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NAPOLEON:

THE FIRST PHASE

SOME CHAPTERS ON THE
BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF
BONAPARTE, 1769-1793 9 9
BY OSCAR BROWNING, M.A.

/7/f

JOHN LANE: THE BODLEY HEAD
LONDON 6? NEW YORK . MDCCCCV

WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LTD., LONDON AND BECCLES.

TO
THE EARL OF ROSEBERY

AUTHOR OF

NAPOLEON: THE LAST PHASE
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED IN MEMORY
OF A LONG AND SINCERE FRIENDSHIP

INTRODUCTION

DURING the Hundred Days, there lay
in Napoleon's study in the Tuileries
a packet of papers, sealed with the
Imperial arms, on the cover of which
was written, " A remettre au Cardinal Fesch
seul." This packet was carried by Fesch to
Rome, but he never had the curiosity to open
it, and it remained sealed and tied up till his
death, on May i3th, 1839. After this event, it
was carried, with many other papers, to Lyons
by the Abb6 Lyonnet, his Vicar-General, who
wrote his life. In the following year, Prince
Charles- Lucien, the eldest son of Lucien Bona-
parte, opened the packet, but failed to recognize
the importance of the papers. He did not there-
fore claim them for the family, and they remained
in the possession of Lyonnet. He was hesitating
whether he should present them to some library,
or sell them for the benefit of the poor, when
William Libri, the well-known collector, who had
heard of their existence, succeeded in purchasing

Introduction

them for about ^300. Libri eventually sold the
manuscripts to Lord Ashburnham, but it is only
too probable that before this was done he had
disposed of fragments of the collection to other
persons. Some of these papers were published
by Libri in the Revue des Deux Mondes, and
in L' Illustration. In 1881, Prince Napoleon
became aware of the existence of these docu-
ments. By the kindness of Lord Ashburnham
they were deposited for some days in the British
Museum, in order that they might be examined,
and a catalogue of them was made by M. Masson,
together with a transcript of the most important
papers.

When the Ashburnham collection was sold
in 1884, the papers passed into the hands of the
Italian Government, and they were deposited in
the Laurentian Library at Florence, where they
are still to be seen. Here they came under
the charge of Signer Biagi, the Director of the
Library, who intended to publish them, and had
them carefully copied, and in 1895 they were
published by MM. Masson and Biagi, in a book
entitled "Napoleon Inconnu." M. Masson added
to the manuscripts some notes on the early life
of Napoleon, drawn from other papers, which
were either in the Libri packet, or which came
into his hands from other sources, especially

Introduction

from Corsican families connected with Napoleon's
youth. They included some valuable documents
which had been left in the Napoleon house at
Ajaccio by Madame Mere, concealed under a
heap of coal by M. Levie-Landino, and exposed
to the ravages of damp and rats.

M. Arthur Chuquet, well known for his ad-
mirable history of the wars of the Revolution,
has consecrated three volumes to the life of
Napoleon, from his birth to the siege of Toulon.
He bases his work on the writings of Jung, Du
Teil, and Coston, but above all on the documents
of Masson, the knowledge of which is indis-
pensable to the proper understanding of the
subject. But M. Chuquet has done much more
than this. With unrivalled industry and acute-
ness he has got together a number of facts about
Corsica, about the condition of the military
schools of France, and especially about those in
which the young Napoleon was educated, which
throw a flood of light on the situation. He
depicts for us, not only Napoleon as he was in
his childhood, boyhood, and youth, but invests
him with an atmosphere which makes us almost
as familiar with him as if we had been his con-
temporaries. These two works, the " Napoleon
Inconnu" of Masson and "La Jeunesse de
Napoleon " of Chuquet, furnish us with all the

Introduction

information necessary for an adequate under-
standing of Napoleon's youth. But I have not
stopped at this, and there is no book contained
in the admirable bibliography of Kircheisen,
which bears on this period, which I have not
examined so far as was necessary for my purpose.
At the same time, I have kept in view that I am
not writing a History of France, or of Europe
between the years 1769 and 1793, but only a
personal account of Napoleon during this period.
If the result is to place the character of Napoleon
in a more favourable, I may say, in a more
human, light, I may justify myself by the words
of Cicero in his speech Pro Sulla : " Omnibus in
rebus, judices, quae graviores majoresque sunt,
quid quisque voluerit, cogitaverit, admiserit, non
ex crimine sed ex mentis ejus qui arguitur est
ponderandum. Neque enim potest quisquam
nostrum subito fingi, neque cujusquam repente
vita mutari aut natura convert!."

CONTENTS

CHAPTER FAGK

INTRODUCTION. ... .11

I. BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD . . .21

II. BRIENNE .43

III. DEPARTURE FOR PARIS 59

'IV. THE ECOLE MILITAIRE DE PARIS . . 71

V. VALENCE AND AUXONNE 89

4 VI. CORSICA . 117

VII. AUXONNE AND VALENCE ... .132

VIII. AJACCIO • • 155

% IX. PARIS -i79

X. LA MADDALENA 192

XI. PAOLI ... .203

XII. LE SOUPER DE BEAUCAIRE 229

\XIII. TOULON 239

Contents

APPENDICES

PAGE

(A) SUR LA CORSE 273

(B) SUR LE SUICIDE ... .... 281

Reprinted from Napoleon's original documents.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE BRITISH MUSEUM
CONCERNING THE SlEGE AND EVACUATION OF
TOULON ..*.... .289

ILLUSTRATIONS

TO PACK PAGK

STATUE OF NAPOLEON AT BRIENNE . . Frontispiece

MADAME MERE . • »3

CHARLES BONAPARTE, NAPOLEON'S FATHER . . 27

THE CHURCH IN WHICH NAPOLEON WAS BAPTIZED 31

THE HOUSE OF THE BONAPARTE FAMILY AT AJACCIO . 39

NAPOLEON AT BRIENNE 53

From an old print.

PORTRAIT OF NAPOLEON 93

Sketched by his friend Pontornini at Tourrwn, 1785.

PAULINE BONAPARTE 97

From a pastel in the possession of Afr. John Lane.

THE ROOM IN WHICH NAPOLEON is SAID TO HAVE BEEN
BORN AT AJACCIO ... . . IO1

GENERAL PAOLI . . 127

JUNE ZOTH, 1792 ... .183

From a lithograph by Charltt.

List of Illustrations

TO FACE PAGE

BONAPARTE AT LA MADDALENA 193

From a portrait by Ph^lippotea^^x.

BONAPARTE AT TOULON .241

Front a painting fy Greuze.

THE SIEGE OF TOULON 251

From an old print.

MAP OF TOULON ; 267

From a contemporary sketch in the British Museum.

NAPOLEON:

THE FIRST PHASE

NAPOLEON

THE FIRST PHASE

CHAPTER I

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE was
born at Ajaccio on August 1 5th, 1 769,
the son of Charles- Marie de Bona-
parte and of Marie- Letizia Ramolino.
The family of Bonaparte was probably of
Tuscan origin, and originally settled at Florence.
In the eleventh century a branch of the family
established itself at San Miniato, where a Canon
Filippo Buonaparte was living in the last years
of the eighteenth century. Charles Bonaparte
visited this distant cousin when he went to take
his degree of Doctor of Laws at the University
of Pisa, and Napoleon slept at his house on
June 29th, 1796. Another branch of the same
family was established at Sarzana, a city well
known to the students of Dante. From this

21 B

Napoleon : the First Phase

place Francesco Buonaparte removed to Corsica,
in the year 1529. He was the direct ancestor
of Napoleon. The family lived at Ajaccio, but
their principal possessions were at Bocognano
and Bastelica, at a considerable distance from the
capital.

Napoleon's father was a handsome, courtly
gentleman. -of-mmsual-ettkure and— distinguished
manners. He was generally in want of money,
and showed considerable ingenuity and address
in obtaining the assistance which he needed.
On June 2nd, 1764, at the age of eighteen, he
married Letizia ...Ramalir&j four years younger
than hi.mselfL.a- g1'^ °f singular -beauty. She
belonged, like her husband, to a Florentine
family, which settled in Corsica at the end of
the fifteenth century ; indeed, in Corsica, Jaer
family is regarded .as- superior 4a that of the
Bonapartes^- Her father died when she was
five years old, and two years afterwards her
mother married a Captain Fesch, of Swiss origin.
From this union was born, in 1763, an only
son, Joseph Fesch, afterwards Cardinal, who
was therefore Napoleon's uncle, but only six
years older than himself.

Madame Mere, as she was afterwards called,

•^preserved_Jier — good looks and her youthful

appearance till old age^ She was full of courage

and spirits, and followed her husband through

woods and mountains in the last days of

MADAME MERE

Birth and Childhood

Qorsican independence. She was devoted to
her children, but brought them up with severity.
Many tales are told of her chastisement of
Napoleon. Once, when he was nearly grown
up, he laughed at his grandmother, and called
her an old witch. Letizia was very angry, and
Napoleon, knowing that he would be punished,
kept out of her way. However, going to his
bedroom to dress for dinner, she followed him,
and taking advantage of his deshabille, gave
him a good thrashing. , Napoleon derived from

his mother many o£ — his — strongest qualities,

among others his habit of economy. The
devotion between mother and son, which lasted
throughout their lives, is one of the most
beautiful episodes in modern history. Charles
Bonaparte lost his father at the age of fourteen,
and was brought oip_ under the fostering care of
his unr.le. j^yiriejy Archdeacon of the Cathedral
of Ajaccio. He was devoted to the cause of
Paoli, served jis_his aide-de-camp, and was re-
garded by some — as — bis — probable successor ;
indeedjjhis marriagejwith Letizia. could not have
been arranged without the intervention of Paoli.

When the war broke out, the _ Bonapartes
declared emphatically against France. The pro-
clamation addressed to the youth of Corsica, in
favour of independence, was the composition of
Charles Bonaparte, Napoleon was proud oLit,
and quoted some of it from memory at St.

Napoleon : the First Phase

Helena. When the Corsican patriots were
defeated at Ponte Nuovo, the Bonapartes had
tQ_lake refuge m the 4naquis, and Letizia
accompanied her husband through the brushwood
and across the bridgeless rivers with Joseph in
Jier arms and -Napoleon in~her womb. Eventually
Charles saw that ^resistance was hopeless, and
that the wisest course was to give in to the
-Erenehv He also hoped to obtain a place under
government. In fact, in February^-ii^^ir-he was
appointed assessor of the Royal Jurisdiction of
Ajaccio, one of the .eleven jurisdictions into which
the island was -then divided, his duty being to
assist the judge, both in civil and criminal affairs,
and to take his place when he was absent.
Charles, we must remember, had previously
taken the degree of Doctor of JLaws in the
University of Pisa. From this moment he be
came a devoted Royalist, and paid court to
the two French commissioners, Marbceuf and
Boucheporn.

In June, 1777, Charles Bonaparte was elected
deputy of the nobility, to represent the interests
oL-Corsica-at-Versailks^ He went to France at
the close of 1778, and returned in the spring
of 1779. His devotion to Marbceuf was well
repaid. _ Marboeuf became godfather to his son
Louis (named after the King), he placed
Napoleon at the military school of Brienne,
sent Marianna to St. Cyr, and Fesch to the

CHARLES HOXAI'ARTE, NAl'OLEOX's FATHER

Birth and Childhood

of Aix. tie assisted him also in
many other ways.

As has been said above, Mapoleou was born
at Ajaccio, on August 1 5th,. 17 69, the Feast-of
the Assumption of the Virgin. His mother was
on her way to the mid-day Mass when she was
seized with the pains of labour and could not
reach her bedroom. It is said that the child
entered the world with a great noise, as if he
wished to take possession of it. The name
Napoleon is rare, but not unknown. Napoleon's
great-grandfather had, in the early part of the
eighteenth century, called his three sons Joseph,
N apoleon^aad .Liicierv- and .^Napoleon's father
determined to follow his example. When
Napoleon became Consul he conceived a disgust
for the name, but this passed away, and he
eventually recognized its power. It-has—been '-
said that he was really the eldest son, and that
EeJwas born in 1768. but careful examination of
the evidence shows this to be |a , rrn'stak^
Letizia's eldest-chikL-A boy, was born in 1765.
and died in 1768. According to the determina-
tion above mentioned, he bore the name of Joseph,
and Joseph, who was born just before he died,
was at first called Nabulione. 2yjLOJiJ3ie death
of the first-bojrn. JosepJi_a£as — inserted before
JNabulione in the register. as_ being the name
of the eldest -o£-the family, whilst the child born
in i_26g_ received the name of Napoleon, and

Napoleon : the First Phase

no other. The whole family regarded Joseph
asjthe eldest son, although Napoleon was, in
fact^the head of it.

In a document written before .1789, called
" Epochs of^Mj^JLifp," Napnlenn states that he
was born Aagust_i gtb. 1760. and the certificate
of Napoleon's baptism still exists. • It is signed
by the godfather, the godmother, and the father
of the child, and by the clerk of the parish of
Ajacciq_J3iajTiajite. It is dated July 2jLSt, 1771,
and states that in the paternal house, by per-
mission of the Reverend Lucien Bonaparte, the
holy ceremonies and prayers have been ad-
ministered to Napoleon^ojrn^AjigiisJ- T5th, 1769.

The nearest relations of the young Napoleon
were, in the first place, his_father's_mother, Maria
Saveria Bonaparter generally called Minanna
Saveria, who lived and died in the Napoleon
house in the Rue St. Charles. .SJie-wasjon ex-
cellent terms with Letizia,. whose only complaint
was that she spoiled the children. Besides this,
there was his m^th^s__sisler, Gertrude Paravicini,
whom he called " Zia Gertrude " (Aunt Gertrude),
and his mothers aunt, Marianna -Pietra Santa,
whose-daughter married an_Arrighi.

Before we enter upon a narrative of Napoleon's
life, it will be well to give some account of the
condition of Corsica at this time. Corsica had

belonged—to Genoa, but_exasperated by bad

government, had risen in rebellion, and was

Birth and Childhood

endeavouring to achieve her independence Bunder
the. leadership of Paoli. In 1764 Genoa, reduced
to extremities and despairing of being able to
preserve the few fortresses left to her in the
island, and to save the garrisons which were
imprisoned in their citadels by Paoli. asked for
assistance from Louis JCV. £rance, at this time,
owed Genoa several millions, and it was agreed
that the debt should be paid by French troops
being allowed to garrison the fortresses for four
years^ When this arrangement came to an end
in 1768, Genoa ceded Corsica to France. Paoli
protested that Genoa had no right to dispose of
the Corsicans as if they were cattle, but no atten-
tion was pajd_to him. Paoli still held out, but
was defeated on May 9th, 1769, in the battle of
.JBonte Nuovo. He left the island on June i2th,
and took refuge first in Tuscany and then in
England.

Corsica thus became French 111x769, but the
acquisition of the island was not popular in
JFrance, and many were of opinion that it would
be better if it could be once for all submerged in
the Mediterranean. Choiseul and others argued
that if Corsica were of little use to France, it
would be disastrous to expose it to the power
of her enemies. Any enemy in possession of
Corsica could intercept the communications of
France with Spain, Italy, and the Levant, so that
the coasts of Provence and Languedoc would

Napoleon : the First Phase

^e exP°sed to attack. On the other hand, it
secured -to_Jts possessors the command of the
Mediterranean.

Corsica was governed by -two_ commissioners,
appointedJhy the.King, one styled, the governor,
the other the intendant, one military, the other civil.
The governors at this period were Marbceuf,
1772-1786, and Barrin, 1786-1790. The best
known of the intendants was .Boucheporn, who
held office for ten years, from 1775-1785, and was
known as the Grand Vizir of Marbceuf. The
jjjdiriaL-administration of the island was com-
mitted to a Conseil Superieur, which was a kind
of parliament, and to a number of royaLjurisdic-
__tions._ The Conseil Superieur, created in ,1768, sat
at Bastia, and consisted of a first and second pre-
sident, ten councillors, of whom six were French
and four Corsican., a French procureur-general
and his substitute, a greffier, and two secretary-
interpreters. The governor had the privilege of
sitting in this parliament, and had a deliberative
voice. Each jurisdiction contained a judge-royal,
m assessor, a rnmr^ir rfn tr>ij and

The first three officers were always appointed in
ratio of two Corsicans to one Frenchman.

The civil government of the island, organized
in 1771, was on this wise. First came the paese,
or village, governed by a Podesta, and two Fathers
of the village elected by heads of families over
twenty-five years of age; then the pieve, or

Birth and Childhood

canton, governed by a Podesth, Maggiore, elected
every year from the most considerable personages
of the pieve ; then the province, at the head of
which was an inspector of noble rank, appointed
by the king.

Corsica was constituted as a pays d^tat, with
three orders — clergy, nobles, and tiers Mat. The
Estates met at Bastia, each order having twenty-
three deputies. The deputies of the clergy were
the five bishops of the island, who might be
represented by their vicars-general, and eighteen
pievani, or deans, elected by the assemblies of
the ten provinces, monks being excluded. At
the close of each session the Estates nominated
a permanent commission of twelve nobles, called
the Nobili Dodici, and it was arranged that a
member of the twelve should always be attached
to the suite of the Royal Commissioners.

N&bility Jiad not hppn rerngni/pH in Tnrgira

before the French occupation, as the -Genoese
had done everything in their power-lQ_jiebase^
the__^Cpj^ica^___ajistoa:acy, -They had deprived
them nf fldm^Hnn, HaH kept them out of high
office^ _and_had forbidden them to- engage in
commerce, for fear they shf>"1H Become- "'ch.
There was, therefore, little difference in Corsica
between the manner of dress and of life of nobles
and peasants. The new French Government
pursuedja, .different policy. They-^et themselves
to—develop and foster a class of men who could

Napoleon : the First Phase

be attached to the government by interest, and
would prove a counterpoise to the clergy and the
tiers £tat^ They therefore established a nobility,
accepting as proof such titles as could be got
together. The-Bonapartes-w^re- assisted in this
research -by- the 4rfand -Duke of Tuscany and
by-Jthe-Archbishop of Pisa. They bore a count's
.jcoronet, and their arms were gules, two bars
azure, between two stars of the second, and the
letters B.P.1 As we have said, the twelve nobles
and the ten inspectors of provinces were drawn
entirely from the nobility, while the children of
n£^e_familiea_,w-ere-- a H m itted gratuitously to the
College Mazarku-the-. Seminary of- Aix, to the
royal-military -scbool&r-aftdr-tQ-th^^adies' college
of St. Cyiu Marbceuf did his -best to inspire the
somewhat uncultivated Corsicans with French
refinement. They began to adopt French
fashions of dress, but the effect was somewhat
ludicrous at first. Before this the children used
to walk about with bare feet, and the girls used to
fetch water from the fountain and carry it home
on their heads. Besides this, Corsicans were
admitted into every regiment of the army, and
a special Corsican regiment was formed — the
Royal-Corse. The Corsicans paid but few taxes.
Indeed, the island was a burden to the Exchequer,

1 A more correct version of the arms is gules, two bends argent
between two estoiles of the second.

Birth and Childhood

and did not pay its expenses by the sum of
600,000 livres a year.

Still the islanders were discontented, and
regretted their loss of liberty. A general once
said to a peasant, " In the days of your Paoli
you paid double what you do now." "Yes,"
replied the peasant ; " but then we gave, now you
take." The flag of Corsica was argent, a Moor's
head proper, bandaged over the eyes. It was
forbidden by the French, but was used by the
islanders whenever they found a chance.

Peace was maintained in Corsica, but only by
a system of terror! The possession of guns was
forbidden, as was also the sale of stiletti, but there
was great difficulty in putting down assassination.
Corsica was at first governed by the War Office.
In 1773 it was made over to the Abbe Terray to
farm the taxes, as controlleur-general ; before
the Revolution it was restored to the War Office.
But it always remained a prey to financiers, fed
upon by Frenchmen, and despoiled by a bureau-
rocracy. It felt itself oppressed, and was dis-
affected. Indeed, the faults of the government
gave only too much reason for this disloyalty.

The accounts of Napoleon's infancy have been
garnished by a number of stories which are
entirely devoid of foundation. The most trust-
worthy narrative is derived from his mother.
She only kept a single servant. The first of
ese was Mammuccia Caterina, who received

Napoleon : the First Phase

Napoleon when he came into the world. She is
said to have been noisy and obstinate, always
at loggerheads with the grandmother, although
she was very fond of her. She had special
charge of the children. Next came the devoted
-Saveriaf whom Joseph brought-Jjom Tuscany.
She accompanied Madame Letizia everywhere,
grew old with her, and died in her house in
18.25. In 1813 Napoleon gave her a pension of
1 200 francs. Still more important was Napoleon's
wet-nurse, Camilla Ilari, wife of a sailor of
Ajaccio. She worshipped her foster-child. When
Napoleon anchored in the bay of Ajaccio, on his
return from Egypt, he perceived in the crowd
a woman clothed in black, who cried out, " Caro
5,-fOv figlio!" He replied. 'iMadre." When he dis-

embarked she said to him, " My son, I gave you
the milk of my heart ; I can now only offer you
the milk of my goat ; " and she held out a bottle
to him. ^Hg never forgot her. She was present
jit his coronation, aiKLwaajpresejiled to the Pope,
whx) gave her his blessing, and to Josephine, who
gave_her diamonds. She talked with the Pope
for an hour and a half in the Corsican dialect.
Napoleon said, " Poor Pope ! He must have
plenty of time on his hands." He conferred bene-
fits on her and her family, and once presented her
granddaughter to the ladies of the court at the
Tuileries, saying, " This is my foster-niece, ladies.
Never say again that there are not pretty

Birth and Childhood

women in Corsica." rjLer— husband, Poll, clung
to Napoleon to the last, and did not make his
submission to the English till Mayv-i8i6.

Napoleon's- mother tells us that she had
arranged a large empty room for the children
to play in. While the others were jumping
about, drawing and scribbling on the walls,
NapoleorLjused4£> beat_ a_drum, wield a sabre
of wood, and draw soldiers on the walls ranged ;
in order of battle. He was very industrious, and
showed a great capacity for jnathematics^_H is
first teachers were nuns. They were very fond
of him, and called him the_ mathematician. He
then went to the school which formerlyBetonged
to the_Jesuits. He exchanged every day the
piece of white bread given him for lunch for the
rough hrnwp bread of the common soldier^jn
order that he might accustom himself to sol jigrs*
Care^_- At the age of eight he had sue!) a passion
for arithmetic -that a shed was built for him
behind the house, where he might work undis-
turbed^ Sunk in meditation, he walked about in
the evening with his stockings about his heels, and
was much jeered at in consequence. Letizia has
told us that on May 5th, 1777, the family bailiff
brought to their house two young and spirited
horses. Napoleon mounted -o«e of them, and,
to the terror x>f evjery_one, galloped off to the
farm, laughing at their fright,— Before he re-
turned he examined the mechanism of the mill

Napoleon : the First Phase

carefully, asking how much corn it could grind
in an hour, and, on being told, calculated that
it could grind so much in a day, and so much in a
week. When the farmer brought the child back,
he told his mother that, 4f Jie.-'Jixedr- he. would
become the foremosLman in the-world. Genius,
inrlngfry, and th^ power of insgjrmg^ami feeling
de.ep-a£fectlon~ were the chief notes of Napoleon's
early childhood.

At the same time traces of an imperious dis-
position were not wanting. Napoleon confessed
that^at-this time he -was- turbulent, aggressive,
and quarrelsome. He w^ afr^jH nf nn nnp, hut
bJLand scratched without reference to inequality
o£size_aiHLage. — Joseph, although the elder, was
The two boys went together,

at a later period, to a school kept by an Abbe
Jiecccv to ..-whom Napoleon left 20,000 francs in
Here the boys, according to the present

custom of some__Jesuit -schools^ were arranged
on benches opposite each other, under the names
of Romans and Carthaginians. To encourage
emulation, the walls were hung with swords,
shields, spears, and standards made of wood, and
the division which was superior in work carried
off a trophy from the other. Joseph, as the
elder, was classed as a Roman ; but Napoleon,
who did not like to be a Carthaginian, persuaded
him to change places, which he good-naturedly
assented to.

CHAPTER II

BRIENNE

CHARLES BONAPARTE determined
jtomake Joseph a priest and Napoleon
a soldier. Marbceuf promised to give
the latter a scholarship in one of the
Royal Military Schools, and to procure for the
former an ecclesiastical benefice by means of his
nephew, the. Bishop of Autun. He proposed to
place both of them at the College of Autun^ one
of the best public schools in France, which has .
sometimes been called the French Eton. Joseph
was to study classics,, and Napoleon to remain a
short time to learn French. On December i5th,
1778, the father left Ajaccio with his two little
boys, one aged nine and the other ten. He also
had with him Fesch, his brother-in-law, aged
fifteen, who was intending to complete his studies
at the Seminary of Aix, and his cousin, Aurelio
Varese, who had been appointed sub-deacon to
the bishop of Autun. They reached Autun, as
Napoleon tells us in his notes, on January ist,
1779* The two brothers were placed under the
care of the Abbe de Chardon, who, in 1823,

Napoleon : the First Phase

wrote his impressions to a friend. He says,
" Napoleon arrived at Autun with his brother
Joseph at the commencement of the year 1779,
accompanied by his father (who, as you perhaps
remember, was a superb man), and the Abbe de
Varese, who afterwards became Grand Vicar of
Autun, doubtless to his own great astonishment,
and at a later period married, and was made
Commissioner of War."

/Joseph was thought to be. a good boy, shy,
quiet, without ambition. Napoleon, on the other
hand, was pensive and sombre, taking no part in
games, and walking about alone, which is not
unnatural, as he could not speak French. He
fired up at the mention of Corsica, and said that
if the French had beeruonly four to one, they
would never have had Corsica ; but they were
ten to one. He was cleverer than Joseph, and
learned with greater facility. Chardon tells us
that in three months he learned sufficient French
t@ converse fluently, and to write little exercises,
If Chardon told him anything, he would listen
with his eyes and mouth open, and if the same
thing were repeated, he did not attend, and when
rebuked said, " Sir, I know that already?^]

Whilst Napoleon was at Autun, "Kis father
was completing the arrangements for entering
him at one of the military schools. For this two
things were necessary — a certificate of nobility
for four generations, and a certificate of poverty.

Brienne

About the first there was no difficulty, as the
Bonaparles jcoukL _show eleven generations of
Charles was about to appear before

the King at Versailles as the representative of
the nobility of Corsica. For the second, four
Corsicans certified that Charles, although noble,
had no fortune, except his pay as assessor, and
could not give his children the education suited
to their rank. Hozier de Serigny, the King's
genealogist and historiographer, asked Charles
some questions, which were answered as follows :
that Ramolino was the family name of his wife ;
that his own name was Charles-Marie ; that he
used the particule de> but that it was generally
omitted in Italy; that he wrote his name Buona-
parte ; and that the name Napoleon, which was
Italian, could not be translated into French.
Napoleon remained at Autun three months.
The register of the college has this entry : " M.
Neapoleonne de Buonaparte pour trois mois
vingt jours cent onze livres, douze sols, huit
deniers, nil. 12S. &/."

In consequence of the efforts of his father,
Napoleon was appointed by the War Office, in
January, to the royal military school of Tiron,
but for some reason of which we are ignorant
this arrangement was changed, and he was sent
to-Brienne. He left Autun on April 23rd, taking
leave of his brother, who was to remain there
five years longer. They loved each other dearly, ,

45 ~~c~~

Napoleon : the First Phase

and Joseph was in tears, while Napoleon shed
only one tear, which he endeavoured to conceal.
The Abbe Simon, the sub-principal, who was
present, said to Joseph, " Your brother has shed
only one tear, but that shows his sorrow at leaving
you as much as all yours." Here there is a dis-
crepancy in the dates. £Iapoleon, in his notes,
"7 says that heJeft for Rrienne on May T?rh ^whereas
^ v we know that he left Autun on April 2 3rd. It
is probable that he spent the intervening time
with M. de Champeaux, at his country house of
Thoisy-le-D6sert, but the matter is oj[ no great^
^JLmportance.

The military schools, of which_ Brienne was
one, were founded by Louis XVL^ on the advice
of St. Germain, Minister of War, in 1776, so
that they were now only three years old. They
were twelve in number, and, strangely enough,
were all administered by religious orders. The
Benedictines had Soreze, Tiron, and four others ;
the Oratorians, Tournon and three others ; the
Regular Canons of the Saviour administered the
school of Pont-a-Mousson, and the Minims that
of Brienne. Each of these establishments had
from fifty to sixty of the poor nobility, receiving
a free education at the cost of the king. For
each pupil a yearly sum of about ,£28 was paid
by quarterly instalments in advance. For this
sum the monks undertook to give each pupil a
separate room or cell, to place them in a building

Brienne

apart, to feed and clothe them, to teach them
writing,,— French^ — Latin, — German,- liistoty— anxL
geography. jnathematics. drawing, music, dancing,
and fencing. As it was part of the plan of
St. Germain that these young nobles should not
be educated by themselves, the monks were to
receive at least an equal number of pensioners to
be educated with them. The pupils entered the
colleges at the age of eight or nine ; they remained
six years in the school, and during this time they
were forbidden to leave it on any pretext what-
ever, even if they had relations in the neighbour-
hood. During the long vacation, which lasted
from September i5th to November 2nd, they had
only one lesson a day and plenty of recreation.

\St. Germain drew up minute instructions for
the conduct of the students. They were to dress
themselves, keep their clothes in order, and to
dispense with every kind of attendance. Up to
the age of twelve their hair was to be cut short ;
afterwards a pigtail was to be worn, but powder
was to be used only on Sundays and saint-days.
The bed was to be simple, with only one rug,
except in cases of delicate health. They were to
receive a rude and vigorous education, calculated
to form strong bodies, to have great liberty of
movement and plenty of games, and not to be kept
too long in school. They were not to waste their
time in the writing of Latin verses, or oratorical
themes ; geography and history were to be learnt

Napoleon : the First Phase

together. They were to read biographies of great
men, and especially Plutarch's " Lives," and to
feed their memories on the fine historic scenes of
the French theatre. The study of mathematics
was to be subordinate to that of the art of war,
and that of drawing to fortification, castrameta-
tion, and military topography. Logic and ethics
were to be taught without metaphysical super-
fluities. All corporal punishment was forbidden
as injurious to the health, staining the soul, and
depraving the character. These instructions
form an interesting treatise on the principles of
education.

When the boys had spent six years at the
college and finished their education, they were
to be placed as gentlemen cadets in his Majesty's
army. For this purpose St. Germain instituted
an annual examination, to be held at Brienne in
the beginning of September. Those who failed
to pass remained at Brienne for a year longer,
while those who distinguished themselves re-
ceived exhibitions and medals. This scheme of
St. Germain was never carried into effect, but the
colleges were inspected every year by govern-
ment inspectors, each visit lasting ten days.
Those of the King's scholars who seemed more
fit to be priests or magistrates than soldiers
were transferred to the college of La Fleche.
The reports of these inspectors still exist, and
are very interesting. We learn from them that

Brienne

the best of the military colleges was that of Pont-
a-Mousson. Reynaud, the inspector, gives it
unreserved praise. The class-rooms, the refec-
tories (where the canons dined at the same table
with the boys), the playgrounds, the dormitories
were excellent, and the pupils exhibited a good
tone and perfect manners. Next to Pont-a-
Mousson came Soreze ; Tiron, to which Napoleon
was nearly sent, was out of the world, and its
pupils were considered to be coarse and rough ;
the worst of all, perhaps, was Vendome.

The college of Brienne, originally a monastery,
was built at the foot of the hill on which the
Chateau stands. It became a college in 1730,
but had very few pupils, and in 1776 was made
a royal military school. To meet these new
duties the Minims spent not less than ,£6000. It
held from a hundred to a hundred and fifty
students. They slept in two corridors, each of
which held seventy chambers, or cells, each of
them six feet square, furnished with a strap bed,
a water-jug, and basin. These cubicles were
only used for sleeping, and were locked up at
night. There was a bell communicating with the
corridor, in which a servant slept. The class-
rooms were employed both for instruction and for
private study. Meals were taken in a common
dining-hall, large enough to contain a hundred
and eighty persons, and the tables were served
with sufficient generosity. The cadets changed

Napoleon : the First Phase

their linen twice a week ; they wore a blue coat
with red facings and white metal buttons, with
the arms of the college ; their waistcoat was blue
faced with white, their breeches blue or black
according to circumstances ; they wore an over-
coat in winter. Their studies comprised Latin,
which was their principal literary study, French
poetry, but no Greek. The Latin authors studied
were the Colloquies of Erasmus, Eutropius,
Phsedrus, Cornelius Nepos, Virgil, Caesar,
Sallust, Livy, Cicero, and Horace. It is inte-
resting to know, in view of Napoleon's later
career, that Vertot's " Histoire des Chevaliers de
Make " was regarded as a classical book, which
had to be learned by heart or analyzed, and that
the history of France, from the origin of the
monarchy to the reign of Louis XVI., was
studied, besides that of Greece and Rome.
Geography was learnt, but no natural science ;
mathematics and German formed a regular part
of the course. It seems natural for a people to
learn the language of their last enemies. Drawing
and dancing were learnt, and music up to 1783,
when English was substituted for.it. ^Napoleon
wrote a bad hand, which Lucien— attr-ifeuted- to
thg p.vil teaching of Rrtprine,_

On the whole the school was in a bad state,
and eventually fell into complete disorder. The
Minims had probably undertaken a task beyond
their powers. When Napoleon entered the

5°

Brienne

establishment theJSuperior was Pere Le"luc, who
was quite incompetent. After several warnings
he was removed, and his place was taken by
Pere Louis Berton, who was rough and pompous,
and was judged by Napoleon _to be too hard.
Schoolmasters of this type do not even succeed
in securing discipline. His brother, Jean Bap-
tiste Berton, was sub-principal, and is said to
have been once a grenadier. The mathematical
masters were Pere Patrauld — whom Napoleon
praised, and who was probably an excellent
teacher — and Pere Kehl, an Alsatian, who also
taught German. Pichegru, the famous general,
who is always spoken of as one of Napoleon's
masters, had charge, in a subordinate capacity,
of the elementary class, and gave Napoleon
lessons at the end of 1779 or the beginning of
1780. He was very poor, and was nephew of
a Sister of Charity who directed the infirmary.
He desired to become a Minim, but Pere Pat-
rauld told him that he was reserved for something
better. He entered the artillery in 1780, and
commanded the army of the Rhine in 1793.
Napoleon had a confused recollection of him as
a tall man in a lay dress. French grammar was
taught by Pere Dupuy, and Napoleon conceived
such a respect for his critical faculty that he
submitted his first work, the " Lettres sur la
Corse," to his judgment before publication. His
dancing master was Javilliers ; and at the public

Napoleon : the First Phase

speech day of 1781, Napoleon was one of the
thirty-seven who gave a public exhibition of
deportment, and one of seventeen who executed
a country dance. In 1807 he asked the Countess
of Potocka how she thought he danced, " Sire,"
she said, "for a great man you dance per-
fectly." He danced as consul at the Malmaison,
and Lucien said of him, " \V^e are very fond of
dancing, and Napoleon likes dancing and dances
.very well."

Such was the organization of the school of
Brienne when Napoleon was studying there.
The inspector, Reynaud, says of it that the boys
are fairly well behaved, that their food is good,
that the buildings are not bad ; but that the
teaching^ is weak in everything except mathe-
matics, and that general culture is deficient.
Reynaud says nothing about morals ; but it is
unfortunately true that J&wrne^ was notorious
for its immorality, and that it was deeply tainted
with the' vice which is too often found in large
public boarding-schools. Napoleon was greatly
horrified at this state of things, which offended
at once his high principle, his purity, and his
pride ; and the stories which are told about his
unsociafeility, if they have any truth, probably
arise from his reluctance to mix with his com-
panions upon their own terms. At the same
time the boys were kept strictly to their religious
exercises. Besides morning and evening prayer,

Brienne

they attended Mass every day and went to con-
fession once a month. This regime, coupled
with what has been mentioned above, rather
tended to weaken Napoleon's religious beliefs.
The boys were proud of the speed with which
Mass could be said. Pere Chateau got through
his Office in four minutes and a half, and Pere
Berton in ten minutes, whereas Pere Avia took
eighteei: or twenty minutes, and was voted a
bore.

There is no doubt that Napoleon,

Brienne, and especially at first, felt deeply the
separation from his own beloved country, the
room in which he was born, the garden in which
he played, and the glorious sun of his native
land. As a foreigner with a curious name he
was naturally laughed at, and Napolionne, as
he pronounced it, was turned into La paille au
nez, "the straw on the nose" — not a very pro-
found witticism. His teacher of geography
persisted in describing Corsica as a dependence
upon Italy, an island conquered by France.
Napoleon maintained his old enthusiasm for
Paoli, and dreamed of some day recovering the
independence of the island with his assistance.
He lived a solitary existence, sullen and ill-
tempered. \ Like the other students, he had a
garden of ms~ own, but he surrounded his with
a palisade and planted it with trees. Here he
spent his-time-dreaming and reading, driving

Napoleon : the First Phase

Jiy_fbrGe--any--efi^-who_ disturbed hi
He was naturally unpopular, as he admitted in
after years ; but he never complained to the
monks, against whom he nourished a spirit of
rebellion. Being flogged for this, he-bore his

^punishment without a rnurmiirj_but once, having
to do penance by dining on his knees at the door
of the refectory, he was seized with such a violent
attack of nerves that he became very ill, and his
punishment had to be remitted!]

Napoleon had no respecteither for his teachers

_j3r-his companions, and having no respect could
have-no affection. At last this state of things
-reached, a crisis. The school was organized by
the Principal in companies of cadets, and the
command of one of these was given to Napoleon.
But the other commanders held a_court-martial
in__ due. form, and decided that Napoleon was
unworthy to command his comrades because he
disdained their affprHotu The sentence was read
to him, and he was degraded from his rank ; but
he bore his humiliation with such gentleness that
the hearts of the schoolboys were turned towards

.Jiim. He i)prame_popular, lost-Ms nnsociability,
(tLt^fa*^ — mingled with their games.- LRuring the
severe winter of 1783 Napoleon built a square
-H *o fort nf snow— with four bastions and a rampart

\j Cs ^"~~\.. , •*•

three' feet and a half long. The attack and
defencejyere made with^aowkafe- In all these
operations Napoleon distinguished himself by his

Brienne

activity and invention, cgnstantly designing_new
jnaacEUYxeS; The fame of the fort spread beyond
the school, and the townsmen of Brienna jcame__.
to visit-itj

During his stay at Brienne, Napoleon re-
mained short of stature. His shoulders were
broad, but his olive complexion gave him the
appearance of ill-health. His eyes were bright
and piercing, his forehead spacious and promi-
nent, his lips delicately shaped, and his whole
appearance denoted ardour-and energy, — He was
very passionate, and his schoolfellows were afraid
of him. [His brother Lucien, who spent four
months with him at Brienne, tells us that he re-
ceived him without the slightest sign of emotion,
that he was very serious, and not at all amiable

in his manners. The- e£fect_o£Brienne was to

— _ —

.drive him, back upon himself -amjjo harden"HT«r
perscmality. His whole soul was devoted to the
profession of arms, and he began to be conscious
that iifijwas born to impose his will on others!/

As to his studies, there is no evidence that
he ever won a prize. He never learned Latin —
indeed, French was to him a foreign language.
He said once, what did it matter to him whether
amare was of the first or of the second conju-
gation ; what was the good of writing in a dead
language ? Napoleon did not encourage the study
of Latin for soldiers ; he formed a style of his
own, which was not of a classical type. But

Napoleon : the First Phase

Saint-Beuve has praised it, and has said that it
shows la griffe du lion (" the lion's paw "). On
the other hand, he was distinguished in mathe- 1
matics, and advanced as far as conic sections.
He was also remarkable for his knowledge of
.geography, but his favourite study was_ history.
He was the most indefatigable reader in the
school, and the books which he chose were
generally historical. He devoured Plutarch with
enthusiasm, and drew from his pages the desire
and the resolution to be great. His_Javourite
r Leonidas and Dion, Curtius mid
Decius. Cato and Brutus. It is reported that
one of his nicknames was "XhfiJSpartari," given
to him on account of his,, admiration for lhat
nation.

J<5^ * ^t^v'ffL -

CHAPTER III

DEPARTURE FOR PARIS

ON June 2ist, 1784, when he had been
five years at Brienne, Napoleon was
summoned to the parlour of the
college to meet his father. Charles
Bonaparte had come to France for various pur-
poses : to petition the Controlleur-General about
draining the salt marshes in Corsica ; to consult
the Paris doctors about his health, as he had
suffered for some time from violent pains in the
stomach ; to conduct his daughter Marianna to
the school of St. Cyr ; and^to transfer_,his son
-Lucien from- Autun to Brienne. This was the
only visit which Napoleon had received during
the whole of this long period from any of his

.fajnUyT-JajirLi't Avac .a-glgam nf sunshine. Charles

remained two months at Paris, but was not able
to pass by Brienne on his return to Corsica.
T-hree days after his father's departure, Napoleon
wrote the following letter to one of his uncles,
perhaps his uncle Fesch : —

Napoleon : the First Phase

" MY DEAR UNCLE,

" I write to inform you of the passage
of my dear father by Brienne, on his way to Paris,
to take Marianna to St. Cyr, and to try to restore
his health. He arrived here the 2ist, with
Luciano and the two young ladies, whom you
have seen. He left my brother here, who is
nine years of age, and three feet eleven inches
and six lines tall. He is in the sixth class for
Latin, and is intending to take all the different
parts of the course. He shows much disposition
and goodwill ; we must hope that he will turn
out well. He is in good health ; is fat, lively,
and mischievous, and for a beginning we are
satisfied with him. He knows French very well,
and has forgotten Italian entirely. He will write
to you on the back of my letter ; I shall tell him
nothing, in order that you may see what he can
do. I hope that now he will write to you more
regularly than he did when he was at Autun. I
am persuaded that Joseph, my brother, has not
written to you. How would you expect him to
do so ? When he writes to my dear father, he
writes only two lines. In truth, he is no longer
the same person. Nevertheless, he writes to me
very often. He is in rhetoric, and would do very
well if he worked ; for the principal told my father
that there was not in the college any one in the
classes of physics, rhetoric, or philosophy who had
as much talent as he had, or who wrote so good

Departure for Paris

a version. As to the profession which he wishes
to enter, the ecclesiastical was, as you know,
the first he chose. He persisted in this resolution
up to the present time, but now he wishes to NJ
serve, the king. In this he is wrong, for several
reasons —

"(i) As my dear father remarks, he hasjiot
sufficient courage to face the dangers_of an action.
His jee_hle_ health does not permit him to bear
thp. fnt-ijr^s ^f n rnmppign^anH my brother only
looks at the military life from the point of view
of a garrison. Yes, my dear brother would be
a very good garrison officer, as he is well made,
and has a ready wit, fitted for frivolous-compli-
-meats, and with these qualities he will always
in society ; but in a fight ? That is

what my dear father doubts.

" (2) He has received an .education for the
ecclesiastical career ; it is very_Jate to give it up.
Monseigneur, the Bishop of Autun, would have
given him a fat benefice ; and he was sure to be
a bishop. What advantages for the family 1
Monseigneur d'Autun has done everything in his
power to keep him to his resolution, promising
him that he shall not repent it. No good; he
persists. I praise him if it is the decided taste
which he has for this profession — the finest of all
pursuits, and the grand mover of human affairs —
which, in forming him, has given him, as it has
to me, a decided inclination for a military life.

Napoleon : the First Phase

" (3) Hejwants to enter-the-army ? Very well,
but in whiclx branch ? Will he enter the marine
branch ? He-knows- -no mathematics, and it will
take him two years to learn. Also, his health is
incompatible with the sea. To be an engineer
he will need four or five years to learn what he
wants, and at the end of that time he will only
be a probationer ; besides, I think, the duty of
working all day is not compatible with the levity
of his character. The same reasoning holds
good for the artillery, except that he has only to
work eighteen months to be a probationer, and
as much more to be officer. Oh 1 that is not
yet to his taste. Let us see, then : he doubtless
wishes to enter the infantry. Good ! I under-
stand him. He wishes to be all day without
doing anything; he wishes to lounge about all
day, and so much the more because he is only
a tiny officer of infantry. That he should lead a
good-for-nothing life three-fourths of his time
is what neither my dear father, nor you, nor my
mother, nor my dear uncle the archdeacon, will
allow ; and he has already shown some signs of
4evity^-aftcL prodigality. Consequently, a last
effort will be made to keep him to the Church,
and if this fails, my dear father will take him with
him into Corsica, where he will have him under
his eyes, and he will probably enter for the bar.

" I conclude by begging you to continue to me
your good graces. To render myself worthy of

Departure for Paris

you will be the most important and the most
anxious of my duties.

" I am, with the most profound respect, your
very humble and obedient servant and nephew,
"NAPOLEONE DI BUONAPARTE.

" P.S. — My dear uncle, tear up this letter ;
but one must hope that Joseph, with the talents
which he has, and the sentiments with which his
education ought to have inspired him, will
take the good side, and will be the support of
our family : represent to him a little all these
advantages."

This is an extraordinary letter to have been
written by a boy who was not yet fifteen years of
age, and it does equal credit to his head and his
heart. Joseph, however, was firm in his resolve,
and determined to enter either the engineers or
the artillery. His father yielded, and in July,
1784, solicited the minister, S£gur, to give him a
commission. S6gur explained the difficulties of
the examination, and Charles eventually with-
drew him from Autun, and took him with him to
Corsica. He had not seen his mother for five
years.

Napoleon's answer to his father's letter, telling
him that he was not able to visit him at Brienne,
is worth transcribing, as it throws, like the last,
so strong a light on his character. It runs
thus :

63 D

Napoleon : the First Phase

" MY DEAR FATHER,

"Your letter, as you may imagine, did
not give me much pleasure ; but reason, and the
interests of your health and our family, which
are very dear to me, made me praise your speedy
return to Corsica, and have altogether consoled
me.

" Besides, being assured of the continuation of
your goodness, and of your attachment, and of
your efforts to get me out of this place, and to
assist in everything that can give me pleasure,
how could I be otherwise than contented ? For
the rest, I am eager to ask of you an account of
the effects which the waters have had upon your
health, and to assure you of my respectful attach-
ment and of my eternal gratitude.

" I am charmed that Joseph should have gone
with you to Corsica, provided that he is here on
November ist, about a year from the present date.
Joseph can come here, because Pere Patrault, my
mathematical master, whom you know, will not go
away. In consequence, the principal has begged
me to assure you that he will be received very
well here, and that he can come in all security.
Le Pere Patrault is an excellent teacher of
mathematics, and he has specially assured me
that he will take charge of him with pleasure,
and that if my brother will work, we can go
together to the examination for the artillery.
You need do nothing for me because I am already

Departure for Paris

eleve. Now you must do something for Joseph,
but since you have a letter for him, all is said.
So, my dear father, I hope that you will prefer
to place him at Brienne, rather than at Metz,
for several reasons, (i) Because it will be a
consolation for Joseph, Lucien, and myself. (2)
Because you will be obliged to write to the
principal of Metz, which will produce a delay,
because you must wait for his answer. (3) It
is not usual at Metz to learn what it is necessary
that Joseph should know for the examination
in six months, and in consequence, as my brother
knows no mathematics, they will place him with
the little children. These reasons, and many
others, should induce you to send him here, and
so much the more because he will be better off
here. So I hope that before the end of October
I shall embrace Joseph. For the rest, he need
not leave before October 26th or 27th, to be
here November next, I2th or I3th.

11 1 beg you to send me Boswell (History of
Corsica), with other histories or memoirs con-
cerning this kingdom. You have nothing to
fear ; I will take care of them and will bring
them back to Corsica with me when I come, if it
is six years hence. Adieu, my dear father. The
chevalier embraces you with all his heart. He
works very well, and did very well at the public
examination. The inspector will be here the
1 5th or 1 6th of this month at the latest. As

Napoleon : the First Phase

soon as he is gone I will tell you what he has
said to me. Present my respects to Minanna
Saveria, Zia Gertruda, Zio Nicolino, Zia Touta,
etc. Present my compliments to Minanna
Francesca, Santo, Giovanna, Orazio ; I beg you
to take care of them. Give me news of them
and tell me if they are well. I conclude by
wishing you a health as good as my own.
" Your very humble and very obedient

" T.C. and son,
"DE BUONAPARTE, 1'arriere-cadet."

The- chevalier mentioned in this letter is, of
course, Lucien. It was the custom, both in
schools and regiments, to call the younger of two
noble brothers chevalier, brothers not noble were
distinguished by the titles aink and cadet. Lucien
at this time was not a scholar of the establishment,
as it was against rules to elect two scholars from
the same family ; he did not obtain a bourse or
scholarship until Napoleon left.

NapoleoaJiad at first intended JLoJbe a sailor.
He hoped to be employed on the southern
coasts—pf France, which would give him many
opporjtunities--o£ visiting, his native island. The
Corsicans were born sailors,- and Napoleon was
personally well fitted for the life. Keralio, the
sub-inspector of the military schools, entered into
these views. Napoleon attracted his attention in
the years 1781 and 1782, and he hoped to be

Departure for Paris

able to send him at an early age to the Military
School at Paris, whence he could pass into the
navy. But in 1783 Keralio was replaced as
inspector by Reynaud de Monts, and when he
visited Brienne in that year he formed a different
judgment. Charles complained to the minister
that the inspector had changed the career of his
son, and begged that he might be removed from
Brienne in order that Lucien might have his
vacated scholarship. But in the mean time
Napoleon had changed his mind. His mother
dreaded the sea, and did not wisH to expose
hiny^to the' dangers . of --&re-and water at- the-
same time. .,Joseph-excite4— his— enthusiasm for
the_aftUleryy a corps in which_ merit had more
influence than patronage or money, and we have
seen from Napoleon's letter to his uncle how
devoted he-was himself ttramilitary career. He-
expected to pass another year at Brienne, and
that Joseph would join him there, so 4hat-the
three—brothers would be together^, -He would
then, in 1785, present himself, with Joseph, for
examination, to enter one of the artillery schools,
and pass the examination for officer in the follow-
ing year.

But, to his great surprise, the inspector,
Reynaud, on his visit of 1784, chose Napoleon,
with four others, to enter the Military School of
Paris as gentlemen cadets. He probably owed
this -success to his mathematics, but the report

Napoleon : the First Phase

of his performances has been lost, and that which
is generally given by biographers is not authentic.
Napoleon and his four companions left Brienne
on October 3Oth, 1784, and travelled to Paris,
accompanied by one of the friars. It is possible
that Napoleon owed his promotion to the fact
that Reynaud had received permission to select
cadets rather by promise than by performance,
which is shown by his taking Laugier de
Bellecour, who was a year and a half younger
than Napoleon, but who did not turn out well.

Brienne is always associated with the name of
Napoleon ; indeed, the full title of the town at
the present day is Brienne-Napoleon. His
statue stands in the market-place, and he left
the town a million of francs in his will. It is
satisfactory to know that the school was proud of
him as a pupil. On August 2ist, 1800, a banquet
was held in his honour at Paris, which was
attended by the two Bertons, Patrauld, Bouquet,
Avia, and Deshayes, together with some of the
old pupils. Napoleon's bust was crowned with
laurels, and the toasts were accompanied with
the firing of cannon. The first toast was addressed,
to " General Bonaparte, our friend and comrade."
He stayed at the Chateau of Brienne in 1805, on
his way to Milan, but he found, to his distress,
that the school buildings had been pulled down,
and that only the convent remained which
had been the lodging of the monks and the

Departure for Paris

professors, as well as an avenue of limes, long
dear to the old soldiers of the empire. He saw it
again for the last time on January 29th, 1814,
when he had to take the chateau by force, and
defend it against the Russians, an occasion on
which Gourgaud saved his life. As he told those
who were with him anecdotes of his school days,
he said, " Could I then have believed that I
should have to defend these places against the
Russians!" ^On February ist in the same year
he lost, at Brienne, his first battle on French soil.
Napoleon never forgot a friend, and all those
who were associated with him at Brienne had
reason to be grateful to him. The porter of the
school became the porter of Malmaison. His
writing-master received a pension, although
Napoleon said that in his case he had done
little to deserve it. One of his teachers became
librarian at Malmaison, where there were no
books. To the priest who prepared him for his
first communion, he gave a pension with an auto-
graph letter. " I have not forgotten that it is
tn ynur virtuous example, and- to~yonr wise pre-
^cept^ that- I-^we the high position that I have
reached,. Without^ religion no happiness, no
.Success is-possible. I recommend myself to your
prayers," On passing through Dole, in 1800, he
sent for the same priest, when he was changing
horses. The old man was deeply touched, and
said to him, with tears, " Vale prosper et regna."

Napoleon : the First Phase

The parish priest of Brienne received an increase
of income. He paid the debts of Pere Patrault,
and gave good positions to Berton and his family.
We cannot follow the industry of M. Chuquet,
who has traced the career of all those who were
school-fellows of Napoleon at Brienne, so far as
such information is attainable. The best known
of them is>. JBourienner whom he loaded with
favours, but whom he was eventually obliged to
dismiss for dishonesty in money ^matters. Bou-
rienne was not at all an intimate friend of his
atjchopX_and the account which he has given in
his memoirs, of their school days is_by~no means
^trustworthy. Nansouty, one of the most brilliant
cavalry officers of the empire, owed his advance-
ment to his having been at Brienne. He became
general of division, first chamberlain of the Em-
press, first equerry of the Emperor, commanded
the cavalry of the Imperial Guard, and received
vast sums in money and lands; but in 1814 he
desired the fall of the empire, and deserted his
benefactor in the midst of the battle of Laon. He
was not the only one who_repaid the kindness of
gross jngratitude.

CHAPTER IV

THE ECOLE MILITAIRE DE PARIS

"\HE Ecole Militaire of Paris, founded
byrl-ouia XV., had been entirely re-
organized by the Comte de St. Ger-
main in 1776. The old school had
educated two hundred and fifty poor noblemen
at great expense, and with luxury unbecoming
for the career of arms. The plan of the new
minister was to educate six hundred students
in the provinces, in such institutions as we have
described, and to select the flower of these to
be educated in Paris. The students, as in the
provincial schools, were of two classes — Sieves,
paid for by the king, and pensionnaires, scholars
and pensioners, or, as they would say at Eton,
collegers and oppidans. The pensioners, like the
Mevesi must all be ^ebler and they cost their
parents not less than a hundred a year, which

by jno_jneaas—paid expenses. Scholars and

pensioners were lodged, clothed, and fed in pre-
cisely the same manner, the idea being to estab-
lish a kind of honourable rivalry between them.
But the scheme worked out differently. The

Napoleon : the First Phase

pensioners seldom devoted themselves to serious
study for the purpose of entering the engineers,
the artillery, or the navy. They were sent to
the school for the purpose of acquiring a general
military education, and for having access -ta the
jnagnificent riding-school, which had the reputa-
tion of being the _ best — io— Europe, after the
king's jowji. The instruction of the two classes
was the same, but one was industrious and the
other idle.

WheivNapolepn entered the school the studies
were arranged on the following principles : each
lesson lasted two hours ; each class contained
from twenty to twenty-five students ; each branch
of study was taught by a single professor, and if
he fell ill, his place was taken by a deputy. The
whole body of cadets was arranged in two
divisions, each containing three classes, formed,
probably, according to the capacity of the pupils.
The subjects of study were eight in number :
.mathematics,. geogr^rjhy___ajnd_Jiistory, French
grammar, German grammar, fortification, draw-
ing, -fencing, and dancing. There were eight
professors for each division, that is sixteen in
all. The Cadets worked eight hours a day—
from seven to nine, from ten to twelve, from two
to four, and from five to seven. Three days of
the week were devoted to one set of four lessons,
and the alternate days to the remaining set of four
lessons. On Thursdays, Sundays, and festival-

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

days the regular lessons were dropped, and the
cadets passed four hours in their class-rooms,
two in the morning and two in the afternoon,
writing letters and reading good books. This
plan of studies had been drawn up in 1781, but
in 1785 Latin grammar was introduced, and in
1 784 a course of moral and political philosophy was
added. In 1785 it became necessary to provide
special teaching for those who were entering the
scientific departments of the army. The young
men were drilled every day, and on Thursdays and
Sundays were exercised in firing. They were
also taught most carefully the exercises of the
drill-book, which they had to learn by heart. A
few months before Napoleon entered the school
the cadets had been organized as a regiment,
with a commander-in-chief and other officers, who
had authority over their comrades, and could
inflict punishments out of school. The first com-
mander-in-chief was Picot de Peccaduc, tteve of
artillery, but the students preferred to call him by
the traditional name of sergeant-major, which
Napoleon afterwards adopted.

The cadets changed their linen three times
a week. The daily white shirt of the Etonian
was not required, and they received new uniforms
in April and October, which in Napoleon's time
were blue with red facings. They naturally
spent much of their time in the college court, as
we should call it, surrounded by the class-rooms.

Napoleon : the First Phase

They hung up their hats and coats on pegs
provided for the purpose, and played games,
principally football and tennis. They also made
use of a large open space called the promenade,
in which a fort had been erected, called the Fort
Timbrune. In bad weather they remained in-
doors, and played backgammon, chess, or
draughts. The cadets slept in a large dormitory
constructed of wood and warmed by earthenware
stoves. Each cadet had a separate cubicle,
simply furnished, with an iron bedstead, a chair,
and a set of shelves. Sometimes, however, there
was not sufficient room for all the students, and
Napoleon occupied a chamber with his bosom
friend, Desmazis. The parlour, in which visitors
were received, was prettily furnished, and the
class-rooms were also made attractive. The Ecole
Militaire was one of the sights of Paris, and con-
temporaries of Napoleon could remember the
visits of Joseph II., Gustavus III., and Prince
Henry of Prussia.

The acting head of the school in Napoleon's
time was a certain Valfort, whose real name was
Silvestre, and who had risen by merit. He had
the general direction of both the studies and the
administration, and in this latter capacity had five
officers under him ; besides these there was a
controller-general, a treasurer, or bursar, and an
archivist. The school was governed by a Council
of Administration, which met every month, pre-
74

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

sided over by the Minister of War; a Council
of Economy, which met every week ; and a
Council of Police, which met three times a
week. From which we may see that we have
something to learn even to-day from the organi-
zation of the ancien regime. A college at
Cambridge with one hundred and fifty under-
graduate has ninety-six servants, and the
fecole Militaire was not less fully provided.
Among the professors were Legendre and Louis
Monge, brother of the famous Gaspard Monge.
Napoleon was taught geography by Tartas and
Delesguille ; both of whom he rewarded, espe-
cially the latter. French grammar was taught
him by Domairon, the author of a rather remark-
able book, " The General Principles of Literature,"
which had a large sale and was translated into
German. Napoleon never forgot him, and when
he disappeared during the Revolution, took pains
to seek him out. amLin 1802 richly rewarded
hiHL The cadets attended divine service twice
a day, at six in the morning and at a quarter
to nine in the evening ; they went to con-
fession every month. Founder's Day, in honour
of Louis XV., was celebrated on May loth.
Napoleon received his first communion at Brienne
and he was confirmed at the Ecole Militaire by
the Archbishop of Paris, Juigne, whom, in 1808,
he made a Count of the Empire. From the
details we have given, it will be seen that the

Napoleon : the First Phase

Royal Military School was one of the finest
educationaL^stabHshments in France, if not the
first of all. It combined the -prestige of antiquity

and fashion with the reputation of having been
remodelled to meet the requirements of a new
and more exacting age. St. Germain may not
have contemplated, when he reformed the system
of military education, that it would one day pro-
, duce a Napoleon, but there can be no doubt that
the career of the great soldier and administrator
.was-profoundly influenced -by the training which
he had received, and that the debt of gratitude
which he paid to his teachers was not-undeserved.
The work in the school was^vefy-hafd, and
the discipline severe- Thf* .punishments con-
-sisted in arrest and imprisonment -with-t>r without
bread and jwaier.- The cadets were not allowed
to receive any money from their families, and no
one, except the sergeant-major, was allowed to
pass the gates. Napoleon might visit his sister,
Marianna, at St. Cyr only four times a year,
and when he was leaving he received special
permission to call on Bishop Marboeuf, accom-
panied by an officer. The standard of morality
seems to have been higher than that jof Brienne,
as the boys were older and the tone was more
manly. Also the discipline was sensibly exer-
cised. S6gur wrote with regard to three students
who were suspected of immoral practices, and
whom it was proposed to send back to Pont-a-

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

Mousson from whence they had come, that
suspicion must not be taken for proof; that they
should be watched carefully and drafted into the
army as soon as possible ; that to send them back
to school would be to expose them to worse
temptation, and would have a bad effect on the
minds of the other boys. Also Laugier de
Bellecour, of whom we _ have already spoken,
began to go wrong, but the minister refused to
approve the recommendation of the CounciL-to-
, send- him back to-Brienne. A serious attempt
was made to give the cadets a good education
and to fit them to be men of the world, to teach
them to write and converse correctly, and to
have good manners. We must remember that
at this time French education and erudition gave
_the law to Europe in these respects. The
Revolution, like the „ Reformation, set the clock
of culture back for many hours. Napoleon
afterwards complained that the school was too
hixurious^J)ut the same thing may be said of
many of our English colleges. It was estimated
that each cadet cost the Royal Treasury £170,
and on this account when economies were being
made in 1787 the school was suppressed. When
it became the duty of Napoleon to found military
colleges of his own, he borrowed many things
from the Iicole Militaire, and declared that the
old monarchy had acted very wisely and had
received the sanction of experience. But he

Napoleon : the First Phase

made his cadets groom their own horses and
sweep their own rooms. No servants were
allowed, the students cooked their own food and
cut their own wood, they fed on garrison bread,
and were allowed only half a bottle of wine a day.

/Xhe-sojourn of Napoleon at the Ecole Militaire
* was saddened by the death of his father, which
took place on February 24th, 1785. Often on
his couch of agony he asked for Napoleon.
" Where is Napoleon," he cried ; " where is my son /
Napoleon, whose sword will make kings tremble,
who will change the face of the world ? He will
protect me from my enemies, he will save my
life ! " The utterance of these strange prophetic
words is attested by both Fesch and Joseph,
who were both of them present when they were
spoken. He died, and was buried at Montpellier,
but his body was afterwards transferred to the
crypt of the church of St. Leu. Napoleon felt
.his father's death severely. We have the letters
which he wrote to his uncle, the archdeacon, and
to his mother on the subject, but they have
evidently been corrected by the masters of the
school, and are scarcely worth reproducing. In
the first he asks the Archdeacon Lucien to assume
the-position of the head-of-the family.

Napoleon had now to prepare himself for the
examination which would secure his admission
i»tou±he_arJtillery. For this purpose the following
arrangements had been made in the year 1779.

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

A person wishing to become an officer of artil-
lery, had first to become an aspirant. This was
effected by his receiving what we should call a
nomination from the Minister of War to be
admitted to the examination, the conditions of
obtaining which we need not specify. The exami-
nation was held at Metz. If the aspirant failed
to pass, he might present himself a second, time ;
if he passed he entered some school of artillery
as an tlcve, and the following year could go in
for his examination asjjfficer. If he succeeded
he received the rank of ^econcL-lieutenant, if he
failed he might try a second_time+_but he was
rigorously excluded from a third competition.
These examinations were almost entirely con-
fined to a single book, the " Cours de Mathema-
tiques," written by Bezout. To become an 'elcve
an aspirant must know the first volume of Bezout,
which contained arithmetic, geometry, and trigo-
nometry. But to become an officer it was neces-
sary to be well acquainted with the other three
volumes of Bezout: the second^ which treated
of algebra and of the application of algebra to
geometry; the thirxi^which -dealt with mechanics,
hydrostatics, and the differential and integral cal-
culus ; and the fourth, which was concerned with
still higher subjects. At the same time, if an
aspirant was thoroughly well acquainted with all
four volumes of Bezout, he might become aft
officer without having been an &leve.

79 E

Napoleon : the First Phase

The artillery school of Metz, which had
excellent teachers and an admirable tradition,
generally obtained the first place in these com-
petitions. Bezout and Laplace, who were the
examiners of the school, had a great influence
over its teaching. Bezout said that Metz was
a precious resource for the artillery, and Laplace
was desirous to collect as many students as
possible in that town. But in 1785 the Military
School of Paris, which had improved in 1784,
had an unprecedented success. Eighteen can-
didates were presented for the examination,
including Laugier de Bellecour, who was not yet
fifteen, but he was eventually withdrawn. Napo-
leon was examined by the great Laplace in the
second week of September, in a room of the
Military School specially provided for that pur-
pose, and the result was known about a fortnight
afterwards. Out of the whole number of can-
didates,, fifty-eight were admitted as officers —
fcmr_of whom came from the Paris school. Of
these Bonaparte was third, being beaten by Pheli-
peaux, who had beaten him before, and by Picot
de Peccaduc, who was a year older. The fourth
name was that of Desmazis, and the order in
the whole list was Picot de Peccaduc 39, Pheli-
peaux 41, Bonaparte 42, and Desmazis 56. Thus
t Napoleon attained the honour of passing over
i £A ^e *rank of 6leve and being made officer at once,

having been only one year at the school. He

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

owed his success to his diligent study of Bezout,
and we find the following lines scribbled by him
on the flyleaf of the fourth volume : —

u Grand Bezout, dcheve ton cours.
Mais avant, permets-moi de dire
Qu'aus aspirants tu donnes secours.
Cela est parfaitement vrai.
Mais je ne cesserai pas de rire
Lorsque je 1'aurai acheve
Pour le plus tard au mois de mai,
Je ferai alors le conseiller."

Which may be interpreted —

" Great Bezout, thy course complete,
First allow me to repeat
Many a candidate you aid.
This by none can be gainsaid.
But I see the time approach
When I've read your last big tome,
When the month of May has come,
Then I'll laugh and turn a coach."

He means by this that he will have finished his
own work four months before the examination,
and will then be able to take it easy and to
instruct his companions.

Napoleon did not specially distinguish him-
self at the Ecole Militaire. He was never
sergeant-major, nor commander of a division,
nor head of a mess ; but he won his promotion,
after ten months' work, above some of those who
had beaten him at Brienne. He was able to
boast, in_ i7&8^__lhat he had profited by the
benefits of the king, and had, by assiduous
labour, succeeded in entering the * artillery at the
first examination.

Napoleon : the First Phase

Laplace was an excellent and sympathetic
examiner, and Napoleon never forgot him. When
the great mathematician dedicated to him his
famous work, " La Mecanique Celeste," Napo-
leon replied that its perusal gave him an addi-
tional reason for regretting that the force of
circumstances had driven him into a career which
was so far removed from scientific study. On
receiving the "Traite de Probabilites " during
his Russian campaign, the Emperor wrote to the
author from Vitebsk that it was one of those
works which bring to perfection mathematics —
the first of sciences — and contribute to the glory
of the nation. Napoleon, as First Consul, made
him Minister of the Interior, for which, as might
be expected from a mathematician, he was emi-
nently unfit. He afterwards made him Senator,
Chancellor of the Senate, Grand Officer of the
Legion of Honour, and Count of the Empire.
A curious interview is reported to have taken
place between them in 1813, after the defeat of
Leipzig. The Emperor said to him, " You have
changed, and grown very thin." " Sire," replied
Laplace, " I have lost my daughter." Napoleon
replied, "You, a geometrician, submit this event
to your calculus, and you will find that it equals
zero." This speech does not belong to the life
or character of the young Napoleon.

It is interesting to inquire into the career of
Napoleon's most brilliant companions who entered

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

the artillery at the same time as himself. Picot
de Peccaduc was the pet boy of the school ; he
performed the duties of sergeant-major, or cap-
tain, with distinguished success, and received a
valuable present from the Council in recognition
of his services. He emigrated, entered the
Austrian army, and was twice taken prisoner by
his former schoolfellow. In 1811 he took the
name of Herzogenberg, as he had renounced for
ever the citizenship of France. He was present
at the battles of Dresden and Culm. At the
close of his life he became head of an Austrian
academy which resembled the Ecole Militaire,
and died at the age of sixty-seven. Phelipeaux
and Napoleon detested each other at school, and
Picot, who sat between them to prevent their
quarrels, had to give up the task because he
received kicks from both sides. Phelipeaux
emigrated early, and joined the army of Cond£,
but returned to France and effected the escape
of Sidney Smith from the Temple, accompanying
him to England. He then went with Sidney
Smith to Syria, and was his most powerful
assistant in the defence of St. Jean d'Acre
against Napoleon, which was a turning-point in
Napoleon's career. As Las Cases remarked at
St. Helena, it is strange that the two who com-
manded on that occasion should have belonged
to the same nation, be of the same age, be
members of the same branch of the service,

Napoleon : the First Phase

and have sat next to each other in the same
school. Luckily for Napoleon, Ph61ipeaux died
during the siege. The relations between Alex-
andre^ Desmans arrd- -Napoleon .were almost of

school Napoleon_fflas— attached to him for pre-
Uminary-infantry instruction, according to a custom
Avhich_still prevails at Winchester and used to
exist at King's College, Cambridge, and perhaps
at other places. As I have before mentioned,
they occupied the same room. Desmazis was
just a year older than his bosom friend. He had
'rejELnexL^nd-eharmttig manners^ but was some-
what passionate in disposition, and was suscep-
.tible-to-the-eharms of the other sex. Napoleon
chided him on this head, and recommended the
example of his own cold tranquillity. At the
same time, when he passed his examination for
lieutenant, the inspector spoke of him as very
industrious, very zealous, of good character and
conduct, and setting the best example. Des-
mazis was the companion of Napoleon both at
Valence and Auxonne, but in 1792 he emigrated,
and served for three years in the English army,
and then in the army of Portugal. ^Napoleon
never forgot him. Returning to France on -iSoa ,
made administrator of the Crown build-

ings, and, resigning in 1 8 1 4, he was again restored
in the following ye^r. He was living in 1833,
and it is a pity that he never wrote his memoirs.

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

The Emperor was as generous to his friend's
family as to himself. Those who wish to study
the career of the rest of Napoleon's comrades
must read them in the laborious and fascinating
pages of M. Chuquet The great majority of
them joined the emigration ; their heart, as
Napoleon expresses himself, was not blue but
white, but those whom he was able to employ he
never neglected.

It would be interesting to know what impres-
sion Napoleon made at this time upon his
teachers, and whether they had any presentiment
of his destined eminence. As might be expected,
when he became famous, they were ready to
exclaim that they had not only taught the boy,
but had foreseen, and perhaps stimulated, his
future glory. English Public Schools often claim
as their most distinguished triumphs those whom
as boys they rejected and despised. We know,
however, that Baur, the teacher of German,
thought him an idiot. One day in September,
1785, Baur noticed that Napoleon was not present
in class, and was told that he was in for the
artillery examination. " Does he know any-
thing ? " asked Baur. " Why, he is one of the
best mathematicians in the school," was the
reply. " Ah," said Baur, " I have always thought
that only idiots were fit to study mathematics."
Napoleon, it is true, learnt French, but he had
little faculty for foreign tongues, as we learn from

Napoleon : the First Phase

his clumsy attempts at a later period to acquire
English.

We know, however, that Napoleon, at the
military school, as at-^Bnennfi^shawed the signs
^of a deep^and serious character. He was very
industrious jmcUvery— thoughtful. Once, when
liis chum Desmazis was absent at the infirmary,
he shut himself up in his rooms for three days,
with doors and shutters closed, reading by lamp-
light. He also had many a fight with the scions
of the high nobility who despised the 'eleves, the
oppidans who bullied the collegers. He had lost
the sombre taciturnity which distinguished him
at Brienne, and had become more companionable.
He lived in a military atmosphere, and not
amongst monks and schoolboys. His friendship
--with Desmazis gave a touch of romance to his
life, and there was less of the gross immorality
which at Brienne estranged him from his com-
panions. At the same time, his standard of
conduct was very high and his attitude uncom-
promising^. He said to Laugier de Bellecour,
" You are forming connections of which I do not
approve ; I have succeeded in keeping your
morals pure, and your new friends will destroy
you. Choose between them and me ; there is no
middle course ; be a man, and decide." Laugier
said that Napoleon was mistaken, and that he
was unchanged in friendship. " Make the
choice," replied Napoleon, " and take my words

The Ecole Militaire de Paris

for a first warning." Laugier did not improve,
and some time later he gave him a second cau-
tion ; but on a third occasion Napoleon said,
"You have despised my warnings, you have
renounced my friendship, never speak to^ me
again."

Still Napoleon remained a thorough Corsican.
He was never tired of telling his companions
that he would willingly have fought by the side
of Paoli. He began a poem on the liberty of
Corsica, which he recited to Laugier with a drawn
sword in his hand. A caricature of Napoleon
drawn at this time by one of his comrades is
extant, in which he is represented with a stick
held by both hands, and a stern and determined
look, stalking forth to join Paoli, with the legend
underneath, " Bonaparte, run, fly to the assistance
of Paoli, to rescue him from the hands of his
enemies." As at Brienne, he denounced the
injustice, the ungenerosity, of a war waged by a
great people against a tiny nation. The opinions
of Napoleon came to the ears of the authorities.
Valfort sent for him, and said, " Sir, you are a
scholar of the King ; you must learn to remember
it, and to moderate your love for Corsica, which,
after all, forms part of France." This speech did
not produce the desired effect, and one day a
priest at the confessional rebuked him on the same
subject. Napoleon ran back into the church, and
cried, loud enough for his companions to hear 1

Napoleon : the First Phase

him, " I do not come here to talk about Corsica,
and a priest has no mission to lecture me on that
subject." These anecdotes, and many others
which are less well authenticated, evince, at any
rate, the strength and independence of his
character.

CHAPTER V

VALENCE AND AUXONNE

ON leaving the Ecole Militaire, Napoleon
and Desmazis were attached to the
regiment of La Fere, which was then
quartered at Valence. Desmazis
wished to join that regiment because his elder
brother was captain in it, and Napoleon because
Valence was on the road to Corsica, and the
artillery garrison of that island was always taken
from the regiment of La Fere. Napoleon left
the Ecole Militaire on October 28th, 1785. He
spent that day and the next in making prepara-
tions for his journey, and in paying visits, especially
to Marbceuf, the Bishop of Autun, to whom he
owed so much. All this time he was accompanied
by a non-commissioned officer, who did not lose
sight of him until he got into the diligence which
was to convey him to his garrison. He left Paris
on October 3Oth, together with Desmazis and
Delmas, who was going to Valence as an tleve.
He took with him twelve shirts, twelve collars,
twelve pairs of socks, twelve handkerchiefs,
two nightcaps, four pairs of stockings, a pair of

Napoleon : the First Phase

shoe-buckles, a pair of garter-buckles, one sword,
and a silver collar-stud ; also about £6 IQS. for
the journey. To his disappointment, he still wore
the uniform of the school.

The two young officers travelled by the
Lyons diligence, one of the best equipped in the
kingdom. They dined the first day at Fontaine-
bleau, afterwards so fatally woven with the fate
of Napoleon, and slept at Sens, and then, passing
by Autun, reached Chalons-sur-Saone. Here
they took the water-diligence, and went down the
Sa6ne to Lyons. From Lyons they travelled in
a single day by post boat to Valence, a difficult
and sometimes dangerous journey.

It was only since 1783 that a school of
artillery had been definitely established at
Valence. The garrison now consisted of seven
regiments of artillery, nine companies of work-
men, and six of miners. The artillery regiments
were composed of gunners, bombardiers, and
sappers. Each regiment of artillery was divided
into two battalions, and contained twenty com-
panies ; that is, fourteen companies of gunners,
four of bombardiers, and two of sappers. Each
battalion formed two brigades, of which the first
contained four companies of gunners ; the second,
three companies of gunners, and one of sappers.
The four companies of bombardiers constituted
a fifth brigade. Each brigade was commanded
by a brigadier with the rank of major. Each

Valence and Auxonne

company, consisting of seventy-one men, was
commanded by a captain and three lieutenants,
the third lieutenant being drawn from the ranks.

The regiment of La Fere was one of the best
in the French army; it was animated by the
spirit of work and early rising, and its drill was
as perfect as that of an infantry regiment. Three
days a week were given to the study of theory
and three to artillery practice. It was also a
smart corps, and was popular in the towns in
which it was quartered. The tone of the officers
was excellent.

It was in this regiment that N^polionne de
Buonaparte, as he is called in official documents,
began to serve. .as. second lieutenant; his colonel
being M. de Lance, his lieutenant the Vicomte
d'Urtubie, and his major an old man, M. de
Labarriere, who had distinguished himself in the
seven years' war. He now put on the artillery
uniform, which he always declared to be the most
beautiful in the world ; blue, with red facings,
marked with the number 64, the artillery being
reckoned as the 64th regiment of infantry. He
began to drill, like all the cadets of that period,
first as a private, then as a corporal, and then as a
sergeant; and did not assume his duties as an
officer till January, 1786, when the commander
of the school considered him to be sufficiently
instructed. His work was hard and continuous :
it comprised mounting guard, looking after his

Napoleon : the First Phase

bombardiers — to which company he was attached
— attending the school of theory, lectures on
mathematics, fortification, physics, and chemistry,
drawing lessons, and professional discussions ; and
going every morning after his labours to a pastry-
cook's shop, eating two patties — which cost him
a penny — and drinking a glass of water. His
income was about^SP^a year, and was made up
of,;£j6-pay,-j£5. for lodgings, ;£8 from the Ecole
Milkaire) and a little private assistance from his
uncle Lucien. He lodged on the first floor of a
house situated at the corner of the Grand Rue
and the rue du Croissant, belonging to a Mile.
Bou, and he dined at the Three Pigeons, in the
rue Perollerie. He was very comfortable with
M. Bou and his daughter, who was an old maid
of fifty, and mended his linen. When he left for
Auxonne, M. Bou said to him, "We shall never
see each other again, and you will forget us."
Napoleon placed his hand on his heart, and
replied, "You are lodged here, and memories
once established here never change garrison."
When_he -returned JromJEgyptJiejnei Mile. Bou
atU-the-gate of Valence, and presented her with
an Jndian shawl and a silver compass. As has
already been said, the tone of the regiment was
excellent, and the officers lived together like a
happy family. Napoleon has borne testimony
to this, and tells us that his superior officers were
the most brave and the most worthy people in

I'okiK.UT OF XAl'Ol.KOX SKKK 1IKI) BY MIS KRIKXD I'OXTORXIXI
AT TOURXON, 1785

Valence and Auxonne

the world, pure as gold, but too old in con-
sequence of the long peace. The younger
officers laughed at them because it was the tone
of the age ; but they admired them, and always
did them justice.

Although Napoleon now took lessons in
dancing and deportment, which he had neg-
lected at the Ecole Militaire, and M. Dautel,
his instructor, boasted that he had directed his
first steps in the world, yet he never acquired
the distinguished manners of the old regime,
which he afterwards admired in his brother
Louis, but remained shy, awkward, and ill at
ease. At the same time he was popular, and
received great kindness from many people. One
of his principal friends was the mitred abbot of
St. Ruf, who had retired on a pension after the
suppression of his order, and to whom the
Bishop of Autun had given an introduction.
The Hotel St. Ruf was the centre of the best
society of the town, who were attracted by the
excellence of the abbot's dinners. Three ladies
also paid the young officer particular attention,
Mme. Lauberie de Saint-Germain, Mme. de
Laurencin and Mme. Gre"goire de Colombier.
Of these, Mme. de Colombier had the greatest
influence upon him. She invited him to her
country house at Basseaux, and gave him
excellent advice. She predicted a great career
for him, and warned him not to emigrate, saying

Napoleon : the First Phase

that it was easy to go out, but not so easy to
return. She had a daughter Caroline, of the
same age as himself, whom Napoleon loved as
a friend. He mentions some delicious moments
which he passed wit!) her, eating cherries. It is
possible that he gave1 his sister Maria Nunziata
the name of Caroline in her honour. He
corresponded with her when Emperor, and-did
everything-— he— eettW — fbr — her — relations and
.friends. She eventually became lady-in-waiting
to. .Madame Mere. He was, perhaps, still more
touched by the charms of Mile, de Lauberie de
Saint-Germain, who was afterwards made lady-
in-waiting to Josephine. He also made many
excursions in the neighbourhood, one of them
into Dauphine, where he ascended the Roche-
Colombe, in June, 1786, and another of them
to Tournon, where lived a countryman of his,
named Pontornini, who drew his first portrait.1

Napoleon had the right to six months' leave
after a year's service, and he looked forward
passionately-- ^-spending this time in Corsica.
He writes in a curious paper, dated May 3rd,
1 786,2 in which he contrasts the desire with which
he is longing to visit Corsica with the disappoint-
ment which he is sure to experience upon his
arrival at seeing his^beloved island enslaved by

1 This portrait, of which a copy is given, is often described as a
portrait of Napoleon at Brienne, which is an error.

2 Printed in the Appendix.

,//,,rr/,-

• ,i /i.t.;/,-'

Valence and Auxonne

French, so that he is tempted to contemplate
suicide. ." I have been absent from my country
for six or seven years. What pleasure it will
give me in a few months to see once more my
compatriots and my relations ! With the tender
emotions which the recollections of my child-
hood evoke, may I not conclude that my
happiness will be complete ?" But before he
could carry out this plan, he was sent with his
company to Lyons to put down a strike among
the workmen for higher wages. Three artisans
were hanged, and the sedition was rapidly
quelled. Napoleon spent three weeks at Lyons,
and then returned to Valence, which he left
for Corsica on September ist His leave did
not legally commence till October ist, but officers
living as far off as Corsica were allowed a
month's grace. At Aix, he visited his uncle
Fesch, who had not yet completed his theological
studies, and his brother Lucien, who had left
Brienne and entered the Seminary of Aix to
be trained as a priest. He reached Ajaccio on
September i5th, 1786 ; he had been absent
seven years and nine months, and was now
seventeen years and one month old. There was
probably no man living who contained so much
genius and energy, so much vivacity and charm,
and, one may add, such high aims and such
determination to carry them out, in so small and
so comely a person.

99 F

Napoleon : the First Phase

Joseph writes in his memoirs : " My brother
J^apoleon at last obtained. Jeave, He arrived
among us, and it was a great happiness for our
mother and for myself. We had not seen each
other for several years, but we corresponded
habitually by letter. The aspect of the country
pleased him. His habits were those of an in-
dustrious and studious young man, but he was
very different from what he is represented to be
by authors of memoirs, who repeat the same
mistake when it has been once uttered. He was
at that time a passionate admirer of Rousseau,
the inhabitant of an ideal world, a lover of the
great works of Corneille, of Racine, of Voltaire,
which we declaimed together every day. He
had collected a number of books, which occupied
a trunk larger than that which contained his
clothes — the works of Plutarch, of Plato, of
Cicero, of Cornelius Nepos, of Livy, and of
Tacitus, all translated into French, besides the
writings of Montaigne, of Montesquieu, and of
Raynal. I do not deny that he had also with
him the poems of Ossian, but I deny that he
preferred them to Homer."

He saw once more, with indescribable

and

his .great-uncle Lucien. Joseph said, many years
afterwards, " Ah ! the glorious Emperor will
never indemnify me for Napoleon, whom I loved
so well, and whom I should like to meet again as

100

Valence and Auxonne

I knew him in 1 786, if there is indeed a meeting
in the Elysian Fields." He saw once more his
two grandmothers, Minanna Severiaand Minanna
Francesca, his uncle Paravicini, and his aunt
Gertrude, his foster-motherland his devoted
nurse. He stood godfather to the grand-
daughter of Camilla Ilari, the future Madame
Poli. He traversed with emotion the scene of
his first games ; being passionately fond of natural
beauty, he wonders that any one can be insensible
to the "jglectricity niLnatore." He spent hours
in the garden of Milelli, either in the rocky
grotto, or in the dense olive woods, or under a
large oak tree, drawing, readingp-anch dreaming.
In the evening he wandered amongst the sheep
in the meadows, or from the sea-shore watched
the sun "precipitate himself into the bosom of
the infinite," possessed by a melancholy which
he could not master. The love of Corsica came
back to him with a tenfold ardour, the very smell
of the earth intoxicated him with pleasure. He
was received everywhere with open arms, in the
solitude of the mountains and in the peasant's
hut.

At the same time his chief care was directed
to theJnterests of Jiis family, which had lost its two
powerful protectors, Boucheporn and Marbceuf,
the one dead, the other removed to the Pyrenees.
From the moment Napoleon arrived he was the
soul_of the house, of which during his absence

103

Napoleon : the First Phase

the Archdeacon Lucien ha(Lbeea the acting head.
He had many discussions with his uncle on the

policy of keeping goatsr which destroyed the

trees and made the higher agriculture impossible.
Fesch was of the same opinion, but Lucien,
who was a large goat proprietor, was shocked.
" These are your philosophical ideas ! Drive the
goats out of Corsica ! " The archdeacon was
now sixty-eight years old, and was a martyr to
gout, being confined to his bed. .Joseph, in
obedience_to_his_Jather'& last wishes, had given
urj_his__rjroject of a military career, and had
devoted hims^E^ehilScelyltaihe- care of his family.
He now left Corsica, and by the advice of his
uncle went to the University of Pisa, where, like
his father, he took_Jiis -degree, in utroque jure,
on April 24th, 1788. The absence of Joseph
increased the responsibilities of his younger
brother, and one of the most important matters
which he had to arrange concerned a nursery of
mulberry trees. In 1782 Charles Bonaparte had
received from the government leave to make a
nursery of mulberry trees, for which he was to
be paid 8500 livres in advance, and one sol per
tree for grafting, with the obligation of setting
out the trees five years later in 1787. He had
received 5800 livres, but the contract was
annulled in May, 1786. The Bonapartes had
made their plantation, but the Minister refused
to sanction any further expense. Napoleon came

104

Valence and Auxonne

to the conclusion that his family had been ill-
treated, and demanded an indemnity to the extent
of 1550 livres, expended before the contract was
rescinded, and ijjoo livres for the grafting, making
a total of 3050 livres. These 3050 livres added
to the 5800 livres alreadyreceived. would make
a sum_o£885o livres, which his mother would owe
to the government But this debt could be easily
repaid, as the mulberry trees would be worth at
least 9000 livres*

Napoleon's leave, which ought to have come
to an end at the end of March, was extended
to December ist on the faith of a medical certifi-
cate sent to Colonel de Lance, stating that he
was suffering from, an attack of fever, There
is no reason to doubt the truth of this, as Napoleon
mentions it in a letter addressed to Doctor Tissot,
written about his uncle's illness. As, however,
it was necessary that he should visit Paris on his
family affairs, he left Corsica on September 1 2th,
having stayed there just a year. He now became
acquainted with Paris for the first time, as when
at the Ecole Militaire he had been kept strictly
within the four walls. He lodged at the Hotel
de Cherbourg, Rue Four St. Honore. He visited
the theatres, especially the Italian Opera, and
walked in the gardens and passages of the
Palais Royal. Among the Libri MSS. there is a
curious paper, Mated November 22nd, 1787, which

1 Printed in the Appendix.
105

Napoleon : the First Phase

narrates a conversation which he is supposed to
have held with a woman of the town in one of
the alleys of the Palais Royal. The document
is interesting, and ]VL Masson has printed a
facsimile of it. It is probably a mere exercise
in composition, or it may have had some slight
foundation in fact. But it certainly does not
imply, as Napoleon's French biographers, with
characteristic ndiv^t^ all assume, that the young
officer deviated on this occasion from the stern
principles of virtuous conduct which he both
taught and practised at this period. To believe
that he did so is to misunderstand his nature,
and if he had done so he would certainly have
said nothing about it. He probably visited his
sister, Marianna, at St. Cyr, but his chief attention
was given to his mother's claim, which he pressed
with all the force of his intellect before the
Controller-General, but without success. In the
midst of these occupations his period of leave
would naturally have come to an end, but on
September 7th, before leaving Corsica, he had
asked for a prolongation on the ground that he
desired to be present at the meeting of the
Corsican Estates. Apparently in the Regiment
de La Fere leave was granted very easily, and
as he did not ask for his pay, the desired pro-
longation was accorded to him from December ist
to June ist, 1788.

Napoleon returned to Ajaccio on January ist,

106

Valence and Auxonne

1788, and fbufld-^is -mother in great poverty.
She had four yoimgf ehtWren to support, Louis
aged ten, Pauline eight, Caroline six, and Jerome
four. She had also to pay the fees of Lucien
at Aix and of Joseph at the University of Pisa.
She could not keep a servant orjDay^ her debts.
Napoleon did his best to help his mother. He
laboured to obtain for his brother Louis a scholar-
ship in a military school, and to urge on the
planting of the mulberry trees and the draining
of the salt marshes, which were of such vital
consequence to the family finances, but without
result. We need not pursue these matters
further, as they dragged on for many a year,
even till after his position was assured.

On June ist, 1788, Napoleon again left
Ajaccio, after having seen his brother Joseph
on his return from Pisa with the title of Doctor.
He had been absent from his regiment for twenty-
one months. But these indulgences were common
under the ancien rtgime. The colonel was only
required to be present with his regiment for five
months in the year, the lieutenant-colonel and
the major divided the year between them, and
the other officers took their semestre, which in
1 788 was declared officially to last seven months
and a half. It is unfair to censure Napoleon, as
some biographers have done, for irregularities
which were common to the whole of the army,
or to suppose that in devoting himself to the

107

Napoleon : the First Phase

service of his family instead of to the exercise
of a profession which he loved he was not obeying
the voice of duty rather than that of pleasure.

The regiment of La Fere, which had made
many marches during the absence of Napoleon,
was now at Auxonne, where it had arrived in
December, 1787, when the danger of a war
between France and England was at an end.
Napoleon lodged in the Pavilion de la Ville, at
the side of the barracks. His room had a single
window, and was simply furnished with a bed,
a table, and an armchair; there were also six
chairs seated with straw and one with wood.
The climate did not suit him, as it was both
damp and cold, and it took him six months to
acclimatize himself after the dry and bracing air
of Corsica. He worked very hard — too hard,
indeed, for his health. He wrote in July, 1789,
" I have nothing to do here except work ; I only
put on my uniform once a week. I sleep very
little since my illness ; I go to bed at ten and
get up at four, and have only one meal a day."
That Napoleon was engaged in hard and con-
tinuous labour during the fifteen months which
he spent at Auxonne we have abundant proof.
The Libri MSS. contain twenty-seven papers
written by the young lieutenant at this time,
which are only a part of those which he actually
composed. They may be divided into three
categories: those concerned with the study of

1 08

Valence and Auxonne

his profession as an artillery officer ; those con-
cerned with the general history of mankind —
especially their government, — and including geo-
graphy ; and those concerned with Corsica. We
thus see that Napoleon had determined, with
his iron will, to jjive himself a complete educa-
tion, which would not only fit him to be distin-
guished in his profession, but to occupy any civil
profession which the course of life might place
in his way* He realized what in the present
day is apt to be forgotten — that a soldier has
to perform functions which more properly belong £jt -
to the statesman, and that unless he is equal to
the task of concluding peace as well as making
war, and of governing the territories which his
sword has subdued, the interests of his country
may materially suffer. Some of these papers
belong especially to this period. The first of
these, written probably in September, 1788, is
a project for organizing the " Calotte " of the
regiment — that is, an association formed among
the officers under the rank of captain, for the
purpose of maintaining good order and discipline,
and a high standard of conduct among them-
selves, as well as of defending themselves against
arbitrary action on the part of their chiefs. The
project is of considerable length, and is conceived
in too solemn a style to have been acceptable to
the frivolous young gentlemen for whose benefit
it was composed. Indeed, the fair copy presented

109

Napoleon: the First Phase

by him was probably thrown into the fire. But
the work is interesting as the first of those
constitutions of which Napoleon was destined in
after years to draft so many, and, like them, it
bears unmistakable signs of the "lion's paw."
There is also a certain grim humour in the
document which ought not to escape notice.
The papers on artillery practice have an interest
for the student of military history, and are re-
markable productions for a young maa-o£JLess

Of the papers on

Corsica one set has been lost, the letters on
Corsica addressed to M. Necker.

Although Napoleon was at this time ill and
out of spirits, we must not suppose that he led
a morose or solitary life. Besides his insepar-
_e^ companion Desmazis, he had many warm
friends, whose careers offer abundant proof of
their mutual attachment. One of these, after
being treated most generously by the Emperor,
was in 1815 nominated Prefect of the "Eure
et Loir," when it was found that he had already
joined the Bourbons. The most remarkable of
the captains who belonged at this time to the
regiment of La Fere was Gassendi. He was a
distinguished geometer and also a man of letters ;
he was also a ^ffeairadmirer of -Corsica and the
JCorsicans. He was one of the first to recognize
the genius of Napoleon and to hail him as the
new Caesar, chosen by victory to impose upon

Valence and Auxonne

France a yoke radiant with glory. r The Emperor
amply repaid his devotion.

There !s~ho reason for supposing that Napo-
leon was unsociable during his stay at Valence
or at Auxonne, or that he was anything but a
good fellow. The cameraderie of the military
profession always distinguished him through life,
and remained with him at St. Helena up to the
day of his death. It is most prominent in the
pages of Marbot, and it gave him great power
over his soldiers in the Italian campaigns. He
was a constant guest at the regimental dinners,
cooked by Faure, at the Ecu de France at Valence,
and many stories are told of him which enforce
the same conclusion. The fact that he was
chosen by his comrades to draft a constitution
for " La Calotte," is a proof that he possessed
their confidence.

At Auxonne__Napoleon completed his instruc-
tion as officer of artillery ; JIP. worked hard and
. came-out one of the very boot,- The notes which
he took of the lectures of his instructor Lombard
are still preserved ; they deal with the pressure
of powder, its ignition, the action of the air on
projectiles, the utility of large and small charges
and of rifled cannon. The young officer also
greatly improved his skill as a draughtsman,
although the drawings of Napoleon must always
have been botches. On August 3rd, 1 788, he was
appointed a member of a commission to study

Napoleon : the First Phase

the firing of certain cannon, and he alone of the
second lieutenants was a member of it. His
duty was to place the pieces in position and to
draw up the report. On August 2Qth he wrote
to Fesch, " You must know, my dear uncle, that
the general here has treated me with great con-
sideration, and has charged me to construct at
the polygon several works which require severe
calculations ; and I have been occupied morning
and evening for ten days, the head of two hun-
dred men. This unheard-of mark of favour has
irritated the captains a little against me, who say
that it is a slur upon them to charge a lieutenant
with so important a duty, and that as there are
more than thirty who could do the work, one
of them ought to have been employed. My
comrades also show a little jealousy, but all that
will pass away." The report drawn up by
Bonaparte still exists, and may be interesting
to experts. Further, in March, 1789, he wrote a
paper in which he set forth his personal views
as to the best manner of placing cannon for the
purpose of firing bombs.

It was at_Auxonne that Napoleon came into
contact with the family of Du TeU, which had
some-influence .over his early career. The school
of artillery at Auxonne was commanded by the
marshal de camp, Baron Jean-Pierre Du Teil,
an exrellent-officeEr-if somewhat severe. He was
proud of his artillery school, which indeed had the

112

Valence and Auxonne

-.reputation of being the best in France, and was
visited_by distinguished men when they came to
the country. Prince Henry of Prussia and
Gustavus III. of Sweden inspected the school
in 1784, and the two Princes of Wiirtemburg in
1788. Du Teil soon remarked the talents of
Napoleon, and the Emperor showed his gratitude
by leaving in his will a hundred thousand francs
to the sons or grandsons of his former chief,
" in return for the care which this brave general
had bestowed upon him."

Whilst at Auxonne he was put under arrest, * / /
but jthe__reasoa-is not known. In 1806 he met
a Captain Floret, and said to him, " Do you re-
member that at Auxonne Sergeant Floret was
put in prison for a week, and Lieutenant Bona-
parte for twenty-four hours ? " " Yes, sire,"
replied Floret, " you were always more fortunate
than I was." He was shut up in a room with an
old chair, an old bed, and an old cupboard, and
on the top of the cupboard was an old worm-
eaten book, a copy of the " Digest." Napoleon,
having no paper or ink, devoured the one book
at his disposal, and the knowledge of it thus
gained proved useful to him at a later period,
when he was drawing up the " Code Napoleon."
At the beginning of April, 1789, he was sent
with his bombardiers to put down some grain
riots at Seurre, one of those disturbances which
were precursors of the coming revolution. The

113

Napoleon : the First Phase

riots had ceased before he arrived, but he stayed
two months in the little town, lodging in the rue
Dulac, which afterwards bore the name of the
rue Bonaparte, and where the rooms which he
occupied were long shown. He returned to
Auxonne on May 29th.

In the summer 0^^:891. Napoleon met with
a serious accident^which might have cost him his
life! As~ he was bathing in the Saone he was
seized with cramp and was nearly drowned. But,
being carried down by the stream to a shallow
part of the river, he managed to recover himself,
and, after being very sick, he was conveyed by his
friends to his lodgings.

In the summer of 1789 the contagion of the
Revolution reached Auxonne. On July i9th, five
days after the destruction of the Bastille, the
populace broke into revolt, burned the register
of taxes, and destroyed the offices. The regi-
ment of La Fere took the part of the rioters, and
a month later broke out into open mutiny. They
marched to the colonel's house, demanded a sum
of money, called the " masse noire," from the
military chest, got drunk with it, and compelled
the officers to drink with them and to dance the
farandole. In consequence of this the regiment
was broken up, and quartered in different places
along the banks of the Saone. Undoubtedly, at
this time, if Napoleon had been forced to act, he
would not have hesitated to turn his guns against

114

Valence and Auxonne

the people. At Seurre he had prevented a dis-
turbance by calling out to a gathering crowd,
" Let honest men go to their homes ; I only fire
upon the mob." But his_sympathies were with
the principles of -the Revolution ; he was con-
vinced that a new state of things could not come ,
about without grave convulsions, and that it was
impossible for any single man to oppose a great
national movement. He was also of opinion that
a new state of things might turn to the advantage
of his beloved Corsica.

Another period of leave was due to Napoleon
on September ist, 1789, and he was anxious to
take advantage of it. Du Teil was very properly
of opinion that no leave should be granted to
officers in the present disturbed condition of
affairs, urging that at Auxonne there were now
only two or three captains instead of ten, and a
dozen lieutenants instead of thirty. But Gouver-
net, the governor of the province, objected that
it would be dangerous to make unpopular innova-
tions at the present juncture, and Du Teil did not
insist. Indeed, he took leave himself, to look
after his chateau in Dauphine, which had been
destroyed by the revolted peasants. In the case
of Napoleon no objection was made ; he received
leave from October I5th, 1789, to June ist, 1790,
and, as was the rule with Corsican officers, was
allowed to start a month earlier.

On his way Napoleon stopped at Valence and
"5

Napoleon : the First Phase

called on the Abbot of St. Ruf, who said to him,
^As^Mngs—ai^^QJiig^L^ may

become king. If you become king, Monsieur

I A jK. ^- — — o * *->

de Bonaparte, make your peace with the Christian
rgHgioa;^ou will find it advantageous." Napoleon
replied that if he became king he would make the
abbot a cardinal. Also a curious adventure befell
him, which was a sign of the times. A noble lady
travelled on the boat with him, accompanied by
a young girl, also of noble birth. The lady had
her carriage with her on the boat, and when she
left the river she offered Napoleon a place in it.
He refused, and asked if he might act as second
courier, to save her the expense of a guide.
When he took his leave of the lady, he said,
" Will you believe that you were nearly arrested,
and that I was the cause ? You have a maid, a
lady in waiting, and two couriers, one of whom
is in uniform ; you were taken for the Countess
d'Artois on her way to the frontier, for you
greatly resemble her." Napoleon embarked at
Marseilles, where he paid a visit to the Abbe
Raynal, whose acquaintance he had perhaps made
in the previous year, and he reached Corsica in
the last days of September.

116

CHAPTER VI

CORSICA

NAPOLEON arrived at Ajaccio at the
end of September, 1 789. He found
the whole family assembled there,
with the exception of Marianna, who
was at the school of St Cyr. Joseph was a
barrister; Lucien was doing nothing, being in
weak health, and short-sighted ; Louis was depen-
dent upon his mother. Napoleon assumed the
government of his family, and ruled them some-
what severely ; but we are told that they enjoyed
an exemplary character, and were regarded as
one of the best conducted and the most united
families in the town.

Corsica had sent four deputies to the States
General at Versailles : Buttafuoco to represent
the nobility, Peretti the clergy, and Saliceti and
Colonna de Cesari Rocca to speak on behalf of
the tiers ttat ; the two first were aristocrats, the
two latter democrats. The influence of the
FrendLR^evolution began to J)ej[elt4ft-the-isiand,
although Corsica Ea3 fewer grievances than
France, because the nobility and the clergy were

n; G

Napoleon : the First Phase

not privileged to the same extent. Their
principal causes of complaint were the violence
of the French officials, and the feebleness of the
Corsican Estates, which had only a shadow of
power. Rebellion against the ancien regime took
the form of a desire either for independence, or
for incorporation in the French monarchy.

At present the country was in an equivocal
position. The Commander-in-Chief in Corsica
at this time was the Vicomte de Barrin, a timid
and irresolute man. He had only a few troops :
six battalions and two companies of the Corps
Royal, which were under their full strength.
Barrin asked for further assistance, but was
refused. He therefore had to temporize. He
accepted the tricolour cockade given to him by
the municipality of Bastia, and recommended the
commandant of Ajaccio to do likewise. On the
very day on which the soldiers of Ajaccio received
the new emblem, August i5th, the F£te of the
Assumption and Napoleon's birthday, there was
a revolt against the Archbishop Doria, which
continued for several days. Similar outbreaks
took place at Bastia, at Corte, and at Sartene.
The news of these disturbances caused great
agitation at Versailles. Saliceti, Cesari, and
others, anxious to put an end to these disasters,
established a national committee of twenty-two
members, nominated according to population in
different parts of the island. The committee

Corsica

was to receive reports from inspectors placed in
each district, and send to Paris all necessary
information for receiving and executing the
decrees of the National Assembly. The troops
were to assist the committee when required to
do so, and a National Guard was to be formed
in the island. These proposals were received in
Corsica with enthusiasm, but they were opposed
by Barrin and the aristocratic party, who feared
the consequences of arming the people.

Such was the condition of Corsica when
Napoleon returned full of patriotic fervour. He
was determined to unmask the petty tyrants of
his island, and to defend the cause of liberty ;
ambitious of taking a place amongst the heroes
of his country, while Joseph was not less eager
in the popular cause than his brother. He
welcomed the Revolution with enthusiasm. He
wrote a pamphlet entitled " Letters of Paoli to
his Compatriots," in which he showed how the
Revolution was to regenerate Corsica. He was
Corsican secretary of the committee of the thirty-
six at Ajaccio. The two Bonapartes now joined
together to play a conspicuous part in the public
affairs of their island. Joseph was very ambitious ;
he desired first to enter the municipality of
Ajaccio, then the departmental council, and
thirdly the National Assembly at Paris. Napoleon
assisted his elder brother by every means in his
power, but they were too young to obtain the

119

Napoleon: the First Phase

object of their desires, and Joseph found Pozzo,
di Borgo and Peraldi always standing in his way.
Napoleon, on his arrival, warmly supported
the project of a committee of twenty-two suggested
by Saliceti and Cesari, while the French officials
in Paris urged the employment of force. For
this purpose, Gaffori, the father-in-law of Butta-
fuoco, was placed in command. He desired
the restoration of order, and was opposed to
the formation of the National Committee. He
entered Ajaccio at the head of two hundred men
of the Salis regiment, and five companies of the
provincial regiment. His presence gave heart
and courage to the friends of the ancien regime.
He reviewed the garrison of the town and the
troops which he had brought with him, and said
that he would work day and night to repress all
disorder. The National Guard was dissolved,
much to the disgust of Napoleon, and the com-
mittee of twelve pronounced against the forma-
tion of the committee of twenty-two. The
patriots of Bastia and Ajaccio both protested
against this pronouncement of the twelve, on
the ground that their conduct was tainted with
despotism. Napoleon summoned the patriots of
Ajaccio to a meeting in the church of St. Francis,
where he read them an address which he had
drawn up, which he proposed to send to the
National Assembly. He was indignant that
the twelve should claim to represent the nation,

120

Corsica

.when their only business was to decide on the
territorial tax. He refuted the manifesto of the
twelve point by point. He concluded by begging
the National Assembly to restore to the Corsicans
the rights which nature has given to every man.
The address drawn up by Napoleon was soon
covered with signatures, of which his own was
the first. It was also signed by the Pozzo di
Borgc, by the Archdeacon Lucien, and by Fesch.
At this time Bastia was roused to action by
a letter from Saliceti, and Napoleon hastened
thither to support the movement. He had many
friends there, especially the Abb£ Varese and
the brothers Gallezzini. On the morning of
November 5th, the municipality of Bastia pre-
sented an address to Barrin, in which they asked
for the formation of a civic guard. Barrin, after
some delay, refused, and Rully, who was in
command of the citadel, began to prepare it for
the repression of the people, who were assembled
in the Church of St John, At length the con-
flict broke out, and several were wounded on
both sides. Barrin had entered the Church of
St. John to harangue the people, and was not
permitted to come out. He was compelled to
sign an order for arming the civic guard, and soon
twelve hundred muskets passed into the hands of
the citizens ; upon which Barrin was set free. The
people had conquered, and Rully was obliged to
escape secretly. Other communes followed the

121

Napoleon : the First Phase

example of Bastia. The condition of the island
was reported by Saliceti to the National As-
sembly, and a decree was passed making Corsica
an integral part of France, and placing it under
the same constitution as the rest of the kingdom.
The result of this was to make Corsica extremely
popular in France as one of the principal homes
of liberty. On receipt of the news, a Te Deum
was chanted in all the churches of the island,
and a bonfire was lighted at Ajaccio ; whilst the
people cried, " Evviva la Francia ! Evviva il re ! "
And Napoleon hung out of the window of his
palace a banner with the inscription, "Vive le
nation! Vive Paoli ! Vive Mirabeau!"

These events diverted Napoleon from his
hatred against France. France was now for
him the home of liberty and the friend of his
native land. He said, " She has opened her
ibosom to us, henceforth we have the same
/interests and the same solicitudes ; it is the sea
alone which separates us." He abandoned the
idea of publishing the Corsican letters, and his
new enthusiasm was shared by those who had
up to the present time been partakers of his
plans. At the same time the island remained in
a disturbed condition. Committees were formed
on all sides which claimed to command the
National Guard and even the troops of the line.
The national militia had no order or discipline :
all those present demanded muskets, and walked

122

Corsica

about firing them off with blank cartridges ; the
country was in a state of anarchy. In these
movements Napoleon took an active part. He
succeeded in getting his brother Joseph elected
a member of the Municipal Council although he
was three years below the proper age, which was
twenty-five.

At this time Napoleon entered into a close
connection with Filippo Buonarotti and Filippo
Masseria. The first of these was a Tuscan,
who published at Bastia a paper entitled Gioniale
Politico, to which both Joseph and Napoleon
were contributors. Massaria, a native of Ajaccio,
entered the English service, and was the friend
and confidant of Paoli. These friends took an
active part in establishing a " Comite Superieur,"
which sat at Bastia from March 2nd to Sep-
tember ist, 1790. It was illegal, but undoubtedly
did good service in quieting and restraining the
people. Unfortunately a quarrel broke out
between the two capitals of Corsica, Bastia and
Ajaccio, separated by a lofty chain of mountains,
and known locally by the appellation of Di qua
and Di la. At a late period Napoleon was in
favour of allowing this dualism to exist, but in
1790 he was an ardent partisan of unity. The
question reached an acute stage when the Comite
Superieur determined to meet at Orezza on
April 1 2th. Ajaccio first resolved to send no
representatives ; but in consequence of a caucus

123

Napoleon : the First Phase

held at the Bonaparte house this decision was
reversed, and twelve deputies were chosen,
amongst them Joseph Bonaparte, Massaria, and
Pozzo di Borgo. Napoleon, although not a
deputy, accompanied his brother to Orezza. The
Committee sat from April I2th to April 2Oth,
and Gaffori was invited to be present. He suc-
ceeded in securing that the committee should
meet in future at Corte, in the centre of the
island. On April i6th Napoleon wrote to his
colonel for a prolongation of leave, alleging that
he could not join his regiment "before October
1 5th, because of his state of health, which com-
pelled him to drink the waters of Orezza. He
forwarded a medical certificate, and received an
additional leave of four months and a half with-
out deduction of pay. Leave was given very
easily in those days, but it is more probable that
he did not desire to leave Corsica in the present
crisis than that his health was really impaired.
The delay enabled him to receive Paoli on his
return to the island. A deputation sent from
Ajaccio, of which Joseph Bonaparte formed part,
met the aged general at Lyons. Paoli received
Joseph in a friendly spirit, and presented him
with a drawing which Charles Bonaparte had
once made of him on a playing-card at Corte.

In the mean time the island_JKas-given up to
anarchy. There was a conflict everywhere be-
tween the royal authorities and the municipalities,

124

Corsica

and Napoleon took the side of the latter. He
set himself especially against La Ferandiere,
who commanded the citadel of Ajaccio. He
demanded that he should submit himself to the
orders of the municipality, that the cannon of
the fortress should not be directed towards the
town, and that the town militia should garrison
the citadel, with the regular troops. This was
an echo of the capture of the Bastille. On
July 1 7th Paoli entered the harbour of Bastia;
his journey through France had been a pro-
longed ovation. At Lyons, Tournon, Valence,
Aix, Marseilles, and Toulon the populace had
thronged around him with cries o£-!iA£iye_Paoli ! "
Nor was his entry into his own country less im-
posing. He was a tall man, now sixty-six years
of age, with piercing eyes and long white hair ;
every one desired to see him and to touch him.
He was met with salvos of artillery and cries of
"Vive le pere de la patrie!" His first step was
to get rid of Gaffori and his regiment of Salis-
Grisons. Napoleon lost no time in attaching
himself to him, nor was Joseph lessjevoted.
Another meeting, attended by 419 electors, was
held at Orezza from September 9th to 2;th.
Paoli presided ; and _ both_JBonapartes were
present, Joseph_being^ an ^lector. The business
was to elect members for the department; but,
like the similar meeting of electors at Paris, it
did a number of illegal things, which may,

125

Napoleon: the First Phase

however, have been of general utility. Joseph, in
spite of the efforts of Napoleon, wasjiot elected
deputy ; indeed, he was— not_yet twenty-two
yelr3-of age, and had not reached the age

At this moment Napoleon's leave expired,
and he was only waiting for a favourable wind to
embark. On November i6th the municipality
and the directory of Ajaccio passed a resolution
that Napoleon possessed the character and the
qualities of an honest citizen, that he was ani--
mated by the purest patriotism, that since the
outbreak of the Revolution he had given re-
iterated and indubitable proofs of his attachment
to the Constitution, that he had not been afraid
to expose himself to 'the resentment of the vile
flatterers and partisans of aristocracy, and that
his countrymen viewed his departure with the
most sincere regret. On the eve of his depar-
ture, October nth, 1790, he wrote a letter to
Pozzo di Borgo full of denunciations of a certain
Ponte, who had objected to the election of Joseph
as President of the Directory of Ajaccio. Ponte's
home, he said, was the centre of all their intrigue.
Ponte had urged the people of Ajaccio to throw
the bust of Paoli into the sea ; Ponte had spread
the report that the new lazarett was to be at
Saint Florentin, and not at Ajaccio, and he
recommended the illegal dismissal of those from
whom he disagreed ; such an evil effect had party

126

KAI. PAOLI

Corsica

passion produced upon his usually calm and
equable character. Driven back to the coast of
Corsica by adverse winds, he opened at Ajaccio
on January 6th, 1791, a club called the Globo
Patriotico, of which Joseph, Fesch, and Massaria
were members, and which was of a very radical
character. Whilst he remained at Ajaccio he
was the soul of the society.

His last act was to write the " Letter to
Buttafuoco," who had attacked Paoli in the
National Assembly, where he represented the
Corsican nobility. Buttafuoco was at this moment
even more unpopular than Gaffori. He was
burned in effigy by the municipality of Ajaccio.
Napoleon wrote his letter as the mouthpiece of
the Globo, and it is dated Milelli, January 25th,
1791. It is an eloquent philippic, full of fiery
denunciation. It opens thus : " Sir, from Boni-
facio to Cape Como, from Ajaccio to Bastia, there
is one chorus of imprecation against you. Your
friends hide themselves ; your relations disown
you ; and the wise man who never allows him-
self to be overcome by popular opinion is on this
occasion carried away by the general excitement.
What, then, have you done ? What are the
crimes which can justify so universal an indigna-
tion, so complete an abandonment ? It is that,
sir, which I am anxious to discover in explaining
myself with you." He goes on to praise Paoli,
Jlis__resourcesJ_Jus finanre,Jns__ejQguence. He

129

Napoleon : the First Phase

recalls the difficulties which the French experi-
enced in conquering the island, he denounces the
government of the JK ing, and laments the destiny
of his fellow-countrymen. He says that Corsica
before 1789 was a nest of tyrants, a hideous
country, which, crowded with victims and still
reeking with the blood of martyrs, inspires at
every step ideas of vengeance. He then turns
to the career of Buttafuoco, and, in tracing it,
reviews the history of Corsica from 1769-1790,
and he concludes thus : " O Lameth ! O Robes-
pierre ! O Potion ! O Volney ! O Mirabeau !
O Barnave ! O Bailly ! O Lafayette ! this is the
man who dares to set himself at your side ; all
dripping with the blood of his brothers, defiled
by crimes of every kind, he presents himself with
confidence in the garb of a general, the wicked
recompense of his misdeeds. He loves to make
himself the representative of a nation, a nation
which he has sold, and you allow it. If it is the
voice of the people, he never had any vote but
that of the twelve nobles ; if it is the voice of the
people, Ajaccio and Bastia and the majority of
the cantons have done to his effigy what they
would like to have done to himself."

. The letter was received with enthusiasm by
the Globo, and ordered to be printed ; but Raoli
wjs_less_enl^vu^iastic._ He wrote to Napoleon,
* Do not take the trouble to expose the impos-
tures— efHButtafuoco. His very relations are

130

Corsica

ashamed of him ; leave him to the contempt and
the indifference of the public." In 1801 the
brother of Mile. Bou, who was selling his house,
found some copies of the letter, and sent them
to the First Consul ; but he remarked, " These
pamphlets have no object ; they should be
burnt."

CHAPTER VII

AUXONNE AND VALENCE

NAPOLEON, on his return to France,
took with him his brother Louis,
who was now twelve years and a
half old, having been born on Sep-
tember 2nd, 1778. He stopped at Valence to
visit some old friends. From the village of
Serves, about four miles from St. Vallier, he
wrote to Fesch, whom he informs of the condition
of political opinion in that part of France. In
this letter he makes the suggestion that the
Patriotic Society of Ajaccio should present
Mirabeau with a complete suit of Corsican
clothing, cap, vest, breeches, stockings, cartridge-
case, stiletto, pistol, and musket, in compensation,
apparently, for his having been threatened with a
knife by Peretti, one of the Corsican deputies.
At St. Vallier he writes some reflections on love.
" What, then, is love ? The feeling of his weak-
ness with which a solitary and isolated man is
soon penetrate4_Jh£L_se»tim€ftt--at_once of his
impotence and his immortality ; the soul concen-
trates itself, doubles itself, fortifies itself, the

132

Auxonne and Valence

delicious tears-el^-passion flow— this is love."
Then, looking at Louis, who sits before him, he
continues, "Observe the young man, thirteen
years of age — he loves his friend as he will love
his mistress at twenty. Egoism is of later birth.
At forty a man loves his fortune, at eighty
himself."

He passed through Chalons on February Qth,
but did not call on James, who had been a close
friend of his brother Joseph at Autun ; he, how-
ever, promoted him in later years. He arrived
at Auxonne on February nth or I2th, having
considerably exceeded his leave, and being subject
to lose his pay for three months and a half. He
brought with him certificates from the Directory
of the district of Ajaccio, which said not only
that his patriotism was above suspicion, but that
he had done his best to return to his duty at the
proper time, but had been prevented by stress
of weather. His colonel, M. de Lance, not only
gave him a good reception, but asked that the
pay which he had lost by his absence, amounting
to nearly ;£io, should be made up to him. This
request was acceded to by the Minister of War.
His fellow-officers, who held royalist opinions,
were not equally indulgent, and accused him of
revolutionary conduct, against which he defended
himself to the best of his ability.

Napoleon tells us that during the second
sojourn at Auxonne he worked habitually fifteen

133

Napoleon : the First Phase

or sixteen hours a day. He lived in a modest
lodging, occupying a single room with an adjoin-
ing cabinet in which Louis slept. He gave his
brother lessons in mathematics and did not spare
corporal chastisements, although he was very fond
of him. He was very proud of him, and said
that he had both application and judgment, that
he was a charming and an excellent fellow, and
that he would be the most distinguished of the
sons of Madame Letizia, as having had the best
education. He writes, " Louis writes as much
from inclination as from self-respect, and is full of
sentiment ; all he needs is knowledge. He has
acquired a bright French manner. He goes into
society, salutes with grace, and converses with
a serious dignity which would become a man of
thirty. All the women are in love with him."
Their lodging was poorly furnished with a bed
without curtains, a table in the window covered
with books and papers, and two chairs, while
Louis slept on a mattress.

Stories are current of the extreme poverty
of Napoleon at this time, and of the sacrifices
which he made for the sake of his brother.
Undoubtedly he did make sacrifices, and he
complained of his ingratitude at a later period,
reminding him in his early youth he had deprived
himself for. his sake even of the necessaries of
life. But we must not suppose that he led a
morose or solitary life. He found amongst his

134

Auxonne and Valence

fellow-officers Desmazis and other old companions,
and made new acquaintances in the Suremain
family, whom he afterwards did not forget. He
also printed at Bale a hundred copies of his
letter to Buttafuoco, and walked there and back
with Louis to correct the proofs. Noi; did_ he.
forget his. family. He urged them to pay the
twelve crowns which he owed to Buonarotti, and
to complete the business of the pepiniere. He
also advised Lucien to get employment in a
public office. He always had the courage of
his opinions, and never hesitated to declare his
adhesion to the principles of the Revolution.
He told his publisher, Joly, that he would never
serve any cause but that of liberty. One day
some of his fellow-officers were so exasperated
with him that they attempted to throw him into
the Saone. When he heard that they were in
danger of being arrested for this, he warned them
and enabled them to escape. Amongst his friends
at Auxonne he lauded the decrees of the National
Assembly, and spoke with enthusiasm about
the friendly connection between the army and
the National Guard, and the fusion between the
soldiers and the people. He even proposed to
organize a civic festival at Auxonne, and to unite
the National Guard and the regiment of La
Fere in a_ monster banquet. In a visit which
he paid to Nuits to visit his friend Gassendi,
who had lately married, he had to maintain his

135 H

Napoleon : The First Phase

democratic opinions almost single-handed against
the rest of the company.

In 1791 the organization of the artillery was
entirely changed by a decree of the National
Assembly. This arm was separated from the in-
fantry. The regiments lost their former names and
were henceforth designated by numbers, La Fere
becoming the first regiment. Each regiment had
two battalions, each containing six companies.
The sappers and the bombardiers disappeared,
and all were known as gunners and cannoniers.
The lieutenants en premier and the lieutenants
en seconde became first and second lieutenants, the
lieutenants en troisieme disappeared. Bonaparte,
instead of lieutenant en second, became first lieu-
tenant. The officers with new names were dis-
tributed amongst the different regiments, and
Napoleon was appointed first lieutenant of the
Fourth Regiment, known formerly as the Regi-
ment de Grenoble, now in garrison at Valence,
with a pay of £4. a month. He did not like the
change, and endeavoured to keep his old position,
but his request came too late, and he left Auxonne
on June I4th, 1791. He never forgot his friends
in the town or his old regiment of La Fere.
On June 4th, 1802, he said to them at Paris,
" Officers and soldiers of the First Regiment of
Foot Artillery, it was in your regiment that I
acquired the first lessons of the art of war ; I have
always noticed that your regiment is obedient

136

Auxonne and Valence

to the sentiments of honour and fame ; be worthy
of being the first in the first division of the army."
Even so late as May i4th, 1815, he recognized
by sight a man who had been bombardier of his
company in the regiment of La Fere, and brought
tears to his eyes, and there are many examples of
the same kind.

Napoleon arrived at Valence on June i6th,
and was attached to the first company of the
second battalion. He lived in his old lodgings,
in the house of Mile. Bou, with his brother close
by him. Louis boarded with the landlady, who
looked after him like a mother, but Napoleon
took his meals at the Three Pigeons. He
renewed his relations with his former friends.
Louis had as companion one Fran9ois, the son
of a lawyer, M£sangere Cleyrac. With a
gratitude worthy of his brother he never forgot
him, but made him the treasurer of the House of
Holland, and manager of his property in France.
The Abbe de Saint Ruf was dead, but Madame
de Colombier and her daughter were living, as
before, in their country house at Basseaux, where
Napoleon was a frequent visitor, and where he
introduced Louis. He made two new friends,
Sucy and Bachasson de Montalivet, whom he
never forgot. In 1801 Montalivet spent the day
with him at Malmaison. The First Consul asked
him the most minute questions about the friends
whom he had known at Valence, and eventually

Napoleon : The First Phase

about a woman who kept a coffee shop. On
hearing that she was still alive, Napoleon said
that he was afraid that he might not have paid
her for all the cups of coffee which he had drunk
in her house, and sent her fifty louis as a present.
Comte— de Montalivet became Minister of the
Interior in 1809, and was Intendant General de
la Couronne during the Hundred Days, a Membre
de la Chambre des Pairs. Sucy, whom he called
his dear old friend, and employed in Italy and
in Egypt, said of him, in 1797, that he would end
either on the throne or on the scaffold.

Napoleon ivas an -ardent supporter— e£ the
Revolution, and did not frequent the drawing-
rooms where the tone was mainly aristocratic.
If the Revolution was not fashionable, it was
extremely^popular. A Society of the Friends
of the Constitution met in the house of Mile. Bou,
and Napoleon became a member on his arrival,
making a speech of such eloquence that he was
nearly chosen as president, notwithstanding his
youth: The common soldiers were on the side
of the nation,, but the officers were for the most
part aristocrats.

Four days after Napoleon's arrival at Valence
there took place the^most important incident of
the Revolution, the flight to Varennes. The
result of this waTthatl:he_Constituent Assembly
ordered all the officers in the army to take an
oath of allegiance to it : swearing to maintain the

138

Auxonne and Valence

Constitution against all enemies both within and
without, to die rather- than suffer the invasion of
French territory by foreign troops, to obey no
orders but those-given. in pursuance of the decrees
of the Assembly. This oath had to be written
by each officer with his own hand, and signed
by him. This important duty was executed by
Napoleon on July 6th. There is no doubt that
Napoleon was at this time a Republican. He
often discussed politics with Sucy and Montalivet.
Sucy was a royalist, Montalivet was in favour of a
^enstitutronal monarchy, but Bonaparte asserted /
that_£L_rej3ublic was the only logical form of
government; that a nation freely constituted
nlway? knew what was best for itself: that the
French would never be really free till they got
rid of their king. The arguments of the royalists
only strengthened him in his opinions ; he said
that they took great pains to bolster up a bad
cause, and that in declaring that monarchy was
the best form of government they asserted what
was incapable of proof.

The necessity of taking the oath to the
Constituent Assembly produced a profound effect

in the army. Manv-efeefs- refused alL-once to

have anything .to-do with it; others took it with
a mental reservation and afterwards emigrated^

. - i • • __ ^^ — ' x.

Like burning political questions in our

it broke up the ties of family life. Brother was
divided against brother. The famous Desaix

,39

Napoleon : The First Phase

joined the new regime, whereas his two brothers
remained faithful to the lily. No less than thirty-
two officers of the fourth regiment refused to
serve under a republic. But Napoleon dis-
approved of this step, which placed the king
ajbove the nation, and it was a fixed principle
with him that everything should be sacrificed to
the country. At the same time, in later life he

' did not lose his interests in his former comrades,
and if they chose to return from emigration he
received them kindly. His relations with one of
them, Hedouville, are worth recording. Hedou-
ville and Serurier were crossing the frontier into
Spain, when they were stopped by a French
patrol. Hedouville, being younger and more
active, escaped, and led a miserable life in a
foreign country. Serurier was stopped, and
became a marshal of France. When Hedouville
returned to France he was appointed by the
First Consul aide-de-camp to his brother. In
public Napoleon received him coldly, but when
they were left alone, he pulled his ear, and said,
" Good day, Chevalier ; where do you come
from ? " "I come from Spain," was the answer.
"You were an ejmgvG]-— said the Emperor.
Hedouville was silent. " You know how to
lie," said Napoleon ; " I will employ you in
diplomacy." He was attached to the legation
at Rome, and afterwards became Minister at
Ratisbon and at Frankfurt. At a later time,

140

Auxonne and Valence

from his knowledge of Spanish, he was very
useful to Joseph, who always found him perfectly
loyal. Once when He"douville was present at
an audience, Napoleon pointed him out to the
assembly, and said, " There is one of my old
comrades, with whom I have broken many a
lance, on the Place des Clercs at Valence, in
discussing the Constitution of 1791. I was in
favour of the suspensive veto, Hddouville of the
absolute veto ; and I recognize now that he was
right." To talk military " shop " was forbidden
at Valence, under payment of a fine, and
Napoleon had to pay the largest penalty ; but
politics occupied a 4arge-portkm of his interests,
arid he was so outspoken in his views that some
of his comrades would not speak to him, and
others would not sit next to him at table.
Napoleon, however, returned good for evil.
On August 25th, the fete of Saint Louis, Du
Prat, who had told the servants in Napoleon's
hearing never to place him next to Bonaparte,
was standing at the window of the Three Pigeons,
and singing Ore* try's air, " O Richard, O mon
roi." He was nearly lynched by the people, and
was only saved by Napoleon's intervention.

~Wehave said that Napoleon, on his arrival
at Valence, joined the club of the Friends of the
Constitution, and that he was put forward for the
presidency. He was elected librarian and secre-
tary. It numbered two hundred members, and

141

Napoleon : The First Phase

was affiliated to the Jacobin Club at Paris on
July 3rd, 1791, and there was a great meeting of
democratic clubs at Valence. They met at seven
a.m., heard Mass in the cathedral, after which
they repaired to the disused church of St. Ruf.
As was the custom in those times, all those
present took an oath to be faithful to the nation
and to the law, to maintain the Constitution at
the peril of their lives, to rally round the banner
of liberty, to watch over the enemies of the
republic, and to defend with their fortune and
their blood any one who had the courage to
denounce traitors. Then, by a spontaneous move-
ment, they all took the same oath which had been
taken by the officers. Then followed speeches
and a collection for patriotic purposes.

The events of this day made a profound
impression on Napoleon. He was fired by the
enthusiasm of his own soldiers, one of whom
cried, in the name of his comrades, "We have
common heart and aims ; we owe them to the
Constitution." The inviolability of the king
was discussed, and the assembly determined
unanimously that all citizens were subject to the
law. They also signed a petition that the king
should be brought to judgment.

On July 1 4th, the anniversary of the capture
of the Bastille, the civic oath was taken in the
Champ de 1' Union, the bishop officiating at the
altar, and the Veni Creator being sung. After

142

Auxonne and Valence

the Mass shouts of " I swear " were heard, mingled
with the roar of cannon and the strains of " Ca ira,"
played by the band, a strange Mezentian mar-
riage of the living and the dead. A banquet was
afterwards held, at which Napoleon proposed the
health of the patriots of Auxonne, and of all
those who in that city defended the rights of the
people. Naudin, Napoleon's correspondent in
that town, founded there a club of the Friends
of the Revolution, which was affiliated to the
Jacobin Club at Paris. On July 2;th Napoleon
writes to him at the close of the day, to calm his
brain before he went to bed : " Will there be
war ? I have always said no, for the following
reasons : — The sovereigns of Europe reign either
over men or over cattle and horses. The first,
such as England and Holland, understand the
Revolution, but are afraid of it ; the second
understand it, and believe that it will bring about
the ruin of France. Therefore they will do
nothing, but will wait for the civil war, which
they believe inevitable, to break out. This
country is full of zeal and fire. The southern
blood which flows in my veins courses with the
rapidity of the Rhdne ; pardon me, therefore, if
you have some difficulty in deciphering my
scrawl."

During these political excitements Napoleon
did not neglect his studies, as we know from the \
evidence of his note-books. He made an abstract

143

Napoleon : The First Phase

of Coxe's book on Switzerland, paying special
attention to the government of the cantons, and
was able to tell the Swiss deputies in 1802 that
he had studied the geography and the manners
of their country. He read the Florentine His-
.tory of Machiavelli in a translation, and the
memoirs of Duclos on the Courts of Louis XIV.,
the regency, and Louis XV. He also made
notes on the " Histoire Critique de le Noblesse "
by M. Dulaure. The extracts which he made from
these books are very characteristic ; they have
generally some practical application, and show a
deeply seated passion for good government.
Another abstract, which thmws -light on his re-
lationsjwith the Papacy, is that of " L'Esprit de
Gerson " by E ustache_JL. N oble. In this he
clearly distinguishes between the spirit of ultra-
.montanism and thatloD! Tail i ran ism- The nine-
teenth note-book contains explanations of words
and terms in ancient and modern history, ^which

d his curiosity. The entries

extend from April loth to August ist, 1791. A
note-book of nine pages written in May, 1791,
contains an abstract of the first volume of Vol-
taire's " Essai des mceurs." A short essay,
written probably immediately after the king's
flight, discussing the comparative merit of a
monarchy or a republic, begins with the words,
" My tastes have led me for a long time to interest
myself in public affairs. If an unprejudiced

144

Auxonne and Valence

publicist can have any doubt as to the pre-
ference which should be given to republicanism
over monarchism, I think that to-day his doubts
will be removed." T_hese_ notes showjhaLHapo-
leon was, not- only- ^-&tudent. but a thinkers— they
bear tha_mark of an intense individiialrtyr-

The Academy of Lyons had announced that
in 1 79 1 it would give a prize for the best essay
on the following subject : " What truths and
what sentiments is it most important to impress
upon men for their happiness." This prize,
which was worth about ^50, had been founded
by the Abb6 Raynal, and he had probably advised
Napoleon to be a candidate for it.

Napoleon had discussed the subject of the
essay with his brother Joseph during his stay at
Ajaccio, and from February, 1791, he was haunted
by the question, " In what does happiness con-
sist ? " It was this feeling which made him write
his reflections on " love," of which we have
already spoken. He also read carefully the
essay of Rousseau, which gained the prize at the
Academy of Dijon on the origin and foundation
of inequality, and in reading it he criticized it
severely. He ended by_stating._his own ideas,
wHcK are indeed full of truth, and elevated truth,
that man had from the very first ±he^ faculties of
reason and of_sentiment, that he desired society
and love, and that primeval man was capable of
feeling pity, friendship, love, and also gratitude

Napoleon : The First Phase

and respect. He concludes that unless reason
and - ssjitimejitLJvej^ of man,

:^tue-w0ttM-*ieitiLejJ}e--a^^ pleasure.

He ^begins his essay-by-deaning happiness as
the enjayme4it--of^life-Avhicli_Js-Jiiost suited to
But our organization is two-

fold — ^jnmal-and--intellectual— -one as strong as
the—other. Pur -intellectual appetites ate as
Jmperious as our animal app^tttesrand happiness
"Tgamipt: be possible without JJaeirj^omplete develop-
_._menL -- 1 SlmtimenT and reason are qualities peculiar
to man, they are his titles to the supremacy which
he has acquired, which he preserves and which he
will always preserve. It is sentiment that is the
source of our activity, which makes us friends of
the noble and the just, and enemies of the
oppressor and the villain. In sentiment lies
j^nscienee, the source oJLjnorality. .-Reason is
thp j"dge, the-<^f>sor -of -Qur^actions, .and should
bejJieirJ^Yariable_rjLile. Reason saves men from
the precipice of passion, and tempers~.in him the
desire to/press his rights. Society has its origin
injsentiment, and jts-siifipgrt in reason. A man
to be happy must-eat, -sleepr- beget children, but
he -fnust-also-^ave-seatifflent-and reason. He
then makes the somewhat strange remark that of
all legislators, the two who have most strongly
apprehended these truths are Lycurgus and
Monsieur Paoli. He begins by introducing to
us a young man asking for advice in the conduct

146

Auxonne and Valence

of life. The priest says, " Do not reflect on the
existence of society. God directs everything ;
abandon yourself to His providence." A lawyer
tells him that happiness is divided amongst
individuals according to law. His father advises
him to be content with his lot : " Be a man, but
be one in all truth, live master of yourself;
without strength, nwson^tjiere is no virlue-Jior
jiappinessr^Still, it is~only just that the poorest
should possess something. Paoli has done more
than any other legislator to effect this." He
then concludes, " The law should assure to every
one his physical existence, the thirst for wealth
is to give, place to the consoling sentiment of
vhappiness, and the barbarous law of primogeniture
is to be abolished, and children are to share their
father's property equally ; man is to learn that
his true glory is to live like a man, that he is
to marry, which will be the triumph of morality.
These are the views which should be inculcated
for a happy life."

In the second part he asks, " ^/jiat is
-sentiment^ It is the Jjond j)£Jife, of^society,
of Invp, aQH_of_fn'pn^<:;Viip Tf- unites the son to
the mother, the citizen to his country. It is
blunted by sensualityrbut_revived_by misfortune."
" Climb one of the peaks of Mont Blanc, see the
sun, gradually rising, bring consolation and hope
to the cottage of the labourer ; let its first ray be
received into your heart, remember the sensation

Napoleon : The First Phase

which it gives you. §ee the ^sunset- on the sea,
melancholy will overcome you, you will abandon
yourself to it, the melancholy of nature cannot be
Stand beneath some Roman monument,

your imagination will move In distant ages with
.^Emilius, Scipio, and Fabius ; you will see the
plain where a hundred thousand Cimbri lie buried.
The Rhone flows in the far distance, swifter than
an arrow, there is a road on the left, the little town
of Tarascon is not far off, flocks pasture in the
meadows, you dream, doubtless — it is the dream
of sentiment. Sleep in the hut of a shepherd,
lying on skins, a fire at your feet, midnight
sounds, the herds are led forth to pasture : what
a moment to enter into yourself and to meditate
on the origin of nature in tasting the most
delicious pleasures ! Thus also the silence of
the starlit night after the fierce heat of a summer's
day, the calm reflection of a solitary evening after
your family have retired to rest, a night spent
alone in some great cathedral, a tent life on the
island of Monte Cristo, under the wall of a ruined
monastery, lulled by the roaring of the waves
breaking on the rocks. All these situations will
fill you with sentiment."

The .s^rgss which Napoleon lays on the
importance of sentiment to the character, of its
'tmiversaiity, and its intimate connection with the
rest of a man's nature is surely very remarkable,
aad comes- from his deepest heart. But listen to

148

Auxonne and Valence

this : " You return to your country after four
years of absence, you visit the sites where you
played in your earliest age, where you first
experienced the knowledge of men and the
awakening of the passions. Jn__a moment you
live the life of your childhood, you enjoy its
pleasures, you are fired with the love of your
country^ ^ouhaye_ajather ancLa tender mother,
sisters still innocent, brothers who are like friends ;
too happy man, run, fly, do not lose a moment.
If death stop you on your way you will never
have known the delights of life, of sweet gratitude,
Of tender respect, of sincere friendship. These
are the real pleasures of life, and they are greater
if you have a wife and children. If your soul
was as burning as the furnace of Etna ;^f you
have a father, a wife and children, you never
need be afraid of the weariness of life. Thus,
by sentimenr~we~~enjoy ourselves, nature, our
•country, and-the-men- who surround us."

Napoleon's views on music are interesting.
" Music is born with— man ; music_is_ajt_QHCe a
gift of sentiment^and a. means-of- regulating it.
At every age, in every situation — even amongst
animals — music consoles, rejoices, and giyes
an agreeable excitement. To the piping of the
little bird the labourer joins his rustic voice, his
soul expands, and, whether he is singing his
loves, his desires, or his woes, his work, or the
burden of labours, he finds himself refreshed.

149

Napoleon : The First Phase

Do not let us, therefore, proscribe music— that
tender companion of emotional man, the in-
spirer of sentiment. Let it increase the number
of our pleasures, and, in tasting by degrees the
charms of melody, let man convince himself more
fully of the delights of sentiment, of the happi-
ness of a country life, of the innocence of the
earliest ages."

The third part is devoted to the examination
of reason, also, according to Napoleon, an in-
man. "Reason is perfection
by means of logic, TogicJs the faculty which leads
us to compare. Some truths are apprehended
by sentiment, others by logic. There is a
universal logic, common to all natures and to
all ages." After discussing how reason is to
be bought, and admitting that he does not desire
to have lectures on Euclid in every cottage, he
diverges to a praise of liberty, which he seems
to regard as the product of reason and logic.
"Without liberty there is no energy, no virtue,
no strength in nations ; without energy, without
virtue, without strength, there is no sentiment,
no natural reason, there is no happiness. All
tyrants will doubtless go to hell ; but their slaves
will go there also, for after the crime of oppress-
ing a nation, the crime of suffering oppression
is the most monstrous. Let these principles be
incessantly repeated to men. To resist oppres-
sionjs their^fairestright, that which tyrants fear

150

Auxonne and Valence

most, and they have always been afraid of it.
After the lapse of ages, the Frenchman, brutalized
by kings and their ministers, by nobles and their
prejudices, by priests and their impostures, has
suddenly awakened and traced out the Rights
of Man. Let them serve as a rule to the legis-
lator." Napoleon's remarks upon ambitions are
very curious. "The lover grown to manhood is
mastered by ambition — ambition, with pale com-
plexion, wandering eyes, hurried gait, irregular
gestures, sardonic smile. Crimes are his play-
things : intrigue is but a means ; falsehood,
calumny, backbiting but an argument, a figure
of elocution. He arrives at the helm of affairs :
the homage of people wearies him ; but he can
do good. What can be more consoling to the
nerves than to say, ' I have just assured the
happiness of a hundred families ; I gave myself
trouble, but the State will go the better for it ;
my fellow-citizens live more quietly by my want
of rest, are more happy by my perplexities, and
more gay by my sorrows ' ? The man who desires
to succeed only from the wish to contribute to
the public happiness, is the virtuous man who
feels that he possesses courage, firmness, and
talents. He will master his ambition instead of
being mastered by it, will enjoy both sentiment
and reason ; he always enjoys most liberty. But
ambition, the immoderate desire to satisfy pride
or intemperance — which is never satisfied — which

151 I

Napoleon : The First Phase

leads Alexander from Thebes to Persia, from
Granicus to Issus, from Issus to Arbela, and
thence to India — ambition, which causes him to
conquer and to ravage the world without being
able to satisfy it, the same flame consumes him ;
in his delirium he knows not where to direct it,
he becomes agitated, he is led astray. Alex-
ander believes himself a god, he believes himself
the son of Jupiter, and wishes to make others
believe it. The ambition which leads the mer-
chant to fortune, and then to be Controleur-
Gen6ral, without his being contented with the
first place in the finances ; the ambition which
guided Cromwell as he guided England, but to
torment him with all the daggers of the Furies ;
the ambition which overturns states and private
families, which is fed upon blood and crime ; the
ambition which inspired Charles V., Philip II.,
Louis XIV., is, like all disordered passions, a
violent unreflecting madness, which only ceases
with life — a conflagration, fanned by a pitiless
wind, which does not end till it has consumed
everything." And again, "The tempests of the
ocean are preferable to its stagnation, which
makes its exhalations fatal. Passion is prefer-
able- --to— ahsplute ._ stujgidity^lQ- degrading liber-
tinage. Better be an enthusiast, a man of
passions, than a man without sensibility. Doubt-
less we should prefer the delirium of sentiment
to its slumber or its death. Do you know what

152

Auxonne and Valence

is the cause of disordered passions ? The pre-
vention of natural enjoyment. Deprived of these
the fire of sentiment has no vent ; it ferments
and produces passion, and the imagination, the
true box of Pandora, receptacle of all vices,
deranges all a man's appetites. Men, live con-
formably to your nature, feel and reason according
to sentiment and natural reason, and you will
be happy ! "

There is no doubt that Napoleon put his
whole soul into this essay, and that any one who;
wishes to understand what he was at twenty-two
should read it with attention. But he did not
gain the prize. Sixteen essays were sent in,
Napoleon's having the number 15." The exa-
miner pronounced that it was too ill-arranged,
too unequal, too vague, and too- badly written
to merit attention. The Academy decided to
adjourn the awarding of the prize for two years,
and only gave an honourable mention to No. 8.
This was written by Daunon, the well-known
historian, who, after revising his essay, gained
the prize with it in 1793. Bonaparte's essay
offers a psychological study of the most inte-
resting character How little did^he know what
was jiidden in the depthjjpTjijg own nature !
This is what he says of the man of genius, " The
unfortunate man ! I pity him. He will be the
admiration and the envy of his contemporaries,
and the most miserable of all. His equilibrium

Napoleon : The First Phase
is broken, hejwjlLJive unhappy. Ah! the fire

::b — it is

years_pass^ without Nature pro-
ducing a genius ! Men of genius are meteors
destined to burn fo^-the -illumination of their
age."

154

CHAPTER VIII

AJACCIO

AVING finished his essay, Napoleon
determined to ask for further leave.
The inactivity of a garrison was
weariness to him, and his family
His request was refused by

Colonel Campagnol, but Napoleon determined to
apply directly to the Baron du Teil, who had
commanded the School at Auxonne and was now
Inspector- General of Artillery for that part of
France. He therefore paid him a visit at his
Chateau of Pommier, in the department of the
Isere. He was ^received with great kindness,
and stayed in the house several days discussing
the art of war and a possibility of a new road
from France to Italy. When he left, Du Teil
said of him, " He is a man of great powers, and
^will make a name." Eventually, he obtained
permission of absence and was allowed to keep
his pay, but was ordered to rejoin his regiment
in November, after a lapse of three months. He
reached Corsica, together with his brother Louis,
in September, 1791. On October i5th, hisgrand-

Napoleon : The First Phase

uncle Lucien, head of his house, and a second
— father, ^to him, died. He said on his deathbed
to his niece, " Letizia, do not cry ; I die con-
tent because I see you surrounded by all your
children, my life is no longer necessary to them ;
Joseph is at the head of the administration of the
country, and can manage your affairs. Your
N^poleon^jyill be a jyreat_jTiaiv^?z omone"
He also recommended Letizia to_d.efer in im-
portant matters to the advice- x>f-her second son.
Napoleon undertook the direction of the family,
brothers and sisters obeyed him without objec-

jioruZIEoSs says that they never discussed with
him ; he was angry at the least observation, and
got into a passion at the slightest resistance.
The Archdeacon left a considerable sum of

jnoney. At the close of the year Napoleon, in
conjunction with Fesch, bought the house of La
Trabocchina, in the town of Ajaccio, and two
properties, Saint Antonio and Vignale, Jn the

suburbs.

At this time, -Paoli was master of the island ;
he was Gommander-in-Chief of the National
Guards and President of the administration of
the department. All power was_thus concen-
trated in his__hands, and his position had been
strengthened by having put down the revolt of
Bastia. In the last fortnight of September,
three hundred and forty-six electors assembled at
Corte to elect six deputies for the new Legislative

156

>v
Ajaccio

Assembly at Paris, to nominate the juries for
the High Court of Orleans, to determine the
capital of the department and the seat of the
bishopric. The six deputies elected were,
generally speaking, friends of Paoli and included
Pozzo di Borgo and Marius Peraldi. Corte was
chosen for the capital, and Ajaccio for the seat of
the bishopric. Jo_seph Bonaparte was not even
nominated for the post of deputy, but he was
elected with seven others to the executive com-
mittee called the Directory, although he was
only twenty-three years of age. His office com-
pelled him to reside at Corte. Napoleon himself
came to Corte in February, 1 792, where he met
for the first time the famous Volney, to whom he
became so much attached. Volney was anxious
to introduce the culture of cotton, and for that
purpose bought the estate of Confina del Principe,
which he called his "little India." He became
a citizen of Ajaccio, and talked of founding a
newspaper which should be bought by all the
communes of the island. Volney and Napoleon
seemed to have been equally anxious to make
each other's acquaintance. Writing to Sucy on
February I7th, 1792, Napoleon says of him,
" M. de Volney is known in the republic of
letters by his travels in Egypt, by his essay on
Agriculture, by his political and commercial
discussions on the Treaty of '56, by his medita-
tion on the Ruins, and is equally well known in

Napoleon : The First Phase

patriotic annals by his firmness in supporting
the good cause in the Constituent Assembly."
Napoleon made the tour of the island with
Volney, and probably advised him to purchase
the property of La Confina. It is interesting to
reflect what Volney must have told him of Egypt
and of the power of the Mamelukes, who kept
the population in serfdom, and how little Volney
can have suspected that he was conversing with
one of those conquerors whom he abhorred.
Napoleon was already under the spell of the
past, and had read the Ancient History of
Rollin, the history of the Arabs by Marigny.

At the same time the ambition of Napoleon
was to be appointed adjutant - major of the
volunteers, the post being in the gift of Antonio
Rossi, who was the deputy of General Biron,
commandant of the island. He was a distant
cousin of the Bonapartes, and finding it difficult
to procure competent adjutant-majors, was glad
enough to request the ministry to give the post
to Bonaparte. Rossi expected to receive an
immediate answer, but it did not arrive, and in
the mean time, a law of December nth enjoined
that the troops of all the garrisons of France
should be passed under review between De-
cember 25th, 1791, and January loth, 1792, and
that any officer who was found to be absent
should be deprived of his commission. Napoleon
was afraid of falling between two stools. He

158

Ajaccio

*r .

therefore went to Sucy on February I7th, 1792,
saying that he had been detained in Corsica by
urgent private affairs, meaning the death of his
great-uncle Lucien, asking what had taken place
in the review of January loth; had he been
deprived of his commission, and, if so, how could
he get back ? He promised to return the moment
he heard from Sucy, if Sucy advised him to do
so. But on January i4th, 1792, the National
Minister of War replied that the nomination of
Napoleon to the post of adjutant-major would
be perfectly legal. On February 22nd he was
formally appointed Adjutant-Major of the Cor-
sican Volunteers of Ajaccio, and Rossi notified
this appointment to Colonel Campagnol.

In February, 1792, Rossi received a law of
the Legislative Assembly which provided that
all officers employed in the volunteer battalions
must rejoin their regiments before April ist. He
therefore informed Napoleon that he must sur-
render the post of adjutant-major. As, however,
the law made an exception in favour of first and
second lieutenant-colonels of national battalions,
Napoleon determined to obtain the post of lieu-
tenant-colonel of the second battalion of the
Corsican volunteers, to which he had to be
elected. He had five competitors, the most
formidable of whom were Quenza and Pozzo
di Borgo, Quenza being supported by Paoli.
Napoleon made an arrangement with Quenza

159

Napoleon : The First Phase

that they should unite against Pozzo di-Borgo,
that Quenza should be elected first lieutenant-
colonel and Napoleon second, the Bonapartists,
alngdy_an__organized party, supporting Quenza,
and Quenza nominating Napoleon. To obtain
his object Napoleon exerted himself to the
utmost. He was very young, only twenty-two,
and he looked like a boy of fifteen. But his rank
and uniform as an jpffker of artillery gave, him
influenccj^and he had on his side the assur-
ance of his bearing^jthe__firmness of -his attitude,
and the warmth and audacity of his speech.
Fozzo di Borgo was supported by the Peraldi,
who laughed at theambitious- an^Uviolent temper
of Napoleon, at his _sjnall-&tatuje»-^and smaller
fortune. Napoleon challenged Peraldi to a duel,
but^Nappleon awaited his antagonist till evening
.without his appearing. Napoleon, to the dismay
of his careful mother, squandered the treasure of
the Archdeacon in entertaining those who would
be useful to him, and kept open house.

The Bonaparte mansion in the Rue St. Charles
was the rendezvous of the volunteers who were
devoted to his cause ; they slept on mattresses in
the rooms and on the staircase. The election
was to be held on April ist, and the day before
the three commissioners of the department who
were to preside at the elections arrived at Ajaccio.
Morati lodged with the I*e*aldi, Quenza with
the Ramolini, and Grimaldi with the Bonapartes.

160

Ajaccio

Napoleon, after a day's reflection, sent a friend,
Bonelli, to carry off Morati by force from the
Peraldi and to bring him to the Rue St. Charles.
Napoleon said to him, " I desired that you should
be free ; you are not free with the Peraldi ; here
you are at home." This action seems to have
been sufficiently in accordance with Corsican
manners to excite no great surprise. Morati
slept in the Bonapartes' house, and next day
went to the meeting under their protection. The
voting took place in the Church of St. Francis.
All the volunteers were present without uniform
or arms, but the greater number carried pistols
and daggers under their clothes. Matteo Pozzo
protested against the violence of the day before,
but he was first knocked down, then dragged by
force from the tribune, and he would have been
killed if Napoleon and Quilico Casanova had not
protected him with their bodies. Quenza was
elected lieutenant-colonel and Napoleon second
lieutenant-colonel.

It is difficult to criticize this transaction,
because we do not know enough about Corsican
manners and customs. It is possible that if
Morati had stayed with the PeraldLJMapoleon
might-^ have-stitt^been electetl7~but that disorders
might have arisen which would have been equal
to a civil war on a small scale. It is, at any
rate, certain that Morati did not feel resentment
at the manner in which he had been treated.

161

Napoleon : The First Phase

At any rate, the result was obtained ; the house
in the Rue St. Charles was full of joy. Lucien
sent a letter to Joseph, " Napoleon is lieutenant-
colonel with Quenza. At this moment the house
is full of people, and the band of the regiment."
But it disturbed for ever their relation with the
Pozzo di Bprgo and the Peraldi. Charles Andre"
Pozzo di Borgo, who afterwards became Russian
Ambassador. ^aiuL-a^bitter enemy _of- Napoleon.

. had up to this time been his friend. They had
conversed together on the past and future of
Corsica, on Montesquieu and Rousseau, on the
superiority of republics to monarchies, but that
was now for ever over, and the Peraldi never
forgot the treatment of Matteo, which they
attributed to Napoleon. A Corsican vendetta
does not always settle itself with the stiletto, but
works sometimes for a surer and more cruel form
of vengeance, and this Pozzo found in Napoleon's
fall.

As soon as he was elected Napoleon took the
command, and made his authority felt. Quenza
had no great expenen£e--in--military affairs, and
Napoleon managed the minutest details of the
service. The battalion took the name of Quenza--
BonapaTte. Mario Peraldi said, " PooiLQuenzaJ

"llere he is, enveloped, in the designs of Bona-
parte, and these new Agamemnons will render
him J:he puniest instrument of their wjll."
Napoleon had taken the precaution of securing

162

Ajaccio

his retreat. If he had not been elected he would
have joined his regiment, and presented a certi-
ficate from Rossi to excuse his absence. Rossi
said in this that he required an officer who could
speak Italian, that he had appointed him adjutant-
major of the volunteers, that he had informed the
colonel of the 4th regiment artillery of this, that
on becoming acquainted with the law of Feb-
ruary 3rd he had begged Napoleon to join his
regiment, but that communications were slow
and uncertain, and that he could not return
earlier. Napoleon now wished to go to Paris,
it is not certain with what object, but Rossi made
objections, and events occurred which gave his
mind another direction.

Napoleon determined to establish, if possible,
his volunteers in the citadel of Ajaccio. He had
been led to form this resolution by the Directory,
of which Joseph was a member, who desired that
the strong places of the island, Bastia, Calvi,
Ajaccio, Bonifacio, and Corte, should be held by
volunteers instead of the royal troops, while the
volunteers were dispersed throughout the country.
Rossi objected to this step, but he was overruled
by the Directory, and they were supported in this
particular measure by Paoli, who wished "esser
sicuro dei presidi," " to be sure of the fortresses."
Therefore to place the Corsican volunteers in the
citadel of Ajaccio was in accordance with Paoli's
views. There was also another reason for

163

Napoleon : The First Phase

dealing strongly with Ajaccio. The inhabitants
were very devout, whereas the Directory were
animated by the principles of the Revolution,
and Saliceti, the Procureur-General Syndic, was
determined to give effect to the decrees of the
Assembly. On May ;th, 1792, Joseph and the
other members of the Directory wrote to the
Minister of the Interior that the fanatical members
no longer dared to show themselves ; that the
Gorsicans were too ardently attached to liberty
to be led astray by hypocrites ; that the Depart-
ment had interrupted the payment of the pensions
of non-juring priests, in order to bring them to
a better mind ; and that there were not more
than twenty-two nonconformists on the island.
Fesch himself, who was now vicar-general, ap-
civil constitution- o£-the clergy, and

but the

majority of the inhabitants regarded the non-
juror^ as their true pastors, and as alone qualified
to say Mass.

Consequently there was great excitement in
the town, when, at the close of 1791, it was
reported that the convent of the Capuchins was
about to be closed. Paoli said, " The devout
ladies of the town wish to preserve these beards,
so venerable and so agreeable." The Directory
issued an order on February 25th, 1792, for
the suppression of the convents of Ajaccio,
Bastia, Bonifacio, and Corte. The Capuchins

164

Ajaccio

left Ajaccio on March 25th, and on the same day
the municipal, administrative, and judicial bodies
met in the Church of St. Francis, and determined
to send a deputation to Corte to beg the Directory
to restore the Capuchins to their convent. Joseph
replied to them, " Off with you ! If M. Saliceti,
who is absent, were to find you here, he would
send you to the Castle prison, and those who sent
you after you. Off with you at once ! and do
not make useless demands."

There were many considerations which com-
pelled Napokoa to take strong -measures. He
could not bear that the priests should endeavour
to set themselves above the law. On March ist,
the Directory wrote to Rossi that the presence
of four companies of volunteers in Ajaccio was
necessary to ensure the public tranquillity, and
a few days later they entered the town. The
battalion Quenza-Bonaparte was reviewed in the
Place d'Armes on April 2nd. The Ajaccio com-
panies occupied the Seminary ; the four companies
from Tallano were separated, and were estab-
lished, one in a house in the town, and the three
others in a building, called the new barracks,
outside the ramparts. All these preparations
were very disturbing to the population. Some
families emigrated to Italy ; the old antagonism
between town and country began to revive ; the
volunteers treated the people of Ajaccio as
" cittadini ; " the Ajaccians called the volunteers

165

Napoleon : The First Phase

" paesani." At last an event occurred which set
fire to the fuel already laid.

On Easter Day, April 8th, 1792, some
non-juring priests celebrated Mass in the convent
of St. Francis, and announced that a procession
would take place-oft-the following 4ay. At about
-five- o'clock -in the evening some young girls, who
were playing bowls, quarrelled, and two sailors,
named Rocca and Tavera, became involved
in the dispute. Tavera brandished his stiletto,
but, being disarmed, appeared with a pistol.
Suddenly a detachment of twelve volunteers,
commanded by an officer named Tancredi, ad-
vanced from the Seminary barracks. They
stopped a man who was carrying a pistol, and
when he resisted, carried him off prisoner to the
Seminary. The volunteers then stopped a master
mason named Joachim Favella, and began to
search him. Favella resisted, and his brother
Battista came up with a pistol and discharged it
at the National Guards. Tancredi shouted,
"Fire!" The two Favellas were not hit, but
artisans and sailors went to their aid. Three of
the volunteers were disarmed, and a fourth was
severely wounded. Tancredi led his men back
to their quarters, the people firing at them from
the windows.

Napoleon was at this time in the Grand Rue.
He collected six or seven officers of the battalion
and went towards the Seminary. But when he

166

Ajaccio

arrived at the Ternano house, which was close
to the cathedral, he saw Marianna Ternano all
in tears, making signs that he should escape.
Notwithstanding this, he advanced, and met a
carpenter, Ignazio Sari, carrying two muskets in
his hand. Captain Giovanni Peretti recognized
the muskets as belonging to two soldiers of his
company, and saying to Sari, "Give me these
muskets," took one himself and gave the other to
his lieutenant, Peretti. At this moment a relation
of Sari, commonly called Bartinione, appeared on
the steps of the cathedral. His wife gave him
a musket, with which he aimed at the officers.
Napoleon reasoned with him, and he laid his
musket down. Then some of his friends came
out of the cathedral, upon which Bartinione
resumed his musket, aimed at the officers, fired,
and shot Lieutenant Rocca Serra dead.

Bonaparte and his friends took refuge in the
Ternano house, and regained the Seminary by
a back way. In all the streets cries were raised
of " Adosso alle berrette ! Adosso alia spal-
lette ! " " Down with the birettas ! Down with
the epaulettes ! " The populace were armed with
muskets and daggers. They fired at the windows
of Quenza's house, and on Captain Peretti, and
committed other breaches of order. The Council
General of the Commune met in the evening,
and decided to seek out and to punish the guilty.
The body of Rocca Serra had been carried into

167 K

Napoleon : The First Phase

the cathedral, and an inquiry was held there
during the night. Napoleon afterwards accused
the municipality of inaction. He said, " They
did not move ; they did not beat the assembly,
nor even hoist the red flag ; and when night
came on, the magistrates, whose duty it was to
watch while the citizens slept, were asleep while
everybody was awake."

Napoleon and Quenza certainly did not sleep.
They- tQQk_the_gide_ n£_ the, soldiers ^against the
people. Napoleon obtained some ammunition
from. his own house in the Rue St. Charles. He
was in a strQng__jDO_sitianT The tower of the
Seminary, which was joined to the fortifications,
commanded the Rue de La Cathedrale and the
Place d'Armes. -Napoleonjwas LanxiQusJ:o avenge
thsjdeath- of RQcea._SerraT and to chastise the
partisans of the Capuchins. He also wished to
gain possession of the citadel. On the very same
night he went with Quenza to Colonel Maillard,
and requested him to open to them the gate of
the fortress. Maillard replied that he was for-
bidden to do this by law, without the order of the
king or his ministers. Quenza and Bonaparte
did not insist, but they begged Maillard at least
to give them munitions of war. He replied that
he had already given as much as had been ordered
by Rossi, and that he could not go beyond his
instructions. He consented, however, to supply
them with some bread.

168

Ajaccio

On the morning of Easter Monday, April 9th,
Drago, the juge de paix, escorted by a company
of gendarmes, came to the Seminary to ask if any
of the wounded volunteers were there. Ouenza
and Bonaparte assured him that there were none,
but when he turned to go away they ordered
him to remain, as well as his gendarmes. He
was assisted to escape in the afternoon. Just at
this moment (seven o'clock in the morning) some
volunteers broke into the tower of the Seminary
and fired at the people who were coming out
of the cathedral after the Mass. Two women
were killed. Santo Peraldi, an abbe, was so
severely wounded that he died on the following
day, and two others were also injured. This pro-
duced a general combat. The citizens marched
on the Seminary. The volunteers fired on every-
thing, man or beast, which appeared in the streets,
and it was not till the afternoon that the pro-
cureur of the Commune, with the assistance of
some troops of the line, succeeded in restoring
order. Scarcely, however, had he returned to
the Hotel de Ville when the combat was renewed
with still greater fury. The municipality per-
suaded Maillard to drive the volunteers into the
Convent of St. Francis. At five p.m. the Assembly
was proclaimed by beat of drum, and martial law
proclaimed. The procureur, carrying the red flag,
and followed by a piquet of the grenadiers of the
42nd regiment, went round to all the posts of the

169

Napoleon : The First Phase

volunteers and ordered them to retire. Maillard
told Quenza that he held him responsible for
all disorders. But Napoleon was unwilling to
evacuate the Seminary and to retire to St. Francis.
He therefore got hold of the abb6 Coti, who
was Procureur Syndic of the district, and per-
suaded him to take their side, and to give the
appearance of legality to the action of the
volunteers. Quenza wrote to him in Italian—
"You must, my dear Coti, sign a requisition of
the following purport : — ' I require the com-
mandants of the battalion of National Guards
not to leave their quarters in the Seminary, nor
the posts which they occupy, because there is
a conspiracy against public liberty and against
the Constitution.' ' He added, " Prepare to come
to us to-night ; many paesani are arriving at this
moment." And Napoleon added in French,
without his signature, " The Corsicans have left
for Corte — courage, courage."

Coti did what he was requested, although it
was illegal. At 7.30 p.m. he ordered Maillard
to give every assistance to the volunteers.
Maillard replied at nine p.m. that the town de-
manded the retirement of the volunteers, and that
he could not change the orders given by the
legitimate authorities. Napoleon, unwilling to
leave the Seminary, wrote to Maillard that some
brigands were firing without respecting the flag
of peace, that the brigands were occupying all
^~~ 170

Ajaccio

the exits of the Hotel de Ville, that the munici-
pality could not deliberate freely, that the
volunteers had obeyed the proclamation of the
municipality, but that they were in the most
imminent danger, and therefore he begged
Maillard to leave them in their quarters, the only
refuge which remained to them. He even paid
a visit to Maillard in the citadel. He answered
for the behaviour of the volunteers, but said that
they could neither leave the Seminary nor take
up their quarters in the Convent of St. Francis.
He promised that if the municipality would with-
draw their requisition he would dismiss faepaesani,
who might cause annoyance to the inhabitants.
But that very night Napoleon attempted to take
by surprise the house of the Benielli, situated
on the Colletta, the highest part of the city.
He also occupied the houses which were close
to the former college of the Jesuits, and thus
had possession of a whole quarter of the town.
The volunteers committed acts of pillage, seized
the flour of the mills, devastated the country,
and killed the cattle. This conduct cannot be
defended.

On Easter Tuesday, April loth, a conference
was held at the citadel in the afternoon, between
the municipality and Maillard on the one hand,
and Quenza, Bonaparte, and three other officers
of volunteers on the other, and at six p.m. a
kind of armistice was drawn up. Quenza and

171

Napoleon : The First Phase

Bonaparte promised to keep their men in good
order, while the civil authorities ordered the
citizens to commit no act of violence against
the volunteers. Peace seemed to be established ;
but on the following morning Maillard wrote,
"We are always in the greatest uncertainty, and
our condition is very critical." The volunteers
continued to kill the cattle, and to ravage the
fields, to intercept provisions, and to prevent
access to the fountains. The National Guards
were reinforced by twelve hundred paesani
from the neighbourhood. Napoleon visited the
advanced posts on horseback, and said to the
three hundred men who were quartered in
the Capuchin Convent, that the whole nation
had been outraged, in their person, but that
justice would be done, and the guilty punished.
Maillard reminded Quenza that according to the
orders of Rossi, the volunteers ought to be
broken up, but he received no answer.

The-DtirectQry of the district, who could not
allow the soldiers., and the - -citizens— to die of
hunger, sent three of its members at ten a.m.
with a white flag, to visit the posts of the
.volunteers at the Capuchin Convent, the Genoese
Tpwer, the new barracks, and the Seminary. The
volunteers^refuse^Ob listen to them, and some
cried that they would agree to peace if the
municipality would deliver up to them twelve
Bailors. Napoleon, apparently, hoped to corrupt

172

Ajaccio

the soldiers of the 42nd regiment. He told one
of them that Maillard was an aristocrat. He
said, " Your regiment comes from France, and
you have sufficient experience of plots and
revolutions to know who are the enemies of
your country." He also took other steps with
the assistance of Massaria, who has written an
account of these events. However, their attempt
was communicated to Maillard, and the soldiers
swore to obey him and the municipality, and to
defend the city of Ajaccio, to which they had
always been attached, to the last extremity.
Indeed, the communications of Massaria were
received with indignation and contempt.

Meantime there was a deficiency of bread
and wood in the town, no one could go out to
work in the fields, the poor were in a piteous
state, no one could go to the wells to draw water.
The municipality determined to crush the
resistance of Quenza and Bonaparte by force.
A blank cartridge was to be fired, and if within
an hour afterwards the battalion of volunteers
had not left the Seminary and taken its position
at the Convent of St. Francis outside the town,
they would fire with ball. Napoleon wrote to
Maillard : " You wish to precipitate action, and /
everything will be ruined. Then the enemies of'
the Constitution will triumph, of whom there are
only too many in this town. The destruction of
the country, which we hope to avert, will be

173

Napoleon : The First Phase

certain. Only reflect! These hasty measures
ought to make you see that the municipality
is not free — we protest against them."

This letter reached Maillard at seven p.m.,
just as the cannon of alarm was being fired.
Two field-pieces were despatched, manned by
the gunners of Napoleon's own regiment, the 4th,
together with one hundred soldiers, and some
sappers, and an officer of the municipality. But
nothing was done ; perhaps it was thought the
42nd regiment could not be trusted. At midnight
a council of war was held in the citadel. At
eight a.m. on April I2th, the guns were again
brought out. Napoleon said, " So much the
better ; we shall cut the knot with the sword ; " and
he urged Quenza to advance against the guns, and
to capture them. But he showed that nothing
serious would be done. Indeed, on the same
day two Commissioners, Cesari and Arrighi, were
sent to Ajaccio by the Directory to restore peace.
Napoleon, however, determined to end with a
piece of audacity. He wrote to the municipality
that Quenza had received from the Directory
the authority to call together the National Guards
of the interior, and from Paoli the positive order
to maintain the posts of the Seminary, the new
barracks, St. Francis, and the Capuchins. He
held the municipal body responsible for the
destruction of the town. He said that if in an
hour the guns had not disappeared, he would

174

Ajaccio

send messages into all the villages to come and
put down the enemies of the Constitution by
force, and that he had great difficulty in restraining
his volunteers. The result was that a convention
was concluded, and the cannons were withdrawn
into the citadel.

Peace reigned once more, and the shops were
opened. On April i3th, when the municipality
was preparing to send the Mayor Levie, and the
juge de paix, with Drago and two others, to meet
the Commissioners, an officer of the volunteers
went to the Hotel de Ville to say that no one
would be permitted to leave the town, excepting
the Mayor Levie. The municipality protested,
and Levie refused to go without his colleagues,
so that Bonaparte met the Commissioner alone
at Bocognano, and gave him an account of what
had occurred. On April i4th, Cervoni, the
secretary of the Commissioners, made his appear-
ance with Volney, and Volney required from
Quenza, in the name of the municipality, a list
of the volunteers, and of the posts which they
occupied, and reminded Quenza that the volun-
teers ought, according to the convention, to
destroy the fortifications of the houses which
they had occupied. But Quenza did nothing ;
indeed, on April I5th, Volney was prevented
from leaving the town. Arrighi and Cesari
arrived on April i6th. They sent the paesani
back to their villages, and ordered the battalion

Napoleon : The First Phase

Quenza-Bonaparte to retire to Corte. Napoleon
did his best to oppose this order, as being
humiliating to the volunteers, but was persuaded
by Joseph to yield.

The Commissioners, however, decided against
the town, and arrested and imprisoned thirty-five
citizens of Ajaccio. They also supported the
action of Coti. On the whole they defended the
conduct of the volunteers. How far their report
was influenced by the suggestions of Napoleon
cannot be known. The whole of this transaction,
obscure as it is, and difficult to appreciate without
taking into account the peculiarities of the
Corsican character and the bitter quarrel which
was then raging between the Church and the Con-
stitution, is of the highest value for the appreci-
ation of the character of Napoleon. We see him
now, for the first time, as a man of action, of
exceptional character and energy, ready to work
and to brave all dangers. He is invigorated with
the spirit of command. But under his boyish in-
temperance we can discern rare qualities of mind
and character. He is never still ; he is equally
effective when he plans and when he fights, when
he writes and when he talks, and during the
whole of this confusion he is able to keep in
check the motley masses of the volunteers and
the national guard. He shows himself born for
the conduct of great affairs.

The town of Ajaccio, however, was irritated
176

Ajaccio

with Napoleon ; Peraldi and Pozzo di Borgo
never forgave him. Pozzo said, " Napoleone
Buonaparte e causa di tutto," and called him a
" Corso Giurdan," a Jourdan of Corsica, referring,
of course, to Jourdan coupe-t£te, expressions
inspired by Corsican hatred, and extremely
unjust. Peraldi drew up a terrible indictment
against the two brothers : " To take vengeance
on the party opposed to them, they seize the
opportunity of a private quarrel ; they fire on
innocent citizens, and do not listen to the voice
of the law ; they despise the orders of the
municipality ; they issue orders to neighbouring
municipalities ; they devastate property, blockade
an entire city, renew the horrors of the reign
of Charles IX. ; and finally conclude a treaty of
peace as if they were a hostile power. This new
St. Bartholomew cannot remain unpunished."

Napoleon went to Corte, and on his way had
an interview with Paoli. He proposed to resign
his present post and to take command of a new
battalion of volunteers which was to be raised by
the Department. Paoli agreed, which shows that
he had not formed a bad opinion of the youthful
colonel, but on May I3th, at Corte, he told Joseph
that he could not carry out this design, because
in future the bodies of volunteers would be
separated, and not united under a single head.
Napoleon had indeed determined to return to
France. His position in his regiment was more

177

Napoleon : The First Phase

than precarious. At the review, held on January
ist, 1792, his name is thus recorded: "Buona-
parte, first lieutenant, whose permission of absence
has expired, is in Corsica." He was not one of
those recommended to the National Assembly as
having legitimate motives for absence. He was
indeed regarded as an emigrt, and we find
opposite his name in a list of lieutenants, " Has
given up his profession, and has been replaced
on February 6th, 1792." It was high time that
he went to Paris to place his fortunes once more
on the road to success.

CHAPTER IX

PARIS

NAPOLEON reached Paris on May
28th, 1792. The war, which he
believed impossible, had been de-
clared by the Legislative As-
sembly on April 2Oth, and the French had at
first met with defeats. He wrote to Joseph on
May 29th, " I arrived at Paris yesterday. I am,
for the present, lodging at the same hotel as
Pozzo di Borgo, Leonetti, and Peraldi, that is the
Hotel des Patriotes Hollandais, Rue Royale. I
find it too dear, and shall therefore change either
to-day or to-morrow. I have only seen Pozzo di
Borgo for a moment ; our attitude was somewhat
constrained, but at the same time friendly. Paris
is in the most serious convulsions. It is flooded
with strangers, and the discontented are very
numerous. The National Guard, which remained
at the Tuileries to guard the king, has been
doubled. The body-guard of the king will be
dissolved, as they say that it was very badly
composed. The news from the frontiers is always
the same ; it is probable that our troops will retire

179

Napoleon : The First Phase

in order to carry on a defensive war. Desertion
is very frequent amongst the officers. Our
position is critical in every respect. Keep in
close relations with General Paoli — he has all the
power and is everything ; he will be everything
in the future, which, however, no one can foresee.
I shall go to the Assembly to-day for the first
time ; it has not the same reputation as the
Constituante."

On June I4th he writes again : that he has
dined with M. Permon, and found Madame very
amiable ; that Servan, Roland, and Claviere have
been dismissed, and that their places are taken
by Dumouriez, Naillac, whom Napoleon knew
well at Valence, and Morgues. He continues,
" This country is riddled in all directions by the
most bitter partisanship ; it is difficult to discover
the thread of so many different projects : I do
not know how it will turn out, but everything
tends to a revolution." He writes, on June i8th :
" There are in France three parties, one in
favour of the Constitution as it is, one against
the Constitution, but in favour of liberty, the
principles of which it supports. It desires a
change, but a change within the limits of the
Constitution ; these two parties are united, and
tend, at the moment, to the same end : the
maintenance of the law, of tranquillity, and of
all constituted authorities. They are all in favour
of the war. The third party think the Constitution

1 80

Paris

absurd, and would prefer a despot." It may
be remarked that this description of French
parties does not exhibit any great knowledge
or insight. He continues, "We must contrive
that Lucien shall remain with the General ; it is
most probable that all this will end by our
becoming independent ; act on this supposition."
Napoleon witnessed the disgraceful scenes
of June 2Oth. Bourienne tells us that he had an
engagement with Napoleon to dine with him at
a restaurant in the Rue St. Honore near the
Palais Royal, but that, seeing a body of five or
six thousand men coming from the quarter of
Les Halles, they followed them to the terrace,
by the side of the river, to observe the movements
of this disorderly crowd, who showed, by their
words and their cries, that they belonged to the
most abject of the people. Napoleon gave the
following account of it to Joseph on June 22nd :
"The day before yesterday seven or eight
thousand men, armed with pikes, axes, swords,
muskets, spits, and pointed sticks, went to the
Assembly to present a petition, and after that they
went to the king. The garden of the Tuileries
was closed, and was guarded by fifteen hundred
National Guards. The mob threw down the
gates, entered the palace, pointed cannon against
the apartments of the king, broke open four
doors, presented to the king two cockades — one
white and the other tricolour — of which they

181

Napoleon : The First Phase

gave him the choice. " Choose," they said, " to
reign here or at Coblentz." The king behaved
well : he put on the red, and the queen and the
prince did the same. They gave the king
something to drink. They remained four hours
in the palace. All this is unconstitutional, and
sets a very dangerous example ; it is difficult to
foresee what will become of the empire under
these stormy circumstances."

Napoleon's principal object in coming to Paris
had been to recover his place in the army, and we
may assume that he took steps in the direction
immediately on his arrival. On June 2ist a
departmental committee of the artillery sent a
report to the effect that Napoleon had been
actually deprived of his commission, but that
he had explained the circumstances which had
detained him in Corsica, and that they were
completely satisfactory. They said that Peraldi
had given contrary evidence, but that he was.
probably misinformed, and that they were of
opinion that Napoleon should have the justice
which he claimed. In consequence of this, the
Minister of War wrote to Napoleon on July loth,
and informed him that he was to be replaced in
the fourth regiment of artillery with the rank
of captain. He also advised him to join his
regiment. His commission, dated February 6th,
1 792, was signed by Servan on August 3Oth, and
was of course in the name of the king. A facsimile

182

JUNE 2O, 1792
(From a Jithoe^nph by Charltt)

Paris

of it is given by M. Masson. Napoleon also
received his arrears of pay, amounting to more than
£40. It is a curious fact that on July 8th, two
days before the letter which gave Napoleon the
commission of captain, the Minister of War wrote
to Maillard in Corsica. " Having examined your
report with the most serious attention, I am
convinced that no one could have shown more
prudence, moderation, and zeal for the public
service, for the maintenance of good order, than
you have done, in the disagreeable and very
delicate circumstances in which you were placed,
and that Messrs. Quenza and Bonaparte were
infinitely reprehensible in the conduct which they
held, and that one cannot disguise the fact that
they favoured all the disorders and excesses of
the regiment which they commanded." He adds,
that if their offences were merely of a military
character, he would bring them before a court-
martial, but that according to existing laws they
must be brought before civil tribunals. It is
hardly conceivable that the same individual can
have had complete acquaintance with these two
letters ; it is possible that, although bearing the
same signature, they were issued from different
departments. But Napoleon knew that the threat
meant nothing. He wrote to Joseph, " The
affair is finished ; it has been sent from the War
Office to the Ministry of Justice because there
is no military offence ; that is just what I wished."

185 L

Napoleon : The First Phase

In the same letter, dated August 7th, he also
says, " I believe that I shall make up my mind to
leave soon, and to surrender my commission in
the volunteers, and that whatever turn events
may take, I shall find myself established in
France. If I had only consulted the interest
of our house and my own inclination, I should
have come to Corsica, but you all agree in this
thing, that I ought to rejoin my regiment, there-
fore I shall do so." But the next three days
brought a great change. The insurrection of
August loth had taken place, of which he gave
the following account at St. Helena. "At the
sound of the tocsin and at the news that the
Tuileries was being attacked, I ran to the
Carrousel, to the house of Fauvelet, brother
of Bourrienne, who had a furniture shop there.
He had been my school-fellow at the military
school of Brienne, and from that house I could
watch without difficulty all the details of the
day. Before I arrived at the Carrousel, I had
been met in the Rue des Petits Champs, by a
group of hideous men carrying a head on the
end of a pike. Seeing me well dressed, and
looking like a gentleman, they came to me to
make me cry, ' Vive la Nation ! ' which I did
without difficulty, as you may believe. The
chateau was attacked by the violent mob. The
king had for his defence, at least as many troops
as the Convention had on Vendemiaire i3th,

186

Paris

when they had to fight against a better-disciplined
and more formidable enemy. The greater part
of the national guard was on the side of the
king — one must do them this justice. When the
palace had been fired, and the king had taken
refuge in the bosom of the Assembly, I ventured
to penetrate into the garden. Never since have
any of my battle-fields given me such an idea
of death as the mass of the Swiss corpses then
presented to me, whether the smallness of the
space made the number appear larger, or whether
it was because I was to undergo this experience
for the first time. I saw women respectably
dressed committing the worst indecencies on the
corpses of the Swiss. I visited all the cafts in
the neighbourhood of the Assembly ; everywhere
the irritation was extreme, rage was in every
heart, it showed itself in all faces, although the
people present were not by any means of the
lower class, and all these places must have been
daily frequented by the same customers, for
although I have nothing peculiar in my dress,
but perhaps my countenance was more calm, it
was easy to see that I excited many looks of
hostility and defiance as being unknown and a
suspect."

On the same day Napoleon wrote to his
brother Joseph a full account of what had
occurred, which he read to the members of
the Directory, but it has since unfortunately

187

Napoleon: The First Phase

disappeared. He said in it that if Louis XVI.
had shown himself on horseback, he would have
gained the victory. Events occurred which com-
pelled Napoleon to go to Corsica : a decree
was passed on August ryth, by the Legislative
Assembly, which ordered the confiscation and
the sale of all religious houses. Marianna would
be compelled to leave St. Cyr, and there was no
place for her to lodge in Paris. On August 3oth
Napoleon had an interview with Monge, and
asked from him a commission as lieutenant-
colonel of the Marine Artillery — an employment
which would take him to Corsica. He was
already lieutenant-colonel in the Corsican volun-
teers, and he was attached to the artillery ; this
appointment would combine the rank and the
service. Monge, however, refused to grant his
request.

The next day, September ist, after passing
on the road some bodies of volunteers who
shouted, " Vive la Nation ! " Napoleon went to
the College of St. Cyr. The directors refused
to let Marianna depart without an order of the
municipality, and another from the Directory of
the district of Versailles. The brothers then
sought out the mayor of the village. He was
a poor grocer named Aubrun, a very sensible
man, who held the office for thirty-eight years.
He lived in a dirty little shop just opposite the
gate of the Cemetery of St. Louis. Aubrun

188

Paris

went with Napoleon to the College, and sent for
Marianna. She told him that she would be in
great difficulty if she undertook alone the long
journey from St. Cyr to Ajaccio. She begged
to be allowed to have the escort of her brother,
and Aubrun wrote down that he judged that it
was necessary to give the permission. Napoleon
then approached the Directory of the district of
Versailles, his petition and that of his sister
being written on the back of Aubrun's certificate.
Marianna declared that she had never known
any father but her brother, and that if he did
not take her away, she could not leave the estab-
lishment. Napoleon said that he was obliged
to leave Paris on important business, and he
begged the officials to pay the expense of Mari-
anna's journey. The Directory immediately voted
the sum of 352 francs, and authorized Napoleon
to remove his sister with her clothes and her
linen. That very evening Napoleon came in a
shabby cab and carried his sister off.

It is not certain, however, whether he left
the capital immediately. Although he never
admitted it, it is probable that he was in Paris
during the massacre of September — indeed, it
would have been difficult for him to have left
until the barriers were open. It is likely that
there would have been some delay in realizing
Marianna's money. Napoleon most probably
left Paris on September gth, took boat at Lyons,

189

Napoleon: The First Phase

stopped a short time at Valence, and then reached
Marseilles. It is said that at Marseilles the
mob, seeing that his sister wore feathers in her
hat, surrounded the door of the hotel, and cried,
t( Death to the aristocrats ! " Napoleon took off
his sister's hat and threw it away among the
crowd, with the words, " Not more aristocrats
than you." Upon which the threats were turned
into cheers.

Napoleon remained some time at Marseilles,
partly from the difficulty of finding a ship and
partly to receive the money due to him from
Grenoble. He embarked, probably, on October
loth, at Toulon, and arrived at Ajaccio on
October I5th.

When he reached his home he found that
Joseph had not been successful in his candi-
dature for the Convention. Madame Letizia
had, for the first time since her husband's death,
all her children gathered around her. Marianna,
who had been called Elisa at St. Cyr, that she
might not be confused with Marianna de Casa-
bianca, was received with joy, and was called
" La Grande Demoiselle." She had excellent
manners and considerable ability. Louis says
of her that from the first day they became the
best friends in the world. She was a thorough
Bonaparte in character : proud, resolute, inde-
pendent, active, and enterprising, able to hold
her own against her brothers. When she became

190

Paris

Grand Duchess of Tuscany she was her own
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and exercised a sort
of control over Pauline and Caroline. Joseph
says of her that of the three sisters, she both
morally and physically most resembled Napo-
leon. His brother Lucien writes of Napoleon
at this time his belief that he would be a dan-
gerous man under a free government, that he
has a tendency to be a tyrant, and that he would
prove one if he were ever king, and that his
name would be a name of horror amongst pos-
terity and in the mind of a sensitive patriot.
Lucien's idea of tyranny, at this time, was affected
by the principles of the Revolution, and experi-
ence has shown that Napoleon's name is regarded
with horror, not so much by supporters of demo-
cratic governments as by statesmen of the type of
Metternich. At the same time Lucien is indignant
that his brother should have dissimulated his
popular sympathies in talking with the ladies
of St. Cyr; he is in favour of a more decided
and uncompromising course, and he is afraid that
Napoleon will make sacrifices of principle for
his advancement, and perhaps even change his
opinions. Younger brothers do not always criti-
cize their elder brothers with great indulgence,
and these two statements may be left to contra-
dict each other.

191

CHAPTER X

LA MADDALENA

NAPOLEON, on his arrival, resumed
his position as second lieutenant-
colonel of the volunteers. The
battalion had six companies at Corte,
while the three others were at Bonifacio under
the command of Quenza. Napoleon went to
Corte, and found his soldiers in an unsatisfactory
state of discipline. But he did not wish to make
a fuss about it. He wrote to Quenza, " Paoli
is much discontented with the battalions, and
especially with ours. We must not give our-
selves away, which would be contrary to your
policy. We must punish the officers and soldiers
who resist discipline, but only in the last ex-
tremity." He then returned to Ajaccio. In the
general uncertainty of his fortunes, he had some
idea of going to India and serving in the Eng-
lish army against the natives, or possibly with
the natives against the English. He added,
laughingly, that Uncle Fesch might accompany
him as a missionary. Fesch would preach and
baptize, and his nephew would occupy his spare

192

BONAPARTE AT I.E MADDKI.KNA
(l-'rom a portrait by Philipfotcaiix)

La Maddalena

time by lecturing on science and philosophy.
However, he was soon engaged in an expe-
dition against the island of Sardinia, in which
his volunteers took part, although the events of
it do not add much to his military reputation.

Sardinia at this time seemed inclined to throw
off the yoke of its sovereign and to assume inde-
pendence, and it was determined to dispatch an
expedition to assist her. The government of
France was now, during the suspension of the
monarchy, in the hands of the Comite Executif
provisoire, and they determined that the expedi-
tion should be commanded by Paoli. But the
great man was now, with the title of general of
division, at the head of the military power of
Corsica, and his presence in the island was re-
garded as necessary, Anselme, therefore, who
was at Nice, was appointed in his place. He
was to embark at Marseilles on the fleet which
was commanded by Admiral Truguet, taking
with him the infantry of the army of the south
and some volunteers from Marseilles ; he was to
collect at Bastia and Calvi such troops as these
two towns could supply, and to land at Ajaccio,
where he would be reinforced by three thousand
regular troops and volunteers. Anselme and
Truguet had full powers and were to act together, -
taking the advice of Paoli and Peraldi. Semon-
ville, who was proceeding as ambassador to
Constantinople, was also to assist. He was very

Napoleon : The First Phase

sanguine, and declared that the expedition would
only leave the harbour of Sardinia to sail trium-
phantly into the Black Sea, and to arrest the
ambition of Russia in the Crimea. The plan of
Truguet was to seize Cagliari and the islands of
La Maddalena as soon as possible, and to open
a new granary for the departments of the south.
The general opinion in Corsica was in favour of
the enterprise, but the non-juring and Church
party disapproved of it, because it might lead to
the invasion of the States of the Church and the
destruction of St. Peter's. Anselme, however,
refused to leave Nice, and his second in com-
mand, Brunet, did the same, so that the command
was given to Raffaelle Casabianca, whom Napo-
leon afterwards qualified as a brave, simple man,
but absolutely incapable.

Truguet arrived at Ajaccio, where he was to
meet Casabianca. He became very intimate
with the Bonaparte family, and danced with them
nearly every evening, dancing being one of their
favourite occupations. He fell in love with
Elisa, who indeed preferred him to Baciocchi,
whom she afterwards married. But neither of
them brought the matter to a conclusion, and
Truguet lamented at a later period that he had
missed his fortune. S£monville also stayed with
the Bonapartes. He had with him his wife,
widow of M. de Montholon, and her four children,
two boys and two girls. Napoleon became much

196

La Maddalena

attached to Charles de Montholon, who after-
wards accompanied him to St. Helena, and gave
him lessons in mathematics. Semonville agreed
to take Lucien with him as secretary. When
Madame Letizia established herself in Paris, after
the Italian campaigns of her son, the intimacy
between the two families became still closer.
Pauline lived with Madame Semonville, and
Louis and Jerome Bonaparte, as well as Eugene
Beauharnais, entered the school of M. Lemaire,
where Charles de Montholon already was. The
younger members of the two families treated each
other as brothers and sisters.

The relations between the sailors and the
Corsican volunteers were not very promising.
They disembarked at Ajaccio in the first week
of December, and threatened to hang the National
Guards. On December i8th they hanged two
volunteers, cut their bodies up, and carried the
fragments about the streets, upon which the
volunteers seized their arms and threatened to
kill the sailors. It was obvious from this that
the sailors and volunteers would never work
together in harmony. Paoli, therefore, kept the
volunteers at home, and gave Truguet the whole
of the 42nd regiment, and drafts from the 26th
and 52nd. Truguet's squadron set sail on
January 8th, 1793. Napoleon said, at a later
period, that never was an enterprise conducted
with less prudence or ability. But at the time

197

Napoleon: The First Phase

he believed that he could succeed, and on
June 1 2th he wrote to a friend that the fleet
ought to get possession of Cagliari. There was
no discipline either among the sailors or among
the four thousand desperadoes who had been
embarked at Marseilles. Napoleon said after-
wards that they were anarchists, who carried
terror everywhere, who were always looking only
for aristocrats and priests, and were thirsting for
blood and crime. As a matter of fact, after
making a sort of attack on Cagliari on the night
of February i5th, the Marseillais were seized
with a panic, turned and ran away, throwing away
their muskets, their haversacks, and even their
clothes. They gained their ships, and departed
with cries of " Treason ! " and threats of hanging
Casabianca on a lantern.

In order to assist the expedition against Cag-
liari, Truguet formed the plan of a naval attack
on the north of Sardinia, to be carried out by the
volunteers under Colonel Colonna Cesari Rocca.
Cesari, who disapproved of the enterprise alto-
gether, consented with reluctance. He took with
him the corvette called La Fauvette, two hundred
and fifty grenadiers of the 52nd regiment, and four
hundred and fifty volunteers, the flower of the
flock. He had on board ship provisions for six
hundred combatants for forty or fifty days, and
two large cannons. He set sail from Bonifacio
on February i8th, Napoleon with him. Corsicans,

198

La Maddalena

who served as his secretaries at that period,
have left a record that he was remarkably clean
in his habits ; that he dictated his orders with
rapidity ; that he was very fond of tabular state-
ments, and carried out the smallest details in
order, regularity, and exactness. Others have
reported he sought to be informed about every-
thing ; that he was very neat in his attire ; that
he was most careful in dressing himself, washing
himself every morning with a wet sponge, and
having a dressing-case with fittings of silver
marked with his initials.

The islands formerly called Buccinari, now
Le Bocche, are situated in the Straits of Boni-
facio, between Corsica and Sardinia. They were
at this time inhabited by shepherds, labourers,
and sailors, who were Corsican in language and
customs, and lived a simple, hard-working life.
The islands are eleven in number, and the largest
of them is Maddalena, which is guarded by
two forts. Close to this is Caprera, which was
the residence of Garibaldi at the close of his life.
France claimed these islands on the ground of
their having belonged to Genoa.

Cesari left Bonifacio, as we have before said,
on the night of February i8th, 1792, and the
next day was in sight of the islands. But the
fleet was detained by a calm, and was driven
back to harbour by a strong wind. On Febru-
ary 22nd, at nine a.m., Cesari started anew, but

199

Napoleon : The First Phase

the volunteers refused to follow him, being afraid
of sea-sickness and of the Sardinian galleys.
Cesari, disregarding the volunteers, sailed to
Maddalena, and they were shamed into following
him. They anchored at the south-west of Mad-
dalena, at the entrance of the canal which sepa-
rates that island from San Stefano. At four p.m.,
protected by the fire of the Fauvette, the troops
landed on San Stefano. The Sardinians met
them on the rocks, and then retired to a large
square tower at the extremity of Villa Marina.
The Corsicans occupied San Stefano, and sur-
rounded the tower. Napoleon was of opinion
that they should have immediately constructed
a battery against Maddalena, and carried that
island by storm in the disturbance. By not doing
this, the favourable moment was lost. On the
following day the tower, garrisoned by twenty-
five Swiss, was taken.

On the night of February 23rd, Napoleon,
who commanded both the artillery and the volun-
teers, built a battery, armed with a mortar and
two small guns, opposite Maddalena and its two
little forts. In his report to the Minister of War
he declared that he fired upon the village both
shells and red-hot shot ; that he set it on fire
four successive times; that he destroyed more
than eighty houses, burnt a magazine of wood, and
reduced the two forts to silence. The weather
was terrible, with heavy rain and a strong wind.

200

La Maddalena

The cold was intense, and there was little or no
wood, and scarcely any food, while the island
contained five hundred combatants, soldiers, the
militia of Gallura, and the inhabitants capable of
bearing arms. Notwithstanding these obstacles,
Napoleon hoped to be master of Maddalena on
the following day. On the evening of February
24th Cesari determined to attack on the next
morning at dawn. But the crew of the Fauvette
were afraid. They saw the coast of Sardinia
occupied with men and horses, and greatly ex-
aggerated their number. They determined to
set sail, and made their preparations accordingly.
Cesari went on board the ship and did his best to
recall them to duty. " Citizens," he cried, " why
do you mutiny ? What madness induces you to
be faithless to your country and to yourselves ? "
They replied with one voice, " We will not stay."
But immediate departure would have meant the
sacrifice of the volunteers and the regular troops.
Cesari said that if they did not obey, he would
blow up the ship. Quenza and Bonaparte, to
their great indignation, were compelled to retreat
just as victory seemed certain.

The retreat took place in the greatest dis-
order ; in fact, the second company of the grena-
diers of the 52nd was nearly left behind.
Napoleon, on February 28th, signed a paper
which recognized the zeal and patriotism of
Cesari ; but on March 2nd he wrote to the

201

Napoleon : The First Phase

Minister of War that the Corsican volunteers
had been in need of every kind of munition — of
tents, clothes, great-coats, of a train of artillery—
but that their courage had supplied every defect,
and that they would have succeeded if it had
not been for their infamous abandonment by the
corvette, and that the punishment of the cowards
and the traitors, which caused the failure of the
enterprise, was necessary to the interest and glory
of the republic. The tension between the volun-
teers and the sailors is shown by an assault which
was made on Napoleon in the public square of
Bonifacio by some of the crew of the Fauvette.

The volunteers of Bocognano came to the
rescue and saved their colonel, and would have
killed the sailors if Napoleon had not prevented
them from doing so. Whatever may be our
judgment on the Maddalena expedition, its con-
duct casts no reflection on the character or the
career of Napoleon.

202

CHAPTER XI

PAOLI

WE now come to the history of the
quarrel between Napoleon and
Paoli, which was one of the most
important events of his early man-
hood. We have seen that at this time Corsica
was in a most disturbed condition, and that the
relations between the French and the islanders
were strained almost to breaking. In June, 1791,
the Assembly sent two Commissioners, Monestier
and the Abbe Andrei, to Corsica, to inquire
into the condition of affairs, and on their arrival
they were met by strong complaints against the
conduct of the Directory of the Department.
It was natural that the Directory should not
regard the Commissioners with favour ; they
could not deny their power, but they did their
best to render their actions inoperative. Mones-
tier reported that the island was in a state of
anarchy, elections were a matter of intrigue or
private enmity and friendship, justice did not
exist, the election of the juges de paix was the

203 M

Napoleon : The First Phase

cause of such domestic quarrels that they re-
ceived the name of juges de guerre ; more than a
hundred and thirty homicides had taken place in
three years, and only one person had been con-
demned for them. Agriculture was at a stand-
still, the peasant could not work in the fields
without a musket by his side, the roads were
becoming useless, the forests were being laid
waste. The public revenues were an object of
public pillage, and large sums which had been
given by the Minister of the Interior for draining
the marshes of St. Florent and Aleria went into
private pockets, and no accounts were published.
The Directory laid its hands upon all the
revenues ; it received the customs, now reduced
by one-half, and used them in paying their
officers, their relations, and their friends. The
four battalions of National Guards cost about
^2500 a month ; this sum was regularly paid,
but there were not more than twenty or twenty-
five men in a company. The captains enriched
themselves, and the finances of the volunteers
were also in great disorder. Assignats were
not received by tradesmen as payment in the
island ; they were discharged at Toulon or
Marseilles for money which disappeared before
it reached the hands of those entitled to it.
Pillage was the order of the day.

Since 1790 there had been two Directories
of the Department, one under the influence of

204

Paoli

Arena, the other of Saliceti ; Pozzo di Borgo
belonged to the first, and Joseph Bonaparte to
the second. They were, however, characterized
by the same faults and the same pltmderings,
and the same abuse of power. They were com-
posed chiefly of young men, entirely without
experience. Paoli was president of the Council
General, but he took no part in the administra-
tion ; he gave advice when he was asked for it,
but did not interfere otherwise. On September
nth, 1792, after the fall of the monarchy and
the retirement of Rossi, Paoli was nominated by
the Councel Executif Provisoire at Paris Lieu-
tenant-General and Commandant of the 2 3rd
division. He therefore concentrated in his hands
both civil and military power, and no one doubted
of his attachment to France. At the elections
for the Convention, the conflict between Paoli
and the Directory became apparent. The babbo,
as he was called, wished the six members to be
Saliceti, Cesari, Massaria, Andrei, Bozio, and
Panattieri, and Paoli was to preside at the
election. But he was laid up with fever, and
Saliceti took his place. Saliceti secured the
election of himself, Casabianca, Chiappe, and
Moltedo, who were members of the Directory,
Andrei and Bozio, so that three of the most
important Paolists were excluded. Paoli re-
covered and determined to take his revenge.
By a decree of the Convention, passed on

205

Napoleon : The First Phase

September 22nd, all municipal bodies had to be
renewed, and not a single member of the
Directory was re-elected. Paoli won a complete
triumph, and the Council-General was composed
exclusively of his adherents. At this time,
Pozzo di Borgo, who had been a member of the
Legislative, became Paoli's principal adviser.
He was a well-educated lawyer with good
manners, and Lady Elliot speaks of him as the
only Corsican who was really distinguished. The
babbo fell more and more under his influence,
and Pozzo said of himself, " He is the head, I
am the hand."

The chief adversary of Paoli was Saliceti,
who, after playing a prominent part in the
Revolution and under the Directory, became
Minister of Police at Naples, under Murat. He
died prematurely, and Napoleon, on hearing of
his death, wrote to Murat, " You do not know
what you have lost, and of what assistance this
man might have been in a difficult time. He
was one of those who always succeed." His
character was unscrupulous, he loved money
beyond everything, he was amiable and affec-
tionate in private life, but cold and petulant in
public affairs. There is a story that when he
was once walking with Napoleon on a narrow
ledge on the Riviera of Genoa, the idea occurred
to him of throwing the future Emperor into the
sea. " We were alone," he relates, " and ten

206

Paoli

times did the idea occur to me to throw him into
the sea; one blow and the world was changed."
It is difficult to say which is most strange, that
he should have conceived this idea, or that he
should have avowed it. Napoleon as Emperor
made use of Saliceti, but never allowed him near
his person.

Saliceti had been a member of the Constituent
Assembly, he was the leader of the Corsican
patriots, and obtained the return of Paoli to the
island, as he then respected and admired him.
Paoli said that he loved him as a son, and he
secured his election as Procureur Syndic of the
department. Indeed, after Paoli, he was the most
popular man in Corsica, and was regarded as a
second Paoli, and as the second founder of the
prosperity of his country. He was a warm sup-
porter of the union with France. He said that if
Corsica were isolated and independent it would be
torn by factions and subject to foreign invasions,
it would not be able to meet the expense of an
army, a fleet, and an administration, it would be
ruined by the smallest war, and was exposed to
the attacks of Tunis, Algiers, and Genoa. It was
much better to be united to France and to share
in its prestige ; to be associated with an empire
the size of which would give consistency to the
island, with a nation which could protect the
Corsican coast, and secure its commerce. As
for the volunteers, what would be more profitable

207

Napoleon : The First Phase

than that two thousand Corsicans should receive
their pay from France ?

Gradually, however, the relations between
Paoli and Saliceti became less friendly. Paoli
thought that his conduct as Procureur Syndic,was
too arbitrary, and Saliceti became jealous of the
babbo. He was also afraid lest some of his
malversations should be discovered, and Pozzo
threatened to inquire into them. He said, " When
all the facts are known the people will open
their eyes to the real merit of certain pretended
eagles of genius, and their affectation of dis-
interested motives." In fact the new regime was
not at all to Saliceti's taste. As member of the
Convention, he wrote to Napoleon from Paris,
that he regarded the last election as a counter-
revolution, but that he was not afraid, and that
misfortune was good, that the results would be
happy for the country, and that in three or four
months the cloud which covered the horizon
would be dispersed.

Another adversary of Paoli was Bartolommeo
Arena. He had begun by daubing Paoli with
the coarsest flattery. He proposed to erect a
statue of him, and when Paoli objected that his
career was by no means terminated, Arena de-
clared that the glory of the babbo was eternal.
He held several appointments and was elected to
the Legislative Assembly in Paris. Paoli despised
him, and suspected him of malversation. An

208

Paoli

obscure Corsican quarrel with the rival family
of Savelli turned love into hatred, and he became
the mortal enemy of Paoli. He opposed him in
every way, and denounced him as traitor to the
Minister of War and to the Jacobins of Paris.
He accused him of being more like a Pasha than
a constitutional general, that he was surrounded
by a body-guard, and that he had designs on the
sovereignty of Corsica. In the quarrel he was
amply supported by his brothers, Filippo Antonio
and Giuseppe. Another member of the Arena-
Saliceti party, the "fazione Arena-Salicetaria"
as Pozzo calls it, was Gentili, who had been
the secretary, the confidant, and the intimate
friend of Paoli during his exile, but who now, for
some obscure reason, broke with him. Volney
also, who had left the island in disgust, and had
gone to Paris, vented his disappointment on Paoli
as he did upon the rest of the world.

Napoleon also determined to leave the side of
Paoli, and to attach himself to that of Saliceti.
He had some years before a great admiration for
Saliceti, which is shown both in his letter to
Buttafuoco and in his Lyons essay. In the
beginning of 1793 Saliceti opened up a corre-
spondence with Napoleon, in which he said, " I
desire, my dear friend, that you would furnish
me with an opportunity of showing how much
I have at heart to give you a mark of friendship.
You can count upon me entirely, and perhaps

209

Napoleon : The First Phase

I shall not be altogether useless to you. Adieu !
I embrace you, with your brother and all your
family."

Napoleon became gradually more convinced
that Corsica could never be independent, and his
ambition turned more and more to the side of
France. He forgave the confiscation by the
provincial Government of his estate at Milelli
and the Boldrini mansion. He rejoiced in French
victories. He said to Semonville, after the
execution of Louis XVI., " I have reflected much
on our situation ; the Convention has, without
doubt, committed a great crime, and I deplore
it more than any one ; but, whatever happens,
Corsica must always be joined to France, and
it can only exist on this condition ; the cause of
union will always be defended by me and
mine." Paoli apparently made no effort to retain
Napoleon. He is reported to have said to him
once, " Napoleon, you have nothing modern about
you, and you do not belong to this age ; your
feelings are those of a hero of Plutarch. Courage !
You will take your flight." But a coolness grew
up between them. Perhaps Paoli remembered
the treacherous conduct of Charles Bonaparte,
the father. He thought that the Bonapartes were
restless, aggressive, and devoured by ambition,
as undoubtedly they were. He refused to take
Lucien as his secretary. He disapproved of the
conduct of Joseph in the Directory ; he passed

210

Paoli

Napoleon over for the post of aide-de-camp. He
is reported to have said to Semonville, " Do you I
see that little man ? He has in him two M anuses '
and a Sulla." This irritation was kept up by the
influence of Pozzo de Borgo, who regarded the
Bonapartes as his mortal enemies. It is difficult
for an Englishman to appreciate the strength of a
Corsican vendetta.

In the Convention Saliceti was the only
Corsican deputy who voted for the death of
Louis. The Provisional Government complained
to him that Corsica contributed little to the
common defence, that they did not pay their
taxes, nor send their volunteers to the mainland,
and that the island was in a state of anarchy.
Saliceti admitted these charges and laid the
blame on Paoli, who, he said, was influenced by
men of perfidious intentions. War was declared
against England on February ist, 1793. This
tended to make Paoli unpopular, because he had
lived twenty years in London, and had received
a pension from George III. The result was that
Paoli was summoned to Toulon. But he refused
to go, alleging as reasons, his age and infirmities,
the fear of sea-sickness, and the danger of leaving
the country. A second summons to Nice was
not more effectual. On January 28th and on
February 5th, 1793, Saliceti made speeches in
the Convention about Corsica, which were not
favourable to Paoli. Eventually Saliceti, with

211

Napoleon : The First Phase

two other deputies, were sent to Corsica as Com-
missioners of the Convention. We need not
pursue in detail the course of their intrigues, into
which quite as much personal jealousy and hatred
entered as zeal for the efficiency of the public
service. Saliceti and his colleagues arrived at
Bastia on April 6th. A quarrel rose between
the Commissioners and the Directory. On
April 1 3th Saliceti had an interview with Paoli
at Corte. He apparently persuaded the babbo
to come to Bastia to confer with the Com-
missioners, and also advised him to retire from
political life and go to Paris. The result of this
was that, on April 1 6th, the three Commissioners
sent a letter to Paoli begging him to come to
Bastia to assist them in the work of reconciliation
and peace. But on the following day the as-
tonishing news arrived that the Convention had
ordered the arrest of Paoli and Pozzo.

The cause of this coup d'ttat was Lucien,
the brother of Napoleon, then a lad of eighteen.
He had sublime confidence in himself, and cared
little for the advice of his brothers. He had
been Paoli's secretary for six months, and he has
described with a fluent and romantic pen the old
convent in which the general lodged, the noble
simplicity of his life, the frugality of his meals,
the magnificent forest of chestnuts which sur-
rounded his abode, the goats guarded by shep-
herds lying in the shade of trees, and singing

212

Paoli

from hill to hill in answer to each other, like the
shepherds of Theocritus and Vergil. He then
describes how he returns to his home, he finds
his mother writing at the side of Elisa, Pauline
and Jerome playing together, Louis daubing
with paints, Napoleon, in his uniform of lieut.-
colonel, sitting at a window with Caroline on his
knee playing with his watch-chain. The children
are dismissed. Lucien says that Paoli is turning
traitor, and has said, " Woe to those who take
the side of the brigands, I will recognize none
of them, not even the sons of Charles." At these
words, Letizia, Joseph, and Napoleon pace up and
down the room. Napoleon cries, " It is too much.
Ah ! Master Pascal declares war upon us ; good,
we will make war also." They decided to resist
Paoli, and to defend Ajaccio against the moun-
taineers. Lucien says that he has given his
word of honour to return, and that he must rejoin
Paoli, whom he cannot leave. But his mother
and Joseph command him to stay, and with tears
he signs a letter written by Letizia and his two
elder brothers. He says in it that he yields to
the wishes of his family, but that he will always
preserve the memory of Paoli. He gives this
letter to the mountaineer, Lucchesi, to carry to
Paoli, and bids him secretly to kiss the hand of
the general.

All this is romance. Some days before this,
Lucien had left Paoli on his own account because

213

Napoleon : The First Phase

Se"monville had promised to take him as his
secretary to Constantinople. Lucien followed
him to France, and there solemnly denounced
Paoli before the Republican Club of Toulon.
From his memoirs it appears that this denuncia-
tion was unpremeditated, and that, called upon to
speak upon the condition of Corsica, he was led
by the general enthusiasm and applause to say
what he did not intend, no unusual error for a
young man to make. He said that Paoli was
the tyrant and not the defender of his people,
that he paid with French gold a Swiss regiment
which was devoted to him, that he wished to
be King of Corsica, that he exercised all the
despotism of a sovereign, holding the island in
degrading servitude, committing barbarous and
arbitrary acts, neglecting the employment of
juries, throwing citizens into prison and entomb-
ing his wretched victims in his Bastille at Corte.
There was only one remedy — to dismiss Paoli
immediately and to deliver him to the sword of
the law. This denunciation was received by the
Club with enthusiasm, and an address to the Con-
vention was based upon it. It was presented to
the Convention, on April 2nd, by Escudier, deputy
for the Var. In his speech he accused Paoli of
tyranny and treason, laid at his door the failure
of the expedition to Sardinia, reproached him for
his connection with England, and proposed to
summon him to the bar, together with Pozzo di

214

Paoli

Borgo. Andrei begged the Convention to await
the report of their Commissioners, but Escudier
was supported by La Source, Marat, Cambon and
Barere, who said that Paoli had become British,
and that Pitt coveted the island. On the motion
of Cambon, the Commissioners were ordered to
get possession of Paoli and Pozzo by every
means in their power. Lucien was very proud of
his exploit, and wrote to his brothers that he had
dealt a fatal blow to their enemies, which they
had not anticipated. His letter was intercepted
and brought to Paoli, who remarked, "What a
little blackguard — he is capable of anything ! "
He published the letter, saying that he kept the
original in order to devote the name of its writer
to perpetual infamy.

On receiving the decree of the Convention,
Saliceti was in despair, but he was obliged to
execute it. He ordered Raffaelle Casabianca to
take command of the 23rd division, and the
municipality of Corte to arrest Paoli and Pozzo
di Borgo. This was more easily said than done.
The Corsicans were indignant; they flocked to
Corte to prevent the arrest of their hero. The
Directory endeavoured to support him ; they
printed in Italian the discussion in the Convention
on April 2nd, and the speech of Lucien at Toulon,
adding a refutation. They then proceeded to
rouse the country, and a civil war broke out.
The Commissioners, with some difficulty, were

215

Napoleon : The First Phase

able to hold Calvi, and they were sure of Saint
Florent, and Bastia, but Bonifacio and Ajaccio
escaped them. At Bonifacio, Quenza refused to
acknowledge Casabianca, and declared that he
remained faithful to Paoli, seized the military
camp, and took possession of the magazine of
arms and munitions of war.

What part were the Bonaparte family to play
in this juncture ? Joseph went to Saliceti and
represented to him that the decree of April ;th,
ordering the arrest of Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo,
was worthy of the majesty of the Republic, which
should be consistently on her guard, but that it
was precipitate and forced the hand of the Com-
missioners. Napoleon was of the same opinion ;
he wrote to Quenza that he hoped that his bat-
talion would not be suppressed. He believed
that matters would be arranged and that the
Commissioners would come to terms with Paoli.
He was greatly disturbed at the decree, which
took him by surprise. He saw that there would
be a civil war, and that Paoli would certainly
win at first, and would certainly not spare the
Bonapartes. He therefore wrote a letter to
the Convention begging them to withdraw the
decree. He said that the Convention had passed
laws each of which was a blessing. But the
decree which summoned to its bar the aged and
infirm Paoli had saddened the whole of Ajaccio.
Paoli a conspirator ! Why should he conspire ?

216

Paoli

To avenge himself on the Bourbons ! They had
exiled him, but his resentment, if he had any,
must have been satisfied by the death of Louis.
To restore the nobles and the priests ? He had
always fought against them. To deliver Corsica
to the English ? What would he gain by living
in the slums of London ? Was he then ambitious?
What had he to desire? He was the patriarch
of liberty, and the precursor of the French Re-
public ; the Corsicans loved him and gave him
their entire confidence ; they gave him everything
because they owed him everything, even the
happiness of being Frenchmen and Republicans.

" Put calumny to silence," he concluded, " and
the pernicious men who use it ; recall your decree
of April 2nd ; give back joy to all this people and
listen to their cry of sorrow." Besides this, he
drew up a petition to the municipality of Ajaccio,
in which he suggested that they should convoke
a meeting in which all the citizens should swear
that they would die French Republicans.

But the Bonapartes had lost their influence
in the town. The events of Easter, 1792, were
not forgotten. The new mayor, Guitera, was an
ardent Paolist. The Patriotic Club, which sup-
ported Saliceti, was met by a new club, called
the Society of the Incorruptible Friends of the
People, the Law, Liberty, and Equality, founded
by Mario Peraldi. This club declared itself
ardently on the side of Paoli. Attempts made

217

Napoleon : The First Phase

by Napoleon to reconcile the two parties, and to
come to an understanding with Paoli, proved
ineffectual. On April 26th Paoli addressed to
the Convention a dignified and moderate letter,
regretting that his age and infirmities prevented
him from coming to them in person, and con-
founding his accusers, declaring his devotion to
France, and his willingness to retire from Corsica
if his presence there was a cause of distrust or
hatred. The Convention, the Executive Council,
and the Committee of Public Safety, fearing to
drive the Corsicans to despair, determined to
recall the decree of April 2nd. The letter of
Paoli was read before the Assembly on May i6th,
and the committee wrote to the Commissioners
counselling a careful and a moderate action. A
week later Barere announced that two fresh Com-
missioners would be sent to Corsica to arrange
matters ; they were Antiboul and Bo, and on
June 5th, again on the proposition of Barere, the
Convention determined to suspend the decree of
April 2nd until the report of Antiboul and Bo
should have been received.

This was the epoch of the fall of the Giron-
dists, which caused disturbances throughout the
whole of France. Antiboul and Bo were arrested
in Marseilles by the revolted sections, and Paoli,
who supported the Girondists, was confirmed in
his rebellion. He endeavoured to separate two
of the Commissioners, Delcher and Lacombe

218

Paoli

Saint Michel, from Saliceti, but he found that all
three were warmly attached to each other. He
then suggested that they had come to the island
with the purpose of making an arrangement with
Genoa for surrendering Corsica in exchange for
the Gulf of Spezzia, Volney having persuaded
the French to get rid of so costly a possession.
The opposition to the Commissioners broke out
into open rebellion, and the rebels expected
assistance from England or Spain. The peasants
traversed the country crying, " Evviva il Generale
Paoli ! " and the houses of those who were not
favourable to the babbo were attacked. The
Commissioners, on their side, began to employ
force. They created a new Directory, and
changed the capital from Corte to Bastia ; they
cashiered Quenza, and publicly condemned Paoli.
The civil war in Corsica was an echo of that
which was raging in many parts of France
between the partisans of the Mountain and those
of the Gironde.

At the end of April Napoleon was still in
Ajaccio, and was doing his best to recover it for
the Convention. He tried to get possession of
the citadel, and even thought of bombarding it
Paoli wrote on May 5th : " Napoleon Bonaparte,
Abbatucci, and I believe Meuron, and some others
of their friends, have endeavoured these last days
to drive the National Guard from the citadel of
Ajaccio, as if the fortresses were more secure

219 N

Napoleon : The First Phase

for the Republic in the hands of troops of the
line than in the hands of Corsican volunteers.
At this time the action of Lucien Bonaparte in
inducing the club at Toulon to approach the
Convention became known, and that Joseph was
with the Commissioners at Bastia, and was a
confidant of Saliceti. Thus the opinion prevailed
both at Corte and Ajaccio that the decree against
Paoli and Pozzo had been contrived by the Sali-
ceti party, of which the Bonapartes were promi-
nent members. Napoleon, therefore, determined
to leave Ajaccio, and to join the Commissioners
at Bastia.

The adventures he went through form a most
romantic story. He left the town on foot with
one of his own peasants, Nicola Frate, of Bocog-
nano, to whose son he left 10,000 francs in his
will. He soon became aware that if he con-
tinued his journey he would be arrested, so he
determined to return to Ajaccio and to endeavour
to reach Bastia by sea. At Bocognano he was
stopped by some peasants, stirred up by Mario
Peraldi, and confined in a room on the ground
floor of a house which looked in the street. At
night he escaped out of the window, and accom-
panied by two friends, Felice Tusoli and Mar-
caggi, both of whom he richly rewarded, went to
Ucciani, where the mayor, Poggioli, whom he
also mentioned in his will, gave him assistance.
It was now daylight, and he did not dare to

220

Paoli

re-enter the town, so he concealed himself in the
grotto of a garden belonging to his uncle, Nicola
Paravicini, and at nightfall went to the house of
his cousin, John Jerome Levie, who had been
mayor in the previous year. He then went to
bed and slept peacefully. The next night he also
slept well, and the following day he spent in
reading Rollin's history. But towards evening
Levie became aware that the retreat of the fugi-
tive was discovered, and that the Grenadiers were
out in search of him. Napoleon was just about
to proceed to the shore, where he would find a
boat, when a loud knock was heard at the door.
Levie sent his cousin into his room, and the rest
of the garrison — for the house had been placed in
a state of defence — into another apartment. The
brigadier of the gendarmes entered alone. He
said, " I am looking for Napoleon Bonaparte, and
have been ordered to search your house." Levie
replied that he was much offended, that he was
a peaceable citizen, and that he had been mayor
of the town, and that the gendarmes might search
his house from top to bottom, but that they would
find nothing. The brigadier replied, with an
appearance of relief, that he was satisfied with
Levie's word ; he drank a glass of wine, and
retired, after making his apologies.

Napoleon took leave of Madame Levie with
perfect calmness, came down the staircase opening
through the cellar, the garden and the stables,

221

Napoleon : The First Phase

and reached the shore. There a French boat
took them to the ship. The sailors, who were
waiting with impatience, received him gladly, and
Levie took his leave. Napoleon went by sea
to Macinaggio, and thence by way of Rogliano
to Bastia, hiding in a wretched house which he
had hired with difficulty. Napoleon, in his will,
left 100,000 francs to Levie, his widow, his
children, and his grand-children.

Napoleon advised the Commissioners to con-
centrate all their efforts on St. Florent, to fortify
it strongly, and to entrench themselves there
until they received assistance from France. He
also urged them to gain possession of Ajaccio,
saying that the town was on their side, with the
exception of those who were under the influence
of Peraldi. On May 23rd Lacombe Saint Michel,
Saliceti, Napoleon, and Joseph left the bay of
St. Florent in the middle of the night. They
took with them four hundred regular troops, some
gunners, and a few gendarmes. The artillery,
under the orders of Napoleon, consisted of two
mortars and some cannon, embarked on the
corvette La Belette, the brig Le Hazard, and
some other smaller vessels. After being seven
days at sea in bad weather, they arrived in the
harbour of Ajaccio, where they saw the standard
of the Republic hoisted on the citadel. They
anchored on the opposite side of the harbour,
close to the old tower of Campitello. The troops

222

Paoli

disembarked on June ist, but they were only
joined by twenty-three Swiss of the Regiment
Salis-Grisons and six soldiers of the 52nd, to-
gether with some citizens, amongst whom was
the Abbe Coti, Procureur Syndic of the district,
a friend of the Bonapartes. The Commissioners
sent an imperious message to the municipality
ordering them to surrender. But they replied
that the town was attached to the French
Republic, but that they would not receive the
Commissioners, while the soldiers and sailors
sent them a message begging them to retire,
saying that the Corsicans and French Republicans
would submit to the law of the Convention, but
that they rejected the presence and the partiality
of Saliceti. The troops remained during the day
of June 2nd at Campitello and re-embarked in the
morning. Coti informed them that they could
expect no assistance, as Colonna-Leca, who com-
manded the citadel, had disarmed the greater
part of the inhabitants, and had trained his
guns on the houses of the patriots. In fact,
the Paolists were receiving reinforcements every
moment, and the National Guards of the neigh-
bouring parishes were coming to their support.
The whole affair had ended in nothing.

Civil war had indeed broken out. Calvi was
attacked by Leonetti, who called out to the troops
which garrisoned it that they should pay dearly
for the blood of their king. On May i6th the

223

Napoleon : The First Phase

Council General, which was faithful to Paoli,
summoned a Corsican parliament to meet at
Corte. They met to the number of a thousand,
on May 2ist, in the Convent of St. Francis.
More than two thousand Corsicans awaited their
decision in the public square. Paoli and Pozzo,
being sent for, entered the hall of deliberation
amidst the firing of guns and the applause of
the people of the Congress. Paoli affirmed his
unshakable attachment to the Republic. The
meeting proclaimed him as father of his country,
and condemned the decree of April 2nd. Those
who refused to acknowledge the authority of
Saliceti, Delcher and Lacombe Saint Michel,
Paoli and Pozzo were to be retained in their
offices, and Saliceti, Moltedo, and Casabianca
were deprived of their positions as representatives
because they had outraged their duty and lost all
confidence. On May 2Qth, in the last meeting
of the Parliament, a violent resolution was passed
against the families of Arena and Bonaparte,
which ended thus : " Considering that the brothers
Bonaparte have succeeded in their efforts, and
supported the impostures of the Arena, by joining
the Commissioners of the Convention, who de-
spair of subjecting us to their tyrannical factions,
and threaten to sell us to the Genoese, considering
on the other side that it is beneath the dignity
of the Corsican people to trouble themselves
about the families of Arena or Bonaparte, they

224

Paoli

abandon them to their own private remorse and
to public opinion, which has already condemned
them to perpetual execution and infamy.

The inhabitants of Ajaccio were less scrupu-
lous. The dogs had received a bad name, and
their fellow-citizens proceeded to hang them.
The mansion of the Bonapartes was sacked,
together with the houses of the Moltedo, of the
Meuron, and of several other patriots. Letizia
had a few days before received a letter from
Napoleon. " Preparatevi, questo paese non e" per
noi." (" Prepare yourself; this country is not for
us.") She retired with her children and Fesch
to Milelli, where she was followed by the Abbe
Coti and others. She tried to reach the tower
of Campitello to join the squadron of the Com-
missioners, which she knew was expected. She
travelled on a dark night, and with the greatest
difficulty, guided through the tortuous paths and
the brushwood by the faithful Lieutenant Nunzio
Costa, gained Campitello on May 2ist, the very
day of the Commissioners' arrival.

Napoleon and Joseph, seeing some persons
making signals on the beach, go to meet them
in a boat, discover their mother and sisters, and
conduct them to the ships. On June 3rd the
whole family were united in safety at Calvi.

These events brought about a complete
rupture between Paoli and the Bonapartes. We
need not dwell on the violent indictment which

225

Napoleon : The First Phase

was drawn up by Napoleon against his former
idol. Under the circumstances, strong language
was, if not justifiable, excusable. It was carried
to Paris by Joseph and laid before the Pro-
visional Executive Council ; Saliceti reached Paris
at the same time and used similar language.
On July 1 7th the Convention decreed that
Paoli was a traitor to the republic. They de-
clared him an outlaw, and placed under accusa-
tion Pozzo di Borgo and the leaders of the
Paolist party. Angelo Chiappe did his best to
defend the babbo, but he was not listened to.
Saliceti gained a complete triumph, and the
island was re-conquered. The future history of
the island belongs to a period beyond the limits
of this narrative. Paoli, to defend himself
against the Convention, threw himself into the
arms of the English. He longed to be viceroy,
but the post was given to Sir Gilbert Elliot,
and Elliot, under the influence of Pozzo, got rid
of him. After Paoli had retired to London,
Pozzo became the confidant and favourite of
the viceroy. He left Corsica with Elliot, and
entered the diplomatic service of Russia, where
he remained the bitter enemy of Napoleon, whom
he eventually succeeded in crushing. He is
known to have fomented the bad feeling between
Napoleon and Alexander, and he directed the
policy of the allies in 1814.

Paoli was more generous. He was always
226

Paoli

proud of the successes of Napoleon. He called
him " il nostro patriotto, il nostro nazionale."
When eventually Corsica, by the influence of
Napoleon, obtained liberty and good laws to-
gether with France, to which she belonged,
he said, " Liberty was always the object of our
revolution ; the Corsicans now possess it, and
it matters little from whose hands it has come.
We have the happiness to have acquired it by
one of our compatriots, who with so much honour
and glory has vindicated our country from the
injuries which almost all nations have cast upon
us. I love him because he has shown that the
inhabitants of the island, oppressed and misunder-
stood, can distinguish themselves in every career
of life when they are once delivered from the
cold hands of a tyrannical government. He has
executed vengeance on all those who have been
the cause of our abasement. The name of
Corsica is now no longer despised, and we shall
see still more of her sons figuring in the great
theatre of Europe, for they have with them
talent, a noble ambition and the bright example
of Bonaparte."

Napoleon, on his side, was equally magna-
nimous. He was deeply touched by the ex-
pressions of Paoli. He said that he was a great
man on a little stage, one of those rare geniuses
which are suited to regenerate a degraded people.
He said at Saint Helena that it had been one

227

Napoleon: The First Phase

of his plans to attract Paoli from England, and
to give him a share of his power. " It would
have been," he said, " a great pleasure for me,
and a real trophy."

228

CHAPTER XII

LE SOUPER DE BEAUCAIRE

WHEN the Bonapartes were driven
out of Ajaccio they took refuge
with the Giubigi family at Calvi.
But it was impossible for them to
stay in Corsica, and on June nth they embarked
for Toulon. At the end of the month they
settled in the village of La Valette, at the gates
of that town, but after a short stay removed to
Marseilles. During this time Napoleon went to
Nice to join his regiment, the headquarters being
at Grenoble, but five companies being at Nice,
under the command of Dujardin. He received,
on his arrival, a commission as capitaine com-
mandant. His company was called No. 12, but
his gunners, following the custom of the ancien
r'egime, called it the Bonaparte company.
Napoleon found at Nice, commanding the
artillery of the army of Italy, Jean, Chevalier
du Teil, brother of the Baron du Teil who had
been so kind to him on a previous occasion.
Du Teil had been inspecting the shores of
the Mediterranean and sketching a plan for

229

Napoleon : The First Phase

defending the coast. He attached Napoleon to
the service of the coast batteries, and on July 3rd
Napoleon requested, in his name, the military
authorities, to furnish a model of a furnace
for heating cannon balls better than those
previously in use. A few days later he was
sent to Avignon to superintend the convoys
of powder which were passing to the army of
Italy. At this time the Marseillais, who had
risen in insurrection, were occupying Avignon,
and an army commanded by Carteaux was
marching to meet them. But when Napoleon
arrived they had evacuated the town, and
Carteaux was pursuing them towards Marseilles.
Bonaparte was at this time somewhat dis-
appointed at not being employed on active
service, and at the end of August he wrote to
the Minister of War, Bouchotte, to request the
rank of lieutenant-colonel and permission to serve
in the army of the Rhdne. Bouchotte did not
answer, but he asked the local authorities to see
the young officer and to promote him if he were
deserving.

Napoleon now published a dialogue referring
to the defeat of the federalists, entitled "The
Supper at Beaucaire ; or, a dialogue between a
soldier of Carteaux's army, a Marseillais, a Nimois,
and a manufacturer of Montpellier, on the events
which have taken place in the combat (as it was
familiarly called) on the arrival of the Marseillais."

230

Le Souper de Beaucaire

He afterwards entitled it simply " Souper de
Beaucaire." The soldier was obviously Napoleon
himself, there was a second Marseillais present,
but he does not appear to have said anything.
They are supposed to meet on the first day of
the fair of Beaucaire, and as the manufacturer
of Montpellier only speaks twice, and the Nimois
only three times, the conversation is carried on
almost exclusively between the soldier and the
Marseillais.

After a few introductory remarks, the Mar-
seillais asserts that his countrymen will in a few
days be able to retake Avignon, or at least to
remain master of the Durance. The soldier
warns him of the danger that he is incurring of
destroying the most beautiful town in France.
" You were led to encourage all kinds of hopes
which turned out to be false. You were led
astray by self-love and by an exaggerated view
of the services which you had rendered to liberty.
Your army will be beaten ; you can only collect
five or six thousand men, without training or
unity. You may have good guards, but they
have no worthy subordinates. Carteaux, on the
other hand, has excellently trained soldiers,
accustomed to victory. You have some large
cannons, but any experienced person will tell you
that smaller guns would be equally efficacious.
Your gunners are inexperienced, while those of
Carteaux are among the best in Europe. If

231

Napoleon : The First Phase

your army remains at Aix it will certainly be
beaten, if it marches to meet the enemy it will
be broken without reserve, for the cavalry will
break it up. If you think of fighting at Marseilles
itself, remember that a large body there is in
favour of the republic ; they will join Carteaux,
and your town, the centre of the commerce of
the East, the entrepot of the south, is lost. How
can you be mad enough and blind enough to
resist the whole force of the republic ? Even
supposing you gained a temporary victory, new
reinforcements would arrive. The republic
which gives the law to Europe is not likely to
receive it from Marseilles. Joined with Bordeaux,
Lyons, Montpellier, Nimes, Grenoble, the Jura,
the Loire, the Calvados, you began a revolution
which had a chance of success, but now that
Lyons, Nlmes, Montpellier, Bordeaux, the Jura,
the Loire, Grenoble, and Caen have received
the Constitution, and that Avignon, Tarascon,
and Aries have yielded, your obstinacy becomes
madness. You are exposing the flower of your
youth to be maimed by old veterans accustomed
to the blood of the aristocrats and the Prussians.
Leave this kind of struggle to poor countries
like the Vivarais, Cevennes, and Corsica. They
have little to lose, but if you lose a little, the
fruit of a thousand years of toil, savings, and
happiness becomes the prey of the soldier."

The Marseillais suggests that perhaps
232

Le Souper de Beaucaire

Provence will arise spontaneously and envelop the
Republican army and force it to pass the Durance.
The soldier replies that the two parties exist
everywhere, and that the partisans of the sections
will always prevail. " At Tarascon, Orgon, and
Aries twenty dragoons have been sufficient to
replace the former administration, and to expel
the others. Henceforth no great movement in
your favour is possible in your department. At
Toulon the sectionaires are not so strong as at
Marseilles, and they must stay in the town to
keep the others down." The soldier then under-
takes to defend the Republicans against the
tirade of the Marseillais. " The Allobroges,
whom do you think they are ? Africans or
Siberians ? Not at all ; they are compatriots,
men of Provence, and Dauphin6, and Savoy ;
you think them barbarians because their name
is strange. People in the same way might call
you Phoceans. The soldiers which you call
brigands are our best and most disciplined troops,
Dubois-Cranc£, and Albitte are constant friends
of the people who have never deviated from the
straight path. Condorcet, Brissot, Barbaroux
were always considered villains when they were
pure ; it is the privilege of the good always to
have a bad reputation in the eyes of the bad.
You call Carteaux an assassin when he has done
his utmost to preserve order and discipline, but
your army killed men and assassinated more than

233

Napoleon : The First Phase

thirty persons. Shake off the yoke of the small
number of aristocrats who lead you, resume
sounder principles, and you will never have truer
friends than the soldiers."

The Marseillais observes that the army has
much degenerated since 1 769 ; it would not then
have turned its arms against citizens. " Then,"
replies the soldier, " Vend6e would have planted
the white flag on the rebuilt Bastille, and the
Camp de Jales would rule at Marseilles."
" Vendee and Jales," says the interlocutor, " repre-
sented Royalists ; we are Republicans, friends of
law and order, enemies of anarchy and of villains.
Have we not the tricolour flag ? " " Yes," replies
the soldier. "Paoli raised the tricolour flag in
Corsica, so as to gain time to deceive the people,
to crush the true friends of liberty, to be able
to drag his countrymen into his ambitious and
criminal projects. He hoisted the tricolour flag
and he fired on the vessels of the republic ; he
drove our troops from their fortresses and drained
their garrisons ; he did his best to drive the rest
of the troops from the island ; he pillaged the
magazines, selling everything in them at a low
price, in order to get money to sustain his rebel-
lion ; he plundered and confiscated the property
of the most prosperous families because they
were attached to the unity of the republic, and
he declared all those who remained in our armies
enemies of our country ; he had previously caused

234

Le Souper de Beaucaire

the expedition to Corsica to fail, and yet he had
the confidence to declare himself a friend of
France and a good Republican while he was
deceiving the Convention which annulled the
decree which deposed him. He acted so cleverly
that when he was unmasked by his own letters
found at Calvi, the time was past, and the enemy's
fleet intercepted all communications."

We may suppose that Napoleon believed all
this about Paoli at the time; but he had not
always thought so, and the judgments here con-
tained were expressed under a feeling of severe
irritation. The conversation then turned on the
character of the Girondists, Brissot, Barbaroux,
Condorcet, Vergniaud, and Guadet. The soldier
continues, " I do not ask whether the men who
deserved so well of the people on so many
occasions really conspired against the people ; it
is enough for me to know that when the Moun-
tain, led by public and by party spirit, had
proceeded to the last extremities against them,
having condemned and imprisoned them, I will
even admit having calumniated them, they were
lost when a civil war broke out, which put them
in a position to give the law to their enemies.
Your war served their purpose. If they had
deserved their precious reputation, they would
have thrown away their arms at the sight of the
Constitution, and would have sacrificed their
interests to the public good ; but it is more easy

235 o

Napoleon : The First Phase

to praise Decius than to imitate him. They are
shown to-day to be guilty of the greatest of all
crimes, and have justified their condemnation
by their conduct. The blood which they have
caused to be shed has effaced the real services
which they rendered." Napoleon here speaks
like a true statesman, and what he says gives
the key of his actions in Corsica. He may have
sympathized with the Gironde more than with
the Mountain, with Paoli more than with Saliceti ;
but the one necessity was to avoid civil war at
all hazards, and to preserve intact the majesty
and power of France. France might be led
astray, but she would recover her senses ; a civil
war would tear her in pieces, and surrender her
to the power of her enemies.

The manufacturer of Montpellier then enters
into a long tirade against the conduct of
Marseilles, which is put into his mouth, because
Napoleon did not wish to make himself responsible
for everything contained in it. At the close the
Marseillais threatens that, if driven to extremity,
his compatriots will surrender their country to
Spain. The soldier shows the futility of this
expedient, and the Marseillais concludes by avow-
ing that their situation is desperate. " Well,
sir, where is our remedy to be found ? Is it in
the refugees who come to us from all quarters
of the departments ? It is their interest to act
as desperate men. Is it they who govern us ?

236

Le Souper de Beaucaire

Are they not in the same position ? Is it the
people ? One faction does not understand its
ov/n position : is blinded, is frantic ; the other
is disarmed, suspected, humiliated. I see with
profound affliction that our misfortunes have no
remedy."

The soldier then terminates the discussion
by saying, " At last you are reasonable. Why
should not a similar change of opinion take place
in the large number of your fellow-citizens who
are deceived, and are yet of good faith ? Then
Albitte, who must be desirous to spare the blood
of Frenchmen, will send you a man both loyal
and adroit. You will be again of one mind, and
the army, without halting for a single moment,
will advance to the walls of Perpignan, to make
the Spaniard, who has been elevated by a little
success, dance the Carmagnole. Marseilles will
then continue to be the centre of gravity of
liberty. It will only be necessary to leave out
a few pages from her history." Napoleon adds,
" This prophecy put us all into good humour
again. The Marseillais willingly paid for some
bottles of champagne, which entirely dissipated
our cares and anxieties. We went to bed at
two in the morning, promising to meet again
at breakfast the next day, when the Marseillais
would again propose some difficulties, and I
should teach him some interesting truths."

This paper is very remarkable. It is admirably
237

Napoleon : The First Phase

written, and, notwithstanding some exaggera-
tions, is full of sound good sense and political
wisdom. But it attracted no attention. It was
regarded as a party pamphlet, which the soldiers
of Carteaux distributed in their march in answer
to the similar leaflets of the departmental army.
The quarrel had reached a stage beyond the
power of argument. It had to be decided, not
by the pen, but by the sword, and to be recorded
in characters of fire and blood.

238

CHAPTER XIII

TOULON

NAPOLEON returned from Avignon
to Nice, and on September i5th
he wrote from Marseilles, ordering
the authorities of Vaucluse to
furnish five waggons for the transport of powder,
intended not only for the service of the coast, but
also for the army of Italy. At this time Toulon
had rebelled against the Convention, and had
delivered itself to the English, and the army of
Carteaux had instructions to reduce it to
obedience. On September 7th, he occupied the
ravine of Ollioules, a gorge through which passes
the only carriageable road between Toulon and
Marseilles. In the action one man was killed
and two were wounded, one of whom was Dom-
martin, the commander of the artillery. He was
hit by a ball on the shoulder, as he was pointing
a gun. By a kind of accident Napoleon was sent
to replace him, and this proved an important epoch
in his fortunes. At this time all armies in the
field were attended by members of the Conven-
tion, and the two deputies attached to the army

239

Napoleon : The First Phase

of Carteaux were Saliceti and Gasparin, who
behaved admirably, and befriended Napoleon.

Toulon was regarded at this time as one
of the largest and most formidable fortresses
in the world, the advanced works making the
town impregnable. Its existing defences were
strengthened by the English, who erected a
number of new batteries. Carteaux, who com-
manded in chief, placed his headquarters at
Ollioules, and directed the operations of the right
division ; whereas the left division was under the
order of La Poype. On September i8th, two
days after Napoleon's arrival, Carteaux drove the
enemy from the Valley of Favieres, seized the
chateau of Dardennes, together with the foundry
and the mills which supplied Toulon, and cut off
their supply of water. After this the two divisions
came closer together. The communications of
Toulon with the interior were interrupted, and
the only roads open were those of Ollioules on
the west, and La Vallette on the east. Carteaux's
army was not in a good condition. On Sep-
tember 1 8th it numbered ten thousand combatants,
and it was constantly receiving reinforcements.
But some of the battalions were not armed at all,
and others did not know how to use their arms.
There were some good troops ; but even these
took their duties easily. Artillery scarcely ex-
isted. Napoleon, when he arrived at Ollioules,
found only two 24-pounders, two i6-pounders,

240

KiiNAI'AKl i: AT TOULON
(h'roin it /tainting by Greitze)

Toulon

and two mortars, and no ammunition or tools.
The men were not much better than their pieces.
The first care of Napoleon was to secure for the
artillery more consideration and independence,
and with that view he asked for a special general
to command the artillery. La Salette, an old
friend of Napoleon's, was chosen ; but by an
accident he did not reach Toulon till the town had
been taken. Until the general should arrive,
Napoleon insisted on taking his place. " Do your
duty," he said to his colleagues, " and let me
do mine." Three days after his arrival he had
raised the strength of his arm to the number of
four cannons, four mortars, and the materials for
the construction of several batteries. On Octo-
ber 1 8th he was promoted to the rank of Chef de
Bataillon.

To secure the success of the siege, the chief
point was to compel the retirement of the Eng-
lish fleet. Immediately, on his arrival, Napoleon
saw that this could be effected by seizing the
point of L'Eguillette, which commands both road-
steads of Toulon — the larger and the smaller.
If the Republicans could establish themselves on
the promontory of Caire, they would render the
roadsteads impassable ; and the fleet once got rid
of, Toulon was taken. This idea struck Saliceti
and Gasparin most favourably ; but they had to
reckon with Carteaux. Carteaux had served in
the army from his childhood, and had performed

243

Napoleon : The First Phase

excellent service, but he was not intelligent, and
knew nothing of the science of war. He de-
lighted to exhibit himself in a blue coat covered
with gold lace, twisting his large black moustache,
proud of his fine face and clear complexion ; but
he would not recognize the importance of L'Eguil-
lette, and preferred to place his guns in a casual
manner. His idea was to attack Toulon in five
different places and to take the forts by the
bayonet. The bayonet was his favourite weapon.
He consented, however, to occupy the promon-
tory of Caire, and for this purpose it was neces-
sary to capture the village of La Seyne.

On the evening of September I7th, the day
after his arrival, Napoleon collected all the heavy
artillery he could find. He then erected a new
battery, called " La Batterie de la Montagne,"
and on September iQth he drove away a frigate
and two pontoons anchored off La Seyne. That
same night he erected another battery on the sea-
coast, called " La Batterie des Sans Culottes."
All the vessels of the English fleet opened fire
upon it, but Napoleon replied with vigour, and
the enemy's fleet had to keep their distance. He
wrote to Marmont in 1798, "You remember our
batteries at Toulon ; artillery persistently served
with red-hot cannon-balls is terrible against a
fleet." The way was now clear for the occupa-
tion of La Seyne and L'Eguillette. " Take
L'Eguillette," said Napoleon to Carteaux, " and

244

Toulon

within a week you are in Toulon." La Seyne
was occupied by Delaborde on September 2ist,
and on the following day, at five p.m., he marched
on L'Eguillette. But Carteaux had only given
him four hundred men, and sent him no reinforce-
ments ; neither he nor Delaborde realized the
importance of the position. The English sent
reinforcements, and after a few minutes Delaborde
retreated. The English now became aware of the
importance of the place, and they erected a fort on
the summit of the promontory, which they called
Fort Mulgrave, while the French named it "the
little Gibraltar," and the same day they erected
three redoubts to support it. Napoleon was
furious. He said, " The enemy have discovered
the insufficiency of their marine artillery ; they
have captured a position, and they have cannon, a
covered army, and pallisades ; they will receive
considerable reinforcements ; there is nothing
before us but a siege." At the same time he did
not give up his idea.

He spared no efforts to prepare for the attack
of L'Eguillette, and to get together the siege train.
His activity was prodigious. He heaped order
upon order, and requisition upon requisition, drain-
ing everything he could from the neighbouring
towns, taking from Martigues eight bronze cannon,
which he replaced by eight iron cannon, drawing
from the citadels of Antibes and Monaco guns
which he considered useless for their defence,

245

Napoleon : The First Phase

taking from La Seyne and La Ciotat the wood and
the piles which were necessary to build platforms
for the cannons and mortars, getting together
from all the departments from Nice to Mont-
pellier draught oxen and other animals, organizing
brigades of waggoners, obtaining from Marseilles
every day a hundred thousand sacks of earth,
employing basket-makers to make gabions, erect-
ing at Ollioules an arsenal of eighty forges and
a workshop for repairing muskets. His choice
of subordinates was not less happy, and he con-
trived to inspire them with his own enthusiasm.
He succeeded with some difficulty in securing
the services of Gassendi, his old comrade in the
regiment of La Fere, whose hatred of the crimes
of the Revolution was well known, and but for
Napoleon's insistence, would have prevented his
employment.

Napoleon was in great need of powder, which
was absolutely necessary for the operations. He
protested against the soldiers' waste of cartridges,
and the indifference of his superiors. He con-
tinued to fight hard for the independence of the
artillery. He exhibited the utmost bravery, and
exposed his life with the greatest coolness. One
day he took the ramrod of a gunner who had
fallen, and used it ten or twelve times ; unfortu-
nately the fallen gunner had a disagreeable skin
complaint, which Napoleon contracted to the
injury of his health for some time. The siege

246

Toulon

train arrived duly from Marseilles. Napoleon
constructed several batteries, the best known
being the Batterie des Sans Culottes, already
mentioned, north of La Seyne. This was armed
with a large 44-pounder, which had a great
reputation for doing damage. But it was of
an antiquated pattern, and was found to be
of no use. The battery was, however, armed
with one 36-pounder, four 24-pounders, and a
i2-pounder mortar. The result was to sweep
the enemy's fleet from the western part of the
great roadstead and to keep it at a respectful
distance.

On October ist, La Poype, against the wishes
of Carteaux, attacked Mount Faron. He suc-
ceeded in occupying it, but was intercepted in
his retreat by Lord Mulgrave and Gravina, and
was completely defeated. This encouraged the
besieged, who made a sortie on the night of
October 8th, in which they took a French artillery
lieutenant prisoner. He wrote to Napoleon to
say that he was well treated, and the letter was
published in the Journal d' Avignon. It is said
that this is the first time that the name of
Napoleon appeared in a public print. A still
more important sortie was made on October i4th,
in the direction of Ollioules, but Napoleon came
to the rescue, and the assailants were driven
back. Here he fought against English troops,
and recognized their merit. On the following

247

Napoleon : The First Phase

day, La Poype occupied Cap Brun, but was not
able to retain it.

Napoleon was disgusted with the slowness of
the siege and the bad discipline of the army,
many of the officers going to amuse themselves
at Marseilles. Reinforcements were urgently
demanded from the government at Paris, but
without effect. La Poype and Carteaux were not
on speaking terms, and were always girding at
each other. Saliceti and Gasparin became con-
vinced of the incapacity of Carteaux, their eyes
being opened by the complaints of Napoleon.
Among other incidents he reported that, when
he had first shown Carteaux the importance of
L'Eguillette, and placing his finger upon it had
said, " Toulon is there," Carteaux poked the man
standing next to him with his elbow, and re-
marked, " Here is a fellow who is not very strong
in geography." Napoleon even proceeded to
actual disobedience. Carteaux having ordered
him to erect a battery which would attack three
English forts, Napoleon pointed out that to secure
success it would be necessary to attack one English
fort with three or four batteries, and that to build
a fort which would be destroyed in a quarter of
an hour by superior force would be worse than
useless. On a second occasion he refused to
construct a battery in a position where there was
no room for the recoil of the guns. Napoleon
told Gasparin that he would not serve under a

248

Toulon

man who was wanting in the most elementary
notions of the military art. Carteaux's wife was
more sensible than himself. She said, " Let this
young man alone ; he knows more than you. He
asks nothing from you, he is responsible to you.
If he succeeds the glory is yours, if he fails the
blame will be his." Carteaux took her advice,
and told " Captain Cannon," as he called Napoleon,
that he must answer for his plan with his head.
He, however, lost his self-control in saying to the
Jacobins of Marseilles, " The artillery will not
obey me, and its commander Bonaparte has some
secret end in view which I have not yet dis-
covered, but to attack the head of the artillery is
to attack the representatives." At last Carteaux
was recalled. Barras, Freron, and Augustin
Robespierre added their complaints to those of
Saliceti and Gasparin, and Ricord took them to
Paris in person. On October 23rd Carteaux was
ordered to join the headquarters of the army of
Italy at Nice. He was very unwilling to obey,
as he desired to beat the English and to take
Toulon, but he left on November 7th, and Doppet,
his successor, did not arrive till November i2th,
during which time the command was exercised
by La Poype.

The real commander, however, was Saliceti,
who was devoted to Napoleon. Gasparin, worn
out with fatigue, retired to Orange, where he
died. Doppet was a native of Savoy, who had

249

Napoleon : The First Phase

been a doctor at Chambery, and since the out-
break of the Revolution a writer at Paris. He had
distinguished himself as commander of the legions
of the Allobroges, and had been made general
as a reward, and sent to the conquest of Lyons.
After the reduction of the Lyonese, he had been
despatched to Toulon because it was thought
that he would bring with him large reinforcements.
He had more ability than Carteaux, but had no
military knowledge. He was, however, conscious
of his own deficiencies. On November i5th he
had a good chance of taking Toulon by an
accident. A French battalion posted opposite
Fort Mulgrave, seeing one of their countrymen,
who had been taken prisoner, ill-treated by
Spaniards, rushed to attack the fort ; other batta-
lions came up, and then a whole division. A hot
combat was engaged. Doppet and Bonaparte
hastened to the scene of action. Napoleon
thought it was better to go on than to with-
draw, and Doppet allowed him to command.
Napoleon forced two companies of grenadiers to
enter Fort Mulgrave by a ravine. General
O'Hara, the English commandant of the town,
who saw the engagement from the deck of the
Victory, rushed to the spot to encourage his
troops, and a sortie was made from the fort,
which was vigorously supported by the batteries
and the ships. Doppet saw his aide-de-camp
killed at his side, and ordered the retreat

250

d ."«
if

Toulon

Napoleon was beside himself with rage, and
galloped up to Doppet and said, " We have lost
Toulon." The soldiers complained, "Shall we
always be commanded by painters and doctors ? "

On November 3rd Doppet was sent to the
army of the Pyrenees, Carteaux to the army of
the Alps, and the command of the army of Italy
was given to Dugommier, with special instruc-
tions to carry on the siege of Toulon with vigour.
He arrived at Ollioules on November i6th; two
hours later the younger Du Teil came to command
the artillery, and a week later Marescot took
charge of the engineers. At the same time large
reinforcements both of men and material reached
the place. Jacques Coquille Dugommier was
fifty-five years of age, tall, with an open counte-
nance, burned by the sun, a high forehead, pierc-
ing and fiery eyes, and thick white hair, forming
altogether an imposing personality which had
great influence on the soldiers. He did much to
establish discipline, and quickly appreciated the
talent of Bonaparte. It is said that once when
Napoleon was dining as his guest he offered him
a dish of brains, saying, " Eat these, for you need
them ; " meaning, not that Napoleon was deficient
in brains, but that he had work enough to employ all
the brains he had, and more still. Du Teil was in
bad health, and left everything to his subordinate.

Dugommier soon became convinced that he
had not sufficient resources to undertake a regular

253

Napoleon : The First Phase

siege. On November 25th he held a council of
war which was attended by Robespierre, Ricord,
and Saliceti, La Poype, Mouret, and Du Teil, La
Barre and Gamier, Bonaparte, Sugny, and Brule.
He said that he had only twenty-five thousand
fighting men, and that his supply of powder was
very deficient. Two plans were submitted to the
meeting. Dugommier urged the capture of Fort
Mulgrave, L'Eguillette, and Belaguier, which
would have the effect of driving the enemy from
the smaller into the larger roadstead. Mortars
were to be placed at Cap Brun, Faron and Mal-
bousquet seized, and the town attacked. Carnot's
plan was that the army should be divided into
two columns, that the first was to seize Cap Brun
and the second L'Eguillette and Belaguier, that
batteries firing red-hot balls were to be placed on
the peninsula of Croix aux Signaux, and that the
town was to be set on fire. Dugommier thought
that his army was not large enough to attack the
peninsula ; the council were of opinion that it
would be impossible to attack Cap Brun. It
was eventually decided to make a false attack
upon Cap Brun and Malbousquet, and a real
attack on Fort Mulgrave, L'Eguillette, Belaguier,
and Mount Faron. This was the plan of Bona-
parte, who drew up the minutes of the sitting.

At this time there were three batteries directed
against Fort Malbousquet, two against the little
roadstead, five against L'Eguillette and the Grand

254

Toulon

Roadstead, and three in front of all the others,
called by the names of " Les Republicains du
Midi," " Les Chasse-Coquins," and " Les Hommes
Sans Peur." This last was armed by three
i6-pounders and five mortars, and it had also a
bomb-proof powder magazine. The remains of it
are still to be distinguished in the brushwood. It
was the most exposed of all the batteries, and its
construction was forbidden by Carteaux, because
he believed it untenable. At first it was found
impossible to man it; but Napoleon, who knew
the French character, set up a signpost with
the inscription written by Junot, " Batterie des
Hommes-sans-Peur," so that it was sought after
by the bravest gunners in the force. This
battery opened fire on November 22nd.

The battery which did most injury to the
besieged was the " Batterie de la Convention,"
which was directed against Fort Malbousquet.
O'Hara determined to silence it, and on the
morning of November 3Oth he collected 2,350
men, English, Sardinians, Neapolitans, Spaniards,
and French under the orders of Major-General
Dundas, behind the Riviere Neuve, between the
Forts of Malbousquet and Saint-Antoine. They
passed the river by a single bridge, divided into
four columns, and appeared suddenly on the
plateau ; the troops pushed in the batteries and
spiked the guns. General Gamier tried to rally
his men, but they were scattered by the fire of

255 p

Napoleon : The First Phase

Malbousquet, the allies pushed on in the direction
of Ollioules, and it seemed as if they would attack
the artillery park. At this moment Dugommier,
accompanied by Saliceti, arrived on the scene.
He checked the fugitives with words and blows,
and eventually found himself in sufficient force to
retake the plateau. The allies, who had impru-
dently scattered, began to retreat and were
eventually put to flight. General O'Hara was at
the Batterie de la Convention when he saw his
men retreating. He ran to meet the Republican
forces, but was wounded in the arm, and was
compelled by loss of blood to sit down at the foot
of a wall. Here he was made prisoner. The
allies retired to Malbousquet pursued by the
French led by Mouret, who unwisely tried to
capture the fort, and did not return to camp till
nightfall. Napoleon took the spikes out of the
guns, and opened fire on Malbousquet. He
reported the same evening, "The fort replied
vigorously and killed a sergeant of artillery, but
our soldiers marched on Malbousquet and ad-
vanced as far as the chevaux de frise. We
drove the enemy from two contiguous heights,
we destroyed an earthwork which they were
beginning to make, we carried off a large number
of tents, and destroyed those which we could
not carry away." Dugommier and Napoleon
were delighted at the results of the day. What
might they not expect from a concerted attack,

256

Toulon

when an accidental dash succeeded so well.
Dugommier wrote on the following day to the
Minister of War that Bonaparte, Commander of
Artillery, and the Adjutants-General Arena and
Cervoni had distinguished themselves greatly,
and had been of the greatest assistance in rally-
ing the troops and in pushing them forward.
Saliceti said, " Our soldiers would perform pro-
digies, if they only had officers. Dugommier,
Gamier, Mouret, and Bonaparte behaved very
well." In the evening, Bonaparte, by the wish
of Dugommier, paid a visit to the prisoner
O'Hara, and asked what he wanted. " To be
left alone, and to owe nothing to pity," was
O'Hara's reply. Napoleon did not think much
of O'Hara as a general, but he praised his reply.
" A conquered prisoner," he said, " should act
with reserve and pride, and neither wish nor ask
for anything." Napoleon certainly followed these
precepts when he found himself in a similar
position. O'Hara was not released till August,

1795-

The engagement of November 3oth only cost

the Republicans 300 men, but it revealed their
weakness. The left wing of the army had been
cut to pieces without making the slightest resist-
ance, and about 600 brave soldiers, led by still
braver officers, had conquered positions which a
division of 6,000 men had lost in an instant. On
that day, Dugommier tells us, the French army

257

Napoleon : The First Phase

had used 500,000 cartridges, and with no result
whatever. Napoleon still kept his eyes fixed on
Fort Mulgrave, which was armed by twenty guns
and four mortars, and was garrisoned by 700
soldiers, with 2,200 men and a battery of six
pieces to support it. At the same time Toulon
appeared to be impregnable, and even Barras and
Freron began to believe that the enterprise was
hopeless. Dugommier felt that he must strike
a final blow, but he hesitated, because he knew
that the guillotine awaited him if he failed. At
the very moment when he was marching to the
assault of Fort Mulgrave he whispered to Victor,

" We must take the redoubts ; if not " and he

passed his hand across his throat. He did not
like to act until he had received all the rein-
forcements which were promised to him by the
Minister of War and the Committee. But the
reinforcements did not arrive, and when they did
were of little use.

On December nth another council of war
was held at Ollioules, in which it was decided to
execute the plan of attack which had been deter-
mined upon on November 25th. Dugommier
took Napoleon's view of the primary importance
of L'Eguillette. The French, once master of
that promontory, would compel the English to
evacuate the harbour and the roadstead, and the
departure of the fleet would fill the town with
consternation. It was determined to use every

258

Toulon

effort to capture Fort Mulgrave, and at the same
time to attack Mount Faron and other points.
On December i4th, i5th, and i6th Fort Mul-
grave was mainly bombarded by five French
batteries. Dundas, who had succeeded O'Hara in
the command, recognized that serious damage had
been done to the works, and he sent a reinforce-
ment of three hundred men to the promontory.
It was eventually determined to attack Fort
Mulgrave with seven thousand men, specially
chosen. At one a.m. on the morning of Decem-
ber 1 7th the attacking party was formed into
three columns — the first, commanded by Victor,
was to march round the shore ; the second, under
the order of Brule, was to approach the promon-
tory on the left and attack the redoubts in front ;
the third was to act as reserve. The commander
of the artillery was to provide a full supply of
ammunition for the mortars and red-hot cannon-
balls. Dugommier specially recommended order,
self-control, and silence. On December i6th the
troops came together in admirable temper, but
the weather was stormy, and the rain fell in
torrents. The Commissioners of the Executive
were in favour of delaying the attack, and
Dugommier was inclined to put it off till the
following day. But Napoleon declared that the
bad weather was favourable to their plans, and
animated their spirits for the attack, which began
at one a.m. However, the darkness and the rain

259

Napoleon : The First Phase

induced confusion, and the two attacking columns
took the main route, while many also went astray
in the night. Indeed, the second column broke
up with cries of " Sauve qui peut " and " A la
trahison." But the seasoned troops advanced
shoulder to shoulder, gained the foot of the pro-
montory, mounted the slope, drove back a large
body of English and an outpost of Spaniards,
and in the midst of storm and thunder, and a hail
of cannon-balls, speedily approached, reached the
fort, tore down the chevaux de frise, crossed the
abattis and the ditch, scaled the parapet, killed or
wounded the gunners, and entered the redoubt
with cries of " Victorie ! a la baionette." Here
they unexpectedly met with new earthworks, and
were compelled to retire. A second time they
advanced, and a second time they were driven
back. Dugommier cried, " I am ruined." He then
went to the reserve, commanded by Napoleon.
A battalion of chasseurs, led by Muiron, who
knew the ground well, came up immediately,
mounted the height, and at three a.m. the redoubt
was taken. Muiron was the first to enter, then
Dugommier, and then Napoleon. The bayonets
did the work, and the English gunners were cut
down at their guns. There was not a single
English prisoner who had not received a wound.
It was a contest between English steadiness and
French vivacity.

Napoleon had greatly distinguished himself.
260

Toulon

His horse was shot under him on leaving the
village of La Seyne, and an Englishman wounded
him with a bayonet in the thigh. He after-
wards said, on board the Northumberland, that
he had received his first wound from an English-
man. The glms of the forts were now turned
against the enemy under the direction of Marmont.
When day broke, the French columns marched
against L'Eguillette and Belaguier ; they found
that the enemy had evacuated these two places,
having killed their horses and mules. Bonaparte
tried to fire at the fleet, but he found that for
this purpose new batteries were necessary. In
the mean time considerable advantages had been
gained on the side of Mount Faron. Napoleon
went to the battery of the Convention to attack
Malbousquet, but he knew that the capture of
L'Eguillette had decided the fate of the town,
and he cried, " To-morrow or the next day we
shall sup in Toulon." In fact, during the morning
of December i;th, the allies, recognizing that
their line of defence was broken and that
they could not secure the positions which they
had lost, hastened to leave a city which had
become untenable. If they delayed, the strong
winds would prevent them leaving the harbour.
In the evening the English fleet retired to the
end of the Grand Roadstead, and on the follow-
ing morning the French found that all the
principal forts had been evacuated, the only one

261

Napoleon : The First Phase

remaining occupied being Fort Mulgrave, which
protected the embarkation of the garrison. The
inhabitants began a precipitate flight ; they
strained every effort to gain the allied fleet, and
many were drowned. At nine p.m. there was
a terrible explosion which shook the town to its
foundations. Sidney Smith, who was afterwards
to repel Napoleon from St. Jean d'Acre, set fire
to a large part of the arsenal, the magazine, and
twelve vessels of the French fleet. This terrible
spectacle was never effaced from the memory of
Napoleon.

The French entered the town on December
1 9th, and then began the terrible reprisals which
have covered the capture of Toulon with infamy.
Napoleon witnessed with horror excesses which
he was powerless to prevent, and he took no part
in the massacres which were ordered by Barras
and Freron. We have the testimony of eye-
witnesses, that he did his best to save the victims,
and that he moved about amidst the slaughter
grave and silent, a stranger to the terrible scenes
of which he disapproved. None of the cannon
under his orders were used to slaughter the
unfortunate inhabitants. He armed his batteries
and destroyed an English Hgate. He found that
no French cannon had been spiked by the allies,
and that the damage done in the arsenal was
reparable. They had retired in such haste that,
besides munitions of war, they had left fifteen

262

Toulon

ships to be used by the republic. After this
narrative, we need not dwell on the service
which Napoleon rendered during the siege, nor
on the flattering testimonials which he received.
Du Teil wrote to Bouchotte, the Minister of War, »
" I have no words to describe the merit of Bona-
parte : much science, as much intelligence, and
too much bravery. This is but a feeble sketch
of the qualities of this rare officer, and it is for
you, ministers, to consecrate him to the glory of
the Republic." On November 22nd, 1793, the
Commissioner of the Convention appointed Napo-
leon general of the brigade, " For the zeal and
intelligence of which he has given proof in con-
tributing to the surrender of the rebel town."
On February ist, 1794, this appointment was
confirmed by the Provisional Government. It
can also be shown, by irrefragable evidence,
that there was not a person who came under
Napoleon's notice at Toulon who did not, in
after years, receive some reward for his services.
Even Carteaux received a special pension of
6,000 francs, and his widow one of 3,000. " To
have been before Toulon " was always a passport
to Napoleon's generosity, although he was often
met by ingratitude.

We will say nothing of Victor, of Suchet, of
Desaix, of Marmont, of Junot, because their
fame belongs to the history of France and of
Europe, except that it may be worth while to

263

Napoleon : The First Phase

report the story which tells how Junot first
attracted the attention of his patron. One day,
before Toulon, Napoleon, wishing to dictate an
order, called for some one who could write a
good hand, and Junot, being famous in this
respect, was presented to him. He was writing
on the earthwork of the battery, when a cannon-
ball covered himself and his papers with earth.
"Good," said Junot, "we shall not require any
sand." From that moment Napoleon attached
him to his service. Jean Baptiste de Muiron
demands a special notice. He was the son of a
former general, and was fortunate enough to save
his father from prison during the Terror. He
had a charming face, and an outward appearance
of frivolity and vanity which seemed likely to
exclude him from serious employment. Napo-
leon met him at Toulon, and made him chief of
his staff. In 1796 he held at bay for forty-eight
hours the army of Wurmser, which was endea-
vouring to enter Venice. Napoleon made him
his aide-de-camp on the same day as Duroc. He
perished at the bridge of Arcola. Napoleon
tells us, " He threw himself before me, covering
me with his body, and received the stroke which
was intended for me. He fell dead at my feet,
and his blood spurted on to my face." Napoleon
wrote to his wife, " You have lost a husband who
was dear to you ; I have lost a friend to whom
I have been long attached ; but our country

264

Toulon

loses more than both of us in losing an officer
distinguished as much by his talent as by his rare
courage." Napoleon persuaded the Directory to
erase the names of the mother and brother of
Muiron from the list of emigres. The frigate
which took Napoleon back from Egypt was called
the Muiron ; he wished to have it preserved as
a monument in the docks at Toulon, regarding
it as a talisman. When he was contemplating
flight to the United States in 1815, he desired
to take the name of Muiron ; and at St. Helena,
when the English Government refused him the
title of Emperor, he requested that he might be
called Baron Duroc or Colonel Muiron. In his
will be left 100,000 francs to the widow, the son,
or the grandsons of his former aide-de-camp.

Such was the young Napoleon, at an age
when young Englishmen are just taking their
degree. Born of a noble family but very poor,
losing his father at an early age, with nothing
but himself to depend upon, he had raised him-
self to the rank of general in the French army
by no other arts than those of industry and
steadfastness, high character and devotion to
duty, supported, no doubt, by talents almost with-
out example. In these first twenty- three years
of his life there is not a single example of mean-
ness or of dishonesty, or of any derogation from
the high standard of conduct which he had set
before himself. At Brienne, disgusted with the

265

Napoleon : The First Phase

abandoned morals of those surrounding him, he
was forced to hold himself aloof; but he made
many friends, and was far from being the gloomy
misanthrope which some biographers have de-
clared him to have been. At Paris he was the
life of a chosen circle, and he showed the same
firmness in the selection of his friends, and the
same courage in asserting his principles, which
distinguished the whole of his youth. Whatever
may have been his desire for personal advance-
ment, his care for himself was at least equalled
by his love of his family and of his native land.
Thrown by accident into an epoch of Revolution,
he trod the difficult path of safety with mar-
vellous wisdom and self-command. If the idea
of the regeneration and independence of Corsica
ever occurred to him, he soon became convinced
that the prosperity of his island was indissolubly
bound up with its connection with France. Dis-
approving of the execution of the king and of
the persecution of the Girondists, and sympa-
thizing very little with the excesses of the
Mountain, he saw that a patriotic Frenchman
must follow the main course of French political
feeling, and that any other action would lead to
civil war. Some biographers have complained
of his frequent leave and his absence from his
regiment ; but this behaviour must be judged
by the standard of the custom of the time, and
it never estranged the sympathy of those whose

266

Toulon

duty it was to decide upon his conduct. Arriving
in France a fugitive and an exile, burdened
with the heavy charge of an exiled family, he
raised himself in a few months to a position
which any officer might envy. Surely, in his
case also, the youth is father of the man ; and
twenty-three years spent under the most difficult
circumstances which could try the qualities of a
character, crowned by high success legitimately
gained, are not likely to have been followed by
twenty-three other years stained by universal am-
bition, reckless duplicity, and an aimless lust of
bloodshed. The contemplation of this laborious
and brilliant youth may, perhaps, dispose English-
men to look more favourably upon those epochs
of his career when devotion to the interests of
France made him, for a time, the most formidable
enemy of our own country.

269

APPENDICES

(A) SUR LA CORSE

(B) SUR LE SUICIDE

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE
BRITISH MUSEUM CONCERNING THE
SIEGE AND EVACUATION OF TOULON

APPENDIX I
A

SUR LA CORSE

Le 26 avril 1786.

C'EST aujourd'hui que Paoli entre dans
sa soixante-unieme annee. Son pere
Hiacinto Paoli aurait-il jamais cm,
lorsqu'il vint au monde, qu'il serait
compte" un jour au nombre des plus braves hommes
de 1' Italic moderne. Les Corses etaient dans ces
temps malheureux (en 1725) ecrase"s plus que
jamais par la tyrannic genoise. Avilis plus que
des betes, ils tralnaient dans un trouble con-
tinuel une vie malheureuse et avilissante pour
I'humanite. Des 1715, cependant, quelques
pieves avaient pris les armes contre les tyrans,
mais ce ne fut qu'en 1729 que commen^a pro-
prement cette revolution ou se sont passes tant
d'actes d'une intre"pidite" signalee et d'un patriot-
isme comparable a celui des Remains. Eh bien !
Voyons, discutons un peu. Les Corses ont-ils
eu droit de secouer le joug G£nois ? Ecoutons le
cri des pre"juge"s : les peuples ont toujours tort
de se reVolter contre leurs souverains. Les lois
divines le defendent Qu'ont de commun les

273 Q

Appendix I

lois divines dans une chose purement humaine ?
Mais, concevez-vous I'absurdite" de cette defense
generale que font les lois divines de jamais
secouer le joug meme d'un usurpateur ? Ainsi,
un assassin assez habile pour s'emparer du trone
apres 1'assassinat du prince legitime est aussitot
protege" par les lois divines et tandis que, s'il
n'eut pas re*ussi, il aurait ete* condamnd a perdre
sur 1'echafaud, sa tete criminelle. Ne me dites
pas qu'il sera puni dans 1'autre monde, parce que
j'en dirais autant de tous les criminels civils.
S'en suivrait de la qu'ils ne doivent pas etre
punis dans celui-ci. II est d'ailleurs simple qu'une
loi est toujours ind£pendante du succes du crime
qu'elle condamne.

Quant aux lois humaines, il ne peut pas y en
avoir des que le prince les viole.

Ou c'est le peuple qui a e"tabli ces lois en se
soumettant au prince, ou c'est le prince qui les
a etablies. Dans le premier cas, le prince est
inviolablement oblige" d'exe"cuter les conventions
par la nature meme de sa principaute". Dans le
second, ces lois doivent tendre au but du gouver-
nement qui est la tranquillite et le bonheur des
peuples. S'il ne [le fait] pas, il est clair que le
peuple rentre dans sa nature primitive et que le
gouvernement, ne pourvoyant pas au but du
pacte social, se dissout par lui-meme ; mais disons
plus : le pacte par lequel un peuple e* tablit 1'autorite
souveraine dans les mains d'un corps quelconque,

274

Appendix I

n'est pas un contrat, c'est-a-dire que le peuple
peut reprendre a volonte la souverainete qu'il
avait communiquee. Les hommes dans 1'etat de
nature ne forment pas de gouvernement. Pour
en etablir un, il a fallu que chaque individu con-
sentlt au changement. L'acte constituant cette
convention est necessairement un contrat reci-
proque. Tous les hommes ainsi engages ont fait
des lois. I Is etaient done souverains. Soit par
la difficulte [de s'assembler] souvent, soit pour
toute autre cause, le peuple aura remis son auto-
rite a un corps ou homme particulier. Or, nul
n'est tenu aux engagements qu'il [contracte contre
son gre]. II n'y a pas de lois anterieures que le
peuple (qui, dans quelque gouvernement [que ce
soit] doit etre foncierement regarde comme le
souverain), ne puisse abroger. (II n'en est pas)
de meme quant aux liens qu'il peut avoir avec
les peuples voisins.

Ouvrez les Annales de Corse, lisez les MeTnoires
de ses braves insulaires, ceux de Michele Merello,
etc. ; mais, bien plus, lisez les projets de paix pro-
poses par le Republique meme, et, par les remedes
qu'ils y apportent, vous jugerez des abus qui
devaient y regner. Vous y verrez que les ac-
croissements de la Republique dans 1'lle furent
commences par la trahison et la violation du droit
de I'hospitalit6 surprise de Bonifacio et des gens
les legislateurs de Capo Corso. Vous y verrez
qu'ils soutinrent par la force de leur marine

275

Appendix I

plusieurs (me'contes) des habitants des pieves
d'lstria contre la Republique de Pise qui en
posse" dait quelque partie. Enfin, si a force de
ruse, de perfidie et de bonheur, ils vinrent a faire
consentir les ordres de 1'Etat a declarer Prince
la Republique de G£nes, vous y verrez le pacte
tant reclame par les Corses, quelles e"taient les
conditions qui devaient constituer leur souveraine
principaut6.

Mais, de quelque nation que vous soyez,
seriez-vous meme un ex-eunuque du serail,
retenez votre indignation au detail des cruautes
qu'ils, employerent pour se soutenir. Paolo,
Colombano, Sampietro, Pompiliani, Gafforio,
illustres vengeurs de 1'humanite, heros qui
delivrates vos compatriotes de fureurs du de-
spotisme, quelles furent les recompenses de vos
vertus ? Des poignards, oui, des poignards !

Eff(6mines modernes qui languissez presque
tous dans un doux esclavage, ces he"ros sont trop
au-dessus de vos laches ames; mais consid6rez
le tableau du jeune Leonardo, jeune martyr de la
patrie et de 1'amour paternel. Quel genre de
mort termina ton h£ro'ique carriere au printemps
de tes ans ? Une corde.

Montagnards, qui a trouble" votre bonheur ?
hommes paisibles et vertueux qui couliez des
jours heureux au sein de votre patrie, quel tyran
barbare a detruit vos habitations ? Quatre mille
families furent obligees de sortir en peu de temps.

276

Appendix I

Vous qui n'aviez que votre patrie, par quel e"ve"ne-
ment imprevenant vous vois-je transported dans
des climats Strangers ? Le feu consume vos
demeures rustiques et vous n'avez plus Tespoir
de vivre avec vps Dieux domestiques. Puissent
les furies vengeresses te faire expier dans les
plus affreux tourments le meurtre des Zucci, des
Rafaelli et des autres illustres patriotes que tu fis
massacrer malgre" les lois de I'hospitalit6 qui les
avaient appele"s dans ton palais, miserable Spinola !
Par quel genre de mort la Re"publique tarderait-
elle de faire pe"rir les soutiens de la liberte corse ?
Si, par la nature du contrat social, il est
prouve" que, sans meme aucune raison, un corps
de nation peut de"poser le prince, que serait-ce
d'un priv£ qui, en violant toutes les lois naturelles,
en commettant des crimes, des atrocity's, va
contre 1'institution du gouvernement ? Cette
raison ne vient-elle pas au secours des Corses en
particulier, puisque la souverainet£ ou plutdt la
principaut£ des Genois n'£tait que conventionnelle.
Ainsi, les Corses ont pu, en suivant toutes les
lois de la justice, secouer le joug ge"nois et
peuvent en faire autant de celui des Frangais.
Amen.

CORSICA.

April 26, 1786.

TO-DAY Paoli enters upon his sixty-first year. Would his
father, Hiacinto Paoli, ever have believed, when he came into
the world, that he would be one day reckoned amongst the
foremost men of modern Italy ? The Corsicans were, in those

277

Appendix I

unhappy times (in 1725), crushed more than ever by Genoese
tyranny. More degraded than beasts, they dragged out in
continual disorder an unhappy life, degrading for humanity.
However, since 1715, some districts had taken arms against
their tyrants; but it was not till 1729 that the revolution can
properly be said to have commenced, in which so many acts
were performed of signal intrepidity and of a patriotism com-
parable to that of the Romans. Well ! let us see, let us
discuss a little. Had the Corsicans the right to shake off the
Genoese yoke ? Let us listen to the cry of prejudice : people
are always wrong to revolt against their sovereigns. Divine
law forbids it. What have divine laws to do with a matter
purely human? But imagine the absurdity of this general
prohibition, made by divine law, never to shake off the yoke,
even of an usurper ! By this reasoning an assassin, clever
enough to obtain possession of the throne, after the murder
of the legitimate prince, is immediately protected by divine
law, whereas, if he had not succeeded, he would have been
condemned to lose his guilty head upon the scaffold. Do not
tell me that he will be punished in the other world, because
I could say the same of all criminals. It would follow that
they should not be punished in this one. It is, moreover,
clear that a law is always independent of the success of the
crime which it condemns.

As for human laws, they cannot exist as soon as the
sovereign violates them. Either the people has set up these
laws by submitting to the sovereign, or it is the sovereign
himself who has set them up. In the first case, the sovereign
is inviolably obliged to execute these conventions by the very
nature of his sovereignty. In the second case, these laws
ought to conduce to the end of government, which is the peace
and happiness of the peoples. If the sovereign does not do
this, it is obvious that the people return to a state of nature,
and that the government, no longer contributing to the object
of the social compact, is ipse facto dissolved ; but further, the
agreement by which a people places the sovereign authority
in the hands of anybody whatever is not a contract — that is
to say, the people may resume at will the sovereignty which
they have delegated. Men in a state of nature do not form
governments. To establish a government, each individual
must consent to the change. The act which constitutes this
convention is necessarily a reciprocal contract. The laws are
made by all those who have entered into this engagement.

278

Appendix I

They were then in this position of sovereigns. Either by the
difficulty of assembling frequently, or for some other reason,
the people has committed its authority to a body or to a
private individual. Now, no one is bound by engagements
which he has contracted against his will. There are no pre-
existing laws which the people, who, in every government
whatever, must he regarded as fundamentally sovereign, can-
not abrogate. This does not apply to the relations which they
may have with neighbouring nations.

Open the annals of Corsica, read the Memoirs of its brave
inhabitants — those of Michele Merello, etc., — but, much more,
read the proposals of peace framed by the Republic itself, and,
by the remedies which they apply, you will judge of the abuses
which must have existed. You will see that the encroach-
ments of the republic in the island were begun by the treason
and the violation of the laws of hospitality, obtained by a ruse
from Bonifacio and from the legislators of Cape Corso. You
will see that they maintained, by the strength of their Navy,
the false hopes of the inhabitants of the districts of Istria
against the Republic of Pisa, who possessed a part of them.
Finally, if by cunning, perfidy, and good luck they happened
to make the estates consent to declare the republic of Genoa
sovereign, you will see by the charter, so vaunted by the
Corsicans, what were the conditions on which their sovereign
principality was to be based. But to whatever nation you
belong, even if you are an ex-eunuch of the harem, restrain,
if you can, your indignation at the recital of the cruelties
which they employed to maintain their power. Paolo, Colom-
bano, Sampietro, Pompiliani, Gafforio illustrious avengers of
humanity, heroes who delivered your compatriots from the
rage of despotism, what was the recompense of your virtues ?
The' dagger, yes, the dagger !

Effeminates of modern times, ye who spend your languid
lives almost without exception in a silken slavery, these heroes
are too far exalted above your cowardly minds ; consider the
picture of the young Leonardo, the youthful martyr of his
country and of paternal love. What kind of death closed your
heroic career in the springtime of your years ? The gallows.

Men of the mountain, who has disturbed your happiness ?
Men of peace and virtue who spent your happy days in the
bosom of your fatherland, what barbarous tyrant has destroyed
your habitations? Four thousand families were forced to
leave at a moment's notice. You, who have nothing but your

279

Appendix I

country, by what unexpected event do I see you transplanted
to foreign climes ? The fire destroys your rustic abodes, and
you no longer can hope to live with your household gods.
Miserable Spinola ! may the avenging furies make you expiate
in the most horrible torments the murder of the Zucci, the
Rafaelli, and the other illustrious patriots whom you had
massacred in spite of the laws of hospitality which had sum-
moned them into your palace. There was no kind of death
which the republic hesitated to use in order to destroy the
supporters of Corsican liberty.

If it is proved, by the nature of the social contract, that
a nation may depose its sovereign without any reason; how
does the case stand with regard to a private person, who, by
violating all natural laws, by committing crimes and atrocities,
goes against the principle for which government is instituted ?
Does not this course of reasoning apply specially to the Cor-
sicans, since the sovereignty, or rather the principality, of the
Genoese rested only upon convention. Thus the Corsicans
were fully justified in getting rid of the Genoese, and may do
the same with the French.

280

Appendix I

SUR LE SUICIDE

3 mai [1786].

"^OUJOURS seul au milieu des hommes,
je rentre pour r£ver avec moi-meme
et me livrer a toute la vivacite de ma
mdlancolie. De quel cote" est-elle
tournee aujourd'hui ? Du c6te de la mort. Dans
1'aurore de mes jours je puis encore esperer de
vivre longtemps. Je suis absent depuis six a
sept ans de ma patrie. Quels plaisirs ne
gouterai-je pas a revoir dans quatre mois et mes
compatriotes et mes parents ! Des tendres sensa-
tions que ma fait e"prouver le souvenir des plaisirs
de mon enfance, ne puis-je pas conclure que mon
bonheur sera complet ? Quelle fureur me porte
done a vouloir ma destruction ? Sans doute, que
faire dans ce monde ? Puisque je dois mourir,
ne vaut-il pas autant se tuer ? Si j'avais deja
pass6 soixante ans, je respecterais le prej'uge" de
mes contemporains et j'attendraie patiemment
que la nature eut achev6 son cours ; mais puisque
je commence a e"prouver des malheurs, que rien
n'est plaisir pour moi, pourquoi supporterais-je

281

Appendix I

des jours que rien ne me prospere ? Que les
hommes sont eloignes de la nature ! Qu'ils sont
laches, vils, rampants ! Quel spectacle verrai-je
dans mon pays ? Mes compatriotes charges de
chaines et qui baisent en tremblant la main qui
les opprime ! Ce ne sont plus ces braves Corses
qu'un heros animait de ses vertus, ennemis des
tyrans, du luxe, des vils courtisans.* Fier, plein
d'un noble sentiment de son importance particu-
liere, un Corse vivait heureux s'il avait employe
le jour aux affaires publiques. La nuit s'ecoulait
dans les tendres bras d'une epouse cherie ? La
raison et son enthousiasme effasaient toutes les
peines du jour. La tendresse, la nature rendaient
ses nuits comparables a celles des Dieux. Mais,
avec la liberte, ils se sont evanouis comme des
songes, ces jours heureux ! Frangais, non con-
tents de nous avoir ravis tout ce que nous
ch6rissions, vous avez encore corrompu nos
mceurs. Le tableau actuel de ma patrie et Tim-
puissance de le changer est done une nouvelle
raison de fuir une terre ou je suis oblig£ par
devoir de louer des hommes que je dois hair par
vertu. Quand j'arriverai dans ma patrie, quelle
figure faire, quel langage tenir ! Quand la patrie
n'est plus, un bon patriote doit mourir. Si je
n'avais qu'un homme a detruire pour delivrer mes
compatriotes, je partirais au moment meme et
j'enfoncerais dans le sein des tyrans le glaive

* On peut lire : des villes courtisantes (Ed^}.
282

Appendix I

vengeur de la patrie et des lois violees. La vie
m'est a charge parce que je ne goute aucun plaisir
et que tout est peine pour moi. Elle m'est a
charge parce que les hommes avec qui je vis
et vivrai probablement toujours ont des mceurs
aussi eloignees des miennes que la clarte de la
lune differe de celle du soleil. Je ne peux done
pas suivre la seule maniere de vivre qui pourrait
me faire supporter la vie, d'ou s'ensuit un dugout
pour tout.

ON SUICIDE.

ALWAYS alone in the midst of men, I come back to my rooms
to dream with myself, and to surrender myself to all the vivacity
of my melancholy. Towards which side is it turned to-day ?
To the side of death. In the dawn of my days, I can still hope
to live a long time. I have been away from my country for
about six or seven years. What pleasures shall I not enjoy,
when in four months' time I see once more my compatriots
and my relations ? From the tender sensations with which the
recollection of the pleasures of my childhood now fill me, may
I not infer that my happiness will be complete ? What madness
leads me, then, to wish my death ? Doubtless the thought :
What is there to do in this world ? Since I must die, is it not
just as well that I should kill myself ? If I had already passed
my sixtieth year, I should respect the prejudices of my con-
temporaries, and wait patiently till nature had finished its
course ; but since I begin to experience misfortune, and since
nothing is a pleasure to me, why should I support a life, in
which nothing prospers for me? How far are men removed
from nature ! How cowardly they are, how abject, how servile !
What spectacle shall I behold in my country? My fellow-
countrymen loaded with chains, while they kiss with fear the
hand that oppresses them ! They are no longer those Corsi-
cans, whom a hero inspired with his virtues, enemies to tyrants,
of luxury, of demoralized towns. Proud, filled with a noble
sentiment of his personal importance, a Corsican lived happy

283

Appendix I

if he had passed the day in public affairs. The night was spent
in the tender arms of a beloved wife. Reason and enthusiasm
wiped out all the sorrows of the day. Love and nature made
his nights resemble those of the gods. But with liberty they
have vanished like dreams — those happy days. You French-
men, not content with having robbed us of everything we held
dear, have also corrupted our character. The actual condition
of my country, and the impossibility of changing it, is another
reason for escaping from an earth, where I am obliged to praise
men from a sense of duty, whom I must hate from a sense of
virtue. When I arrive in my fatherland, what attitude am I to
hold — what language am I to use ? A good patriot ought to
die when his fatherland has ceased to exist. If the deliverance
of my fellow-countrymen depended upon the death of a single
man, I would go immediately and plunge the sword which
would avenge my country and its violated laws into the breast
of tyrants. Life is a burden to me, because I enjoy no pleasure,
and because everything is painful to me. It is a burden to
me because the men with whom I live, and with whom I shall
probably always live, are as different in character to myself as
the brightness of the moon differs from that of the sun. The
result is that I cannot follow the only kind of life which would
make life endurable, and hence comes a disgust for everything.

284

Appendix I

RENCONTRE AU PALAIS-ROYAL

Jeudi, 22 novembre 1787, a Paris.
Hotel de Cherbourg, rue du Four-Saint-Honord.

JE sortais des Italians et me promenais a
grands pas sur les allies du Palais- Royal.
Mon ame, agitee paries sentiments vigour-
eux qui la caracterisent, me faisait sup-
porter le froid avec indifference ; mais, 1'imagina-
tion refroidie, je sentis les rigueurs de la saison
et gagnai les galeries. J'etais sur le seuil de ces
portes de fer quand mes regards errerent sur une
personne du sexe. L'heure, la taille, sa grande
jeunesse ne me firent pas douter qu'elle ne fut une
fille. Je la regardais : elle s'arreta non pas avec
cet air grenadier [des autres], mais un air
convenant parfaitement a 1'allure de sa personne.
Ce rapport me frappa. Sa timidite m'encouragea
et je lui parlai. ... Je lui parlai, moi qui,
penetre plus que personne de 1'odieux de son etat,
me suis toujours cru souille par un seul regard.
. . . Mais son teint pale, son physique faible,
son organe doux ne me firent pas un moment en
suspens. Ou c'est, me dis-je, une personne qui
me sera utile a 1'observation que je veux faire, ou
elle n'est qu'une buche.

— Vous aurez bien froid, lui dis-je, comment
285

Appendix I

pouvezvous vous re"soudre a passer dans les
allees ?

— Ah ! monsieur, 1'espoir m'anime. II faut
terminer ma soire"e.

L'indifference avec laquelle elle prononga ces
mots, le flegmatique de cette re"ponse me gagna
et je passai avec elle.

— Vous avez 1'air d'une constitution bien faible.
Je suis etonne que vous ne soyez pas fatigue"e du
metier.

— Ah dame ! monsieur, il faut bien faire
quelque chose.

Cela peut etre, mais n'y a-t-il pas de metier
plus propre a votre sante" ?

— Non, monsieur, il faut vivre.

Je fus enchante, je vis qu'elle me repondait au
moins, succes qui n'avait pas couronnd toutes les
tentatives que j'avais faites.

— II faut que vous soyez de quelques pays
septentrionaux car vous bravez le froid.

— Je suis de Nantes en Bretagne.

— Je connais ce pays-la. ... II faut, made-
moiselle que vous me fassiez le plaisir de me
raconter la perte de votre p .

— Cest un officier qui me 1'a pris.

— En etes-vous fachee ?

— Oh ! oui, je vous en re"ponds. (Sa voix
prenait une saveur, une onction que je n'avais pas
encore remarque"e.) Je vous en responds. Ma
sceur est bien etablie actuellement. Pourquoi ne
l'eus-je pas 6te ?

286

Appendix I

— Comment etes-vous venue a Paris ?

- L'officier qui m'avilit, que je de"teste,
m'abandonna. II fallut fuir 1'indignation d'une
mere. Un second se presenta, me conduisit a
Paris, m'abandonna, et un troisieme, avec lequel
je viens de vivre trois ans, lui a succe"de\
Quoique Frangais, ses affaires Tont appele a
Londres et il y est. Aliens chez vous.

— Mais qu'y ferons-nous ?

— Allons, nous nous chaufferons et vous
assouvirez * votre plaisir.

- J'etais bien loin de devenir scrupuleux ; je
1'avais agac£e pour qu'elle ne se sauvat point
quand elle serait pressed par le raisonnement que
je lui pre"parais en contrefaisant une honnetete
que je voulais lui prouver ne pas avoir. . . .

A MEETING IN THE PALAIS-ROYAL.

Paris, Thursday, November 22, 1787,

Hotel de Cherbourg, Rue de Four, Saint-Honore.

I HAD just come out of the Italian Opera, and was walking
at a good pace in the alleys of the Palais-Royal. My spirit,
stirred by the feelings of vigour which are natural to it, was
indifferent to the cold; but when once my mind became chilled,
I felt the severity of the weather, and took refuge in the gal-
leries. I was just entering the iron gates, when my eyes became
fixed on a person of the other sex. The time of night, her
figure, and her youth, left me no doubt as to what her occupa-
tion was. I looked at her ; she stopped, not with the impudent
air common to her class, but with a manner which was quite
in harmony with the charm of her appearance. This struck
me. Her timidity encouraged me, and I spoke to her. I
spoke to her ; I, who, more sensible than any one of the horror
of her condition, have always felt stained by even a look from
such a person. But her pallor, her frail form, her soft voice,
left me not a moment in suspense. I said to myself, " Either this
* Exercerez rayd
287

Appendix I

woman will serve me for the observation which I wish to make,
or she is a mere senseless object."

" You are very cold," I said ; " how can you think of going
out into the garden ? "

" Ah, sir ! hope encourages me ; I must close my evening."

She said these words with such indifference, and with so little
emotion, that I was touched, and went into the garden with her.

"You seem to have a very weak constitution; I am
astonished that you are not tired of your trade ? "

" Ah, sir ! one must do something."

" Perhaps ; but is there no occupation more suited to your
health?"

" No, sir ; one must live."

I was charmed ; I saw that she at least gave me an answer,
a success which I had never met with before.

" You must come from the North, for you do not mind the
cold?"

" I come from Nantes, in Brittany."

" I know that part of the world. Would you mind telling
me how you lost your virtue ? "

" An officer ruined me."

" Are you sorry for it ? "

" Yes, very." Her voice here took a tone and a tenderness,
which I had not before noticed. " Very. My sister is now in
a good position ; why could not I have been so as well ? "

" How did you come to Paris ? "

"The officer who ruined me, whom I detest, abandoned
me. I had to fly from my mother's anger. Another officer
came, took me to Paris, abandoned me; and a third, with
whom I have just been living three years, succeeded him.
Although a Frenchman, business summoned him to London,
and he is there now."

" Let us go to your rooms."
" But what shall we do there ? "

" Well, we will warm ourselves, and you shall satisfy your
desire."

I was far from becoming scrupulous ; I had provoked her,
so that she might not run away when she felt herself pressed
by the arguments which I was preparing for her, by pretending
a morality which I wished to prove that I did not possess. . . .

288

APPENDIX II

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE BRITISH
MUSEUM CONCERNING THE SIEGE AND
EVACUATION OF TOULON

Toulon, i" Dec' 1793.

Enemy had established a Battery
on the Green-hill or hauteur d'Arcines
near Malbusquet which distress'd that
Fort so much, General O'Hara deter-
mined to make a sortie, for the purpose of
distroying it, or removing them, and as far as I
can judge made a masterly disposition for that
purpose. A body of between 3 and 4 Thousand
Men under the Command of General Dundas
passed the new river by the bridge on the old
road to Olioulles. The Enemy were on their
Guard, and soon fired their alarm beacons, not-
withstanding which the Troops, under the cover
of a heavy fire of Artillery, ascended the Hill in
three columns and took possession of the Enemy's
Battery with the loss of one Man killed and two
wounded, and took an Officer with 25 Men
Prisoners, but am sorry to add that such was the

289 R

Appendix II

want of dicipline in our Troops and so much
impetuosity, that the Royals or if Reg1 set up
the Cry of Tallioh for Olioulles and push'd on
through two more of the Enemy's Camps — The
Spaniards and Neapolitans followed them, but
could not resist their inclination and stop'd to
plunder the Camps — the Royals still passed on
and took another Battery of 2 Pieces of Cannon ;
just as they were yokeing the horses to bring
them off they were attacked by the Enemy's
whole Force of 5 or 6 Thousand Men, on which
they abandoned the Guns with the loss of 6
Officers and 120 Men. The Enemy pursued
them closely, and with little resistance on our
part and seldom so many as five men seen
together, and followed them into the first Battery
in the hauteur d'Arcines, where unfortunately
General O'Hara had arrived — and was giving
directions for removing the Guns, and where
there was only 250 Piedmontois who did their
best [but] found it impossible to recover the
confusion that had taken place, and the whole
became a scene of Rapin and Flight ; in so much
that the Guns were even left unspik'd in the
Battery, General O'Hara was wounded and
taken Prisoner, and a Spanish Colonel Captain
Snow killed ; Capt. Reeves of the Royals
wounded; Major Cambell of the 69th Reg4
missing most all our Artillery Officers wounded ;
The Royal Irish or i8th Reg1 lost 40 Men,

290

Appendix II

the Loyal Louis between 40 and 50. Thus a
Glorious Morning was lost by the Impetuosity
of the Men, and the Youth of the Officers, The
purpose of the Sortie was completely acquired if
they had stop'd there. Capt. Reeves of the
Royals is since dead.

Translation of a Letter from Toulon,
2nd December, 1 793.

No doubt you will hear very different reports
relative to the Action which happened on the
3Oth Ult° in which the Governor who com-
manded the Troops was unfortunately taken
Prisoner by the Republican Army.

This is the fact ; the Republicans had erected
a Battery near the Fort called Malbusque which
would have greatly annoyed it, and it was
resolved on the 30th Inst. to attack it; for this
purpose about 2,400 Men went out at 4 O'Clock
in the Morning under the Command of General
O'Hara who attacked the Fort with success and
carried it with little loss ; the Battery consisted
of 7 24Prs 2 Howitzers and 2 Mortars.

General O'Hara thought proper to pursue
the Enemy who were soon dispersed, but the
Environs of Toulon have numberless small hills
and narrow vales which prevented the seeing a

291

Appendix II

Column of 8,000 Republicans who were advancing
to retake the Battery and it was impossible to
oppose any resistance there being no Corps de
Reserve, thus was the Battery retaken the
General after being wounded in the Arm was
made Prisoner as also several other Officers.

This unfortunate Affair has cost about 80
Men killed 150 Wounded and 20 made Prisoners.

Their loss is said to be from 1,000 to 1,200
Men and 40 Prisoners. Several Flags of Truce
have been received relative to the General but
it is not believed the Republicans will take on
themselves to exchange him.

Ill

Captn John Lucchesi, Commander of a Nea-
politan Brigantine, Ferdinand IV. from Toulon
in 5 days, Deposeth, That on the i;th Inst.
a General Attack was made by the French on
the Advanced Posts and Forts, and particularly
on Fort Balaguae, of which they became Masters
owing to the Neapolitan Troops giving way.
On the Morning of the i8th the English set fire
to the Arsenals, and to several Ships of War,
which produced a general Conflagration in the
City. On the same day the Neapolitan Troops
embarked with their Baggage on board the
vessels of their own nation, and set sail imme-
diately. The English and Spanish are still on

292

Appendix II

shore, and remain in possession of Fort La Mal-
gue. The English and Spanish Fleets with some
French Ships were at Anchor out of the Reach
of the Cannon of the Place, and all the other
Transport Vessels were preparing to set out with
French Royalists on board, who evacuated the
City, by Permission from Lord Hood.

Leghorn, 22* December,
1793-

Rt. Hon. Henry Dundas, Home Secretary,
to General O'Hara.

Whitehall, 20 December, 1793.

SIR,

Your Letter of the 13th November
together with its inclosure, being a copy of a
Letter from you to Lord Hood, have been duly
received and laid before His Majesty.

I should have wished, along with that Letter,
to have received a distinct return of the whole
force, of every description, within the Town of
Toulon, and likewise, so far as your information
enables you to give it, an account of the probable
amount and description of the Enemy's Force,
by which you are opposed, for, without knowing
these particulars, it is impossible to form any
accurate judgment upon the subject of your
letter. I have, however, the satisfaction to

293

Appendix II

know that the mode of defending your position
must have been maturely considered by you in
the pains you have taken to investigate the
various weak parts of the Fortress committed
to your charge. Your being perfectly aware of
the weak parts by which you are assailable, is
the best proof I can receive that you are per-
fectly prepared to make the best use of your
force to resist every hostile attack.

Notwithstanding the representation contained
in your Letter to Lord Hood, and more generally
referred to in your Letter to me, I confess I do
not feel myself so much alarmed as I would other-
wise be for the safety of Toulon, because, if I am
not mistaken, the Force employed in the defence
of that place amounts to near 1 7,000 men, and we
have never yet learnt that the Force opposed to
you has hitherto much exceeded that number. In
making this observation, I am perfectly aware of
what you state as to the want of discipline and
military experience in a large proportion of the
Troops which compose your Garrison, but this is
a defect which must be daily wearing away, and I
trust that, under your Conduct, and animated by
the example and Exertions of the British Troops
under your command, they will every day more
and more become enabled to contribute to the
substantial defence and safety of the place ; and
here I likewise derive considerable satisfaction
from reflecting that the Troops by whom you are

294

Appendix II

opposed are not probably the best disciplined or
the most experienced in the operations of the
Field, and I am confirmed in this opinion by
reflecting on the very inferior exertions they
have made in comparison with the Troops which
have at different times been engaged with them,
even after the Town of Toulon was put into our
hands. I likewise perfectly attend to what you
state respecting the disadvantages of the divided
command which has hitherto prevailed at Toulon.
I admit the inconvenience, and can only hope
that, in consequence of the measures which have
been taken, and the Instructions which you have
received, that circumstance may in a great degree
have been remedied, by the Spanish Comman-
ders having acquiesced in the undoubted right
we have claimed to the exclusive Command of
the Town of Toulon, and likewise in the right
to command the combined force assembled there,
by virtue of your superior Rank to any held
by the Spanish Generals. And I am sure I
need not recommend to you the necessity of
carrying on the Service with every degree of
conciliation on your part that can conduce to pre-
serve Cordiality amongst you.

Before closing my observations on the different
points of difficulty in which you feel yourself
placed in maintaining the defence of Toulon, I
must again refer to a circumstance I have already
adverted to ; I mean the nature of the Enemy

295

Appendix II

you are engaged with. It is natural for a Com-
manding Officer to be in the first place impressed
with his own difficulties, and to be anxious that
remedies may be supplied to obviate them. But
every consideration of that kind is relative, and it
is impossible for me to entertain a doubt that the
Troops opposed to you are labouring under diffi-
culties of a more serious nature than any that
apply to your Garrison. The Rulers of France
have found themselves pressed from different
quarters during the last Campaign, and must of
course have been obliged to draw away their best
force to those places where the most powerful
Armies were operating against them : It is there-
fore scarcely credible that any force they may
have been able to collect at Toulon can be of a
nature to entitle them to any great degree of pre-
eminence on a comparison with those which form
the Garrison of Toulon, and I must call your
attention in a particular manner to a circumstance
of the first consequence in all military operations
and in which you have such an advantage, I mean
the Article of Provisions. The Sea is open to
you, it is shut to them, and considering the great
difficulties they must be exposed to in that respect,
and the immense exertions which they must make
to supply their numerous Armies and Garrison
Towns it is not unreasonable to suppose that any
Army they have collected or may collect at
Toulon, and which must of course be fed from the

296

Appendix II

interior of France, must fight at great disadvan-
tage against a Garrison plentifully supplied, and
therefore relieved from that pressing danger to
which besieged Towns are so often exposed.

I have endeavoured to lay these observations
forcibly before you, and in considerable detail, in
order to satisfy you on the grounds why your
letter has not excited that degree of Alarm for the
safety of Toulon which you may have supposed
from the strong manner in which you have
painted the difficulties of your situation. His
Majesty has a perfect reliance on your vigourous
exertions. He knows that nothing but extreme
necessity will induce you to surrender a situation,
the possession of which is so honourable to His
Majesty's Arms, and so essential to the important
cause in which he is engaged. Upon these con-
siderations His Majesty selected you for the
Government of Toulon, and he has a perfect
reliance that your exertions operating with the
force under your Command will be available to
overcome every difficulty.

I have not dwelt upon it, but in observing upon
the force under your Command, I cannot totally
lay out of my view the Aid you are entitled to
expect from the Inhabitants within the Town.
It would appear that bodies of them might be
employed to lessen the fatigues of the Garrison
in some of the operations of defence. I am aware
that many of them are not to be trusted, but this

297

Appendix II

cannot apply to the great body of them, and con-
sidering the calamitous State to which a surrender
of the place would reduce them, I cannot conceive
but that with proper management great numbers
of them may be induced to act, and afford material
assistance.

But notwithstanding the Confidence His
Majesty reposes in the exertions and resources I
have stated, it is by no means His intention to over-
look the difficulties you have stated, or to omit to
obviate them by such additional force as He can
spare from other pressing Services. It must be
remembered that from the manner in which
Toulon came into His Majesty's Possession it was
impossible to be prepared with a force adequate to
His wishes or to the importance of the acquisi-
tion : Every Exertion has since been made and
will continue to be made. Since the date of your
dispatch you will probably have received a large
additional reinforcement from Gibraltar. The
Aid of the Milanese Troops has been with-
held much longer than was expected, but
fresh and earnest requisitions on that subject
have been made at the Court of Vienna, and I
hope will be attended with speedy success. A
negotiation is open for obtaining as speedily as
possible such further reinforcements of Sardinian
Troops as may make the whole Force of that
Nation at Toulon amount to Ten or Twelve
Thousand Men. And it is intended with all

298

Appendix II

expedition to send for your further reinforcement
the 23d, the 35th, and the 4Oth Regiments in ad-
addition to the other British Forces serving there.
How far any further reinforcements can or ought
to be sent must depend upon the nature and
extent of the Service to be carried on from that
quarter in the further progress of the War. Upon
that Subject I will have occasion to write to you
by some early conveyance in which I shall advert
to that part of your Letter which expresses your
opinion as to the inexpedience of acting offensively
against the Enemy from that side of France.

Although from the contents of this letter you
will be satisfied that the abandonment of Toulon
is not an Event to which I look forward or expect
to hear of, still considering the terms in which
you have stated your Situation, I have thought
it my duty to write to Lord Hood on the sup-
position of so improbable an Event. He will,
agreable to his Instructions, communicate the
Contents to you, and you will operate with his
Lordship in the Execution of any Measures which
such a Necessity might suggest.

I am, Sir,
Your most obedient humble Servant,

HENRY DUNDAS.

HEADNOTE. — This Letter was recd by Lieutenant-General
Dundas, at Sea after the Evacuation of Toulon and the capture
of General O'Hara.

299

Appendix II

Henry Dundas to Lieutenant-General Dundas.
[Private]

London, 2oth Decr, 1793.

MY DEAR SIR,

General Ohara will of course commu-
nicate to you my official letters in answer to the
one I have received from him. I cannot how-
ever permit the Messenger to depart without
mentioning to you that neither General Ohara's
letter nor your private one were calculated to
inspire us with either good spirits or much con-
fidence in the exertions to be made at Toulon.
The whole of the Correspondence seems calcu-
lated to point out every Difficulty in the World,
but omits in any one Sentence to mention either
your Measures to overcome those Difficulties, or
what in truth you conceived would be the ultimate
consequence of them. You must be aware that
Toulon came into our hands at a moment when
it was impossible for us to have made any pre-
parations for such an event. That Defect was
on the first emergency made up by the Spirited

300

Appendix II

Exertions of a handfull of British troops aided
by the native Gallantry and Spirits of the British
Seamen supported by no other military force than
a few thousands of Spanish troops which it is now
the tone to consider as good for nothing. In this
Situation we found ourselves before the arrival
of our General Officers, and the Reinforcment of
large Bodies of troops and the hopes of still more.
But no sooner is this accomplished after the most
vigorous Exertions that were I believe ever made
in the same period of time than we are accosted
with Dispatches which are little short of announc-
ing the abandonment of the Place, and with scarce
a Ray of hope held out to us. General Ohara
was not compelled as a Matter of Duty to under-
take this Service. He went to Toulon as a
Volunteer, and to his surprise found himself ap-
pointed Governor of the Place ; Under those
Circumstances His Majesty has a right to expect
as vigorous a Defence of the Town of Toulon as
ever was given to any Place, and I make no
doubt he will not be disappointed in that Expec-
tation, but there is no occasion to enhance that
merit by an exaggerated Statement of Difficulties,
without his mentioning any one of the Circum-
stances which upon a Comparison of the Relative
Situation of the Enemy and his own do certainly
when analised considerably diminish the force of
some of the apprehensions which have been held
out. Nothing can be more proper than that

301

Appendix II

Officers should fairly and candidly state all their
Difficulties, but they are not to look for Impossi-
bilities ; We are entitled to some Credit in having
it thought of us that we are not insensible to the
Importance of Toulon, and of course do not re-
quire any Stimulus to induce us to give every
additional force to it that other Services will admit
of. In fact We have done so, and shall continue
to do so, but let us in return receive at least the
Satisfaction of being informed that our Exertions
at home will be met with Exertions equal to them
on the Spot.

There is one Circumstance I cannot omit more
particularly to notice. Both in General Oharas
publick letter and in your Private one I am led
to suppose that the Defence of the Place would
be easy or at least the Difficulty of defending it
much less, if it was not for the Harbour and the
Fleet being likewise necessary to be defended.
But it is no where stated that the Harbour can
be abandoned without giving up the communica-
tion by Sea, nor does it appear that you have
ever in concert with Lord Hood taken the Sub-
ject under consideration so as to report to us
whether the line of Defence can be so circum-
scribed, as that if the Fleets were removed from
the Harbour, your Task of defending would be
proportionably lessened. In no letter of Lord
Hoods does he state that any such Proposition
was stated to him or he called upon to consider

303

Appendix II

it. Unless this had been done and the Result of
such a Consultation fairly laid before us, it must
on the smallest reflexion occur to you that the
Statement of the Defence of the Place being en-
creased in Difficulty by the harbour and Fleet
amounts to no more than a Repetition of the fact
that you are in Difficulty, but without giving us
the smallest information whether any Measure was
in contemplation by the Removal of the Fleet or
any other Circumstance which could tend to lessen
your Difficulties.

Altho this letter is addrest to you, I do not
mean that any part of it should be kept back
from General Ohara. Nobody carries to a higher
Pitch than I do the Propriety and endeed the
Duty of Ministers to support the Character and
Reputation of the officers they employ ; I think
We are even in honour bound to support their
Errors and defend their Mistakes, but while I
have the honour to serve his Majesty I will set
my Face against the modern Practice of every
Officer when he goes upon Service sitting down
to make a Catalogue of Difficulties and Grievances,
which never had nor never can have good effect
upon any Service, and must always expose the
Person doing so to the imputation of beginning
his Services with preparatory apologies for its
failure. I am no Soldier and therefore not en-
titled to form a Judgement, but I can say with
great confidence that such a train of thinking and

303

Appendix II

acting would augur ill for Vigorous Exertions in
Civil life.

I have not time at present to write to you on
any other Subject, but I remain,
My Dear Sir,

Yours sincerely,

HENRY DUNDAS.

HEADNOTE. — To Lieutenant- General Dundas from Secretary
of State, received after the evacuation of Toulon, January, 1794.

Henry Dundas to Lieutenant- General Dundas.

[Private]

Wimbledon, 28 Decr.

MY DEAR SIR,

I most sincerely hope your health
will enable you to hold the situation which has
dropt into your hands. We are doing what we
can to give you relief and aid but it is scarcely
possible to find any officers senior to you, and
none of the Major General list we think can be
found that are not already on Service. General
Garth has been suggested, but to tell you the
truth I objected to it on the ground of his having
left the West Indies in so improper and unmili-
tary a Way. The present Idea is to send an
officer of very high rank with the view of com-
bating more effectually the Pretensions of the

304

Appendix II

Spanish officers. The only officer of Service of
that Description, (exclusive of those who have
already declined Service) is Sir Henry Clinton.
I have sent to him to know his Inclinations, and
if He accepts he will of course be permitted to
point out whom he wishes to serve under him,
and We will pay attention to his recommendation.
If he has no particular suggestion to make We
propose sending out Major General Alured
Clarke, Charles Stuart and Balfour. If this
arrangement takes place, I shall propose to the
King to give you a Discretionary Power to
remain or come as you please, and if your deter-
mination shall be to come home We must
endeavour to keep a Place open for you in Flan-
ders. But if things have taken a favourable turn
with you perhaps with so much assistance, you
may chuse to remain where you are.

Your last affair has given us great Concern
and certainly very great apprehensions for the
Place. As you are silent as to all the officers
high and Low I cannot help entertaining my own
Suspicions that the Rashness was not merely of
the common soldiers. But as you have not told
me your observations I shall keep my suspicions
to myself. We have a report that you have since
had a success at Cape Brun. The delay of the
Austrians to send their promised 5,000 Men has
put us out of all temper, but not so much as that
of Sir Robert Boyd in keeping back the troops

305 s

Appendix II

he was ordered to send. If things are all still
safe, I hope the Reinforcement of Piedmontese
which we understand you have got, with the
additional troops from Gibraltar, and the 5,000
Austrians at last agreed to as you will see by the
official Dispatch which comes with this, will put
you much at your ease.

I have nothing further to detain you with,
Ever yours,

HENRY DUNDAS.

Lieutenant-General Dundas.

Henry Dundas to Lieutenant-General Dundas.
\_Private~\

Whitehall, 8 March, 1794.

MY DEAR DAVID,

My long silence must have surprised
you. The fact is that for near two months we
have been in the daily intention of sending dis-
patches to the Mediterranean, but partly from
the fluctuation of embarassing circumstances
which have arisen at Genoa, and partly from the
hopes of hearing further as to Your Measures
respecting Corsica, we have postponed till now
writing either to Lord Hood, Sir Gilbert Elliott,
or Yourself. Even my present letter must be a

300

Appendix II

very short one, for it would take a Ream of paper
to write all I have to say to you. But I must
write these few lines merely to say that You have
given Yourself a great deal of unnecessary trouble
in writing anything to me exculpatory of yourself
for there is not one particle of your Conduct that
has not merited and met with perfect approbation.
If I have any doubts respecting any other quarter,
I shall reserve them for future discussion, when
we can do it freely, and with unreserved discus-
sion. As to Lord Mulgrave, You do him injustice
if you suppose that he has given any unfavorable
impressions : In truth he has given me none at
all, for I clearly saw on his first arrival here, that
he had come home not in good humour. As
nothing could be more unwarranted, I took no
notice of it, but it certainly rather tended to keep
back that freedom of communication which would
otherwise have taken place.

In the first letter I had from You after the
evacuation of Toulon, You expressed a Wish to
be relieved from Your present Situation, and to
be allowed leave to remain in Italy for the re-
establishment of your health. I have taken no
steps in consequence of that representation, for it
soon appeared that there was a prospect of some
operations, probably successful ones, against
Corsica, and it would have been wrong under
these circumstances to have sent out any person
to supercede You. We hope soon to hear what

307

Appendix II

has happened at Corsica, and when that is over,
I shall then concert with Sir William Faucett
what is best for You, and shall act accordingly.
In the mean time I remain,
My dear David,

Yours very sincerely,

HENRY DUNDAS.

Lieutenant- General Dundas.

[Sir David Dundas (1735-1820) did not
become lieutenant-general till 1 797 ; he became
major-general in 1790. At Toulon he held
brevet rank.]

308

INDEX

ABBATUCCI, 219

./tmilius, 148

Aix, 29, 99, 125, 232
Seminary of. 36. 43, 99, 107

Ajaccio, 21, 22, 25, 38, 43, 99, 106,
117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124,
125, 126, 129, 130, 145, 156, 157,
159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 189, 190,

192, 2l6, 219, 22O, 222, 225, 229

Albitte, 233, 237

Aleria, 204

Alexander, 152

Algiers, 207

Allobroges, 233, 250

Andrei, 203, 205, 215

Anselme, 195, 196

Antibes, 233

Antiboul, 218

Arbela, 152

Arcola, 264

Arena, 205, 208, 224, 257

Aries, 232, 233

Arrighi, 30, 174, 175

Artois, Countess d', 116

Aubrun, 188, 189

Austrian Army, 83

Autpn, 90, 133

Bishop of, 43, 61, 89, 95
College of, 43, 44, 45, 59, 60, 63
Grand Vicar of, 44

Auxonnc, 84, 92, 108, in, 112, 113,
114, 115. 133, 135, 136, 143, 155

Avia, Pere, 55, 68

Avignon, 230, 231, 232, 237

Avignon, Journal <f, 247

BACCIOCCHI, 196

Bailly, 130

Bale, 135

Barbaroux, 233, 235

Barere, 215, 218

Barnave, 130

Barras, 249, 258

Barrin, Vicomte de, 34, 118, 119, 121

Bartinione, 167

Basseaux, 95, 137
Bastelica, 22

Bastia, 34, 35, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123,
125, 129, 130, 156, 163, 164, 195,

212, 210, 219, 22O, 222

Bastille, 114, 125, 143
Battista Favella, 166
Baur, 85

Beaucaire, Le Souper de, 229
Beauharnais, Eugene, 197
Relaguier, 254, 261
Benedictines, 46
Henielli, 171

Berton, Jean Baptiste, 51, 68
Berton, Pere Louis, 51, 55, 68, 70
Bezout, 79, 80, 81
Biron, General, 158
Black Sea, 196
Bo, 218

Bocognano, 22, 175, 202, 220
Boldrini, 210

Bonaparte, Canon Filippo, 21
Bonaparte, Caroline, 107, 191, 213
Bonaparte, Charles-Marie de, 21, 22,
25, 26, 43, 45, 104, 124, 210

appointed Assessor of Royal Juris-
diction of Ajaccio, 26

elected deputy of nobility, 26

comes to France, 59

takes Joseph to Corsica, 63

complains to Minister, 67

death of, 78

Bonaparte, Francesco, 22
Bonaparte, Jerome, 107, 197, 213
Bonaparte, Joseph, 26, 29, 30, 38, 42,
43, 44, 46, 60, 63, 64, 65, 67, 78,
loo, 104, 107, 117, 119, 120, 123,
124, 125, 126, 129, 133, 141, 145,
156, 157, 162, 163, 164, 165, 177,
179, 181, 185, 187, 191, 205, 210,

213, 2l6, 222, 225

Bonaparte, Louis, 26, 95, 106, 117,
132. 133. 134. 135. 137. iSS. 156,

197, 210, 213

Bonaparte, Archdeacon Lucien, 25,

309

Index

30, 78, 99, too, 104, 121, 156, 159,
160

Bonaparte, Lucien, 29, 50, 52, 57, 59
60, 65, 66, 67, 99, 107, 117, 135,
162, 181, 191, 197, 212, 213, 214,
215, 220

Bonaparte, Maria Nunziata, 96
Bonaparte, Maria Saveria, 30
Bonaparte, Marianna, 59, 60, 76, 106,

117, 188, 189

called Elisa, 190, 196, 213
Bonaparte, Napoleon, birth of, 21-29
sleeps at Pisa, 21
uncle of, 21

chastised by mother, 25
placed at military school at Brienne,

great-grandfather of, 29
as Consul, 29
" Epochs of My Life," 30
baptism of, 30
accounts of infancy, 37-41
nurse of, 38
goes to school, 41
intended for army, 43
arrives at Autun, 44
appointed to Tiron, 45
appointed to Brienne, 45
weeps upon leaving Autun, 46
submits his first work to Pere

Dupuy, 51

gives exhibition of deportment, 52
dances as Consul at Malmaison, 52
is unpopular at Brienne, and is

punished, 56

takes part in snow-fight, 56
meets his father at Brienne, 59
writes to an uncle, 59
writes to his father, 63
attracts attention of Keralio, 66
enters Military School at Paris, 67
banquet in his honour, 68
sees Chateau of Brienne for last

time, 69
loses battle for first time on French

soil, 69

rewards Brienne associates, 69
life at the Ecole Militaire, 73
confirmed, 75

hears of his father's death, 78
examined by Laplace, 80
writes lines on Bezout, 81
at St. Jean d'Acre, 83
relations between Desmazis and,

and Baur, 85
and his friends, 86
writes poem on liberty of Corsica,

87
leaves Military School of Paris, 89

Bonaparte, Napoleon — continued.
is attached to regiment of La Fere,

his wardrobe, 89
travels to Valence, 90
and the regiment of La Fere, 91
financial position at Valence, 92
writes paper on his desire to visit

Corsica, 96
is sent to put down strike at Lyons,

demands indemnity, 105
leaves Corsica again and goes to

Paris, 105
writes paper on conversation at

Palais Royal, 106
French biographers of, 106
returns to Ajaccio, 106, 117
leaves Ajaccio, 107
at Auxonne, 108
completes his instruction as officer

of artillery at Auxonne, in
appointed to examine firing of

cannon, 112
writes to Fesch, 112
is put under arrest, 113
sent to put down riots at Seurre,

returns to Auxonne, 114
is nearly drowned, 114
travels to Corsica again, 115
has a curious adventure, 116
joins his brother in public affairs of

Corsica, 119
summons patriots of Ajaccio to a

meeting, 120
goes to Bastia to support Saliceti

121
is diverted from his hatred of France,

122

contributes to Giornale Politico, 123
accompanies his brother to Orezza,

124

writes for prolongation of leave, 124
receives Paoli, 124
opposes La Ferandiere, 125
attaches himself to Paoli, 125
writes to Pozzo di Borgo, 126
opens a club at Ajaccio, 129
writes to Buttafuoco, 129
returns to France, 132
writes to Fesch from Serves, 132
writes on love from St. Vallier, 132
arrives at Auxonne, 133
life at Auxonne, 133
becomes first lieutenant, 136
leaves Auxonne, 136
arrives at Valence, 137
becomes a Friend.' of the Constitu-
tion, 138 j

310

Index

Bonaparte, Napoleon — continued.
takes an oath to maintain the Con-
stitution, 139

his relations with Hedouville, 140
writes to Naudin, 143
writes essay on happiness for

Academy of Lyons prize, 146
goes to Corsica again, 155
buys house at Ajaccio, 156
meets Vplney, 157
is appointed Adjutant-Major of

Corsican Volunteers, 159
elected second lieutenant-colonel,

161

his conduct at Ajaccio, 162 foil
his interview with Paoli, 177
goes to paris, 179
captain of artillery, 182
thinks of going to India, 192
sails for La Maddalena, 198
his cleanly habits, 199
attacks La. Maddalena, 200
retreats from La Maddalena, 201
deserts Paoli, 209
asks Convention to withdraw decree

against Paoli, 216
his flight, 221
reaches Campitello, 222
joins his mother, 225
denounces Paoli, 226
his opinion of Paoli, 227
joins his regiment at Nice, 229
returns from Avignon to Nice, 239
made Chef de Bataillon, 243
contracts skin complaint, 246
first appearance in public print, 247
called " Captain Cannon," 249
plan for taking Toulon, 254
interview with O'Hara, 257
captures L'Eguillette, 260
wounded, 261
his conduct at Toulon, 262
made general of brigade, 263
his character, 265

CAEN, 232

Ccesar, 50

the new, no
Cagliari, 196, 198
Caire, 243, 244
Calotte, 109, in
Calvados, 232

Calvi, 163, 195, 216, 225, 220, 235
Cambon, 215
Cambridge, 75

King's College, 84
Camilla Ilari, 38, 103
Campagnol, Colonel, 155, 159
Camp de Jales, 234
Campitello, 223, 225

Cap Brun, 248, 254

Cape Como, 129

Caprera, 199

Capuchins, 164, 165

Carnot, 254

Carrousel, 186

Carteaux, 230, 231, 232, 233, 238,

239, 240, 243, 244, 245, 247, 248,

253, 263

Carteaux, Madame, 249
Carthaginians, 42
Casabianca, Marianna de, 190
Casablanca, Raffaelle, 196, 198, 205,

215, 216

Casanova, Quilico, 161
Cato, 58

Cervoni, 175, 257
Cesari, 118, 120, 174, 175, 198, 201,

aoS

Cevennes, 232
Chalons-sur-SAone, 90, 133
ChambeVy, 250
Chambre des Pairs, 138
Champ de 1' Union, 142
Champeau, M. de, 46
Chancellor of the Senate. 82
Chardon, Abb6 de, 43, 44
Charles V., 152
Charles IX., 177
Chateau, Pere, 55
Cherbourg, Hotel de, 105
Chiappe, 205
Chiappe, Angelo, 226
Choiseul, 33
Chuquet, M., 70, 85
Cicero, 50, 100
Claviere, 180
Cleyrac, Mesangere, 137
Coblentz, 182
Code Napoleon, 113
College Mazarin, 36
Colombier, Caroline, 96
Colombier, Madame Gr£goire dt, 95,

*37

Colonna-Leca, 223
Comit6 Superieur, 123
Commander-in-Chief, 118
Commissioner of War, 44
Conde\ 83
Condorcet, 233-235
Confina del Principe, 157, 158
Conseil Superieur, 34
Constantinople, 195
Constituent Assembly, 138, 139, 158
Constitution, 126, 142
Controlleur-General, 59, 106, 152
Corneille, 100
Cornelius Nepos, 50, 100
Corps Royal, 118
Corsica, 22, 26, 34, 35, 37i 4*. 44. 45

Index

55. 59. 62, 63, 64, 65, 87, 88, 89,
96, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109,
115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 123,
129, 130, 155, 159, 162, 185, 188,
199, 210, 214, 229, 232, 233, 235,
266

Corsica, youth of, 25
condition of, 30
possession of, by Genoa, 30
rises in rebellion, 30
ceded to France, 33
flag of, 37
papers on, no
made part of France, 122
Corsican Estates, 106, 118
Corsicans, 36, 66, no, 121, 164
Corte, 118, 124, 156, 157, 163, 164,
165, 170, 176, 177, 192, 212, 214,
215, 219, 220
Costa, Nunzio, 225
Coti, 170, 176, 223, 225
Coxe, 144

Croix aux Signaux, 254
Cromwell, 152
Crimea, 196
Culm, 83
Curtins, 58

DANTE, 21

Dardennes, 240

Daunon, 153

Dauphine", 96, 115, 233

Dautel, M., 95

Decius, 58, 236

Delaborde, 245

Delcher, 218, 224

Delesguille, 75

Delmas, 89

Desaix, 139, 263

Deshayes, 68

Desmazis, 74, 80, 84, 86, 89, no, 135

Di la, 123

Di qua, 123

Digest, 113

Dion, 58

Directory, the, 157, 163, 164, 165

Dole, 69

Domairon, 75

Dommartin, 239

Doppet, 249, 253

Doria, Archbishop, 118

Drago, 169, 175

Dresden, 83

Dubois-Crance", 233

Duclos, 144

Dugommier, 253, 254, 259, 260

Dujardin, 229

Dulaure, M., 144

Dumouriez, 180

Dundas, General, 255, 259

Du Prat, 141

Dupuy, Pere, 51

Durance, 231, 233

Duroc, 263, 265

Du Teil, Baron Jean Pierre, 112, 113,

"5. 155

Du Teil, Jean Chevalier, 229, 253,
254, 263

EGYPT, 38, 92, 138, 157, 158

Elliot, Lady, 206

Elliot, Sir Gilbert, 226

England, 33, 83, 108, 143, 152, 219

Erasmus, Colloquies of, 50

Escudier, 214, 215

Etna, 149

Eton, 71

Euclid, 150

Eutropius, 50

FABIUS, 148

Faron, Mount, 247, 254, 259, 261

Faure, in

Fauvelet, 186

Favella, Joachim, 166

Favieres, Valley of, 240

Ferandiere, La, 125

Fesch, Captain, 22

Fesch, Cardinal Joseph, 22, 26, 43, 59,

78, 99, 104, 112, 121, 129, 132,

156. 164, 192, 225
Florence, 21
Floret, Captain, 113
Fontainebleau, 90
Fort Timbrune, 74
France, 25, 33, 43, 50, 55, 59, 66, 76,

83, 84, 87, 108, in, 113, 117, 125,

132, 137, 140, 143, 155, 158, 207
Francois, 137
Frankfurt, 140
Frate, Nicola, 220
French, 26, 37, 44, 99, 130, 139
French Army, 91
French Government, 35
French Eton, 43
Freron, 249, 258

GAFFORI, 120, 124, 125, 129

Gallezzini, 121

Gallura, 201

Garibaldi, 199

Gamier, 254, 255, 257

Gasparin, 240, 243, 248, 249

Gassendi, no, 135, 246

Gaudet, 235

Genoa, 30, 33, 199, 206, 207

Genoese, 35

Gentili, 209

George III., 211

Gibraltar, the little, 245

312

Index

Girondists, 235, 236, 266

Giovanna, 66

Giubigi, 229

Globo Patriotico, 129, 130

Gourgaud, 69

Gouvernet, 115

Granicus, 152

Gravina, General, 247

Greece, 50

Grenoble, 190, 229, 232

Grimaldi, 160

Gretry, 141

Guitera, 217

Gustavus III., of Sweden, 74, 113

HKDOUVII.LE, 140, 141

Herzogenberg, 83

Histoire Critique de la Noblesse, 144

Holland, 143

Homer, 100

Horace, 50

Hozier de Serigny, 45

Hundred Days, 138

INDIA, 152

Issus, 152

Italy, 33. 45. 55. 138. 155, 165, 239

JACOBIN CLUB, 142, 143

Jacobins, 248

James, 133

Javilliers, 51

Jesuits, 41

Joly, 135

Joseph II., 74

Josephine, 96

Jourdan coupe-tete, 177

Juigne, 75

Junpt, 255, 263, 264

Jupiter, 152

Jura, 232

KEHJ., PERE, 51
Keralio, 66, 67

LA BARRE, 254
Labarriere, M. de, 91
La Ciotat, 246

Lacombe Saint Michel, 218, 222, 224
I^afayette, 130

La Fere, Regiment of, 89, 91, 106,
108, no, 114, 135, 136, 137, 246
La Fleche, 48
Lameth, 130

Lance, M. de, 91, 105, 133
Languedoc, 33
Laon, 70
Laplace, 80, 82

La Poype, 240, 247, 248, 249, 254
La Salette, 243

Las Cases, 83

La Seyne, 244, 245, 246, 247, 261

La Source, 215

Laugier de Bellecour, 68, 77, 80, 86,

Laurencin, Mme. de, 95
La Valette, 229, 240
Le Bocche, 109
L'Esprit de Gerson, 144
Legendre, 75
Legion of Honour, Grand Officer of,

Legislative Assembly, 156, 159
L'Eguillette, 243, 244. 245, 254, 258,

261

Leipzig, 82
Leluc. Pere, 51
Lemaire, 197
Leonetti, 179. 223
Leonidas, 58
Les Halles, 181
Levant, the, 33
Levie, 175, 221, 222
Levie, Madame, 221
Libri MSS., 105, 108
" Little India," 157
Livy, 50, 100
Loire, 232
Lombard, in
Louis XIV., 144, 152
Louis XV., 33, 71, 75. 144
Louis XVI.. 46, 50, 188
Lucchesi, 213
Lycurgus, 146
Lyons, 90, 99, 124, 125, 189, 232, 250

MACHIAVELLI, 144

Macinaggio, 222

Maddalena, La, 192

Maillard, 168, foil.

Malbousquet, 254, 256, 261

Malmaison, 52, 69, 137

Mamelukes, 158

Mammuccia Caterina, 37

Marbceuf, 26, 34, 36, 43, 76, 89, 103

Marbot, in

Marcaggi, 220

Marescot, 253, 261, 263

Marigy, 158

Marseilles, 116, 125, 190, 198, 204,

229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 239, 247,

248

Martigues, 245

Massaria, 123, 124, 129, 173, 205
Masson, 106, 185
Matteo Pozzo, 161, 162
Mediterranean, 33, 34
Mere, Madame, 22, 96
Metternich, 191
Metz, 65, 79, 80

313

Index

Meuron, 219, 225

Milan, 68

Milelli. 103, 129, 210, 225

Minanna Francesca, 66, zoo

Minanna Saveria, 30, 66, 100

Minims, 46, 49, 50

Minister of the Interior, 82, 138, 164

Minister of War, 46, 75, 79, 133, 159

Mirabeau, 122, 130, 132

Moltedo, 205, 225

Monaco, 245

Monestier, 203

Monge, Gaspard, 75

Monge, Louis, 75, 188

Montaigne, 100

Montalivet, Bachasson de, 137, 138,

!39

Mont Blanc, 147
Monte Cristo, 148
Montesquieu, 100, 162
Montholon, M. de, 196
Montholon, Charles de, 197
Montpellier, 78, 230, 232, 236, 246
Morati, 160, 161
Morgues, 180
Mouret, 254, 257
Muiron, 260, 264, 265
Mnlgrave, Fort, 245, 250, 254, 258,

259, 261

Mulgrave, Lord, 247
Municipal Council, 123
Murat, 206, 215

NABULIONE, 29

Naillac, 180

Nansouty, 70

Naples, 206

Napolionne, 55

Napolionne, de Buonaparte, 91

National Assembly, 119, 120, 122, 129,

135. 136

National Committee, 120
National Guard, 119, 120, 122, 13;,

156, 166
Naudin, 143
Necker, no

Nice, 2ii, 229, 240, 246,
Nlmes, 232

Noble, Eustache L., 144
Nuits, 135

O'HARA, General, 250, 255, 256, 259

Ollioules, 239, 246, 247, 253, 256, 258

Orange, 249

Oratorians, 46

Orazio, 66

Orezza, 123, 124, 125

Orgon, 233

Orleans, High Court of, 157

Ossian, 100

PALAIS ROYAL, 105, 106, 181
Panattieri, 205
Pandora, 153

Paoli, 25, 33, 37, 55, 87, 119, 122,
123, 124, 126, 129, 130, 146, 147,

156, 157. 159, 163. I64. 174. '77.

180, 195, 197, 203, 205, 234, 236
defeated at Ponte Nuovo, 33
takes refuge in England, 33
returns to Corsica, 124
enters harbour of Bastia, 125
presides over a meeting at Orezza,

I25

writes to Napoleon, 130
his opinion of Bonaparte, 227
Papacy, 144

Paravicini, Gertrude, 30, 103
Paravicini, Nicola, 103, 221
Paris, 59, 60, 68, 71, 89, 105, 119, 120,

125, 136, 142, 179 foil., 248, 266
Paris, Archbishop of, 75,
Paris Military School, 67, 71, 74, 75,

76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 83, 89, 92, 05,

105

Patrauld, Pere, 51, 64, 68, 70
Patriotic Society of Ajaccio, 135
Pavilion de la Ville, 108
Peraldi, 120, 157, 160, 161, 162, 177,

179, 182, 195, 222
Peraldi Mario, 162, 217, 220
Peraldi, Santo, 169
Peretti, 117, 132
Peretti, Captain Giovanni, 167
Permon, M., 180
Permon, Madame, 180
Perpignan, 237
Persia, 152
Pe'tion, 130
Phaedrus, 50
Philip II., 152
Phe'lipeaux, 80, 83, 84
Phoceans, 233
Pichegru, 51

Picot de Peccaduc, 73, 80, 83
Pisa, 21, 26, 107
Pisa, Archbishop of, 36
Pisa, University of, 104, 107
Place d'Armes, 165
Place des Clercs, 141
Plato, loo
Plutarch, 58, 100
Plutarch's " Lives," 48
Podesta, 34
Podesta Maggiore, 35
Poggioli, 220
Poli, 41

Poli, Madame, 103
Pommier, Chateau de, 155
Pont-a-Mousson, 46, 49, 76
Ponte, 126

Index

Ponte Nuovo, 26, 33
Pontornini, 96
Pope, the, 38
Portugal, 84

Potocka, Countess of, 52
Pozzo di Borgo, 120, 121, 124, 126,
I57> X59' I02' 177> J79- 2O5-

206, 208, 211, 212, 214, 215, 22],

226

Prince Henry of Prussia, 74, 1 13
Procureur-General Syndic, 164
Provence, 33, 233
Pyrenees, 103

CjUENZA, 159, 160, 161, 162, 168, 185,
192, 201, 216, 219

RACINE, 100

Kamolini, 160

Ramolino, 45

Ramolino, Marie-Letizia, 21, 22, 25,

26, 30, 38, 41, 139, 156, 190, 197,

213, 225

birth of eldest child, 29
Ratisbon, 140

Raynal, Abbe, 100, 116, 145
Recco, Abbe, 42
Reformation, the, 77
Regiment de Grenoble, 136
Regular Canons, 46
Revolution, the, 37, 75, 77, 114, 115,

117, 119, 126, 135, 138, 143, 164
Reynaud de Monts, 49, 52, 67, 68
Rhine, 51
Rhone, 143, 148
Ricord, 249, 254
Robespierre, 130
Robespierre, Augustin, 249, 254
Rocca, 166

Rocca, Colonna de Cesari, 117
Rocca Serra, 167, 168
Roche-Colombe, 96
Rogliano, 222
Roland, 180
Rome, 50, 140
Rossi, Antonio, 158, 159, 163, 165,

168, 172, 205
Rousseau, ico, 145, 162
Royal-Corse, 36
Royal Military Schools, 43
Rully, 121
Russia, 196

Russian ambassador, 162
Russian campaign, 82

SAINT ANTONIO, 156

Saint-Beuve, 58

St. Cyr, 26, 36, 59, 60, 76, 106, 117,

188, 189
St. Florent, 204, 216, 222

St. Florentin, 126

St. Francis, Church of, 120, 161, 165

St. Francis, Convent of, 166

St. Germain, Comte, 46, 47, 48, 71,

76
Saint-Germain, Mme. Lauberie de,

95. 96

St. Helena, 26, 83, in, 197, 227

St. Jean d'Acre, 83

St. John, Church of, 121

St. Leu, 78

Saint Louis, 141

St. Ruf, Abbot of, 95, 116, 137

St. Ruf, Church of, 142

St. Vallier, 133

Saliceti, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 164,
165, 205 foil., 222, 224, 226, 236,
240, 243, 248, 249, 254, 256, 257

Salis-Grisons, 120, 125

Sallust, 50

San Miniato, 21

San Stefano, 200

Santa, Marianna Pierra, 30

Santo, 66

Saone, 90, 114, 135

Sardinia, 192, 196, 199, 214

Sari, Ignazio, 167

Sarzana, 21

Sartene, n8

Savelli, 209

Saveria, 38

Savoy. 233

Scipio, 148

Segur, 63, 76

Semonville, 195, 196, 197, 210, 214

Senator, 82

Sens, 90

Serurier, 140

Servan, 180, 182

Serves, 132

Seurre, 113, 115

Silvestre, 74

Simon, Abbe\ 46

Smith, Sidney, 83, 262

Society of the Friends of the Constitu-
tion, 138, 141, 143

Sor&ze, 46, 49

Spain, 33, 140, 219, 236

Spartan, the, 58

States General, 117

Suchet, 263

Sucy. 137, i38. 139- I57> 159

Sugny, 254

Suremain, 135

Switzerland, 144

Syria, 83

TACITUS, 100
Tallano, 165
Tancredi, 166

Index

Tarascon, 148, 232, 233

Tartas, 75

Tavera, 166

Temple, 83

Ternano, Marianna, 167

Terray, Abbs', 37

Thebes, 152

Thoisy-le-De'sert, 46

Three Pigeons, Les, 92, 137, 141

Tiron, 45, 46, 49

Tissot, Dr., 105

Toulon, 125, 190, 204, 214, 229, 233,

239, foil.

Tournon, 46, 96, 125
Trabocchina, La, 156
Truguet, Admiral, 195, 196, 197, 198
Tuileries, 38, 179, 181
Tunis, 207
Tuscany, 33, 38, 191
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, 36
Tusoli, 220

UCCIANI, 220

Urtubie, Vicomte d', 91

VALENCE, 84,89, 90, 92, 99, IIT, 115,
125, 132, 136, 137, 141, 142, 180,
190

Valfort, 74, 87

Var, 214

Varennes, 138

Varese, 43, 44, 121

Vaucluse, 239

Vende'e, 234

Vendome, 49

Venice, 264

Vergniaud, 235

Versailles, 26, 45, 117, 118, 188, 189

Vertot, 50

Victor, 258, 259, 263

Vignale, 156

Villa Marina, 200

Virgil, 50

Vitebsk, 82

Vivarais, 232

Volney, 130, 157, 158, 175, 209, 219

Voltaire, 100, 144

WINCHESTER, 84

Wiirmser, 264

Wiirtemburg, Princess of, 113

ZIA GERTRUDE, 30, 66
Zia Touta. 66
Zio Nicolino, 66

THE END

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THE DUKE OF
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It is only natural that some portion of the interest
attaching to the first Napoleon should pass to his ill-
fated heir. History presents no more pathetic story
than that of Napoleon's son, who, born in the purple,
was destined to die an obscure exile at the Court of
Austria. The production, in 1900, of Edmond
Rostand's play " L'Aiglon," with Madame Sarah
Bernhardt in the part of the Duke of Reichstadt,
reawakened public interest in the fate of this youth —
the most piteous of all the victims of his father's
ambition. Then the literature dealing with this
subject could be summed up in three books : Monthel's
" Le Due de Reichstadt," Prokesch's " Reminiscences,"
and Welschinger's "Le Roi de Rome" (1897). It
remained for Professor Edward Wertheimer to glean
copiously from the wealth of information locked up in
the State Archives of Austria and in private libraries.
His important historical volume, "Der Herzog von
Reichstadt," appeared in 1902, and it is a translation
of this, the sole complete and authentic biography of
Napoleon II., that is now presented to the English
public.

JOHN LANE, PUBLISHER, LONDON & NEW YORK

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