with Mr. Ruckstuhl, in
irons. It was only by a mistake that Messrs. Morgan
and Bretto were shut out of the stockade and not
arrested.
When my ultimatum arrived, the Burmese laughed
at the idea of my doing anything, and when our fire
opened on them they were just about to crucify the
Woon and Ruckstuhl. When, however, our attack
began to make an impression on them, and shells
burst in the stockade, especially one in a room where
the chief men were deliberating, they retreated,
leaving their prisoners. Mr. Ruckstuhl had hidden
under a hedge, and the Woon and his family were
taking refuge in a Phoongye's house. This was
good news and an immense relief to every one ; we
felt we had done our work.
I immediately took a party across the river and
rescued the Woon, and took possession of the huge
stockade, which would have cost us many a life to
capture, had it been well defended. We took six-
teen guns and a large number of wall pieces, all said
to have been wrested from Manipur in former days.
The Woon's house was apparently intact, but
empty, and the town was deserted. In a house we
found a hen on a brood of chickens, unmoved appa-
rently by all the firing and commotion. I made
over the Woon's house to him again, and I esta-
blished a Manipuri guard for his protection. With
CAPTUEE OF KENDAT. 259
reference to the guns, I should say that I did not
take them from the stockade on my first arrival at
Kendat, not wishing in any way to lower the pres-
tige of the Woon who had done us such good service,
and who professed himself quite able to account for
them, and to keep the people in order. As events
proved, we were quite able to take them when
necessary.
Just as we had finished our work, and Mr. Morgan
and I were taking some food in the afternoon, two
steamers came in sight far down the Chindwin.
These proved to be the party sent to rescue the
British subjects at Kendat, under Major Campbell,
23rd Madras Infantry ; and consisted of a company
of the Hampshire Regiment and some blue jackets,
and some of the 23rd Madras Infantry, and great
was their disappointment to find that the work had
been done before they arrived. However, had we
waited for them, there would have been no one to
rescue on their arrival.
To my intense surprise, I heard that Kendat was to
be abandoned, but no arrangements had been made
for carrying away the Native British subjects.
Mr. Morgan would not abandon these and the valu-
able property of the Bombay -Burmah Corporation,
and elected together with Mr. Bretto to stay with
me. I strongly urged Mr. Ruckstuhl (whose brother,
one of the refugees from Mengin, had been brought
up by Major Campbell) to leave for Rangoon with
the steamers, as I thought, after twice narrowly
escaping a violent death, he had better run no more
risks. He took my advice. The steamers left on
January 8th.
s 2
260 MY EXPERIENCES IN MAN1PUR.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Mischief done by departure of steamers — Determine to establish the \Voon
at Tamu — The Country quieting down — Recovery of mails — Letter
from the Viceroy — Arrive at Manipur — Bad news — I return to
Tamu — Night march to Pot-tha — An engagement — Wounded —
Return to Manipur — Farewell — Leave for England.
WE had gained immense prestige by the vigorous
way in which we had put down the revolt, and the
people from the neighbouring country began to
come in and make their submission, but the de-
parture of the steamers was a great blow to it. Of
course, the natives attributed it to fear. Had they
stayed, all trouble would have been at an end, and
the country would have quietly settled down. As
it was, this unfortunate retreat again upset the minds
of all.
The Chindwin, and the route to it through
Manipur, had not been considered when the
campaign was decided on. No part of a country
that it is intended to annex can with safety be
neglected, and the Chindwin valley was a very
important part of Burmah.
As I have said before, a properly organised
Manipur Levy would have solved all difficulties at
the outbreak of war ; failing that, a force specially
devoted to the Chindwin valley, and entering
through Manipur, and aided by local knowledge
acquired during many years on that frontier, might
have occupied the province of Kendat before any
OFFICIAL NEGLECT. 261
time had been given for the spread of lawlessness.
It is almost incredible that, considering the part
taken by Manipur, and troops moving through
Manipur during the war of 1885-6, showing the
immense facilities offered by that route, that no
inquiry whatever was made regarding it before the
outbreak of hostilities.
I saw plainly that without the certainty of troops
and one steamer at least arriving to reinforce us, it
would be unwise to attempt to hold Kendat so far
from our base at Manipur, therefore I made prepara-
tions for escorting all British subjects and property
to Tamu, within the Woon's jurisdiction, advising
the latter to establish himself there for the present,
and from that point gradually reconsolidate his
authority. He greatly approved of the suggestion,
and I made arrangements with a view to carrying it
into effect.
It was not till the 10th of January that any post
arrived from Manipur. The Kubo valley had
risen, it was said, in obedience to orders received
from the Kule Tsawbwa and a man called the Lay
Kahiyine Oke, and it was reported that we had
been annihilated ; but the sight of all the captured
guns, which I at once sent to Manipur, told the
people a different tale, and they soon subsided and
returned to their allegiance. I sent out a party to
attack and destroy the house of a hostile chief, east
of the Chindwiri, and it was successfully accomplished.
Several letter bags which had been stolen were
now given up, and I issued proclamations to all the
neighbouring chiefs calling on them to remain
quiet, and keep their people in order.
262 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Two hundred of the troops I had sent for from
Manipur, arrived at Kendat, and 300 more I
ordered to be stationed at different points on the
road. The 1000 men under Thangal Major were
directed by me to return to Manipur. Before
leaving Kendat, I sent on the Woon, with his family
and 250 native British subjects, en route to Tamu,
with a strong escort. The road had been much
improved during my occupation of Kendat, and was
now passable for lightly laden elephants.
I left some Burmese officials at Kendat with
orders to report regularly to the Woon, and collect
taxes due, and having made all arrangements that I
could for the peace of the country, I quitted it, with
the remaining portion of my force, on January 14th,
encamping at a place called Mejong. We reached
Tainu on the 17th, where the Woon was well
received.
I had written to the Thoungdoot (Sumjok)
Tsawbwa, asking him to come and see me, but he
was nervous, and sent his Minister instead. The
man arrived on the 19th, with a very civil letter
from the Tsawbwa, making his submission. I
explained to him that I should hold his master
responsible for the good behaviour of his people, and
sent him to pay his respects to the Woon, which he
did. About this time I received some very compli-
mentary telegrams from Government, thanking me
for what I had done ; these being followed by an
autograph letter from the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin.
Being completely worn out with the work and
anxiety I had gone through, so much so, that I could
not sleep without a dose of bromide of potassium,
A LULL IN THE STORM. 263
I set off for Manipur, to get a little rest, on the 20th
of January, and reached it, by forced marches, on
the 22nd. Mr. Morgan came with me, and my
escort followed two days after. The men had kept
their promise, and not one man had " gone sick " for
a day, arid they had always been ready for work ;
often, since the outbreak on the 3rd of January,
living for days on rice fresh cut from the enemy's
fields by the Manipuris.
I left a strong guard of Manipuris in a stockade at
Tamu as a help to the Woon, and let the Minister
Bularam Singh and all the rest of the party return
with me.
Before leaving Tamu, I handed over one or two
men, supposed to be rebels, to the Woon, and gave
him authority to execute them, should he consider it
necessary, as an example, saying, however, that he
must, in that case shoot, hang, or decapitate, as we
could not allow painful modes of putting to death.
I found, on arrival at Manipur, that another
detachment of the 4th B.I. had arrived, and I very
soon found use for them.
I had hoped to have had some much-needed rest,
but on the 24th I received a letter from the Woon
telling me that two of the leading rebels in the
outbreak of the 3rd, who had fled towards Wuntho,
had returned, and were leading about bands of
brigands. I heard from another source that the men
I had delivered into his hands had been released on
paying heavy fines, arid had joined the rebel leaders.
The Woon had an ample force at his disposal, but, as
I saw that another storm was brewing, I sent off the
new detachment of the 4th, towards Tamu, on the
264 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
26th, and followed myself (Mr. Morgan having
preceded me) on the 28th ; and on the 30th we
marched into Tamu together.
I met the poor old Woon ten miles within the
Manipur frontier ; he had evidently lost his nerve
and had fled, the ill-treatment he had undergone,
and the narrow escape from crucifixion, were too
much for him. I at once sent him on to Manipur,
with orders that he should be my guest, and
marched on.
As we crossed the frontier, the Burmese left the
jungles where they had hidden from the dreaded
dacoits, and returned with us to their villages. Tamu
was quiet, the Manipuri guard had stood firm at
their posts, and held the stockade intact, a work
Manipuris are admirably fitted for, and thoroughly
to be trusted with. My arrival seemed to quiet
down the valley for many miles, indeed all the
inhabitants for miles round were by the next day
pursuing their ordinary avocations, and the only fear
was from the dacoits.
On January 31st, at about 6 P.M., I received a
report that a party of the enemy had hoisted the
white flag (the Burmese Royal Standard), and taken
up their quarters at Pot-tha, a disaffected village
twenty miles from Tamu. This was an opportunity
not to be lost, and I prepared to strike a decisive
blow. We left Tarnu about midnight, the force consist-
ing of myself and Mr. Morgan, fifty of the 4thB.I.,
seventy Manipuris, and fifty Kuki irregulars. We had
to march in single file through the forest, carrying
torches to light us, and a most picturesque sight it
was, the long line winding in and out under the tall
SKIRMISH WITH BURMESE. 265
trees, which the blaze of the torches lighted up,
producing a very weird effect. We took with us
guides from Tamu, and marched in deep silence, every
now and then passing a village opening, though we
generally avoided them, if possible.
At last, just after daybreak, we heard the sound of
a musket shot ; our Shan guides said : " This is the
place," and instantly evaporated. I can use no other
term ; I saw them one moment, the next they had
gone, where I know not. We went on, and after a
hundred yards, passed fortifications just evacuated,
and soon after entered the village, the enemy retiring
before us without firing a shot ; we rushed on, and
searched the houses. I saw the white standard
planted outside a large house on a platform ; I ran
up and seized it, close by was a tree called in Bengali,
" Poppeya," the papaw, I believe, of the West Indies,
with a soft trunk. A minute after, while I was
looking about to see if I could observe any of the
enemy, a volley was fired, evidently intended for me,
the royal standard in my hand making me a con-
spicuous mark. I was not struck (probably just at
the moment I moved), but the tree was, and fell, cut
in two by at least twenty musket balls.
I then saw some of the enemy strongly posted,
under a house, built like all in those parts on strong
posts, affording excellent cover. I sprang down from
the platform, calling to my scattered men to follow.
One man was ahead of me, and was shot down mor-
tally wounded ; another minute, and I myself was
struck by a shot on the left temple, and almost stunned.
I was able to rise, but with the blood streaming down,
not fit to pursue. I called to Mr. Morgan and asked
266 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
him to head a party of the 4th B.I. and clear the
village, which was done with great gallantry, the
men, when they returned, greatly applauding Mr.
Morgan's courage and dash. Having driven out the
enemy who, we subsequently ascertained, lost seven
killed and twenty-five wounded, we set fire to the
village and 10,000 maunds of rice stored there, i.e.,
about 360 tons, which, of course, we could not carry
away, and marched back to Tamu which we reached
about nightfall carrying our wounded with us.
Besides myself, we had one mortally wounded, one
severely and one slightly. I was able to march back.
We took three prisoners and heard that the enemy,
who did not stop till he had crossed the Chiridwin,
had a force of 400 to 500 men engaged, commanded
by Boh Moung Sen way Le.
On February 6th, all the principal chiefs of the
Kubo valley came in and made their formal sub-
mission to me, promising to remain quiet and obey
the orders of the Tarnu Myo Thugee, whom I ap-
pointed to administer the valley till further orders.
Next day, I made them all go to the Pagoda, and
swear allegiance to the British Government, the oath
being most solemnly administered by the Phoongyees.
I gave definite instructions to all, and urged them
to keep the peace, and buy, sell and cultivate as
usual.
I proclaimed the passes into Manipur open to
traders, which gave great satisfaction to all, and
having satisfied myself that everything was quiet I
set out for Manipur to consult Dr. Eteson, the
Deputy Surgeon-General, who was passing through,
about my wound. I arrived by forced marches on
THE AUTHOR WOUNDED. 267
February 9th, and found that the sepoy mortally
wounded on February 1st, had died on the 8th.
Dr. Eteson urged me to go to England on sick
leave, and I very reluctantly determined to follow
his advice. But, before leaving, I had the satisfac-
tion of seeing the whole of the Kubo valley in a
state of profound peace for a month and a half.
Provisions were no longer a difficulty. They were
freely brought in, and the little luxuries that Hin-
doostani troops require over and above what can be
bought on the spot, were taken down by traders. So
great was the energy of the latter, that 2000 buffaloes
were exported through Manipur to Cachar during
this short period, and when I finally bade adieu to
my friends at Tamu, Mr. Morgan and I both
expected that war was at an end, and that perfect
peace would prevail. It was not our fault that it
did not.
Let me here offer a tribute to one who stood by
me nobly in the hour of need, but who, unfortunately,
died of cholera at Kule, after his return from well-
earned leave in England. Morgan was a thoroughly
good fellow all round, a devoted servant of the
Bombay-Burmah Corporation, and one who put their
affairs before everything. As gentle and kind as
he was brave, he was a great favourite with the
Burmese, and had evidently much influence with
them. He was always in favour of mild measures,
unless strong ones appeared absolutely necessary.
While still in Burmah, I had sent in my despatches
to General Sir H. Prendergast, K.C.B., who com-
manded the army of invasion, in which I strongly
commended to his notice the admirable services of
268 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
my escort, mentioning specially several' men whom
I thought particularly deserving of it, though all
had done so well, and shown such devotion to duty
and soldier-like spirit, that it was a difficult task to
select any one in particular. General Prendergast
forwarded my recommendation to the Commander-in-
Chief, and it was a great satisfaction to me when I
heard afterwards that Baluk Rani Chowby, then
Subadar Major of his Regiment, had received the
Order of British India, with the title of " Bahadur,"
and that other decorations and promotions had been
bestowed. The detachment of the gallant 4th Bengal
Infantry, took with them, as trophies to their
regiment, a standard they had captured, and also one
of the sixteen guns taken at Kendat.
I left the old Woon at Manipur, having strongly
recommended him to the favour of Government.
He stood by our people in a dark hour, and saved
them from torture and death. He was of high
family, and had fought against us in 1852. He had
the air of a thorough gentleman, and was, with all
his family, most amiable in conversation and de-
meanour.
Before leaving, I paid one last visit to Kang-joop-
kool and saw my child's grave,* and the peaceful
* "The Senaputtee seemed determined to wipe away all signs of
British connection with the State. Not only were the charred remains
of the Residency still further demolished, but every building in the
neighbourhood, and the very walls of the compound and garden were
levelled, and the graves of British officers were desecrated. The Kang-joop-
kool Sanatorium, twelve miles from the capital, built by Sir J. Johnstone,
was burnt, and his child's grave dug up." — Times' telegram, May 3,
1891.— ED.
It appears by the official correspondence that the Senaputtee sent seven
Manipur sepahis to open the child's grave, and scatter the remains, out of
ABTHUR JOHXSTOXE'S GKAVE. [^«?« 208.
SYMPATHETIC FAEBWELL. 269
scenery and lovely views over the hills and the
broad valley, thinking of the past and its many
memories connected with the place. I paid rny last
visit to the Rajah, when I told him that I had
strongly urged the restoration to him of his old
possession, the Kubo valley. I visited all the
familiar spots round the capital. I said good-bye
to old Thangal, Bularam Singh, and all my old
followers, and, on the 19th of March, bade adieu to
Manipur, which I felt I had raised out of the mire
of a bad reputation.
I left it as it had been of yore, a faithful and
devoted, though humble, ally of the British Govern-
ment to whom it had done transcendent service.
Alas ! little did I think of the fate that would befall
it before a few short years had passed by.
My escort turned out to salute me as I left the
Residency gate, and I gave them an address, thanking
them for their services. Then the Subadar Baluk
Ram Chowby insisted on their accompanying me for
some distance. When time for them to return, he
halted his party, drew them in line by the side of
the road, and presented arms, and as they did it they
gave a loud shout of " Colonel Sahib Bahadur ke
jye," i.e. " Yive Monsieur le Colonel Victorieux ; "
we have no equivalent for it in English. My heart
was too heavy to say much ; I said a few words, and
we parted.
As I crossed the summit of the Lai-metol range I
spite to Sir J. Johnstone, whom he knew had wished him to be banished,
aud who (on account of the Seiiaputtee's exceptionally bad character)
would never admit him into the Residency. For this act the British
military authorities had the sepahis flogged. — Nos. 1-11, East India
(Manipur) Blue Books. — En.
270 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
gave a last look at the valley, and saw it no
more.
I passed through Shillong, where I was hospitably
entertained by the Chief Commissioner, Mr. Ward,
and on reaching Calcutta received a command to
visit Lord Duiferin at Benares. He received me
very kindly, arid under his roof I spent a most enjoy-
able day. I left Bombay on the 9th of April, and
reached home on the 28th, thus practically finishing
my active Indian career, after nearly twenty-eight
years' service.
( 271 )
CHAPTER XXX.
CONCLUSION.
The Events of 1890 and 1891.
WHEX I first began this book it was my intention to
have given a connected account of the Palace Revo-
lution of September 1890, and that of 1891, against
the British Government. Being probably the only
living person in full possession of the whole facts
connected with the startling events that then took
place, and the circumstances that led up to them,
and having, moreover, a strong conviction that it is
best for all parties that the truth should be known,
I felt that a fair and impartial statement could do
no harm, and might act as a warning. Further
reflection has led me to alter my determination, and
to ask myself the question, " Cui bono ? " The
Government of India has shown no desire to make
more disclosures than necessary, and it is not for
me, a loyal old servant, to lift the veil.
" Let the dead past bury its dead."
However much, therefore, 1 may wish to see the
right horse saddled, I shall for the present, at any
rate, avoid criticism as far as possible, arid confine
myself to a few general remarks.
272 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
Nothing that I can say will undo the past, and all
that remains is to hope for the future.
After I left Manipur fresh disturbances broke out
in the Kubo valley, where I had left all peaceful,
prosperous, and contented, and a considerable strain
was put on the resources of Manipur. Had I been
ordered to return I would gladly have done so, but
niy health was too bad to make it advisable for me
to volunteer my services.* I regret that I did not,
as I might in that case have again urged the claims
of Manipur to have the Kubo valley restored to her,
as she had a right to expect that it would be ;
substantial hopes having been on at least one
occasion held out to her, and her many good services
and constant loyalty entitling her to consideration.
However, it was not to be ; and in the summer of
1886 another misfortune befell her, in the death of
Maharajah Chandra Kirtee Singh. Perhaps, like
his father, G-humbeer Singh, he was happy in the
hour of his death, as he did not live to see the
disgrace of his country, and the ingratitude of our
Government to his family.
Now was the grand opportunity for the Govern-
ment and an able Political Agent to step in arid
make the many needful reforms, and introduce
necessary changes, and instil a more modern spirit
in keeping with the times, into the institutions of
the country. Did we take advantage of it? Of
course we did not ; but, true to our happy-go-lucky
* " Oh ! for a moment of Colonel Johnstone's presence at such a crisis,"
wrote a British official from Manipur, to the Pioneer, in 1891. " One
strong word with the ominous raising of the forefinger, would have
paralyzed the treacherous rebel Koireng (Senaputtee) from perpetrating
this outrage."— ED.
LOST OPPORTUNITY. 273
traditions, let one precious opportunity after another
pass by unheeded. Year after year during my
period of office had I struggled hard, and carried on
a never-ending fight for influence and prestige, with
the strong and capable old Chandra Kirtee Singh,
gaining ground steadily ; but realising that, while I
worked, the full advantage would be reaped by that
one of my successors who might chance to be in
office when my old friend closed his eventful life.
At such a time, in addition to the result of my
labours, a weaker occupant of the throne would
afford many opportunities such as were not vouch-
safed to me, and now the time had arrived when we
might have worked unimpeded for the good of all
classes. >
Soor Chandra Singh, the former Jubraj, or heir
apparent, succeeded his father, a good, amiable man,
with plenty of ability, but very weak. He was
loyal to the British Government, and had on several
occasions given strong proof of it, and he was much
respected by his own people. Had he been taken in
hand properly all would have been well, but the
Government of India seems never to have realised
that excessive care and caution were necessary.
The records of the past plainly showed that the
appointment of a Political Agent was always a
difficult one to fill satisfactorily, but no pains seem
to have been at any time taken to find a suitable
man; if one happened to be appointed, it was a
matter of chance, and the post seems generally to
have been put up to a kind of Dutch auction. On
one occasion I believe that an officer, who was at
the time doing well, and liked the place, was taken
T
274 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE.
away, and another, who did not wish to go, sent up,
to die within a month of a long-standing complaint.
For all this, of course the Foreign Office must be
held responsible, as it had a long traditional know-
ledge of Manipur; and though its powers were
delegated to the Chief Commissioner of Assam, it
should have ascertained that that officer was capable
of making a good selection, and had an officer under
him fit for the appointment. The work may not have
been of a nature requiring the very highest class of
intellect, but it certainly did require a rather rare
combination of qualities, together with one indispen-
sable to make a good officer, namely, a real love for
the work, the country, and the people. My imme-
diate successor had these latter qualities, but he died
of wounds received within six weeks of my leaving.*
It is to be regretted, also, that the Government of
India acts so much on the principle that the private
claims of some of its servants should be considered
before the claims of the State generally, and the
people over whom they are put, in particular. It
seems to be thought that the great object, in many
cases, is to secure a certain amount of pay to an
individual, quite irrespective of his qualifications,
rather than to seek out an officer in every way
competent to administer a great province, and satisfy
the requirements of its people. I say this especially
with reference to Assam. Few provinces of India
require more special qualities in its ruler, containing,
as it does, many races of different grades of civilisa-
tion ; the situation being further complicated by the
* Major Trotter. He received wounds from an ambuscade, and died
of their effects, July, 1886.— ED.
MOKE CAKE REQUIRED. 275
presence of a large European population of tea-
planters. These, by their energy and the judicious
application of a large amount of capital, have raised
it to a great pitch of prosperity, and they naturally
require to be dealt with in a different way to their
less civilised native fellow-subjects.
An officer may be an admirable accountant, or
very well able to decide between two litigants, or,
may be, to look after stamps and stationery ; but
without special administrative experience, or those
abilities which enable a genius to grasp any subject
he takes up, he cannot be considered fit to be trusted
with the government of a great and flourishing
province. His claims as regards pay should not be
allowed to weigh at all with the Government of
India; it is unjust to the people, and would be
cheaper to give an enhanced pension than ruin a
province. Yet it cannot be denied that the con-
siderations I have referred to, do prevail, and that
the Manipur disaster was, in a great measure, due to
the system, and that with proper care it could never
have happened.
When I was in Manipur no European could enter
the state without obtaining the permission of the
Durbar through the Political Agent, and the Maha-
rajah, very wisely, did his utmost to discourage such
visitors, unless they were friends of the latter.
Orchid collectors, and such like, were rigorously
excluded, wisely, again I say, considering the havoc
wrought by selfish traders with these lovely denizens
of the forests of Manipur and Burmah, and when the
Burmese war broke out, very few were those of our
countrymen who had visited the interesting little
T 2
276 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
state. As for myself I quite sympathised with the
Maharajah and I even said a word on behalf of the
Sungai (swamp deer) peculiar to Manipur and
Burmah, and advised him to preserve it strictly. I
fear it must be extinct in Manipur by this time.
The Burmese war changed all this ; troops poured
through the country, and European officers were
constantly passing to and fro, much to the annoyance
of the Durbar. Of course, a stay-at-home Englishman
will hardly understand this, but to anyone knowing
natives of India well, it is self-evident, a European
cannot go through a state like Manipur where sus-
picion reigns rampant, and where people are wedded
to their own peculiar ways, without causing a great
deal of trouble. All sorts of things have to be pro-
vided for him, and though he pays liberally, some
one suffers. The presence of one or two Europeans
constantly moving about would no doubt in itself be
a source of annoyance to the high officials of Manipur,
who would always suspect them of making enquiries
with a view to an unfavourable report to Government.
All natives of India are suspicious, and this remark
applies with tenfold force to Manipuris.
It cannot, I fear, be denied, that as a race we are
a little careless of the feelings of others. It is pos-
sibly due in a great measure to our insularity ; but,
whatever be the cause, it is an undesirable quality to
possess. With a regiment of Native Infantry sta-
tioned at Langthabal to support our authority, our
prestige ought to have rapidly increased ; apparently
the reverse was the case, and from time to time inci-
dents occurred, which indicated how events were
drifting. On one occasion some sepoys of the Poli-
THE SENAPUTTEE. 277
tical Agent's escort were hustled and beaten by some
Manipuris at a public festival, and on another the
man carrying the Government mail bag between
Imphal and Langthabal, was stopped and robbed of
the mails. Everything seemed to show that our
position was not what it had been. In former days
such things could not have happened.
Kotwal Koireng had always been a bad character,
and had for years been under a cloud. Had I re-
mained in Manipur I should have turned him out
when the Maharajah his father died, and reported
the matter to Government. He was allowed to
remain, and proved the ruin of the state. His blood-
thirsty nature soon showed itself, and he half-roasted
two men after a most cruel flogging, the Maharajah
was asked to turn him out of the state, and would
probably have consented, but just at the time a
European sergeant shot a cow, the sacred animal of
the Hindoos, an outrage far exceeding any that our
imagination can paint, and the Rajah in his wrath
flatly refused to punish his brother, while such a
fearful crime as cow killing, was allowed to pass
unnoticed. Of course the last was an untoward
event, that should never have occurred. We ought
not to allow uncultured Europeans likely to be
careless of native feeling and susceptibilities to enter
a state so full of prejudice and suspicion as Manipur.
Thus events followed one another in rapid suc-
cession, signs every now and then appearing which
showed that all was not as quiet as it seemed. I
heard from time to time things that made me uneasy,
as I gathered that Kotwal Koireng, now become
Senaputtee or Commander-in-Chief, had much power
278 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
and influence, and I felt sure that he would soon
make an attempt to oust his brother, the Maharajah.
At last the attempt was made. In September,
1890, the Maharajah Soor Chandra Singh was
attacked in his palace at night, and driven out. He
fled to Cachar and having petitioned the Govern-
ment of India for his restoration, proceeded to
Calcutta. The case was a simple one, a palace
revolution had occurred and our nominee whose
succession and whose throne we had guaranteed, had
been deposed. The course to be adopted by Govern-
ment was as clear as the day, Soor Chandra Singh
should have been restored at once and the usurper
severely punished for insulting the majesty of the
British Government. Nothing of the kind was done.
It was decided, on what grounds I know not, to
break our pledged word ; the Maharajah was to be
exiled with a pittance for his support ; his stupid
boorish brother who had been set up as puppet by
the Senaputtee was to be Rajah ; while the evil
genius of Manipur, the treacherous Senaputtee, was
to be exiled. The Government of India then ordered
the Chief Commissioner of Assam to proceed to
Manipur and carry out their decision, including the
Senaputtee's arrest.
It is difficult to say which showed the greatest
want of wisdom, the Government in issuing such an
order, or the Chief Commissioner in accepting such
a mission, quite derogatory to one of such high rank.
We all know how it ended. The less said about it
the better, it reflects no credit on us.*
* "The general history of the Manipur incident," wrote the Times
in a leading article, Aug. 14, 1891, " must inspire mingled feelings in the
THANGAL MAJOK. 279
With one or two things, however, I am concerned,
and one of these is the sentence on Thangal Major,
or General as he was called ; in the correspondence
usually ignorantly referred to, as "The Thangal
General," a misnomer, Thangal being a name and
not a title. This old man seventy-four years of age
had long almost retired into private life. He was a
devoted follower of Soor Chandra Singh, and hated
the Senaputtee whose evil influence he always feared
would wreck Manipur. This probably made the latter
recall him to public life, so as to keep him under his
eye; anyhow, he was by force of circumstances
obliged, however unwillingly, to act as a loyal subject
of his own de facto chief.
I have said so much about the old man, that his
character will be well understood. He was a strong,
able, unscrupulous man, not likely to stick at trifles,
and, like most Asiatics of his type, capable of
breasts of most Englishmen. The policy in which it originated, cannot
be said to reflect credit on the Government of India, while the actual
explosion itself was precipitated by a series of blunders which have
never been explained. There seems to be little doubt that had the
Government of India made up its mind promptly on the merits of the
dynastic quarrel between the dethroned Maharajah and his brothers, the
Senaputtee would hardly have been able to commit the crimes which
have cost him his life. But for five months the Government of India
seemed to accept the revolution accomplished last September in the
palace of Manipur. That revolution was notoriously the work of the
Senaputtee, although he chose, for his own reasons, to place one of his
brothers on the throne. The Government did not indeed assent to the
change, but their local representative does not appear to have taken marked
steps to express his disapproval. He is said to have tolerated and con-
doned it to this extent, that he kept up friendly relations with the new
ruler as with the old. On the deplorable mistakes which led up to the
massacre, and made it possible, it is unnecessary to dwell. They are
still unaccounted for, and so many of the chief actors in that fatal
business have perished, that it is more than doubtful whether we shall
ever know exactly to whom they severally were due." — ED.
280 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
anything. This does riot, however, mean that he
was worse than his neighbours, our characters are
made by our surroundings, and in Manipur the sur-
roundings are not of an elevating nature. Thangal
was in many ways kind hearted, in others ruthless,
and for the moment cruel, his wrath flared up and,
except when kept aglow for policy's sake, soon
burned itself out.
When first I heard of the outbreak I made two
predictions, both proved to be true. One of these
was that, whoever was guilty, Thangal Major would
be accused. I never did think him guilty by .pre-
meditation, but I knew that, as for so long a time he
was the strong head of the executive, he was not
loved, and that to save the Senaputtee, whom I of
course at once pitched upon as the " fans et origo"
of the rebellion, and who like all of the blood royal
was looked upon as semi-divine, he would be accused.
I read the evidence published, which I can quite
understand appeared conclusive to the tribunal before
which he was tried ; reading between the lines,
however, with a thorough knowledge of Manipur as
I was able to do, it gave me quite a different impres-
sion. Knowing the old man so intimately as I did,
his way of talking and his way of acting, I am con-
vinced that he was in no way a willing accessory to
the rebellion, that he in no way connived at the
invitation to our officers to enter the palace at night,
and further that he never suggested or consented to
their murder ! The whole proceeding was so totally
opposed to his policy that he would never have sanc-
tioned such an act of folly, to say the least. The
Senaputtee richly deserved all he got and more.
UNNECESSARY ALAEM. 281
An unscrupulous and selfish butcher by nature he
played his cards badly and when he lost, determined
to involve his whole family and loyal dependents in
the ruin which his own insensate folly had brought
on him. I quite acknowledge old Thangal's many
faults, but I also remember his good qualities, and
shall ever regret that he came to -such an untimely
end.
As regards the disposition of the throne I have
a word to say. Recognising as I do the necessity
of maintaining the firmness of our rule and prestige
to the utmost, a rule that is of incalculable benefit
to millions, I quite approved of a heavy punish-
ment being exacted as a terrible warning to all
time, when we re-conquered Manipur. It cannot be
denied that we showed unseemly want of nerve
when the news of the disaster arrived. There was
no necessity to place Assam under a military ruler,
nor was there any need for such a formidable muster
of troops, at a vast expenditure of money and
suffering, to retrieve a disaster brought about by
such an extraordinary want of courage, nerve,
forethought and common-sense.* Our position in
Manipur had never been a dangerous one, and even
after the murder of the Chief Commissioner's party
the troops in the Residency might easily have
held their own till daybreak, when all opposition
* Three columns (one alone numbering 1000 strong), were marched at
once on Imphal, which was found deserted. The Kegent was the last of
the princes who fled. He released the surviving English prisoner, and
sent him to the British camp to ask for an armistice; but this was
refused until he delivered up the Englishmen already dead. The
Manipuris, then expecting no mercy, opposed the march of the
troops. — ED;
282 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR.
would have collapsed, and the rebels would have
fled, leaving our people masters of the situation.
I have expressed my opinion as to the mistake we
made in not restoring the Rajah before the outbreak
of March, and now I ask the question, why, after
the rebellion was put down, we did not do our best
to repair the evil by restoring Soor Chandra Singh
to his own ? He, or his infant son, might have been
restored, and have been kept in a state of tutelage
as long as necessary, and good government would
have been secured and our pledge to Chandra Kirtee
Singh have been maintained intact. Instead of this,
an obscure child, a descendant not of Grhumbeer
Singh, but of Nur Singh, was selected, and the old
line cut off from the succession, and yet three gene-
rations had been faithful to us. Grhumbeer Singh,
Chandra Kirtee Singh, and Soor Chandra Singh all
served us loyally, and yet we suffered the last to die
of a broken heart in exile. Well might he exclaim,
" And is this the reward for so many years' service ! "
For my part I say emphatically, let us beware, we
have not heard the last of Manipur !
My sense of right and justice make me record
facts as they strike me, and yet I cannot help
acknowledging as I do so, that the Government of
India is the best government in the world. When
has India been so governed, and what country in
Europe has such an able and just administration ?
Surrounded by difficulties, material, financial and
political, badgered by ignorant members of the
House of Commons, for ever asking foolish questions
and moving foolish resolutions ; the stately bureau-
cracy plods steadily on with one object in view, the
INDIA. 283
good oi the people. If at times it makes mistakes,
who does not ? The greatest General is he who
makes fewest mistakes, and, judged by this standard
alone, the Government of India has the first rank
among governing bodies. It has, however, a title
to honour which no one can assail. It is the only
instance in history of a body of foreigners who
govern an Empire, not for their own benefit, but
for the benefit of the races committed by Provi-
dence to their charge. May Providence long watch
over it !
( 284 )
INDEX.
ABOBS, 39
Allen, Mr., 244
Almorah, 56
Alongpra, 82
Angamis, 9, 27, 148
Angao Senna, 113
Angelo, Captain, 208
Arracan, 82
Assam, 3, 56, 274
Ava, 81
BADGLEY, COLONEL, 18, 211
Barrett, Lieutenant, 164
Bayley, Sir Steuart, 128, 136.
177-180
Bernard, Sir C. and Lady, 1
Biggs, Lieutenant, 36
Boileau, Lieutenant, 173
Bombay-Bunnah Corporation, 244
Bretto, 249
Boyd, Major, 61
Boyle, Mr., 3
Brown, Dr., 18
Buddhism, 83
Bularam Singh, 72
Burmah, 80, 240
Burrail Range 17, 24
Burney, Colonel, 86
Burrhampooter, R., 39, 100
Burton, Lieutenant, 68
Butler, Captain, 17, 25
CACHAREES, 24
Cachar, 124, 149, 179
Calcutta, 53, 127
Campbell, Sir G., 2
, Dr., 166
, Major, 258
Carnegy, Mr., 59, 93, 102
Cawley, Mr., 149, 157
— , Mrs., 157
Chandra Kirtee Singh, 69, 74, 89
China, 89
Chmdwin, R., 81, 100, 250-260
Chomjet, Rajah, 68
Cock, Major, 167
Coombs, Mr., 11
Cooper, Mr., 11
Cuttack, 1, 44
DALTON, GENERAL, 43
Damant, Mr., 28, 147, 161
Debindro, 89
Delhi Assembly, 54
Deo Panee, 7
De Renzy, Dr., 168
Dimapur, 8, 45
Diphoo Panee, 10
Dufferin, Earl of, 262-270
Dun, Captain, 209, 222
Dunseree, R., 9
Durand, Colonel, 56
EERUNG, 98
Elliott, Sir C., 201, 207, 215, 223
England, 1, 206
Eteson, Dr., 266
Evans, Major, 162
INDEX.
285
FORBES, LIEUTENANT, 172
GANGES E., 100
Ghumbeer Singh, 86, 139
Goalundo, 2, 214
Golaghat, 3, 177
Gordon, Captain, 36, 89, 120
Gowhatty, 2, 51
Grange, Mr., 34
Grant, Captain, 85
Guthrie, Colonel, 63
HENDERSON, LIEUTENANT, 169
Himalayas, 14, 55
Hinde, Mr., 155-158
Hurreo Jan, 19
INDIAN-COLONIAL EXHIBITION, 108
Imphal, 65, 121
Irrawaddy K., 252
JENKINS, CAPTAIN, 22
Johnstone, Sir James's wife, 2, 48
151, 216
Johnstone, Sir James's children,
48, 133, 166
Joobraj (Soor Chandra Singh), 69,
152
Juggernaut, Feast of, 144
KEATINQE, GENERAL, 57
Kendat, 249, 250
Kenoma, 22
Keonjhur, 130
Khyahs, 15
Kohima, 17, 23, 35, 149
Kongal Tannah, 101, 210
Kong-hoop-kool, 109, 166, 268
Koireng Singh (Senaputtee), 72,
112, 152, 280
Kola Ranee, 68
Konoma, 47, 157-164, 170
Kooak Kaithel (crow bazaar), 96
Kubo valley, 79, 86, 101, 200, 212,
234, 264
Kuki tribe, 25, 164, 166, 180, 1%
LANGTHABAL, 88, 121
Logtak Lake, 128, 205
Lumphal, 239
Lushais, 93, 192
Lyall, Sir A., 128
Lytton, Lord, 128
MACGRE'GOR, COLONEL, 174
Mahometans, 84, 221
Mansel, Colonel, 167
Mao Tannah, 149, 198, 242
McCulloch, Colonel, 57, 60, 75, 89
Medlicotts, 41
Michell, Colonel, 192
Mingin, 259
, Woon of, 244, 249
Moncur, Mr., 244
Mozuma, 39, 42, 93, 176
NAMBOB FOREST, 6
Nation, General, 162
Needham, Mr., 11, 48 •
Nichu Guard, 16
Nigriting, 3
Noonpong, 6
Nowkattu, 9, 42
Nur Singh, Rajah, 89, 282
Nuttall, Colonel, 169
O'BRIEN, Da., 178
Ogle, Mr., 209
Oldham, Mr., 209
PEGU, 82
Pemberton, Lieuteuant, 85
Phayre, Mr., 209-214
Phoiching, 66
Pong, 81
Prendergast, General, 267
Pullel, 121
QUINTON, MR., 5
RABAN, LIEUTENANT, 169, 198
Ramsey, Sir H., 56
286
INDEX.
Ram Singh, 68
Roberts, Mr., 244
Ridgeway, Major, 18, 173
Ruckstuhl, Mr., 257
SAMAGOOTING, 12, 41, 177
Samoo Singh, 66
Scott, David, 85
Sena Kaithel (Golden bazaar), 134
Shillong, 58, 270
Sudya, 122
Sumjok, 87, 200, 207
Suktis, 129
TANGUL, MAJOR, 75, 216, 236
Tamu, 79, 246, 263
Thobal, 210
Thompson, Sir Rivers, 52
Trotter, Major, 274
VERELST, GOVERNOR, 85
WALKER, MAJOR, 158
Wankai Rakpar, 72, 281
Ward, Mr., 240, 270
Watt, Dr., 210
Wilcox, 68
Williamson, Major, 167
Woodthorpe, Colonel, 18
Wynne, 22
Jg
YOMA MOUNTAINS, 102, 234
LONDON :
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AXD CIFARIXG CROSS.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
Los Angeles
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below.
Form L9-Series4939
A 001 016 110 7
DS
485
M43J65