Full text of "Journal"

JOURNAL

OF THE

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL
SOCIETY

PRINTED BY THE WILLIAM MORRIS PRESS LTD
MANCHESTER

PUBLISHED BY SHERRATT AND HUGHES

PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER

MANCHESTER: 34 CROSS STREET

LONDON : 33 SOHO SQUARE

AGENTS FOR THE UNITED STATES:

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
443-449 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK

AGENT IN PARIS :

PAUL GEUTHNER

13 RUE JACOB (Vie)

JOURNAL OF THE MANCHESTER

EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL

SOCIETY

Voi 2,
19121913

MANCHESTER:
AT THE UNIVERSrTY PRESS

1913

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
SESSION 1912-13.

List of Officers and Members.

PRESIDENT :
Professor T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, LL.D., Ph.D., F.B.A.

VICE-PRESIDENTS :

THE VICE-CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVER-
SITY (Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C..LL.D.,
M.A., B.C.L.)

THE RIGHT REV. THE LORD BISHOP OF
LINCOLN (E. L. Hicks, D.D.)

THE RIGHT REV. THE LORD BISHOP OF
SALFORD (L. C. Casartelli, D.Litt.Or.,
D.D.)

F. A. BRUTON, M.A.

Principal R. M. BURROWS, D.Litt. (King's
College, London)

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL :

S. H. CAPPER, M.A.

Hon. Professor W. BOYD DAWKINS, M.A.,

D.Sc.,F.R.S.
A. H. GARDINER, D.Litt.
JESSE HAWORTH, Litt.D.
W. EVANS HOYLE, M.A., D.Sc., M.R.C.S.
Professor E. H. PARKER, M.A.
Professor A. H. PEAKE, M.A., D.D.
Professor G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D.,

F.R.S.

Ven. Archdeacon ALLEN, M.A.
Rev. C. L. BEDALE, M.A.
Rev. J. T. BREWIS, M.A., B.D.
Professor M. A. CANNEY, M.A.
Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A.

Miss CAROLINE HERFORD

Miss MONICA HEYWOOD

Professor Sir T. H. HOLLAND, K.C.I.E.,

D.Sc., F.R.S.
J. H. HOPKINSON, M.A.

HONORARY SECRETARIES :

Professor M. A. CANNEY, M.A. (Editor-Secretary).
Miss W. M. CROMPTON (Treasurer-Secretary).

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY :

Mrs. W. HARTAS JACKSON

Rev. H. S. LEWIS, M.A.

THE LIBRARIAN, The Rylands Library (Mr.

H. GUPPY, M.A.)
Principal MARSHALL, M.A., D.D.
Rev. J. A. MEESON, M.A., LL.B.
Professor J. H. MOULTON, M.A., D.Litt.,

D.C.L.
Rev. W. L. WARDLE, M.A., B.D.

Sir FRANK FORBES ADAM

P. J. ANDERSON, LL.B.

Dr. ASHWORTH

Sir W. H. BAILEY

Dr. C. J. BALL

J. R. BARLOW

Miss A. E. F. BARLOW

Dr. J. S. BLACK

Miss. E. E. BOUGHEY

J. H. BRAY
E. R. BRAYSHAW
Miss M. BURTON
WM. BURTON
Mrs. CAWTHORNE
Miss CAWTHORNE

Professor R. S. CONWAY
Mrs. CONWAY
Dr. DONALD CORE

Professor T. W. DA VIES

W. J. DEAN
Miss S. L. DENDY
Professor A. C. DICKIE
Mrs. DREYFUS
Mrs. ECKHARD

Miss FALKNER
M. H. FARBRIDGE

N. FlNCHAM

Col. PHILIP FLETCHER
Mrs. PHILIP FLETCHER
Miss K. HALLIDAY
J. HARDING
J. S. HARDMAN
Mrs. JESSE HAWORTH
H. A. HENDERSON

Professor S. J . HlCKSON
Mrs HOPE W. HOGG

J. D. HUGHES
G. W. HUXLEY

Miss JACKSON
Miss GLADYS KAY
Miss JANET KIRK
HENRY KIRKPATRICK
Miss E. F. KNOTT
Rev. N. H. LOUWYCK
E. C. LOWE
J. H. LYNDE
J. MAGUIRE
E. W. MELLAND
C. F. PENDLEBURY
Miss E. PESKETT
EVAN ROBERTS, Jn.

Mrs. ROBINOW
Miss M. ROEDER

H. LING ROTH

J. P. SCOTT
Mis

liss JULIA SHARPE
Mrs. SALIS SIMON
Rev. D. C. SIMPSON
Mrs. ELLIOT SMITH
Mrs. R. W. SOUTHERN, Jn.
Rev. W. T. STONESTKEET
Rev. D. E. STURT
W. M. TATTERSALL
G. W. TAYLOR
J. C. TAYLOR
Rev. w. THOMAS
T. G. TURNER
Rev. J. BARTON TURNER

Professor G. UN WIN

C. E. WHOMES
Miss K. WILKINSON
Miss L. E. WILKINSON

D. WIPER

R. B. WOODS
G. S. WOOLLEY
G. H. YOUATT

vii.

CONTENTS

PAGE

List of Officers and Members of the Society v.

Editorial Note ix.

Objects of the Society I

Position of the Society at the end of Session 1912-13 3

Proceedings of the Session 5

Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie on Amulets 5

Prof. Elliot Smith on Mr. J. E. Quibell's excavation work 8

Mr. H. R. Hall, M.A., on early Cretan and Egyptian Civilization 1 1

Mr. Jesse Haworth on the progress of Egyptology in Manchester 12

Dr. Alan Gardiner on Theban tombs 18

The Rev. R. Travers Herford on the Continuity of Pharisaism ... 19

Dr. J. T. Marshall on Aramaic Papyri 22

Mr. L. W. King, M.A., on Rock Inscriptions 26

News from Excavators 29

The Jesse Haworth Building 31

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure 32

Special Articles 33

The Land of Alashiya and the Relations of Egypt and Cyprus

under the Empire (1500-1100 B.C.). By H. R.Hall, M.A. ... 33

Kummukh and Commagene. By L. W. King, M.A. 47

A Political Crime in Ancient Egypt. By Alan H. Gardiner, D.Litt. $7
Religion of the Achsemenid Kings. By L. C. Casartelli (Bishop

ofSalford) 65

The Ancient History of the Near East. A Review. By The Rev.

C. L. Bedale, M.A 69

Notes on Philology, etc 73

The Word Abnet in Hebrew. By Maurice H. Farbridge and

M. A. Canney, M.A 73

The Rite of Circumcision. By G. Elliot Smith, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. 75
The Origin and Meaning of the Dolmen. By G. Elliot Smith,

M.A., M.D., F.R.S. 76

The Earliest Evidence of Attempts at Mummification in Egypt.

By G. Elliott Smith, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. 77

IX.

EDITORIAL NOTE.

AT a joint meeting of the Manchester Egyptian Association
and the Manchester Oriental Society, held on October 14, 1912,
it was decided to amalgamate the two bodies. It was
resolved at the same time if possible to continue the publica-
tion of a Journal. An appeal was made for Journal Members
and for donations to a Special Publications Fund. The
response to this appeal and the promise of support from the
Publications Committee of the University have been such that
a second number of the Journal now makes its appearance
with the title The Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and
Oriental Society, and there is good reason to hope that the
publication is now firmly established.

The Manchester Egyptian Association, which was estab-
lished in 1906, has published an annual Report since 1909.
In 1912 the Manchester Oriental Society published a Journal
in which papers read at its meetings and articles written
specially for the Journal were printed. The present Journal
represents a combination of special features in the publica-
tions of the two parent bodies. It contains, as the Report of
the Manchester Egyptian Association always has done, a

fairly full account of the Proceedings of the Session and,
appended to this and other information, specially written
articles such as the Journal of the Oriental Society con-
tained. In borrowing the most useful features from the
periodical publications of the two parent bodies, the new
Journal, we venture to think, has increased its interest and
value.

One omission perhaps needs a few words of explanation.
The Report of the Egyptian Association contained a list of
books on Egyptology. A list of books both Oriental and
Egyptological would be too long to print in the Journal at
present. We have decided, therefore, since members of the
Association have found the list of books on Egyptology of
great service, to print it separately, without adding at present
a list of Oriental books. Our justification for this course is
that, whereas lists of books on Egyptology are rare, good
lists of Oriental books may be found in a number of well
known Journals.

M. A. CANNEY.

THE UNIVERSITY,
MANCHESTER,
30th September, 1913.

OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY.

(i.) To discuss questions of interest with regard to the lan-
guages, literatures, history and archaeology of Egypt and
the Orient.

(ii.) To help the work of the excavating societies in any way
possible.

(iii.) To issue, if possible, a Journal. If this is not possible,
to print at least a Report, including abstracts of the
papers read at the meetings of the Society. 1

SUBSCRIPTIONS.

(a) For ordinary members, 5s. per annum (student members,

2s. 6d.)

(b) For Journal members, I0s. 6d., of which 5s. 6d. is assigned

to the Special Publications Fund.

PUBLICATIONS.

Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society for 1911, published 1912... 55. Od. net.

Journal of the Manchester Oriental and Egyptian Society for IQI2,

published 1913 5s.od.net.

The more important articles can be purchased separately.

Manchester Egyptian Association Report, 1909 1912 each Os. 3d.net.

Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society Report, 1912-13 Is. 6d. net.

1 There is a Special Publications Fund, for which subscriptions and donations are invited.

REPORT

OF THE

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN P ORIENTAL SOCIETY

1913

POSITION OF THE SOCIETY

AT END OF SESSION 1912-13.

TEN meetings were held during the session, the result of
amalgamation being to increase the number. The experiment
of advertising the meetings very freely was made, but the
attendance does not justify the continuance of the increased
expenditure in another session.

The number of members is 107. We have to deplore the
death of one member, Mr. Walter L. Behrens. There have
been six resignations, chiefly caused by departures from the
neighbourhood. We are now deprived of the presence and
help of Professor R. M. Burrows by his acceptance of the
post of Principal of King's College, London, but he has
accepted the position of a Vice-President of our body, and
continues to take an interest in our proceedings (see page 24f).
Eighteen persons have joined since last October.

At the joint meeting of the Manchester Egyptian Associa-
tion and the Manchester Oriental Society, which decided in

4 REPORT

favour of amalgamation, the name resolved on was the " Man-
chester Egyptian and Oriental Association." It was found
later that this title was unacceptable to many members of the
Council, some of whom had been unavoidably prevented from
attending the joint meeting. They preferred the word society,
pointing out that association is a term used by large bodies
having branches in many localities rather than by small ones
such as ours. As it was found that no member of the Council
would oppose the change, a vote of the members of the Asso-
ciation was taken in July through the post. The votes recorded
were overwhelmingly in favour of the alteration, which has
been adopted. The name of the body therefore now is " The
Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society."

The number of books and pamphlets in the library is 120,
an increase of 30 since last year. The principal additions
are the ten volumes sent by the Musee Guimet, the Report
of the Archaeological Survey of Nubia for 1908-9, and
volumes of the British School of Archaeology in Egypt, two
of which, "The Labyrinth, Gerzeh and Mazghuneh " and
"Tarkhan and Memphis V.," we receive in return for our
subscription, while Miss Hewitt, of High Street, has presented
" Memphis III.", thus making our set of books on Memphis
complete to date. Mr. T. F. Wright has presented a use-
ful collection of news cuttings relating to various ancient
and modern oriental peoples, and some acceptable books.
Mr. Alan H. Gardiner kindly sends us reprints of the articles
he contributes to various journals, and the. Bishop of Sal-
ford has forwarded papers received from Professor Wiede-
mann. On hearing that we possessed " The Quarterly State-
ment of the Palestine Exploration Fund" up to 1906, Professor
Dickie kindly presented us with his lately published Index
to the vols. 1893-1910. At various meetings votes of thanks
have been passed to the donors of these most acceptable
gifts. A complete catalogue appears in the Bibliography,
issued separately. Members can borrow by applying to the
Secretaries after a meeting, or at the Manchester Museum
(Jesse Haworth Building), the University, between 10 a.m.

REPORT 5

and 5 p.m. (Saturdays 9 to 12). Exchanges of publications
have been arranged with the Liverpool School of Archaeology
and the Musee Guimet of Paris. There was a considerable
response to the appeal for Journal Members, who now number
52, but more subscribers of sums above the minimum Journal
subscription of 10s. 6d. are still much needed. A statement
of accounts, audited by Mr. E. W. Melland, who kindly

undertook this task, appears on p. 32.

W. M. C.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE SESSION

1912 1913.

THE First Meeting of the Session was held on October 29th,
1912, the President in the chair. Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie
gave a lecture on "Amulets." He remarked that little had as
yet been written on the subject, though in England there had
come into our possession more clues than were to be found in
most other countries. Italian amulets had been well studied
and published by Bellucci ; many forms had descended from
the Stone Age. The purposes for which they were used were
of a very mixed nature. The use of amulets was not equally
diffused among all peoples. They were highly valued by the
Tasmanians and Arabs, and by the Italians in both classical
and modern times. Among some nations or races they seem
to have been practically unknown, among the Veddahs, for
instance. In the Norse literature, the lecturer believed, there
was not a single mention of amulets. In Egypt a great
variety of objects of the nature of amulets had been dis-
covered, and they were well preserved ; and in this field the
meanings of such objects were explained in the literature.
There we had a great deal of information, so much indeed
that the study of amulets in Egypt might be made the basis
of the study of the whole subject.

The development of the use of amulets in Egypt was repre-
sented by at least four stages. At the first stage they were
B 2

6 REPORT

actual objects. These in pre-historic times were buried with
the dead. In the second stage the objects were broken to
prevent the risk of their being stolen, as well as to make
them available in spirit form. In the next stage models of
all the things which a person needed were made, and carved
figures were held to be as good as the reality. Another stage
is represented by the practice of painting the figures of
offerings on the coffin and the tomb. In much later times
(XXVI. Dyn.) all offerings were transformed into amulets.

As to the use of amulets, there were several theories. Ac-
cording to one of these, the amulet was beneficial from the
self-confidence point of view. With this was connected the
idea of faith-healing. According to another theory, the use
of amulets was dictated by the conscious idea of having a
double. Certain amulets were supposed to have a vicarious
value for the organs of the body. The lecturer himself pre-
ferred to explain the use of amulets by Sympathetic Magic,
better termed here the Doctrine of Similars. In every case
it is something which is similar that gives a benefit to the
person.

Egyptian amulets might be divided into five classes. The
first class consisted of direct similars of parts of the body or
of ideas connected with certain aspects of the mind. The
second consisted of symbolic similars, conveying the idea of
power (e.g., the sceptre). The third class conveyed the idea
of property. The fourth and higher class consisted of written
charms. The fifth, the greatest class, were the amulets
of gods.

These various classes of amulets were illustrated by lantern
views. In the first class were shown amulets (similars) of the
head or face (representing the powers of the senses of the
head in the future life), and of separate organs, such as the
eyes, ears and heart. In the second were shown amulets
(symbolic similars) of the fly (in connection with which it was
pointed out that there was an Order of the Fly, given for great
activity in military service), the papyrus sceptre (representing

REPORT 7

the power of growth), the jackal-head (representing watch-
fulness), and the leopard-head. There were amulets of
locusts, which would seem to have been similars for protec-
tion from locusts. There were amulets of teeth which, the
lecturer suggested, were teething amulets, worn by children.
Powers of the body were represented by the bird known as
the Ur (greatness) and by the Sistrum (the emblem of re-
joicing and dancing). Qualities were represented by the
Square (rectitude), and the Plummet (equilibrium). In dealing
with the class of property-amulets, the lecturer pointed out
that combs appeared only in the Roman Age. An important
amulet was that bearing the name of a person. The reason
for this was that the preservation of the name was considered
of the greatest value.

Prof. Petrie then dealt more particularly with what might
be called Charms. There were stone implements, such as
were exactly described by Pliny (bsetyls) "of great value in
the taking of streets and cities." There were bells, repre-
senting a protective influence. There were inscribed amulets
and written charms. One of the most interesting of the
charms illustrated was that of a knotted cord. The lecturer
explained that in modern Egypt, when a person expressed a
good wish, he tied a knot in order to secure it. This knotted
cord, representing wishes or prayers, might be regarded as a
primitive form of the rosary. In referring to the idea of ""the
evil eye," it was mentioned that, as a protection against it,
pieces of shell were worn on the forehead. African women
and girls still wore a disc in this manner. In conclusion, it
was explained that charms of gods included the Two Eyes of
Horus, and sometimes a whole mass of eyes together, the
Infant Horus, the god Horus, Osiris, and the Heart of Osiris.
There were also bust-amulets. Some of these, the lecturer
thought, were oracular busts. The amulets of gods included
animal gods. There were pre-historic amulets of the ram's
head. Other amulets represented the cow, the hare, the
camel, the lion, the cat, the dog, the crocodile, etc. In Coptic
times the figures of saints were worn as amulets.

8 REPORT

The Second Meeting of the Session was held on November
5, 1912, the President in the chair. Professor Elliot Smith
gave an account of "Recent Excavations." He explained
that he had received from Mr. J. E. Quibell a manuscript
report of his work, together with a number of lantern slides.
He proposed to show some of these slides and to explain their
import and importance. Mr. Quibell's report gave the results
of two winters' excavation in a certain small patch of the
cemetery of Memphis. More than 400 tombs were dug. Four
were of the first Dynasty : The rest of the Ilnd and Illrd. Mr.
Quibell's report was confined to the latter (II. and III. Dynasty).

The tombs varied greatly in size, but were uniform in plan.
One was 50 metres long and 30 wide, but another, of which a
picture was shown, was not more than 1% metres long, and
originally was not more than I metre high. " It consists of a
hollow oblong of unbaked brickwork filled in with gravel and
stone chip, plastered and white-washed externally. On the
east side are two niches, the southern one being the larger
and the more important. Below the mastaba was a small
stairway and a subterranean chamber .... One tomb
showed very clearly the origin of the later type in stone.
The niche has been withdrawn into the body of the building
and protected by a door. A small chamber is thus formed
and the sides of this were, no doubt, decorated with paintings ;
later, when stone replaced the crude brick, the scenes were
made in low relief. This is the form of most of the mastabas
published by Mariette ; the more complex plans of the large
tombs that have been left open are exceptional." 1

In some of the larger tombs the space inside the four walls
contained a great number of coarse vases. Sometimes these
had been placed in orderly rows. In one case "the whole
desert floor between the walls of the tomb and the edge of
the shaft had been covered with these vases with clods of
black clay placed between them." It would seem that these
were deposits intended to supplement the furniture of the
subterranean chamber. In one tomb, of which a picture was

i The quotations are from Mr. Quibell's manuscript report.

REPORT 9

shown, there was found below the filling, hidden beneath 3
metres of gravel, a shallow trench % metre wide, once roofed
with wood. " Inside it were two rows of jars or model barns,
each 30 cent, high, made of unbaked clay and containing a
brown organic powder, probably decayed corn. The trench
is lined with brick and from it a tiny tunnel, a handsbreadth
wide and high, leads to the mouth of the shaft. This surely
was a secret supply of food for the dead man."

In the larger tombs was found something that represents
"a feature new in Egyptian tombs and surely in any other
tombs, viz., a dummy latrine ; north of this in two cases was
a narrow chamber with rude basins carved in the floor, pro-
bably meant for a bathroom."

The antiquities found in the underground chambers were
disappointing. They included, however, bowls and dishes of
alabaster, diorite and other stones, ewers and basins of copper ;
and in three tombs the mud seals on the vases were inscribed
with kings' names, which gave assured dates for the cemetery.

Complete coffins were found only in four tombs. "They
are short, with panelled sides, and arched square-ended lid :
two niches are made in the east side." In one coffin, the east
side of which was shown on the screen, the two central panels
are covered with a series of slabs. These are rounded at the
ends and do not, as one would expect, butt against or mortise
into the uprights. This suggests that they are in imitation of
a door. The preservation of the coffins and bodies was
partial. "About 50 skeletons and parts of skeletons were
found in fair condition." These, owing to the visit of Prof.
Elliot Smith, could be carefully examined some of them
before they had been touched.

In one only of all the 400 tombs were paintings found. This
was the tomb of Hesy. It is a tomb of very considerable
interest, and the paintings are so extensive that the time of
Mr. Quibell's party for a whole season was mainly occupied
in copying them. The panels of Hesy have been, for more
than 40 years, in the Museum. They were brought there by
Mariette, who attributed them, correctly, to the Illrd Dynasty.

io REPORT

According to Mariette, they were obtained from a row of
niches in a tomb of Saqqara. The position of this tomb was
supposed to be lost. But with the help of Marietta's old work-
men, Mr. Quibell has rediscovered it and dug it out completely.
Almost in the last basketful of earth were found two clay seals
bearing the name of Neterkha, a monarch of the third dynasty,
well known as the builder of the Step Pyramid. "This
accords very well with all the evidence, and we may confi-
dently say that it was during this king's reign that Hesy
died."

A few human bones and part of a skull were among the
debris in this tomb. "If these are the bones of Hesy, he
was a slightly built man with a small head and a rapidly
retreating forehead, and his portraits on the panels were
anything but lifelike." Above ground in a long corridor Mr.
Quibell found a wall, which he describes as the most inte-
resting part of the tomb. It is a very fine piece of plasterer's
work, is astonishingly flat, and is covered with a series of
paintings in a style which Mr. Quibell believes to be quite
new. "At the north end Hesy was represented seated.
Before him a great mat was spread, and on the mat were laid
wooden trays containing his games and tools, his weights and
measures ; beyond them were his kitchen implements, his
camp equipment, his beds and chairs and other furniture,
much of it hard to understand. The rectangular trays are
placed side by side, like pictures on a wall." The patterns on
the niches could be best understood if they were seen in
colour. By comparing one niche with another, the patterns
had been recovered, water colour copies had been made, and
from these slides had been prepared. The pictures were
then thrown on the screen. It was explained that : " The
yellow strip with a red centre is in the small set-back panel.
There are four patterns which we may call the tile pattern,
the cross-stitch, the lozenge and the hanging chain. The
detail at the bottom is better drawn than in any example of
this design yet published. The patterns clearly represent
mats or tapestries taut by an arrangement of evelets held

REPORT ii

by a running cord to a horizontal rod. The chain pattern is
mysterious ; it looks much like a chain with white links
falling together at the bottom, but it is difficult to suppose
that large chains of metal would be used at this time and
unlikely that chains in any other material would be made at
all. No convincing explanation has yet been offered."

The Third Meeting of the Session was held on November
l8th, the President in the chair. Mr. H. R. Hall, M.A., of the
British Museum, delivered an address on " The Connection of
Early Cretan and Egyptian Civilisation," illustrated by lantern
slides. He sought to show that modern archaeological dis-
coveries have proved the existence of a Bronze Age culture in
Crete which is coeval with the civilisation of ancient Egypt,
with which it may have had a common origin. Various curious
coincidences in religious matters are noticeable, and in the
early ceramic and stone-cutting arts of both lands there are
resemblances which probably mean more than mere com-
mercial relations, and argue a common origin for both
cultures. Similarity in costume is also an argument in favour
of this. Commercial relations existed as early as the time of
the Vlth dynasty in Egypt, the Third Early Minoan period in
Crete, and to them we may ascribe the passing on of the
spiral design from the Aegean to Egypt and the art of glaz-
ing pottery from Egypt to the Aegean. There is no doubt
that the spiral was not of Egyptian origin and that glazed
pottery was. Then at the time of the Middle Kingdom we
see Egyptian influence in Cretan wall paintings of the Third
Middle Minoan period, such as the cat fresco from Phaistos
and the painting of the goose from Melos. At the same time
we have the direct evidence of connection in the alabastron-
lid of the Hyksos king Khayanu or Khian and the statuette
of the Egyptian Sebek-user, both found at Knossos, besides
the "Middle Minoan II." pottery of Abydos and Kahun. Then
we come to the XVIIIth dynasty and the fully developed First
Late Minoan period, when the ambassadors of Keftiu and the
Isles brought Cretan vases to the courts of Hatshepsut and

12 REPORT

Thothmes III. The lecturer concluded with some pictures of
Crete and Egypt, showing how the difference in the land-
scapes of the two countries coincided with the differences in
their respective cultures and styles of art.

The Fourth Meeting of the Session was held on December
2nd, IQI2, Prof. R. M. Burrows in the chair. Mr. Jesse Haworth
read a paper on " The Progress of Egyptology in Man-
chester." Before doing so, he drew attention to a number of
objects before him on the table. These included Coptic
textiles and other embroideries added to the collection since
the opening of the Museum. They were found in the winter
of 1887 at Hawara, and some of them resemble cloths which
are now produced weekly in their thousands in Lancashire.

Mr. Haworth explained that the genesis of Egyptology in
Manchester dated from 1887, when the first important
Egyptian antiquities shown in Manchester were placed in a
case under the dome of the Jubilee Exhibition. The case
contained the Throne-chair of Queen Hatshepset, who was
then called Queen Hatasoo. In it there were also a chess-
board and a set of chess, besides other interesting and
valuable objects. At the time it was not permissible to say
how these things had been secured, but now no one could be
compromised by the public knowing how they were obtained
from Egypt. They had been hidden away for some years in
an Arab dwelling at Luxor, and by Miss Edwards' influence
the late Rev. J. Greville Chester, who used to spend his
winters in Egypt, and had known of them for some time,
eventually was able to purchase them. At the close of the
Exhibition they were given to the nation, and the authorities
of the British Museum pledged themselves to give the case a
good and central position for permanent exhibition. Before
this there were very few Egyptian antiquities in the Man-
chester district, but in the year following (1888) began the
regular contributions to the Manchester Museum. For nine
years, from 1887 to 1896, Dr. Petrie was working on
private account. No year was of lean kine, but all of

REPORT 13

them were fat years of plenty, and the Museum was greatly
enriched. Since then the additions had continued but had
been of less volume. The Museum, however, became so
crowded that new objects had to be locked up in the attics.

Incidentally, Mr. Haworth remarked that although in the
Museum itself there was an absence of papyri, Manchester at
any rate had become immeasurably rich in this respect since
the purchase by Mrs. Rylands in 1 90 1 of the Earl of
Crawford's most valuable collection. Dr. Petrie's finds of
papyri had not been so large or valuable as those of Drs.
Grenfell and Hunt, who were specially employed by the
Egypt Exploration Fund in exploring and afterwards in
translating and publishing the papyri. The most important
of Dr. Petrie's finds was the Iliad papyrus which was given
at his request to the Bodleian Library, Oxford.

The lecturer then referred to the enormous increase which
had been made in the literature on Egyptology during the
past twenty-five years.

Reverting to the Egyptian collection, he said that now that
the new Museum had been opened, he trusted there would be
a revival in the study of Egyptology, and that lectures to
school children and others would be arranged more frequently.
Mrs. Petrie had at times conducted such parties and explained
the antiquities. 1

It might confidently be expected that Egyptian antiquities
in future would continue to flow into the new Museum. On
the opening day, Mr. Platt had offered his valuable collection
of scarabs to the Vice-Chancellor (Sir Alfred Hopkinson), a
collection pronounced by Professor Newberry, an authority
on scarabs, to be a very fine one.

Mr. Haworth then proceeded to refer to those who had had
so much to do with the collection of Egyptian antiquities in the
past twenty-five years. It was not altogether pleasant, he said,
to have to make personal references, but he could not quite
avoid it, as he and his wife had been connected somewhat with
the development of the study of Egyptology in Manchester.

i See page 31, " The Jesse Haworth Building."

I 4 REPORT

In January, 1880, nearly 33 years ago, they sailed up the
Nile to the second Cataract. Apart from the pleasure of the
journey, it was an educational tour, and became to them an
inspiration and an abiding interest. As a preparation for
their trip, they had read carefully Miss Edwards' " Thousand
Miles up the Nile." A few years later it was their good
fortune to make her acquaintance, and afterwards she became
an attached friend. She was a remarkable woman, possessing
not only literary skill but also great natural ability. Some of
her novels had at one time a large circulation in this country
and in America. But she gave up fiction and an ample
income that she might devote the whole of her time and
energy to the study and furtherance of Egyptology. She was
virtually the founder of the Egypt Exploration Fund, and
until her death was its vital force in organising and develop-
ing its usefulness. On June 9th, 1887, she wrote to the lec-
turer, saying: "The difficulty in raising funds for each year's
work is enormous, To raise them I sacrifice my life's work
and my private earnings. I write hundreds of letters each
year." In November, 1887, and again on February I3th, 1889,
she lectured under the auspices of the Royal Manchester
Institution in the Mayor's Parlour at the Town Hall. She
lectured also at Alderley Edge, Bowdon and elsewhere. Her
subject in Manchester on the latter occasion was " Ancient
Portraiture in Sculpture and Painting." On October 26th of
the same year she sailed from Liverpool to undertake a
lecturing tour in the United States in order to further the inte-
rests of the Society she had so much at heart, and succeeded
in securing many new subscribers. Her own personal earn-
ings from the lectures there she left to found a Chair of
Egyptology at University College, Gower Street, London,
which has been occupied by Professor Petrie since its founda-
tion. Her large library, which contained many valuable
Egyptian books, she bequeathed to Somerville College,
Oxford.

Mr. Haworth said he thought Miss Edwards' life had been
shortened by her American tour, for she had the misfortune

REPORT 15

to fracture her arm by falling on the staircase of the hotel at
which she was staying at Columbus. Dr. Gladdon, of that
city, who was in this country some years ago, told him that
he was present at Miss Edwards' lecture there, and she began
by saying that although she had broken her arm that after-
noon, she was not going to break her engagement to lecture.
The same night she had to take a long railway journey to
keep an engagement to lecture on the following day. The
fractured arm and overwork in America were no doubt the
cause of her impaired health after her return to this country.

The lecturer then went on to say a few words in apprecia-
tion of a Lancashire lady, who did much to promote the study
of Egyptology in the district, the late Miss Kate Bradbury,
afterwards Mrs. F. LI. Griffith, of Riversdale, Ashton-under-
Lyne. Very few even in her own neighbourhood knew of
the valuable service which she rendered to the Exploration
Fund, of which she was an active member for fifteen years.
She translated from the German, The Ancient Egyptian Doctrine
of Immortality, by Alfred Wiedemann, and she prepared also
an Atlas of Ancient Egypt. She became the intimate friend
and travelling companion of Miss Edwards on the American
lecturing tour and other journeys, and nursed her with all the
devotion of her noble nature. That devotion probably
shortened her life.

Although it was more than ten years since the pulse ceased
to beat in the hands which so carefully cleansed and mounted
the embroideries displayed on the table, it was not without a
pang that the lecturer and his wife gave them up quite
recently, but they felt it better that they should be in the new
Museum, especially as their new shrine was not far from
Bowdon.

Mr. Haworth then said he proposed briefly to refer to those
who were still living and working on behalf of scientific
research, and first to Dr. Petrie, to whom we were chiefly
indebted. It was in the autumn of the Jubilee year (1887)
that he first met him. He was in Manchester at the meetings
of the British Association, to exhibit the plaster casts of the

16 REPORT

Racial Types which he had taken in Egypt. He had,
however, heard of him previously, and knew of his work.
On January 2lst of that year, Miss Edwards wrote to him
that she hoped Dr. Petrie might be secured to search for
one of the undiscovered royal tombs at Luxor, and said : " It
would be giving work to a great and admirable scholar, a
man of chivalric honour, and advancing the cause of science."
She added : " He is the most accomplished excavator the
world has ever seen." Although he has never been permitted
to excavate in the valley of the Tombs of the Kings, we
must acknowledge gratefully that he has been allowed to
explore elsewhere, and with such profitable results as to
greatly enrich the Manchester and other Museums in this
country and across the Atlantic.

At one time it was thought that he had to do with " Spoiling
the Egyptians," in getting out of Egypt the throne-chair and
other objects to which reference has been made, but he must be
acquitted of any connexion with the matter. His explorations
had always been " above board,'* and from the first he had
had the full authority of the Egyptian Government to work
in Egypt, on condition, however, that a considerable portion
of his finds should be taken by the Cairo Museum, only what
remained being allowed to leave the country.

The lecturer ventured to describe him as being now the
foremost excavator in Egypt. The British School of
Archaeology, which he founded, was most liberally supported.

It was unnecessary to refer to Dr. Petrie's annual lectures
at Manchester University, as all knew how they had promoted
the study and progress of Egyptology.

A most important part of his work had been in training
more than twenty able and enthusiastic students, some of
whom were still engaged in exploring. Others were em-
ployed profitably in scientific and historical research, and a
few had already made their mark in Egyptian Literature.

Dr. F. LI. Griffith was one of the early students, and after-
wards held the appointment of Reader at the University. He
now had the same position at the University of Oxford, and

REPORT 17

was held by many persons to be the first Demotic scholar in
Europe. For the last two winters he had been excavating in
the Sudan, and on the day of the opening of the new Museum
he had to leave for Nubia to resume his explorations. He had
generously contributed some of his finds. 1

Mr. and Mrs. Quibell were both early and successful stu-
dents. Mrs. Quibell (as Miss Pirie) was engaged in sketching
in the tombs before she and Mr. Quibell decided to unite
their two lives and work together in the desert.

On the opening day of the new Museum, he (the lecturer)
had asked Mr. Quibell if he still adhered to the estimate he
made on his last visit to this country, which was that it would
take sixty years to complete their work. He replied that he
and his wife had carefully considered the matter, and they
thought they could not finish it in less than two centuries.
Mr. Haworth, of course, said that they must not think of
leaving their work until it was completed !

Mr. Arthur Weigall, another student, had the appointment
of Government Inspector in Upper Egypt. But he had found
time to contribute to Egyptian literature. His life of Akhe-
naten was a most readable book and was in the Christie
Library of the University. In the Nineteenth Century Magazine
for August, 1912, there was an interesting article by him on
" The Morality of Excavation," which gave a fair statement
of the case and was well worth reading.

Professor Garstang, another student, was now working for
the University of Liverpool, but for two years he contributed
a portion of his finds to the Manchester Museum.

Professor Newberry had been referred to already.

Mr. N. de Garis Davies, of Ashton-under-Lyne, through
Miss Bradbury's influence was sent out by the Exploration
Fund, and the fine paintings on the staircase of the new
Museum, kindly lent by Dr. Gardiner, were the work of Mrs.
Davies.

i [Now on view in the end room of the first floor of the Jesse Haworth
Building.]

18 REPORT

In conclusion, the lecturer remarked that he wished to say
a few words about Dr. Petrie's own literary work. In the
library of the University there were over 40 volumes which
had reference to his archaeological researches. The great
value of his work had not been in digging up specimens, but
in scientific and historical results, which he had tabulated
and published fully and carefully. Objects which had been
preserved for thousands of years in the dry sands of Egypt
would soon perish if they were exposed to our treacherous
climate and atmosphere. But these published records would
remain as standard books for reference and instruction to
future generations, and would endure when some of the
Museum exhibits had crumbled to dust.

At the conclusion of the paper, lantern illustrations of Dr.
Reisner's recent excavations at Gizeh and also at Meshaik
in Upper Egypt were shown on the screen, and were explained
in a very interesting way by Prof. Elliot Smith. In supporting
a vote of thanks to Mr. Jesse Haworth and Prof. Elliot Smith,
proposed by Prof. Canney and seconded by Dr. Alan Gar-
diner, Prof. Boyd Dawkins laid special stress on the advisa-
bility of following up a suggestion made by Mr. Jesse Haworth,
that popular lectures on Egyptology should be given in the
Museum at suitable hours. Prof. Burrows, while supporting
this, drew attention to the fact that on the monthly open
evening of the Museum, portions of the Egyptian collection
were occasionally explained by the assistant in charge.

The Fifth Meeting of the Session was held on December Qth,
1912, the President in the chair. Dr. Alan Gardiner gave an
address on " The Tomb of a Theban Noble of the XVIIIth
Dynasty." With the help of lantern illustrations, Dr.
Gardiner gave a very interesting description of one of the
private tombs in the necropolis of Thebes. Incidentally, he
deplored the fact that in ancient and modern times the tombs
had not been protected adequately against vandalism. At
the close of the address, Prof. Elliot Smith, in proposing a
vote of thanks, said that as regards the protection of tombs in

REPORT 19

Thebes, Dr. Gardiner himself had been instrumental in
bringing about a better state of things. It was largely
through his exertions that Mr. Robert Mond had taken up the
matter in the hope that before long the Egyptian Government
would interest itself. In replying to the vote, which was
seconded by Prof. Burrows, Dr. Gardiner said that he had the
protection of these tombs very much at heart. The most
urgent need now in Egypt was not so much to excavate as to
protect and to study countless monuments that were above
the soil.

The Sixth Meeting of the Session was held on January 2/th,
1913, Professor Canney in the chair. Mr. Charles Weizmann,
D.Sc., gave an address on " The Zionist Movement." The
lecturer gave a very interesting account of the rise and
progress of the movement. A striking feature in the work of
the Zionists is the revival of a more or less classical type of
Hebrew as a spoken language. Dr. Weizmann referred also
to the proposal to found a University in Palestine.

The Seventh Meeting of the Session was held on February
25th, 1913, Professor Canney in the chair. The Rev. R.
Travers Herford, B.A., read a paper on " The Continuity of
Pharisaism." The subject of the continuity of Pharisaism,
he said, offered a problem, the right solution of which
would be a contribution to history. If the generally accepted
view of the Pharisees is correct, there must have been a
breach of continuity in Pharisaism. According to Professor
Charles this began with the Fall of Jerusalem in 70 A.D. The
Judaism that survived was " a Judaism lopped in the main of
its spiritual and prophetic side and given over all but wholly
to a legalistic conception of religion." He seemed to mean
that Judaism no longer included the apocalyptic element,
true daughter of prophecy, as he calls it. But as a matter of
fact there is a considerable amount of apocalyptic matter in
the Talmud and the Midrash. Whatever, therefore, may
have been the character of Judaism before A.D. 70, its spiritual

20 REPORT

poverty after that date is less evident than Professor Charles'
words imply. It is pretty evident that Prof. Charles' theory
is based on his estimate of the value and influence of Apoca-
lyptic as a factor in Judaism. But it does not account for the
phenomena of Pharisaism at any one of its stages. It does
not accord with what there is of Pharisaism in the Old Testa-
ment ; it does not solve the problem of the New Testament
representation of Pharisaism ; and it does not explain how
the later Pharisaism of the Rabbis could (as it did) produce
any spiritual results worth mentioning. The real explanation
of the peculiar appearance of Pharisaism in the New Testa-
ment is mainly the fact that the medium is changed through
which Pharisaism is seen. Pharisaism, so far as it is visible
in the Old Testament, has a character deemed, even by un-
friendly critics, to be not unworthy of admiration. There, the
medium is Jewish : the literature of the nation of which the
Pharisees formed a part. In the New Testament, Pharisaism
appears in a character which can only be called repulsive.
There the medium through which it is seen is a literature
based on ideas which were in sharp contrast with those
of Pharisaism. In the Rabbinic literature Pharisaism appears
again in its natural form : one can hardly speak of any
medium through which it is seen, for that literature is the
self-expression of Pharisaism, in which its excellencies and
its defects, its virtues and its faults, are all written down with
the honesty of unconsciousness, for anyone to read, if he can
read the record.

From first to last, Pharisaism was a consistent development,
in theory and practice, of one main principle. The Pharisees'
supreme authority in religion was the Torah, a word which,
having been translated "Law," has been much misunder-
stood. The Torah meant the whole of what God had revealed
to Israel, what he had given for their guidance and instruc-
tion, over the entire range of religious and moral life. The
Torah meant not merely the written word, the Pentateuch,
but also the interpretation of the written word. It was inex-
haustible. No one could ever draw forth the whole of its

REPORT 21

contents ; and however far the process of interpretation were
carried, the results duly ascertained were still Torah, no
longer implicit but explicit. Those who most fully and unre-
servedly accepted the Torah and acted up to it were the
Hasidim of the Maccabean times, and their later successors
the Pharisees. The Pharisees were those who were most
concerned to "walk according to the Tradition of the Elders."
But their reason for doing so was, not just because it was the
Tradition of the Elders, but because it was (in their belief) the
declared will of God. It is of great importance to recognise
that there were three elements in Pharisaism viz., personal
relation to God, the fulfilment of divine precept, and the
reception of divine teaching upon religion generally. For it
is only by leaving out the first and the third that any case
can be made out for the common assertion that the effect of
the Torah was to dry up the springs of spiritual life and
reduce religion to a mere formal observance of rules, the
endurance of an increasingly heavy burden.

It may safely be said of such a system as Pharisaism,
(l)that its peculiar form lends itself easily to abuse, and (2) that
it would present its least attractive side to those who did not
accept its main principle. It may be freely admitted that the
vices charged against the Pharisees in the Gospels were
present in some, possibly in many, members of the class.
But it ought also to be admitted that such vices were
characteristic of the individuals who were guilty of them, and
not of the Pharisaism upon which they brought dishonour.
That the Pharisees in general were guilty of them is an
assertion which is contradicted by the unconscious witness
of the whole of their literature from one end to the other.
Moreover, the severest denunciation of the Pharisees (Matt,
xxiii.) was delivered in Jerusalem. Jerusalem had its " smart
set " in the last century of its history, and no doubt there
were professing Pharisees amongst that set who made their
co-religionists blush. As regards the other point (2), if
Pharisaism came into contact with a form of religion where
the supreme authority was not the Torah but the inward
c 2

22 REPORT

intuition of the mind and conscience (or, if you will, the
personal authority of one who had the very highest right to
speak), then there would necessarily be a conflict between
the two systems ; and the conflict would be most acute
precisely on points where the doing of duty was involved.

The destruction of the Temple involved the disappearance
of the Sadducees. But the Pharisees, depending upon the
synagogue and the school for the nurture of their spiritual life,
were quite prepared to go on without the Temple. And they
did go on ; so easily and naturally, that one might almost
say that its loss made no practical difference to them.
Pharisaism passed from Jerusalem to Jabneh without a break;
and carried with it the religion of Torah, uninjured, and, if
changed at all, only the more radiant in spiritual beauty by
being released from association with its material symbol.
This is clear from all the Rabbinic literature. It is also clear
on the Rabbinic side, that the Pharisaism of the period down
to A.D. 70 was continuous with the Pharisaism after that time.

The Eighth Meeting of the Session was held on March nth,
1913, the Rev. C. L. Bedale, M.A., in the chair. Letters of
apology for unavoidable absence were received from Dr.
Elliot Smith and Mr. Jesse Haworth. Dr. J. T. Marshall,
Principal of the Baptist College, read a paper on "The
Aramaic Papyri of the 5th century B.C. recently found near
Assouan." In 1904 ten papyri were purchased in Assouan.
These were title-deeds of property of a Jewish family living
for generations in Elephantine in the 5th century B.C. As
the result of German exploration, Prof. Sachau, of Berlin, in
1907 published three more papyri more startling than the
others; and in 1911 produced prototypes of about 75 papyri
and 25 ostraka. The language of these documents is Aramaic.
Each of the first-mentioned ten papyri is dated from the year
of the reigning Persian monarch. A colony of Jews, it
appears, existed 500 miles up the Nile in the fortresses on the
border of Nubia. They had settled there before Cambyses
subjugated Egypt in 525. The papyri transport us to a time

REPORT 23

about 100 years after Jeremiah, and plant us down in the
midst of a Jewish military colony, living in the island of Jeb,
possessing and transferring property, buying and selling,
marrying and giving in marriage, lending and borrowing, as
keen and busy and energetic as any modern Jew could be.

The papyri furnish abundant illustration of the way in
which the Jews, even thus early, adapted themselves to the
customs and general life of the people among whom they
sojourned and yet kept themselves aloof as to marriage and
religion, and even did a little proselytizing. They lived quite
contentedly under the Persian government, enrolled under the
ensign of some Persian captain. They had a separate court
for their own special cases, called the Court of the Hebrews :
but in the main they were under Persian law and their title
deeds were drawn up in substance and phraseology like the
legal documents of Persia and Babylon, and the witnesses are
by no means all Jews. As regards the religion of these Jews,
with one exception we find exemplary loyalty to Jaho. In the
courts of justice they take the oath by the god Jaho (Yahweh),
and as a rule avoid heathen marriages ; and what is most
remarkable of all they built a Temple to Jaho in Jeb, right
among the Jewish properties described in the deeds. The
exception to unbroken fidelity to Jaho is a Jewish lady who
swears by the goddess Sati (the Queen of Heaven). She seems
to have retained this much of the reverence the women of
Jeremiah's time showed to the Queen of Heaven as to be
willing to take an oath in the name of the goddess Sati in
business transactions with an Egyptian.

The newer papyri speak of a great calamity that befell the
Jews of Jeb and Syene. It appears that when the Persian
satrap was absent from Egypt on a visit to Persia, Widranag,
commandant of the garrison, was bribed by Egyptian priests
to destroy this Temple of Jaho and to take its costly vessels
and treasures as spoil. The Jews write to Bagohi (Gk., Bagoas),
the Persian governor of Judah, and beg him to use his influ-
ence with the Persian governor of Egypt to compel the
Egyptians to rebuild the Temple. They say they have sent

24 REPORT

a copy of their letter to Delayah and Shelamyah, sons of
Sanballat, Persian governor of Samaria.

All this is very remarkable, but the fact that startles us
most is that in the 5th century B.C. there should be a Jewish
Temple in Egypt at all, especially when we call to mind how
strongly Deut. xii. forbids that there should be more than one
sanctuary where sacrifice was offered to Yahweh. And this
was a Temple and not merely something of the nature of a
synagogue ; for reference is made to the meal-offering, the
incense, the burnt offering, gold and silver bowls, priests and
a High Priest. It would seem that the Egyptian Jews held to
the Jewish faith of the pre-Reformation or pre-Deuteronomic
period, agreeing with King Josiah's opponents rather than
with the king himself. There is just a possibility, on the
other hand, that these Egyptian Jews were influenced by a
prophecy of Isaiah xix., 19, if we could be sure that it came
from the historic Isaiah.

We have no information whether the Temple at Jeb was
rebuilt. The Jews, it seems, requested that the Temple might
be rebuilt, in order that the meal-offering and the incense-
offering might be offered on the altar as before ; and,
according to one of the papyri, that the right of offering the
burnt-offering might also be restored. Now the burnt-offering
was often of rams, and rams were specially revered and
worshipped by the Egyptians of that district. It may be that
here we have the secret of all the mischief. The Jews
sacrificed what to the Egyptian was sacrosanct or taboo !

At the conclusion of Dr. Marshall's address the Bishop of
Salford rose to express the general regret felt by members of
the Association at the impending departure of Professor
Burrows, to take up his post as Principal of King's College,
London. This, he said, was a grievous loss to the Society,
the University, and to the City at large. The Egyptian
Association, at the time when Professor Burrows came to
Manchester, was in a rather languishing condition, and
was most deeply indebted to the energy and enthusiasm of

REPORT 25

Professor Burrows, which had greatly contributed to its
revival. He was also an original member of the Oriental
Society and had been active in the amalgamation of the two
bodies. He was one of the most distinguished scholars in
Europe as regards the Minoan and Aegean civilisations, and
the Association had been greatly honoured by his connection
with it. The Bishop then proposed a resolution : " That this
Association thanks Professor Burrows for his interest, help
and encouragement in its work, wishes him God-speed, and
even more brilliant success in his new sphere, and asks him
to continue his connection with the Association by accepting
election as an honorary Vice-President."

Dr. Walter M. Tattersall, Keeper of the Manchester Museum,
in seconding, referred to the very valuable assistance Pro-
fessor Burrows had given in connection with the extension of
the Museum, as a most active and interested member of the
sub-committee for the Egyptian and Anthropological sections.
The resolution was supported by Mrs. Rhys Davids, who at
the same time expressed the great regret of the President at
his inability to be present on this occasion. The resolution
was then carried unanimously.

Professor Burrows, in replying, thanked the members for
their good wishes, and said that he accepted very gladly
the office of Vice-President. He had always found much
interest and pleasure in the meetings of the Association. He
had been specially struck by the good feeling and spirit of
camaraderie displayed by the members. He hoped that this
feature would continue to be prominent and that the Associa-
tion would grow and prosper in every way.

The Ninth Meeting of the Session was held on April 28th,
1913, Prof. Canney in the chair. Mr. H. R. Hall, M.A., of the
British Museum, lecturing on behalf of the Egypt Exploration
Fund, delivered an address on " The Excavation of an Egyp-
tian Temple : Deir-el-Bahari, 1903-7." With the help of
lantern slides Mr. Hall gave a very interesting account of his

26 REPORT

own excavation work. He urged his hearers to remember the
claims of the Egypt Exploration Fund, as well as those of
other Funds, and to do what they could to support it.

The Tenth Meeting of the Session was held on May 6th,
1913, the Rev. C. L. Bedale, M. A., in the chair. Mr. L. W. King,
M.A., F.S. A., of the British Museum, gave an address on " Col-
lecting Rock Inscriptions in Kurdistan and Western Persia."

The lecturer described particularly those which he had
published for the first time or of which he had prepared new
editions. The work, he said, had been carried out in the
course of two journeys on which he had been sent by the
Trustees of the British Museum and, as a result, he had been
fortunate in collecting a good deal of new material bearing
on the rock-inscriptions of different classes and periods
which exist in that part of the world.

In speaking of the Western Asiatic rock-inscriptions and
the rock-sculptures that so frequently accompany them, the
lecturer referred to some of the descriptions published by
early travellers from the seventeenth century onwards, and to
the ingenious theories which had from time to time been
advanced in explanation of them. Gardanne, Sir Thomas
Herbert, and even Sir Robert Ker Porter had all made quaint
suggestions with regard to the origin of those they had seen.
It was only when the inscriptions had been copied and
deciphered, in the course of the second half of the last
century, that their true history had been recovered, and even
now the Hittite hieroglyphs were still baffling the decipherer.
The lecturer pointed out how the character of rock-sculptures
gradually changed as one passed further eastward, the
religious element giving place to a desire on the part of the
makers of the records to perpetuate their own fame and
personal glory. To whatever category the more eastern rock-
hewn reliefs or texts belong, whether they were the work of
Old-Babylonian, Elamite, Vannic, Assyrian, Neo-babylonian,
Persian, or Sassanian craftsmen, they commemorated, with
but few exceptions, the form, name and achievements of the

REPORT 27

king who set them up. To the historian and geographer
their value was often considerable, for they were con-
temporaneous records, often executed in the land or district
they describe ; thus their credibility could not be shaken, as
is so often the case with records composed at a distance,
whether in time or space, from the events to which they refer.
The lecturer showed numerous lantern-slide illustrations of
the rock-inscriptions and sculptures, and of his method of
reaching the more inaccessible by means of tackle suspended
from crow-bars driven into crevices in the rocks.*

*A11 the Meetings of the Session were held at the University.

NEWS FROM EXCAVATORS 29

NEWS FROM EXCAVATORS.

1. Professor Elliot Smith received towards the end of 1912
from Mr. J. E. QUIBELL a report of his excavation work, an
abstract of which will be found on pp. 8 II.

2. At the meeting held on January 27th, 1913, Mrs. Flinders
Petrie kindly read extracts from a letter written by Professor
PETRIE, dated Tarkhan, Jan. 7th. The chief facts of interest
were : The work was in the main valley between the ceme-
teries examined the previous season. Prof. Petrie concludes
that near here was the pre-Memphite capital of the conquering
tribe and that it died down as Memphis arose. Nearly all
the objects found were of the period shortly before Mena. A
large jar bore a variant of the name of King Narmer, who
is probably Mena. It is a very important variant, as only the
nar fish is the ka name, and the mer is put below : further, it
is not the chisel mer, but the hoe or plough mer. This finally
disposes of any other proposed reading for the name. A fine
series of skulls, important for defining the types at this criti-
cal period, was to be brought away. Professor Petrie was
photographing the skulls, with four views of each. Foreign
pots had been found in graves of the 1st Dynasty, and
others in a grave of the XIII XlVth Dynasty. At Gerzeh,
Mr. Engelbach has found some fine stone tombs like
pyramids, probably of the Third Dynasty. Mr. Campion,
whose voluntary aid in the arranging of the Manchester
Museum collection during the last days before the opening

3 o NEWS FROM EXCAVATORS

was so valuable, offered his services at Tarkhan and Prof.
Petrie writes, " The work here is greatly helped by Mr.
Campion."

3. Mr. AYLWARD M. BLACKMAN (Laycock Student of

Egyptology at Worcester College, Oxford), who had origin-
ally arranged to address the Association on April 28th, 1913,
on his work in copying the inscriptions and frescoes of the
unprotected tombs at Meir, not far from Tell el-Amarna,
wrote from this place that he much regretted his inability to
keep his engagement, due to his late discovery of a very
interesting painted tomb, with a long biographical inscrip-
tion, which he must copy before he could leave the neigh-
bourhood, as these tombs were quite unprotected.

4. Dr. A. H. GARDINER (Reader in Egyptology in the
University) wrote as to his work amongst the Tombs of the
Nobles at Thebes : " By dint of much ferret-like crawling, I
managed to discover or rediscover about thirty tombs. The
great prize was one with a superb picture of negroes and
Syrians alternately kneeling at the base of the throne of
Amenhotep III. This tomb belonged to the head nurse of the
king's children, who is depicted dandling no less than four
of the little princes on his knee ! Mr. Mackay, Mr. Robert
Mond's assistant, is hard at work restoring and guarding the
tombs, which may now be considered for the first time ade-
quately protected, thanks to Mr. Mond's liberality."

THE JESSE HAWORTH BUILDING 31

THE JESSE HAWORTH BUILDING.

The extension of the Manchester Museum, accommodating
on its first floor and gallery the Egyptian antiquities of the
Museum, was opened on October 30th last by Mr. Jesse
Haworth, to whose liberality both the valuable collection and
the building are chiefly due.

The entire extension was not completed at that date, but
the largest room was available, and in that the objects from
the earliest times up to the end of Dynasty XIX were
arranged. Since then the gallery above and the further room
on the first floor have been completed. The latter will
contain the objects of the later periods, chiefly Ptolemaic and
Roman, and will shortly be in order. In the gallery is
arranged a temporary exhibit of Egyptian spinning and
weaving implements and fabrics, the most attractive being
the embroideries of about 300 600 A.D. from Hawara, pre-
sented since the opening by Mr. Haworth. The Assistant in
charge, Miss W. M. Crompton, is always glad to guide
visitors who wish for more information than is supplied by
the as yet inadequate labelling. Persons who wish to bring
parties to view the Egyptian or any other department of the
Museum, particularly at the week-ends, are recommended to
write beforehand to the Keeper, Dr. W. M. Tattersall, in
order to ensure a date when the Assistant in charge of the
department in which they are specially interested is able to
guide them.

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SPECIAL
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THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 33

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA

AND THE RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND CYPRUS
UNDER THE EMPIRE.

(I500IIOO B.C.) l
BY H. R. HALL, M.A., F.S.A.

BEFORE the XVIIIth Dynasty we have little evidence of any
connection between Egypt and Cyprus parallel to the impor-
tant connection which undoubtedly existed from the earliest
times between Egypt and Crete. The relationship between
the types of Cyprian and Egyptian copper weapons in the
time of the earliest dynasties 2 does not seem to have extended
to other forms of art and handicraft, as, for instance, to the pot-
tery. There are superficial resemblances between the unusual
" Incised white-filled " ware of prehistoric Egypt and that of
the Middle Bronze Age in Cyprus, but there is no connection
between the Cyprian pottery of this type or any other and
the contemporary Egyptian wares of the Xllth Dynasty.

Under the Middle Kingdom we have little or no evidence of
connection between Egypt and Cyprus, if, as I think pro-
bable, the peculiar black " punctured " or " punctuated " ware
found in Cyprus, Palestine and Egypt, in the latter country

1 This contribution is a paper which was read at the International His-
torical Congress held in London in April of this year. It is intended as an
amplification, and where necessary a correction, of the views expressed on
the subject in my recently published Ancient History of the Near East, p. 243
n.l. I have added the necessary notes and references. H. H.

2 MYRES, Cat. Cypr. Mus., p. 19.

34 H. R. HALL

always in burials of the Xllth and XHIth XVIIIth Dynasty
and often with Middle Minoan Kamarais ware from Crete, is
not Cyprian at all, but Syrian. 1 It does not seem to me to
connect at all with the contemporary native hard-faced red
and black pottery, with incised decoration, though this seems
at times to attempt an imitation of it. Since large quantities
of it have been found by Randall Maclver in the Xllth
Dynasty settlement at Wadi Haifa in the Soudan, where it
seems to go on into the XVIIIth Dynasty, he has been in-
clined to regard the punctuated pottery as Nubian.2 In this
case it will have been exported from Egypt to Cyprus and be
a proof of connexion, but I see nothing Nubian in it whatever,
or Egyptian, 3 and it seems to me to be Syrian 4 and exported
to both Cyprus and Egypt. Similarly, at the beginning of

1 This peculiar ware is well known to archaeologists. It was first noted by
Naville at Khata'aneh in the Delta and by Petrie, with Aegean (Kamarais)
sherds, at Kahun, and has since been found by Petrie (Hyksos and Israelite
Cities, pll. vii., viii.) in Hyksos graves at Tell el-Yahudiyah (from which it
would seem to be specially associated with the Hyksos, who were of Syrian
origin), and, as mentioned above, by Randall Maclver at Wadi Haifa under
the XVIIIth Dynasty (a date recently confirmed by Peet at Abydos); as
well as commonly in Cyprus and often in Palestine.

2 MAClVER, Buhen, p. 133. This ware must not be confused with the native
Nubian incised black ware of the Middle Kingdom ("C group " pottery),
which it in no way resembles.

3 The remarkable black vase in the form of a hawk (Brit. Mus., No. 17046),
first published by myself in The Oldest Civilization of Greece, p. 69 (fig. 30), may
have been made for the Egyptian market. Miss M. A. Murray, in Historical
Studies, II., pp. 41, 45, pi. xxv., 71, erroneously describes this vase as red, and
ascribes it to the XVIIIth Dynasty. It is quite as probably of the Middle King-
dom, being of the black pottery with pricked designs (our "punctuated ware,"
described above) which, though it is found as late as the XVIIIth Dynasty, is, as
Miss Murray says, I.e., p. 42, specially characteristic of the Hyksos period
(PETRIE, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pi. viii.a, 59-63). And the Hyksos were
Syrians.

4 Although this ware does not seem to me to connect directly with the un-
doubted native ceramic ware of Cyprus, the earlier hard-faced red or black
jugs and bowls with incised geometric decoration (note the typical punctuation
of these vases), or the rather later white-faced pots and bowls with painted
geometric decoration, yet it belongs to the same circle of ceramic development,
so to speak, and I should not be inclined to put its place of origin further
away than Syria or Cilicia.

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 35

the XVIIIth Dynasty we do not see much evidence of con-
nexion. In Cyprus as in Egypt are found great quantities of
the undoubtedly Syrian "Base-ring " ware ; l but here again we
are dealing with an export from Syria to Cyprus and Egypt,
which do not seem to have been connected by any exchange
of commodities. Real Cyprian pots of this period are almost
unknown in Egypt : I have only heard of one single specimen
of the typically Cyprian milk bowls with the white slip and
painted ornament having been found in Egypt, and the other
forms do not appear.

We are now in the time of Thothmes III. The histories,
and Prof. Myres's admirable article in the last edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica, speak of Cyprus as having paid
tribute to this king. Cyprus is supposed to have been the
land of Asi or Isy, which sent gifts to him. The identity
of Asi or Isy with Cyprus seems generally assumed, though
Professor von Bissing has protested against it. 2 I desire
to second his protest. In the annals of Thothmes III., Asi
sends gifts in the 34th, 38th and 40th years. The entry for
the 34th year reads " Tribute of the chief of Asi in [this
year]: 108 blocks of purified (that is, smelted) copper, weighing
2,040 debn ; .... 5 blocks of lead ; 1,200 pigs of lead ; lapis
lazuli, no debn ; ivory, one tusk ; 2 staves of wood." The
entry for the 38th year reads simply, " Crude copper ; and
horses " : that for the 40th, " ivory, 2 tusks ; copper, 40 bricks,
lead, I brick." In this statement of the tribute of Asi the

1 " Base-ring " ware is common in Cyprus, in Palestine, and in Egypt, and
dates to the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties, being, if I may so express myself,
more XVIIIth than XlXth. We know it from its tall thin jugs of polished
red ware, and its double lekythi and broad-spouted pots of coarse ware
covered with a brown slip which almost exactly resembles burnished leather.
The simple decoration consists of relief twists or dull white-painted stripes and
smears. We find this ware exhibited in collections of Cyprian antiquities
and catalogued as Cyprian because it is found in Cyprus, though I think there
can be little doubt that it is not Cyprian at all, since it is found quite as
commonly in Egypt and Palestine as in Cyprus (Cf. EVANS, Journ. Anthrop.
Inst. 1900, p. 202).

2 Statistische Tafel von Karnak, p. 47.

D 2

36 H. R. HALL

amount of copper brought is by no means extraordinary as
compared with that brought or sent to Thothmes III. by
various countries and towns which were certainly in Syria,
as, for instance, Anaugasa in the Lebanon district. This place
in the 38th year contributed 2/6 blocks of copper, twice as
much as Asi. In fact, there is no doubt that Asi would never
have been identified with Cyprus at all had it not been that
in one of the Ptolemaic texts one of the names for Cyprus
looks as if it were a corrupt form of the ancient Asi. Whether
it is so or not is uncertain ; Ptolemaic identifications are of
little value, as we see in the case of Keftiu, which the
Ptolemaic antiquaries said was Phoenicia. 1 There are also
other reasons against the identification the ivory, the lapis
lazuli, and above all, the lead. Why should Cyprus hand on
ivory and lapis lazuli from Inner Asia to Egypt ? And lead
(I speak on the authority of Oberhummer) 2 is unknown in
Cyprus, like silver, with which it is usually found. But the
Anatolian mainland was the chief oriental centre of silver
production, and with it, of lead. From Anatolia must have
come the 1,200 pigs of lead from Asi. Now when we find
Keftiu and Asi bracketed together in Thothmes' " Hymn of
Victory," as, apparently, typical representatives of the north-
western lands, we may justly regard Asi as representing some
part of the south coast of Asia Minor. But we find Anaugasa,
the Lebanon town already mentioned, sending 26 blocks of
lead to Thothmes. It might be argued that Asi need be no
further afield than Anaugasa, both being Syrian places which
sent the copper they got from Cyprus and the lead they got
from Anatolia. But the mention of Asi with Keftiu shows
that it was farther away.

It may be that we have the real name of Cyprus in the land
of Tinay or Antinay, which once sent tribute. This name
might well be the same as the late Assyrian Yatnan or

1 Whether Keftiu was Crete or not (I believe it was Crete; the evidence of
the Keftian costume shows that at least it included Crete) it was certainly no
more Phoenicia than it was the moon.

2 Die Insel Cypern, p. 183.

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 37

Yatnana, which was certainly Cyprus, and it seems to be the
original of the name "Nebinaiti," which is given to Cyprus
in the Canopus decree. 1 Here the Ptolemaic archaeologists
may have been right. But the tribute of Antinay includes no
copper, which would be remarkable if it were Cyprus. Still,
however, this cannot be pressed, as the country is only men-
tioned once, and this tribute may have been merely a compli-
mentary gift of works of art. A "suibti-vase of the work of
Keftiu" is mentioned, 2 which points in the direction of Crete
and the Minoan world, and we must remember that now or
very shortly afterwards Cyprus became included within the
circle of Minoan civilization and art.

The excavations carried on by the British Museum fifteen
years ago at Enkomi and elsewhere in the island have shown
that at the beginning of the Third Late Minoan period, about
the time of Amenhetep III. (1410-1380 B.C.), Cyprus was
invaded and colonized by "Mycenaeans." It was an occu-
pation like the Cretan colonization of the Peloponnese, Attica
and Boeotia, which, two or three centuries before, at the
end of the Middle Minoan period, had introduced a higher
culture to the Greek mainland. The invaders of Cyprus

1 See my Oldest Civilization of Greece, p. 163 ; B. S. Ann. VIII., p. I/O. Of the
name only the syllables . . . ntinay remain in the inscription. It is a moot point
whether the n belongs to the name or is not rather the word n, " of." The

missing words are certainly " Inu num...," " Offerings of the prince of "

The question is whether the n of ntinay is not the second " of," and the name
" Tinay," or whether other signs are visible which would necessitate the n
belonging to the name, which would then be "... ntinay." W. M. MULLER,
in M.V.G., 1900, p. 8, read it " Antinay," with the pillar sign 'an ; I, in O.C.G.,
I.e., read Intinay, lentinay, or- Yantinay, supplying the legs-sign or y, on account
of the spelling of the Ptolemaic Nebinaiti, which I indicated as due to a cor-
ruption of a hieratic spelling of Yantinay. I prefer my solution to Miiller's, in
view of my identification of the XVIIIth Dynasty word with the Ptolemaic
Nebinaiti. This identification was not made by Miiller, nor did he perceive
the probable identity of Antinay or Yantinay with the Assyrian Yatnan.

2 v. BISSING has shown (A.Z., xxxiv. (1896), p. 166) that the suibti- vase occurs
in the el-Amarna letters, as also do two other kinds of vase, called in Egyptian
nemse(t) and ka-hifrj-ka, in cuneiform namsa and kuihku (forms which no doubt
give the Egyptian pronunciation of the words). (ERMAN, A.Z., I.e. p. 165).

38 H. R. HALL

now bestowed a similar gift upon that island. Whether
they came at least partly from Crete, as I have supposed
elsewhere, 1 as fugitives before the return attacks of the
mainlanders, which may have destroyed Knossos and ended
the Palace-period in Crete, or whether they were them-
selves mainlanders or came from the Aegean islands, is
uncertain. In favour of the latter idea is the fact that their
pottery soon became remarkable for the constant appearance
upon it of the human form, which, so far as I know, was
unknown to the Minoan styles of Crete, 2 but is previously
paralleled at Melos 3 and is soon known on the mainland. 4
However this may be, it is noticeable that evidence of close
connection between Cyprus and Egypt only begins with their
coming. Did they bring with them the habit of a regular
connection with Egypt, which was previously unusual ? At
this time Egypt was no longer connected so closely with Crete
as with the non-Cretan Mycenaean world : the Mycenaean
pottery found in Egypt shows this. Is this pottery Cypriote-
Mycenaean ? If so, however, it is odd again that none of the
native Cyprian ware is found with it, although the Enkomi
graves show that the Mycenaeans there used it side by side
with their own pottery and the imported Syrian " base-ring "
ware. Also, we never find in Egypt any of the later Cyprian-
Mycenaean pottery with human figures. The evidence of
connexion is seen, however, in the fine objects of Egyptian

1 Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. xxxi. (1909), p. 228. My view seems almost identical
with that of Sir Arthur Evans in Scripta Minoa (p. 69), published in the same
year, but was reached independently.

2 It is found on the painted pottery larnakes or coffins of L.M. III., but these
can hardly be reckoned as "pottery" in the narrower sense. Sir Arthur
EVANS, however, thinks that the idea of the paintings on the Cyprian vases
was derived from that of the Cretan larnakes (Scripta Minoa, p. 69, n. 6). In
favour of this view is perhaps the fact that the Cyprian vases were used, and
were probably intended to be used, as cinerary urns, cremation having been
introduced by the time they were made. The tradition of decoration was
transferred from coffins to urns.

3 In the " Fisherman vase " (Phylakopi, pi. xxii.)

4 On a sherd, from Tiryns, at Athens (SCHUCHHARDT, Schliemann, fig. 132).

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 39

art of the XVIIIth Dynasty which were found in the Enkomi
tombs. 1 These may be seen exhibited in the First Vase Room
and the Gold Room of the British Museum. We find only
one Egyptian object that is earlier than the XVIIIth, and
none that is later than the XXth Dynasty. The earliest
Egyptian object is a scarab of the Xllth Dynasty. 2 It was
found on the surface, but was evidently cast out of a tomb at
the time of the "XVIIIth Dynasty " burials, and is perhaps to
be associated with some punctuated Syrian vases, already
mentioned as of Middle Kingdom date, which were found in
two of the Enkomi graves, 3 and with the only sherd of Ka-
marais ware yet found in Cyprus, published by Mr. E. J.
Forsdyke in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1911, p. II3. 4 The
latest Egyptian object is a scarab of Rameses III. (1200 B.C.) 5

i EVANS, Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1900, p. 199 f.f. The majority of the Egyptian
objects are of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and are dated to about 1400 B.C. by rings
and scarabs of Akhenaten and Queen Teie. I should note here that the state-
ment of Dr. Poulsen, made on my authority in his recent article on the Enkomi
graves in the Jahrbuch Arch. Inst. for 1910, as to the precise date of the fine silver
ring of Akhenaten is perfectly correct, and Prof. v. Bissing's implied criticism
of me (as Poulsen's Egyptian " Gewahrsmann ") in his recently published
paper Der Anteil der dgyptischen Kunst am Kunstleben der Volker (Festr. K. bayr.
Akad. 9 Marz, 1912, p. 29) is incorrect, since the ring bears not only the name
of Horakhti but also that of the God Ptah, as was pointed out on Prof. Petrie's
authority by EVANS, I.e. p. 205.

a Unpublished. It bears the prenomen of Senusret I.

3 Nos. 66 and 88. Both graves were re-used by the " XVIIIth Dynasty
' Mycenaeans,' " and the majority of the objects found in them are of their
period, including vases of the later Syrian " base-ring " ware and of the native
Cyprian white-slip pottery, Mycenaean " Bugelkannen " of the Third Late
Minoan style, the fine rhyton in the form of a horse's head (which one would
ascribe to a somewhat earlier period), and a blue-glazed saucer of somewhat
coarse workmanship, which, if not an actual Egyptian work of ihe XVIIIth
Dynasty, is certainly copied from one. The figure of a fisherman guiding his
reed boat, which is painted upon it, is distinctly of XVIIIth Dynasty style, as
is also the glaze of the saucer. In many of the Enkomi tombs we have cer-
tainly successive burials, dating from two clearly defined and separated
periods, contemporary with the XVIIIth Dynasty and with the beginning
of the Geometric period (see p. 40 below) : in graves 66 and 88 we have a third
and earlier period represented. POULSEN, Jahrb. Arch. Inst. XXVI. (1910),
p. 115 f.f., has attempted to arrange all the grave-finds in chronological order.

4J.H.S. XXXI. (1911), p. 113.

5 MURRAY, Excavations in Cyprus, pi. IV. 29.

40 H. R. HALL

We have later objects from Enkomi, such as the famous
carved draught-box with a hunting scene in relief, 1 with which
were found iron knives and the bronze tripods 2 which are
paralleled in Dipylon graves of the Geometric period 3 that
date from the early iron age, and cannot be any earlier than
1000 or 900 B.C. A tripod exactly similar has just been found
in an Early Iron Age grave at Vrokastro, in Crete. 4 But we
have nothing Egyptian which is absolutely dated later than
the scarab of Rameses III. Some of the scarabs from the
Amathus graves 5 may, in my opinion, be later of the XXIst
XXIInd Dynasties, but most of them seem to be of the XlXth.
We have thus a connexion with Egypt from about 1400 to
1150 B.C., and probably till about iooo B.C.

Yet we do not find much definite trace of this connexion in
Egypt, unless most of the Mycenaean pottery found there is
really Cypriote. In the Berlin Museum is the peculiar carved
wooden object of the foreigner Sarobina, 6 with its griffins,
the style of which might well be compared with that of the
ivory mirror-handles found at Enkomi, and their griffins. 7
But though there is a Minoan touch in these carved ivories,
I have often felt that there is something in them that is
non-Minoan. The griffin is Syrian, like the winged sphinx ;
both came to the Enkomi ivories, to Cretan seals, and
earlier to Hyksos scarabs in Egypt, from Syria. But the
griffin-slaying Arimasp on one of the Enkomi ivories is
not Syrian in appearance or dress : as Sir Arthur Evans
pointed out fourteen years ago, 8 but for his wearing a
round helmet and not a feather crown, he is exactly like one
of the Philistines who attacked Egypt in the time of Rameses
III. That is to say, he is not a Minoan any more than is the
helmeted (?) male type shown in the small heads, also of ivory,

i Ibid, pi. i. 2 Ibid., p. 31. 3 Ath. Mitth. XVIII. (1893), pi. xiv. ; FURT-
W ANGLER, Sitzb. K. bayr. Akad. 1899, 415 ; POULSEN, Dipylongrdber, 29.

4 In excavations carried on for the Philadelphia Museum by Miss E. H. Hall.

5 A. H. SMITH, in MURRAY, I.e., pi. ii.

6 Illustrated by SPIEGELBERG, Blutezeit des Pharaonenreichs, p. 70, fig. 60.

7 MURRAY, I.e., pi. ii. ZJouni. Anthrop. Inst., 1900, p. 213.

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 41

found at Enkomi, 1 and previously at Mycenae and at Spata
in Attica. 2 These men are rather to be connected with Lycia,
Caria, and the people who made the Phaistos disk. I
would regard all these carvings as not Minoan, not even
Cypriote Minoan, but the products of some culture on the
south coast of Asia Minor, between Caria and Cilicia,
perhaps in Cilicia, quite different from that of the Hittites,
influenced by that of Syria, strongly influenced by and influ-
encing that of Crete and the Aegean, perhaps related to this
last, but distinct from it. It is to this hypothetical culture-
centre that I would refer the carving of Sarobina. The
draught-box with its man in the feather head-dress may be a
later product of the same art, under the influence of the later
Aramaean-Assyrian art of Sinjirli and Sakjegozu. It may be
the art of Asi or of Alashiya, if Alashiya is not Cyprus, but
Cilicia, and if, as has been supposed, Asi and Alashiya were
identical. 3

We do not, therefore, get anything in Egypt that is dis-
tinctly Cyprian. But we seem to have in the archives of the
time constant mention of Cyprus, if the land of Alashiya (the
Biblical Elishah) really is that country. This is usually taken
for granted, since in the Bilingual of Tamassos a mention of
a cult of Apollo Alasiotas or Alahiotas has been found. But,
though I would not decidedly reject the identification of
Alashiya with Cyprus as I would that of Asi, I would like to
note that there are certain facts that at any rate do not favour
the identification.

In one of the Tell-el-Amarna letters 4 Ribadda, the king of
Gebal, writes to Akhenaten requesting him to ask Aman-
masha, an Egyptian official, if he, Ribadda, had not sent him
from Alashiya. 5 This can hardly be Cyprus, since we have
no reason to suppose that the king of Byblos had any authority

i MURRAY, I.e. pi. ii., 1340. 2 TSOUNTAS-MANATT, Mycencean Age, fig. 85.

3 I hope to treat this matter more fully elsewhere shortly.

4 KNUDTZON, 114.

5 The translation is uncertain, but this seems the most probable meanir.g.
Mr. L. W. King agrees.

42 H. R. HALL

there, where no Phoenicians were to be for five hundred years
yet, and he certainly did not go to Cyprus while the revolt
was in progress. Previously also, the king of Alashiya had
warned either Akhenaten or his father to be wary in his
dealings with the kings of the Kheta and of Babylon (Shan-
khar, Sin c ear), of whom the Alashiyan evidently stood in
some dread. 1 A king of Cyprus would have had little to fear
from either. Later on, in the time of Rameses III., when the
Philistines and their allies marched into Palestine by sea
and land, they overthrew first Kheta and then Alashiya
before they camped in Syria. As they had ships, this may
mean that they occupied Cyprus on their way. We find, how-
ever, no other historical or any archaeological evidence of
swamping of Cyprus by foreign invasion at this date,
comparable to the known evidence of the disappearance at
this time of the Khatti power at Boghaz Kyoi and the
establishment of the Philistine sub-Mycenaean culture in
Palestine ; and the shipmen can hardly have done much
more than raid Cyprus. It seems to me much more
probable that Alashiya was on the mainland, between Khatti
and Syria. Copper is mentioned, it is true, in letters from
Alashiya to Egypt, but not in such a way as would necessi-
tate the identification with Cyprus. It is only spoken of as
smelted or worked there, not mined, 2 and copper was smelted
everywhere. It would come as ore to Cilicia from Cyprus or
from the extensive mines which existed in ancient times along
the south coast of the Black Sea from Europe to Trebizond
and further east in the district of Diarbekr. 3 Further, there is
the fact that the Alashiyans used the cuneiform script and
the language of Canaan in which to correspond with Egypt.
I think it unlikely that a people whose dominant culture was
Minoan, as was that of Cyprus now, would have used cunei-
form, any more than the Cretans probably did. We should

1 KNUDTZON, 35, 1. 49.

2 Ibid., 1. 14.

3 GOWLAND, The Metals in Antiquity (Huxley Memorial Lecture, 1912)
Journ. Anthrop. Inst., igi2, p. 235 ff.

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 43

have found cuneiform records at Knossos if they had. Of
course their proximity to the Semitic world may have caused
the Cypriote Minoans to use the eastern language of diplo-
macy, as the Egyptians did, in dealing with foreign powers.
Still, I doubt, and I doubt still more if a Minoan king would
have talked, as the Alashiyan did, 1 of the hand of his " lord,"
the Babylonian god Nergal, having slain his people by
plague. Babylonian influence in Cyprus seems always to
have been small. Mr. L. W. King has finally shown
that the supposed expedition of Sargon of Agade thither
never took place, 2 and that the supposed cylinder of him,
found in Cyprus, really is considerably later than his time. 3
Whatever Babylonian culture-influences may have come into
the island by the sixteenth century B.C. would hardly have
survived the Minoan invasion of the fifteenth. We certainly
see absolutely nothing betraying the slightest trace of Babyl-
onian influence in the Cyprian culture of Enkomi : a few
cylinders are the only Babylonian objects found.

If, however, Alashiya were on the coast north of Phoenicia
or in Cilicia, the use of cuneiform and the mention of Nergal
would be more explicable. On the other hand, a Cilician
king would hardly beg the Pharaoh for silver, as the
Alashiyan does. 4 A Cyprian might well do so. The chief
argument in favour of the identification with Cyprus is the
name of Apollo Alasiotas, but I doubt if this is so crucial an
argument as has been supposed. Since the other evidence is
doubtful, the name may be that of a transferred cult, or it
may have nothing to do with the old name Alashiya at all.
It has been supposed 5 that Alashiya or Alasa is the same as
Asi : the latter, pronounced something like " Aseya," being
the word Alashiya as the Egyptians understood it before

1 KNUDTZON, 35, 1.1. 13, 37.

2 History of Sumer and Akkad, p. 234 ff : cf. my Oldest Civilization of Greece,
P. H3.

3 KING, I.e., pp. 343, 344.

4 KNUDTZON, 35, 1.1. 19, 43.

5 W. M. MULLER, Z. Assyr. (1895), p. 262.

44 H. R. HALL

they came into close contact with the country and learnt the
cuneiform spelling of the name. This may well be 1 if
Alashiya is not Cyprus. But if it is decided that it must be
Cyprus, I think the supposed identity must fall to the ground,
as I cannot see how Asi, with its ivory, its lead and its lapis-
lazuli, can possibly be Cyprus. Alashiya can hardly be
Cyprus, if, as W. M. Miiller supposed, 2 it is identical with the
Arzawa or Arzaya of the el-Amarna letters 3 ; the kings of
Arzawa bore Hittite-Anatolian names, Tarkhundaraba and
Alakshandu, 4 and the Arzawa language of the letters is said
to be closely akin to the Hittite of the Boghaz Kyoi letters
discovered by Winckler. 5 We have no reason to suppose that
the Cyprians were so directly related racially to the Hittites
as this would imply, and Cyprian kings at this time, being
presumably Minoans, would not have Hittite names.

The difficulty is that we have Cyprus evidently closely
connected with Egypt at this time, and yet, if Alashiya is not
Cyprus, we have no mention of the island except the Antinai
or Tinai record of a century before. Nevertheless, the
difficulties in the way of an acceptance of the current
identification seem to me important enough to justify the
question being raised once more. At any rate I should like
to see the identification stated with a query, and not so
positively as it usually is.

To conclude, we find the Cretan connection with Egypt
continuing through the disturbed period of the raids of the
Peoples of the Sea, whereas all connection between Egypt
and Crete and the Aegean was cut off. The short sea route
from Phoenician ports could be kept open. We find archaeo-
logical evidence of connexion at least as late as the time of
Rameses III., even if we omit the doubtful evidence of the

1 It is noticeable that the word Asi is no longer met with at this time, after
the word Alesa (Alashiya) comes into use in Egypt.

2 Loc. cit. p. 263. 3 Knudtzon, 31, 32.

4 Winckler, M.D.O.G., Dec., 1907.

5 Ibid.

THE LAND OF ALASHIYA 45

supposed Cyprian names in a Karnak list. 1 The settlement
of the Philistines in Palestine having brought the period of
acute maritime disturbance to an end, at any rate outside the
Aegean, sea-borne commerce revived, as we know from the
Golenishev Papyrus 2 , and the later connexion may have been
maintained directly from the Nile ports.

1 These names, to which I have referred in O.C.G., p. 169, n. 2, (where the
origin of the form of name Salameski was, I believe, first explained) may be
merely copied from an older list of Thothmes III. Their coincidence with
Cyprian place-names is certainly striking, as the most divergent of them,
Salameski, can be easily explained as I proposed, as Salamis + the cuneiform
city-sign ki : the list which the Egyptian scribe copied was in cuneiform (as
it probably would have been), and he, being not very conversant with the
script, unwittingly transcribed the determinate sign "ki" of the name
Salameski, and gave the word as " Salameski " instead of " Salames " as it
ought to have been.

2 The Report of Unamon; date about III/ B.C. His shipwreck on the
coast of Alashiya throws no light on the question, as he might just as well
have been wrecked off Cilicia as off Cyprus.

KUMMUKH AND COMMAGENE 47

KUMMUKH AND COMMAGENE

A STUDY IN NORTH SYRIAN AND MESOPOTAMIAN
GEOGRAPHY

BY L. W. KING, M.A., F.S.A.

THE North Syrian district of Commagene, which with the
decline of the Seleucid Empire attained the status of an
independent kingdom and later was incorporated in the
Roman province of Syria Euphratensis, appears never to
have extended to the east of the Euphrates. Beyond the river
lay the province of Mesopotamia, which for the Greeks inclu-
ded the whole country between Euphrates and Tigris to the
north of Babylonia ; hence Strabo regards the Euphrates as
the natural eastern boundary of Commagene. 1 It is true that
its capital, Samosata, lay upon this river-frontier, at the point
where the Euphrates breaks away from the foothills of the
Taurus, but this does not imply any extension of the province
on the left bank : its chief centres of population naturally
gravitated to the river at the points where traffic crossed.
Thus, though it may be difficult to trace out the exact limits
of the districts into which Northern Syria was divided for
administrative purposes under the earlier Seleucidae, 2 the
eastern limit of Commagene may be regarded as fixed. From
the period of Seleucus onward the term connoted a district
of Syria ; it was never employed to include Mesopotamian
territory.

1 XI., 521 ; cf. Paulys Real-Encyclopddie, II., 561.

2 Cf. Bevan, House of Seleucus, I. 208.

48 L. W. KING

The name Ko/z/zayqi'// undoubtedly represents, under a Greek
form, an earlier geographical term, and its derivation from
Kummukh or Kummukhi of the Assyrian inscriptions has long
been regarded as certain. The earliest occurrence of the
latter term is in the Cylinder-inscription of Tiglath-pileser L,
and later we find it reappearing in the Annals of Ashur-nasir-
pal, Shalmaneser II. and Tiglath-pileser IV. The two earliest
of these kings invariably write the name as Kummukhi (or
Kummukhi) 1 which is closely parallel to the Greek form.
Later variants of the word, such as Kumukhi, 2 Kumuklikhu?
Kumukhkhi* occur side by side with Kummukhi (or Kummukhi), 5
and merely suggest a shifting of the accent, without any
consonantal change. The Assyrian word itself was a trans-
literation of a foreign place-name, and it could not be more
closely represented in Greek than by Ko/^ayr/v//. The identity
of the two names cannot be called in question, though this
does not necessarily imply that the term was employed by the
Assyrians of the eleventh or ninth century for precisely the
same region as it suggested to the Greeks of the Seleucid era.

1 Tig.-pil., CyL, I., 69, 75, 89, 91, II., 2, 18, 20, 56, 60, III., 8, 30, and A.-n.-p.,
Annals, I., 74, II., 87, III., 96, Kurkh Man., Obv., 35f., 38; cf. Annals of the Kings
of Assyria, passim. The first syllable of the name, as written in these inscrip-
tions, can be read either as Kum or Kum ; the adoption of the latter reading
is based on the passage cited in note 4. But the Assyrians tended to blur the
distinction, both in writing and pronunciation, between k and k when followed
by the vowel u.

2 Rm. 171 (Bezold, Catalogue, p. 1589), a contract-tablet dated in 668 B.C., in
the eponymy of Mar-larimmi, described as a governor of Kumukhi, (alu)
Ku-mu-khi; cp. also the date on the contract K. 321 (III. R., 2, No. xxiv.).
In the geographical list K. 4384 (II. R., 53, 1. 47#) the name is also written
(alu) Ku-mu-[khi], and the same form occurs in Tigl.-pil. IV., PI. I., 21 (Rost,
L, 44, II., 20) ; cf. also the gentilic forms in Shalm. II., Mon. II., 83, and Tigl.-
pil. IV., Tabl. inscr. Obv. 46, Rev. 7, cited on p. 54, n. 3.

3 The inventory K. 954 (Cat., 199) gives the form (mdtu)Ku-mu-ukh-khu.

4 On the Eponym- fragment K. 4446 (II. R., 69, No, 6), 1.2., the expedition for
th i year 708 B.C. is a-na (alu)Ku-mukh-khi.

5 For the form (alu)Ku-um-mn-khi, cf. Tigl.-pil. IV., PI. I., 33 (Rost, I. 46,
II., 20), PI. II., 32 (op. cit., I., 52, II., 18), and the gentilic forms cited on p. 54,
n. 3; the form (alu)Kum-mu-khi is found on a late Assyrian letter, addressed
to the king, K. 9811 (Cat., 1040).

KUMMUKH AND COMMAGENE 49

But there can be no doubt that its later use has influ-
enced modern geographers in their interpretation of the
earlier term, and has not been without its effect upon some of
the historical views put forward with regard to the western
limits of the First Assyrian Empire. It was natural, in the
absence of definite evidence to the contrary, to regard the
Assyrian and the Seleucid areas as largely coinciding : hence
all historians have placed the land of Kummukh on the Upper
Euphrates, a great part, if not all of it, to the west of the
river. Meyer describes it simply as on both sides of the
Euphrates 1 ; Schrader 2 and Winckler, 3 and in a less degree
Maspero, 4 suggest an extension on the left bank, but others
confine the term entirely to Syrian territory. 5 It was a sur-
prise, therefore, to find, in some recently published rock-
inscriptions of Sennacherib, the term Kummukh employed for
a Mesopotamia!! region extending as far east as the Tigris in
the neighbourhood of Jezireh.

The inscriptions in question were engraved by Sennacherib
on the main peak of the Judi Dagh or Jebel Judi, which lies
on the east of the Tigris and to the north-east of the town of
Jezireh on the right bank of the river. 6 They were executed
to commemorate the first half of Sennacherib's Fifth Cam-
paign, and incidentally they enable us to identify Mt. Nipur of
the Assyrian inscriptions, which was generally thought to be
in Cappadocia, with the Judi Dagh. The fortified towns
which Sennacherib captured and sacked on that occasion are
described in the texts engraved upon the mountain, not only
as " set like eagles' nests upon the peaks of Mt. Nipur," but
also as lying " on the border of the land of Kummukhi." 7 It
follows from this passage that the land of Kummukh, instead

1 "Am Fuss des Taurus zu beiden Seiten des Euphratdurchbruchs ; " Ge-
schichte des Altertums, I., ii., p. 601.

2 Keilins. BibL, I., p. 218; II., p. 294.

3 In Helmolt's World's History, III., 54, 86.

4 Histoirc anciennc, III., p. 195.

5 Cf. e.g., Encycl. BibL, L, 3525., and Hall, Anc. Hist, of the Near East, p. 504.

6 King, P.S.B.A., xxxv. (1913), pp. 66ff.

7 Op. cit, p. 88, 11. 15-18.

50 L. W. KING

of being confined like Commagene to the west of the Eu-
phrates, must have extended at least to the Tigris. It is the
object of the present paper to re-examine briefly the other
references to the country in the light of this new record, and
to ascertain the extent to which it renders necessary a revision
of current views.

Turning first to the account which Tiglath-pileser I. has
given us of his conquest of Kummukh, it is at once noticeable
that throughout his military operations he hugs the Tigris,
and that the allied cities and districts he captures are all on
one or other bank of the river. There is no question of the
Euphrates, which is never once mentioned from beginning to
end of the narrative. Tiglath-pileser tells us that at the
beginning of his reign twenty thousand men of the land of
Mushki, and their five kings who, fifty years before, had
encroached on the sphere of Assyrian influence by occupying
the districts of Alzi and Purukuzzu, now seized the land of
Kummukh. Tiglath-pileser, accompanied by chariots and
troops, traversed the mountain of Kashiari, and having
defeated the kings of Mushki in the land of Kummukh, he
deported six thousand of their warriors to Assyria. He then
proceeded to punish the land of Kummukh itself for with-
holding its tribute by sacking and burning its towns and
laying waste the cultivation. 1 Then occurs the following
passage : "The rest of the people of the land of Kummukh,
who had fled from before my weapons, crossed over to the
city of Shereshe which is on the further bank of the Tigris,
and they made that city their stronghold." 2 Tiglath-pileser
crossed the Tigris after them and captured Shereshe. There
is no suggestion in the text that Shereshe was not a city of
Kummukh, which in that case must have included the left
bank of the river. But even if Shereshe was merely an allied
city, the passage proves that the operations were in the
neighbourhood of the Tigris, not the Euphrates. Tiglath-
pileser then describes his defeat of the Kurkhe, who had

i L, 6211., i.
2 II, 1-5.

KUMMUKH AND COMMAGENE 51

come to the support of Kummukh, introducing the narrative
with the words " at that time." 1 The defeat apparently took
place in the land of Kummukh, but in any case it is into the
Tigris, not the Euphrates, that the dead bodies of the men of
Kummukh and their allies are carried by the river Name : the
Assyrian army is still in the Tigris-basin and has not crossed
the watershed. In order to capture Urratinash, the strong-
hold of the Kurkhe, (apparently starting from Kummukhian
territory) it is again the Tigris that Tiglath-pileser crosses. 2

We find precisely the same connexion between the land of
Kummukh and the Tigris in the Annals of Ashur-nasir-pal, two
passages of which are even more explicit on this point than
Tiglath-pileser's inscription. The first passage runs : " From
the cities at the foot of the mountains of Nipur and Pasate I
departed, I crossed the Tigris, I drew near to the land of
Kummukh." 3 The formula "I drew near to" is constantly
used by Ashur-nasir-pal, and implies that he came to
Kummukh immediately on crossing the Tigris. This is
made quite clear by the second passage, which records that
Kummukh was the first place the king came to when he set
out on his expedition of 881 B.C. After stating the date of
the expedition he says : " I summoned my chariots and my
troops, I crossed the Tigris, I entered the land of Kummukh." 4
It is interesting to note from the first of these two passages,
that for Ashur-nasir-pal, as for Sennacherib, the land of
Kummukh extended eastwards to the Tigris, opposite Mt.
Nipur or the Judi Dagh. We may conclude that during the
whole Assyrian period the eastern boundary of the land of
Kummukh was the Tigris.

Fortunately, by means of an inscription of the eighth
century B.C., we are enabled to fix with equal certainty the
western boundary of the land of Kummukh at that period.

1 I-na u-mi-shn-ma, II., l6ff.

2 II., 36ff. No details are given of Tiglath-pileser's second expedition
against Kummukh, in III., 7ff. ; its devastation is merely recorded in general
terms.

3 I., /sf. 4 II., 86f.

E 2

52 L. W. KING

The text in question was engraved in the reign of Tiglath-
pileser IV., in the year 728 B.C., and was set up at Calah to
record the conquests of his reign. 1 The passage we are
concerned with occurs towards the close of the account
of Tiglath-pileser's defeat of the Vannic king, Sarduris III.
The Assyrian king tells us that after defeating Sarduris " in
Kishtan and Khalpi, districts of the land of Kummukh," and
capturing his entire camp, he drove him back to Armenia
and into Turushpa, his capital on Lake Van. There
he besieged him, and though he could not take the place he
set up an image of himself in front of the city, and made a
triumphant march through Urartu (Armenia), adding its
cities to Assyrian territory. Then he says : " The cities of
Kuta, Urra, Arana, Taba, Uallia, up to the Euphrates, the
boundary of Kummukh, the cities Kilissa, Izzida, Diuabli,
Abbissa, Kharbisinna, Tasa, the land of Enzi, the cities
Anganu, Binzu, fortresses of Urartu, and Kallama, its river,
I conquered, I added to Assyria . . ." 2

I have quoted the whole passage to show its context,
but we are here mainly concerned with three words
only, " the Euphrates, the boundary of Kummukh."
It is natural to take the first five names (from Kuta
to Uallia) as places in Kummukh, and the rest as
places in Urartu, but for our purpose that point may
be left out of consideration. It is enough for us that the
Euphrates was one of the boundaries of Kummukh. Now
since in 881 B.C., and also between the years 698 6Q5 B.C.,
the Tigris formed the eastern boundary of Kummukh, it
is extremely improbable that in the year 728 B.C., in the
interval between the other two dates, the land should have
been regarded as extending as far east only as the Euphrates.
It is obvious that we must take Tiglath-pileser's expression to
mean that the Euphrates was the western boundary of
Kummukh. And this conclusion fully accords with the
context of the passage under discussion. The conquests

1 PI. I., Rost, I., 42ff., II., iQf.

2 LI. 3035-

KUMMUKH AND COMMAGENE 53

there referred to are enumerated from the standpoint of
Urartu (Armenia) : the text records the conquest of Urartu
and the land of Kummukh (in the latter of which Sarduris'
defeat took place) up to the furthest, that is to say the
western, limit of Kummukh.

We may conclude therefore that for the Assyrians, at any
rate from the latter half of the eighth century onwards, the
land of Kummukh extended across the upper and mountainous
region of Mesopotamia from river to river. This does not
conflict with the view already expressed that the Kummukh
of Tiglath-pileser I. lay mainly in the basin of the Tigris. It
is true this earlier king tells us that he conquered the land of
Kummukh " in its length and breadth." And no doubt this
seemed to him to be the case, especially after the return from
his expedition. But even for Tiglath-pileser I. Kummukh was
a "broad land," 1 and it was broader than he knew, a fact
that was realised by his successors on the throne two centuries
and a half later. The western expeditions of Ashur-nasir-pal
and of his son Shalmaneser II. must have considerably
widened the geographical horizon of Assyria, and it is in
accordance with this gradual increase in the Assyrian know-
ledge of the district that Tiglath-pileser IV. should refer to the
Euphrates as the extreme western limit of the country.
Tiglath-pileser I.'s conquest was confined to Eastern Kum-
mukh : Kishtan and Khalpi, which were captured by Tiglath-
pileser IV., lay in the western half of the country.

We come now to two other passages, also in the records of
Shalmaneser II. and Tiglath-pileser IV., which at first sight
appear to conflict with the conclusion just arrived at. In the
earlier part of his account of the expedition of 854 B.C., the
year of the Battle of Karkar, Shalmaneser II. tells us that after
crossing the Euphrates he received tribute from various kings
on that side of the river. The second name in this list of
trans-Euphratean 2 rulers, which follows that of Sangar of

1 Cyl. Inscr., II., 56.

2 I.e., trans-Euphratean from the Assyrian standpoint.

54 L. W. KING

Carchemish, is Kundashpi of Kummukh, 1 and the whole tenour
of the passage forces us to regard him as ruling a district west
of the river. Similarly a list of kings who were tributary to
Tiglath-pileser IV., which is headed with the name of a cer-
tain Kushtashpi of Kummukh, goes on with the names of
Rezin of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre,
and of kings of Gebal, Cilicia, Carchemish, Hamath, etc., 2 all
cities or countries west of the Euphrates. Kushtashpi, the con-
temporary of Tiglath-pileser IV., like Kundashpi, Shalman-
eser's tributary, clearly ruled a district in the north of Syria.
How then are these passages to be reconciled with Tiglath-
pileser IV.'s reference to the Euphrates as forming the western
boundary of Kummukh ? As a matter of fact, so far from
being at variance with that reference, these two passages in
themselves explain the circumstances which led to the gradual
transference of the geographical term Kummukh from a
district entirely east of the Euphrates to one entirely west of
the river.

It is to be noticed that neither Kundashpi nor Kushtashpi is
referred to as a ruler of Kummukh. The name is merely
applied to them in a gentilic sense : they are " Kummukhians,"
not " kings of Kummukh." 3 In fact, while their titles imply
that by race they were rulers from Kummukh, there is nothing
to suggest that the district they governed lay strictly within
the land of that name. On the contrary, we may picture their
kingdom as having been founded in consequence of the west-
ward expansion, probably under Assyrian pressure, of one of
the racial elements which made up the population of that
broad tract of country between the rivers. The names of the
two rulers leave no doubt as to their racial character, and they
furnish the reason for the survival in Syria during the

1 Shalm. II., Man. Inscr. II., 83 (lit. R., 8).

2 Tigl.-pil. IV., Ann. 150 (Rost, I., 26).

3 The names and titles read : (m}Ku-un-da-ash-pi (alu)Ku-mu-kha-a-a, Shalm.
II., Mon. II., 83 ; (m}Ku-ush-la-ash-pi(alu)Ku-um-mu-kha-a-a, varr. (mdtu)Ku-um-
ntukh-fa-aj, (mdtu)Ku-mukh-a-a, Tigl.-pil. IV., Annals, 6lf., 86, 150, Tdbl. inscr.
Obv. 46, Rev. 7 (Rost, L, 12, 14, 26, 66, 70). Cf. also Ann. 61, 86.

KUMMUKH AND COMMAGENE 55

Akhaemenian and Seleucid eras of the place-name they
brought with them from beyond Euphrates. For Kundashpi
and Kushtashpi are both Aryan (Iranian) names, the latter cor-
responding to the Old Persian Vishtdspa, Gr. 'Y<rra<rn-^c, and we
may conclude that the dynasty they represent was Aryan in
character, and was established in Syria before the ninth cen-
tury B.C. 1 They formed a later ripple of the wave of Aryan
migration which seems to have flooded the Mesopotamian
region of Mitanni in the seventeenth century and to have
checked the early expansion of Assyrian power. Already in
the time of Tiglath-pileser IV. the Syrian district, ruled by
this Aryan dynasty of kings from Kummukh, had evidently
acquired greater importance than any single part of the more
mountainous and rugged Mesopotamian region of that name ;
and it would not be surprising if the Akhaemenian kings of
Persia had encouraged the prosperity and importance of such
a district, peopled as it had been by men of their own kindred.
We thus obtain a sufficient reason for the gradual transference
of the place-name from the east to the west of the Euphrates.
The gradual changes we have traced in the use of the
place-name Kummukh are bound to have an effect on our
conceptions of some of the historical events in which a
region of that name has borne an active or a passive part,
particularly during the earlier period of Assyrian expansion.
If Tiglath-pileser L's conquest of Kummukh, so far from
extending beyond Euphrates, was confined to the Tigris-
basin, it will be necessary to re-examine our other
geographical identifications bearing on that campaign.
The Kashiari mountain, for example, can hardly be identified
with the Karaja Dagh, as is sometimes confidently assumed,
but must probably be transferred to the Tur 'Abdin, par-
ticularly its south-eastern slopes where the higher ground
continues to rise abruptly from the plain, almost like a cliff
above the sea. But still more drastic must be our revision of
some of the theories as to Assyrian expansion westwards at
this period, which have lately become fashionable. Our new

i Cf. Meyer, Gcschichtc des Altertums, I., ii., 6oif.

56 L. W. KING

information cannot help causing a certain shrinkage of the
horizon. Tiglath-pileser's passage of the Euphrates at
Carchemish becomes a great event, and his cruise at Arvad
marks his furthest advance westward. It is difficult to stretch
his record to cover the conquest of Anatolia and the capture
of Iconium.

But I have already exceeded the limits of this paper and
must pursue elsewhere the discussion of this side of the
subject. Meanwhile, our re-examination of the Assyrian
evidence as to the use of the name Kummukh has resulted in
suggesting a gradual growth in Assyrian geographical
knowledge; and incidentally the texts have furnished an
adequate reason for the survival into the Seleucid era of the
name, under the form Ko/ijiayi^, for a region in which the
Euphrates has become the eastern, in place of the western,
boundary.

POLITICAL CRIME IN ANCIENT EGYPT 57

A POLITICAL CRIME IN ANCIENT
EGYPT.

BY ALAN H. GARDINER, D. LITT.

ONE of the latest contributions to Egyptian philology is an
essay by Professor Erman on some hieratic papyri recently ac-
quired by the Berlin Museum. 1 In the condition in which these
were purchased from a Luxor antiquity dealer they formed a
a single roll enveloped in a linen wrapper, the latter being
securely fastened by means of a clay seal stamped upon it.
When opened in Berlin the roll was found to comprise three
perfectly preserved letters on separate sheets, written in one
and the same very cursive script. The handwriting im-
mediately recalled that of a well-known series of letters that
must have been found together at Thebes in the first half of
last century, and are now dispersed among several of
the great European collections. Professor Spiegelberg was
the first to recognize the homogeneity and common origin of
these papyri, which formed the subject of a memoir by him
entitled Correspondances du temps des rois-pretres and published
in 1895. Closer study of the new Berlin papyri soon revealed
the fact that their resemblance to those edited by Spiegelberg
was more than superficial ; the names of the same persons
occurred in both. The recognition of this fact raised a curious
problem, but one that is not without parallels in the history

i ADOLF ERMAN. Ein Fall abgekurzter Justiz in Aegypten extracted from
Abhandlungen der Konigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften. Jahrgang /9A? Phil.-
hist. Classe. Nr. I.

58 ALAN H. GARDINER

of Egyptology ; how came it that antiquities evidently
emanating from a cache discovered eighty years ago should
be offered for sale for the first time in 1912 ? Various
answers, all equally unverifiable, may be given : perhaps the
ruins were but imperfectly explored at the time of their first
discovery, so that something remained over until quite
recently, when the site may have been searched anew; or
perhaps it is simpler to suppose that a forgotten cupboard
in some dark corner of a fellah's house is at the bottom of the
mystery.

The principal person named in both the old and the new
letters is a historical personage, none other than Pai-onkh,
the son of Hrihor, the founder of the 2lst Dynasty (nth
century B.C.). In order to render this account of the Berlin
papyri comprehensible, the political situation at the time
when they were written must be described in a few words.
The last kings of the Ramesside line had proved themselves
incompetent weaklings, unable to keep order even in their
own Theban capital. As their power waned, so that of the
Priesthood of Amon waxed. At length a High-priest named
Hrihor judged the moment suitable for taking matters into
his own hands, ordered his name henceforth to be enclosed
in the Royal cartouche, and ascended the throne of the
Pharaohs. Soon after these events Hrihor appears to have
moved his own residence from Thebes to some more central
city farther north, leaving his son Pai-onkh in charge of his
former offices. The full titulary of Pai-onkh, as recorded on
the monuments, reads thus : " Fan-bearer on the right hand
of the King ; Royal scribe and General ; Royal son of Kush
and governor of the Southern lands : High-priest of Amonra-
sonther ; Superintendent of the Granaries of Pharaoh ;
Captain of the troops of Pharaoh." One might have expected
Pai-onkh to have regarded the High-priesthood of Amon as
his proudest dignity, but such was not the case ; as his shorter
designation he preferred to adopt the title *' General of
Pharaoh," and it is thus that he is referred to in our papyri.
Two reasons for this may be tentatively conjectured. In the

POLITICAL CRIME IN ANCIENT EGYPT 59

first place it is probable that the actual supervision of the
Priesthood of Amon fell, after Hrihor's departure northwards,
upon Nozme, the mother of Pai-onkh, who as wife of Hrihor
already enjoyed the title of " Chief of the Harim of Amon."
In the second place, it must not be lost from view that those
were troublous times, when Pai-onkh's military charge was
probably of far more practical importance than his other
functions, civil and religious.

All three Berlin letters are from Pai-onkh himself and are
addressed to different persons in Thebes, from which he
himself, accordingly, must have been absent. The first
letter, which with Erman I shall call A, is to an official often
named in the correspondence published by Spiegelberg ; this
is the Scribe of the Necropolis Zaroi, who seems to have
enjoyed the special favour of Pai-onkh, for whom he was
wont to execute the most multifarious commissions. The
addressee of letter B is one Pai-shu-uben, Pai-onkh's own
agent or bailiff at Thebes. 1 Letter C is to Hrihor's mother
Nozme, with whom we have become already acquainted.
The principal portion of all three letters is worded in
practically identical terms, so that it will suffice to translate
one of them only (A). The deviations of B and C are full of
significance, so that they must not be passed over altogether ;
the minor ones will be given in footnotes, and of the more
important ones more will be said later. 2

" The General of Pharaoh to the scribe of the necropolis Zaroi. 3 To this
effect : I have noted all the matters concerning which thou hast written. Now
as to this matter of the two Mazoi (i.e., armed policemen) of whom thou hast
said that they have spoken of my affairs, "make common cause with Nozme

1 See the address on letter A, misunderstood by Erman.

2 My renderings differ from those proposed by Erman in several places ; the
more important of these will be mentioned in the footnotes.

3 Variants : B " to the agent Pai-shu-uben " ; C " to the chief of the Harim
of Amonrasonther Nozme."

4 So too B ; if we admit a very slight error or mis-spelling in C this will run
" of whom thou hast said that they have spoken." It is not possible to inter-
pret the word for " my " as " these," as Erman suggests.

6o ALAN H. GARDINER

and Pai-shu-uben,i and let them sendz and have these two Mazoi brought to
this3 house, and let them put a stop to their words4 altogether.5 If they per-
ceive that it is true, they shall put them in two sacks (?),6 and throw them
into the water by night, without letting anyone in the land know about it."7

The circumstance referred to in these words needs but
little commentary. Two Theban policemen who knew more
than was good for them have " blabbed " and must in con-
sequence be suppressed silently and secretly. Information
about the matter had evidently reached Pai-onkh's ears from
three different sources, namely the three persons to whom he
now replies. Them he bids to lay their heads together, and
to see that the offenders are made away with without further
ado.

The differences that the three letters present are highly
significant ; some of them have been indicated already in the
footnotes. The letter to Pai-shu-uben (B) contains no
additional matter, and it is evident that he was regarded as
far the least important of the informers. To him, however,
falls the dirty work of assassination ; whereas Zaroi has merely
to see that the others do not shirk the task, Pai-shu-uben is
directly ordered to kill the unfortunate Mazoi, and to throw

1 B "with Nozme and Zaroi "; C "with Pai-shu-uben and Zaroi, the scribe."

2 B and C " and send thou " ; so too subsequently B and C give the second
person singular where A has the third plural.

3 B and C " to my house."

4 This interpretation of the phrase In ph also suits the passages in the Abbott
papyrus quoted by Erman.

5 B continues " and thou shalt kill and throw them into the water by
night," omitting the intervening sentence in A ; C differs only from B by
having " thou shalt cause them to be killed and thrown " instead of " thou
shalt kill and throw them."

6 Read m^-t for Erman's st, and after msy change the determinative to that
conveying the notion of furniture, etc. The group after tw is perhaps not to
be interpreted as the suffix of the second person plural, but as a peculiar
writing of the third person plural, n-w for merely -w. It is tempting to read
ntstl for msy, though palaeographically this is difficult. Anyhow the sentence
should be transcribed liv-w [r] dl-t se ( = sn) [r] msy (? mstl) Sethe informs
me that Spiegelberg had independently noticed the two mistakes in Erman's
transcription above-noted.

7 C omits the words " without it."

POLITICAL CRIME IN ANCIENT EGYPT 61

their corpses into the river. Nozme receives directions to see
that the deed is done, probably for the reason that her
authority was greater than that of Zaroi, and because she was
therefore able to give orders to the assassin without fear
of being disobeyed. Of the three conspirators, Nozme is the
only one who was in any way Pai-onkh's equal ; to her,
therefore, the usual salutations are addressed :

" In life, health and wealth I In the favour of Amen-re, King of the Gods !
I speak to every god and goddess by whom (i.e., by whose temple) I pass by,
that they may give thee life and health, and that they may grant me to see
thee on my return, and to filli my eye with seeing thee every day ! "
These greetings may not seem very personal from a son to
his mother, but in order that we may not charge Pai-onkh
with any lack of filial devotion, we find added in a rapid
scrawl at the bottom of the letter

" and write to me how thou art. Farewell ! "

With Zaroi, as we know from Spiegelberg's book, Pai-onkh
was in constant correspondence, and accordingly, after the
passage that has been already quoted, we find a further
paragraph referring to a different matter. Here there is
some little philological difficulty, and I am not quite sure
that I have caught the exact sense of the Egyptian text.

" Anotherz matter. As to Pharaoh, how shall he reach3 this land again ?
As to Pharaoh, who is indeed the master ? Now all these three months I
have sent a boat, yet thou hast not caused to be brought to me any sum 4 of
gold or silver. It is all right, do not concern thy heart about what he is
doing ! But when this letter reaches thee, thou shalt get together a sum of
gold and silver, and shalt cause it to be brought to me by boat."5

It is more than likely that this paragraph would be found
to allude to important historical facts, if only we could be
sure of the logical connection between the sentences. It is
hardly possible to doubt that the references to Pharaoh stand
in some relation to the clauses speaking of Zaroi's duties. It

1 Read mh lrt-(lw)l [n] ptri-ftj t* nb.

2 Read ktl, not as Erman ky.

3 Ph is wrongly determined, as in In ph above.

4 Here and below the Egyptian word means literally " pound," not " sum."

5 Read in-f ( = in-twf)ni mwsh-t t \ho, last word being written in the same
contracted way as before.

62 ALAN H. GARDINER

seems inevitable to conclude, therefore, that Zaroi's function
was to supply money for Pharaoh's use. Pai-onkh evidently
acted as an intermediary, for he has been sending a vessel
for the money for three whole months. These premisses
being admitted, a very definite sense emerges from the words
without forcing their meaning. Pharaoh is abroad, and
Pai-onkh expresses the doubt whether he will ever be able to
reach Egypt again. But this, he hints, matters little, for the
real ruler of the land is someone else. 1 Zaroi has failed to
send any money, though Pai-onkh, for his part, has perfunc-
torily done what was required of him. It is all right, says
Pai-onkh reassuringly, you need not worry about what
Pharaoh is doing ! 2 None the less, Zaroi is bidden, on receipt
of the letter, to send a certain sum of money ; this may have
been just to keep up some appearance of loyalty !

Who is the Pharaoh to whom these sentences refer ? Can
it possibly be Hrihor, and was Pai-onkh a traitor to his own
father ? The only alternative, assuming that I have rightly
diagnosed the meaning of this tantalizing passage, is to
assume that Pharaoh is here the last of the Ramessides, who
is at present in exile or warring abroad, while Hrihor and
Pai-onkh, the real masters of the situation, are still pretending
to be his loyal servants. More evidence is needed to settle
this knotty point ; there is fortunately still hope of light from
other sources, for the British Museum possesses several
papyri belonging to the series that are still unpublished and
have hitherto been inaccessible to students.

It may have occurred to some reader to ask himself ; if the
letters to Pai-onkh were sent to three different persons, how
comes it that they were found sealed up together in the same
roll ? To this question the addresses written on the letters
give a decisive answer. 3

1 It is in this clause that the only real grammatical uncertainty lies.

2 The suffix in Ir-f has nothing to refer to if not to Pharaoh.

3 Erman has curiously failed to see the import of these addresses. The
explanation here given was independently noticed by Professor Sethe, of
G5ttingen.

POLITICAL CRIME IN ANCIENT EGYPT 63

The address on letter C, written in an upright hand quite
distinct from that of the letter itself, runs as follows :

" The chief of the harim of Amen-rasonther, Nozme to Ken-khenem, scribe
of the General."

From this it is quite plain that Nozme, having read the letter
with its compromising instructions, had it returned to the
sender, or rather to his secretary, who must clearly also have
been in the secret. Letter B has no address, but the address
which we should now expect to find upon it is found on
letter A. Here we read :

"The agent of the General Pai-shu-uben to the scribe of the General
Ken-khenem."

Zaroi therefore has handed his letter over to Pai-shu-uben,
and the latter has returned it together with his own to the
General's secretary, just as Nozme had done. The seal that
was found intact upon the roll containing the three letters
unfortunately gives no name ; according to Professor Sethe's
clever and convincing interpretation of the hieroglyphs,
communicated to me in a private letter, these are to be
read :
" I belong to Amon, the Breath of Life."

This may be either the private motto of Pai-onkh, or else
(and perhaps more probably) an indication th?.t the roll
belonged to the High Priest of Amon a title which, as we
have seen, Pai-onkh bore.

The general interest of the papyri that have here been
studied does not lie solely in the sordid incident that they
relate, nor yet in their philological details. Their principal
interest, as it seems to me, is that they belong to a type of
historical evidence that is extremely uncommon in our
Egyptian texts. If we were credulous enough to trust the
monumental records left by the Egyptians for our edification,
their great men and Pharaohs would have to be believed
paragons of virtue, wholly incapable of error, not to speak of
crime. The Egyptians were born braggarts, and their annals
unfold a vista too radiant to carry conviction. It is not with-

64 ALAN H. GARDINER

out a sense of relief, therefore, that we come upon documents
that bring us face to face with a historical personage as he
really was and lived ; despite the sinister nature of the events
unfolded, we are grateful that for once we should be spared
the stiff hieratic pose so dear to the Egyptian, no less in his
literature than in his art.

RELIGION OF THE ACHAEMENID KINGS 65

RELIGION OF THE ACH^MENID
KINGS.*

BY L. C. CASARTELLI, BISHOP OF SALFORD.

PROFESSOR TOLMAN, of the Vanderbilt University, in a note
contributed to the American Journal of Philology, Vol. XXXL,
No. I, IQIO, discusses a phrase recently restored by means of a
photograph from the Darius inscription at Naks-i-Rustam,
communicated by Professor Weissbach, 1 of which he says that
he firmly believes it " is in absolute agreement with the theo-
logic phraseology of the Avesta, and consequently has a very
important bearing on the religion of the Achaemenidan
kings." Nay, more, he concludes his note with the emphatic
words : " The mooted question as to the religion of the
Achaemenidan kings I regard as now settled. Darius was a
Zoroastrian and in almost Scriptural terms bears witness to
that fact on his sepulchre." In his subsequent work, Cuneiform
Supplement to the Author's Ancient Persian Lexicon and Texts
(Nashville, published by Vanderbilt University, 1910), Tolman
repeats and emphasises his opinion of the decisive nature of
his discovery, which he declares to be of " supreme import-

*A paper read before the Manchester Oriental Society in 1912.

i Who, however, says rather piquantly: "Der von Tolman a. a. O. 5 9 f.
gebotene Text geht auf Mitteilung von mir zuriick, die zu diesem Zweck
weder erbeten noch bestimmt waren." (Der Keilinschriften der Achdmeniden,
Leipzig, /9//, p. xviii.).

66 L. C. CASARTELLI

What then is this all-important phrase? for if the long
disputed question as to whether the religion of the Achae-
menids and that of the Avesta be identical or not has been
finally solved, then certainly one of the obscurest and most
debateable problems in the history of religions has been set
at rest. This would be indeed an amazing result to flow
from the reading of half-a-dozen words ; yet of itself by no
means impossible. The words then are (lines 36-37) : vain-
am(i)y uta usaibi(y)a uta framanaya.

Tolman first corrects the third word into usib(y)a (accepted
by Weissbach, op. cit.) and equivalates with the Avestic us,
an exceedingly probable reading, as it seems to me. He
translates " I see both with a capacity to perceive [lit., with
two ears] and [with understanding] of the divine precept."
This he compares with the Avestic use of the " two ears " to

indicate earnestness or intensity, e.g., Yasna LXII. 4 : daya

me" xsviwrem hizvam urune usi; "grant me a

ready tongue and to the soul ears." And that is all !

It is no doubt correct to say that in the Avesta " usi, two
ears, is sometimes used as a metaphor to express vividly the
power of appreciating and the ability of understanding
divine wisdom." But from this to citing the term as a strictly
characteristic technical theological term, sufficient to decide
the religious system of a passage in which it occurs, is indeed
a far cry. As a matter of fact, one might ask in what lan-
guage the identical metaphor does not occur. One need not go
further than French. Littre in his great dictionary, under
" entendre des deux oreilles," says " se dit par pleonasme em-
phatique pour aifirmer qu' on a bien entendu : * rien n'est plus
vrai, Madame ; je 1'ai entendu de mes deux oreilles', Zanotti,
Talisman, sc. 12." There is a Walloon proverb

i " Conte toudi, nos deux oreies

Pou vou outer sont toutes deux grandes ouvreies."

In our own language we use a still stronger expression and

i i.e., Contez toujours, nos deux oreilles pour vous ecouter sont deux grands
trous.

RELIGION OF THE ACHAEMENID KINGS 67

speak of listening "with all our ears." 1 And again in French
this use of the dual is common quite pleonastically to indicate
intensity, thus " applaudir a deux mains "(it would surely be
impossible to applaud in any other way) ; still more quaintly,
" dormir sur les deux oreilles " (a truly difficult operation !).
In the O. T. the construction is quite familiar: "We have
heard with both our ears firJttO)," 2 Sam., 7, 22, I Chron.,
17, 20 ; " ruin and death have said : We have heard her fame
with both our ears ("JO)," Job 2$, 22; " O God we have
heard with both our ears ("fcO)," Ps. 44, 2. It is, however,
unnecessary to multiply quotations. The use of the dual
of the word for ear to indicate intensity and earnestness of
listening or paying attention, is so obvious and universal
that I fear Professor Tolman, in building upon this isolated
phrase to determine so vast a problem, is endeavouring to
poise an inverted pyramid upon its apex : and I, for one at
least, must regretfully admit that the vexed question of the
exact relation of the religion of the Great Kings to that of
the Avesta is as far from solution as ever. 2

It will probably appear unnecessary to labour so obvious a
conclusion ; but the authority of a scholar like Tolman might
very easily secure a place in manuals of popular information
for his ipse dixit, reared on so slender a basis, as a fact
definitely secured to science.

1 So Fr. " de toutes ses oreilles : avec grande attention. ' Vous, M. le Baron,
ecoutez de toutes vos oreilles.' " [Littre, s.v.].

2 Since the above was written, however, the solution of the problem has
been advanced by the remarkably able Hibbert Lectures (1913) of our colleague,
Prof. J. H. Moulton, which will necessitate a very careful revision of views
on the whole question of Zoroastrian origins.

ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NEAR EAST 69

THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF
THE NEAR EAST. 1

A REVIEW
BY THE REV. C. L. BEDALE, M.A.

THE task which Mr. Hall has undertaken demands not only
wide knowledge, but also considerable resolution and courage.
Any day a new archaeological discovery may be made, or a
fresh inscription be read, which will make an important
addition to our knowledge, and may even necessitate the
modification of some hitherto generally accepted and
apparently well-established theory. With such a possibility
in mind a writer is tempted to put off publication from day to
day lest he should have to regret that he had not " delayed a
little longer in order to register this or that new fact of impor-
tance." Unfortunately, however, although the student of
ancient history cannot rest content as long as so many
sites remain unexamined and so many inscriptions unread,
yet the completion of the work of the explorer and of the
decipherer belongs to the still distant future, and it is not
possible for the historian to wait until so happy a result has
been attained. Indeed, exploration and decipherment, on the
one hand, and the writing of history based on the results of
these, on the other, are parallel and closely related processes.
The explorer and the decipherer provide the historian with
many of his facts, and the historian in his turn is ever
spurring them on to fresh efforts to fill those gaps in his

i The Ancient History of the Near East, by H. R. HALL, M.A., F.S.A.,
Methuen & Co., 1913. 15$. net.

70 C. L. BEDALE

knowledge of which he becomes often so painfully conscious
in the course of his endeavour to construct his history.

It is only necessary to turn to the first section of Mr. Hall's
book, in which he deals with the early civilization of Greece,
to see how great the above mentioned difficulty is. This
section covers a wide period from the fourth millennium
B.C. to the beginning of the classical Greek civilization so
long and so well known to us. Thanks to the results of
Aegean exploration, our knowledge of the ancient history of
this part of the Near East has been revolutionised. It has
become evident that there was an early Greek civilization
contemporaneous with, and just as important as, the civiliza-
tions of Egypt and Babylonia. The value of the Aegean
archaeology for the correction of erroneous ideas concerning
this portion of the ancient world can scarcely be exaggerated.
Unfortunately, however, archaeology cannot do everything.
Its evidence has to be supplemented by that of inscriptions,
and this is at present wanting as far as the Aegean is con-
cerned. Not that the inscriptions themselves are lacking,
but and this is the tantalising element in the situation they
cannot be read. So the historian has to be content with a
bare outline of early Greek history, based on the " Minoan "
periods and sub-periods of Sir Arthur Evans' chronological
scheme. To have drawn even the outline of the picture is a
great achievement ; but we look forward eagerly to the day
when the decipherment of the inscriptions will make it
possible to fill in details, and when the early history of Greece
will be able to command a larger share of space in such a
work as this than it can at present fairly claim.

The next two sections of the book are occupied with the
early history of Egypt and Babylonia respectively. The
story of Egypt is traced from its beginnings in the obscurity
of the Stone Age right on to the coming of the Hyksos
(c. 1800 B.C.) when the people of the Nile were brought into
sudden and violent contact with Asia. And that of Babylonia,
where, in the earliest times of which we have any knowledge
(4th millennium B.C.), there already existed a highly

ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NEAR EAST ^\

developed civilization, is carried as far as the fall of the
Khammurabi Dynasty and the establishment of the six
hundred years long regime of the Kassites (c. 1750 B.C.)
From this point onwards the history of the Near East becomes
more complicated. The coming of the Hyksos broke down
the barrier between Egypt and Asia, while the advance of the
Hittites, the rise of the Syrian and Palestinian kingdoms, the
growth of the Assyrian and, later, of the Persian empires, all
cause in turn a shifting of the centre of interests. Accor-
dingly, Mr. Hall has sought to tell the story of each period
more or less from the standpoint of the chief actor in it.

We turn, therefore, in the fourth section of the book from
Babylonia back again to Egypt, and read how she freed
herself from the domination of the Hyksos, and, under
the great kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty, carried out her
Asiatic conquests. Then comes the story of the rise and
development of the Hittites and of their long struggle with
Egypt, followed by the overthrow of the Hittite power by
Assyria, and Egypt's loss of her Asiatic possessions. At this
point the centre of interest moves to Syria and Palestine,
where, taking advantage of the weakness of Egypt, the
Hittites, Babylonia and Assyria, new peoples established
themselves first the Aramaeans, then the Israelites, and,
finally, the Philistines. During the centuries which followed
their coming there grew up the Syrian and Palestinian
kingdoms. But early in the ninth century the freedom from
attack from outside which they had enjoyed came to an end.
A revival took place in Assyria, which now became the
dominant power in the Near East, and her campaigns against
Syria and Palestine brought to an end the kingdoms of
Damascus and Samaria, and prepared the way for the fall of
Judah before the Chaldaeans.

The record of Assyria's history from her revival at the
beginning of the ninth century to her sudden and disastrous
overthrow in 606 B.C. occupies the seventh section of the
book. Finally we come to the story of the Persian Empire
and the gradual extension of its power until Greece, where a

72 C. L. BEDALE

new national spirit had developed, checked its westward
advance at Salamis and Plataeae and so brought to a close
the first period in the history of the Near East.

The above outline will perhaps give some idea of the
ground covered in this volume. It is a miiie of interesting
suggestions, and many of the footnotes contain most valuable
discussions of difficult and disputed questions. To give an
account of these within the present limits is impossible, but,
in closing, mention may be made of one or two of them. Mr.
Hall argues strongly in favour of the non-Aryan origin of
early Greek culture. In connection with the vexed question
of Egyptian chronology previous to the XVIIIth Dynasty,
while rejecting unhesitatingly Professor Petrie's date, he
prefers to await further evidence before committing himself to
any fixed scheme. For the present he is content to assume
c. 2000 B.C. as the central point of the Xllth Dynasty, and
c. 3600 3500 B.C. for the beginning of the 1st Dynasty. He
rejects the suggestion that the "Armenoid" race is repre-
sented among the early Egyptians, and prefers to regard that
element of the population which has been so classed as
Mediterranean and connected with the ancient Cretans. The
two useful tables which Mr. Hall provides on pages 262 and
263 will help the student to a better understanding of the
obscure and complicated Kassite period of Babylonian history.
The Hittites, he suggests, were indigenous to Anatolia and
non- Aryan; he identifies the Khabiri with the Hebrews,
placing the exodus before the Tell-el-Amarna period ; and he
rejects the Musri theory of which Professor Winckler made so
much. The chief criticism that one would pass on the work
is connected with the amount of space allotted to the different
peoples. Egypt, surely, has more than her share, and while
the importance of the Greeks is rightly insisted upon, that of
Israel hardly receives its due recognition. But the book as a
whole is a thoroughly scholarly piece of work, and especially
valuable to the student because it incorporates the latest
results of research, and because it gives, in comparatively small
compass, a clear account of the peoples of this part of the
ancient world.

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 73

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

THE WORD 'ABNET IN HEBREW.
I. BY MAURICE H. FARBRIDGE.

IN the Oxford Hebrew Lexicon it is assumed that the Hebrew
word 'Abnet is connected with a root b-n-t. But the Lexicon
does not explain the meaning of the root, nor does it pursue
the investigation further. Again, the root b-n-t occurs neither
in Hebrew nor in any other Semitic language.

To me it seems likely that the word b-n-t is connected with
the word beten (belly, womb). I would suggest that originally
there were two words for " belly," beten and benet (cp. kesebh
and kebhes, " a lamb ") and that from benet was formed 'abnet
with 'Aleph prosthetic. Thus 'abnet would be connected with
beten. This suggestion seems to me to be supported by the
following three considerations : (l) The 'abnet seems to have
been a sash (rather than a girdle), which was wound under
the breast (Encyclopedia Biblica, art. " Girdle "). It would be
appropriate, therefore, to connect the name of such an article
with the word beten] (2) The beten is mentioned often in
Hebrew as the seat of intellectual faculties (cp. Oxf. Lex., p.
105, and see, e.g., Job xv. 2, 35), and the 'abmt was the mark
of intellectual superiority, since it was worn by high officials
(Isa. xxii. 2l) ; (3) Sometimes the beten is used also as the seat
of spiritual emotions (Hab. iii. 16). It is natural, therefore,
that such a person as a priest should wear an ' abnet as one of
the robes of office.

74 NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

II. BY M. A. CANNEY, M.A.

THE above note by Mr. M. H. Farbridge is interesting. It is
possible, I think, that there is some connection between
'abnet and beten. But this connection may be explained in a
somewhat different way. That the word beten should suggest
a derivative with the meaning " sash " would be natural. We
ourselves employ such words as "stomacher" and "legging."
Nor is it strange that the derivative, by transposition of two
letters, should take the form ' abnet instead of 'abten. But from
the fact that the form is 'abnet it does not follow that there
must have been in use two words for " belly." It is even
possible that 'abnet is miswritten for 'abten. In Arabic batn
means " belly," as in Hebrew. The verb batan in Form II. is
found with the meaning " to strap a beast," and the noun
bitstn with the meaning " strap " or " girth " (of an animal).
This noun has a plural (Broken Plural) 'abtinat, which bears a
striking resemblance to 'abten. There can hardly be any real
connection between 'abtinat and 'abten = 'abnet. But Arabic
usage does seem to suggest that a derivative of b-t-n may
have been used at first of a strap for animals, and then of a
sash for men. The form 'abnet or 'abten was perhaps chosen
specially to distinguish the official sash, which seems to have
been wound twice round the body, from an ordinary strap.
Considerations of sound and pronunciation would suggest the
transposition of the two consonants.

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 75

THE RITE OF CIRCUMCISION.
BY G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

IN his Religion of the Semites (2nd ed., 1894, P- 328) Robertson
Smith expressed the opinion that the rite of circumcision was
regarded originally as a preparation for marriage, and that
its transfer to infancy may have been made at some subse-
quent time.

So far as I am aware, the Egyptian evidence in support of
this suggestion and this evidence is important, because it
goes back many centuries earlier than that relating to any
other peoples has never been set forth fully.

In the earliest pre-dynastic Egyptian bodies that have ever
been brought to light I found that the adult males were
circumcised, and the age of these bodies must be assigned to
at least 4000 B.C. In the tomb of Ankh-ma-Hor at Sakkara
(c. 2600 B.C.) the operation is represented in a picture (see
Capart, Une Rue de Tombeaux, 1907, PL Ixvi.) in which the
patients are tall youths.

Among the mummies found in the tomb of Amenhotep II.
there is one of a boy about eleven years of age, still wearing
the " Horus lock," whom I found to be uncircumcised (see my
volume on " The Royal Mummies," General Catalogue of the
Cairo Museum, 1912, p. 40). These facts seem to suggest that
originally circumcision must have been regarded by the
Egyptians as a preparation for marriage, as among the
Israelites (Josh. 5, 2ff. ; cp. Exod. 4, 25, and see the Encyclopedia
Biblica, s.v. " Circumcision." 6), or at least as an initiation
rite. Amongst the Egyptians, as also among the Jews, the
custom became transferred from the age of puberty to early
infancy.

76 NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE DOLMEN.
BY G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

IN a memoir, now in course of publication, I have collected
evidence which seems to show that the dolmen the crudest
and most widely spread of the prehistoric " rude stone monu-
ments " is derived from the Egyptian stone mastaba of the
Old Kingdom by a process of degradation.

When this characteristically Egyptian superstructure of the
tomb came to be imitated by unskilled craftsmen in foreign
lands, one by one its unessential features were omitted, until
eventually there remained, stripped of all its surroundings, the
small chamber for which the European archaeologist has
borrowed the term " serdab " from his Arabic-speaking work-
men. The imagination of a superstitious people exalted
this into the most essential part of the tomb. For it was
looked upon as the dwelling of the disembodied spirit of the
dead man buried in the grave (Breasted) ; and its preservation
was considered to be necessary to keep this spirit from wan-
dering abroad and worrying the living. This magnified
importance of the serdab found expression in an increase in
size, which occurred as its surroundings were discarded one
by one, until nothing else was left but the serdab itself, often
crudely made of large blocks of stone. Such is the dolmen.

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 77

THE EARLIEST EVIDENCE OF ATTEMPTS AT
MUMMIFICATION IN EGYPT.

BY G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

IN previous notes 1 the earliest evidence of mummification in
Egypt that I was prepared to accept as unquestionable was
that supplied by the mummy said to be that of Ra-nef er, found
by Flinders Petrie at Medum in 1892, and now in the Museum
of the Royal College of Surgeons in London. The earliest
date to which this mummy can be assigned is the age of
Snefru, the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty. I believe, how-
ever, that there are reasons for thinking it may belong to the
period of the Fifth Dynasty.

During a visit to Egypt in January 1912, 1 was permitted by
Mr. J. E. Quibell to examine the human remains that he had
found in a series of mastabas at Sakkara, which belong
to the period of the end of the Second and the beginning of
the Third Dynasties. In the burial chamber of one of these
mastabas (No. 2262 in Mr. QuibelPs notes) the skeleton of a
woman about thirty-five years of age was found. This was
completely invested in a large series of bandages (more than
sixteen layers still intact, and probably at least as many more
destroyed), ten layers of fine bandage (warp seventeen and
woof forty-eight threads to the centimetre), then six layers of
coarser cloth, and next to the body a series of badly corroded,
very irregularly woven cloth, much coarser (warp six and woof

i " Notes on Mummies," Cairo Scientific Journal, February, 1908 ; Nature, 78,
p. 342 ; " The History of Mummification," Proc. Roy. Phil. Soc. of Glasgow, IQIO.

78 NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

fourteen per centimetre) than that of the intermediate and
outer layers. Each leg was wrapped separately, and there
was a large pad on the perineum. The bandages were broad,
sheets of linen rather than the usual narrow bandages. As
was usual at this period, the body was flexed.

In the wide interval between the bandages and the bones
there was a large mass of extremely corroded linen, whereas
the intermediate and superficial layers of cloth were quite
well preserved and free from corrosion.

The corrosion is presumptive evidence that some material
(probably crude natron) was applied to the surface of the body
in order to preserve it. If so, this is the earliest body with
unequivocal evidence of an attempt artificially to prevent
decomposition in the soft tissues.

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A LIST of THE YEAR NAMES

used to date the years of the FIRST DYNASTY OF BABYLON, compiled

from the Date Lists and from the dated documents of the period and

arranged in their most probable chronological order,

BY THE REV. C. H. W. JOHNS, M.A., LITT.D.,

Master efSt. Catharine's College. Cambridge, and Canon Residentiary of Norwich.
PARTI. Cambridge : A. P. DIXON, 9 Market St. 1911. PRICE 3/6.

This is the first part of Studies in the Date Lists of the First Dynasty of
Babylon. The Babylonians gave to each year a separate name commemo-
rating the most important event of that year from their own point of view.
The scribes drew up lists of such year-names in their proper chronological
sequence for their convenience in reference to the dates. Beside being our
most valuable evidence for the chronology of the period, the events recorded
serve as Annals. These date lists accordingly have been much discussed by
scholars. The author having had exceptional facilities for consulting a great
many hitherto unpublished dated documents, including the valuable collections
acquired by the late lamented Professor H. W. Hogg for the Rylands Library
and the Victoria University, has here made accessible a complete summary of
the work done on the Date Lists by himself and others.

Part II. will contain the English translation of the Sumerian year-names, so
as to render the material available for general students of the history of this
most important period, marked by the illustrious reign of the great King
Hammurabi, author of the famous Oldest Code of Laws. Other parts will
contain technical discussions for experts ; with bearing on many problems of
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THE RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF
SEMITIC PROPER NAMES.

THE JOHN BOHLEN LECTURES FOR IQIO,

BY THE REV. C. H. W. JOHNS, M.A., Lirr.D.,

Master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge, and Canon Residentiary of Norwich.
A. P. DIXON, 9 Market Street, Cambridge. 1912. 5/-

In 1910 the Master of St Catharine's was invited to deliver the lectures on
the John Bohlen Foundation to the University of Pennsylvania, which has so
distinguished itself by its marvellous explorations of the ancient city of Nippur
in Babylonia. The subject selected was the Religious Significance of Semitic
Proper Names, with especial bearing on the Bible and its illustration from
cuneiform sources. Semitic names are for the most part really sentences
condensing religious beliefs and form a most valuable indication of the popular
views of God and His relations to men, apart from the systematic theology
of religious teachers. The subject is of the deepest interest for students of
Religion and throws great light upon Old Testament studies. The treatment
is of a popular character and demands no special study to follow ; but the
author has laid under contribution the most recent scholarship. The reader
of the Bible will here find help to understand the background of religious
thought on which the prophets had to throw their portrait of the good man
and evidence of the previous growth of religion which alone rendered their
appeal cogent. The subject is a fascinating one, full of deep thoughts and
high moral teaching.

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JOURNAL OF THE

MANCHESTER ORIENTAL SOCIETY

1911

Pp. xvii., 162, with 9 illustrations, 5s. net., postage 4d.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS

First Known Inscription of Ellil-Bani of Isin, an early Babylonian King. Prof. Hope W. Hogg.

Chronology of Dynasties of Isin and Babylon. Prof. Hope W. Hogg.

" Heart and Reins " in Mummification and in the Literatures of the Near and Farther East.
Papers and Notes by Prof. G. Elliot Smith, Prof. Hope W. Hogg, Mr. Israel Abrahams,
Prof. Wheeler Robinson, Mr. Alan H. Gardiner, Mr. M. A. Canney, Mr. L. W. King,
Dr. L. C. Casartelli, Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, Prof. J. G. Frazer.

Two Cuneiform Heart Characters. Prof. Hope W. Hogg and Dr. J. C. Ball.

The Relations of China with Nepaul, etc. Prof. E. H. Parker.

Progress of Research.

Prof. Hope W. Hogg. An Appreciation. Prof. Arthur S. Peake.

Copies may be had from the publishers, Sherratt & Hughes, 34 Cross Street,
Manchester, and 33 Soho Square, London, W. ; or from the Secretary,
Egyptian and Oriental Society, The Museum, Manchester.

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Vel-3
19131914

MANCHESTER :
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1914

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
SESSION 1913-14-

List of Officers and Members.

PRESIDENT

Professor T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, LL.D., Ph.D., F.B.A.
VICE-PRESIDENTS:

THE RIGHT REV. THE LORD BISHOP OF

I INCOLN (E. L. Hicks, D.D.)
THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF SALFORD

(L. C. Casartelli, D.Litt.Or., D.D.).
F. A. BRUTON, M.A.
Principal R. M. BURROWS, D.Litt. (King's

College, London).
S. H. CAPPER, M.A.
Hon. Professor W. BOYD DAWKINS, M.A.

D.Sc., F.R.S.

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL:
Ven. Archdeacon ALLEN, M.A.
Rev. C. L. BEDALE, M.A.
Rev. J. T. BREWIS, M.A., B.D.
Professor M. A. CANNEY, M.A.
Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A.
Miss CAROLINE HERFORD, M.A.
Mrs. HOPE W. HOGG
Professor Sir T. H. HOLLAND, K.C.I. E.,

D.Sc., F.R.S.
J. H. HOPKINSON, M.A.

A. H. GARDINER, D.Litt.
JESSE HAWORTH, LL.D.
Sir ALFRED HOPKINSON, K.C., LL.D.,

M.A., B.C.L.

W. EVANS HOYLE, M.A., D.Sc., M.R.C.S.
Professor E. H. PARKER, M.A.
Professor A. H. PEAKE, M.A., D.D.
Professor G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D.,

F.R.S.

Mrs. W. HARTAS JACKSON

Rev. H. S. LEWIS, M.A.

THE LIBRARIAN, The Rylands Library (Mr.

H. GUPPY, M.A.)
Principal MARSHALL, M.A., D.D.
Rev. J. A. MEESON, M.A., LL.B.
Professor J. K. MOULTON, M.A., D.Litt.,

D.C.L.

W. M. TATTERSALL, D.Sc.
Rev. W. L. WARDLE, M.A., B.D.

HONORARY SECRETARIES:

Professor M. A. CANNEY, M.A. (Editor-Secretary').
Miss W. M. CROMPTON (Treasurer-Secretary).

OTHER MEMBERS
Sir FRANK FORBES ADAM
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Dr. ASHWORTH
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Dr. J. S. BLACK

G. BONNERJEE
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J. H. BRAY

E. R. BRAYSHAW
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WM. BURTON
Professor W. M. CALDER
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MissCAWTHORNE
Professor R. S. CONWAY
Mrs. CONWAY
Dr. DONALD CORE
Professor T. W. DA VIES
W. J. DEAN
Miss S. L. DENDY
Piofessor A. C. DICKIE
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M. H. FARBRIDGE

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OF THE SOCIETY.

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Miss M. ROEDER

H. LING ROTH

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Rev. W. T. STONESTREET

G. W. TAYLOR

J. C. TAYLOR

REV. W. THOMAS

T. G. TURNER

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Miss K. WILKINSON
Miss L. E. WILKINSON

D. WIPER

R. B. WOODS
G. S. WOOLLEY

G. H. YOU ATT

vii

CONTENTS

PAGR

List of Officers and Members of the Society v.

Objects of the Society I

Position of the Society at the end of Session 1913-14 3

Proceedings of the Session 5

Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie on Early Scarabs 6

Prof. G. Elliot Smith on the Funerary Monuments of Ancient Egypt 10
Prof. Moulton and Dr. Casartelli on Dr. Louis H. Gray's paper (see

p. 37) on the Acta Sanctorum II

The Rev. J. A. Meeson on the Wisdom Literature of Israel ... 16
Dr. Alan H. Gardiner on the Nature of the Egyptian Hieroglyphic

Writing 18

Mr. T. Eric Peet on Sinai as known to the Egyptians 20

Prof. C. F. Lehmann-Haupt on the Rediscovery of Tigranokerta ... 23
Prof. Elliot Smith and Prof. Boyd Daivkins on Mr. A. M. Blackman's

work 24

The Egyptian Collection in Manchester Museum. By Winifred M.

Crompton ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 25

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure 29

Special Papers and Articles :

Samuel Rolles Driver. An Appreciation. By Arthur S. Peake, M.A.,

D.D 33

Zoroastrian and other Ethnic Religious Material in the Acta Sancto-

rum. By Louis H. Gray, A.M., Ph.D. 37

The Jews as Builders. By Archibald C. Dickie, M.A., F.S.A.,

A.R.I.B.A 57

Some Babylonian Tablets in the Manchester Museum. By

C. H. W. Johns, M.A., Litt.D 67

The Preservation, among the Ancient Egyptians and Iranians, of
Parts of the Body for Resurrection. By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi... 73

An Ostracon from Esneh. By/. G. Milne, M.A 77

Early Zoroastrianism. A Review. By L. C. Casartelli, M.A.,

D.Litt.Or. 79

Pentateuchal Criticism. A Review. By W. H. Bennett, M.A., D.D.,
Litt.D 83

Vlll

CONTENTS

PAGE

Notes on Philology, etc.

" Hip and Thigh." By M. A. Canney, M.A 87

Nahumii., 8. By M. A. Canney, M.A 89

Isaiah LIII., 7. (I) By W. L. Wardle, M.A., B.D. (2) By M. A.

Canney, M.A 9 1

Ancient Egypt and the Persistence of Ancient Burial Customs in

Nigeria. By G. Elliot Smith, M. A, M.D., F.R.S. 95

Mummification and British Folklore. By G. Elliot Smith, M.A.,

M.D., F.R.S. 97

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Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society for 1911, published 1912... 5s. Od. net.

Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society for 1912,

published 1913, and for 1913, published 1914 5s.0d.net.

The more important articles can be purchased separately.

Manchester Egyptian Association Report, 1909 1912 eachOs.3d.net.

Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society Report, 1912-13, 1913-14 ... Is. 6d. net.

List of Books on Egyptology published September, 1912, to

September, 1913 Os.6d.net.

1 There is a Special Publications Fund, for which subscriptions and donations are invited.

REPORT

OF THE

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN @f ORIENTAL SOCIETY

1914

POSITION OF THE SOCIETY
AT END OF SESSION 1913-14

TEN meetings were held between October and May, of which
details are given under " Proceedings " (p. 5). The number of
members is 105. Five members have resigned, while four have
joined. We have to deplore the death of Mr. Henry Kirkpatrick,
of Tyldesley, and of Sir William Bailey (see p. 15). Members
received with great regret the news of the resignation by Dr. A,
H. Gardiner of his post of Reader in Egyptology in the University
of Manchester (see p. 19). Mr. T. Eric Feet, B.A., of Oxford,
best known as author of The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy and
Sicily, and for several years a worker for the Egypt Exploration
Fund, has accepted the post of Lecturer in Egyptology, and will
give courses of lectures on Egyptian History and another on Egyp-
tian Language in the Michaelmas and Summer terms. Mr. Peet has
already shown a great interest in the Egyptian Collection of the

4 REPORT

Manchester Museum, and a pamphlet by him on the important
stele of Sebek-khu in our Museum has just been published by the
Museum Committee.

Those members who were present at the lecture he kindly
delivered before our Society last January will certainly be glad to
know that he is to be so closely connected with Manchester.

The number of books and pamphlets in our collection is 150,
an increase of 30 since last year. A catalogue of 120 of these
books is given on p. 11 of our List of Books on Egyptology, 1913.
Members can obtain from the Secretary this list, price 6d., and,
in addition, if they desire it, a typed list of the recent acquisitions.
These include Mr. A. H. Gardiner's recent " Catalogue of the
Private Tombs at Thebes," presented by Mr. Robert Mond, and
many reprints of the contributions of Dr. Alfred Wiedemann and
of Mr. A. H. Gardiner to various Journals, the former presented
by the Bishop of Salford, the latter by the Author. At various
meetings of the Society thanks have been returned to donors of
these acceptable gifts.

To this it may be added that the sale of the Journal of the
Society has been just sufficient to recoup the University Publications
Committee for the expenses incurred in its publication over and
above the 25 contributed by the Society. But in order that this
25 may be forthcoming yearly without trespassing on the libera-
lity of one or two members an increase in the number of Journa)
subscribers of one guinea is much needed. The fact that the
Journal is appreciated is shown by the number of applications for
an exchange of publications that have been received. Exchanges
have been arranged with the Universite St. Joseph, Beyrouth;
the University of Rome (Oriental School); the Society of
Biblical Archaeology; the University of Upsala; the Editor of
Memnon. We continue to receive the Journal of the Liverpool
School of Archseology, and the Oriental publications of the Muse"e
Guimet, Paris, which are both important and numerous.

The attention of members is drawn to the very full account of
the Society in the July number of the Journal of Egyptian Archae-
ology. This includes portraits of the first President of the Man-
chester Egyptian Association, Mr. Jesse Ha worth, LL.D., and of

REPORT 5

the founder and first President of The Manchester Oriental Society,
Professor Hope W. Hogg. A short account of the Society is
also given in the first number (January 1914) of the journal of the
British School of Archaeology in Egypt, known as Ancient Egypt.

A statement of accounts appears on p. 29.

M. A. C.

W. M. C.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE SESSION

19131914.

THE First Meeting of the Session was held on October 6th, 1913.
The Chair was taken temporarily by Prof. W. Boyd Dawkins,
and then by the President, Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids. Statements
as to the position of the Society and as to the Journal were read
by Miss Crompton and Prof. Canney. The Council and Officers
of the Society were re-elected. The names of Mrs. Hope W,
Hogg and Dr. W. M. Tattersall were added to the list of
members of the Council, Mrs. Hogg being elected to fill the
vacancy caused by the resignation of Miss Monica Hey wood.

The President, after making some announcements as to the next
meeting, called upon Prof. W. Boyd Dawkins to move the fol-
lowing resolution:

"That this Meeting desires to express the regret of the Egyptian
and Oriental Society at the resignation by Sir Alfred Hopkinson
of his position as Vice-Chancellor of the University of Man-
chester. It desires at the same time to express its satisfaction
that he has expressed the wish to renew his connexion with the
Society on his return from the East, and its hope that he will
long enjoy his well-earned rest."

The resolution, on being put to the Meeting, was carried
unanimously.

The chairman then explained that Mrs. Flinders Petrie had

kindly undertaken to give the address on "Early Scarabs," which

was to have been given by her husband, Prof. W. M. Flinders

Petrie. He had pleasure, therefore, in calling upon Mrs. Flinders

B 2

6 REPORT

Petrie to proceed. The paper, which was illustrated by many ex-
cellent lantern-slides, may be summarised as follows:

"Many kinds of beetles were venerated in Egypt from prehistoric
times onward, and, long before the images of them became
common, the actual beetles themselves were preserved in jars in
pre-dynastic graves. In the earlier part of the second pre-dynastic
civilisation (Sequence Date 53) two graves at Diospolis Parva con-
tained numerous dried beetles. Rather later on, in Sequence Date
66, we find scarabaeus beetles, and, in another grave, large desert
beetles, and a great quantity of a smaller variety; in another such
grave, thirty-six were found preserved in a jar.

"Not only are the dried animals thus found, but the intention
with which they were buried is vouched for by the models of
beetles pierced to be worn as amulets. At Naqadeh two beetles
of green serpentine were found, of prehistoric age, copied from the
long bright green beetle now found living in the Sudan; others of
the same kind cut in sard, and one in crystal, have been found in
graves at Tarkhan, 1 about S.D. 77-8. In another grave of S.D. 77
was a group of amulets with two desert beetles cut in opaque
green serpentine. Of S.D. 77 also, was a translucent green serpen-
tine beetle found in the lowest level of the town of Abydos,
Slightly later, but before the 1st Dynasty, was another long beetle
found in the temple of Abydos. Of S.D. 78, just before Mena,
there is the most striking instance of a reliquary case, to be worn
as a charm, made of alabaster in the form of the true scarabaeus
sacer. About the time of King Den (S.D. 81) in a grave at
Tarkhan, was a jar containing many large desert beetles. What
then must we conclude as to the Egyptian view of the beetle, before
the engraving of designs upon it? It was certainly sacred or
venerated, as shown by the many amulets, and especially the
reliquary. We have no right to dissociate it from the very primi-
tive idea which we find connected with it in later times, that the
sun is the big ball rolled across the heaven by the Creator, and
hence the scarab is an emblem of the Creator, Khepera. The
scarab is figured with the disc of Ra in its claws from the Xllth
Dynasty onward. Khepera is called * the father of the gods,'

i One, of sard, now in Manchester Museum.

REPORT 7

and this symbolism of the beetle is a part of the primeval animal
worship of Egypt. The idea of the word Kheper is Being, exis-
tence, creation, becoming, and the god Khepera is the self-existent
creator-god. On turning from the material remains to the inscrip-
tions, we find that the importance of the scarab emblem was trans-
ferred from the Creator to the soul which is to be united to him.
In the Pyramid texts it is said: 'This Unas flieth like a bird and
alighteth like a beetle upon the throne which is empty in thy boat,
O Ra.' Teta is said to * live like the scarab.' The popularity
of the scarab was very great all through historic times. We need
not suppose that the original amuletic purpose and theologic
allusion ruled entirely; mere habit of association was perhaps all
that was commonly thought of. After the scarab had become too
familiar in common use, it was resanctified in the XVIIIth Dynasty,
by being carved in a very large size, with a purely religious text
upon it, and placed in a frame upon the breast of the dead. On
this frame it is often shown as adored by Isis and Nebhat. It is
said to be the heart of Isis, who was the mother of the dead person
thus identified with Horus to be the heart which belonged to the
transformations or becomings of his future life and to be the
charm which should ensure his justification in the judgment. Such
were the high religious aspects of the scarab in the later times,
removing it from the almost contemptuous familiarity which it had
borne as the vehicle of seals and petty ornament. On passing to
the XXIIIrd Dynasty and later, we see the winged scarab placed
on the breast of the mummy, as the emblem of the creator who
should transform the dead, and associated always with the four
sons of Horus as guardians of special parts of the body. From
this time, and specially from the XXVIth to the XXXth Dynasties,
many scarabs were placed on the mummy, usually a row of half-
a-dozen or more, along with figures of the gods. 1 Such scarabs are
almost always carved with the legs beneath, and are never in-
scribed. On reaching Gnostic times, we see on amulets three
scarabs in a row, as emblems of the Trinity, with three hawks as
souls of the just before them, and three crocodiles, three snakes,
etc., as souls of the wicked driven away behind them.

i See the amulets of Horuta in Manchester Museum.

8 REPORT

"Turning to the documents of that age, there are descriptions
which throw light on the way in which it was venerated. Pliny
says of the scarabaeus ' The people of a great part of Egypt
worship those insects as divinities, an usage for which Apion gives
a curious reason, asserting as he does, by way of justifying the
rites of his nation, that the insect in its operations pictures the
revolution of the sun.' Horapollo explains this allusion, saying
that the scarab * rolls the ball from east to west, looking himself
toward the east. Having dug a hole, he buries it in it for 28 days;
on the 29th day he opens the ball, and throws it into the water,
and from it the scarabaei come forth.' This description applies
to the most usual place for scarabaei, the western desert edge.
There the scarab rolls its ball toward the rise of sand to bury it,
and holding it between the hind legs, pushes backward with its
face to the east. The same description is given by Plutarch.

" There were various kinds of beetles regarded in Roman times,
Pliny writes * There is also another kind of scarabaeus which the
magicians recommend to be worn as an amulet the one which has
small horns thrown backward. A third kind also, covered with
white spots, they recommend to be cut asunder and attached to
either arm.' This method of use is described in the DemotiV
Magical Papyrus * You divide it down the middle with a bronze
knife . . . take its left half . . . and bind them to your left arm.'

" Horapollo states * There are three species of beetles. One
has the form of a cat, and is radiated, which is called a symbol
of the sun . . . the second species is two-horned and has the
form of a bull, which is consecrated to the moon. The third
species is unicorn, and has a peculiar form which is referred to
Hermes like the Ibis.' This third species is evidently the
Hypselogenia, which has a long beak in front; this seems to have
been compared to the long beak of the ibis, and hence was referred
to Tahuti. Of the two-horned scarab, there is a bronze figure in
the British Museum; it may be that known to us as the stag
beetle. 1 To the cat-shaped beetle we have no clue; from being

i Mr. J. Ray Hardy, Keeper of Entomology in Manchester Museum, suggests
that this must be the beetle Onthophagus taurus, L., a two-horned beetle,
rare in Britain but fairly common in Africa.

REPORT 9

put first, it may be supposed to be the Scarabaeus. Whatever
may be the modern equivalents of the various descriptions, it is
certainly evident that five or six different kinds of beetles were all
venerated, and used for their magical properties.

" We have seen that the scarab and other beetles were regarded
as sacred or magical from the earlier part of the second prehistoric
age down to the Christian period. The religious texts which we
have, of the Vth, Vlth, XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties all refer to
it as an emblem of the creator-god, as a symbol and guarantee
of his assistance to the deceased, or as an emblem of the apo-
theosis of the deceased. In the Xllth Dynasty, this emblem came
into common use as a form of seal, doubtless owing to the name
of the person being placed on it to ensure that its powers should
be given to him. The personal scarab became treated commonly
as the seal for everyday use. This did not, however, prevent the
symbol being most generally employed with a religious signi-
ficance.

" The purely utilitarian view of the scarab as a seal was true
enough in some instances; but the facts of its actual use show
that this was not the main purpose, even if we had not the use of
it as a sacred amulet vouched for in the earliest as in the latest
times. In the first place, the scarabs were originally nearly all
coated with glaze, which has since perished from the majority,
leaving the lines clear. But when the glaze remains, we see that
a large part of the lines were so filled with glaze that no impression
could be taken from them. As to the actual use for sealing, we
know of very few instances of such except in the Xllth Dynasty;
hardly any scarab sealings of the XVIIIth-XXVIth Dynasties
are known, although scarabs were commonest at that age. For
signets it would be required that the name and title of the person
should appear, as on many that are known. Yet such name scarabs
of private persons are very rare, except in the Middle Kingdom,
and even then are but a small minority of all that were made.
Further, those with Kings' names are in many cases later than
the rulers whom they name, and could not therefore be used for
official seals, but must refer to the claim on the protection afforded
by the deceased king to the wearer."

io REPORT

At the conclusion of the reading of the paper, a vote of thanks
to Prof. Petrie and Mrs. Petrie was proposed by Dr. W. M.
Tattersall and seconded by the Rev. J. A. Meeson.

THE Second Meeting of the Society was held on October 27th,
1913, the President in the Chair. Prof. G. Elliot Smith gave a
lecture on " The Funerary Monuments of Ancient Egypt and their
Foreign Influence." The lecture was illustrated by lantern-slides.
The lecturer gave an account of the evolution of the funerary
monuments during the time of the Old Kingdom, and of the in-
fluence exercised beyond the limits of Egypt by the peculiar buria]
customs and methods of tomb-construction adopted by the Egyptians
for themselves. The materials used for the purpose of the lecture
have been set forth in some detail in an article entitled " The
Evolution of the Rock-Cut Tomb and the Dolmen," contributed
to Essays and Studies 'presented, to William Ridgeway (Cam-
bridge, 1913), and in a summary in Man (December, 1913) under
the heading "The Origin of the Dolmen."

The lecturer explained that the mastaba-type of superstructure
was developed in Egypt to meet special demands made by the
physical conditions of the country and the peculiar religious be-
liefs of the people. Evidence was then adduced to show that in
foreign countries in touch directly or indirectly with Egypt many
varieties of megalithic monuments obviously were inspired by
attempts to imitate the Egyptian types of funerary monuments and
temples. Prof. Elliot Smith took the opportunity to elucidate cer-
tain points in his argument in reference to which some of his friends
had found a difficulty in understanding the precise point of view-
He said that, although the claim is made that the mastaba-type
of stone superstructure was evolved in Egypt, it is not suggested
that the Egyptians themselves were wholly responsible for the
development of this type of edifice. The fact indeed is now well
recognised that certain of the most striking innovations in the
builder's art coincide with the coming of alien people into Egypt
And, although there is no evidence to prove, or even to suggest,
that such foreigners introduced any of the new features, it is

REPORT ii

probable that the coming of strangers with new ideas was not
without influence in stimulating the development of the local
Egyptian arts and crafts.

The influence of Egypt was exerted not only at one period: in
other words, it was not merely one phase of Egyptian culture
that was diffused abroad. On the other hand it is certain that
the middle Pre-dynastic culture the earliest known ^neolithic
phase wherever it arose, was diffused East and West from India
to Spain. The Proto-dynastic phase of culture spread southward
in the Nile Valley, throughout the whole North African littoral
and elsewhere in the Mediterranean area. The crafts of the
Pyramid Age exerted their influence, step by step, until this was
felt throughout the whole globe. Similarly, in the Middle and New
Kingdoms and later, Egypt's example directly and indirectly was
followed in many instances by the whole of the then civilised
world.

At the conclusion of the lecture, Dr. Alan Gardiner remarked
that Prof. Petrie in his book Researches in Sinai states that there
are no traces of very early mining for copper in the Sinai penin-
sula. The traces are only of mining for turquoise. Where then,
Dr. Gardiner asked the lecturer, did the Pre-dynastic Egyptians
obtain their copper? The lecturer replied that within the last
few years the government Geological Surveyors had found traces
of extremely ancient copper workings in Lower Nubia. The graves
of the Pre-dynastic Egyptians often contained small quantities of
malachite; those of the Nubians of the same period contained
frequently large lumps of this substance, which indicated that
copper was more abundant in Nubia than in Egypt.

THE Third Meeting of the Session was held on November 14th,
1913, the President in the Chair. A paper on "Zoroastrian and
other Ethnic Religious Material in the Acta Sanctorum" .written
by Dr. Louis H. Gray, who was present, was read at the meeting.
The paper is printed in full elsewhere (p. 37). At the con-
clusion of the reading a Note written by Prof. Moulton was read
by the Rev. C. L. Bedale.

Prof. Moulton wrote as follows:

12 REPORT

"It is a great disappointment to me that I cannot be present
at this meeting, to which I have looked forward with very special
pleasure. Dr. Gray has kindly sent me his paper, and perhaps I
may be allowed to speak by deputy to the very hearty vote of
thanks which the Society will be giving him. I know Dr. Gray's
work better perhaps than all here except Dr. Casartelli, and I
can therefore speak with all the more emphasis of the great gain
that our country secures even by the temporary possession of so
sound and comprehensive a scholar. The field which Dr. Gray
has traversed is one which I have often felt should be capable
of yielding valuable material for our study of Zoroastrianism.
Indeed, I remember once tackling one or two of these documents
myself for that purpose; but whether it was my imperfect reading
or the fact that the particular Acts that I started on were not
specially remarkable, I did not find anything that would merit
mentioning on this occasion. I altogether agree with Dr. Gray's
conclusions in this paper. Perhaps I might venture one or two
stray notes.

" I am much interested in what is said about holy mountains as
among the objects which the Parsees bade Christians to worship,
for in Plutarch and in the Bundahish we are told that at the
Regeneration ah 1 the mountains are to be flattened out, since they
are, according to the Magi, creatures of the evil spirit. But even
the Bundahish retains some signs of the older reverence for
mountains. I have argued in my Hibbert Lectures which un-
happily had just gone to the binders for immediate publication
when I received Dr. Gray's paper that this treatment of moun-
tains, like the treatment of planets as malign, is really a special
tenet of the Magi, which they never succeeded in inducing the
Parsees to accept. The sharp distinction between the Magi as
foreign Shamans and the Parsees proper is the thesis to which I
have devoted a large part of my book.

" The 366 fires are very interesting. The suggestion of leap
year raises a difficulty in my mind, in that the Parsee calendar
seems to have provided for 365 days only, ever since 505 B.C.,
according to West. But this is a subject Dr. Gray knows much

REPORT 13

better than I do. Is it possible that we should understand this
as one fire for a day and then one extra, especially dedicated to
Atar himself ?

" There is very little else that I would comment on. The three
tortures, for two of which Dr. Gray mentions parallels, might be
supplemented by the fact that flaying, the first of them, is grimly
prominent on the Inscription of Darius. Dr. Gray's explanation
of the burning of Christians is very suggestive, and, I think,
evidently true. The fire festival of which he tells us, in which
cattle and birds were driven into the flame, is a nice little piece
of universal folk practice, observed in our own country, I believe,
within living memory. It is paralleled largely in Frazer's Golden
Bough. I have an impression that there is something to parallel
the passage of the queen between the severed halves of the victims.
Anyhow, one may compare Genesis xv. 17. On the question of
the religion of Darius I am afrtaid I have come down on the other
side of the fence from that which Dr. Gray occupies, even after
studying very carefully and making large use of his invaluable
article in the Journal of the American Oriental Society and his
later work in the encyclopaedia. This, however, is a big question,
and I must leave my reasons for the printed page. I will only
therefore say how sorry I am to miss not only the actual reading
of the paper, but the discussion of it, which, in the case of a paper
so interesting, is sure to be full of instructive material. I
earnestly hope that Dr. Gray will give us his paper in print.
Nothing could be more proper than our own Journal."

The Bishop of Salford then expressed his appreciation of the
paper, and made the following interesting comments:

" I have for many years thought that the Acts of the Christian
Martyrs under the Sassanian Kings of Persia must contain a large
amount of material of interest to Iranian studies, and for this
reason were well worthy of working over by competent scholars.
I am very glad that Dr. Gray, in the admirable paper just read,
has done this fully and efficiently. He rightly reminded us of the
great differences which we must expect to find between the folk-
religion of various nations and the * orthodox ' presentment of the

I 4 REPORT

particular religious system in their sacred books, so well exempli-
fied in the religions of ancient Greece. For Zoroastrianism, we
have this * orthodox ' presentment in the Avesta and in the beliefs
and practices of the modern Parsis. Dr. Gray's researches have
added very much to our knowledge of the folk- religion, which co-
existed with the official state cult in its palmiest days. He rightly
referred also to the varying systems and schools, theological and
philosophical, which also co-existed at the same epoch. This is
fully borne out in the writings of Paul the Persian, the Syriac
writer who flourished at the court of the great King Khosrav
Anosharevan (A.D. 531-578). He details at length the various
theological schools of belief which held sway in the very heart of
' orthodoxy ' itself if such a term could be used. The Arabic
writer Shahristani gives similar evidence of the Zoroastrian sects,
and the same is confirmed by the famous edict of Mihr Nerseh,
under Yezdegerd II. (A.D. 440).

" It is quite true, as Dr. Gray remarks, that at present investiga-
tion is almost limited to the Greek and Latin Acts and Fathers,
and that a great amount of material, so far inedited and untrans-
lated, probably lies buried in many Oriental writings, chiefly
Armenian. I may perhaps call the attention of the Society to the
very important Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium,
begun by Chabot in 1903 and now being continued by the com-
bined Universities of Lou vain and Washington. The great series
will contain all the Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian, Syriac and Arabic
Christian writers, and no doubt will contain a great amount of
material similar to that treated in Dr. Gray's paper.

"I was particularly interested in Dr. Gray's remarks on the
various tortures recorded in the Acta as inflicted on Christian
Martyrs, and his comparison of several of them to those gruesome
punishments described in the Inferno of the Arta-i Viraf Namak.
A few years ago in a paper read before the Manchester Dante
Society, I ventured, partly following J. J. Modi, to compare the
tortures in Dante's Inferno with those seen by Arta-i- Viraf, and
to suggest that in all probability they were in both cases, not the
effects of a morbid imagination, but actually represented the awful
cruelties practised at the Persian court, not only in ancient and

REPORT 15

mediaeval days, but even down to modern times, and that Dante
may very well have had some information concerning them brought
over by the Italian merchants and travellers who so largely visited
Eastern countries both during and after his time ("The Persian
Dante," since published in the Dastur Hoshang Memorial Volume,
Bombay).

" Before leaving the subject I should very much like to call the
Society's attention to an extremely interesting passage in the
latest issue of the Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie (Bd.
III., Heft 6), by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, on the Minor Religious
Systems of India. The writer gives a most interesting account of
a sect styled * Maga ' in Northern India during the early cen-
turies of the Christian Era, who were actual worshippers of the
Sun-God, of whom they had temples and images. The legend
is that one Samba brought over the ' Maga priests ' from a
foreign land and erected a temple. The Magas were descen-
dants of one Zarasasta (evidently Zarathushtra), whose mother was
a daughter of the Sun-God. They wore a girdle round their waist
called a avyanga (clearly the Avestic aiwiyaonhana). It is also
interesting to know that the image of the Sun-God was repre-
sented with boots reaching to the knees and a girdle round the
waist, clearly Persian features. Of course these evidences of a
form of Iranism, contaminated with Hindu mythology and idolatry,
existing in India at so early a period, are quite independent of
the much later coming of the Parsis who fled from Mohammedan
persecution as late as A.D. 716."

The Bishop then moved a vote of thanks to Dr. Louis Gray for
his most interesting paper. This was seconded by the President
from the chair. *

THE Fourth Meeting of the Society was held on December 8th,
1913, the Bishop of Salford in the Chair. At the opening of the
Meeting, the chairman said that before passing to ordinary business
reference must be made to the sad loss sustained by the Society
through the death of Sir William Bailey. Sir William Bailey,

i In preparing his paper for publication, Dr. Gray has made a number of
additions to it.

16 REPORT

though he was not able to attend regularly the meetings of the
Society, had shown in times past his interest in its affairs in a very
generous and practical way. It was then proposed by Prof. Canney
and seconded by Prof. Peake, that an expression of the regret of
the Society at the death of Sir William Bailey, and of sympathy
with his family should be forwarded to his relatives.

The Rev. J. A. Meeson then delivered an address on " The
Wisdom Literature of Israel."

His address, he said, was an attempt to stimulate a more general
interest in an important subject. The wise men ranked, as
teachers, with prophets and priests (Jer. xviii. 18). Attracted by
the study of moral truths they taught rules for life and conduct.
With no claim to inspiration or revelation, they were guided by
good sense, clear insight and sound reason. Like the Juris con-
sults of Rome in the days of the Republic, they were the recog-
nised if not the authoritative teachers of the people. With many of
them, wisdom was identified with the Law. Seeking their maxims
everywhere, they dealt with truths and principles at the basis of
morality; again reminding us of the Jus Gentium of Roman Lawyers.
Their ethical theory was simple: men are divided into good and
bad, the wise man and the fool. Man may do right if he will ;
if he does wrong he suffers, if right he is rewarded.

Wisdom is twofold human and divine. It embraces all things
in heaven and on earth. The world is an orderly whole (ro<r/joc),
is the expression of the mind of God (Prov. viii. 23-31). Though
occupied with creation, Wisdom rejoiced in the habitable earth,
her delight was with the sons of men. Man is capable of under-
standing this divine Wisdom, can appreciate the wonders of the
world-plan, the beauty, order and government of the K-ooyxoe. He
is invited to contemplate. He can also realise something of this
Wisdom in his own intellectual and moral life. The Wisdom
Literature is supremely concerned with human conduct, character
and life. The fear of the Lord is the beginning of Wisdom.

One great topic of this literature is Judgment the sifting
(KPIVIQ) between the evil and the good. On this theme there is
a marked development.

(1) Book of Proverbs represents the first stage. The theory is that

REPORT 17

right-doing is always rewarded, and penalty always follows wrong-
doing. (2) But the wicked are found to prosper and the upright to
suffer misfortune. In some of the Psalms (37, 49, 73) this is felt, and
an explanation sought. " The Hebrew Pascal " who wrote Psalm
73 found solution in the belief in the future life. (3) But it is the
Book of Job that really grapples with the problem. It has been
called: The Book of the Trial of the Righteous Man and of the
Justification of God. (4) But the appeal and answer of Job is
soon felt to be no solution of the problem. And " the sphinx of
Hebrew literature," Ecclesiastes, takes up the difficulty at a
later stage. "All is vanity; " there is no explanation of life's
perplexing ways. Yet man finds his duty in the fear of God, and
obedience to His commands.

The Wisdom Literature goes beyond the ordinary Canon of Old
Testament; and in the Apocrypha we have some real and helpful
contributions, notably the conviction of an individual life beyond
the grave. In the light of this hope men could better understand
the sufferings of the innocent and the prosperity of the wicked.

As we follow our studies in this Wisdom Literature, we are often
reminded of and brought into touch with the great teachers of
the nations that surrounded and at different times and in different
ways influenced the people of Israel. To settle the question of
indebtedness and affinities is a fascinating but a delicate and a
difficult task. There is one source of influence that should be
named. The teaching of the Wisdom Literature is helped by the
views of Zoroastrianism. There stress is laid on two kinds of
Wisdom, heavenly and earthly. The hope of immortality may be
compared with the expression of the same hope in the early Zoroa-
strian Hymns. The moral code of Zoroastrianism is summed up
in: Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Deeds. The high moral
tone of the best Persian literature and religion could not but
attract the Jews. The Persians were invited to join the service of
the good spirit, and do good; to fight against the evil spirit and
destroy his noxious creatures; to subdue the earth, and cultivate
the ground to fight on in the faith that victory will ultimately lie
with the spirit of good. We are reminded of the early chapters of
Genesis, as well as of the Wisdom Literature.

18 REPORT

We have a powerful and tenacious foe to face. But Light will
conquer Darkness. " The proportion of good and evil may be very
sensibly affected by human action." So far as we possess the
power of bettering things, it is our duty, it is the path of Wisdom,
to use that power; to train our intellect and energy for this
supreme service of our kind.

The address was followed by a discussion in which Prof. Peake,
the Rev. D. P. Buckle, the Rev. W. L. Wardle, and the Bishop
of Salford took part. The Bishop said that in the Zoroastrian
writings there were many passages which strikingly resembled
passages in the Old Testament Apocrypha, but he thought it was
clear that the latter had influenced the former.

THE Fifth Meeting of the Society was held on December 15th,
1913, Prof. G. Elliot Smith in the Chair. Dr. Alan H. Gardiner
gave a lecture on " The Nature of the Egyptian Hieroglyphic
Writing."

The lecturer pointed out that even the earliest Egyptian monu-
ments exhibit no exclusively pictorial script, and therefore the
evolution of hieroglyphic writing is to some extent a matter of
hypothetical deduction; none the less the hieroglyphs mostly bear
their history written on their face, and certain old monuments, as
the great slate-palette of Nar-mer from Hierakonpolis, point
clearly to the sequence of events. Pictorial representation was
quickly found to be insufficient, and some means of depicting words
to eke out the meaning had to be found. The principle of the
rebus was then discovered, by which words for things that could
not be represented pictorially were indicated by pictures of things
the names of which sounded similarly. At the beginning such
rebus-signs were incorporated into the composition, the whole of
which soon however came to be interpreted orally, i.e., in terms
of language, and no longer merely visually, i.e., immediately by
the eye. This step having been taken, the picture soon dis-
integrated into a number of single picture-signs or hieroglyphs,
each of which henceforth stood (whether pictorially or phonetically)
for a word or part of a word. In the developed hieroglyphic
writing three main classes of sign can be distinguished: 1.

REPORT 19

Ideograms or pictorial signs; 2. phonograms or sound-signs, and 3.
determinatives, which are pictorial signs having a merely supple-
mentary or connotative function at the end of words. The lecturer
showed how the second and third classes of sign may have arisen
from the first. It was pointed out that an important part in the
process was played by abstraction, which gave a wider use to any
given sign by only part of its connotation being understood when
the sign was applied to new purposes; thus the picture of the old
man leaning on his staff was used to convey the meaning " old,"
whether the word referred to men, women, animals, or things. In
exactly the same way phonetic signs, which are simply pictorial
signs used after the manner of the rebus (cf. too our charades)
had a wide application owing to the vowels being ignored, thus a
sign representing an object the name of which was mon could be
used in the writing of any word in which the sequence of consonants
m-\-n occurs, as in mane, semni, mun, Amun, Mont, and so forth.
In this way not only triliteral and biliteral signs were evolved,
but also, out of certain short words, a complete alphabet of uni-
literal signs. English could not have developed a similar hiero-
glyphic system, as the genius of the language, or more precisely
the relation of its vowels to its consonants, is against it. The
determinatives for the most part are generic, that is to say, they
indicate the kind of meaning (as man, woman, violent action, evil
sense, etc.) to be attributed to the words they follow. To sum up,
the Egyptian hieroglyphic system of writing may be defined as a
combination of pure pictorial writing with rebus-writing.

At the conclusion of the lecture, the chairman said that although
it was not usual to propose a formal vote of thanks to a lecturer
when he was a member of the Society or a Lecturer of thd
University or both, he was sure that members of the Society would
agree with him that this was an occasion for breaking that rule.
They would feel this to be the case especially when he told them
that pressure of other work compelled Dr. Gardiner to resign his
post of Reader in Egyptology in the University of Manchester.
He knew that they would all agree with him in deploring this
grievous loss to the University and to the cause of Egyptology in
Manchester.

20 REPORT

The Chairman then called upon the Bishop of Salford to voice
the feeling of the Society. The Bishop said that the name of so
eminent a scholar as Dr. Gardiner had added lustre to the Univer-
sity and, quite apart from the advantage derived by those who had
been privileged to attend his courses of lectures, he had shown a very
generous and genuine interest in the progress of Egyptology in
Manchester. This had been demonstrated by the kind loan of the fine
series of copies of portions of the paintings in the Theban tombs,
which so greatly adorned the walls of the Manchester Museum and
were indeed one of its chief ornaments. In addition to this, Dr,
Gardiner had, out of his extremely busy life, contrived to spare
several days in which to help forward the work of arranging the
Egyptian collection in our Museum, preparatory to its opening.
The Bishop said he wished to move very heartily that a vote of
thanks be accorded to Dr. Gardiner for his most interesting and
suggestive address, and that an expression of the deep regret of
members at his resignation be placed on record. He desired also
to express their hope that Dr. Gardiner would not lose altogether
his interest in the affairs of the Society but would give them op-
portunities for hearing him on future occasions. The vote of
thanks was seconded by Prof. W. Boyd Dawkins. Dr. Gardiner,
in replying, expressed his gratitude to the Society for its expres-
sion of appreciation of his work, and his great regret at having to
sever his close connexion with Manchester. He said that he hoped
still to contribute to the Journal of the Society and would certainly
continue to take an interest in its affairs. He would be glad also
to give a lecture from time to time.

THE Sixth Meeting of the Society was held on January 14th, 1914,
Prof. G. Elliot Smith in the Chair. Mr. T. Eric Peet gave a
lecture on " Sinai as known to the Egyptians." The lecture was
illustrated by lantern slides.

The lecturer pointed out that the interest of the Egyptians in
Sinai was apparently limited to two of the valleys on the west coast
of the peninsula, the Wadi Maghara and the Serabit el Khadim.
These had been explored by Prof. Flinders Petrie for the Egypt
Exploration Fund, and a great part of our knowledge of the

REPORT 21

subject is derived from the results of his work. 1 The purpose
of their visits was undoubtedly to obtain the stone or
substance known to them as mefkat. This has sometimes been
taken to be a salt of copper, possibly the carbonate (malachite),
but the examination of the mines in the valleys themselves has
shown that what was extracted from them was not copper in any
form but turquoise, though for the most part of an inferior
quality apt to disintegrate on exposure to the air. This substance
seems not to have been used by the Egyptians as a precious stone
but to have been ground down to make the greenish pigment used
in the wall paintings.

The route taken by the expeditions probably varied from time
to time. Expeditions starting out from Upper Egypt seem in early
times to have marched across the desert and crossed the Red Sea
by boat, whence naval officers played an important part in
them. In later days the route from the Delta via the Wadi
Tumilat, re-opened by Rameses II., was probably used. The time
of the expedition was fixed so as to avoid the heat of summer. An
interesting inscription of one Herurra, who was sent out to Sinai
too late in the season, gives a vivid account of the sufferings of
the party from the heat, which burned them like fire. The
number of the expedition varied considerably. In one case, under
King Amenemhet III., a force of 734 soldiers is recorded. After
the earlier days when the forces were generally under the command
of an admiral or general, the officials most usually named are the
Divine Chancellors, under whom were the various Directors
(kherp). Miners of several kinds naturally formed the bulk of the
force, though there were often numbers of soldiers. Among the
other persons mentioned are boatmen, peasants for driving the
asses, scribes, a doctor, a cook and the brother of the prince of
Retenu.

In the Maghara valley remains of the workmen's huts still exist.
The pots and other utensils were often buried under the floors,
probably to preserve them for use in the next expedition. The

i The copies of the ancient inscriptions taken by this Expedition will be
published shortly, with translations and discussion by Dr. Alan Gardiner and
Mr. Eric Peet.

C 2

22 REPORT

mines consist of galleries driven into the turquoise-bearing strata.
Copper chisels were used for the work. On the rocks above the
entrances to the galleries were inscribed tablets recording the
various expeditions. Some of these are of the Old Kingdom.
The earliest is that of Semerkhet of the 1st Dynasty. On this,
as on others of the earlier tablets, the king is seen smiting a
Bedawi, perhaps an inhabitant of the peninsula. Most of the
great kings of the early dynasties set up tablets in this valley,
among them Sneferu and Khufu, two of the most famous of the
pyramid builders. During the Xllth Dynasty the valley was still
frequently visited, as the numerous inscriptions of this period
attest. In or after the XVIIIth Dynasty it appears to have be-
come worked out and interest is transferred to the Serabit el
Khadim.

This valley, a little to the north of the last, was probably known
to the Egyptians as early as the IVth Dynasty, for the name of
Sneferu seems to have been closely associated with the place in
the minds of later Egyptians. A temple had been erected there
in the Xllth Dynasty, if not earlier, to Hathor, goddess of the
place, known as Mistress of the Turquoise. In this temple almost
every Egyptian king of note from the Middle Kingdom onward
has left some record in building. Some of the chambers are filled
with offerings made to Hathor, consisting generally of cups,
sistra, wands, bracelets etc., made of fine blue glaze. These
offerings are most frequent during the XlXth Dynasty and cease
altogether after the XXth.

Perhaps the chief interest of the temple lies in the dozens of
large record stelae set up in its vicinity by commanders of expedi-
tions. These, in spite of their battered condition in many cases,
are of immense historical importance. A few of them are surrounded
by rings of great stones, which it has been suggested were rough
chambers for the practice of " incubation," i.e., sleeping in the
vicinity of a sacred place in hopes of dreams from the deity ex-
plaining the method of curing a disease, or perhaps, in this case,
of lighting upon rich veins of turquoise.

Among the gods mentioned in the inscriptions the most im-
portant is Hathor, who may perhaps be an Egyptianized form of

REPORT 23

a local Sinaitic goddess. Next in order of importance is Sopdu,
Lord of the East. The other gods, such as Ptah, Amon and
Osiris, play a very subordinate part. Under the Xllth Dynasty
Sneferu is twice referred to as a deity along with Hathor and
Sopdu.

At the conclusion of the lecture a vote of thanks was proposed
by the Bishop of Salford and seconded by Prof. Boyd Dawkins.

THE Seventh Meeting of the Session was held on February 20th,
1914, at the Manchester Grammar School, the High Master, Mr.
J. L. Paton, in the Chair. This was a Joint Meeting with the
Manchester Branch of the Classical Association. Prof. C. F.
Lehmann-Haupt gave a lecture on " Tigranokerta re-discovered."
He gave a most interesting account of his " rediscovery " of
Tigranokerta, the site of the great victory of Lucullus over Tigranes
in the Mithridatic War in 69 B.C. which he places at Maiafarikin,
close to the Bat-man-su, a tributary of the Tigris. He gave also
a vivid reconstruction of the battle itself. Several difficulties in
Tacitus's account of Corbulo's subsequent campaign in the same
region were cleared up. The lecture was richly illustrated by
lantern-slides of the city itself as it appears to-day, the routes by
which the armies had travelled, and many of the inscriptions in
Greek and Arabic by which the course of events could be traced.

At the conclusion of the lecture a vote of thanks to the lecturer
was moved by Prof. Canney (for the Egyptian and Oriental
Society) and seconded by Prof. Calder (for the Classical Asso-
ciation).

THE Eighth Meeting of the Session was held on March 10th, 1914,
Prof. Canney in the Chair. Prof. Dickie read a paper on "The
Jews as Builders." The subject was illustrated by lantern-slides.
The paper is printed in full on pp. 57-65 of the Journal. After the
reading of the paper, Prof. Dickie replied to questions put by
Prof. Canney, Prof. Unwin, and others.

THE Ninth Meeting of the Session was held on March 24th, 1914,
Prof. Canney in the Chair. Mr. H. R. Hall, M.A., F.S.A., lectured

24 REPORT

on "Greek Monasteries." The lecture was illustrated by lantern-
slides. At the conclusion of the lecture a vote of thanks was pro-
posed by Prof. Dickie and seconded by the Rev. D. P. Buckle.

THE Tenth Meeting of the Session was held on April 28th, 1914,
the President, Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, in the Chair. Mr. A. M,
Blackman, M.A., gave a lecture on " The Painted Tombs at Meir,
Upper Egypt," which was illustrated by lantern-slides.

Prof Elliot Smith, in moving a vote of thanks to the lecturer,
said that this work of Mr. Blackman for the Egypt Exploration
Fund was an example of the most important kind of archaeological
work that had to be done in Egypt at the present time. Most
archaeologists want to bring away something new. But a more
urgent need was to obtain a record of important historical
monuments which were now lying exposed. Prof. Boyd Dawkins,
in seconding the vote of thanks, emphasised the same need. He
said that a very great addition will be made to our knowledge of
the ancient history of Egypt by making a careful record of what
has already been discovered. The exposed remains will not keep;
others will. The vote of thanks was adopted heartily.*

* All the Meetings of the Session, except the Seventh (Feb. 20, 1914 ; see
above, p. 23), were held at the University.

THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTION 25

THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTION IN
MANCHESTER MUSEUM

THIS collection has been obtained almost entirely through scientific
excavations, so that the provenance of almost every article is
known and also the excavator's data for the period to which it
should be assigned; for these reasons it is particularly useful to
the student of archaeology. Its special feature is its richness in
small domestic articles, particularly in those in actual use in
Dynasty XII.

To take the collection as it is arranged, that is, in chronological
order, we must note that it is rich above the average in Pre-
dynastic objects, the splendid flints presented by Mr. Haworth,
the Tomb group from El Mahasna and the series of copper
tools so well illustrating their evolution may be specially noted,
also the bed frame from Tarkhan (Cases I and II and Wall Cases
adjacent).

As to Dynasty XII, the chief source for our knowledge of the
everyday life of that period is the town near the Fayoum exca-
vated by Petrie in 1888-90 and called by him Kahun. Of the
many articles found in the houses of this buried town, the Man-
chester Museum received two-thirds one season and one-third
another (Cases VII-XII): amongst them are two wooden sickles
with the cutting edge of serrated flints, a brick-mould, plasterers'
floats, a copper mirror still bright, with handle in form of the
goddess Hathor, old leather sandals, tops, tipcats, dolls, balls and

26 THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTION

pottery, to mention only a few of the articles. We owe them to
the generosity of Mr. Jesse Haworth and Mr. Martyn Kennard,
and to the first is entirely due our possession of the beautiful
pectoral and other ornaments dated to Senusert II and III, dis-
covered at Riqqeh in 1913 by the British School of Archaeology
in Egypt. These were the only specimens of such ancient cloisonn6
work in Europe until Prof. Petrie brought back the still finer
pectoral from Lahun this summer. They are shown on request,

Of the Middle Kingdom also, is the remarkable complete burial
found in " The Tomb of Two Brothers," at Rifeh. This occupies
an entire Case in the centre of the First Egyptian Room.

A fine series of domestic articles of Dynasty XVIII, from
Gurob, presented by Mr. Haworth, deserves mention (Cases XV
and XVI).

"There are but four Museums in the world which contain an
appreciable number of examples of the art of Tell-el-Amarna,"
writes Miss M. A. Murray in the Guide to the Ashmolean Museum.
These are " the Ashmolean, Cairo, Manchester, and University
College, London." Possibly the German excavations now in pro-
gress on the site will make it necessary to revise that statement,
but still Manchester contains a goodly number of scarabs, seals,
rings, moulds, specimens of glass beads and pigments from this
famous capital of Akhenaten, together with fragments of inscribed
stones (Cases XVI and XVII, and pillars adjacent).

The most important objects of the Roman Period are the por-
traits painted in hot coloured wax on wood panels. Nine of these
hang on the end wall of the Second Egyptian Room, whilst two
remain in position on two mummies in Case XXIII, adjacent.

An interesting collection of Roman glass and household articles
of the Roman Period, chiefly from Oxyrhynchus, has just been
increased by a handsome donation from the Egypt Exploration
Fund, of articles found by Mr. J. de M. Johnson at Antinoe.

In the gallery is exhibited a series of spinning and weaving im-
plements from Pre-dynastic to Coptic times and also specimens of
linen, from a fine series of Dynasty I from Tarkhan to the large

THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTION 27

and interesting collection of Coptic embroidered cloths lately pre-
sented by Mr. Haworth, and the fine examples given by the late
Mr. M. E. Robinow. Mention must be made of the nine facsimile
paintings of portions of frescoes in the Tombs of the nobles of the
New Kingdom at Thebes. These were the work of Mrs. de Garis
Davies and are most kindly lent by Dr. Alan Gardiner.

It may be remarked that though there is no official guide attached
to the Manchester Museum the Assistants in Charge conduct parties
round the departments by arrangement. The leaders of such
parties should write beforehand to the Keeper of the Museum in
order to ensure a date when the Assistant Keeper of the department
they wish to visit is able to receive them. The Assistants are
always glad to give information to any person who requires more
than is afforded by the labels or who wishes to study the reserve
collections, which in the case of the Egyptian, as of every
other department, are very large.

WINIFRED M. CROMPTON.

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SPECIAL PAPERS
ARTICLES

SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER 33

SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER

AN APPRECIATION
BY ARTHUR S. PEAKE, M.A., D.D.

WHEN Prof. Driver was taken from us at the comparatively early
age of sixty-seven, we lost our most eminent Hebraist and our most
representative Old Testament scholar. He had achieved a great
work, yet he was far from having completed the programme to
which he was committed, and we have to lament that several
volumes which would have enriched our literature on the philology,
the criticism, and the exegesis of the Old Testament will now never
he written.

The field in which he first won eminence was that of Hebrew
Philology, and it was here that to the end his mastery was most
conspicuous. Apart from editions of Rabbinical commentaries,
which had no very wide appeal, his linguistic work found at once
an audience both large and appreciative. First came his Treatise
on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew, which in its enlarged and
improved third edition still maintains its authoritative place. His
Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel falls into the
same class; it was primarily designed to aid the student in grasp-
ing the idiomatic usages of the language. But it contained also a
very valuable introduction dealing with palaeography and the
Ancient Versions. His third outstanding contribution to this
department of scholarship was contained in his notable articles

34 ARTHUR S. PEAKE

in The Oxford Hebrew Lexicon. No doubt in other respects the
Lexicon owes much to him. But it need hardly be said that his
commentaries rest on a firm foundation of accurate philology, and
that on Deuteronomy in particular in The International Critical
Commentary is distinguished not simply by sound exegesis and
criticism, but by valuable philological notes.

Dr. Driver, however, was known to the world at large chiefly as nn
Old Testament critic. This is hardly what his earlier work would
have led one to expect. Preoccupied with grammar and kindred
subjects, he only slowly advanced to a consideration of the critical
problems; and even then it was somewhat late in his career that he
definitely took sides with the critical as opposed to the traditional
view. This slow ripening was in the main an advantage. When
his Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament was pub-
lished in 1891, it took its place as our standard work, a place it
has through its nine editions continued to hold. It displayed, of
course, massive learning, intimate familiarity with the text, a wide
acquaintance with the literature of the subject, a faculty of con-
densed, lucid, and weighty statement, a judicial temper, a sobriety
of judgment, which entitled it to this position. What specially
appealed to English readers was its moderation, its distrust and
avoidance of extremes. The book was an exposition of modern
criticism, but it was criticism stated in its most moderate and least
outspoken form, with a leaning to the most conservative position
that the author's critical conscience would permit him to accept.
This was due to no timidity on his part; it was the set of his mind
which determined his attitude. He trusted very little to impressions
as compared with facts, and if he moved away from the traditional
view it was because he felt that the weight of the evidence compelled
him. He thus secured, as probably no one else could have done,
such triumph as the critical cause has won in England. Not that
he had led the way or that among students of the Old Testament
the critical view was not widely held. But the learning, sobriety,
and moderation of Dr, Driver probably won a large number of

SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER 35

adherents who would have been too distrustful of his more ad-
vanced and adventurous colleagues.

His literary output was very considerable, when we remember
what finished work he produced, and what elaborate investigation
often lay behind quite unpretending discussions. Several commen-
taries, some translations, numerous articles, much labour lavished on
the perfecting of other men's work, all stand to his credit. Not a
few of our younger scholars owe much to his personal training, on
which he often spent the greatest pains. Our loss is irreparable,
but his character, his eminence, and his work remain our abiding
possession.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 37

ZOROASTRIAN AND OTHER ETHNIC
RELIGIOUS MATERIAL IN THE
ACTA SANCTORUM 1

BY LOUIS H. GRAY, A.M., PH.D.

IN the study of any religion the surest guide is naturally its own
sacred texts, when it possesses them, and failing these, or sup-
plementing them, as the case may be next in importance come the
dicta and the practices of its most representative followers. On
the other hand, we must not forget that sacred texts are prone to
ignore the lower aspects of the religion which they inculcate, so
that we run the risk of gaining from them alone a somewhat one-
sided knowledge, particularly in regard to the folk-religion as dis-
tinct from the higher, officially recognised creed. A valuable check
to excessive idealisation is furnished by the polemics of opponents
of the religion in question; and while these are not invariably fair,
I believe that they reveal the actual weaknesses and many of the
practices of the religion which they attack. Especially is this the
case when the polemists are converts, who know, even though they
may detest, the leading principles of the faith which they have left.
I do not believe, for instance, that the Christian apologists, in
assailing the pagan myths, were fighting windmills. These myths
were, indeed, abandoned by the philosophers; but I am sure that
they were held by the multitude, even as the Greek peasant to-day

i A paper read at a meeting of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental So-
ciety on November I4th, 1913.

D 2

38 LOUIS H. GRAY

still fears the Nereids. 1 Neither is it safe to build hypotheses on
the argumentum e silentio ; witness the wide divergence between
the "Homeric" religion and that revealed by Miss Harrison's
Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion? With regard to
Zoroastrianism we are in a particularly fortunate position, for we
have much of its own sacred text in Avesta and Pahlavi, and also
many polemics by converts from it, notably in the Acts of the
Saints. It is true that the extant Avesta and Pahlavi books contain
relatively few of the elements of primitive religion; yet it is my
belief that in much of the Avesta we have even now distinct traces
of a far lower religious level than is generally attributed to what
is popularly called Zoroastrianism. Unless I am greatly mistaken,
Zoroaster in whose historical existence we may firmly believe
merely reformed a polytheistic and rather primitive cult which may
be designated Iranism, for want of a better name. This Iranism
was so primitive that like Vedism it had not even developed be-
yond the aniconic stage in the representation of its divinities. This
is the meaning of the statement of Herodotus that the Persians
had " neither images, nor temples, nor altars, but attributed folly
to those who had them." 35 Upon this primitive Iranism, however,
I may not touch. One of the members of this Society, in his ad-
mirable volume on " Early Zoroastrianism," has more than fulfilled
our most exacting requirements by his researches on a problem
which had, it seems to me, hitherto been scarcely touched, still less
profoundly studied. Mine is a lesser task to portray the Zoroa-
strian religion as seen by its deadly foes in the period of its revival
under the Sasanian dynasty (224-651 A.D.). I shall thus attempt to
supplement, from the Acts of the Saints,* the accounts of Iranism
given by Greek and Latin pagan writers which have been made

1 Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, Cambridge,
1910, p. I30ff.

2 Second edition, Cambridge, 1908.

3 I. 131 ; cf. also Strabo, p. 732; for the Veda see Muir, Original Sanskrit
Texts, V. (1872), p. 4531

4 My thanks are due to the Rev. Dr. James Hastings for his generosity in
placing at my disposal his set of the volumes of the Ada Sanctorum.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 39

generally accessible by Kleuker 1 and by Rapp; 2 and I hope that
at least one or two of the older passages which have thus far been
regarded with suspicion will be seen to rest upon a foundation of
truth. Moreover, the writings which I am about to consider possess
one great advantage over the pagan classical sources. They record,
in many cases, the experiences and the words of converts to Chris-
tianity from Zoroastrianism. These converts knew by their early
lives and training the main tenets of their original belief, at least
in the form in which it was held by the great mass of Zoroastrians.
What we here read will scarcely coincide with the Pahlavi treatises
which date, at least in conception, from this same Sasanid period;
but this is only a superficial objection. Let me illustrate by an
example which is not mentioned in the Greek and Latin Acts of the
Saints. From the Avesta and Pahlavi texts we infer, at least in
general outline, a strictly dualistic principle; 3 yet from the Perso-
Arab al-Shahristani (1086-1153) and from other sources, notably
the Armenian polemist Eznik (fifth century), and the Greeks
Theodore of Mopsuestia and Damascius (sixth century), we learn
that the predominant view in the Sasanian period was Zarvanite;
i.e., that an attempt was made doubtless among more advanced
thinkers only to derive both Ormazd and Ahriman (the principles
of good and evil respectively) from Zrvan akarana, " Boundless
Time," an abstraction mentioned among minor godlings a few times
in the Avesta. 4 This, however, is the philosophical side the meta-
physics of Zoroastrianism. Our concern is with the religion of the
masses, on which a valuable side-light is cast by the Christian Acts
of the Saints.

1 Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, II., iii., Leipzig and Riga, 1783.

2 Z.D.M.G. XIX. (1865), pp. 1-89; XX. (1866), pp. 49-204.

3 See Jackson, in Gmndriss der Iran. Philologie, II. (1904), pp. 627-628,
Casartelli, art. "Dualism (Iranian)," in Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, V.
(1912), p. Illf. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism, London, 1913, pp. 201, 220, 322,
very pertinently argues that Zoroastrian dualism is Magian, not Iranian, in
origin.

4 See Jackson, p. 630, and the references there given, to which may be
added Eznik, tr. Schmid, Vienna, 1900 ; Noldeke, " Syrische Polemik gegen
die persische Religion," in Festgruss an Roth, Stuttgart, 1893, pp. 34-38. The
Avesta passages are Nyayisn I. 8 ; Yasna LXII. 10 ; Videvdat XIX. 13.

40 LOUIS H. GRAY

The Ads which here come under consideration are in Greek,
Latin, Syriac, and Armenian; but the brief time which I have had
for the preparation of this study compels me to restrict myself al-
most entirely to those in the classical languages. The Syriac Acts
are practically untranslated, except for a few given by Assemani and
by Hoffman; 1 and there are still no less than twenty-four lives of
martyrs and other saints in Persia written in Syriac which are as
yet accessible only to Semitic scholars. The Armenian Acts, al-
most none of which have been studied, so far as I am aware, 2
number about twenty ; and their investigation might prove of even
more value in this connexion than the Syriac Acts, as casting ad-
ditional light upon religious conditions in Armenia as well as in
Persia. 3

The only reference of value to the Magi as a class in the Greek
and Latin Acts is found in the account of St. Sira, who was
martyred in 559 in Pars, then a centre of orthodoxy. 4 She, while
still a Zoroastrian, was entrusted, for her religious education, to the
Magi " to perform die mystic worship termed that of the Yast."
She falls ill, however, and is convinced that she cannot recover her
health through the help of fire, water, or any other Magian objects

1 Assemani, Ada martyrum orient., Rome, 1748 (inaccessible tome at present) ;
Hoffmann, Ausziigc atis syrischen Akten persischer Mdrtyrer, Leipzig, 1880 ; to
which may be added Chabot, La Legende de Mar Bassus, martyr persan, Paris,
1893, and " Histoire de Jesus-Sabran," in Archives des missions scientifiques ct
litteraires, VII. (1897), pp. 503-584 (inaccessible at present); Winstedt, "Coptic
Saints and Sinners," in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archccology, 1908,
pp. 234-237, 276-278 (for a Persian martyr, Abraham) (inaccessible at present);
Abbeloos, " Acta Mar Kardaghi Assyriae praefecti," in Analecta Bollandiana,
IX. (1890), pp. 11-103; Hilgenfeld, Ausgewahlte Gesdngc des Giwargis Warda
von Arbel, Leipzig, 1904 (inaccessible at present). For a Georgian work see
Life of St. Nino, tr. M. and J. D. Wardrop, Oxford, 1900.

2 For a translation of one see Peeters, " Une Passion armenienne des ss.
Abdas, Hormisdas, Sahin (Suenes) et Benjamin," in Analecta Bollandiana,
XXVIII. (1909), pp. 399-415 (cf. A.S. II. Sept. 528).

3 For a full bibliography see the Bollandists' Bibliotlwca hagiographica orien-
talis, Brussels, 1910.

4 IV. Mai, I77ff.

5 w vat rtjv nvffTLMiv \arptiav t^TtXeVai TI'IQ 'LavO Xtyo^eV/jj', Kaff i)i>

W /Tt (Tf.IJ.VOlQ KCLTO

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 41

of reverence (<re/3a<r/iara). Accordingly, after having been es-
corted by the Magians to the presence of the fire, she " took the
sticks by which they acted the Magian in conformity with the
devilish tradition of Zoroaster .... Putting forth her strength,
she crushed the sticks and scattered the sacrifice, and spat upon
the fire and quenched it." 1 We are also told that the chief Magian
was called Mavt?rrt7g, which closely represents the Pahlavi magupat,
mavpat, " chief of the Magi," familiar in its Modern Persian form
mo bad*

The allusion to the barsom sticks employed in the Zoroastnan
ritual of sacrifice is not without interest, though it adds nothing to
what is known from the Iranian sources, except that they are here
said to have been carried by a woman and not by a Magian. 3 On
the other hand, it is certainly surprising to find a woman in the
very presence of the sacred fire, so near that she can spit upon it
an act of extremest blasphemy from an Iranian point of view, which
enjoins the penalty of death for heinous pollution of the flame, 4 this
being the punishment to be inflicted on every asdmaoya, or teacher
of heresy. 5 The Avesta prescribes that he who has carried a
corpse alone, a woman delivered of a still-born child, the corpse of
a man or dog, and those purifying themselves from the defilement
of death may not be nearer to fire, water, or barsom than thirty
paces; while a menstruous woman may not approach within fifteen

1 Xa/3oD<ra ra v\a, Si a>' e/^ayeutv Kara r/;>/ rov Zwpoaffrpov
rapafiofftv . . . pwdelcra ra |u\a avviQ\aaf.v KOI rr)v Qvaiav
ut Trvpi tTriiTTVffiv re Kal 'ifffitfff.v.

2 Salemann, Grundriss der iran. Philologie, I. (1901), p. 260; Horn, ib. I. b, pp.
37, 50, 188; cf. also the Armenian and Syriac loan- forms given by Hiibsch-
mann, Armenische Grammatik, Leipzig, 1895, 1. p. 195. The abstract term is
given as MavnrTovOa in A.S. IV. Mai, 171, which looks like a Syriac forma-
tion. The mention of a high official designated Aap is also of interest (ib. p.
176).

3 On the barsom cf. Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, Paris, 1892-1893, index, s.v.
" Baresman "; Mills and Gray, art. " Barsom," in Encyclopedia of Religion and
Ethics, II. (1909), p. 424f.; the earliest classical mention is by Strabo, p. 733;
for a Syriac reference see Hoffmann, pp. 94, III.

4 Strabo, he. cit.

5 Vd. IX. 51-57 ; cf. also Darmesteter, I. p. 91.

42 LOUIS H. GRAY

paces. 1 It is true that at least the first category is polluted by the
worst of all demons Death (druj nasu) ; but it is difficult to see
how St. Sira, afflicted by a disease, of whose character we are not in-
formed, but which was at all events of demoniac origin, could be taken
by the Magians into very close proximity to the fire. How, indeed,
could she have been in the presence of the fire even had she been
in perfect health ? To-day only the priests have this right, 2 but
at the period under discussion this seems not to have been the case,
for Sapor conducted St. Acyndinus and his companion martyrs into
a temple to offer sacrifice. 3 Strange as this account of St. Sira may
appear to us, I do not believe that we are warranted in summarily
rejecting it; and I suggest that in the Sasanid period access to the
actual presence of the sacred fire was far less restricted than is the
case at present. 4

To continue with the very typical Acts of St. Sira, after profaning
and quenching the fire, she accuses the Zoroastrians of being poly-
theists, and, in particular, of adoring, instead of God, " fire, water,
sun, moon, and other stars." 8 This charge would be rejected with
horror and regarded as an absurd and ignorant slander by a
modern Zoroastrian; it would also be baseless as regards the
teachings of Zoroaster himself. Yet if anything is certain in the
history of religion, it is certain that primitive Iranism was poly-
theistic, and in the Younger A vesta younger only in language, but,
I believe, immeasurably older in religious outlook than the Zoroa-
strian Ga0as we have the plainest survivals of an original pagan-
ism. 6 The Amshaspands, for instance, as I have endeavoured to
show elsewhere, 7 were originally mere nature-divinities. Accord-

1 Vd. III. 13-17, V. 45-48, VIII. 4-7, IX. 1-5, XVI. 1-4.

2 Cf. Jackson, Persia, Past and Present, New York, 1906, p. 367 ; the best des-
cription of a modern temple is given by Darmesteter, I. p. lix. ff. (for India),
and by Jackson, pp. 366-372 (for Persia).

3 A.S. I. Nov. 469 ; for the king approaching the fire see also Socrates, His-
toria ecclesiastica, VII. 8.

4 In one of the Syriac Acts a menstruous woman tramples the fire under
foot and extinguishes it (Hoffmann, p. 99).

5 AS. IV. Mai, 179.

6 Cf., for instance, Reichelt, Awestisches Elementarbuch, Heidelberg, 1909, pp.
22f., 26.

7 Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, VII. (1904), pp. 345-372.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 43

ing to Herodotus, 1 the chief Iranian deities were the sky (Zeus,
Ahura Mazda), the sun (Mi0ra), the moon, the fire, the earth,
the winds, and the water; to which Strabo 2 adds Aphrodite
(Anahita), though he states that fire and water were the special
objects of sacrifice. In the Sasanian period the crucial test was
to endeavour to compel the Christians to worship the sun ; * adora-
tion of fire alone is mentioned but once. 4 Saints Simeon, Isaac,
and Bachtisoe, like St. Acepsimus, are commanded to sacrifice to
sun and fire; 5 others to sun, moon, and fire; 6 St. Jonas and his com-
panions to sun, fire, and water, 7 to which earth is added in the case
of other martyrs, 8 or even sun, moon, stars, fire, and water. 9
During the great persecution which began in 342 under Sapor II.
(309-379), St. las is offered her life if she will " adore the gods,
and honour the sun, and the fire, and the water." She refuses and
is scourged, after which she is bidden " to sacrifice to the gods,
and to reverence (trefleffOat) the king, and the fire, and the sun." 10

A remarkably interesting series of gods is that to which St.
Anastasius was commanded to pay reverence " sun and moon and
fire and sea, mountains and hills, and all other elements, and
metals." 11 As regards metals, we need only recall that, the

1 I. 131 ; for the classical references to the gods of the elements see es-
pecially Rapp, Z.D.M.G. XIX. (1865), pp. 71-77.

2 I^oc. cit.

3 A.S. I. Feb. 473, III. Feb. 179 (where St. Sadoth gratuitously adds that he
will not adore the sun either ; according to another version [ib. p. 180], he
refuses to worship sun, moon, water, or fire), I. Apr. 822, and p. iii., II. Apr.
843, III. Apr. 21, II. Jun. 171.

4 A.S. I. Apr. p. ii. ; on the other hand, in his polemic St. Glwargls makes
his chief attack on fire-worship (Hoffmann, p. 109).

5 A.S. III. Mai, 464f., III. Apr. 24.

6 Hoffmann, p. 24.

7 A.S. III. Mar. 569, 768 ; see also Hoffmann, p. 53.

8 AS. III. Aug. 2871.

9 Hoffmann, p. 88.

10 A.S. I. Aug. 332f. On this implied equality of the king with the principal
divinities see Wilhelm, Z.D.M.G. XL. (1886), p. 108; Rapp, ib. XX. (1866), p.
Il8f.

11 A.S. III. Jan. 42.

44 LOUIS H. GRAY

Amshaspand Xsaflra Vairya (" Desirable Kingdom ") was the god-
ling of those elements, 1 while mountains receive their meed of
honour in the nineteenth Yast of the A vesta. 2 For the other
objects of worship we find an admirable commentary in the forty-
second Ha of the Yasna, a section which, though written in Gaflic
A vesta, is a later addition. 3 It runs thus: "And the water-springs
we worship, and the water-fords we worship, and the clivergings
of the roads we worship, and the converging of the roads we
worship. And the water-coursed mountains we worship, and the
water-holding lakes we worship, and the weal-bringing fields of
grain we worship, and the protector and the shaper we worship,
and Mazda and Zaraflustra we worship. And the earth and the
heaven we worship, and the bold wind, Mazda-created, we worship,
and the pinnacle of Haraiti Baraz we worship, and the ground and
all things good we worship .... The sea Vourukasa we wor-
ship .... And the forward flowing of the waters we worship,
and the forward flying of the birds we worship."

Occasionally in the Acts we find equations of Iranian with Greek
gods. When Sapor enters the fire- temple with St. Acindynus and
his companions, he cries, " Great is the power of Zeus whom we
reverence ! " 4 and he swears not only "by the gods," but, in par-
ticular, " by the sun exceeding bright, and by Asclepius most
great." 5 Zeus is obviously Ahura Mazda. Asclepius, as the
Greek god of healing is, perhaps, Grita, who first practised the
art of medicine among the Iranians. 6 After Chosrocs II. had
captured Jerusalem in June, 614 the memorable year in which he
took the Holy Cross to Persia he commanded the Christians to
adore "Jupiter, Apollo, and Diana." 7 This triad is of peculiar

1 Gray, p. 359ff.

2 Yt. XIX. 0-7 ; cf. also Herodotus I. 131, Moulton, p. 214.

3 Baunack, Studien auf dem Gebiete des Griechischen und der arischcn Sprachen,
Leipzig, 1886, 1. p. 424.

4 A.S. I. Nov. 469: jjLE'yaXr) ?/ CuraptQ TOV Trap fjfj.tr trefiofierov A/or.

5 Ib. 483 : '/) TOVQ Oeovg . . . pa TOV vTrepXapfrpor ijXtov vat Tor piyttrTov
'AffK\ijirtov a Magian swears " by the life of Ahura Mazda and his Fortune,
and the great, strong throne of Yazdagird " (Hoffmann, p. 63).

6 Vd. XX. 2ff. ; cf. Casartelli, art. " Disease and Medicine," in Encyclopedia
of Religion and Ethics, IV. (1911), p. 758. 7 A.S. V. Jim. 1 66.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 45

interest, for, translated, it is " Ahura Mazda, Mi0ra, and Anahita,"
and this is the very group which is named in the Old Persian in-
scriptions of Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon). 1 Mention is also made of
a "temple of Mars" at Jerusalem at this same time. This sounds
puzzling at first, but it may mean simply a temporary fire shrine
which Chosroes had either erected or had installed in some building.
Religious syncretism comes to the fore when, during Sapor's
persecution, Mar Mu'ain is commanded to worship, " besides sun,
moon, and fire, the great god Zeus; Nanai (Anahita), the great
goddess of the whole earth ; the mighty gods Bel and Nabho ; " 2
but, on the other hand, Bahram Gor (420-438) declares, in argu-
ment with the martyr Peroz, that " he also acknowledges only one
god; the rest are merely like the 'great ones of the king.' " 3 In
a Syriac Act a mobaS speaks of "our gods Zeus, Kronus, Apollo,
Bedox, and the rest," i.e., probably Ahura Mazda, Zrvan, Mi0ra,
and Anahita; "* and Anahita also seems intended by the goddess
Mamai ("Mamma?"). 5

Did the Sasanian Zoroastrians have idols? 6 There are indications
of images of the gods in the Avesta descriptions of Anahita and
Vohu Manah, 7 and we learn from Berosus 8 that it was Artaxerxes
Ochus " who first set up the statue of Aphrodite Anahita in
Babylon and Susa and Ecbatana, Persepolis 9 and Bactria, and
Damascus and Sardis, and commanded to reverence it; " while

1 Art. Susa a, 4!., Ham. 5f.

2 Hoffmann, p. 29.

3 Ib. p. 42.

4 Hoffmann, p. 72; on the identification of Bedox see ib., pp. 128-130; oa
Belti as the Aramaic name of the planet Venus see Zimmern and Winckler,
Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 3d ed., Berlin, 1903, pp. 425, 432.

5 Hoffmann, p. 74 and note 678.

6 This subject will be fully discussed by Jackson in his article "Images and
Idols (Persian) " in the seventh volume of the Encyclopedia of Religion and
Ethics (read in manuscript) and in a study to appear in the forthcoming
Jubilee Volume of the Sirja mshetjee Jejeebhoy Zarthoshti Madressa; see also Rapp,
Z.D.M.G. XX. (1866), p. 8l.

7 Vast V. 126-129; Vd. XIX. 20-25 ; cf. Darmesteter, II. p. 364^

8 Apud Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. 5.

9 On Hepaai = Persepolis see Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, London,
1892, II. p. 132, note 3.

46 LOUIS H. GRAY

Julius Firmicius Maternus writes 1 that the Persians " deputed the
substance of fire to images (simulacra] of man and woman." To
the feminine aspect of fire we shall have occasion to animadvert
a little later on. We need not linger over the vague statement that,
during Sapor's persecution, many lapsed and sacrificed to idols; 2
but a passage in the account of St. Acindynus does demand atten-
tion. In the fire- temple to which he was conducted by Sapor was
an image (^davov), which a parallel text says was "an idol of
Zeus," 3 that fell to the ground and was broken. This may, it is
true, have been simply the conventional representation of Ahura
Mazda, of Assy ro- Babylonian 'provenance, which occurs frequently
in Iranian sculpture, as over Darius and the rebel leaders at
Behistan; but the general context may also be taken as implying
that it \vas a free-standing image of Ormazd.

I have just alluded to a possible feminine aspect of fire. In the
A vesta this element is represented as masculine, as "the son of Ahura
Mazda." 4 Yet in one of the Syriac Acts the martyr Hasu declares
that " fire is no daughter of God, but a serving woman for kings
and men of low estate, for poor folk and beggars." 5 Such a con-
cept of the fire is supported only by Julius Firmicius, and seems
doubtful; although, from the general accuracy of the Acts of the
Saints, it would be, I feel, unwise to reject summarily even so sur-
prising a statement as this.

Unlike most polytheists, the Iranians were intolerant. In the
Persian invasion of Greece, the wooden images (fiptrrj) and the

1 De errore prof an. relig. I. 5 : ignem in duas diuidunt potestates, naturam
eius ad utrumque sexum transferentes et uiri et feminae simulacro ignis sub-
stantiam deputantes.

2 AS. VIII. Sept. 129 ; cf. also Hoffmann, p. 98. The dance of men and
women in connexion with a feast in honour of idols in the province of Rad-
han (ib., p. 71) may not have been Iranian, or it may have been connected
with some such orgiastic cult as that against which the Gaflas polemise ( Ys.
XXXII. 10, XL VIII. 10 ; see Bartholomae, Gatha's des Awesta, Strassburg,
1905, P- 33f- Moulton, pp. 72, 129).

3 A.S. I. Nov. 470: eilwXov TOV avtyiavToc, v.l. Aide. The Life of St. Nino
also mentions (p. 19) an idol of Armaz, and refers (p. 57f.) to Iranian idolatry
as though it were common.

4 Ys. LXV. I2f., Sih ricak I. 9, Gah I. 9. 5 Hoffmann, p. 35-

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 47

shrines of the Greeks were burned; 1 but though Xerxes thus des-
troyed the temple on the Acropolis, he carried off a statue of
Artemis from Attica and of Apollo from Branchicke. 2 Centuries
later, Chosroes violated a Roman temple at Dara ; 3 and according
to the Armenian historians, 4 Ardasir Papakan, while ruling over
Armenia, destroyed all the idols of the Parthian gods, together with
the images of the sun and moon, but commanded that the sacred
fire be kept constantly burning at Bagavan. 5 On the other hand,
the Persian bishop Abdaates burned down a fire-temple, and thus
brought on the five years of persecution which began in 415. 6 Yet,
in some cases at least, the Zoroastrians were not over-hasty in
wrath. When the priest Narsai put out a sacred fire and destroyed
its altar, he was at first simply required to rebuild the altar. On
his refusal to do so, he was imprisoned, but was released on bail;
and later was bidden to collect 366 fires, put them in the temple,
and worship the resultant flame. Only after scorning this command
was he put to death. 7 Concerning the number 366 I have no
suggestion to offer; the number is not mentioned in the extant
Avesta. 8

1 iEschylus, Persa, SCKjf.

2 Herodotus, VIII. 50-54, Pausanias, VIII. xlvi. 3, I. xvi. 3; cf. also Maximus
of Tyre, Dissertationes, VIII. 4, and see Quackenbos, Dastur Hoshang Memorial
Volume, Bombay, 1913, p. 2Q9f. At the same time it must be borne in mind
that this temple-burning was not necessarily Inspired by religious zeal, and
that the Achaemenians were most latitudinarian in their complacency toward
the faiths of other peoples (see Gray, Journal of the American Oriental Society,
XXI. [IQOOJ, pp. 178-184, and art. " Achasmenians," in Encyclopedia of Religion
and Ethics, I. [1908], pp. 69-73).

3 A.S. I. Jan. 620.

4 Patkanian, "Essai d'une histoire de la dynastic des Sassanides d'apres les
renseignements fournis par les historiens armeniens," tr. Prud'homme,
Journal asiatique, VI. vii. (1866), p. 144.

5 On Bagavan see Hiibschmann, " Altarmenische Ortsnamen," Indoger-
manische Forschungen, XVI. (1904), p. 411 ; and on Armenian idols carried to
Armenia from Asia Minor, Greece, and Mesopotamia, see Carriere, Les huit
Sanctuaires de I'Armenie payenne, Paris, 1899.

6 A.S. I. Jan. 479. 7 Hoffmann, p. 37f.

8 Prof. Moulton verbally suggests one fire for each of the 365 days of the
year and another for Atar. This seems highly probable. At the same time,
one is tempted to query whether^ as Mrs. Gray suggests to me, he was not in
reality bidden to make the Atas Bahram, the preparation of which took a
year, though this fire, taken from fifteen sorts of flame, was composed of
looi, instead of 366, fires (Darmesteter, I., pp. lix., 157.)

48 LOUIS H. GRAY

From idols we naturally pass to sacrifice; and here we note that
a certain Paul marked his lapse by drinking the blood of sacrificed
animals and eating their meat, 1 while a similar test was proposed
to the more faithful St. ^ithalas, 2 who was also commanded to
perform the act of generation 3 a requirement which finds its very
simple explanation in the fact that in Zoroastrianism celibacy is a
grievous sin. 4 Again, St. Tarbula (or Pherboutha) and her com-
panions were offered their lives by a Magian if she would yield
herself to him, or, according to another version, become his wife. 5
But she scorned to purchase earthly life at the price of life
eternal; and she was but one of countless martyrs in Persia. Dire
was the penalty, but I do not propose to detail the list of tortures,
and shall mention merely those which may have a bearing on
Zoroastrianism.

A favourite preliminary torture was scourging; 6 and while I am
aware that this is a most natural mode of exhorting to a change of
ways, I cannot but think first, in this connexion, of the long pas-
sages in the Videvdat which enjoin scourging with the aspake
astra ("horse-whip") and sraoso- carana ("obedience-worker"). 7
When martyrs were cast into pits filled with serpents, 8 we can
readily understand it, in view of the well-known Zoroastrian con-
viction that reptiles are the creation of Ahriman. Although at first
glance heat, as being produced by fire, might seem ill-adapted

1 A.S. II. Jun. 171.

2 A.S. III. Apr. 25, 28. On bloody sacrifices in the Avesta see Yast V., IX.,
Vd. XVIII. 70; cf. also Herodotus, I. 132, Darmesteter, III. p. Ixviii. f. I
see no reason to suppose that the account is coloured by any reference to Acts
xv. 29, xxi. 25, Revelation ii. 14, 20.

3 A.S. III. Apr. 25.

4 Cf. on this whole subject, Casartelli, art. "Celibacy (Iranian)," in Ency-
clopaedia of Religion and Ethics, III. (1910), p. 276; on marriage with non-
Zoroastrians see Gray, art. "Family (Persian)," ib. V. (1912), p. 745.

5 A.S. III. Apr. 21, 22.

6 AS. III. Feb. 180, II. Mar. 258, III. Apr. 21, III. Mai, 464^, I. Aug. 332,
Hoffmann, p. 25.

7 Vd. IV. 11-44, 55, V. 44, VI. 5, 9, ", 13, 15, V, 19, 21, 23, 25, VII. 72, VIII.
23-26, I05f., XIII. 4, 12-15, 24-27, XIV. 2, XV. 51, XVI. 13, isf., XVIII. 74;
cf. Darmesteter, II. pp. xvi.-xxi.

8 AS. I. Nov. 478.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 49

religiously to be brought into contact with unbelievers or with any
other human being, yet the use of heated awls, styluses, and brass,
molten lead, and boiling pitch and sulphur, or hot ovens, 1 as in-
struments of conversion is not inexplicable. When we remember
that, at the Last Day, " the fire and halo melt the metal of
Shatvairo, in the hills and mountains, and it remains on this earth
like a river. Then all men will pass into that melted metal and
will become pure; when one is righteous, then it seems to him
just as though he walks continually in warm milk; but when
wicked, then it seems to him in such manner as though, in the
world, he walks continually in melted metal," 2 the question may
even be raised whether these agencies of pain were really intended
altogether as torture. May it be that they were in part a form of
ordeal? This question possibly receives at least a partial answer
in the test applied to Ataropat, son of Maraspand and primate of
Sapor II.: "the melted metal, when they drop it upon the region
of his pure heart, becomes as pleasant to him as though they were
milking milk upon it. When they drop it upon the region of the
heart of the wicked and the sinners, it burns, and they die." 3 I do
not, of course, deny that the motive of sheer cruelty was also
present; I fully recognise that there is a brutal joy in witnessing
the agony of one's bitter foes. But the psychology which underlies
all attempts of one form of faith to crush another by force is, I
believe, far too complex to be condemned off-hand as sprung only
from cruelty and hate. All this, however, raises too vast a problem
for us now. I do not press the point; I do not profess myself
willing to subscribe to a theory that Zoroastrian torture of
Christians was merely a form of ordeal; but perhaps I may remark
that ordeals by fire and water are to be found in the Pahlavi texts. 4

1 A.S. VIII. Sept. 130, III. Feb. 180, III. Mar. 76gf., I. Nov. 463, VIII.
Sept. 132.

2 Bundahiln, XXX. igf.

3 Sayast la-Sdyast XV. l6f.

4 Cf. Dlnkart VIII. xx. 40-42, xxi. 24f., xlii. 6, IX. xl. 12. On molten brass
and hot cauldron as punishments in hell see Arta-i-Viraf Namak LXIV.,
LXXVI., and LX. An interesting statement of the preliminary proceeding
in Persian torture is given in AS. Propyl. Nov. $6g = Synax. Constantinopol.
29 March: oi yap Hepo-cu ov rir^ai piXXovviv elg yr^v Ka6ifra.vT tv evi t,v\v
^flpac feat TTO&IG cnro^eap-oixnv avraT. 6 e wo-Trep TIQ \iOog

50 LOUIS H. GRAY

Torture by flaying alive, 1 combing off the flesh with metal
combs, 2 and sawing asunder 3 need not detain us longer than to
remark that the second is mentioned by Arta-i-Vlraf as one of the
punishments in hell, 4 and that, according to" Zoroastrianism, 5 Yima
was sawn asunder by Spityura. When, however, we find that the
Sasanians kindled fire under Christians, or burned them to death,
or cast portions of their corpses into the fire, or threw their dead
bodies into the water, 8 we may be pardoned for feeling surprise.
This is quite contrary to the ordinary idea of Zoroastrian reverence
for the elements. According to the Avesta, 7 he who burns a
corpse is beyond all purification, both in this world and in the next,
and must be killed forthwith. Herodotus tells us 8 that Cambyses
acted contrary to his religion when he commanded that the dead
body of Amasis be burnt; Strabo repeats 9 the statement of the
Videvdat that the burner of a corpse was killed; a poem in the
Greek Anthology 10 makes the Persian slave Euphrates implore his
master not to burn his body or cast it into the water, but to wrap
it round and commit it to the earth; and Diogenes Laertius 11 echoes
the same idea. Yet there is a passage in the Videvdat 1 * which de-
clares that so long as the wicked man or the heretic lives, he both
directly and indirectly exerts a malignant influence on all creatures
of the good creation water, fire, cattle, and pious men but not
when he is dead; and in one of the Pahlavi texts this concept is
elaborately developed. 15 This makes the burning of Christians en-
tirely explicable. By their death so the Persians believed the
kingdom of evil was weakened, and that of good was strengthened.
When a Zoroastrian is seemingly burned or drowned, it is not the

i A.S. III. Feb. 180. 2 Hoffmann, p. 53; Acts of Mar Qardagh, LII. (Analecta
Bollandiana, IX. [1890], p. 79). 3 AS. III. Mar. 770, III. Apr. 21, V. Jun. 163 ;
Hoffmann, p. 33. 4 Arta-l-V'iraf Ndmak, LI., LXII. 5 Darmesteter, II. p. 299,
note 76.

6 A.S. I. Nov. 463, 466, 489, I. Apr. p. ii., III. Mai, 464^, V. Jun. 163,
Hoffmann, pp. 54f., 63, 33, AS. III. Mar. 770.

7 Vd. VII. 25-27, VIII. 73f. 8 HI. 16 (cf. Moulton, pp. 44, 215).
9 P. 732. 10 III. xiii. 4 (ed. Jacobs, Leipzig, 1794-1814, I. p. 254 :

pe St$ov x0ov/). " De Vit - Philos. procem. VI. 7- I2 V. 35-38.
13 Giy'astak Abcilis VII. 10-19, ed, and tr. Barthelemy, Paris, 1887.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 51

fire or the water that kills, but a demon. 1 We are not told what
was the belief concerning the source of such a death when it befell
an evil being, such as a Christian was supposed to be; but analogy
leads us to believe that in such a case the fire or the water of
Ahura Mazda triumphed over the demon of unbelief.

In this connexion we must not forget a remarkable story in the
Thousand Nights and One Night, 2 which tells how the Muham-
madan As 'ad was made captive by the Zoroastrian Bahram that
he might be carried by ship across the Blue Sea and be sacrificed
on the Mountain of Fire. " When the day of the festival of the
Fire cometh," said Bahram, " we will sacrifice him on the moun-
tain, as a propitiatory offering whereby we shall pleasure the
Fire." This sacrifice took place but once a year, the time being,
I suggest, on the fire-festival of Sab sa^aq, five days before the
middle of winter, when, even in the Islamic period, cattle and birds,
fettered with dry herbs that they might readily escape, were
driven into the flame. This festival, though ignored in Avesta
and Pahlavi, is repeatedly mentioned in the Sah-namah on the
same plane as Nauruz, or New Year's Day, and it was obviously
of great antiquity and popularity. 3 It is possible that we may go
even further, and identify the Blue Sea with Lake Urumiah,
the Bahira Kabii^an of al-Mas'udi and Ibn Hauqal,* while the
Mountain of Fire seems to be the famous fire- temple of

V V

A^argusnasp at Ganjak, on the summit of Mount Zindan. 5 It may
also be observed that the Armenian historians declare that Kavaci
I. (488-531), while in Mesopotamia, sacrificed four hundred

1 Vd. V. 8f .

2 Nights 227-236; for two probable instances of human sacrifice (by burying
alive) in the Achaemenian period see Herodotus VII. 114, and cf. Moulton,
pp. 57, I28f., and Edwards, art. " Human Sacrifice (Iranian)," in Encyclopedia
of Religion and Ethics, VI. (1913), pp. 853-855.

3 Cf. Gray, art. " Festivals and Fasts (Iranian)," in Encyclopedia of Religion
and Ethics, V. (IQI2), p. 873f.

4 See Marquart, Eransahr, Berlin, IQOI, p. 143, Jackson, Persia, p. 74.

5 Cf. Hoffmann, pp. 250-253, and especially Jackson, pp. 124-143. At the
same time we must remember that the " Blue Sea " (Bahr al-Azraq) generally
means the Mediterranean (Burton, Supplementary Nights, London, n.d., VII.
p. 256, note).

52 LOUIS H. GRAY

maidens to an idol named Kouzis or Kovz. 1 I know at present of
no other mention of this deity, unless it be a name for Varoflrayna,
the god of victory. 2 In similar fashion one of the versions of the
Georgian Life of St, Nino says 8 that a thousand first-born had
been sacrificed to Armaz and Zaden, while a prince had been a
burnt-offering to the Georgian deities Gatzi and Ga.

The act of throwing the corpses of the martyrs into the water
is based on the same principle as burning them; whereas the
Videvdat^ describes at length the impurity with which the dead
body of the Zoroastrian pollutes the fluid element. In this con-
nexion we must note that Fr. Dhorme, 9 in arguing that the Achae-
menians were not Zoroastrians a point of view wherein I have
been for many years heartily and wholly in accord with him 6
calls attention to the statement of Darius 7 that in his battle with
Nidintu-Bel " the enemy fled into the water; the water carried
them away." In this the learned Dominican sees an indication
that the Achaemenian Persians had less religious awe of the water
than those whom Herodotus describes 8 as unwilling even to wash
their hands in it. May it not be, however, that Darius indeed
shared this view, but that, since the corpses of his foes were re-
garded by him as unclean, he did not consider the Euphrates to
be polluted by them ?

1 Patkanian, p. 179.

2 Cf. Armenian koz, " boar," the incarnation of Varsflrayna in the form of
a boar (Yt. XIV. 15), and the boar engraved on the ring which constituted the
seal of Persia (on this seal see Patkanian, pp. 113, 221) ?

3 P. 26, note l; on Gatzi (cf. Georgian catzi, "man") and Ga (or Gaim)
see ib. pp. 19, 34. 74-

4 VI. 26-41; cf. also Moulton, p. 2l5f.

5 Revue biblique, new series, X. (1913), p. 21.

6 Gray, Journal of the American Oriental Society, XXI. (1900), pp. 177-184. I
thought that I had made my position clear in my art. " Achaemenians " in
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, I. (1908), pp. 69-73, but Fr. Dhorme (p. 24)
appears to think that I suppose the Achasmenians to have been Zoroastrians.
This is the very reverse of my real attitude, in which I am glad to have the
support of Fr. Lagrange (Revue biblique, new series, I. [1904], p. 198). My view
is courteously and ably criticised by Moulton, p. 396., who makes a strong
plea for the Zoroastrianism of the Achsemenians.

7 Behistan Inscription, 19. 8 I. 138.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 53

After the martyrs had been slain, their bodies were normally
exposed in accordance with Iranian custom. Thus, after St. las
had been beheaded, " they commanded the watchers that her re-
mains be guarded [carefully] that no one might entomb her until
the birds of heaven came and devoured her body, since it was not
the custom for the Persians to bury the dead, in order that the
earth might not be, as they say, defiled." 1 The corpse of St. Sira
was thrown out to the dogs ; 2 and after the bodies of St. Barsabias
and his companions had been cast to the dogs and the birds, their
heads were hung up "in the temple of Anahita, the goddess of
the Persians, as a terror to the populace."' The defilement
brought upon the earth by burial is too well known to require
emphasis ; 4 but though the ground where a corpse lies is unclean
for a year, 5 this is not the case with the body of a misbeliever,
who does not, for reasons already noted, pollute the soil. 6 The
exposure of corpses is also described by the Greek writers, 7 and
the devouring of dead bodies by " corpse-eating dogs and corpse-
eating birds " is repeatedly mentioned both by them 8 and by the
Avesta. 9 So far was this abhorrence to burial carried that, at the
instance of the chief Magian, Bahram Gor exhumed all bodies
buried since his father's reign and exposed them to the sun. 10

Besides Zoroastrianism, the Acta Sanctorum touch also upon

1 A.S. I. Aug. 334 : TTttjor/yyaAcu' $e TO!Q Trjpovfft

TO \ti\^avov ui/rj/?, IVQ fjirj^el^ evra(f)taoi] avrifr f'wf ov TCI TrtTrfva TOU oiiparov
KciTeXQctHrt, k'al TO ffu>fj,a avrijg Kara^a-yutriv' C9rct$^lTp OVK ?\v WOQ Heparaic
QaiTTttv vEKpovc, 'ivo. p)} fj.o\vi'r)Tcii f (j)rjfrtv ) if yr\,

2 A.S. IV. Mai, 181 ; cf. also III. Apr. 26.

3 A.S. VIII. Oct. 846 : in delubro Nahatidis deas Persarum ad populi ter-
rorem.

4 Cf. Vd. III. 8f., 36-39 ; cf., further, Moulton, pp. 1631"., 202f., 217, 350, n. 4,
for the earlier practice of burial.

5 Vd. VI. iff., VII. 45f. 6 Ib. V. 35-38.

7 Agathias, II. 23 ; similarly, in the fifth century the Sasanian KavaS un-
successfully urged the Christian Iberian Gurgenes to expose the dead to dogs
and birds instead of burying them (Procopius, De bello Persico, I. 2).

8 Herodotus, I. 140, Theodoret, Gracarum affectionum curatio, IX. p. 935, ed.
Schulze (ed. Migne, Patrologia Gmca, LXXXIII. col. 1045), Strabo and Aga-
thias, locc. citt.

9 Vd. VI. 45-47, VII. 29f., 33f. ; cf. also III. 20. 10 Hoffmann, p. 39.
E 2

54 LOUIS H. GRAY

Slavic and Celtic paganism; 1 and while these may be regarded as
coming within our purview, the data in question have been fully
considered by others, and may be passed over here. The same
statement holds of the scanty Germanic material; 2 the few Ar-
menian references are chiefly Iranian, and the most important of
these has been fully treated by Carriere; 8 while the one descrip-
tion of a Tatar tribe 4 adds nothing to our knowledge of that
people. I need only add, therefore, a few mentions, mostly of a
brief and unilluminating character, which the Acts make regarding
some divinities of little-known religions.

In Sardinia there were two idols Arpa (or Arphan) and Ariana.
Of their cult we are told only that a bull with gilded horns was
offered to them, in company with Apollo and Jupiter, for the
healing of a daughter. 6

In Tauromenium, the modern Taormina in Sicily, mention is
made, with no further details, of two deities named <I>Au>)' and

A goddess Adrastes (or Arestes or Arastes) is noted as having
been worshipped at Antioch in the third century of our era, but it
is suggested by the Bollandists that her appellation may be a
corruption of the name of the Greek Ares. 7 Equally vague is the
allusion to the deities Baki mentioned in company with Dionysus
and Nibarax, who were honoured at ^Egoe in Cilicia. 8

Finally, mention must be made of a bit of folk-medicine which,
evidently Jewish, may go back, as Prof. Moulton suggests to me,
to some such principle as that which underlies Genesis xv. 17 and
Jeremiah xxxiv. 18f., where a covenant is ratified by passing

i A.S. I. Mai, 575, IV. Jun. 135, 1. JuL 353, 357, 36if, 386, s88f., II. Sept. p.
ix., V. Sept. 346; III. Jan. 380, II. Mar. 549, I. Apr. 21, IV. Sept. 73, I. Oct.
146, III. Oct. 47*., 50, IX. Oct. 572, I. Nov. 667f., II. Nov. 277f. (cf. II. Jan.
94 ?). 2 A.S. I. Jun. 190, 490, I. Oct. 230, 237, 243.

3 Les huit Sancluaires de I'Armenie payenne, Paris, 1899; cf. A.S. VIII. Sept.
33iff., 378-380, 384. 4 AS. V. Jun. 507.

5 A.S. II. Jan. 36ff. : Deum esse lovem et Arpam et Minervam . . . Deus
Arpa dicatur aut Ariana aut Minerva.

6 A.S. Propyl. Nov. 8og = Synax. Constantinopol. 9 July.

7 AS. III. Jan. 188. 8 A.S. XIII. Oct. 2/lf. : magno deo Baci et Dionyso.

ZOROASTRIAN RELIGIOUS MATERIAL 55

between the halves of a sacrifice cut in twain. 1 So few examples of
this rite are known that one described in the Acta Sanctorum 2
may well be added to the list. When the Queen of Persia fell ill,
the Jews, who play in the Acts a maleficent role as regards their
Christian opponents, declared that St. Tarbula and her two com-
panions had prepared poison for her. Thereupon the Magi con-
demned the three to death, and after they had been sawn asunder,
and the pieces impaled on either side of the way, the queen was
conducted between the severed halves that her illness might be
cured.*

i See on the rite Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2d ed., London,
1894, P- 48crf- Schmidt, art. "Covenant," in Encyclopedia Biblica, I. (1899), col.

2 A.S. III. Apr. 21 ( = Sozomen, Historia ccclesiasiica, II. 12) and p. i. ff.

* Some remarks on this paper made or communicated by Bishop Casartelli
and Dr. Moulton will be found in the Proceedings of the Egyptian and
Oriental Society, pp. 11-15.

THE JEWS AS BUILDERS 57

THE JEWS AS BUILDERS 1

BY ARCHIBALD C. DICKIE, M.A., F.S.A.

IT appears to be true that, although some early Hebrew buildings
may have been of a nature justifying the title of Architecture,
exploration has revealed evidence of little more than mere crude
building as a general characteristic. At the same time, fragments
of early works show a degree of skill in mason-craft, which forces
one to consider present evidence as inconclusive.

In Palestine, the work of the excavator has been confined to the
sites west of the Jordan, and out of the many cities enumerated in
the Old Testament, only about twelve have been excavated. These
are Jerusalem, Gezer, Beth Shemesh, Lachish, Tell Sandahannah,
Tell es-Safi, and Tell Zakariah by the Palestine Exploration Fund,
and Samaria, Megiddo, Jericho, and Taanach by German and Ameri-
can Exploration Societies. In these sites, complete investigation
was impossible for various reasons. Plans of the boundary
fortifications have, however, been recovered, and it is now possible
to judge of their modest proportions. An area of anything from
six to twenty- five acres would appear to have been commonly
considered sufficient to contain" an important city. Leaving out of
the question, for the moment, the extended Jerusalem of Solomon
and his successors, it is within these closely packed areas that we
must search. At the outset, they stand self -convicted of a condition
precluding the development of building and this conclusion is
strengthened by an examination within the walls.

i A paper read at a meeting of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental
Society on March nth, 1914.

58 ARCHIBALD C. DICKIE

For some years, I have tried to gather together available
evidence, in the hope of finding some continuation of a type such
as one may reasonably assume, was expressed by the buildings of
Solomon, our understanding of which is based upon descriptions.
Up to the present, however, only negative results are on record.

It is necessary to commence our examination with the earliest
evidence of occupation by the races preceding the Hebrew in-
vasion, for the reason that housing conditions then established
appear to have continued, with only slight alterations, up to
Hellenistic times. Prof. Macalister's work at Gezer shows that
the Neolithic races of Palestine had established themselves in
extensive cave communities of considerable strength as early as
3000 B.C. These races chose sites on rocky hills or spurs of hills,
wherein they burrowed through the soft limestone. In some cases,
their abodes were extended in the manner of rabbit burrows
having many compartments connected by passages and provided
with various entrances and exits. Entrances were usually in the
form of manholes cut through the roofs, with two or three
rudely cut steps, rising from the floor of each cave so entered.
Some regard for internal convenience is shown in the various
niches, recessed in the walls, used in all probability, as
cupboards or wardrobes. Small triangular lamp niches, much
smoked, set about 3 or 4 ft. high explain the system of arti-
ficial lighting. Except in those compartments having manholes,
the caves were altogether dark. Evidence of an attempt at some-
thing akin to the " Grand Manner " in Cave Architecture is seen
in one of the systems explored at Beit Jibrin. Here is a large
rectangular hall measuring 47 ft. X 18 ft. having recessed chambers
from its sides and approached by a regular rock-cut staircase; in-
cluded in the system are several rounded chambers. The only
evidence of decoration to be found in these caves are the grafitti
scratched on the walls, but as it is impossible to tell when these
were cut, too much importance need not be put upon them.
Special caves were set aside for burial purposes.

The geographical distribution of Palestine is such that limited

THE JEWS AS BUILDERS 59

tribal boundaries became inevitable, 1 and the first real building
effort is displayed in the earth ramparts, cased in stone, by which
these cave cities were protected against neighbouring enemies.
Semitic invaders drove out the Troglodytes and established
themselves on the vacated sites c. 2500 B.C. Although the caves
appear to have remained in use, they were overlaid by buildings
and the low fortifications were replaced by high stone walls. One
may therefore assume that the site then yielded accommodation
both above and below the surface. The remains of buildings of
this and later periods, show them to have been of the rudest
possible character, laid out without system and packed together
haphazard, having regard to nothing indicating a knowledge of
even the most primitive town-planning. The huts themselves
were small and irregular in shape, showing no geometrical
knowledge. Narrow approach-alleys, unpaved and bounded by
plain mud-plastered walls, meandered through the maze to the
various entrances; in fact, plans of that period are so confused and
fragmentary that the existence of alleys can only be assumed.
Fortifications appear to have occupied the chief attention of the
new tenants and these, in conjunction with the more important
water engineering works, provide the strongest evidence of en-
gineering ability.

The Semitic races (which for simplicity's sake may be grouped
under one name " Canaanite ") now established, made little or no
progress in the arts of building and, except in the way of adding
towers and otherwise strengthening the fortifications, they appear
to have had little opportunity to improve. These cities then, such
as they were, became the scenes of the triumphs of the invading
Hebrews, and the spies, who told of high and strong walls, "fenced
up to heaven" were reporting on 6 to 25 acre forts, within which
the refugees from the outer villages joined their chief for protec-
tion. The rivalry and jealousy of the marauding clans of Canaan,
to which the high walls bear ample testimony, were the Hebrews'
strongest allies in their piece-meal conquests.

After the occupation of Palestine by the Hebrews, the conditions
of cities varied only slightly. Fortifications were, from time to

i G. Adam Smith, Historical Geography.

6o ARCHIBALD C. DICKIE

time, strengthened. Successive layers of superimposed foundations,
found in every mound excavated and frequently accompanied by
regular layers of ashes, quantities of charred grain, etc., tell of
demolition and hurried rebuilding in confirmation of written history.
Some little improvement is seen in house-planning. The single
hut, which had previously more often been extended by the addition
of rooms to its sides, gradually disappears and more methodical
plans appear, consisting of outer open court, living chamber
entering off the court and inner chambers, covered by flat roofs
with protecting parapets (according to the Law). Walls were built
of mud bricks or stone, in the case of the latter, the stones were
usually rough blocks laid in mud; squared stones appear rarely
and as if from the hand of imported workmen. Internally, the
walls were plastered and small fragments of painted plaster dis-
covered show some attempts at colour decoration. Roofs were
formed of rough joists covered with brushwood and mud, unusually
wide spans were carried on beams with intermediate supports of
wooden posts in stone base sockets introduced to prevent the post
sinking into the clay floor.

An interesting if gruesome custom practised by the Canaanites,
and continued apparently for some time by the Hebrews, was that
of human sacrifice in the foundation dedication rites of their
buildings, to which there is allusion in the Old Testament.
Bodies buried diagonally, under the return angle of the founda-
tions have been found, indicating an importance put upon stability,
scarcely borne out by the insufficiency of the building itself. It
was, however, just that want of constructional skill, which made
it possible for the winter rains, penetrating the heart of loosely
built and badly founded walls, to effect a complete collapse. In
this connection, reference may be made to a custom in vogue to-
day, among native builders, viz., that of building the walls of a
house and leaving them uncovered for a winter, in order to put them
to the water test. 1 A position also reserved for dedication rites

i The parallel is made more complete by an examination of the present
system of building in Palestine which is equally loose but rendered slightly
more homogeneous by the substitution of lime mortar for the mud invariably
used by the ancient builders,

THE JEWS AS BUILDERS 61

was underneath the threshold, and in later Hebrew times the rite
was observed by the more humane burial of a lamp between two
bowls as symbolic of the life. In these and in many other refer-
ences, there is evidence of a demand for durability, akin to what
has been ever present in all great national building achievements.
The decorated granite of Egypt was a consummation of the same
ideal, but the Jew never reached the stage of even making the
most of his own soft limestone. Distrained and distressed, in
his building infancy, he sought refuge in sacrifice, from calamity
to which his experience lent many parallels. " What man is
there that hath built a new house and hath not dedicated it ?
Let him return lest he die in battle " (Deut.).

Solomon's imported work at Jerusalem 400 or 500 years after
the conquest, was a great advance. In spite of much promise,
however, it appears to have had little after-effect, and there are
little or no signs of improvement in the buildings of other cities
with which his reign is credited. At Lachish, Prof. Flinders Petrie
discovered a few fragments of the Solomonic period, showing the
Egyptian lintel cavetto and bead mouldings used over doorways
in conjunction with jamb slab decoration in the form of low relief
pilasters with rudely carved volutes. The latter discovery is one
of particular interest illustrating, as it does, the stone cutters'
primitive attempt to imitate a feature in which the volute occurs,
as early as c. 1000 B.C. The scantiness of such fragments, how-
ever, point to chance importation, the lintel was undoubtedly
borrowed from Egypt, and the volute may possibly be traced to
some remote Ionic prototype.

The main features considered in the "lay out" of a normal
Jewish city were: the Stronghold or inner fort, the High Place,
the Broad Place by the Gate, and the Market Place. The strong-
hold had the obvious and most important function of a last defence.
The High Place was prominent in both Canaanite and Jewish
cities and consisted of an open area in which a row of monoliths
was placed, accompanied by an altar, laver and cave for refuse.
All about the area and around the bases of the standing stones at
Gezer, bodies of sacrificed infants in earthenware jars were buried

62 ARCHIBALD C. DICKIE

in Canaanitc and early Jewish periods. It is the alignment of
standing stones, 1 however, which is chiefly interesting in our
present quest. These sacred boulders express a condition of build-
ing barbarity which could not have existed contemporaneously
with architecture as an expression of the higher building sense;
they were borrowed and remained, for the time being, as monu-
ments of Jewish inability to erect a more fitting offering.

Hellenistic influence brought with it, the first real improvement
in building and planning. The toleration of Alexander the Great
marks a new period of semi-national building, and a greater de-
velopment is shown in the 200 or 300 years following his conquest,
than during the whole preceding period of over 1000 years.
Although this term of comparative prosperity was broken by the
viciousness of Antiochus Epiphanes and the consequent revolt of
the Jews, it was renewed in even greater degree, during their in-
dependence under the princely family of the Maccabees. Fashions in
Greek manners and architecture became popular. Regard for
formality and order in the lay-out of city-plans is seen, streets
became wider, and buildings show the temper of fitness to their
sites and purpose. The main features of Greek architecture were
borrowed and incorporated with such strong local feeling that there
seemed hopes of a national type as the eventual result of Greek
tutoring. Before this could be accomplished, however, Rome
stepped in with overpowering influence.

The painted Tombs of Marissa, discovered by Drs. Peters and
Thierch, show a type of architecture of this Grseco- Syrian character
in which the parapet is incorporated in the facade, over triangular-
headed openings flanked by quasi-Greek details of a peculiarly local
character. The remains of the Temple of Onias at Leontopolis ex-
cavated by Dr. Flinders Petrie, appear to show the same illogical
use of classic entablature in conjunction with parapets of the same
wavy outline as those illustrated at Marissa. The stern Greek treat-
ment of the eaves was not observed. The parapet, which was legally
demanded, maintained its place as the crowning feature and below
it the cornice appears only as an intermediate horizontal band. If

i There are eight stones standing in a line of about 100 ft., the largest
stone being 10 ft. 6 in. high.

THE JEWS AS BUILDERS 63

it were possible, it would be interesting to discuss the battle be-
tween the architecture of the local flat roof and parapet here illus-
trated, and that of the sloping roof and cornice of alien Greece.
In spite of the architectural impetus of the latter, everything points
to the retention of the parapet as an all- important detail which, in
the natural course of development, must have quickly ousted the
classic eave and gable and so have established a definite construc-
tional form, arising out of the flat roof, to which beauty could be
partnered.

Such a paper as this would not be complete without further
reference to the Temples of Jerusalem. The description of Solo-
mon's Temple and Courts are so full that many restorations have
been attempted. As, however, no single portion of the remains
of any of the Temples has been yet identified) it will be well, in
the light of recent discoveries of contemporary buildings elsewhere,
to confine oneself only to generalities. The temple proper was
comparatively small, covering an area of about 90x30 ft., and
having a height to the ceiling of 45 ft., the ceiling presumably
being flat. Externally, the building seems to have been plain and
it would appear that the " Coping " indicates merely the existence
of a parapet as a crowning feature, enclosing a flat roof. Masonry
was smooth-dressed and close-jointed, and in this respect it differs
from most of the masonry of the period elsewhere. Stones occur-
ring in the walls of Jerusalem which may, with some certainty, be
assigned to the period, show similar advanced masoncraft. The
two external columns had richly decorated "chapiters." Internally,
cedar boarding was largely used as wall covering and " there was
no stone seen," woodwork was in parts richly carved, and gilding
was freely applied in the decoration. Undoubtedly, the Temple
of Solomon, with its surrounding courts, cloisters and gates,
platforms and steps, was by far the greatest building of the
Jews. Its character was Phcenicean, since it was the work
of Phoeniceans, but there speculation ends. The enthusiasm
shown at the completion of such an offering to God, can well
be imagined. The Jews themselves knew no building but their
own rude huts and fortifications, so that Solomon was forced

64 ARCHIBALD C. DICKIE

to borrow Hiram's skilled craftsmen. That the group of buildings
was laid out with considerable architectural skill is evident, al-
though it must also be borne in mind that, by comparison, it
loomed large and rich in the eyes of the Jews, who saw in it, the
centre of national aspirations under divine favour. After the
Captivity, the Temple and Courts which had been destroyed by
Nebuchadnezzar, were re-built by Zerubbabel, c. 520 B.C. The
work was not up to the standard of the original buildings (Hag.
ii. 3), and this is not surprising when we compare the social and
political conditions of the Jews.

A great portion of Herod's extended Temple area still remains.
It is the power and dignity of these fortifications with their
huge internal vaulted substructure transforming the irregular hill
into a great level platform, which tell something of the story.
Such a setting warranted a fitting jewel, and it is unlikely that
here the finest period of Imperial Rome should have failed. This
great effort was of course entirely alien and dominating, generously
applied to Jewish service but only lent for an imperial purpose.
In no other light can it be considered in Jewish History.

Comparison is here strongly marked. Great building is begotten
of great expansion, but the greatness of the Jews lay in their
heroic but unsuccessful struggles for the preservation of national
integrity. They had forsaken their tents for the unlovely walled
shelters of the Canaanites, and within these they strove against
internal sedition and external enemies. No better instance of this
can be quoted than that of Simon and John, who, having common
cause against Titus, found opportunity, in the breathing spaces of
Roman attacks, to wage war against each other; this at a time
when the sufferings of a protracted siege, in defence of their most
sacred possession, had all but reached their limit.

The references to building greatness in the Old Testament, indicate
a pride out of all scale with actuality. Ideals were not lacking,
" Behold, I will lay thy stones with fair colours and thy foundations
with sapphires .... and I will make thy windows with agates
and thy gates of carbuncles and thy borders of pleasant stones."
So wrote Isaiah with the true imagination of a great builder. The

THE JEWS AS BUILDERS 65

desire to build in strength and beauty is abundantly evident. Had
history been different, Solomon's great example might have laid the
foundation of a national style of architecture; the disruption which
followed his death, however, left his reign the only period in which
development on these lines was possible. The arts of peace died
in the seed and the greatest works of the Jews are to be found in
their water-supplies and fortifications. These show engineering
power of no mean standard, forced out of them by the sheer
necessity for self-preservation.

SOME BABYLONIAN TABLETS 6;

SOME BABYLONIAN TABLETS IN THE
MANCHESTER MUSEUM.

BY C. H. W. JOHNS, M.A., LiTT.D.

IN 1903, a London dealer in antiquities offered me a small collec-
tion of Babylonian tablets, about 40, supposed by him to have been
found at Babylon. The price asked was prohibitive; but I was
able to make some hurried notes of the contents of about 30 of
them. I denoted them as collection G and informed the dealer
that they were certainly from Kish. Six months or so later another
lot was offered me from Marseilles, through a London agent, who,
of course, knew nothing but what he was told by his Bagdad prin-
cipal. These also proved to have come from Kish, but were
accompanied by a number of poor specimens from Telloh. The
price was somewhat reduced, but the agent had no power to sell
separately. Of these, I copied about a dozen of the most interest-
ing. So far as I then knew, these two lots were the first tablets
to come from Kish. Quite lately, I discovered that some of those
called G and some of the later lot were either duplicates or else
my hasty copies had not recorded the differences. Either they
had been offered to me again or they were accidentally very similar.
What I noted at these times may here be placed on record as
a catalogue, for the reliability of which I advance no claim. But
I do not know exactly how to account for the close resemblances
between my notes made then and my careful copies made in 1910
of another lot of tablets sent me from a Paris dealer. These were

68 C. H. W. JOHNS

120 in number. Many of them seemed to me of great interest and
well worth publication. I suggested to the late Professor H. W,
Hogg, that he should buy them for the Manchester University.
He seemed very willing to do so, but had no funds available. At
his suggestion I made a rough catalogue of them, while he applied
to the University and to generous friends for funds. Meantime, I
made such copies as I could and when finally, by the generosity of
Professor Arthur Schuster, the University was in a position to pur-
chase, it acquired 55 tablets, and I was able to deposit with them
fair copies of about 40 tablets. Bye and bye, it struck me that
this collection G contained several texts which I had copied in
1903 or noted in 1902. Subsequent visits to the University of
Manchester have confirmed this view and it is morally certain that
either the original discovery, probably made by native diggers,
embraced a good many duplicates now dispersed among different
Museums, or else the same tablets were by a curious chance offered
to me again and again by different dealers. Before the negotia-
tions were quite complete, another lot denoted by me as H was
offered to me. Out of these Professor Hogg purchased 46. These
were not long enough in my possession for me to copy more than
20, but it was possible to make notes of a few more and a rough
catalogue.

It seems of interest now to publish all the material known to
me, for the following reasons, (i) The original collection found at
Kish, like many others, probably formed a family deed-chest, so
to speak, including the records of business transactions of a group
of closely related persons rather than of a temple or city archive.
The tablets, and they were many, sold with them were, consciously
or not, mixed with them by the many dealers through whose hands
they had passed ; or by the scholars who saw them before me. The
publication of all the material in my possession may lead to the
recognition of the whereabouts of other tablets once forming part
of the same collection and so to its more or less complete re-
construction. This material will help to assign the scattered items
to their true connection and provenance. I have no doubt, for
example, that the tablet published by DR. A. UNGNAD, in Baby-
loniaca II. pp. 257-274, was once part of this collection; compare

SOME BABYLONIAN TABLETS 69

G 15 and G 33. (ii) Several of the tablets bought for Manchester
in 1910 have since perished from the presence of earthy salts
in the clay, which have absorbed water from the humid atmosphere
and become mere heaps of disintegrated clay. It is clear that none
have been completely lost, but it is not certain to which of my
copies they really correspond. Hence some of my copies appear
to preserve a text which I am unable to collate. Duplicates may
exist elsewhere, or I may have copied some tablet now elsewhere
preserved. But my copies probably preserve a fairly accurate
account of some important items. I trust that their publication now
will not be regarded as an infringement of the rights of their present
possessors, if it should be the case that they were not eventually
purchased by the Manchester University, (iii) As I only copied,
from time to time, what took my fancy, some tablets which were
purchased in 1910 or later by Professor Hogg may since have
perished without leaving any record at all. Many of those which
are still recognisable with reasonable certainty no longer afford a
text nearly so complete as when I copied them. I believe these
copies were fairly accurate, but it must be remembered that as I may
have made them from a duplicate, which may still exist somewhere,
I have found it impossible to decide in some cases whether the
original ever was at Manchester.

On the whole collections G and H, it may be said that their
nucleus came from Kish, the modern Oheimer. These tablets
were most of them in perfect condition when found; even though
they consisted of unburnt clay, the characters were as sharp and
clear as the first day on which they were written, and the surface
admitted of receiving a high polish by gentle brushing. Such
tablets will keep indefinitely in dry air. They largely concern
the business undertakings of one Bashti-il-abi, who bought and
sold lands, let or hired houses and slaves, between the 3rd year of
Ammiditana and the 25th of Ammizaduga. With him occur a
fairly constant set of neighbours who act as witnesses and parties
with him to the undertakings in which he engaged. Many of
these bear names of the peculiar Amorite type which also
characterised the ruling monarchs of the First Dynasty. But
genuine Babylonian names also occur which must represent the

F 2

70 C. H. W. JOHNS

descendants of the early Semitic immigrations, perhaps that of the
period of Sargon of Akkad. For example, Naram-Sin, which was
the name of the son of Sargon, here occurs as the name of a
witness, while others are here still in vogue which first made their
appearance in that time as the very early tablets preserved in the
Rylands Library show. But it was a time of transition. We
read of Kassites, a few scattered immigrants from the folk who
ultimately rose to power and ruled Babylonia for an unbroken
succession of 576 years. Here in the last three reigns of the First
Dynasty they were in employ as harvesters, etc., and even were
in position to purchase estates.

The state of society revealed by these texts is that well known
for the time of the First Dynasty as described in my Assyrian and
Babylonian Laws, Letters and Contracts, and particularly in the
Code of Hammurabi. There are, however, many additional pieces
of information. The consecrated women of the Hammurabi Code,
votaries of the god or vestal virgins, are mentioned often. Here
they are devoted to Zamama, the city god of Kish. The sJiatam of
Kish, a man "over the storehouse ; ' or granary of the temple and
practically so important an official as to be in a position very like
that of a Mayor, is often named. A still higher official, the
sakkanak of Kish, also occurs. Certain amounts of corn were
lent and specified as being part of the corn stored in Kish. H. DE
GENOUILLAC has recently been excavating in Oheimer and much
may be expected from his results which will throw light on these
tablets.

The Babylonian while usually loyal to his city-god was tolerant
enough to admit the divinity of the gods worshipped in other cities
by other men. It is clear that he also paid due respect to the
great god Marduk, who had been raised to supremacy in Babylonia
by the rise of Babylon, of which he was the local city-god, to be
metropolis of the First Empire. But previous conquests from the
south had made Samas the Sun-god of Sippara, Sin the Moon-god
of . Ur, Istar the evening-star of Erech, revered and worshipped
perhaps by the descendants of former conquerors. Nabu, the
prophet-god of Borsippa, a sort of Mercury among the gods and
patron of arts and writing, was much affected, especially by scribes.

SOME BABYLONIAN TABLETS 71

But these have long been known. A god Ratarak appears to be
new, perhaps Elamite; Kanisur, already known from syllabaries
or lists of gods is here first found in real life as worshipped in Kish,
The temple E-Ibianu, which Zabum restored, is mentioned.

As is well known, the Babylonians named each year after some
prominent event which had recently occurred. The names so
given were used to date documents, as for example, " the 10th day
of the month Nisan, in the year in which Hammurabi, the king,
by the help of Anu and Bel established his good fortune and over-
threw with his own hand the land of Emutbalum and its king,
Rim- Sin." This was the full name given to his 31st year, to
commemorate his " crowning mercy," the expulsion of Elamite
power from Babylonia and the founding of the First Empire. If
we could collect the full names of all the years and arrange them
in chronological order we should have what might well be called
The Chronicles of Babylonia. What can be done in this way may
be seen from my List of the Year-Names used to date the years
of the First Dynasty of Babylon. When these tablets were
bought, a few fragmentary lists were known, drawn up by the
ancient scribes, which were singularly defective for the reigns of
Abeshu, Ammiditana and Ammizaduga. They would have com-
pleted the two latter reigns had they been at once published. This
has since been done by UNGNAD and SCHEIL. The lists on which
these scholars possibly relied belonged to the same lot. The lists
and dated documents give abbreviated forms of the full year-names.
Thus the above year-name is quoted as "the year Emutbalum."
From such a short formula we could learn nothing of historical
interest. Hence, while the lists fix the chronological order, the full
names alone give us historical information. At places near the
metropolis the events were so well known that short names would
do. In the outlying provinces the fuller forms most often occur.
These tablets are, therefore, still of value for the history and
chronology.

There are many unusual phrases and terms of expression, not all
of which can yet be explained. This might be expected in a
provincial town, and the study of such phrases, often elliptical and
conventional, can only be advanced by their future discovery in

72 C. H. W. JOHNS

new contexts. Everything which adds to this store of local usage
is a gain. At the time the tablets were bought, although it was
certain from the Letters of Hammurabi that the Babylonians kept
great herds of cattle and flocks of sheep, very little was known
about their customs with respect to agriculture. The great collec-
tions of tablets found by DE SARZEC at Telloh had yielded ample
information on these matters for the time of the Second Dynasty
of Ur. But the First Dynasty Tablets found at Sippara, Baby-
lon, Larsa, and elsewhere were curiously silent. The tablets from
Kish would have largely filled the gap in our knowledge and they
are still of great value for this purpose. Most interesting facts
are recorded as to the provenance of the slaves bought and sold.
Tablets relating to the manufacture and delivery of bricks have
interest for their rarity. Many of the seals are remarkable for
fresh scenes or emblems. They were little cylinders engraved
with the owner's device and served the purpose of a signature.
They were mounted on a wire, between two metal plates in a
frame and were impressed on the clay while still wet and soft.
Not infrequently the little machine, not unlike a garden roller, was
run all over the tablet, and sometimes the frame overlapped the
cylinder itself, so that much of the writing has been rendered
illegible. Nevertheless, the devices ought to be published as their
use is dateable in nearly every case. A few school-boy's exercise
tablets are in the collections, showing how the youthful scribe
learned to write his cuneiform, but there is nothing to show that
these came from Kish. There are also a few letters.

In fact each tablet was once selected for some feature of unusual
interest or novelty, and the collections are still well deserving of
publication.

THE PRESERVATION OF THE BODY 73

THE

PRESERVATION, AMONG THE ANCIENT

EGYPTIANS AND IRANIANS, OF PARTS

OF THE BODY FOR RESURRECTION.

BY JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

THE Papers and Notes by various scholars, in the Journal of 1911
of the Manchester Oriental Society on the subject of " Heart and
Reins in Mummification and in the Literatures of the Near and
Farther East" have suggested to me the subject of this Note.

In the matter of the belief about the future of the soul there is
a good deal that is common between the ancient Egyptians and the
ancient Iranians. I have dwelt at some length on this subject in
my paper entitled " The Belief about the Future of the Soul among
the ancient Egyptians and Iranians." 1 I have there shown the
similarity under the following heads and sub-heads:

1. The soul was not a simple entity, but a composite one. The
spiritual constituents of the soul among the Egyptians were the Ka,
Ab, Ba, Sakhem, Sahu, Khaib, Khu and Osiris. 2

The spiritual constituents among the ancient Iranians were
Anghu, Daena, Baodhangh, Urvdna and Fravashi. Out of these
two sets, the following resembled one another:

(a) The Egyptian Ka, which was an indispensable constituent
" similar to man and yet not a man," corresponded to the Iranian
Fravashi. (b) The Egyptian Ab (heart) corresponded to the Iranian

i Journal of the B.B.R.A. Society, Vol. XIX., pp. 365-74. Vide my Asiatic
Papers, pp. 137-146.

a Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, by Alfred Wiedemann, p. 240.

74 JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

Daena. (c) The Egyptian Ba, which according to Prof. Wiedemann
corresponded to our idea of the soul, corresponded to the Iranian
Urvana. (d) The Egyptian Sekhem, " the personified power of
the strength of the deceased," corresponded to the Iranian Anghu
which is replaced in some parts of the Avesta by Tevishi (strength).

2. The Egyptian belief about the judgment of the soul agreed
to a great extent with the Iranian belief.

(d) Osiris, the Egyptian Judge, whose ancient name was Hysiris,
i.e., "many eyed," resembled Mithra, the Iranian Judge, who also
was " a thousand-eyed." (b) Osiris and Mithra were both the
Divinities of the Sun or Light, (c) Osiris and Mithra both held
a club-like instrument in their hands as a symbol of authority
(d) Both had a weighing scale with them, (e) Both had others to
assist them in the work of justice. The Egyptian Osiris was helped
by Anubis, Horus, and Thoth. The Iranian Mithra was helped by
Rashnu, Astad and Ram Khvastra. (/) When the souls went
before the Judgment seat, they went reciting some holy words
expressive of their feelings.

3. The Egyptians and the Iranians both believed in Resurrection.
Now the other important point of similarity, which strikes one

on the perusal of the papers in the above Journal of the Manchester
Oriental Society, is the dedication of some parts of the body after
death to different gods or spiritual beings. The idea of some kind
of dedication for the purpose of some kind of preservation is
common, while the details differ a great deal.

With the idea of preserving the body for the Resurrection the
Egyptians embalmed and preserved not only the body (the Kha or
the Xa) but also the intestines, heart, lungs and liver. These four
were given in charge of four gods. 1

The ancient Iranians, who also believed in a Resurrection, also
wanted to preserve the body from which the dead could be re-
suscitated, but they resorted to the preservation, not in the letter,
but in the spirit. In the Bundehesh, we read the following
passage : 2

1 Wiedemann's Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp, 234-35.

2 Chap. XXX., 6., S.B.E., Vol. V., pp. 122-23. Vide my Gujarati Bundehesh,
pp. 154-55- Justi's Text, p. 72,

THE PRESERVATION OF THE BODY 75

" At that time (of Resurrection) will be demanded bones from
the spirit of the earth, blood from water, hair from plant, and life
from fire, as they were accepted by them in the creation." The
spirit (mi/id}, referred to here, is the Yazata presiding over the
objects. Spendarmad is the Yazata, presiding over earth, Aban
over water, Ameretat over plants and Atar over fire. So, what we
learn from this paragraph is this: On the death of a man, the different
constituents that go to make up a body, viz., bones, blood, hair
and life, pass into the possession or the spiritual protection of some
Yazatas who are believed to preside over the different objects of
Nature with which the elements were believed to mix.

Thus we see that here also we have a point of similarity. The
Iranians also entrusted some of the constituents of the body not
the four members of the body as among the Egyptians, viz., the
intestines, heart, lung and liver to four spirits (mino) or Yazatas.
But here, the entrusting or dedication, or preservation was not
real but imaginary, not physical but spiritual, not actual but
symbolic. There was nothing like embalming or mummifying the
body or its members.

There was, however, one constituent of the body which the
ancient Iranians actually and really did preserve in jars or boxes
known in the later Pahlavi and Persian books as Asto-
dans or ossuaries. The Vendidad enjoins this custom and the
Dadestan-i-Dini speaks at some length about it. For the details
I would refer readers to my previous papers on the subject. 1

i Vide my undermentioned Papers :

(a) " A Persian coffin, said to be 3000 years old, sent to the Museum of

the Anthropological Society of Bombay, by Mr. Malcolm, of
Bushire " (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. I.,
No. 7, pp. 426-41).

" Quelques observations sur les Ossuaires rapportees de Perse par
M. Dieulafoy et deposees au Musee du Louvre" (L'Academie des
Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Seance du 30 October, 1889).

(b) Vide Dr. L. C. Casartelli's Paper on " Astodans and the Avestic Funeral

Prescriptions" (The Babylonian and Oriental Record of June, 1890,
Vol. IV., No. 7).

Astodans of Turkestan "; and for Mr. PolovtsofF s translation of this
paper, my paper entitled "Mr. K. Enostranzav's Paper on the
Ossuaries and Astodans of Turkestan, with a few further observa-
tions on the Astodan" (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bom-
bay, Vol. VIII., No. 5, pp. 331-42.)
See also my Asiatic Papers and Anthropological Papers

76 JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

The Iranians believed that one Saoshyant, who will appear at
the end of the present cycle of time, will raise the dead from their
bones (Ast ; Lat. os). He is therefore called Astavat Ereta,
i.e., one who makes the possessors of bones rise up. Hence arose
the custom of preserving the bones. But the Iranians did not
resort to a costly system like that of the Egyptians. It was
enjoined that the Astodans need not be very elaborate or costly.
They might be prepared of stone, of clay, or even of coarse cloth.
These Astodans, which were of the form of cylindrical jars or
boxes, were, for further security, placed in underground structures.
It was very rare for a person for a royal personage like King
Cyrus to have a separate super-structure over his astodan. The
modern Zoroastrians have given up their custom of even preserving
the bones in separate astodans. Their Towers of Silence contain
the astodans or bone receptacles by themselves.

AN OSTRACON FROM ESNEH 77

AN OSTRACON FROM ESNEH

BY J. G. MILNE, M.A.

THERE is in the Manchester Museum a potsherd [reg. no. 5487],
found during Professor John Garstang's excavations in the " fish
cemetery " of Esneh in 1905, which is inscribed with a somewhat
interesting complaint. The author of the complaint was clearly
an almost illiterate person; the writing is a rude and unformed
hand, and the grammar and spelling are eccentric so much so that
towards the end the sense becomes very obscure. It is difficult to
date the handwriting; it may be either first or second century A.D.
Below are given, in parallel columns, a transcript of the text,
with division of words, and an attempt at a corrected reading,
followed by a translation.

Apuatvig He-erfmg 'AjjLfjiwvtog Hereyffiog

Kara Tcifj.eva.vg HZputov /caret TausvavTog 'TLppiov

Kat Ta-^avTeff/jiavg OvKa KCII Ta^avTeffpavTog dvya-

Trjp Kvpts uot TTtTTiffTevKa Tpog. Kvptf pov, TTfTriffTevKa

avTrjv TOV etepov atv dvKa avrfj ro iepov. i]v 6Jvya-

Tijp TOV epov eTrifrraTrjQ KUI yv rrjp TOV epov emfrrurov Kat yv-

vTt] avTOV k'at ^ara/3e\?7ce JJLOI vij avrov, Kat KarafiefiXrjKe pe

ex TOV epov etepov e/cw Trapa EK TOV tpov lepov. eyw wapa-

rerwK'a avTrj rac K\ITUQ SedwKa avTi] Tag K\elSag

Kai TreTroKa avTYj we Trarfjo Kat ireTroirjKa avrrj we TraTijp

av Kai -a Kafiotg av, Kat Tovg yapovg (or TO yauotg)

avTT) ireTTOtKa KUI \e UVTIJ TreTro/r/fca, Kal \e-

vr)Tai> iraTep yoiT av TrciTfp

efjifjiov epov.

"Ammonios son of Peteesis against Tamenaus daughter of Her-
mias and Tachantesmaus her daughter. My lord, I entrusted to her
my shrine. She was the daughter of my overseer and (Tamenaus
was) his wife, and she has cast me out of my shrine. I gave her

78 J. G. MILNE

the keys, and behaved to her as a father would, and provided her
wedding -feast, and she would address me as 'My father,' '

The general complaint is clear enough: Ammonios, having en-
trusted the keys of a private shrine to the wife and daughter of his
overseer, had been locked out by them. The complaint is made
against both, but in the latter part of the document the writer
refers to only one of the ladies: this is most likely to be the
daughter, whom Ammonios claims to have treated with special
kindness and who showed so little gratitude for his favours. In
the last five lines his emotion seems to have overcome him, so that
rather violent emendations are necessary to obtain any satisfactory
meaning: the elucidation of the last four words, which baffled me,
is due to a suggestion by Professor A. S. Hunt, with whom I have
had the advantage of discussing the text.

It does not appear to what god the shrine which was the subject
of dispute was dedicated: but this was immaterial to the argument.
The Egyptian villages of the Graeco-Roman period had numerous
small shrines: for instance, in 115 B.C. an official return relating to
the village of Kerkeosiris in the Fayum, which was probably quite
a little place, mentions thirteen shrines (P. Tebt. 88). These
shrines could be privately owned: in three cases out of the thirteen
the "prophets" in charge of the shrines held a fifth part, either
by inheritance or by purchase from the government: and there are
other instances of the transfer of ownership in a shrine. But they
were not very valuable properties, apparently: five of the thirteen
had a little land attached to them, which the " prophets " culti-
vated, the rest were returned as having no revenue that is, pre-
sumably, no revenue from endowments: the priests might get some
income from the offerings of worshippers. At the same date and
in the same village the value of one-sixth share of a shrine owned
by a certain individual is stated as one talent of copper (P. Tebt.
14): a wages list of a few years later from this district gives the
daily wages of labourers as 120 drachmas, so that the capital value
of the sixth share of the shrine in question was only 50 days' wages
of a labourer.

EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 79

EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 1

A REVIEW
BY L. C. CASARTELLI, M.A., D.LiTT.OR.

THIS important and deeply interesting volume does honour both
to our University and to our Society. I am not exaggerating when
I say that it is one of the most considerable contributions to Avestic
studies which have appeared for several years either at home or
abroad. As such, it will go a long way to remove the not un-
merited reproach of the neglect of Avestan research and Iranian
scholarship in general in our British Universities, which one would
imagine ought, of all others, to be foremost in this department of
learning.

It would not be easy to mention a more complete or a more
satisfactory presentment of the many obscure and difficult problems
surrounding the religion and scriptures of Early Zoroastrianism,
especially of the Gathas, than these Hibbert Lectures of our dis-
tinguished colleague. With reference to the Gathas themselves,
let me note at once that, in the appendix, Professor Moulton has
given us an entirely new English translation of all those ancient
hymns. His version is indeed based upon that of Bartholomae, as
well as upon that scholar's great lexicon, but our author is quite
justified in saying that he has not followed his German guide
slavishly, for evidently he has keenly examined the texts word by
word and exercised a wise discretion in his choice. This new

i Early Zoroastrianism (The Hibbert Lectures, IQI2), by James Hope Moul-
ton, D.Litt., D.D., etc., Greenwood Professor of Hellenistic Greek and Indo-
European Philology, Manchester University ; London : Williams & Norgate
1913, pp. xix.+468.

8o L. C. CASARTELLI

English translation forms in some sense the most useful portion of
the volume, and on the whole I feel that it may be commended as
a reliable and correct rendering of the often obscure, sometimes
almost unintelligible, texts which form the original.

But the most striking portion of this scholarly work is the study
of the position and influence of what Dr. Moulton specifically calls
Magianism in the evolution of the Zoroastrian system. It has
long been admitted by Iranian scholars that the Avesta itself con-
tains very much non-Aryan, probably Iranian, material. No critic
has insisted more upon this than my revered master, C. de Harlez,
who long ago pointed out that much of this material can only be
traced to the influence of Central Asian tribes. To Professor Moul-
ton all these influences and the heterogeneous elements which they
produced in the Later Avesta seem to be summed up in the word
Magianism. For him the Magi were an essentially Turanian race,
a tribe of Central Asian shamans, with all the stock of sorcery,
incantations, and strange and repugnant practices as regards
marriage and the disposal of the dead and other un-Aryan
characteristics which even to the present day cling to the term
Magic. Long after the lifetime of the great Reformer, whose
clear, simple and highly spiritual doctrine we have preserved to us
almost complete and unaltered in the Gathas, these Turanian Magi,
in some manner which we do not exactly know, appear, so to
speak, to have taken over the Zoroastrian system, absorbing it
into, or rather leavening it with, their own peculiar doctrines and
practices, whilst still retaining the name of Zarathushtra as the
founder and prophet of the faith, together with those of the chief
spirits and heroes of his cult and the greater part of his religious
terminology, only, for the most part, strangely disfigured and dis-
torted. The prophet himself, instead of the real, intensely human,
man of the Gathas, has become mythical, supernatural, legendary.
Moreover, " one can hardly question the responsibility of the Magi
for the ritual, or very nearly all of it. Zarathushtra, if we are to
judge from the Gathas, resembled the rest of the world's great
prophets in his indifference to anything of the kind; and native
Aryan religion had only a simple system, which would easily yield
to the elaborate under stress of the tendency which everywhere

EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 81

stimulates the growth of the externals of religion. Much of the
ritual is of a kind which Eastern priests take pleasure in devising "
(p. 221). I do not follow the writer further in his curious parallels
with usages of the Baganda in Central Africa.

Speaking generally, Dr. Moulton's theory of Magianism and
Magian influences in Mazdeism commend themselves strongly to
me. But it must not be thought that this is the only problem
treated of in this interesting volume. The date of Zarathushtra,
to which the writer is disposed to assign a much greater antiquity
than has been common among recent scholars; the locality of hi?
birth and career, which, reverting to the opinion of Spiegel, he
places in Bactria (" It only spread westwards when adapted by
the Magi, and in the form they gave it," p. ix.); the character and
origin of the Fravashis; the relations of Mazdeism with Semitic-
religions, are all topics of prime importance discussed with pro-
found scholarship and judgment, whether one agree with all the
conclusions or not. The most difficult problem, as it has always
appeared to me, of the relation between the Zoroastrian religion
and that of the Achaemenid Kings of Persia, as preserved to us in
their Rock Inscriptions, is solved by Dr. Moulton practically in
favour of identity. I will not profess myself convinced; but one
at least of the difficulties which has always weighed very much
with me I mean the absence in the Inscriptions of any reference
to the Evil Spirit of the Zoroastrian creed, Angro Mainyus receives
at least a plausible solution in the suggestion that he may possibly
be found under the title of Drauga, or the Lie, which often occurs
in the Inscriptions, if we treat those words as proper names and
write them with a capital letter. Etymologically, of course, the
word is to be identified with the Avestan druj, commonly used for
"demon," just as we speak of the "Devil" par excellence in
reference to Satan. The suggestion is certainly ingenious.

Space does not allow me even to refer to a number of other most
interesting points which the reading of these Lectures raises,.
But I think I shall have said enough to recommend this scholarly
volume not only to specialists in Iranian studies, but also to al)
who are interested in the religions and literatures of the East
and in the history of human thought.
G

PENTATEUCHAL CRITICISM 83

PENTATEUCHAL CRITICISM I

A REVIEW
BY W. H. BENNETT, M.A., D.D., LlTT.D.

IN his book Pentateuchal Criticism Mr. Simpson gives a brief
but admirable sketch of the history and results of modern Penta-
teuchal criticism, and of the evidence and reasoning by which those
results are established. The book derives special interest from it?
treatment of recent attacks on modern views. Looking back for
many years, one can remember a long procession of champions of
tradition, each of whom proclaimed that he had overthrown criti-
cism ; and criticism has gone serenely on its way, not one penny the
worse, and its position to-day is stronger than ever. The pro-
cession continues, and the new champions are as ineffective as their
predecessors. But they make large claims, and there is much
blowing of trumpets as to their supposed achievements; such titles
as " The Bankruptcy of the Higher Criticism " are advertised
broadcast, regardless of expense. Necessarily a certain impression
is made on those who have little leisure for the critical study of
the Bible. Experts might afford to neglect these attacks, but some-
thing needs to be said from time to time to reassure the ordinary
readers of the Bible. We specially welcome Mr. Simpson's book,
because it will serve this purpose. It was written at the late Dr.
Driver's suggestion; he attached great importance to it, and in-
tended to write an introduction. His place has been taken by the
Dean of Westminster.

i Pentateuchal Criticism, by the Rev. D. C. Simpson, M.A., with an introduc-
tion by the Right Rev. H. E. Ryle, C.V.O., D.D., Dean of Westminster; pp.
xiv., 207 ; Hodder & Stoughton, 1914 ; 2s. 6d. net.

84 W. H. BENNETT

Recent assaults on modern criticism of the Pentateuch have been
various and manifold; Mr. Simpson refers to the more important;
references to literature enable his readers to follow up the subject
if they desire to do so. For instance, the statement is often
made that Archaeology, or the Monuments and Inscriptions, the dis-
coveries in Assyria, Babylonia, Egypt, etc., have " upset criticism."
Such statements are, of course, absurd; but they sometimes mis-
lead those who have no opportunity of testing them. Mr. Simpson
shows that archaeology is the "handmaid of criticism" (p. 93) as
regards the Elephantine Papyri, the Hammurabi Code, the Amarna
tablets, and generally. It might have been useful to have given a
page or two to Naville's theory that the earlier portions of the
Old Testament were originally written in Cuneiform and that the
existing Hebrew is only a translation; a theory which meets with
little support amongst Assyriologists.

Special interest attaches to the reference to Dahse's theory as to
the Divine Names and the Pentateuch. Dahse attempts to show
that the text is so uncertain that we never can be sure what Divine
Name was originally written; that therefore we cannot use the
names as criteria for the discrimination of sources; and that there-
fore the modern view of the Pentateuch collapses. Dahse does
not state the matter quite so crudely, but that is what it amounts
to.

The supposed uncertainty of the text is a deduction from the fact
that in a number of instances where the Hebrew Text has, say,
Yahweh, some MS. or MSS. of the LXX, mostly few and unim-
portant, have Elohim; and that sometimes some modicum of
support for the various reading can be found elsewhere. Now if
Dahse's reasoning were conclusive, it would not affect the genera]
results of modern Pentateuchal criticism; the distribution of Divine
Names is only an item in an immense mass of evidence, and the
position would not be affected if these Names were no longer used
as criteria. But if Dahse could prove his contention, it would be
the most serious blow ever struck at the reliability of the text of the
Old Testament, and therefore at the Old Testament as an authority
on the history and religion of Israel. We know the importance
attached by the Jews to the Divine Names; if these were varied

PENTATEUCHAL CRITICISM 85

freely by the Scribes they can hardly have been more careful abotft
other matters.

Doubtless, when once the question is raised, a student of textual
criticism may say to himself, " Can I really be certain, even apart
from Dahse's special pleading, that in any given passage, Yahvveh
stood in the text of the original completed Pentateuch ? " He may
possibly, in a pessimistic mood, go on to say, " Can I be certain of
the wording or even of the substance of any particular passage in
the Pentateuch ? " Such scepticism is easy and obvious, and many
have been carried away by it. Only a careful study of much cumu-
lative evidence and of converging lines of argument teaches the
student that he may be sure of the general accuracy of the text,
in spite of a margin of uncertainty as to individual passages. We
may thus be sure as to the general distribution of the Divine
Names, on the principles of the mathematical theory of probabili-
ties.

The work of Dahse and his supporters confuses the issues
and promotes a crude scepticism. We are therefore grateful
to Mr. Simpson for reminding us of the masterly criticism
by which Dr. Skinner has shown the inconclusiveness of
Dahse's reasoning. We entirely agree that: "Wiener and Dahse,
then, have entirely failed in their attempt to demonstrate that, so
far as the Divine Names are concerned, the Massoretic text is less
reliable than the Septuagint; and [have failed to demonstrate] that
these names are to so great an extent a variable element in the
textual tradition that no inferences can be drawn from them as to
the composite character and sources of the Pentateuch."

G 2

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 87

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

" HIP AND THIGH "
BY M. A. CANNEY, M.A.

IN Judges XV. 8 it is said with reference to Samson and the
Philistines, that he smote them shok c al-yarek makkah gedolah.
This the Revised Version translates " hip and thigh with a great
slaughter," and the phrase " hip and thigh " is explained by com-
mentators to be apparently a proverbial expression for a great
slaughter or a complete overthrow. In that case, the writer first
uses a proverbial expression and then adds a prosaic explanation,
or, as seems more likely, from force of habit adds, unnecessarily,
to a rarer phrase, an expression (makkah gedolah) which had be-
come almost stereotyped.

The literal translation of the first phrase, if we take shok in its
common meaning, is "leg upon thigh." Prof. G. A. Cooke (Judges,
in " Cambr. Bible," 1913) interprets this to mean " so that the
limbs of the slain fall one upon another." Others have supposed
that the phrase was a wrestler's expression, meaning " to trip up "
(see G. F. Moore, fudges, in " Internat. Grit. Comm."). But if
this kind of interpretation is correct, it seems to me more likely
that the phrase " leg upon thigh " means with one leg drawn up
and resting on the opposite thigh. This attitude may have been
supposed to denote that an enemy was mortally smitten. The
meaning will then be " and he smote them mortally with a great
slaughter."

But the purpose of this Note is to urge that probably all attempts
to take shok in the ordinary way are mistaken, and that in this
passage the form may be not nominal but verbal. It may be the

88 NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

Infinitive Absolute of a verb shuk. Hebrew shuk would be equi-
valent to Arabic sdka. As a verb, it does not occur elsewhere in
Biblical Hebrew, unless the form in Psalm Ixv. 10 belongs to the-
same root (which seems to me possible). The Arabic root, how-
ever, is used of "driving" cattle (Qur'dn, Sur. xix. 89), clouds
or rain (vii. 55; xxxii. 27), and persons (xix. 89; compare, in the
traditional saying given by Lane, " driving the people with his
staff"). It is used also of sheep or goats "pressing" one upon
another. Often it may be translated " urge " or " impel."

Such root-meanings suit three Hebrew nouns, which may be re-
garded as derivatives (in spite of BDB's assumption of several
different roots). Shok is the member that drives the body along
("the leg"); shuk is the place to which men and cattle are
driven ("the street"), just as midbar is the place to which cattle
are driven away ("the desert"); teshukah is a strong natural or
brute "impulse" (Gen. iii. 16, iv. 7; Cant. vii. 11). There is
thus a strong presumption in favour of the use of a Hebrew verb
shuk. In Post-Biblical Hebrew indeed a verb is used in the Hith-
pOlel with the meaning " to long for." In M. Jastrow's Dictionary
this is explained as a Denominative from teshukah. But this ex-
planation is not necessary. The verb may well be primary. The
Hithpolel would mean " to be impelled " or '* to feel an impulse."
We have found that in Arabic the root means sometimes " to
press upon." This meaning might easily pass over into " to
attack " or " to strike." In the phrase shok c al-y~arek, therefore,
taking shok as the Infinitive Absolute of a verb shuk, the meaning
may be "striking (upon) the thigh." The Semites regarded the
thigh as a seat of life and especially of procreative power (Robertson
Smith, Religion of the Semites, 1894, p. 380, N. 1). The phrase
would therefore denote ruthless extirpation of the enemy. This
would give us as the literal translation of Judges xv. 8, " and he
smote them, striking upon the thigh, a great slaughter." For this
kind of use of the Infinitive Absolute, where we have a root different
from that of the finite form but with kindred meaning, we may
compare Deut. ix. 21 (wa-ekkdth 'otho tHhon heteb, " and I beat
it to atoms, grinding it thoroughly;" see R. H. Kennett, A Short
Account of the Hebrew Tenses, p. 90).

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 89

NAHUM II. 8
BY M. A. CANNEY, M.A.

THIS verse has been found very difficult to translate, owing to
the obscurity of the first words. The first three words read in
MT we-hussab gullethah ho'alathah. RV translates "and Huzzab
is uncovered, she is carried away," which seems to assume that
Huzzab is the name of the queen of Nineveh (see Driver in the
"Century Bible"). But, as the International Critical Commen-
tary (1912) points out, a person of this name is entirely unknown,
and the form is one that is not found elsewhere in feminine proper
names. It has been urged that a reference to the goddess of
Nineveh would be more likely than a reference to the queen. " The
latter plays no conspicuous part in Assyrian history, while the
goddess occupied a very large place in the minds of the Assyrian
monarchs " (ICC). Accordingly, some commentators have sought
to find in h-ss-b or in the following word the name of an Assyrian
goddess.

The conjecture that the goddess of Nineveh is referred to seems
to me very plausible. But we need not seek for the name of the
goddess. A word sab occurs in Numb. vii. 3 and Isa. Ixvi. 20
(Plural), apparently in the sense of a covered wagon. With this word
has been compared the Assyrian sumbu=subbu " wagon, cart "
(see on Numb. vii. 3 in SBOT Heb.). In both Old Testament
passages the word may be a gloss; but in any case the word has
been preserved. It seems to me that this is perhaps the word
which best explains Nah. iii. 8. Hussab should be pointed hassab.
And hassab is " the car " of the goddess. The two verbs that
follow are feminine because the car is identified with the goddess
herself. The fourth word of the verse (mgnahftgoth) I would take
in the sense "guide" (cp. LXX) a sense which it often has. After
mgnahagoth I would read with Nowack (in Kittel) hogoth (cp,
Isa. xxxviii. 14, lix. 11). The translation will then be: "and the
car (of the goddess) is uncovered (and) taken off, her maids guiding
(it), making a moaning (sound) like the sound of doves, beating
upon their breasts."

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 9I

ISAIAH LIII. 7

I.
BY W. L. WARDLE, M.A., BD

,,, , ,o, y ,

reraedy n

he,r reappearance as an accidental duplication. If the heot of

He was oppressed, but ma de no answer for himself
Like a lamb that is led to the slaughter:

And, hke a sheep dumb before its shearers,
He did not open his mouth."

92 NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC.

The fact that apparently LXX has only one verb for niggas and
na c fi,neh supports the suggestion.

If only 'dlam could be taken in its primitive meaning (to bind)
instead of in its derived meaning (Niphal, to be dumb), we could,
reading f&'tfattt, obtain a text even more symmetrical.

" He was oppressed, but he made no answer for himself,

Like a lamb that is led to the slaughter:
And like a sheep in the presence of its shearers,
He was bound, but he opened not his mouth."
But the only use of 'Ulam in the required primitive meaning is
in the Piel conjugation (Gen. xxxvii. 7).

The presence of the Article in kas-seh and its absence in ke-rahel
seems to distress Marti. But surely it is quite explicable on
grounds of euphony! Nor can we see why he should regard
"before his shearers" as dubious on the ground that shearing
is an anticlimax after slaughtering. It is the silence, not the degree
of suffering, that forms the point of emphasis.

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 93

ISAIAH LIII. 7

II.
BY M. A. CANNEY, M.A.

MR. WARDLE'S suggestion *' He was oppressed, but made no
answer for himself " seems to me a happy one. His more tentative
hint, that possibly ne'elam would mean " he was bound " here,
does not seem to me so likely. The verb f alam=" to bind " is
used only of binding sheaves (Gen. xxxvii. 7). It may be formed
from the noun for " sheaf." In any case, in spite of the Lexicons,
I doubt whether " to bind " is the primitive meaning of the verb
'a lam which means " to be dumb " (cp. Ges.-Buhl, ed. 15, 1910,
where for 'alam " to bind" the Arabic lamma is compared). If
we accept Mr. Wardle's ne^elam for ne'elamah, it would be better
perhaps to assume a third verb 'alam Arab, 'alima "to suffer
pain." This would give us, " He suffered pain, but he opened
not his mouth."

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY, ETC. 95

ANCIENT EGYPT AND THE PERSISTENCE
OF ANCIENT BURIAL CUSTOMS

IN NIGERIA
BY G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

A MOST remarkable instance has just been brought to light of the
persistence in West Africa at the present time of burial customs
such as were practised in Egypt nearly forty centuries ago.

Last year Mr. P. Amatiry Talbot, a District Commissioner in the
Nigerian Political Service, had occasion to visit a strange and very
ancient people, the Ibibio, a Southern Nigerian tribe living near
the Gulf of Guinea. He found that both the Ibibios and a neigh-
bouring tribe, the Ibos, had burial rites which " recall those of
ancient Egypt." For instance, " among Ibos embalming is still
practised." For the grave " a wide-mouthed pit " was dug and
"from the bottom of this an underground passage, sometimes thirty
feet long, led into a square chamber with no other outlet. In this
the dead body was laid, and, after the bearers had returned to the
light of day, stones were set over the pit mouth and earth strewn
over all." Further, in the case of the Ibibios, '* in some prominent
spot near the town arbour-like erections are raised as memorials,
and furnished with the favourite property of the dead man. At
the back or side of these is placed what we always called a little
1 Ka ' house, with window or door into the central chamber, pro-
vided, as in ancient Egypt, for the abode of the dead man's Ka
or double. Figures of the Chief, with favourite wives and slaves,
may also be seen counterparts of the Ushabtiu."

From the photographs illustrating Mr. Talbot's remarkable
article in the Journal of the African Society (Vol. xiii., No. li,
April, 1914, pp. 241-258), from which the above extracts are taken,
many other remarkable points of resemblance to ancient Egyptian
practices are to be noted.

NOTES ON PHILOLOGY* ETC. 97

MUMMIFICATION AND BRITISH FOLKLORE
BY G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

IN the British Medical Journal for January 27th, 1912, a corres-
pondent called attention (p. 224) to a common practice among the
humbler folk in this country of placing on the breast of a corpse a
heap of salt in a platter, and asked for information as to the origin
of so curious a custom. On March 9th in the same journal (p.
588) Dr. Cecil Wo rster- Drought answered this query with the
quotation from J. C. Wall's Devils: "The devil, Moresinus says,
abhors salt for the very sufficient reason that it is the emblem of
eternity and immortality." He added the comment: "the salt
is placed on the dead body with the idea of keeping off the devil
and his evil spirits."

In the reports of my investigations upon Egyptian mummies I
have emphasised the fact that the essential procedure in the process
of embalming in Egypt at any period when that practice was in
vogue was the treatment of the body with common salt, either in
the form of a saturated solution used as a bath, or in the dry con-
dition placed upon the corpse. In early Christian times, when the
latter method of embalming continued to be practised, in spite of
the denunciation of so pagan a practice by the Christian teachers,
large quantities of salt were placed around and upon the body. It
may have happened that this use of common salt for the purpose
of attaining what the Ancient Egyptians no doubt regarded as the
essential factor in the continuance of some sort of existence after
death was the reason for the belief which made salt " the emblem
of eternity and immortality." If this is so, in the curious custom
of placing salt upon the corpse we may have in modern England
the persistence of a superstition born in Ancient Egypt.

A LIST of THE YEAR NAMES

used to date the years of the FIRST DYNASTY OF BABYLON, compiled

from the Date Lists and from the dated documents of the period and

arranged in their most probable chronological order.

BY THE REV. C. H. W. JOHNS, M.A., LITT.D.,

Master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge, and Canon Residentiary of Norwich.
Part I. Cambridge : A. P. DlXON, 9 Market St. 1911. PRICE 3,'6.

This is the first part of Studies in the Date Lists of the First Dynasty of
Babylon. The Babylonians gave to each year a separate name commemo-
rating the most important event of that year from their own point of view.
The scribes drew up lists of such year names in their proper chronological
sequence for their convenience in reference to the dates. Besides being our
most valuable evidence for the chronology of the period, the events recorded
serve as Annals. These Date Lists accordingly have been much discussed by
scholars. The author, having had exceptional facilities for consulting a great
many hitherto unpublished dated documents, including the valuable collections
acquired by the late lamented Professor H. W. Hogg for the Rylands Library
and the Victoria University, has here made accessible a complete summary of
the work done on the Date Lists by himself and others.

Part II. will contain the English translation of the Sumerian year names, so
as to render the material available for general students of the history of this
most important period, marked by the illustrious reign of the great King
Hammurabi, author of the famous Oldest Code of Laws. Other parts will
contain technical discussions for experts, with bearing on many problems of
history and religion.

THE RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF
SEMITIC PROPER NAMES

THE JOHN BOHLEN LECTURES FOR IQIO.

BY THE REV. C. H. W. JOHNS, M.A., LITT.D.

Master of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge, and Canon Residentiary of Norwich.
A. P. DlXON, 9 Market Street, Cambridge. 1912. $/-.

In 1910 the Master of St. Catharine's was invited to deliver the lectures on
the John Bohlen Foundation to the University of Pennsylvania, which has so
distinguished itself by its marvellous explorations of the ancient city of Nippur
in Babylonia. The subject selected was the Religious Significance of Semitic
Proper Names, with especial bearing on the Bible and its illustration from
cuneiform sources. Semitic names are for the most part really sentences
condensing religious beliefs and form a most valuable indication of the popular
views of God and His relations to men, apart from the systematic theology of
religious teachers. The subject is of the deepest interest for students of
religion and throws great light upon Old Testament studies. The treatment
is of a popular character and demands no special study to follow ; but the
author has laid under contribution the most recent scholarship. The reader
of the Bible will here find help to understand the background of religious
thought on which the prophets had to throw their portrait of the good man
and evidence of the previous growth of religion which alone rendered their
appeal cogent. The subject is a fascinating one, full of deep thoughts and
high moral teaching.

100

JOURNAL OF THE

MANCHESTER ORIENTAL SOCIETY

1911

Pp. xvii., 162, with 9 illustrations, 5s. net, postage 4d.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS

First Known Inscription of Ellil-Bani of Isin, an early Babylonian King. Prof. Hope W. Hogg.
Chronology of Dynasties of Isin and Babylon. Prof. Hope W. Hogg.

Two Cuneiform Heart Characters. Prof. Hope W. Hogg and Dr. J. C. Ball.

The Relations of China with Nepaul, etc. Prof. E. H. Parker.

Progress of Research.

Prof. Hope W. Hogg. An Appreciation. Prof. Arthur S. Peake.

Copies may be had from The University Press, Manchester, or from the
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THE LAND OF ALASHIYA AND THE RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND CYPRUS
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A POLITICAL CRIME IN ANCIENT EGYPT. By ALAN H. GARDINER, D.Litt.

RELIGION OF THE AOLEMENID KINGS. By L. C. CASARTELLI (Bishop
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THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NEAR EAST. A Review. By the Rev.
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THE WORD ABNET IN HEBREW. By MAURICE H. FARBRIDGE and
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THE RITE OF CIRCUMCISION. By G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE DOLMEN. By G. ELLIOT SMITH,
M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

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By G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

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JOURNAL

OF THE

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL
SOCIETY

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

(H. M. MCKECHME, SECRETARY)

12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.

LONDON : 39 PATERNOSTER ROW

NEW YORK : 443-449 FOURTH AVENUE

AND THIRTIETH STREET

BOMBAY: 8 HORNBY ROAD

CALCUTTA : 303 BOWBAZAR STREET

MADRAS : 167 MOUNT ROAD

JOURNAL OF THE MANCHESTER s
EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL

SOCIETY

1914-1915

MANCHESTER

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.
LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, ETC.

1915

CONTENTS

PAGE

List of Officers and Members of the Society .. 6

Editorial Note 7

Objects of the Society 8

Position of the Society at the end of Session 1914-15 9

Proceedings of the Session 10

Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie on the metals in Ancient Egypt ... 10
The Rev. D. P. Buckle on the Book of the Wisdom of Solomon, with

special reference to the Coptic Version 14

Miss M. A. Murray on Ancient Egyptian Literature and Legends... 1 6

Prof. G. Elliot Smith on Oriental Tombs and Temples 18

Dr. W. H. Bennett on Archaeology and Criticism IQ

Books and Pamphlets received since September, 1913 22

)

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure 24

Special Papers and Articles :

The Early Relations of Egypt and Asia. By T. Eric Peet t B.A. 27

The Beginnings of Religion. By T. W. Rhys Davids, D.Sc., F.B.A.... 49
Oriental Tombs and Temples. By G. Elliot Smith, M.A., M.D.,

Ch.M., F.R.C.P,, F.R.S. 55

Thomas Kelly Cheyne. By Maurice A. Canney, M.A 6l

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN AND ORIENTAL SOCIETY
SESSION 1914-15

List of Officers and Members

PRESIDENT

Professor J. H. MOULTON, M.A., D.Litt., D.C.L.
VICE-PRESIDENTS

The Right Rev. THE LORD BISHOP OF

LINCOLN (E. L. HICKS. D.D.)
The Right Rev. THE BISHOP OF SAI.FORD

(L. C. CASARTELLI, D.Litt.Or., D.D.)
F. A. BRUTON, M.A.
Principal R. M. BURROWS, D.Litt. (King's

College, London)
S. H. CAPPER, M.A.
Professor T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, LL.D.,

Ph.D., F.B.A.

Hon. Professor W. BOYD DAWKINS, M.A.,

D.Sc., F.R.S.
A. H. GARDINER, D.Litt.
JESSE HAWORTH, LL.D.
Sir ALFRED HOPKINSON, K.C., LL.D.,

M.A., B.C.L.

W. EVANS HOYLE, M.A., D.Sc., M.R.C.S.
Professor E. H. PARKHR, M.A.
Professor A. H. PEAKE, M.A., D.D.
Professor G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D.,

F.R.S.

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL

Yen. Archdeacon ALLEN, M.A.

Rev. C. L. BEDALE, M.A.

Rev. J. T. BREWIS, M. A., B.D.

Professor M. A. CANNEY, M.A.

Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A.

Professor A. C. DICKIE, M.A., F.S.A.,

F.R.I.B.A.

Miss CAROLINE HERFORD, M.A.
Mrs. HOPE W. HOGG
Professor Sir T. H. HOLLAND, K.C.I.E.

D.Sc., F.R.S.

Mrs. W. HARTAS JACKSON

Rev. H. S. LEWIS, M.A.

The LIBRARIAN, the Rylands Library (Mr.

H. GUPPY, M.A.)
Principal MARSHALL, M.A., D.D.
Rev. J. A. MEESON, M.A., LL.B.
T. ERIC PEET, M.A.
W. M. TATTERSALL, D.Sc.
Rev. W. L. WARDLE, M.A., B.D.

HONORARY SECRETARIES

Professor M. A. CANNEY, M.A. (Editor-Secretary)
Miss W. M. CROMPTON ( Treasurer-Secretary)

OTHER MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY

Sir FRANK FORBES ADAM

P. J. ANDERSON

S. ARCHER-BETHAM

Dr. ASH WORTH

Dr. C. J. BALL

J. R. BARLOW

Miss A. E. F. BARLOW

Dr. W. H. BENNETT

C. H. BICKERTON

Dr. J. S. BLACK

G. BONNERJEE

Miss E. E. BOUGHEY

J. H. BRAY

R. A. BURROWS

Miss M. BURTON

WM. BURTON

Professor W. M. CALDER
Mrs. CAWTHORNE
Miss CAWTHORNE

F. O. COLEMAN
Professor R. S. CONWAY
Mrs. CONWAY
Dr. DONALD CORE
Professor T. W. DA VIES

Miss DAVISON
W. J DEAN
Miss S. L. DENDY
Professor A. C. DICKIE

C. W. DUCKWORTH

Mrs. ECKHARD
M. H. FARBRIDGE
Col. PHILIP FLETCHER
Mrs. PHILIP FLETCHER
Miss K. HALLIDAY
F. J. HARDING
J. S. HARDMAN

Mrs. JESSE HAWORTH
H. A. HENDERSON
Miss MONICA HEYWOOD
Professor S. J. HlCKSON
Miss JACKSON
Canon C. H. W. JOHNS
Rev. B. LlEBERMANN

Miss E. F. KNOTT
Rev. N. H. LOUWYCK
E. C. LOWE
J. H. LYNDE
Rev. H. M. M

J. MAGUIRE
Mrs.

McLACHLAN

MARKHAM
E. MELLAND
B. RODRIGUEZ-PEREIRA
Miss E. PESKETT
EVAN ROBERTS, Jn.
Mrs. ROBING w
Miss M. ROEDKR
H. LING ROTH
J. PADDOCK SCOTT
Miss JULIA SHARPE
Mrs. SALIS SIMON
Rev. D. C. SIMPSON
Mrs. ELLIOT SMITH
Rev. W. T, STONESTREET
G. W. TAYLOR
Rev. W. THOMAS
T. VEEVERS THOMPSON
T. G. TURNER
Rev. J. BARTON TURNER
Professor G. UNWIN
Miss K. WILKINSON
R. B. WOODS

G. S. WOOLLEY

EDITORIAL NOTE

THE new number of the Journal of the Manchester
Egyptian and Oriental Society has been reduced in
bulk, in consequence of the war. We are printing
fewer Articles and no Notes. The omission of the
latter does not mean that there is any intention to
drop them in future. It has always been hoped that
they would become an important feature of the
Journal.

In a number of ways the great war has been a
check to the progress of undertakings such as ours.
For the time being more practical and vital problems
than those relating to Archaeology and Ancient His-
tory press for solution. But all this is temporary and
transitional. In the readjustment and reconstruction
that are inevitable in the realm of ideas and ideals,
Egypt and the Orient will not lose in importance,
and the usefulness of an Egyptian and Oriental
Journal will hardly diminish. If we look far enough
ahead, the prospect is one of increased activity.

MAURICE A. CANNEY.
The University, Manchester,
September, 1915.

OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY

(i.) To discuss questions of interest with regard to the languages,
literatures, history and archaeology of Egypt and the Orient.

(ii.) To help the work of the excavating societies in any way
possible.

(iii.) To issue, if possible, a Journal. If this is not possible, to
print at least a Report, including abstracts of the papers read
at the meetings of the Society. 1

SUBSCRIPTIONS

(a) For ordinary members, 5s. per annum (student members,
2s. 6d.).

(b) For Journal members, 10s. 6d., of which 5s. 6d. is assigned
to the Special Publications Fund.

Subscriptions are due in January.

PUBLICATIONS

Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society for 191 1, published 1912... 5s. od. net.

Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society for 1912,
published 1913; for 1913, published 1914; for 1914, pub-
lished 1915 5s.0d.net.

The more important articles can be purchased separately.

Manchester Egyptian Association Report, 19091912 ... each Os. 3d. net
Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society Report, 1912-13, 1913-14 ... Is. 6d. net.

List of Books on Egyptology published September, 1912, to September,

1913, and Catalogue of Library of the Society Os. 6d. net.

There is a Special Publications Fund, for which subscriptions and donations are invited.

REPORT

OF THE

MANCHESTER EGYPTIAN & ORIENTAL SOCIETY

19*5

POSITION OF THE SOCIETY

AT END OF SESSION 1914-15

Six meetings were held between October and March, it being
thought better to reduce the number during this time of war; de-
tails are given under "Proceedings," p. 10 21.

The number of members is 101, 14 having resigned, chiefly
owing to the war, and 10 joined, during the year.

The number of books and pamphlets added to our collection is
21, making a total of 171. The most important addition is The
Tomb of Amenemhet, the recently published first volume of the
series on Theban Tombs planned and undertaken by Mrs. de
Garis Davies and Dr. Alan Gardiner. This was presented by the
authors.

Dr. Elliot Smith and Dr. Alan Gardiner continue most kindly
to send us reprints of papers contributed to various Journals.
Our thanks are rendered to the donors of these most acceptable
gifts. A list of the additions to our collection received since our
catalogue was published in 1913 will be found on p. 22.

Members who have joined since 1913 can obtain copies of the
catalogue at a charge of 6d., on applying to the Secretaries. We
have received in exchange for our Journal the Bulletin of the

io REPORT

John Rylands Library, the Journal of the Liverpool School of
Archceology, the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical
Archceology, Le Monde Oriental of the University of Upsala, the
Rivista degli Studi Orientali of the University of Rome and the
suitable publications of the Manchester Museum. Owing doubt-
less to the war, we have received no publications this year from
the Musee Guimet, Paris, or the College at Beyrouth.

The European war has naturally had a very bad effect on the
sale of our Journal published October, 1914. As a result, the
sum available for the present number was extremely small and
had it not been for a timely donation by a member of the Council
it would have been impossible to publish even in this much re-
duced form. It appears that if only this time of war can be
tided over there is a future before the Journal; it is making a
reputation and has been quoted in various important publications.
To this end more subscribers of a guinea or upwards are needed;
but perhaps this is too much to expect just now and in the mean-
time small donations towards the next issue will be welcomed.
It may be remarked that the University of Louvain is continuing to
issue publications (from Cambridge). The moral is obvious!

W. M. C.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE SESSION
19141915

THE First Meeting of the Session was held on October 5th, 1914,
the President in the Chair. Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie gave
an address on "The Metals in Ancient Egypt."

The lecturer remarked that a statement of what is known as
to the introduction and use of metals in Egypt was badly needed,
and was attempted in this address, but it must be remembered
that for drawing conclusions our material was imperfect and doubt-
less whole classes of products had dropped out of knowledge. A
summary of the facts given by the lecturer here follows:

COPPER the earliest metal known in Egypt. Pins of copper
found fastening goatskins on bodies buried without linen, belong-
ing to the oldest pre-dynastic period. Sinai nearest source, later

REPORT ii

N. Syria, as seen in tribute from Alashiya or Asi, 1 probably still
later, Cyprus. Harpoons and small chisels also found in First
pre-dynastic age. Metal continuously commoner in the Second
pre-dynastic age, the adzes and lastly axes reaching full weight
of later times at close of pre-Dynastic period. 2 Largest copper
tools found in Dynasty I. Largest knife* and adze* known are
from Tarkhan; this adze is of Cypriote form, so it seems Cypriote
copper had reached Egypt by Dynasty I.

In Old Kingdom, casting and beating of copper fully developed,
as in great statue of Pepy and his son, of beaten plates (see
analysis in Dendereh, p. 61, showing it to be almost pure
copper). The analysis of some fine tools of Middle Kingdom,
from Kahun, proves them to be of almost pure copper. Heavy
metal chisels were cast in open moulds* of pottery.

GOLD is not found in earliest pre-dynastic graves but that may
be due to ransacking by robbers. Eastern desert and Nubia earliest
sources. Whether metal named nub from Nubia, or country from
metal, uncertain.

Electrum was used in Old Kingdom and was called usm or zom.
Source probably Asia Minor. Pre-dynastic gold beads were found
at Nagada. Gold is found in most excavations of sites of later
ages, except of course where the excavator's workmen are not
properly rewarded!

SILVER. Is found at the beginning of the 2nd pre-dynastic
period with other Asiatic products. Quite as rare as gold in
cemeteries and towns. Source, N. Syria.

LEAD. Found almost as early as silver. Used for sacred
figures. Sulphide of lead (galena) found as eye paint in pre-
dynastic and I Dynasty times. Very common in Dynasty XVIII
and used regularly for net sinkers.* At Memphis in 6th century
B.C. a tank of lead. In Roman Egypt much used for tokens.*

1 Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, 1912-13, p. 33.

2 Manchester Museum possesses a series of tools well illustrating this
evolution (Case II). An asterisk (*) after the mention of a tool indicates that
the specimen referred to is in Manchester Museum.

12 REPORT

TIN AND BRONZE. The source of the former is the important
question. In Egypt it was probably Hungary. First examples
of pure tin in Dynasty XVIII.

Arsenic and bismuth earliest hardening materials for copper.
Earliest true bronze a rod found at Meydum in foundations of
tomb of Dynasty III, but it only appears sporadically till XVIII
Dynasty, when it becomes the standard material in Egypt.

IRON. Earliest example beads of Middle pre-dynastic date, of
hammered iron threaded alternately with gold beads. A mass of
iron rust found stuck together with copper adzes of VI Dynasty
type at level of temple of that age at Abydos. A spearhead found
by Maclver in tomb of Dynasty XIII in Nubia.

These three certain examples allow us to accept certain other
less absolutely dated specimens, but even then the cases are so
sporadic that the source must have been either native iron or the
result of accidental production as might well have occurred during
eruptions in Sinai. The developed Iron Age begins in Egypt
about 1200 B.C. with the halbert from the foundations of Rameses
III at Abydos. An iron sword with cartouches of Sety II, 1214-
1210 B.C., is in Berlin Museum. Though much rusted it appears
to be of same type as those of Hungary or the Balkans, which
occur also in Cretan tombs. This type more common in bronze
than iron, hence 1200 B.C. must be about starting point of free
use of iron, otherwise such swords found in Europe would all
have been of iron.

Next stage is free use of iron in Assyria. In 881 B.C. iron came
as tribute from Chalybes region and from Carchemish about same
time. About 700 B.C. there was an immense storehouse of iron.

In Egypt a group of iron tools* found at Thebes in an Assyrian
bronze helmet* is dated by the helmet to the invasions of Esar-
haddon, 668 or 666 B.C. These are the parents of many more
modern forms and most of them are of mild steel.

SOURCES. No ground for supposing any of the slag heaps in
Ethiopia earlier than Dynasty XXV. The sources of the European
and Euphratean iron would account for the iron found in Egypt.
Yet in Greek times iron ore was certainly reduced in Egypt, from
whatever source it came; iron slag is found in crucibles at Memphis,

REPORT 13

Defenneh and Naukratis. For Western Europe Styria was the
chief source, for Assyria the Chalybes region and the mountains
N.E. of Nineveh. It was almost certainly through the Chalybes
that the Greeks first knew this iron.

ANTIMONY worked in Mesopotamia. In Egypt beads are found
of XXII Dynasty. KOHL eye paint often described as sulphide of
antimony, but that the rarest material in ancient Egypt, galena
being much commoner.

ZINC has only been reported once, as If per cent, in a piece of
pre-Dynastic copper.

The lecturer concluded by remarking that a number of analyses
of exactly dated examples might still be most usefully made. A
spectroscopic examination for detecting rare elements might give
the clue to the origin of the various ancient supplies of metals. 1

At the conclusion of the address, the Society proceeded to other
business, which included the election or re-election of officers. The
Bishop of Salford, after expressing the thanks of the Society to
the retiring President, Professor Rhys Davids, for his valuable
services during the two years he had held office, said that he
wished to propose as the new President the Rev. Professor
J. Hope Moulton. The recent publication of Dr. Moulton's ad-
mirable Hibbert Lectures on Early Zoroastrianism made the
present moment particularly appropriate for the appointment, in
any case highly desirable, of this distinguished scholar. 'The
proposal was seconded by Mr. Evan Roberts, and carried
unanimously. Dr. Moulton, in replying, said that he had come to
the meeting that afternoon with the intention of making the far
more appropriate proposal that the Bishop of Salford should him-
self be elected President; but the Bishop had forestalled him
and he bowed to fate. He thanked the members of the Society
for their good opinion, which he would do his best to retain as
their President.

i For further details see Petrie, " The Metals in Egypt," Ancient Egypt,
part 1, 1915.

14 REPORT

The other officers of the Society were re-elected, Prof. Rhys
Davids, the retiring President, said that he resigned his position
with regret. He felt, however, that he was leaving the Society
in very good hands.

THE Second Meeting of the Session was held on Ocotber 31st,
1914. It was a Joint Meeting with the Classical Association, and
Professor R. S. Conway, President of this body, was in the Chair.
Dr. Ronald M. Burrows, Principal of King's College, London,
gave an address on " Recent Excavations in Crete," the address
being illustrated by many lantern slides.

At the conclusion of the address a vote of thanks was pro-
posed by Professor J. Hope Moulton, President of the Egyptian
and Oriental Society, and seconded by the Rev. D. P. Buckle,
a member of both bodies.

THE Third Meeting of the Session was held on December 1st,
1914, the President in the Chair. The Rev. D. P. Buckle de-
livered an address on " The Book of the Wisdom of Solomon,
with special reference to the Coptic Version."

The address dealt particularly with the literature of the subject.

The Book of Wisdom may now be studied in recent editions
adapted to the needs of all classes of students. The English
reader will find useful assistance in the handy little books
by Stevenson and R. G. Moulton. The first of these
gives a popular account of the theory of composite author-
ship, while the second explains the apparent differences
between various parts of the book by the principles of the
digression and the footnote. Readers who know Greek will
derive great help from Gregg and Holmes (in Charles's
Apocrypha); while the serious student, who seeks full discussion
of questions of introduction and interpretation, will turn his atten-
tion to Comely, Heinisch and Goodrick. Comely is most useful
for the history of interpretation and for his presentation of the
Greek and Latin in parallel columns; Heinisch gives an interesting

REPORT 15

German version with excellent critical notes and valuable dis-
cussions on Persian and Greek philosophical influences, while
Goodrick provides quite the best English edition.

Margoliouth's view of a Hebrew original has been controverted
by Freudenthal. Focke holds that chapters 15 were originally
composed in Hebrew and a little later translated into Greek by
the author of chapters 6 19. As there does not seem to be
any tradition of a ' Hebrew 'text, the general view is that the
author wrote in 'Greek.

Feldmann's textual discussion gives much useful information
about readings in the Sahidic, Syriac and Armenian versions; but
the Coptic section of this work needs to be corrected and supple-
mented by a collation of Thompson's edition and the Bohairic
fragments.

Gartner's vocabulary of the book is extremely valuable. An
examination of the words commencing with the first four letters of
the Greek alphabet gives the following result:

a (3 y Total

1. Words not in N.T 26 ... 5 .., 10 ... 20 ... 61

2. Words in Apocrypha only 30 ... 3 ... ... 5 ... 38

3. Words in rest of LXXonly II ... ... ... I ... 12

4. Words in N.T. only 7 ... I ... ... I ... 9

5. Words in Wisdom only ... 51 ... 2 ... 4 ... 14 ... 71

Illustrations from papyri, inscriptions and later Greek authors
are also given.

Patristic citations and lexical references add to the value of
Gartner's elaborate treatment of the language of wisdom.

Goodrick gives a valuable and discriminating account of the
versions in the 10th section of his introduction.

The Coptic version in Lagarde's text is now difficult to procure,
but a translation of it was made for the R.V. Apocrypha Com-
mittee at the request of Dr. W. F. Moulton. A copy of this
translation was presented to the Rylands Library by Prof. J. H.
Moulton. The original can, however, be seen in a slightly different
text edited by Sir H. Thompson for the Clarendon Press from
a British Museum papyrus. Fragments have been published by
Erman, Ciasca, Bouriant and AmeUineau. Information about these
will be found in Heinisch.

16 REPORT

The Rylands Library also possesses a Lectionary which gives
selections from chapters 1, 2, 5 and 7. The 9th chapter is reprinted
in Steindorff's Coptic Grammar and is particularly interesting for
its reminiscences of Platonic teaching about the corruptible body
and the soul. The 17th chapter is remarkable for its peculiar
vocabulary, which has been the subject of special discussion in
the "International Journal of Apocrypha" (No. 39, p. 70,
October, 1914).

The student who wishes to investigate non- Jewish philosophical
influences in Wisdom will find for Persian questions useful refer-
ences and criticisms in the commentary of Heinisch; for Greek
influences he will turn to the special treatise by the same author,
who incorporates a summary of the conclusions of that earlier
work in his commentary, and he will also refer to the additional
notes at the end of Goodrick's edition. Egyptian influence is
discussed by Reitzenstein.

The philological and philosophical questions raised by the Book
of Wisdom have been the occasion of the most contrary judg-
ments, but both in regard to vocabulary and non- Jewish influence
the middle view would seen to be the most reasonable verdict.
In language we need neither consider the author as being ab-
solutely classical nor quite ignorant of Greek; in philosophy we
do not feel obliged to regard his knowledge as either very profound
or extremely shallow. This view is well expressed in the words
of Swete (Introduction to O. T. in Greek, p. 268):

" Wisdom clearly belongs to a period when the Jewish

" scholars of Alexandria were abreast of the philosophic doc-

" trines and the literary standards of their Greek contem-

" poraries."

At the conclusion of the address a vote of thanks was pro-
posed by the Rev. J. M. McLachlan and seconded by the Rev.
W. L. Wardle.

THE Fourth Meeting of the Session was held on January 15th,
1915, Professor G. Elliot Smith in the Chair. Miss M. A. Murray,
Lecturer in Egyptology at University College, London, read a
paper on "Ancient Egyptian Literature and Legends."

REPORT 17

The lecturer pointed out that the Egyptian literature which
has survived to our days is fairly varied. It includes religious,
biographical, and poetical writings and also some fiction. Of
the latter, however, probably not much, because, as in other
Eastern countries, stories were told orally. There is no drama
in the modern sense of the word only mystery-plays. The chief
examples of religious literature are the " Book of the Dead,"
the prayers for the dead in funerary inscriptions, and various
hymns to the gods.

In didactic literature we have the maxims of Ani, of Ptah-
hetep and of Kegemni. This style is mainly of the early period
and may be compared with the proverbs of the book of " Pro-
verbs " in the Old Testament, though those of course are of later
date.

The poetry comprises: 1. Songs to the harp, always sad and
mournful; 2. Folk songs, sung by workmen; 3. Love songs, very
few and not very impassioned; 4. Triumph songs (compare the
Song of Deborah) to commemorate victories. Poems dating
to the V Dynasty are known. They are interesting as showing
that they were written to strict rules, gradually becoming freer
in later times. One of the finest is the Triumph Song of Thothmes
III.

As to fiction portions of ancient legends of the gods are often
preserved in magical texts. Sometimes these are fairly coherent
but oftener they are little more than tantalising allusions. A few
complete stories are preserved on papyri, none earlier than the
XII Dynasty. The voyage of Wen-Amon in the Eastern Mediter-
ranean is a later composition and shows a finer literary style
than the early attempts at fiction.

At the conclusion of the paper a vote of thanks was proposed by
Miss W. M. Crompton. She said she was very glad of this
opportunity not only for thanking Miss Murray for her delightful
paper, but also for calling to remembrance all the important
work done by her for Egyptology in Manchester in past years.
She it was who had catalogued systematically the greater part of
the Egyptian collection in the Museum, the accumulation of twenty
B

18 REPORT

years. The work had been begun by Miss Griffith, now Mrs.
Johns, who had kindly volunteered. When she left the district
she recommended the appointment of Miss Murray to continue the
work. This was accomplished by Miss Murray by very strenuous
work in two visits, 1906 and 1908, which brought the catalogue
iip from No. 868 to No. 4935. She also wrote an introduction
to the catalogue, explanatory of the collection. Miss Griffith's
portion of the catalogue was published by the Museum a few
years ago. Unfortunately, through lack of funds, it had not yet
been possible to issue that of Miss Murray. Miss Murray's work
had made the arrangement of the Egyptian collection in the new
building, opened in 1912, a comparatively easy task. Miss
Crompton felt that others had laboured and she had entered into
their labours. The vote of thanks was seconded by the Rev.
D. P. Buckle, who spoke of the great help afforded to students by
Miss Murray's " Elementary Coptic Grammar."

THE Fifth Meeting of the Session was held on February 17th,
1915, the President in the Chair. Before proceeding to the
ordinary business "of the meeting, the President referred to the
death of Professor T. K. Cheyne, which had taken place at
Oxford the day before. Professor Cheyne, he said, belonged to
a group of Oriental scholars whose work marked a new epoch.
His passing away was an event that affected closely a Society such
as ours, which concerned itself with Egyptology and Oriental
Studies. However much one might disagree with some of Prof.
Cheyne's theories, one recognized gladly the ingenuity of his mind
and the greatness of his learning.

After the minutes of the previous meeting had been read and
approved, Dr. Moulton called on Prof. G. Elliot Smith to give
his promised address on " Oriental Tombs and Temples." A
discussion followed, in which the President, the Rev. D. P.
Buckle, and others took part. A summary of the address will
be found on p. 55 of the Journal.

REPORT 19

THE Sixth Meeting of the Session was held on March 19th, 1915,
the President in the Chair. Dr. W. H. Bennett, Principal of
Lancashire Independent College, read a paper on "Archaeology
and Criticism. "

The paper dealt briefly with the idea which is still current in
some circles that Archaeology has upset the results of the modern
criticism of the Old Testament. It controverted an article by
Principal Thomas, of Toronto, in vol. viii. of the Fundamentals
of Old Testament Criticism. What impression would this article
make on the lay reader, especially if he is not acquainted with
Archaeology or Criticism, and if moreover his sympathies
and presuppositions are conservative ? The impression would
be that Archaeology has broken down the arguments on
which Criticism relies; has convinced many important critics of
the error of their ways; and has produced conclusive evidence
in favour of the traditional views; and that there is a consensus
of opinion to this effect amongst archaeologists. This is not in-
deed said in so many words, but it is the impression conveyed.
Dr. Thomas's line of reasoning is apparently this: some of the
arguments once used by some critics in support of the earlier
form of the modern position have been shown to be unsound;
some of the conclusions to which they came were mistaken;
therefore the whole modern view of the Old Testament is upset.
But, if these principles are accepted, what becomes of Christianity?
Some of Isaac Newton's arguments and theories were erroneous.
Does that upset the whole of modern astronomy? Dr. Bennett
showed that even where Dr. Thomas quotes an authority for a
statement, he has misunderstood or misinterpreted his authority.
If he is so loose when he gives a reference, how can we be sure
that he is careful and accurate when he gives no reference? Dr.
Thomas refers to the fact that during the last sixty years a vast
number of archaeological discoveries have been made in Egypt,
Palestine, Babylonia, and Assyria. He claims that not one of
these discoveries during the whole o'f this time has given any
support to the distinctive features and principles of the higher
critical position. The claim is surprising. Assyriology and

20 REPORT

Egyptology both demonstrate that the chronology of the
Pentateuch is hopelessly wrong. To take another example, the
critical position on the Book of Daniel is strongly supported by
the fact that many of the statements of that book are shown to
be mistaken by the evidence of the monuments. This is admitted
by Professor Sayce. The truth about the monuments may be put
briefly thus. A large proportion of these discoveries are ir-
relevant; they afford no express evidence one way or another on
the points at issue between tradition and criticism. But as regards
the points of contact between archaeology and Old Testament
problems: the critical position as it stands to-day, as it was held
for instance by Dr. Driver, has been built up in the light of,
with full knowledge and consideration of, Archaeology. Various
discoveries, as they have been made, have enabled scholars to
correct and improve in some details the views of their pre-
decessors; but the progress of criticism on the whole has been a
steady advance on definite lines. Nothing has been discovered
which has upset any outstanding important features of the principles,
practices and results of criticism. The most obvious proof of
this is the attitude of archaeologists. There are many of their
works which do not touch upon criticism. Here and there an
archaeologist attacks some detail of criticism, or expresses his
vague general dislike of critics and criticism. But, on the other
hand, many leading archaeologists accept the critical position.
There is Prof. Sayce. He objects to some points in the modern
view of the Pentateuch; and for some mysterious reason likes
to gird at higher critics; but really he is an advanced higher
critic himself (e.g., as to Daniel, Jonah, and Chronicles). The
great manuals of Assyriology have been compiled by men who
accepted the critical position. The original edition of the Cunei-
form Inscriptions and the Old Testament was compiled by
Schrader and translated into English and supplemented by Pro-
fessor Whitehouse of Cheshunt College. The new edition was
compiled by Zimmern and Winckler. There is a similar work
by Jeremias. All these distinguished archaeologists accept the
general critical position; and many other names might be added,

REPORT 21

e.g., Paul Haupt, C. J. Ball, Principal Thatcher. Thus, as far
as archaeology has any bearing on critical problems, it does not
upset criticism on any important matter but rather confirms it.

At the conclusion of the paper a vote of thanks was proposed
by Professor Maurice A. Canney and seconded by the Rev. J. T.
Meeson. There was an interesting discussion.*

*A11 the Meetings of the Session were held at the University.

22 BOOKS & PAMPHLETS

BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS ADDED TO

THE COLLECTION OF THE SOCIETY

SINCE SEPTEMBER 1913

Books may be borrowed (by members only) by applying

to the Treasurer-Secretary at the

Manchester Museum

" Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology " to date (Liverpool University
Press).i

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, to date.i
Archaeological Survey of Nubia. 1909-10. By C. M. Firth. Cairo, 1915.1

British School of Archaeology in Egypt, " Tarkhan II," by W. M. Flinders
Petrie ; " Riqqeh and Memphis VI," by W. M. Flinders Petrie and
F. Engelbach.

Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, vol. I, no. I, 1914.
Bliss, F. J., and Dickie, A. C.

Excavations in Jerusalem, 1894-7.2
Gardiner, A. H.

Egyptian Ethics and Morality (reprint).

"The Golden Bough: Adonis, Altis and Osiris," by J. G. Frazer
(Review) 1915.

" Life and Death " (reprint).

" The Map of the Gold Mines in a Ramesside Papyrus at Turin " (reprint).

" Notes on the Story of the Eloquent Peasant " (reprint), 1914.

" The Nature and Development of the Egyptian Hieroglyphic Writing "

(reprint).

' New Literary Works from Ancient Egypt " (reprint), 1914.
Gardiner, A. H., and Davies, Nina de G.

" The Tomb of Amenemhet." 1915.3
Gardiner, A. H., and Weigall

A Topographical Catalogue of the Private Tombs at Thebes, 1913.4
Guimet, Musee

Bibliotheque de vulgarisation, vols. XXIX and XL (Conferences faites
au Musee Guimet). i

Guide illustre" du Musee Guimet de Lyon, 1913.1

BOOKS & PAMPHLETS 23

Hebbelynck, A.

"Fragments inedits de la Version Copte Sahidique d'Isaie," 1913.6
Lichtenberg, Prof, von

" Die Stellung und Bedeitung der Agaischen Kultur in der europaischen
Dorgeschichte " (Mannus, band V).6

" Memnon," band VII, 13, I9M- 1

" Mitra," band I, heft I, 1914. (Monatschrift fur vergleichende Mythen-

forschung).i
Milne, J. G.

" Leaden Tokens from Memphis."i
"Le Monde Oriental," 1909 to date (Upsala).i
"Le Museon," Mai, 1915 (usually published at Louvain, temporarily at

at Cambridge).

Peet, T. E.-

" The Stela of Sebek-khu, the earliest record of an Egyptian Campaign
in Asia." Manchester, 1915.1

Perrot, F., and Chipiez, C.

History of Art in Phrygia, Lydia, Caria and Lycia. 1892.

History of Art in Sardinia, Judaea, Syria and Asia Minor." 1890.5
Rivista degli Studi Orientali, nella R. Universita di Roma.i Anno V, fasc. I,

anno VI, fasc. 12. 1913.

Ronzevalle, S. J.

Notes et Etudes d'Archeologie Orientale, tome III, fasc. 2, 1909, et
extrait du tome IV, 1910.1

Smith, G. Elliot

" Early Racial Migrations " (single sheet). 1914.

" Egyptian Mummies " (reprint). 1914.

"Physical Characters of the Ancient Egyptians " (Brit. Assoc.) 1914.3
Wiedemann, A.

"Incarnation" (reprint). 1913.

"Index der Goetter and Daemonennamen zu Lepsius Denkmaler."
V VIII. Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenchaft, Sonderdruck I.
Alterthum. Aegypten. 1911.

I Exchange. 2 Donor, Prof- A. C. Dickie. 3 All presented by the author.

4 Donor, Mr. Alfred Mond. 5 Donor, Mrs. Hope W. Hogg.

6 Donor, The Bishop of Salford.

^NONOOOOvOTf ON

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Illiill

ORIENTAL SOCIET1

TO 6TH AUGUST, 1915.

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EXPENDITURI
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SPECIAL PAPERS
ARTICLES

EA RLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 27

THE EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT
AND ASIA

BY T. ERIC PEET, B.A.

UP to a few years ago the invasion of Egypt by an Asiatic people,
the so-called Hyksos, between the XII and XVIII Dynasties was
almost our sole piece of evidence for contact on any large scale
between Egypt and Asia previous to the campaigns in Syria of
Thothmes III. Recent discoveries, however, have made it clear
that this invasion was no isolated phenomenon but merely one of
a series, Egypt and its neighbour Nearer Asia having been engaged
since the dawn of history in an almost perpetual warfare in which
the victory inclined now to one side and now to the other. The
aim of this essay is to collect the existing evidence with regard to
this long conflict.

NEARER ASIA AND ITS INHABITANTS

By the term Nearer Asia we mean Syria, Palestine, 1 the Sinai
Peninsula, and that piece of desert north of the peninsula itself
which forms the land bridge between Asia and Africa and is
bounded on the north by the Mediterranean Sea. The importance
of this stretch of desert to the Egyptians was immense, for it was
a natural barrier which, in ancient as in modern times, protected
the Delta against attack from the east. An enemy who succeeded
in solving the problem of transporting an army across this sandy
waste would find himself confronted by a further natural obstacle,
the almost continuous and easily defensible chain of lakes through
which the Suez Canal now runs. The importance of this frontier
was not underestimated by the Egyptians, who seem to have

i Syria is often taken to include Palestine (Syria Palzestina). We shall here
keep the two quite distinct.

28 T. ERIC PEET

strengthened it by artificial defences. In the XVIII Dynasty the
famous frontier fortress of Zaru (Tharu), which almost certainly
lay near the modern El Qantara, 1 formed the centre of its defensive
system.

Nearer Asia was known to the Egyptians as early as the XII
Dynasty 2 by the name of Setet (Stt M ^"^ * ** ) . Curiously enough
this is also the name of the region round the first cataract of the
Nile and it has been suggested by Max Miiller that this last was its

original meaning and that it was only applied to Asia through a

' - X. T\ I

false analogy, the word Sttvw - r \l "people of the First.

Cataract" being confused with styw )L\ "shooters, hunters,"

which was used for certain, if not all, peoples of Asia as early as the
XII Dynasty. 3 This confusion, according to Miiller, took place
not earlier than the XVIII Dynasty, after which Stt is quite
commonly used for Asia. Since Miiller propounded this theory
evidence has accrued which renders it in part at least untenable.
On the stela of Sebek-khu, 4 which is dated under the XII Dynasty,
the Mentu, known to be an Asiatic -people, are referred to as " The
Mentu of Setet," which must therefore already .stand for Asia at
this date. 5 Moreover in a relief of the XI Dynasty from a temple
of a king Mentuhetep at Gebelen, 6 the king is represented as
smiting enemies clearly representative of the various parts of the
world then known to the Egyptians. Over one is written Thnyw

(Libyans), over another Styw ** jJ I (Nubians) and over the

third, who almost beyond doubt represents Asia, Sttyw } * -n

1 See Kiithmann, Die Ostgrenze Aegyptens.

2 If not earlier. See below, on the ivory " gaming reed " of King Qa.

3 Miiller, Asien und Europa, pp. 19-20, 125-128.

4 Garstang, El Ardbdh, pi. v. ; Stela of Sebek-khu, Manchester Museum Hand-
book, 1914.

5 On a Sinaitic inscription dated in the 45th year of Amenemhat III (Weill
Recueil des inscr. du Sinai No. 64) Setet is used for Asia. This is clear from
the context, though Weill is wrong in saying that the Mentu are mentioned in
this inscription, the word which he reads Mntw being clearly a careless
writing of drw " boundaries."

6 von Bissing-Bruckmann, Taf. 33 A.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 29

" People of Setet." If further proof be needed we may add the
fact that the name Sttyw is given to the vanquished, who from
their appearance and costume are clearly Asiatics, on the pectoral
of Amenemhet III. l Setet then was a name of Nearer Asia as
early as the XI Dynasty. What connection this had with Setet as
a name for the region of the first cataract is a point which does

fy* -^p IT-I \L

not concern us here. Sttyw \L_ -^ would stand for men of

=* =* JAT I I I

Setet, i.e., Asiatics, and is probably in origin entirely distinct from
Styw ^'5^ "$>, literally "shooters" or "hunters," a term which
seems to have been applied by the Egyptians to some Asiatics
(perhaps the nomads) as early as the XII Dynasty. 2

Setet then we take to be in all probability a general name for
Nearer Asia, and we can trace it back to the XI Dynasty. The
other country name known to us in Asia is Rtnw (Retenu). There
are at least three references to Retenu in the XII Dynasty, none
of which enables us to determine its exact position. On the stela
of Sebek-khu we find the people of Retenu allying themselves with
the district of Sekmem to resist an Egyptian attack. In several
of the Egyptian inscriptions of the Serabit el Khadim in Sinai a
certain Khebded, brother of the Prince of Retenu, sn n hklRtnw,
is named among those who took part in the expedition. 3 Finally,

1 They seem also to bear the name Mnt (Mntw ?). De Morgan, Fouilles
a Dahchour, 1894, PL xxi.

2 Sttyw is not a very common word at any period, styw and ^mw being the
terms most frequently used iu the sense of Asiatics.

3 Weill, Sphinx, IX, pp. 7-10 and 66-69. In the inscription on p. 8 Weil,
wishes to see once again in lines 3 and 4 the fabulous Binikai. From the
British Museum squeeze it seems clear that the sentence in question runs
hrp c s^t m tfw kywy " Controller of many in foreign (? literally ' other ')
fands." In 1. 6, as we pointed out in a previous note, drw " boundaries " and
not Mntw is the correct reading. In the inscription on p. 9, more correctly
given on p. 66 ( = Weill, Recueil, No. 75), Weill finds a sentence which he
thinks proves that the king of Retenu was a native chief of the Sinaitic region.

His first translation (p. 9) of this sentence is Officiers venus pour faire

au Roi du Lotanou (Retenu) ," which would indeed suggest an Egyptian

delegation to the Prince of Retenu, but the translation is sadly inaccurate, nor
is it much improved upon in the revised version of p. 66. The "sentence" in
question is in reality nothing more than two personal names with their titles
"The butler (wdpw) lyni son of [Si-] Hathor" and "The brother of the

30 T. ERIC PEET

in the Sinuhe story the hero during his wanderings is taken in and
cared for by the Prince of Upper Retenu. The references in the
XVIII Dynasty are a little more precise and Max Miiller feels
justified in drawing from them the following conclusions. 1 Lower
Retenu denoted in the XII Dynasty the Upper Syrian plain stretch-
ing away to the Euphrates, a country known in the New Kingdom
as Naharin. Upper Retenu often called Retenu simply is in the
early New Kingdom used in two senses, either generally for Syria-
Palestine, meaning those parts of the Syrian hinterland for which
there was no special name, or in the narrower sense ol the high-
lands of Palestine together with the more distant hinterland of
Phoenicia including Coelesyria. Miiller adds that this more general
sense of Syria-Palestine probably existed in the Middle Kingdom.
This has been denied by Levy 2 who accuses Miiller, perhaps
rightly, of pushing back into the Middle Kingdom the later mean-
ings of the word Retenu. According to Levy Retenu is applied
in the XII Dynasty only to the desert country north of Sinai, in
fact to that very land-bridge of which we spoke at the outset,
which separates Egypt from Southern Palestine. In the New King-
dom the signification of the name was altered and it became a
general term for Syria, Lower Retenu being the valley of the
Orontes and the region of Aleppo, Upper Retenu (or Retenu
alone) the interior of Central and South Syria, including Palestine.

This limitation of the Middle Kingdom meaning of the word
seems to me little more than hypothesis. I cannot see that the
presence of a brother of the Prince of Retenu with an Egyptian
mining expedition in Sinai proves either that Retenu was im-
mediately adjacent to the Sinai peninsula or that it did not extend
into Palestine or Syria, nor does it seem wise to rely on the des-
criptions of Sinuhe's travels as serious geographical evidence.

In the present state of our knowledge it seems impossible to
pronounce definitely upon the position of the country known to the

Prince of Retenu, Khebded." Thus the evidence that Sinai was part of
Retenu reduces itself to the mere fact that a brother of the Prince of Retenul
Khebded by name, accompanied the Egyptian expedition. This does not
amount to proof. This same Khebded is mentioned in one or two other
Sinaitic inscriptions as yet unpublished.

i Asien und Europa, pp. 143-7. 2 Sphinx, IX, 70 ff.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 31

Egyptians as Retenu, and this is the more unfortunate since upon
its position depends, as we shall see, our estimate of the extent
to which the Egyptians had penetrated Asia before the beginning
of the New Kingdom. It is not impossible that the truth lies in
a compromise between the view of Miiller and that of Levy.

No other country names are known to us from Nearer Asia
save that of Sinai itself, which is called by the Egyptians Mfklt 1 or
htyw tnfktf " The Turquoise Land " or " The Terraces of Tur-
quoise." Bibit or Bibit-Sneferu, a supposed name for the
peninsula or a part of it, is based on a misreading which Weill
has exposed, and is simply a myth. 8 It is time, too, to consign to
the same oblivion another supposed place name in Sinai which
has long sullied the pages of Egyptian text-books, the name
Binikai. This is based on a passage in a Middle Kingdom in-
scription' usually read ^ $ J l\ ^ ^ <=* "$$
lynl r BlnkJ, and translated "I came to Binikai." The correct
reading, quite clear on the British Museum squeeze, is lynl r
J (J ^ ^ C3? y^j^Vrt n nb.L The translation is therefore
simply " I came to the mining-district (foil) for my lord," i.e., for
the king. Thus Binikai no more exists than Bibit.

With regard to the peoples who inhabited Nearer Asia only one
thing is clear, namely that the Egyptians were extremely hazy
as to the exact denotation of the names which they themselves em-
ployed. I have elsewhere tried to disentangle the confusion and
will here merely state the results, if such they can be called. There
are three names in question, Aamu, Setiu and Mentu. 5 It is quite
clear that Aam as early as the XII Dynasty was little more than a
general term for an Asiatic. Setiu is, in some cases at least,
synonymous with Aamu, though on the whole its denotation is
probably less wide. Mentu (often Mentu of Setet), wrongly

i Weill, Recueil du Sinai, No. 30. 2. Op. cit. No. 19. Also htyw fklt (No. II)

3 Sphinx, VIII,ppp. 183-4.

4 Weill, Recueil des Inscriptions du\Sinai, No. 64.

Si Weill, Sphinx, IX, p. II, refuses to recognise any difference of meaning
between these names, and he is probably very near the truth. I omit Setetiu,
which simply means " inhabitants of Setet," a country discussed above.

32 T. ERIC PEET

separated by Muller from Mentiu, 1 which is simply a later writing,
are probably the Asiatics who inhabit those portions of Asia im-
mediately adjacent to Egypt, namely Sinai, the desert north of
Sinai, and perhaps southern Palestine.

Having cleared out of the way these preliminary difficulties or,
to be more correct, having stated the problems involved by them,
we can now proceed to our main concern.

THE ARCHAIC PERIOD

We have no evidence for any direct connection between Egypt
and Asia in the predynastic period. Arguments based on the
presence in Egyptian predynastic tombs of substances supposed
to have an Asiatic origin, such as lapis lazuli, should be accepted
with extreme caution. It is true that no deposits of lapis are at
present known in Egypt, but the fact that a mineral or stone is
not now known to occur in a certain district is no proof either
that it never occurred there or that it will not be discovered in the
future. * The reference to Byblos in the Osiris legend, which is
without doubt of very primitive origin, is a much better argument
for early connection with the Syrian coast, though of exactly what
nature it is impossible to say. In any case it is well to remember
that we know nothing of the early history of the Delta, and for
any evidence we have to the contrary the Eastern Delta may have
had in remote times a population much more closely allied to that
of Asia than to that of Egypt.

Coming to possible documentary evidence of connection with
Asia in the Archaic Period we have first of all to deal with the
ivory plaque of King Den of the I Dynasty, now in the Macgregor
collection. On this the king is seen smiting a bearded enemy, a
scene destined to play a great role in Egyptian art of the archaic
and indeed of all periods. 8 The Egyptian monarch stands upright

1 Asien und Europa, p. 23. This distinction is forced on him by his refusal
to admit the use of Setet for Asia in the Middle Kingdom.

2 A good example of this fallacy is to be seen in the case of the jadeite and
chloromelanite of the neolithic celts in Italy, believed until 1900 to have been
imported. In that year both materials were found to occur in the Alps and
Apennines, and chemical examination showed that these were the actual
sources used. Atti del Congr. Int. di Sc. Stor., Roma, 1903, vol. V, pp. 357-71.

3 Amelineau, Nouvelles Fonilles d'Abydos, I, pi. xxxiii.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 33

with his left foot advanced and his club in the uplifted right hand ;
his left hand holds a long staff and also grasps by a lock of hair
his enemy, who is on one knee imploring mercy. Behind the foe
is the standard of the god Upwawet and beyond this again four
hieroglyphs. Of these the first three are to be transcribed sp tpy
sk " the first occasion of smiting." The fourth resembles quite
closely the sign l$t " the east." 1 If this reading is correct we
have here the first evidence for a campaign against easterners, pre-
sumably Asiatics. Unfortunately the face of the vanquished foe
is far too indistinct to enable us to determine his type exactly, and
the short skirt which he wears is by no means decisive. We
cannot therefore consider this plaque as quite decisive evidence
for the existence of warfare between Egypt and Asia in the reign
of Den.

Undecisive, too, is another piece of evidence often cited in support
of the same contention, .the so-called ivory gaming reed 2 from the
tomb of King Qa at Abydos. Here we see represented a bearded

captive with arms bound behind him, wearing a short skirt. Over

% ^
his head is written the place name Setet. Petrie declared

that the figure was that of a Libyan, and has been roundly abused
by subsequent writers for doing so. Thus Bates 3 thrusts on one
side Petrie's explanation with the remark that the object bears
an Asiatic ethnic (sic) and therefore the figure represents an
Asiatic and not a Libyan. But here he makes an assumption for
which he gives no justification, since Setet may, for all we know
at present, just as well stand for the region of the First Cataract
as for Asia in these early times. Moreover the figure itself seems
to have remarkably close affinities to many of the Libyan types
which figure on the plates of Bates' own book, 4 and should the
objection be made that we do not expect to find Libyans in the
region of the First Cataract it may be replied that it is still too
early to dogmatize about the peoples who inhabited that district

1 Cf. Beni Hasan, III, fig. 26.

2 Petrie, Royal Tombs, I, pi. xii and xvii, p. 23.

3 The Eastern Libyans, p. 1 1 8.

4 Op. cit. pi. i and ii. I am not convinced, however, that Petrie is right in
stating that the figure wears the side lock.

34 T. ERIC PEET

in the I 'Dynasty. At the same time, while we maintain that Bates
has not proved his point, the same may be said of the opposite
theory, that of Petrie. 1 It is wiser to leave the question open until
earlier evidence as to the use of the name Setet comes to our
rescue. 2 In the meantime we must be content to consider this
evidence of an Asiatic war in the reign of Qa as indecisive.

This concludes our evidence from Egypt itself for the archaic
period. 3 The inscription on a granite vase of Khasekhem, 4 some-
times mentioned as possible proof of an early war with Asia, in
all probability refers to a rebellion of the Delta against the Kings
of Upper Egypt.

Outside Egypt we have a certain amount of evidence in Sinai.
It is well known that from an early date the Egyptians were wont
to visit the peninsula for the sake of the mfklt* found in its western
valleys, notably the Wadi Maghara and those in the vicinity of

1 Note that the figure does not show the pudendal sheath, which is seldom
omitted in representations of Libyans. It might, however, be concealed by
the skirt. A serious difficulty in all these discussions is that we have no early
figures of Nubians, or if we have, we have not recognized them as such.

2 von Bissing and E. Meyer declare themselves in favour of the Asiatic
theory. See von Bissing-Bnickmann text to pi. 333.

3 I have omitted all reference to the supposed mentions of Asiatics (Aamu)
in the inscription of Methen and in that of Neterkhet in Sinai because they do
not amount to serious evidence. In the Methen inscription (Sethe Urkunden,
I, 2, 1. 7) the title is certainly to be read hrp ?.... Controller of the gate
of . ..." and not hrp ^ mt or c]mw "Chief of the Asiatics." In the Neter-
khet inscription from Sinai (No. 2 in the forthcoming publication of the Egypt
Exploration Fund), the signs are too worn and the copy too uncertain to allow
of our transcribing as Weill would do try fhnt " prepose aux Asiatiques"
(Sphinx, IX, p. 65). The British Museum squeeze does not cover this part of
the inscription. Foreign captives of perhaps more than one type appear on
very early tablets (Royal Tombs II, pi. iv), but I see no evidence for consider-
ing them to be Asiatic.

4 Quibell, Hieraconpolis, I, pi. xxxvii and xxxviii. That some very serious
disturbance took place in Egypt about this time may be inferred perhaps from
the fact that Perabsen places the Set animal over the srekh containing his
name, in contradistinction to his predecessors, who used the Horus bird, while
Khasekhem (Khasekhemui) unites the two.

5 Mfklt is apparently turquoise, but may also include other minerals of a
light blue colour. See Weill in Sphinx VIII, p. 181, n. 2, Petrie, Researches in
Sinai, pp. 36, 41.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 35

the Serabit el Khadim. The first record of these expeditions is
the rock tablet left in the Wadi Maghara by Semerkhet of the I
Dynasty. 1 The king is shown smiting a bearded foreigner, who can
hardly be other than a native of the peninsula itself or of some
'district through which the 'Egyptian expedition had to pass on
its way to the mining valleys. We are not in a position to say
whether this opening up of Sinai necessitated any military opera-
tions on a large scale. The naval officers mentioned in some of
the early inscriptions may have been merely responsible for the
transport arrangements; as for the Imyw r$ niS usually rendered
"generals " it should be remembered that the wordms c means the
component members of an expedition, whether they be soldiers or
civilians, 2 so that Imy rt ms means not necessarily " a general "
but simply " a commander of an expedition." Under these cir-
cumstances the scenes of the Pharaoh striking down a foe may
simply represent the occupation of certain portions of Sinai for
the purposes of mining, rather than the undertaking of definite
campaigns of conquest. Unfortunately the foe, whom we should
expect to be a native of Sinai, is not named on the relief of
Semerkhet nor yet on those of Sanekht of the II Dynasty and
Neterkhet of the III. For light on this point we shall have to
examine the inscriptions of the Old Kingdom in Sinai (see below).

THE OLD KINGDOM

With the beginning of the IV Dynasty we find ourselves on
firmer ground. Evidence from Sinai becomes much more frequent,
though we have seen that there are strict limits to what can
safely be inferred from it. The two tablets of Sneferu show us
the king striking a bearded foe, but give us no name for the
latter. On the finer tablet the king is merely said to " subdue
the foreign lands." On the rock tablet of Khufu a similar scene
is accompanied by the words " Smiting the Inu." After Inu
some signs are lost and the British Museum squeeze preserves no

1 Weill, Recueil du Sinai, No. I.

2 Petrie (Researches in Sinai, p. 117) has overlooked this when he speaks of
the " 734 soldiers " named in the inscription of the second year of Amenemhat
III. All the Egyptian says is " Total of his personnel, 734 " (Weill, Recueil,
No. 20).

36 T. ERIC PEET

trace of their form. Inu (more correctly lunut) is a word which
has not entirely been cleared up. It would seem to be a generic
name which covers a large number of the foreign tribes on various
frontiers of Egypt, though on what grounds these are all included
under the term we do not know. l It is therefore no surprise to
find it in this inscription, especially as the name is frequently
associated, in the compound Inu-Mentu, with that of the Mentu,
who occur in other Sinaitic inscriptions, as, for example, in the
next in chronological order, that of Sahura, who smites " the
Mentu and 2 all countries and subdues all countries^" and that of
Neuserra, who is said to smite "the Mentu 2 and all countries." 3
The same scene occurs on a tablet of Dadkara 4 with an uncertain
inscription, and finally on that of Meryra Pepi who " smites and
subdues the Mentu and 2 all lands." These facts make it quite
clear that throughout the Old Kingdom Egypt's enterprises in
the Sinai peninsula brought her into collision, on however small
a scale, with Asiatic tribes, among whom were the Inu 5 (perhaps
Inu Mentu was what originally stood on the Khufu tablet) and the
Mentu.

Turning to Egypt itself we find some very definite evidence
awaiting us. In the tomb of Anta at Deshasheh, 6 probably dating
from the V Dynasty, is represented the siege by Egyptians of a
town, the inhabitants of which are of the type identified on

1 See Naville's comprehensive article Recueil de Travaux XXXII, pp. 52 ff.
Also Sethe's remarks inBorcha.rdt,GrabdenkmaldesSahure, II Text, pp.80 8l.

2 We might also translate " the Mentu of all countries."

3lWeiil, Recueil No. 9. His copy is incorrect at this point. See the forth-
coming E. E. Fund publication.

4 Weill, Recueil No. 14 ; incomplete and not quite accurate.

5 Sethe points out that Inu used without qualification usually refers to
Semites in early times. An earlier suggestion of mine to the effect that the
smiting of the Inu might have no local reference here but merely be a scene
descriptive of the wide power of the king in general now seems to me rather
unlikely.

6 Petrie, Deshasheh, pi. iv.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 37

Egyptian monuments as Asiatic. * Unfortunately the inscription
which accompanied the scene is so destroyed that nothing can be
gathered from it except the name of one of a list of captured (?)
towns, which does not help us, for it has not been identified.

More satisfactory evidence has been discovered in the ex-
cavations at Abusir. On the walls of the covered passage which
leads up from the valley temple of Neuserra to his pyramid temple
are scenes showing the king in the form of a lion trampling on
fallen enemies. 2 These foes are of at least three types, Libyans,
Puntites and Asiatics. The inscriptions which accompanied the
scenes have not survived. Similarly in the pyramid temple of
Sahura we see various gods, including Nubty (Set) and the " Lord
of the Foreign Lands " leading up prisoners before the king. 3
Here again we recognise clearly the three types Libyans, Puntites
and Asiatics. With them are two other types closely resembling
the bearded Asiatics but not quite identical with them. These
may possibly represent some less known type of Asiatic. 1 Tart
of the accompanying inscription remains. It reads as follows,
recording the words of the gods. " I have given thee all the
Sntiv together with all foods .... and all good things that be-
long to me." "I have given thea all lands west and east, to-
gether with all the Tnu and all the Mentu who are in every land."
Sntw is a general word for " foreigners " or " rebels " and need
not detain us here. The Mentu are doubtless the Asiatics shown

1 I do not know that anyone has ever specified the characteristics which
enable one to pick out the Asiatics among foreigners on Egyptian monuments.
Until the photographs of foreigners have been carefully worked out we have
not the proper criteria, and in the meantime it is possible that some of our
supposed A iatics are not Asiatics at all. Still more hazardous does it seem
to call them Semites, especially when they do not exhibit the very marked
Semitic features. Unfortunately there is a great dearth of early representa-
tions of foreigners accompanied by their racial names. Moreover, though
the Egyptians could, when they wished, represent the detail of foreign dress
and type excellently, they did not always do so, as for example in the
Mentuhetep relief, where no attempt is made to depict national characteristics
and the three figures are virtually alike, except for the omission in one case
of the feather in the hair.

2 Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Neuserre, pp. 46-49, pi. 8-12.

3 Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Sahure, pp. I8-2I, pi. 5-8.
C2

38 T. ERIC PEET

in the scene. The Inu may be either these or the unidentified
figures; the term could hardly refer to the Libyans 1 or Puntites.

Another scene from the same temple 2 shows a number of boats
returning to Egypt laden with Asiatic prisoners. In the centre
of each boat is an Egyptian over whom is written the word
(probably equivalent to the later p c " an interpreter") 8

The inscriptions of the great nobles of the VI Dynasty throw
more detailed light on the question, though at the same time they
raise some difficult problems. That of Weni 4 clearly records a
series of important campaigns directed against the " Aamu who
are upon the sand " ( c }mw hryw s ). It is very difficult to dis-
cover 'the exact whereabouts of these people. Weni collects a
large army of many tens of thousands in various parts of Egypt,
including Nubia. He then despatches it from the Northern Isle
(lw mhty), the Gate of Iyhotep*(sW 'lyhtp) and the district of
the Horus Nebmaat (itfrt nt Hr nb mi c t)* Judging from the first
of these place names we are safe in placing them all in the Delta,
but further than this we cannot go. The army returned victorious
from this, as also from four (possibly five) subsequent campaigns
against the same enemy. Finally a more serious rebellion seems
to have necessitated a campaign on a grander scale. Weni took
his old army across in boats and landed at the " highland end of
the mountain ridge (phw k$ww n tst) on the north of the country
of the Sand-dwellers." This undertaking, like its predecessors,
ended in a complete success for the Egyptian arms. The details

1 Naville, however, speaks of Inu of Libya ('Inw Thnw) who seem to be men-
tioned in an inscription Der el Bahari, XVIII Dyn. Temple, plate 160. Sethe
does not include the Libyans under the head of Inu, whom he takes to be the
nomads of Sinai, of the region between the Nile and the Red Sea, and of
Nubia. The passage quoted by Naville is certainly not decisive since instead
of translating as he would, " The Inu of Thnw (Libya) have fallen," we might
take hrn 'Inw as a complete sentence and Thnw as the subject of a following
nominal clause the rest of which is lost. " The Inu have fallen and Libya ..."
For Thnw see Newberry's article in Ancient Egypt, 1915, pp. 97 ff.

2 Borchardt, op. cit., pi. 12. 3 Gardiner, Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., 1915, pp. 117, ff.

4 Sethe, Urkunden I, 101-4.

5 Weill, Sphinx VIII, pp. 185 if. and Breasted, Ancient Records I, p. 143, note
d, identify this with the Island of Sneferu of the Sinuhe story. This must be
regarded as a pure conjecture.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 39

of these campaigns are doubtful, but the general sense is clear.
The " Asiatics who dwell on the sand " must be placed somewhere
on the desert land north of the Sinai peninsula. The land cam-
paigns against them set out from some unknown point in the
Delta. These having failed to subdue them Weni conceived the
idea of transporting his army by sea 1 and effecting a landing in
their rear. Maspero places the point of disembarkation somewhere
between Gaza and Lake Serbonis, to which Breasted makes the
objection, perhaps justified, that there is no mountain ridge (tst)
in that region, and himself supposes that the landing was made
further north, on the coast of Southern Palestine, where the
highlands begin. However this may be there is little doubt as to
the rough position of the land of the Sand- dwellers and we may
infer that in the VI Dynasty Egypt was still at war with the
Asiatics on her very frontiers, showing that, whatever was the
nature of the campaigns so boastfully commemorated in the temple
reliefs of the preceding dynasty, they did not amount to a lasting
conquest of any part of Asia.

Further information as to the whereabouts of the Sand-dwellers
is given by another inscription of the VI Dynasty, that of
Pepinekht, from his tomb at Elephantine. 2 Pepinekht says " Now
the majesty of my lord sent me to the land of the Aamu to bring
away for him (the body of) the unique friend, overseer of inter-
preters Anankhta, who had been building a boat there for Punt,
when the Aamu of the Sand-dwellers slew him together with the
troop of soldiers which was with him." The phrase c tmw nw
hryw s " Aamu consisting of " or " belonging to the sand-
dwellers " is manifestly identical with the c Imw hryw s? of the
Weni inscription, and as a 'boat destined for Punt could not have
been built otherwhere than on the Red Sea these people must at
this time have extended as far south as the north end of the Red
Sea if not further.

Here ends our evidence for the Old Kingdom, at the conclusion
of which period Egypt seems to have had no footing in Asia proper
and even to have been far from mistress of the land immediately
beyond her own frontiers.

i It is hardly likely that the water crossed by Weni was merely one of the
lakes of the north eastern Delta. 2 Sethe Urkunden I, 131-5.

40 T. ERIC PEET

THE VII TO X DYNASTIES

A few years ago it would have been mere folly to venture on
any statement as to the relations of Egypt and Asia during this
first obscure intermediate period, of which so little is known even
in Egypt itself. Of late, however, evidence has come to light
which enables us to state with comparative certainty that this
period, like the Later Intermediate Period (XIII to XVII
Dynasties), was marked by considerable Asiatic incursions into
the Delta. The real clue, as Gardiner has shown, 1 lies in the
newly published St. Petersburg papyrus 1116 b, the recto of which
contains a prophecy in literary form. The prophet Neferrohu
describes a lamentable state of things which shall exist in Egypt.
He adds "For foes are in the east, and Asiatics ( c j mw, styw)
shall descend into Egypt." After much further description of
the horrors of this time a saviour is foretold " There is a king
shall come from the south whose name is Ameny .... The
Asiatics ( C 3mw) shall fall by his sword .... There shall be
built the Wall of the Prince so as not to allow the Asiatics ( C 3mw)
to go down into Egypt." Now fortunately we can identify this
saviour, for in the first place Ameny is a common abbreviation for
Amenemhat, and in the second this " Wall of the Prince " is
stated in the Story of Sinuhe 2 to have been built by Amenemhat I,
the first king of the XII Dynasty, to keep off the Asiatics (styw)
and to crush the Sand-farers (nmyw-s*)- The exact position of
the wall is unknown, though Kiithmann gives some reason for
believing that it lay somewhere near Tell el Retabeh near the
mouth of the Wadi Tumilat. 3 The importance of the facts re-
vealed by this papyrus cannot be overestimated. We may quote
Gardiner's own words on the point. " This fact demonstrates
beyond all possibility of contradiction the thesis that I have ,now
frequently upheld, namely that the period between the Old and
Middle Kingdoms * witnessed considerable and historical Asiatic

1 Journal of Egyptian Archeology I, pp. 105-6.

2 Sinuhe B. 17 ( = R. 42) and the variants of G. and C. Also B. 72-3 and
Gardiner's notes to these passages. 3 Die Ostgrenze Aegyptens, p. 34.

4 By an unfortunate lapsus calami Gardiner has written " between the
Middle and New Kingdoms." The correction is obvious.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 41

incursions into the fertile and therefore much coveted Valley of
the Nile. At the same time it should be remembered that
Neferrohu speaks avowedly only in reference to the eastern Delta,
so that the Asiatic aggressions might, so far as the evidence of
this papyrus goes, have been confined to that region."

This is strongly confirmed by a passage in the other new St.
Petersburg papyrus 1116 a. 1 In this papyrus a king whose name
is lost is giving advice to his son, Merykara, who is a known
ruler of the Herakleopolitan house (IX and X Dynasties). In a
long and obscure passage 2 he deals with the character of the
Aamu, describes how he himself defeated them " I caused the
North-land to smite them, I carried captive their inhabitants, I
plundered their cattle." This is followed by a paragraph of in-
structions as to the fortification of the north-eastern frontier of
Egypt, and from the whole we gather that even if the Aamu were
not at the time in possession of any part of the Delta they were
a foe to be feared and provided against.

Our evidence does not even end here. The Leiden papyrus
344 contains on the recto a remarkable literary production now
known as the Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage. The whole reminds
us very much of the former of the two St. Petersburg papyri just
described. The beginning, which is lost, apparently related how
a certain wise man, Ipuwer by name, was brought before the king.
He proceeds to unfold a dismal story of the state of Egypt at
some period not actually specified. The chief indications given
are that there are foreigners (hlstyw) in the Delta and civil war
throughout Egypt. The papyrus itself was written in the be-
ginning of the XIX Dynasty, but Gardiner shows good reason for
supposing it to have been copied from an earlier papyrus dating
not later than the beginning of the XVIII Dynasty. More than
this, the work links up very closely with certain others known to
date from the XII Dynasty, such as the Lebemmiide and the
writing board 5645 in the British Museum, 3 and, had it not been
that six years ago we knew of no earlier Asiatic invasion than those
of the Hyksos in the XIII to XVII Dynasties, we are inclined

i Journal of Eg. Arch. I. pp. 20 ff. 2 Op. cit. pp. 30-32.
3 Gardiner, Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage, pp. I/-I8.

42 T. ERIC PEET

to think that Gardiner would have boldly declared himself for the
earlier date of composition. 1 In any case now that we have
evidence from other quarters as to an earlier invasion of Asiatics
(VII X Dynasties) we need have no hesitation .in taking the
Admonitions to be a work of the XII Dynasty referring to that
event, still fresh in the memory of the Egyptians.

We thus see the reasons which caused the obscurity in which
this Earlier Intermediate Period (VII to X Dynasties) has always
been wrapped. Not only was it a period of internal confusion
but it was also a period of foreign invasion. It thus forms quite
a close parallel to the Later Intermediate Period (XIII to XVII
Dynasties) though it is impossible for us at present to say whether
the Asiatics of the earlier period managed to establish themselves
so thoroughly in Egypt or to set up so firm a government as did
their Hyksos descendants.

THE MIDDLE KINGDOM

Just as in the Later Intermediate Period it needed a long series
of campaigns under Sekenenra, Kames and Aahmes to drive out
the Hyksos, so too in the Earlier Intermediate Period the work
of expulsion was doubtless gradual, even though the enemy may
have had a lighter hold on the country. Thus according to the
St. Petersburg papyrus the saviour of Egypt is Amenemhat I; yet
we know that under the XI Dynasty the process of expulsion had
already begun. The beginning of the XI Dynasty is marked by
the rise of a strong line of rulers in Thebes who gradually
succeeded in asserting their lordship over the rival kinglets of
other towns. As far as we can ascertain they had little power in
the delta, owing doubtless to the presence there of the Asiatics, 2
and for the same reason they have left no records of mining enter-
prise in Sinai, such signs in fact having ceased with Pepi II of
the VI Dynasty. 3 One of these kings, a Mentuhetep, has left

1 In his concluding notes on the writing board he shows the strong
probability of earlier invasions having taken place, op. cit., pp. 111-12.

2 And doubtless, in the earlier part of the dynasty at least, to the strength
of the Heracleopolitan chiefs whose sphere of power lay between Thebes and
the Delta.

3 A quadruple statue found in the temple of the Serabit el Khadim in Sinai

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 43

some fragments of a temple near Gebelen on which he is repre-
sented as striking down an Egyptian captive, the reference being
doubtless to his victories over his Egyptian rivals. l Behind the
Egyptian are other foes whom he has conquered, Nubians, Libyans
and Asiatics (Sttyw). The short inscription refers to the con-
quest of Egypt itself and of the foreign lands in precisely the
same terms. Here then we have indisputable reference to war
with the Asiatics, though whether it took place in Asia or in the
Delta we are not told.

Other evidence from this dynasty is to be found in the temple
of Mentuhetep Nebhepetra at Der el Bahri. In several fragments
of the painted reliefs from the temple walls foreigners of the
bearded type generally taken to be Asiatic are represented, though
they are mostly too mutilated to admit of certain identification. 2
The legends accompanying these scenes have not survived, but a
fragment of an inscription recording a war makes mention both
of the Aamu and of the Mentu. 5 This war may, like that recorded
at Gebelen, be a part of the fight which regained for Egypt full
possession of the Delta.

That the expulsion of the Asiatics was complete at the beginning
of the XII Dynasty is clear from the building by Amenemhat I of
the Prince's wall referred to above. This wall, out on the extreme
frontier, could only be built after the enemy had been entirely
expelled, and its purpose was to prevent a repetition of the in-
cursions, a purpose in which, as we know from later history, it
was not altogether successful.

The war of expulsion of the Hyksos in the XVII Dynasty was
followed by a war of aggression and conquest by the Egyptians in
Syria and Palestine. Can we find a parallel punitive expedition
after the war which drove out the Asiatics in the XI Dynasty?

and dedicated by Senusret I represents the dedicator, his father Amenemhat
I, Nebhepetra of the XI Dynasty and Sneferu. It is doubtful whether we
can infer from this that Nebhepetra was ever active in Sinai, though the in-
clusion of Sneferu in the group was certainly due to his mining activities in
this region.

1 von Bissing-Bruckmann, pi. 333.

2 Naville and Hall, Der el Bahari, XI Dyn. Temple, Vol. I, pi. xiv, xv.

3 Op. cit. p. 5.

44 T. ERIC PEET

Probably not. Evidence is not wanting to show that collision with
the Asiatic peoples occurred during the XII Dynasty, but we have
no proof that the attitude of Egypt was much more than actively
defensive or that she meditated serious conquest in Asia. 1 It is
evident that the road to Sinai was now cleared, for the XII
Dynasty kings have left there a long series of stelai recording
successful expeditions in quest of mefkat? The inscriptions are
all concerned purely with the mining work of the expeditions,
and do not mention any military exploits, even if such were
necessary, as is very unlikely.

The most definite piece of evidence for a XII Dynasty cam-
paign against Asia is the stela of Sebek-khu found by Garstang
at El Arabah some years ago. 3 The career of this warrior ex-
tended over the reigns of three successive kings, Amenemhat II,
Senusret III and Amenemhat III, in whose ninth year he was still
living. * The passage dealing with the war in Asia is as follows:
" His majesty went down the Nile to overthrow the Mentu of
Setet. His majesty arrived at a region whose name is Sekmem.
His majesty made a prosperous beginning of returning to the
Residence of Life, Prosperity and Health (i.e., his palace in
Egypt). Then Sekmem fell (upon him?) together with the vile
land of Rctenu, while I was acting as rearguard. Then the soldiers
of the army came to close quarters to fight with the Asiatics
(Aamu). I smote an Asiatic and caused his arms to be taken by
two soldiers of the army without ceasing from combat, my face
pressed on, and I did not turn my back before an Asiatic." There
are serious difficulties of translation, but they do not affect the
main facts, which are that the king led an army against the Mentu
and penetrated as far as Sekmem. This place (it is not called a
city) was joined by the land of Retenu, and the people of the two
together are described under the common name of Aamu. The

1 The passage Sinuhe B. 72 is a distinct corroboration of this if Gardiner's
excellent rendering of it is adopted. At the same time we are not justified in
taking the conversation of which it forms a part too seriously.

2 Weill, Recueil du Sinai, Nos. 20-41, 49-83.

3 Garstang, El Arabah, pi. iv. and v ; The Stela of Sebek-khu. Manchester
Museum Handbooks.

4 This is clear from the Semneh inscription, Lepsius, Derikmdler, II, 1390.

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 45

whereabouts of this combat are unknown to us. Of the position
of Retenu we have already spoken. Max Miiller has attempted to
identify Sekmem with Shechem, 1 alleging that it is a plural Nisbe-
form, Sik(e)miyim, " men of Sikem," the Egyptians having mis-
taken the name of the inhabitants for the name of the place itself
and further contracted it into Sik(e)mim. If this were correct
we should have evidence here for an Egyptian campaign as far
into Asia as Middle Palestine, but unfortunately Miiller's deriva-
tion of Sekmem is nothing more than a mere hyphothesis, and
not a very likely one. It is far more probable that Sekmem is to
be sought in Southern Palestine or even nearer to the Egyptian
frontier. !

The famous pectoral of Amenemhat III confirms the evidence
aflorded by this stela of warfare with Asia. 2 On it the king
strikes down two bearded foreigners each of whom holds in his
hand a short dagger. 3 Over and under each figure is written "The
striking of the Mentu, the smiting of the Asiatics (Sttyw)." Here
we have an instance of the general use of Setetiu to comprise all
Asiatics including the Mentu.

An inscription in the tomb of a certain Khnumhetep at Beni
Hasan preserves a further trace of these events. 4 Unluckily it is
badly damaged and difficult to read. " I embarked with his
majesty in 20 ships of cedar wood. He came . . . . ; he had
driven him out from the Two Lands (Egypt) .... The Setetiu
fell;

An equally tantalising reference occurs in the stela of Nesumentu
now in the Louvre. 5 This stela dates in all probability from the
24th year of Amenemhat I. Nesumentu says "I overthrew (?)
the Inu Mentu .... Sand-dwellers." Unfortunately a word is
damaged after Mentu and this makes it impossible to seize the
connection of the whole. Inu and Mentu may be separate or they
may be the compound Inu-Mentu. The damaged word may have

1 Orientalische Litteraturzeitung, vi, 1903, pp. 448-9.

2 De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour, 1894, pi. xxi.

3 Cf. a similar short dagger in the hand of a figure used to determine the
word Mentu (Mntyw) in an inscription from Der el Bahri (Rec. de Travaux,
xxxii, p. 58). 4 Beni Hasan, I, pi. xliv.

5 Louvre C. I. See Orientalische Litteraturzeitung, 1900,47-8; American
Journal of Semitic Languages, xxi, 153 ff.

46 T. ERIC PEET

been Setiu, Setetiu or Aamu. Conjecture is worth little, but the
reference to righting against Asiatics is certain.

Besides these direct references there are several allusions which,
though less definite, point in the same direction. In a well known
tomb at Beni Hasan Ms seen a procession of Aamu "brought by
the prince (hlty- c ) on account of green eye paint." They are
described as Aamu of Shu and they are led by a certain Ibsha,
who bears the title of "Ruler of the Deserts" or "Foreign Lands,"
a title borne later, it will be remembered, by several of the Hyksos
kings. These men wear a slight beard; they are armed with clubs,
axes and spears, and wear highly ornamental coloured garments
consisting either of a short kilt or of a long cloak reaching from
the shoulders almost to the ankles. This scene is not to be taken
as a proof of warfare between Egypt and Syria; it may be simply
a sign of trade relations, the Egyptians exchanging their own
products for the green eye paint of Asia. In other Beni Hasan
tombs 2 bearded foreigners, possibly Asiatics, are shown in scenes
of fighting, but the types are not clear and we can hardly draw
any conclusion from them.

Another possible indirect reference to an Asian campaign has
been pointed out by Blackman. 8 In the tomb of Tahutihetep at
El Bersheh 4 is a scene representing cattle being led to the number-
ing. Over it is a partly damaged inscription which Blackman
very plausibly translates as follows "Utterance of .... the cattle
of Retenu during the counting(P). Ye (once) trod the sand, (now)
ye walk on herbage," the point of the remark being to bring out
the contrast between the hard life of these captured cattle in their
old home in Asia, which the Egyptians often regarded as a sandy
desert country, and their present happy lot on the fertile black
lands of Egypt. If the reading " cattle of Retenu " is correct 8 we

i Beni Hasan, I, pi. xxviii, xxxi. 2 op. cit. I, pi. xvi, xlvii ; II, pi. v, xv.

3 Journal of Egyptian Archeology II, 13 ff. 4 El Bersheh, I, pi. xviii.

5 It is difficult to see how this translation could be avoided, though owing
to the preceding lacuna it cannot be regarded as absolutely certain, and the
omission of the country determinative after Rltiw is curious. After the
introductory dd mdw in " utterance of " the words on the right, smsw kliv,
" the herdsman," are of course to be read. It is perhaps a little bold to
ascribe the campaign which produced these cattle to the reign of Senusret

EARLY RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ASIA 47

almost certainly have here a reference to booty carried off in some
campaign in Asia. We may date this campaign in all probability
not later than the reign of Senusret III, in or shortly after whose
reign Tahutihetep died, according to Newberry's calculation.

To these indirect allusions we may add a point noted by
Gardiner, namely that under the XII Dynasty the title Aam is
used for a particular kind of servant, especially in the temples. 1
It is difficult to believe that large numbers of Asiatics voluntarily
came to Egypt and filled positions of this S9rt, and it may well
be that we have here an allusion to the slaves brought into the
country as a result of the successful warfare against Asia.

We have reached the end of our task and all that remains is
shortly to sum up our results. We have seen that our quest has
at many points been hampered by uncertainty as to the exact
meaning of place and people names, due, doubtless, partly to a
want of clearness in the minds of the Egyptians themselves and
partly to gradual extensions and changes of meaning. Despite
these difficulties we have been able to establish certain broad facts.
The Egyptians could hardly be called a warlike people, especially
in the early stages of their history. They inhabited a fertile and
easily defended country, and their chief concern was and always
must be agriculture. They had, however, the misfortune to lie
directly on the land-bridge which unites Asia to Africa, and as
a consequence they had to defend themselves against those ex-
pansions of Semites from Arabia 2 which from time to time com-
pletely altered the history of Nearer Asia and the Euphrates

III without reserve. It is true that the military career of Sebek-khu probably
fell entirely into that reign, for in the biographical portion of his stela
we can hardly avoid reading the 5 horizontal lines after the 12 vertical lines
below them, despite the extraordinary nature of this arrangement, in which
case the Asiatic war must have been his last military exploit. Since at the
accession of Amenemhat III he was, though still alive, probably too old to
fight, his age being about 65, we may with comparative safety place this
campaign in the reign of Senusret III. But there may well have been other
campaigns in the XII Dynasty and it may be to one of these that the cattle
represented in Tahutihetep's tomb were due. If Retenu yielded cattle in any
numbers it could hardly be the desert north of Sinai, and is more likely to
have been the southern part of Palestine. If we speak of a Syrian campaign
we should understand Syria in the widest sense, in which it includes Palestine.
i Gardiner, Admonitions, p. 1 12, note 4. 2 See Myres, Dawn of History, Ch. V.

48 T. ERIC PEET

valley. Fortunately the main force of these movements seems to
have spent itself in Asia, and what the Egyptians had to meet was
probably a mere side current. However this may be, one of the
chief duties of every Egyptian monarch from the earliest times
seems to have been the adequate defence of the eastern frontier
of the Delta. Whenever internal dissension caused that duty to
be neglected, as in the periods which followed the VI and the XII
Dynasties respectively, the Asiatics automatically broke through
at the weak point and flooded the eastern Delta, if not more con-
siderable portions of Egypt.

Thus the early policy of Egypt with regard to Asia was probably
one of active defence. Her early campaigns were no doubt
directed against the nomadic tribes who threatened to invade her
eastern frontier or who barred her way to the turquoise mines of
Sinai. We cannot fix the scene of the fighting which took place
in the V Dynasty, though we should hardly expect to find fortified
towns among the nomads of the desert north of Sinai, and it may
be that the kings of this dynasty penetrated as far as Southern
Palestine. The VI Dynasty finds Egypt still engaged in repelling
the nomads, and possibly landing men as far away as the coast
of Palestine in order to achieve that end. After this the defence
fails and Asia breaks into Africa. The rise of a strong govern-
ment in Egypt under the rulers of the Middle Kingdom brings
about a clearance of the Asiatics from the Delta and the building
of the Prince's Wall, still, be it noted, a measure of defence rather
than of attack. The occasional references to fighting with the
Asiatics in the XII Dynasty need refer to nothing more than
frontier affairs, with the exception of the account given on the
stela of Sebek-khu, which records an offensive, but not necessarily
further north than southern Palestine. In all this there is no
sign of conquest for conquest sake.

At the end of the XII Dynasty the internal constitution of Egypt
once more broke down. Once more the penalty was paid, and
the Asiatic hordes broke through the eastern frontier and estab-
lished the so-called Hyksos domination in Egypt, a domination
only ended, like its forerunner of the VII to X Dynasties, by the
rise of a strong line of rulers in Thebes.

THE BEGINNINGS OF RELIGION 49

THE BEGINNINGS OF RELIGION

BY T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, D.Sc., F.B.A.

A CONSIDERABLE number of books have appeared in the last few
years discussing in one way or another either the beginnings of
religion generally, or the beginnings of one or other of those
conceptions held by the writers to be part and parcel of primitive
religion.

The main argument in these discussions follows usually one of
two lines. The first of these takes the beliefs and practices of
modern savages as its basis. The second takes some one of the
ancient religions most often the Greek as its basis; uses the
beliefs and practices of modern savages as a kind of commentary
to explain the ancient faith in question and then draws con-
clusions as to priority among beliefs.

It is comparatively easy to decide which of these two methods is
to be preferred. The former method lays itself open to several
objections. Primitive men were doubtless savage. But the term
is both vague and obscure. There are as many degrees and kinds
of savagery as there are of ci /ilisation. It has been maintained
and there is much to be said in favour of the proposition that
modern civilisation (by which we mean, of course, European
civilisation), is often only barbarism with a veneer of culture.
And even that culture is found to rhyme sometimes with vulture.
Is the possession of electric cars and tall hats and eighty-ton guns,
not to mention other similar signs of artistic and spiritual pre-
eminence, evidence of a high grade of civilisation? No one would
maintain that any particular belief or practice proved to exist
among any one of the numerous tribes of savages to-day was
therefore necessarily to be found also among primitive men. How
can we take for granted that even the general mental attitude of
D

50 T. W. RHYS DAVIDS

modern savages bears any close resemblance to that of men half
a million years ago? It is no answer at all to dispute as to the
number of years we have to consider. That is certainly very
large. The anthropologists and geologists who discuss the point
speak by preference not of centuries, nor even of millenniums, but.
of aeons of periods indeterminate indeed, but in any case immense.
And the mental attitude of savages is neither permanent nor
stable. The more we know of the beliefs of any group or
nationality among them the more clear is the evidence that there
has been a constant change, slow but very sure, both in their be-
liefs and in their customs. That is now known of certain groups
in Australia, in North America, in the South Seas, in India, and
among the Malays. How difficult it is for us to understand this
constantly varying mentality of the savages now living! We do
not even understand the mental attitude of the peoples most
nearly allied to ourselves in race, in education, in customs and in
inherited culture.

Lord Bryce, in the last presidential address to the British
Academy, very rightly says:

" How ignorant modern peoples, with all the abundant
means of information at their disposal may nevertheless re-
main of one another's character and purposes! Each of the
nations now at war has evidently had a false notion of its
adversaries, and has been therefore misled. It has not
known their inner thoughts, it has misread their policy."
How much more unlikely that we should be able to read the
hearts and predicate the actions of peoples so remote, so different
from ourselves! And how inexpugnable the self-confidence which
would go further still, and deduce from our imperfect and doubt-
ful knowledge of the savages now living conclusions about the
inner feelings of those who lived under divers conditions many
hundreds of centuries ago!

But surely (it may be objected) human nature is always and
everywhere the same! Not at all (would be the rejoinder). The
other half of that half-truth is the more important of the two.
The main ingredients of human nature hunger, and fear, and
the cravings of sex, and the endless bondage to the influence of

THE BEGINNINGS OF RELIGION 51

environment and many more are no doubt always there. But
they are mingled in different proportions, they obsess the mind
in different degrees. The compound of them and it is the com-
pound that is human nature is never the same. Is it scientific
to lay so much stress on the likenesses as to forget the differences?

This method may be called the -psychological method; the
method of determining from our supposed knowledge of human
nature, and especially of human nature among modern savages,
what men in early times must have felt and thought. Untra-
melled by consideration of time and space it affords scope for the
imagination, and has produced some most attractive writing. The
conclusions reached are strikingly diverse, and even contradictory
a fact of much significance, and calmly acknowledged by each
new wanderer on this desert road.

The other method may be called rather the historical method.
By it the endeavour is made to ascertain, not what early men
must have thought, but what the earliest men whose records we
possess did, as a matter of fact, actually think. Perhaps the most
useful and suggestive, certainly the shortest and clearest book,
illustrative of this method, is Foucart's history of religions as
exemplified by the history of religion in Egypt. The very ancient
beliefs and practices recorded on the Egyptian tombs are utilised
to throw light on those of modern savages. The reverse process
is seldom employed. The psychological method is ignored. Data
from other ancient religions are referred to in support of the con-
clusions reached. It is unfortunate that though the secret mysteries
of the later Egyptian faith have often been extravagantly praised,
little or no precise evidence of what these mysterious doctrines
really were is extant. For the higher forms of religious faith not
mch help therefore is to be hoped for from Egypt. And as
the extant records are almost entirely confined to those found
upon tombs, they are only partial even as regards religious be-
liefs in the early periods. That is, of course, the case with all
our ancient records in China, India, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Asia
Minor and Europe. There is not even any attempt at complete-
ness. But that is surely no reason for the neglect of the evidence
we have. M. Foucart has shown, with admirable lucidity

52 T. W. RHYS DAVIDS

and saneness of judgment, how excellent are the results to be
gathered from his own department. And when we call to mind
that we have independent evidence, expressed for us in their own
language by the peoples themselves, not only of beliefs held and
practices carried out, but of the developments and changes that
have occurred over great periods of time, we can realise that by
this method real and permanent progress may be reasonably ex-
pected in many of the most important problems now awaiting
solution.

Considerations of space alone prevent us from giving here
examples of the kind of steps which can already be taken towards
this end. One or two remarks may however be allowed. A
great deal has been written on the question whether religion or
magic be the older and to which of them we should ascribe the
beginnings of religion. That depends on what is meant by
"religion" and what by "magic." Each of these is a European
word with a long history; and the connotations, the under- and
over-tones, involved in each, are as numerous as their history is
long. The consequence is a very remarkable diversity in the
numerous attempts that have been made to define them. There
are at least a score of definitions of each, contradictory to each
other, and often contradictory to the very usage of the distinguished
scholars who have made them. Under these circumstances the
controversy tends to lapse into an endless logomachy, leading to
no accepted result. This is a pity, for the point is in some
respects of the first importance. Can we not, so to speak, turn
its flank, so as to arrive at some definite conclusion?

I think we can if we follow the historical method. In the oldest
documents discovered in the oldest seats of civilisation we find ex-
pression of two hypotheses used to explain the mysteries of life. The
one is the hypothesis of a soul a semi-material minute being sup-
posed to dwell within the body, and at the death of the body to
continue a life of its own. There is no need to enlarge upon
this theme. The hypothesis and its corollaries have been summed
up in the word Animism now so well known. The other concep-
tion is that of a power or efficacy necessarily adherent in certain

THE BEGINNINGS OF RELIGION 53

things (sometimes in humans), and entirely independent of the
souls, and of their corollaries, the gods.

These two ideas are really contradictory; and bear a relation,
one to the other, akin in imny ways to our terms " subjective "
and " objective." For the second we have no word in English.
I have called it, in my lectures at Manchester on Comparative
Religion, Normalism. Its importance may be realised from the
fact that (just as Animism is the basis of all the old polytheisms
and mythologies, and has led up to some of the noblest ideas in
the higher religions) so Normalism is at the basis in China of
Taoism, in India of Karma and Dhammata, and therefore of
Buddhism; and in both of these centres of ancient thought, and
in other centres further west, of a multitude of details and ideas
not explicable by Animism.

Now we have no evidence in these ancient documents of any
priority as between these two hypotheses. We have no evidence
that the two were kept distinct in the minds of those who com-
posed the documents. Both are constantly found in the same
ceremonies. Both are concerned with what we should now deem
supernatural, but what the composers of the documents looked
upon as cjuite natural. It is as necessary for the progress of our
studies to have some scientific term, undisturbed by modern
popular usage, for the one as for the other. The term Normalism,
suggesting the action of a law independent of a personality covers
the facts, and would answer our purpose. An objection to it is
that we are of opinion there was no such law. Quite so. But
the ancients held the opposite view, and the term proposed has
the advantage of emphasising the fact that they did.

Now Normalism and Animism are not the same as Magic and
Religion, but the two together cover very nearly the same
phenomena. Of Normalism and Animism we can say for certain,
on the historical evidence, that they are inseparable as far
back as our evidence carries us. 1 Ought we to desire any
further answer? I venture to think not. We know how many
theologies have come to grief in their attempts to determine, on

i This is exactly what Mr. Hartland (Ritual and Belief, 94) says of Magic
and Religion.

54 T. W. RHYS DAVIDS

insufficient evidence, the beginnings and ends of things. And the
only hope for a steady progress in our young science is to abandon,
for the present at least, a similar attempt; and to be content to
trace, with due reference always to place and time, the relation-
ships, and the never ceasing gradual change, of the phenomena
we can ascertain by evidence on which reliance can be placed.

ORIENTAL TOMBS AND TEMPLES 55

ORIENTAL TOMBS AND TEMPLES

BY G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

THE above was the title of an address given to the Egyptian and
Oriental Society. When the title was chosen it was my intention
to examine certain features of the tombs and temples of Babylonia,
India, Eastern Asia, Oceania and America for the purpose of
calling attention to the identity of the conception underlying their
construction with that of Ancient Egyptian architecture, which
certainly was developed upon the banks of the Nile, and to use
these data as a demonstration of the fact that the primary inspira-
tion to erect such monuments must have been derived from Egypt.
But in the course of my investigations so much information came
to light not merely in confirmation of my general thesis but also
defining with remarkable exactness the times and the circumstances
of the spread of culture that it became necessary to devote three
lectures to the exposition of my views. In my address to our own
Society I dealt chiefly with the features of the monuments which
are scattered along the track of the great wanderers who set out
from the Eastern Mediterranean some time perhaps in the eighth
century B.C. The second of the series of addresses took the form
of a communication to the Manchester Literary and Philosophical
Society and dealt especially with the evidence supplied by the
custom of embalming. This has now been published under the
title "The Migrations of Early Culture." 1 In the third address,
which was delivered at the Rylands Library and is now being pub-
lished in the Bulletin of that institution, I gathered together the
threads of the arguments set forth in the earlier lectures and dealt

i Manchester University Press, 1915.

56 G. ELLIOT SMITH

with certain general aspects of the problems of the easterly spread
of culture and the origin of the Pre-Columbian civilization of
America.

It was hardly necessary for me to explain to the Society my
hypothesis concerning the origin and development of the Egyptian
types of tombs and temples, and how these monuments became
the prototypes of that remarkable series of widespread memorials
of the past which are commonly designated " megalithic." For
during the last four years I had annually expounded my heterodox
ideas on this subject and attempted to justify them to members
of our Society.

In the introductory part of my address I called attention to the
enormous complexity and artificiality of the culture-complex of
which megalith-building was merely one item. An enumeration
of most of the remarkable collection of strange practices, customs
and beliefs, which were thus linked together in a purely arbitrary
fashion to form a very complicated structure, will be found in
my communication to the Literary and Philosophical Society, op.
cit. supra, and need not be repeated here. The mass of corrobora-
tive detail which all these other items provide not only establishes
the unquestionable reality of the migrations, which explain the
similarities of the monuments discussed in the present lecture,
but also enables us to determine the times at which the influence
spread from one country to the other.

Last year I discussed the origin of the dolmen (see Journal of
the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, 1913-14, p. 10)
from the Egyptian mastaba of the Old Kingdom, and explained
that there was no feature of these much-discussed and enigmatical
monuments which did not become intelligible. Even such hitherto
cryptic details as the " holed-stone " and the " cup-markings "
become explicable when the dolmen is compared with the tnastaba,
as I have explained elsewhere. The " holed-stone " represents
the wall (often provided with an aperture) which separates the
serdab from the temple of offerings, the hole affording the means
by which the deceased dwelling within the statue in the serdab

ORIENTAL TOMBS AND TEMPLES 57

can magically pass into the temple-chamber and enjoy the food
provided there, as well as the society of his friends. The " cup-
markings " are symbolic of the food which the friends supply.
They occur only in those places in the dolmen which are strictly
homologous to the parts of the mastaba where food-offerings
or pictures of such offerings (magically equivalent to the real
food) are found. The people who made the dolmens, not being
sufficiently skilled to make realistic representations of the food,
such as the Egyptians were able to do, adopted another Egyptian
convention that small saucer-like pots might also represent food,
and made the so-called cup-marks in the places wliere the
Egyptians depicted food-offerings. The occurrence of such
arbitrary conventions as the " holed-stone " and " cup-markings "
in dolmens ranging from the British Islands in the west as far as
India in the east is proof of the most positive kind that these
curious monuments throughout this extensive area were inspired
by one idea, and the much greater antiquity and completeness of
the Egyptian prototypes point conclusively to Egypt as the source
of the inspiration to build them.

Those which are found in the Mediterranean area and western
Europe are on the whole much cruder than some of those which
are found in the Caucasus and India. There are reasons for
believing that the Old Kingdom type of mastaba must have con-
tinued to be built, perhaps in some outlying part of the Egyptian
dominions, for many centuries after it had given place in Egypt
itself to other types of tomb-constructions; and that these sur-
vivals of the Pyramid Age were imitated by the people who
dwelt in the Colchian region of the Black Sea littoral (see the
writings of Chantre and De Morgan). It is a most remarkable
and, in the light of the facts to which I have just called atten-
tion, most suggestive coincidence that in the Euterpe (Book II)
of Herodotus the Colchians are said to be Egyptian in origin to
be in fact " the descendants of some of the troops of Sesostris."
Moreover the excellent reasons given by Herodotus fully sub-
stantiate his statements.

It seems, then, that this Egyptian colony was responsible for

58 G. ELLIOT SMITH

the construction of these dolmens of the Caucasus, which are
among the most finished examples of such monuments. This is
a most welcome confirmation of the hypothesis of their Egyptian
origin. The essential identity of conception of the Indian and
the western European dolmens, the striking resemblances between
the two oriental series and the ruder construction of the western,
all combine to suggest that in the seclusion of Colchis the practice
of building this type of funerary monument persisted for many
centuries after the Egyptian prototype ceased to be made, and
that as trade- relations with the Black Sea developed the merchants
of the Levant carried these Colchian practices to India on the
one hand, as well as to the ruder peoples in the west on the
other.

But by the time these events came to pass Egyptian architecture
had developed out of all recognition, and perhaps the same
merchant adventurers who spread the knowledge of these sur-
vivals of Old Kingdom types also took with them the more recent
ideas which had grown up in Egypt in the times of the Middle
Kingdom and the New Empire. For dolmens were not built in
India until the commencement of the Iron Age or at the earliest
immediately before then. But about the same time in any case
only a few years later Dravidian temples, obviously imitations
of the great Theban models, and rock-cut temples, equally cer-
tainly copies of New Empire Egyptian examples, began to make
their appearance in India. It is altogether inconceivable that
elaborate constructions, so essentially identical in general plan
and in details of motive as, say, the Pagoda of Tiruvalar and any
New Empire Theban temple or, again, the Indian rock-cut temples
and, for example, the earlier (XIX Dynasty) Egyptian temple
at Abu Simbel, could possibly have been invented independently
the one of the other. Yet another type of Egyptian monument
the Pyramid makes its appearance in India in the pre-Buddhist
Dagabas or topes. This, however, like the dolmen, is not a case
of direct transference of an Egyptian idea, but only after
modification elsewhere, possibly in the ^Egean.

But the Egyptian Pyramid exerted an influence in the east in
other ways. Without entering into a discussion of the genetic

ORIENTAL TOMBS AND TEMPLES 59

relationship between the Egyptian Pyramid and the Chaldean
Ziggurat, I might refer to the facts that (1) the former was
usually made of stone and the latter of brick, (2) that the tem-
porary spiral causeway made for constructional purposes in the
former often remained a permanent feature in the latter, and (3)
that the Babylonian Pyramid was truncated and had a temple on
its top.

The two-fold influence of Egypt and Babylonia is seen in the
ancient buildings of India and Ceylon (for instance the Sat-mahal-
prasada) arid especially in the truncated Pyramids of Eastern Asia,
Oceania and of the Pacific Coast and Isthmus of America.

The curious mastaba-like superstructure of the Betsileo tombs
of Madagascar is very instructive as collateral evidence that in
the Indian Ocean Egyptian influence played a considerable part
in determining the plan of these Pyramid-like monuments.

But it was not only the latter type of Egyptian monument which
spread further east than India. The Theban temple was imitated
not only in India, but. also, though much more crudely, in Fiji;
and some of its most characteristic details, such as the complex
symbolism of the sun's disc in association with the serpent and
the hawk's wings, carved on the lintel of a temple-door, are found
in Central America as well as in Egypt, Persia and elsewhere.

The dolmen and the stone circle occur widely distributed in
Eastern Asia, Oceania and America.

The greater part of my address to the Egyptian and Oriental
Society was taken up with demonstrating how certain features of
temple construction were gradually emphasised in the course of
time in Egypt until they became its most obtrusive and dis<-
tinctive characters. Thus the conception of the door between the
chamber of offerings and the serdab as the means of communication
between the living and the dead led to the exaggeration of this
part of the mastaba until eventually the temple of the New Empire
period became converted mainly into a series of colossally over-
grown gateways or pylons. Other features, such as the causeway

60 G. ELLIOT SMITH

leading up to the temple and the series of statues flanking it on
each side, the obelisks, the colossal statues, the temple-platform
and the enclosing wall were in turn considered, and it was shown
how each of these exaggerations in turn made its appearance in
Oriental temple architecture (Indian, Chinese, Japanese and Ameri-.
can) until the cumulative evidence of Egyptian influence was
overwhelming.

THOMAS KELLY CHEYNE 61

THOMAS KELLY CHEYNE

BY MAURICE A. CANNEY, M.A.

MUCH has been written about Professor Cheyne since his death,
and the present writer has already published some words of
appreciation elsewhere. The Manchester Egyptian and Oriental
Society happened to meet on the day following "his death and took
sorrowful note of the event. But, in spite of all that has been
said and written, we need offer no excuse for returning to the
subject.

The original and pioneer work that Cheyne did marks him out
as one of the most eminent Biblical scholars that this country has
produced. He had that greatness which no mere learning can
give; for to his ripe scholarship were added a breadth of mind,
a range of outlook, and a courage of no ordinary character. He
had, moreover, a large measure of that kind of fervour, enthusiasm
and inspiration that characterise a prophet. As the Modern
Churchman has expressed it (March, 1915): "Not knowledge
for the sake of knowledge, but knowledge for the sake of truth
was what he sought. He was a prophet as well as a scholar, for
the truth when won was not to be whispered into the ear or con-
cealed in ambiguous and non-committal phrases in learned treatises,
it was to be proclaimed from the house-tops in other words, from
Cathedral pulpits and in popular volumes."

Cheyne's courage was the more remarkable because such courage
is rare. The Old Testament is considered safe ground, but Cheyne
was not afraid to invade the sacred soil of the New Testament. He
did not hesitate to apply the same critical methods to all Biblical
narratives. He gave a hearing to the most radical New Testament
critics. He was not afraid of Comparative Religion. Indeed, he

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